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KEY BOOK VIII 
 
 HISTORY. 
 
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SIGNIFICANT ASPECTS of ANCIENT 
 AND MEDIAEVAL CIVILIZATION 
 
 By RUTH B. FRANKLIN, M. A., 
 Of the Rogers High School, Newport. 
 
 L. J. FREEMAN, PUBLISHER, 
 CENTRAL FA LLS, R. 1 
 
USRARY of CONGRESS 
 
 Two Copies Received 
 
 APR 24 mj 
 
 y iopyriffht Entry 
 CL^SS A >^c„ NO: 
 C©PY B. '1 
 
 Ff 
 
 Copyright 1906, 
 BY L. J. FREEMAN. 
 
 PRESS OF 
 
 E. L. Freeman Company, 
 
 CENTRAL FALLS, R. I. 
 
®abk 0f (UntxtmU. 
 
 I. Early Oriental Civilization. 
 
 II. "The glory that was Greece" 
 
 III. "And the grandeur that was Rome." 
 
 IV. Feudalism. 
 
 V. The Church as a Factor in Mediaeval Civilization. 
 
 VI. The Crusades. 
 
 VII. The Development of National States — France and 
 England. 
 
 VIII. The Trade Guilds and the Growth of Town Life. 
 
CHAPTER I. 
 
 Early Oriental Civilization. 
 
 One who attempts to trace the progress of civilization 
 through the centuries may well take for his guiding prin- 
 ciple Emerson's statement/ 'History is the lengthened shad- 
 ow of a man," or the less familiar expression of the same 
 thought by Pascal, "The whole series of human genera- 
 tions should be regarded as one man, ever living and ever 
 learning," for the unity in historical development and the 
 value of the past in explaining the present find their closest 
 analogies in the life of the individual. It is only by a 
 recognition of these two fundamental truths that we can 
 follow the expansion of our civilized life from its relatively 
 simple beginnings to its present complexity. 
 
 The earliest centres of civilization were in the valleys of 
 the Nile and the Euphrates and the district intermediate be- 
 tween the African and the Asiatic states, and these oriental 
 people, Egyptians, Babylonians, and Phoenicians, by their 
 contributions to European life and thought, must be counted 
 among the most important factors in shaping the civiliza- 
 tion of the present. It has been well said that a goodly 
 portion of that civilized past of which we are the heirs 
 
8 EARLY ORIENTAL CIVILIZATION. 
 
 was the creation of Ancient Egypt. The country was, 
 as Herodotus expressed it, ''the gift of the Nile," and 
 its material prosperity depended absolutely on the river. 
 The fertility of the soil due to the annual overflow of the 
 river, the cheap food supply, the warm, dry climate, the 
 advantageous commercial situation at the meeting of 
 three continents, the easy means of internal communica- 
 tion and trade afforded by the Nile, and the protecting 
 boundaries of mountains, desert, and sea were all con- 
 ditions favorable to early development. The history 
 of the country is the history of successive dynasties of rulers 
 and a shifting centre of power. According to the most 
 generally received chronology, the history from the first 
 to the last of the Pharaohs ranges over four thousand 
 years. 
 
 The earliest period, the Ancient Empire, is that of the 
 kings of Memphis. Menes, the founder of the so-called 
 First Dynasty, is represented by tradition as the builder 
 of the great city which was the seat of royal power for 
 nearly two thousand years. At Memphis reigned the 
 kings of the Fourth Dynasty, the builders of the pyramids. 
 But the later part of the long supremacy of Memphis was 
 a time of anarchy and decay and the seat of power was 
 transferred to Thebes. The civilization of the Middle 
 Empire under the Theban Pharaohs, characterized by 
 Rawlinson as ''utilitarian, beneficent, judicious," was 
 marked by great internal improvements, but it was, in 
 
EARLY ORIENTAL CIVILIZATION. 9 
 
 turn, followed by a period of decay. In the words of an 
 Egyptian chronicler, — "God was averse to the land and 
 there came men of ignoble birth out of the eastern parts 
 who had boldness enough to make an expedition into the 
 country and subdued it with ease." For about four 
 hundred years these Hyksos or Shepherd Kings ruled the 
 land. Violent and barbarous at first, they gradually were 
 transformed by the civilization with which they came in 
 contact and in time adopted the manners and culture of 
 the Egyptians. The use of the horse as a beast of burden 
 was introduced by them, and the many traders who fol- 
 lowed them did much to increase the intercourse between 
 Egypt and other nations. 
 
 When the native power was re-established a period 
 of conquest and great prosperity followed, and the 
 country reached its highest point of power under the 
 ''later Theban" or New Empire. Thotmes III, of 
 the Eighteenth Dynasty, carried the frontiers to their 
 greatest limits. "The chiefs of all the countries were 
 clasped in his fist." His authority extended beyond the 
 Euphrates and represented, in a certain sense, a political 
 union of the East. The culture of Egypt was spread 
 abroad, while in Egypt itself the booty, the many captives, 
 and the tribute from conquered states contributed to the 
 advance in industry and art. In building activity no less 
 than in conquest was the period the most eventful in 
 Egyptian history. During the later years of the New 
 
lO EARLY ORIENTAL CIVILIZATION. 
 
 Empire the constant warfare with the Hittites for su- 
 premacy in Syria weakened the power of the Theban 
 kings and the glory of the kingdom decHned. The centre 
 of power returned to the Delta and the new city of Sais 
 became the capital. Foreign conquests were lost, and the 
 country, driven back to its ancient limits, became subject 
 first to Ethiopia and then to Assyria. A temporary 
 revival of prosperity was brought about by Psametichus, 
 in the middle of the seventh century B. C, through the 
 development of foreign commerce and the employment 
 of foreign mercenaries. Although of short duration and 
 of little importance in itself, this last period of Egyptian 
 independence is probably the period of the most important 
 Egyptian influence upon Europe. After that time the 
 country became the prey of one foreign conqueror after 
 another, and at last was annexed by the Romans to their 
 all-powerful Empire. 
 
 Throughout the entire history, the government was 
 the rule of the Pharaoh, the absolute master of the people 
 and owner of the soil. His divine authority was limited 
 in practice by the land-owning privileged classes, the 
 priests and the nobles. Below this aristocracy of birth 
 and the privileged orders of priests and soldiers and the 
 mass of offlcials of all grades was the middle class of the 
 towns, merchants and skilled artisans, and at the bottom 
 the great agricultural class "heavily burdened with the 
 weight of all these others." 
 
EARLY ORIENTAL CIVILIZATION. II 
 
 Although originally an agricultural people, the Egyptians 
 early advanced in industrial and mechanical arts. Paper 
 from the papyrus, fine linen, products of glass blowing, 
 metal working, and gem cutting were carried by traders to 
 the markets of the known world. In the cutting and 
 shaping of enormous blocks of stone and in the art of 
 building, wonderful results were achieved. Architecture 
 was the chief Egyptian art, especially the architecture of 
 the temple and the tomb. The pyramids of Gizeh and 
 the hall of columns in the temple at Karnak show the 
 strength, durability, power, and grandeur which their 
 builders secured. The thoroughly conservative character 
 of Egyptian art is best seen in the sculpture. Much of 
 the early work was lifelike, and although the colossal 
 statues and sphinxes seem unnatural, there are many 
 smaller statues which are marvels of skill and workman- 
 ship. The influence of religion fettered the progress of 
 art, and since the artist was forbidden to change the sacred 
 forms of the gods, sculpture became imitative, unpro- 
 gressive, and rigid. 
 
 The literature as well as the art of the Egyptians has 
 become a part of the world's heritage. Through the in- 
 terpretation of the Rosetta stone and the deciphering of 
 the hieroglyphics, "that delightful assemblage of birds, 
 snakes, men, tools, stars, and beasts," the varied forms 
 of literary activity, poetry, scientific treatises, religious 
 works, fairy tales have been made known to us. In 
 
12 EARLY ORIENTAL CIVILIZATION. 
 
 astronomy, geometry, arithmetic, and medicine great 
 progress was made. Science was forced upon their at- 
 tention by the necessity of marking the boundaries of the 
 land after an inundation of the river and by watching the 
 movements of the heavenly bodies in order to predict the 
 exact time of the annual overflow of the Nile. These 
 observations led them to discover the length of the year, 
 which they fixed at three hundred and sixty-five days, 
 adding one day every fourth year and thus inventing the 
 leap year arrangement. This calendar, introduced into 
 Rome by Julius Caesar, with the slight correction of Pope 
 Gregory in the sixteenth century, is the system employed 
 by almost all the civilized world to-day. Our debt to 
 ancient Egypt is indeed great, for to those early dwellers 
 in the valley of the Nile we owe the beginnings of indus- 
 trial skill, of art, and of science, in a word ''the lighting 
 of the torch of civilization." 
 
 As in the case of Egypt, the physical features of the coun- 
 try exercised a great influence upon the history of the 
 Tigris-Euphrates valley. The lower portion, Chaldaea, 
 consisted of flat, fertile lowlands, while the northern or 
 upper part of the valley, Assyria, was a broad tableland 
 broken by mountain ridges. Three Empires rose in turn 
 in this double valley. The oldest in the south centred at 
 Babylon, a city which very early attained a pre-eminence 
 over the other city-states of Chaldaea and united them 
 under its rule. The history of the Old Babylonian Empire 
 
EARLY ORIENTAL CIVILIZATION. 
 
 13 
 
 is characterized by many changes and revolutions and the 
 varying fortunes of conquerors and conquered. 
 
 For a long time Assyria was a dependent province of 
 Babylon, but in the twelfth century B. C. the northern 
 country under Tiglath-Pileser I, the first of the great 
 Assyrian conquerors, became the dominant kingdom of 
 the valley. What he had built up soon fell to pieces and 
 for some centuries the power of Assyria decHned, but it 
 was restored again in the eighth century by Tiglath-Pileser 
 II, who may be counted as the founder of the real Assy- 
 rian Empire. The policy of the later kings of organiz- 
 ing the conquered countries as provinces with Assyrian 
 governors or as tributary states under native rulers greatly 
 advanced the Assyrian power. The practice of trans- 
 planting conquered peoples, as was done when the Ten 
 Tribes of Israel were carried into captivity, was another 
 device of the rulers for making conspiracy and revolt 
 impossible. For nearly six centuries the kings of Nineveh 
 lorded it over the East, but Babylon, which had been in 
 subjection to the northern state during all this time, at 
 last succeeded in revolting. Nineveh was besieged and 
 taken and a new Empire was established in the south. 
 
 This New Babylonian Empire reached the height of its 
 glory in the reign of Nebuchadnezzar, a period memora- 
 ble for the rebuilding of Babylon and the Babylonian 
 captivity of the Jews. The New Empire, however, lasted 
 but a short time, for in 538 B. C. Babylon fell before the 
 
14 EARLY ORIENTAL CIVILIZATION. 
 
 Persians and Empire passed from the Euphrates valley. 
 
 The kings of Babylonia and Assyria, although exercising 
 absolute power, did not claim for themselves divine origin. 
 The king was the real centre of religious, industrial, and 
 intellectual life. "In fact the king, his palaces and tem- 
 ples, embody and include the civilization of Babylon and 
 Nineveh." Between the official classes and the peasantry 
 was the great middle class of artisans and merchants. 
 Wealth counted for much, and the mercantile element was 
 a prominent one. 
 
 The Assyrians had no civilization of their own, but 
 spread abroad through their conquests the culture which 
 they had learned from their southern neighbors. The 
 clay tablets found in great numbers in the palace libraries 
 at Nineveh and other cities preserve for us in the cunei- 
 form characters the business accounts, legal contracts, 
 public documents, and religious hymns of the people, as 
 w^ell as their books of astronomy, geometry, and other 
 sciences. The Babylonians made practical use of their 
 science. They gave the world a system of weights and 
 measures, and the method of reckoning time by weeks, 
 days, hours, and minutes. They invented the sun dial 
 and the water clock and understood the lever and the 
 pulley. In industrial arts they were as skilful as the Egyp- 
 tians and had made much progress in weaving, dyeing, 
 metal working, and gem cutting. In architecture they 
 did not equal the durability of Egyptian work because 
 
EARLY ORIENTAL CIVILIZATION. 1 5 
 
 they used brick as a building material. In the southern 
 valley building stone was difficult to procure, and with 
 sun-dried bricks the Babylonians erected high terraced 
 foundations for temples and built great walls around 
 their cities. In Assyria stone was easily obtained, but the 
 Assyrians never advanced beyond the mode of building 
 which they had learned from the Babylonians. Stone 
 was used only for foundation purposes and for decoration. 
 The sculptured slabs which ornamented the walls show 
 the striking features of Assyrian sculpture, the stiff and 
 conventional figures of men and the living grace and 
 spirit of the animal forms. 
 
 The influence of Babylonian civilization on the world 
 has been greater than that of Egypt because it was more 
 widely diffused through trade and warfare. Their most 
 important contributions were the science of astronomy 
 and the principles of commercial law. Their methods 
 of carrying on trade and their processes of manufacture 
 were, in a great measure, taken over by the Phoenicians. 
 
 Hence it is to the Phoenicians as the carriers of oriental 
 civilization that the modern world owes its greatest debt. 
 Their function was not to create, but to disseminate. 
 Dwelling in the narrow strip of country lying between the 
 Mediterranean and the desert of Arabia, they were on the 
 direct road from Egpyt to Mesopotamia.. In government 
 they never united under one leadership, but remained a 
 loose confederacy of cities grouped about Sidon or Tyre 
 
1 6 EARLY ORIENTAL CIVILIZATION. 
 
 as leaders. Of these two centres, Sidon first came into 
 prominence, and during the period of her greatness the 
 Phoenicians became famous as the traders of the world. 
 Fearless navigators and explorers, they ventured out to 
 sea among the islands of the ^Egean, then along the coasts 
 of the Mediterranean until they passed the pillars of 
 Hercules into the open Atlantic. They amassed great 
 wealth and secured a monopoly in the markets of the world. 
 The glory of Tyre succeeded the greatness of Sidon. Of 
 the wealth and trading power of this city we may form 
 some idea from the words of the prophet Ezekiel: — "O 
 thou that dwellest at the entry of the sea, which art the 
 merchant of the peoples unto many isles. All the ships 
 of the sea were in thee to exchange thy merchandise. 
 With silver, iron, tin, and lead they traded for thy wares. 
 Many isles were the mart of thy hands." Colonies were 
 planted, along the shores and on the islands of the Medi- 
 terranean, which rapidly became centres of civilization. 
 From many of these important trading posts radiated long 
 routes of land trade by which merchandise was brought 
 from the interior to the sea-coast. Articles of Phoenician 
 manufacture and commerce found their way all over the 
 known world and the knowledge of navigation and manu- 
 facture was acquired by the people with whom they traded. 
 Their chief export, it has been said, was the alphabet. 
 Originally they had used the Babylonian cuneiform charac- 
 ters, but for the necessities of commerce they required a 
 
EARLY ORIENTAL CIVILIZATION. 1 7 
 
 simpler mode of communication and invented for their 
 use an alphabet of twenty-two letters, adapting these 
 from the earher phonetic symbols. This alphabet has 
 been the source of "all the other true alphabets in the 
 world." Recent discoveries in Crete, however, show the 
 existence of a crude Cretan alphabet before the intro- 
 nicians of the Phoenician. The great claim of the Phoe- 
 nicians to remembrance lies in the fact that they were the 
 pioneers of maritime enterprise and colonization, and thus 
 the means of distributing the arts and culture from the 
 East among the early peoples of the Mediterranean area. 
 
 Still another important factor in the development of civ- 
 ilization was contributed by the Hebrews. They added 
 nothing to material civilization and had no direct influence 
 on intellectual and artistic progress, but to them the world 
 owes the great gift of the idea of one God. From the 
 first, a peculiar people with the belief in one sole God 
 ''beside whom there is no other," it was their mission to 
 proclaim to mankind the idea of a supreme God who re- 
 quires of all men "to do justice and practice righteousness." 
 In the words of Renan, — "What Greece was to be as re- 
 gards intellectual culture, and Rome as regards politics, 
 these nomad Semites were as regards religion." The 
 pure and lofty conception of God and his character, as re- 
 vealed in the sacred books of the Old Testament, was the 
 most vital force in the bequest of antiquity to later ages. 
 
 The oriental civilization was characterized by progress, 
 
1 8 EARLY ORIENTAL CIVILIZATION. 
 
 it is true, but the progress was hindered by many limita- 
 tions, the conventionality in art and science, the super- 
 stition in religon, and the despotism of government. 
 Meanwhile a new civilization was rising in southern 
 Europe. Despotism gave place to freedom, and uni- 
 formity to diversity. The "task of building further the 
 structure of human knowledge" passed into the hands of 
 a younger and more progressive race. 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 ''The Glory that was Greece." 
 
 Although the civilization of the Greeks drew much from 
 the Orient, it remained essentially European in character. 
 This distinction between an Asiatic and a European type 
 may be accounted for in great measure by the physical 
 characteristics of the countries. A more temperate climate 
 and more varied products, small divisions of territory with 
 natural boundaries, and above all the nearness to the sea 
 and the inducement to trade tended to develop a civil- 
 ization of great diversity and freedom. To-day scholars 
 are inclined to deny that the European civilization was 
 borrowed in its essential features or that the East "did 
 more than afford the Greeks a few hints." However im- 
 portant the physical conditions of a country may be in 
 shaping the history of a people, the native genius of the 
 people must always be considered as an equally strong 
 formative influence in their development. "Neither the 
 Greeks in any other land," says Freeman, "nor any other 
 people in Greece would have been what the Greeks in 
 Greece actually were." 
 
 The recent excavations of Mr. Arthur Evans and 
 
20 THE GLORY THAT WAS GREECE. 
 
 others in the island of Crete have pushed back still fur- 
 ther into the unknown past the beginnings of Greek his- 
 tory. At a period in the very early part of the second 
 millenium B. C. a highly developed form of civilization 
 was flourishing in Crete. The palace at Cnossus, with its 
 labyrinth-like plan of rooms, covering acres of ground, 
 bears witness to the great power on sea and land of its 
 king, the Minos of early legend. On the mainland, also, 
 the cities brought to light by the spade of Dr. Schliemann, 
 Mycenae "rich in gold" and the "well walled" Tiryns, 
 show the same progress of a great industrial civilization. 
 The massive citadel walls of blocks of enormous weight, 
 the complex plans of the royal dwellings, the decorations 
 of the palaces, the beautifully wrought gold and silver 
 ornaments and finely inlaid weapons, indicate that the 
 rulers possessed immense wealth as well as absolute power 
 and that the subject workmen had unusual mechanical 
 and technical skill. During the Mycenaean age the Greeks 
 began to extend the boundaries of their country by settling 
 the islands and the east coast of the ^Egean. A great part 
 of the western coast of Asia Minor was occupied by their 
 colonies. The colonists had less wealth than the people 
 of the mother country, but they enjoyed greater freedom. 
 Among the lonians, on the central coast of Asia Minor, 
 arose a civilization less brilliant and luxurious, but more 
 vigorous and progressive, than that of the home land. 
 This life in all its phases is reflected in the Homeric 
 
THE GLORY THAT WAS GREECE. 21 
 
 poems. The government was in the hands of a king who 
 was ''Zeus descended" and ruled by divine right, yet in 
 reaHty was hampered by the Council of the Nobles. An 
 assembly of the freemen was called to hear the plans 
 and decisions of the king, but was without any authority. 
 Social life was marked by great respect for the bond of 
 kinship, hospitality to strangers, and simplicity in living. 
 Industry was mainly agricultural and cattle were the 
 principal source of wealth, for there was no separate class 
 of traders. Instances of cruelty, violence, and treachery 
 were frequent, and the age was by no means the "golden 
 age of happiness "it is often represented. 
 
 In the latter part of the eighth and the seventh century 
 B. C. the colonizing movement assumed greater propor- 
 tions. Travellers brought back marvellous stories of 
 the glorious West and venturesome pilots turned their 
 prows westward and reached the coasts of Sicily and 
 Italy. A spirit of mercantile enterprise, the result of the 
 growth in wealth of the cities of the home land, prompted 
 the founding of trading stations for the further expansion 
 of commerce. The political unrest in the cities and the 
 rapidly increasing population also furnished motives for 
 emigration. Primarily trading posts, the colonies were 
 scattered along the shores of the JEgescn, Mediterranean, 
 Black, and Adriatic seas. The borders of Hellas were 
 widely extended and the territorial area greatly increased. 
 As each colony became a separate independent state, free 
 
22 THE GLORY THAT WAS GREECE. 
 
 from the political control of the mother city and bound to 
 her only by ties of relationship and friendship, there was 
 no union of the Greeks under a single government. But 
 in the absence of political union the strong forces of race, 
 language, and religion kept the Hellenes together and 
 increased their feeling of the distinction between them- 
 selves and their neighbors. By Greater Greece, Hellenic 
 culture was spread throughout the Mediterranean world 
 and the influence of Hellenic civilization immeasurably 
 extended. 
 
 While we must not lose sight of the fact that our Hellenic 
 heritage is richest in art, philosophy, and literature, those 
 things in which the love of beauty could best find expres- 
 sion, still we must not fail to note that this love of pro- 
 portion and moderation showed itself in the government 
 which the Greeks developed. An age of political revo- 
 lution followed the period of colonial expansion. Mon- 
 archies gave way to Aristocracies, and these in many cases 
 were overthrown by the Tyrants who, in their turn, paved 
 the way for Democracies. Under whatever form it was 
 administered, the city-state was the recognized political 
 unit in Greece. Unlike our modern nation or territorial 
 state, large in area, and made up of unrelated people 
 living within definite bounds, this state was composed 
 of those united by kinship and worship. By the union of 
 the smaller political units, the clans into brotherhoods, and 
 the brotherhoods into tribes, and then by the combination 
 
THE GLORY THAT WAS GREECE. 23 
 
 of tribes, either through conquest or incorporation, into 
 cities, these city-states had grown up. Among the many 
 cities of Hellas, Sparta and Athens became the leading 
 states. They both succeeded in consolidating the neigh- 
 boring territory more completely than other cities had 
 done, and both developed political institutions which be- 
 came typical of the most common forms of Greek govern- 
 ment, Oligarchy and Democracy. 
 
 Sparta was strictly conservative and kept her institutions 
 unchanged for centuries. Two hereditary kings, with 
 many prerogatives but few powers, were the nominal head 
 of the state, but the people exercised a controlling influence 
 through their choice of the five Ephors, or overseers, who 
 were the most powerful factor in the government. The 
 right of choosing the Ephors and other officers belonged 
 to the free Spartans who composed the popular assembly. 
 The other inhabitants of Laconia were either in the con- 
 dition of Perioeci, personally free but without political 
 rights, or had been reduced to the condition of Helots, 
 or state serfs. As the Spartans alone possessed all the 
 privileges of the government, so they alone were bound 
 by the regulations enforced for military training. From 
 seven years on, the boys, youth and men lived under 
 rigid military discipline. The individual and the family 
 were disregarded, and the sole aim of the "Spartan train- 
 ing" was to make good soldiers. Such a system was 
 harsh and narrowing, but under it the Spartans developed 
 
24 THE GLORY THAT ¥/AS GREECE. 
 
 the greatest war power in Greece and very early began to 
 assert their ascendency over the surrounding states. By 
 conquest and alliance Sparta brought into a league under 
 her leadership almost all the states of the Peloponnesus. 
 This Peloponnesian league had no federal constitution 
 and was really a war confederacy. Its affairs were settled 
 by a council of deputies from the states belonging, and the 
 members furnished troops for war and shared among 
 themselves the expenses of the league. The union was 
 very slight, but it practically established Spartan suprema- 
 cy in the Peloponnesus. 
 
 In Athens a much more liberal policy prevailed than in 
 Sparta. The monarchy of old times, which tradition 
 assigned to Cerops and Theseus as founders, soon gave 
 way to the rule of the nobles, and the aristocracy of the 
 Eupatrids controlled the state for more than a century. 
 The commons, however, becoming enriched by trade and 
 commerce, gradually broke down the exclusive privileges 
 of the nobles and forced themselves into recognition in 
 the state. Those who could equip themselves with armor 
 became members of the public assembly, with the right to 
 vote and elect officers. The chief magistrates, the nine 
 archons, were elected from men of the highest property 
 qualification, and wealth rather than birth formed the 
 basis of the government. Thus Timocracy succeeded 
 Aristocracy. The famous lawgiver Solon introduced 
 political changes that were strongly democratic in charac- 
 
THE GLORY THAT WAS GREECE. 25 
 
 ter. He enrolled the Athenians, that is, those who were 
 tribesmen, in the four property classes according to their 
 annual income and admitted the fourth class, which had 
 previously had no place in the government, to the general 
 assembly, giving them the right of voting but not of ofhce 
 holding. He further emphasized the idea of popular 
 sovereignty by the foundation of a popular supreme court, 
 which heard appeals from the decisions of the magistrates 
 and tried the magistrates themselves at the close of their 
 term of office. Before reaching the full development of 
 democracy, however, Athens, like so many of the Greek 
 states, passed under the rule of a tyrant. 
 
 The Greek tyrant was not, as the name now implies, a 
 cruel, despotic ruler, but one who had usurped the power. 
 During the late seventh and early sixth century many of 
 the Greek states were governed in this way. At Athens, 
 Pisistratus took advantage of the factional strife in the 
 city, and the general discontent and unrest that followed 
 Solon's economic changes, to gain for himself the support 
 of the poor peasants and seize the government. Although 
 twice expelled by a combination of the opposing factions, 
 he at last succeeded in keeping the power in his hands. 
 His rule and that of his sons who followed him was a 
 period of great prosperity in Athens. A wise foreign 
 policy, patronage of art and literature, and agricultural 
 improvements kept the people contented for nearly fifty 
 years. But at last the family was expelled, and under 
 
26 THE GLORY THAT WAS GREECE. 
 
 Cleisthenes a democracy was established. The funda- 
 mental political change introduced by Cleisthenes was 
 the substitution of local divisions, demes, for the older 
 units of clans and tribes. The deme became the unit of 
 local government and citizens and resident aliens alike 
 were enrolled on the deme register. Citizenship dependent 
 on residence succeeded that based on property. To pre- 
 vent factional strife Cleisthenes introduced the institution 
 of Ostracism, by which a man considered dangerous to 
 the state might be banished, by vote of the assembly, for 
 ten years. These reforms naturally aroused much opposi- 
 tion from the aristocratic party in the city and an effort 
 was also made by Sparta to overthrow the new govern- 
 ment, but the democracy maintained itself and the enthusi- 
 asm for popular government increased. 
 
 It was during the tyranny of Pisistratus at Athens that 
 the Ionian cities of Asia Minor, originally independent 
 colonies, fell into the power of Croesus, king of Lydia. 
 When he was overthrown by the Persians, they were 
 cruelly oppressed. The liberty-loving lonians resisted 
 this oppression and in 500 B. C. broke into open revolt. 
 Sparta refused their appeal for aid, but Athens sent them 
 ships. Therefore, after the revolt had been suppressed, 
 the Persians determined to punish Athens for aiding the 
 rebels. The real cause of the Persian invasion, however, 
 was the desire of the Persian king to extend his conquests 
 into Europe. The first expedition, sent out in 492 B. C, 
 
THE GLORY THAT WAS GREECE. 27 
 
 was wrecked off Mount Athos, and two years later a second 
 fleet, taking a more careful course through the southern 
 iEgean, made its way against Athens. On the plain of 
 Marathon in Attica, the Athenians with their allies, the 
 Plataeans, faced many times their number of Persians, and 
 by the good training of the soldiers and the generalship 
 of Miltiades won a great victory. The memory of Mara- 
 thon became the inspiration of the Athenians and urged 
 them on to greater courage. 
 
 It was ten years before another invasion was made by 
 the Persians. A new king, Xerxes, was upon the Persian 
 throne, and extensive preparations were made under his 
 direction for the expedition. To guard against shipwreck 
 at Mount Athos, a ship canal was dug through the isthmus.. 
 A bridge of boats was constructed across the Hellespont 
 to facilitate the crossing from Asia into Europe, and sup- 
 plies were collected at stations along the way. Fortunately 
 for Athens, she possessed an able statesman, Themistocles, 
 who realized the approaching danger and urged the city 
 to spend the surplus revenues in building a navy in order 
 to meet the Persians successfully on the sea. The ap- 
 proaching danger forced the Greeks to take common 
 action and it was decided to make a stand at Thermopylae, 
 where the mountains shut off northern from central 
 Greece except for a very narrow pass. The brave death 
 of Leonidas and his three hundred Spartans, when the 
 Persians had by the treachery of a Greek gained the rear 
 
28 THE GLORY THAT WAS GREECE. 
 
 of the pass, and the calm heroism of the Lacedaemonians 
 in "obedience to their laws" made the disastrous defeat 
 as glorious as a victory. As the Persian forces advanced 
 through central Greece, the Athenians took refuge on 
 their fleet, the "wooden walls" of the Delphic oracle. 
 The Persian fleet, composed largely of Asiatic Greeks, 
 had, by the secret advice of Themistocles, blocked up the 
 narrow strait between the island of Salamis and the main- 
 land, and there the Greeks won an overwhelming victory 
 in a conflict that lasted from dawn to night. 
 
 " Never yet so great a multitude 
 Died in a single day as died in this," 
 
 says the poet ^schylus in his account of the battle in 
 his drama "The Persians." 
 
 In the following year, 479 B. C., the final contest with 
 the land forces left behind by Xerxes under his general, 
 Mardonius, at Platsea, was another victory for the Greeks. 
 The success of the Greeks saved the free and progressive 
 civilization of the West from the despotism of the East. 
 "It was a victory of intellect and spirit over matter." 
 To the Greeks themselves it meant new energies, greater 
 confidence, and ability to achieve. To quote the words of 
 Dr. Waldstein, — "The effect of the Persian war upon the 
 political spirit of the Greeks may be summed up in two 
 words: width (of vision), and definiteness (of purpose)." 
 
 The defeat of Persia counted more for the glory of 
 Athens than of Sparta. Herodotus goes so far as to say 
 
THE GLORY THAT WAS GREECE. 29 
 
 that the victory over Persia was due mainly to the skill, 
 wisdom, and energy of Athens. It was to Athens, there- 
 fore, that the Ionian cities looked for continued pro- 
 tection against Persian aggression. Not only were the 
 lonians kinsfolk of the Athenians, but Sparta was unwilling 
 to assume the responsibility of defending such distant 
 allies. This defensive alliance between Athens and the 
 Asiatic Greeks was the real germ of the Confederacy of 
 Delos. Organized in 478 B. C, under the direction of 
 Aristeides, for the definite purpose of freeing the iEgean 
 from Persian control, the league was predominantly 
 Ionian and maritime. The island of Delos became the 
 centre of the league and the meeting place of the annual 
 congress of representatives. Each state was free and 
 independent and paid a yearly contribution to the treasury, 
 while the larger ones furnished also ships and men for the 
 navy. The new Confederacy was a distinct advance on 
 the Peloponnesian league in exacting annual tribute and 
 supporting a permanent naval force. Under the lead 
 of Cimon, son of Miltiades, the Persians were expelled 
 from the northern Coasts of the ^Egean, and the Lycian 
 and Carian coasts brought into the Confederacy, so that the 
 number of cities was about two hundred and eighty. 
 During this period of rapid growth many members be- 
 came indifferent to their obligations and began to pay 
 their tribute in money instead of furnishing ships and men. 
 Before long the navy became solely Athenian, the allies 
 
30 THE GLORY THAT WAS GREECE. 
 
 were not consulted about matters, and the treasury was 
 removed from Delos to Athens. Some of the cities even 
 attempted to revolt from the union, but they were con- 
 quered and degraded to the condition of subjects. Thus 
 what had been a voluntary confederation of independent 
 cities was converted into what was practically an empire, 
 with Athens as the 'tyrant city." 
 
 Athens and Sparta were still in alliance, but the demo- 
 cratic party opposed the policy of a dual hegemony in 
 Greece and aimed to make the power of Athens supreme 
 on land as well as sea. In 461 B. C. Athens formally 
 renounced the alliance with Sparta and directed all her 
 resources towards building up a land empire in central 
 Greece. By conquests and alliances, Athens succeeded in 
 extending her control from the Isthmus to Thermopylae. 
 But the "Continental Federation" was short lived. All 
 Boeotiafell away, for the oligarchs in the various cities won 
 the upper hand and joined themselves to Sparta. Other 
 allies deserted, and Athens was glad to conclude peace 
 with her rival. By this agreement, the Thirty Years' 
 Truce, Athens practically gave up her ambition to form 
 a land empire and contented herself with her supremacy 
 on the sea. 
 
 During these years of peace, under the lead of Pericles, 
 the Athenians were the leaders of the world in power and 
 culture. Great material resources, high political develop- 
 ment, and marked intellectual and artistic greatness 
 
THE GLORY THAT WAS GREECE. 3 1 
 
 combined to make Athens the centre of the world in the 
 fifth century. With a well-estabUshed imperialism abroad, 
 at home Athens was rapidly developing more and more 
 democratic institutions. The constitution of Cleisthenes 
 had been gradually broadened by an extension of the 
 powers of the assembly, the limitation of the Areopagus 
 (the conservative element in the government), and the 
 introduction of pay for pubUc service. The method of 
 choosing the archons by lot had tended to diminish the 
 power of the office and to make the board of ten generals 
 the real administrators of the Empire. Financial and 
 foreign affairs and the management of army and navy 
 were in their hands. A statesman trusted by the popular 
 party and a member of this board of generals held a posi- 
 tion of supreme authority in the state. ''The govern- 
 ment," says Thucydides, "was a democracy in name only, 
 in reality it was ruled by its ablest citizen." Yet the 
 leader's power depended wholly on the assembly, and the 
 sovereign Demos controlled the legislative and judicial 
 business of the city. That such a system worked well 
 is to be explained only by the unusually high average of 
 intelligence among the Athenians, and the political 
 training they received. The citizens constantly heard 
 "questions of foreign policy and domestic administration" 
 discussed by great orators, and thus were educated in all 
 matters of public concern and made fit to serve their city 
 in any office. A man who took no interest in public 
 
32 THE GLORY THAT WAS GREECE. 
 
 affairs was regarded as a useless character. The whole 
 system was very like the old New England town meeting 
 and differed from modern democracies in the lack of the 
 principle of representation and in the restriction of the 
 suffrage. The resident aliens and the allies were not 
 admitted to citizenship. The life of the Periclean age 
 expressed itself most fully in literature, architecture, and 
 sculpture. Athens was truly "the school of Hellas." 
 The dramas of Sophocles, the sculpture of Phidias, and 
 the wealth of architectural beauty on the Acropolis were 
 a constant inspiration to the Athenian citizen. And it is 
 no wonder that Pericles, in the famous funeral oration 
 reported by Thucydides, gave as his estimate of Athenian 
 character, — "The individual Athenian in his own person 
 seems to have the power of adapting himself to the most 
 varied forms of action with the utmost versatility and 
 grace." It is this wonderful intellectual and artistic 
 development that makes the real significance of Athens 
 in history and constitutes her imperishable glory. 
 
 Before the thirty years' truce between Athens and 
 Sparta had run half its length the conflict between the 
 rivals for leadership was renewed. The imperial policy 
 of Athens awakened the jealousy of the Peloponnesian 
 league and still further increased the natural antagonism 
 of race and character. Corinth, one of the members of 
 the Peloponnesian league, became angry because Athens 
 had interfered in a quarrel between herself and her colony 
 
THE GLORY THAT WAS GREECE. 33 
 
 Corcyra, and appealed to Sparta for aid. A council of 
 the league, called to deliberate on the matter, decided that 
 Athens had broken the truce, and the bitter conflict of 
 twenty-seven years (431-404), known as the Peloponnesian 
 war, followed. Athens with her maritime dependencies, 
 almost invincible on the sea, was arrayed against the 
 Peloponnesian league with most of the states of Central 
 Greece as allies. For ten years neither side gained a 
 decisive advantage. Athens was devastated by the great 
 plague which caused the death of Pericles and so forced 
 the control of state affairs into the hands of less competent 
 men, often unprincipled demagogues. The defensive 
 policy advocated by Pericles was set aside and the aggres- 
 sive plans of Cleon and his party were carried out, and for 
 a time proved successful. But after the loss of her colo- 
 nies in Chalcidice, Athens was ready to agree to a peace. 
 Whenever peace had been proposed, Aristophanes says: 
 
 "If the Spartans had the advantage 
 They bit their lips and muttered among themselves. 
 'Ah! now my little Athenian, you shall pay for it.' 
 And if the little Athenian got the better 
 Ever so little (when the Spartans came 
 To treat for peace), they only screamed and made an uproar." 
 
 But in 421 B. C. a peace was signed for fifty years, on 
 the basis of things as they were before the war. The 
 agreement was imperfectly carried out and the peace 
 proved a failure. The turning point in the war was the 
 
34 THE GLORY THAT WAS GREECE. 
 
 ill-advised Athenian expedition against Syracuse. Athens, 
 with her ambition for commercial supremacy and fool- 
 ishly founded dreams of a great western empire, heeded 
 the unwise advice of Alcibiades and sent to Syracuse an 
 immense force of ships and men. The success of the 
 expedition was endangered at the very beginning by the 
 recall of Alcibiades on a charge of impiety in the mutila- 
 tion of the Hermse, for from the moment when he deserted 
 the fleet and fled to Sparta he became a traitor to the in- 
 terests of his own country. 
 
 " Poor reluctant Nicias pushed by fate 
 Went faltering against Syracuse," 
 
 but everything went wrong. The Spartans sent an able 
 commander to Sicily and the entire armament of Ath- 
 ens was destroyed. "Of all the Hellenic actions that 
 took place in this war," says Thucydides, "this was the 
 greatest, the most glorious to the victors — the most ruinous 
 to the vanquished." Athens could save herself from 
 utter ruin only by the most strenuous efforts. 
 
 During the last ten years of the war Persian money 
 supported the Spartan side and the Spartan admiral, Ly- 
 sander, developed a naval strength in Sparta which finally 
 defeated the Athenians at the mouth of the ^gospotami 
 in the year 405 B. C, and after a terrible siege forced 
 Athens into submission. Severe terms of peace were in- 
 sisted on, the razing of the long walls, the destruction of 
 all the fleet except twelve ships, and the acknowledgment 
 
THE GLORY THAT WAS GREECE. 35 
 
 of the hegemony of Sparta. The downfall of Athens left 
 Sparta supreme. ''In place of imperial Athens was sub- 
 stituted yet more imperial Sparta." 
 
 Oligarchies were established in most of the cities with 
 the authority usually vested in a Decarchy, or board of ten, 
 and a Spartan garrison under a harmost (military governor) 
 as a support for the government. Athens fared no better 
 than other cities. A tyranny of thirty men was created, 
 ostensibly to recodify the laws. Proscription, banishment, 
 confiscation of property, and every sort of indignity 
 characterized their rule under the cruel Critias and the 
 shifty Theramenes. At last, after about a year of this 
 reign of terror, the exiles under Thrasybulus gathered 
 strength enough to oppose the Thirty and drive them out 
 and restore the old democracy. Meanwhile the allies of 
 Sparta, dissatisfied because they had not shared in the 
 profits of the Peloponnesian war and discontented with 
 the tyrannical government of the ruling city, entered into 
 an alliance with Athens, their former enemy, to make 
 war upon Sparta. Persia supplied the allies with funds. 
 After eight years of fighting and the defeat of the Spartan 
 naval power, Sparta succeeded in inducing the Persian 
 king to interfere in favor of peace. By the terms of this 
 peace, known as the ''Peace of Antalcidas," from the 
 ambassador who negotiated it, the Asiatic cities were left 
 in the hands of the Persian king, while all the other 
 Hellenic cities were declared to be free and self-governing. 
 
36 THE GLORY THAT WAS GREECE. 
 
 This agreement freed Sparta from active war and allowed 
 her to continue her policy of oppression. With great 
 arrogance and no regard for justice she destroyed cities 
 and leagues that seemed in any way likely to oppose her 
 power, and treacherously seized the citadel of Thebes in 
 time of peace. The Thebans began to prepare themselves 
 to overthrow the Spartan control. Epaminondas trained 
 the youths to endurance and devotion to country, while 
 among the exiles in Athens Pelopidas organized a con- 
 spiracy which finally liberated Thebes from the Spartans. 
 In the battle of Leuctra (371 B. C), the Spartans were 
 beaten, for the first time in open battle, by the wedge 
 formation introduced by Epaminondas, and the Spartan 
 supremacy was at an end. For nine years Thebes kept 
 her position as the leading state in Greece; but her leader- 
 ship rested solely on the genius of her two great generals, 
 and when they died the Theban power fell to pieces. 
 The end of Theban leadership is marked by the battle 
 of Mantineia in 362 B. C. The military tactics of Epami- 
 nondas again won the day, but the leader himself fell on 
 the field. ''Uncertainty and confusion," says Xenophon, 
 "were greater after the battle than before." 
 
 Athens with her naval power and her imperial strength 
 had failed to establish a permanent Empire. Sparta by 
 her tyrannical rule and her cruel policy of oppression had 
 also failed, and with the failure of Thebes Greece was 
 again torn by strife and dissension. The individuality 
 
THE GLORY THAT WAS GREECE. 37 
 
 and local independence of the states formed a serious 
 obstacle to Hellenic union. What could not be accom- 
 plished from within was, however, forced on the Greeks 
 from without, and Greece became subject to Macedon. 
 
 The Macedonians had been organized into a skilful, 
 well-trained army by their king, Philip II. Through 
 diplomacy the control of many Athenian allies in Chalcidice 
 had also come into his hands. But Athens did not realize 
 her danger. In vain Demosthenes in his great orations 
 exhorted his countrymen to stand against foreign ag- 
 gression and make their city once more the head of Hellas. 
 Philip also secured a seat in the Amphictyonic Council, 
 which gave him the right to interfere in the affairs of the 
 land. A single powerful ruler able to pursue his own 
 policy was a far greater force than the loosely formed 
 union of Hellenic states, and in the battle of Chaeroneia 
 (338 B. C.) the defects of Hellenic organization and spirit 
 proved the downfall of free Hellas. The conquest was 
 disguised under national sympathies and forms. A 
 congress of Greek states recognized Macedon as the head 
 of Greece and gave to each state the right to direct its 
 local government, while all foreign affairs were to be en- 
 trusted to Philip. To the Greeks the battle of Chseroneia 
 was a great calamity, but viewed in the light of succeeding 
 centuries it shows that a newer and more vital force was 
 needed to carry Hellenic institutions and ideas into the 
 world beyond the narrow borders of Hellas. Two years 
 
38 THE GLORY THAT WAS GREECE. 
 
 after Chaeroneia, as Philip was preparing, by means of a 
 great national expedition against Persia, the extension of 
 Greek civilization in the East, he was assassinated, and 
 the inheritance fell to his son Alexander. 
 
 ''With Alexander," says Mahaffy, ''the stage of Greek 
 influence spreads across the world and Greece becomes 
 only a small item in the heritage of the Greeks." Alex- 
 ander felt and made himself the representative of the 
 Greeks and his conquests are the conquests of Hellenism^ 
 "the spirit of Hellenic culture rather than its body." The 
 conquest of the Persian Empire occupied five years and the 
 three important epochs are marked by three world re- 
 nowned battles. The victory at the Granicus made 
 Alexander master of Asia Minor. The defeat of the Per- 
 sians at Issus secured to him the control of the Mediter- 
 ranean coast; while the third decisive victory at Arbela 
 in 331 B. C. was the final downfall of the Persian power. 
 These victories are not merely events of great military 
 importance, but they mark a distinct advance in the 
 progress of civilization. The East and the West were 
 brought together into a composite civilixation,and although 
 the political unity was soon lost, the common language, 
 common literature, and common mode of thought en- 
 dured for centuries. The distinction between Greek 
 and barbarian was gradually obliterated. "The civiliza- 
 tion that had been developed by one small people became 
 the heritage of a great world." To quote from B. T 
 
THE GLORY THAT WAS GREECE. 39 
 
 Wheeler's "Alexander the Great," — "No single personality, 
 excepting the carpenter's son of Nazareth, has done so 
 much to make the world we live in what it is as Alexander 
 of Macedon. He leveled the terrace upon which Euro- 
 pean history built. Whatever lay within the range of 
 his conquests contributed its part to form that Mediter- 
 ranean civilization which under Rome's administration 
 became the basis of European life." 
 
 The successors of Alexander, the Diadochi, as they are 
 called, "egoists who aped a genius," strove with one 
 another for power, and the period after Alexander's death 
 was characterized by shifting alliances, wars to preserve 
 the balance of power, and every kind of political intrigue. 
 The important Hellenistic kingdoms of Egypt, Syria, 
 and Macedonia began to decline in power towards the 
 end of the third century B. C. and eventually were con- 
 quered by the Romans. But the period of political de- 
 cline was the time of the chief splendor of Hellenism. 
 The courts and the great cities became pre-eminently 
 centres of culture, and progress in art and literature accom- 
 panied the refinement of society and the increase of wealth. 
 The pastorals of Theocritus, the new comedy of Menander, 
 the philosophical systems of Epicureanism and Stoicism 
 and the scientific treatises on mathematics and geography 
 are but a part of our literary debt to the Alexandrian age. 
 
 In the third century B. C. Greece made a last effort to 
 secure her independence under the leadership of the 
 
40 THE GLORY THAT WAS GREECE. 
 
 iEtolian and Achaean leagues, two federal unions of Greek 
 cities. Through this union into a state in which all the 
 members had equality of rights and privileges freedom 
 was maintained for about half a century, but in the end 
 Macedonian supremacy was restored. The frequent 
 quarrels among the Greeks and the discontent under 
 Macedonian rule brought about the interference of Rome 
 and the conquest of the country and its organization as a 
 Roman province. 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 
 "And the Grandeur that was Rome." 
 
 Nothing can more appropriately describe "the grandeur 
 that was Rome" than the prophecy of Vergil in the sixth 
 book of the JEneid: "Others, I grant, indeed, shall with 
 more delicacy mold the breathing brass; from marble 
 draw the features to the life; plead causes better; describe 
 with the rod the courses of the heavens, and explain the 
 rising stars; to rule the nations with imperial sway be 
 thy care, O Roman; these shall be thy arts; to impose 
 terms of peace, to spare the humbled, and crush the 
 proud." Rome's genius was a genius for conquest and 
 organization, and the three great forms of government 
 through which she passed were but so many experiments 
 in the best way of incorporating into herself and governing 
 her conquests. Growth and development characterize 
 her entire history. From the earliest days of the little 
 city-state on the banks of the Tiber, additions were con- 
 stantly made to the territory, and progress in constitutional 
 reform accompanied the external growth. It is, therefore, 
 upon these two significant facts that we must fix our atten- 
 tion in studying the history of Rome — Kingdom, Republic, 
 and Empire. 
 
42 AND THE GRANDEUR THAT WAS ROME. 
 
 At the very outset of our study we are met by the diffi- 
 culty of unrehable sources of information, for all the 
 records of the years before 390 B. C, the date of the in- 
 vasion of the Gauls, were destroyed in the burning of the 
 city at that time. For the early period of the kings the 
 principal authority is Livy, who relied largely on earlier 
 chroniclers or annalists and these, in turn, based their 
 knowledge on oral tradition, supplemented by a few 
 records such as the Fasti (lists of magistrates) and An- 
 nales Maximi (records of plagues, eclipses, etc.), kept by 
 the chief priest. A study of this legendary material shows 
 the incredibility of early Roman history. The stories 
 are inconsistent with the laws of nature, contradictory to 
 one another, and unsupported by contemporary evidence, 
 borrowed in many cases from the Greek legends and in 
 others invented to explain existing conditions and cus- 
 toms. The interesting legends of Romulus and Remus, 
 Horatius at the bridge, false Sextus and Lucretia, and the 
 many other stories of regal Rome that have furnished 
 material for later literature afford little basis for historical 
 truth, but at best show us what the later Romans thought 
 of their early history. The existing remains of ancient 
 Rome, the square tufa blocks of the so-called wall of 
 Romulus on the Palatine, the stone courses of the Servian 
 wall, and the arched opening of the great sewer built to 
 drain the Forum tell us of the early building activity and 
 the city's material growth, while careful inferences from 
 
AND THE GRANDEUR THAT WAS ROME. 45 
 
 later laws and customs help to a reconstruction of the 
 early government. The three political elements — king^ 
 council of chiefs, and popular assembly — appeared in the 
 early city. The king was general, judge, and head of the 
 state religion. Whatever assistants he needed he ap- 
 pointed. The council, or Senate, acted as an advisory 
 body to the king and also had the power of veto over the 
 decisions of the assembly. The assembly was made up 
 of the patricians, "the men of regular citizenship through 
 their fathers," and was organized by curiae or groups of 
 clans. In this curiate assembly the citizens met and ex- 
 pressed their opinions on the proposals made to them by 
 the king. 
 
 The city-state so organized centred on the Palatine 
 hill, but soon, by union with another hill settlement on the 
 Quirinal, enlarged its population and territory. The 
 conquest of neighboring cities and the transfer of the con- 
 quered inhabitants to Rome still further increased the 
 extent of the city until it included all the seven hills. By 
 reason of her situation, her broad policy of incorporation, 
 and the sturdy patriotism of her citizens, Rome at the 
 time of the overthrow of her monarchy was the head of 
 all Latium. 
 
 The Aristocratic Republic which took the place of the 
 monarchy had at its head two annual magistrates called 
 consuls. The consular imperium differed from that of 
 the king in several particulars. The consuls served only 
 
44 AND THE GRANDEUR THAT WAS ROME. 
 
 for one year, must grant an appeal to the people in cases 
 of condemnation to death, and either consul might forbid 
 or cancel any act of his colleague. While the Senate 
 was not directly affected by the change in government, its 
 advice was more often sought by one-year magistrates 
 than by a life-king, and thus it came to be the real direct- 
 ing power in the state. The curiate assembly gradually lost 
 power and met merely for formal religious purposes, 
 while the legislative and elective rights of the people 
 were exercised by the centuriate assembly, a new body 
 that had grown up out of the reorganized army. The 
 duty of serving in the army devolved upon all landown- 
 ers, who were arranged for the purpose in classes accord- 
 ing to the amount of their property. Likewise in the new 
 assembly the position of each individual was fixed by his 
 wealth rather than by his birth. Thus the Plebeians (the 
 descendants of the conquered people or the alien resi- 
 dents) became members of the centuries and acquired 
 their first political rights. 
 
 The first century and a half of the Republic was a period 
 of bitter conflict between the Patricians and Plebeians. 
 The loss of royal protection, the severity of debt laws, and 
 the unfair distribution of the public land had forced many 
 of the latter class into economic slavery, and they sought 
 eagerly for relief from their oppression. At last, in 494 
 B. C, they seceded to a hill near the city and refused to 
 serve in war unless some guarantee of protection were 
 
AND THE GRANDEUR THAT WAS ROME. 45 
 
 offered. A compromise was then made by which it was 
 agreed that two plebeian tribunes[^should be elected each 
 year and that these officers should have the right of pro- 
 tection, in case any individual plebeian were illegally 
 treated. At first the Patricians seem to have tried to con- 
 trol the elections of tribunes and to keep the Plebeians 
 from having their separate meetings, but after a contest of 
 twenty years the plebeian assembly organized by tribes 
 (the local districts of the city) was given the right to elect 
 the tribunes and to pass decrees binding upon all plebeians. 
 With protection from oppression assured to them, recog- 
 nized leaders to agitate reforms in their behalf, and an 
 equal knowledge of the laws from the code of the Twelve 
 Tables, the Plebeians continued the struggle for social and 
 political equality. 
 
 A Roman citizen possessed five recognized rights of 
 citizenship, the right of voting, right of office holding, right 
 of marriage, right of trade, and right of appeal. As 
 inter-marriage with the patrician families would remove 
 all religious disabilities to office holding, this was the first 
 object of their struggle. When this right had been se- 
 cured to them by the Canuleian law, the Patricians 
 blocked their progress towards the coveted consulship, 
 first by offering a substitute in the office of consular tri- 
 bune, an office which conferred no honor, and second by 
 taking away certain important duties of the consul and 
 creating new patrician magistrates to perform them. The 
 
,46 AND THE GRANDEUR THAT WAS ROME. 
 
 Struggle ended in 367 B. C. by the passage of the Licinian- 
 Sextian laws which decreed that one consul at least must 
 always be a plebeian, and contained many economic re- 
 forms in regard to debts and land-holding. After this 
 all important offices in the state were gradually opened 
 to the plebeians and the equalization of the orders was 
 practically accomplished. While the government was 
 theoretically democratic, it was really controlled by the 
 Senate. The higher magistrates, as well as the exclu- 
 sively plebeian officials, were all in sympathy with the 
 Senate and controlled by it. The Senate was made up 
 of those who had held curule office (Consuls, Praetors, 
 and ^diles), and thus contained ''the wisdom and ex- 
 perience of Rome." As the magistrates became senators 
 after their terms of office, they were readily influenced by 
 the Senate and did nothing without its approval. The 
 magistrates, in turn, controlled the assemblies and called 
 and adjourned them as they chose. The members had 
 no power of initiating business or of amending and dis- 
 •cussing matters. The Senate was the most powerful 
 factor in the state. As Mommsen says — "While the 
 burgesses acquired the semblance, the Senate acquired 
 the substance, of power." 
 
 During this period of constitutional changes, Rome was 
 expanding her territory from the original city on the Tiber 
 to the possession of the Italian peninsula, south of the 
 Rubicon. Dwelling on the plains, the Romans were con- 
 
AND THE GRANDEUR THAT WAS ROME. 47 
 
 stantly forced to fight their neighbors of the mountains. 
 Their fiercest enemies were the Samnites, whom they sub- 
 dued in three severe wars. Then they turned their atten- 
 tion to the Greek cities of southern Italy and became in- 
 volved in war with Tarentum. Pyrrhus, the king of 
 Epirus, aided the Greeks, but Rome was victorious and 
 thus became mistress of all Italy. Within this territory 
 were many classes of communities, some an integral part 
 of the Roman state proper, others its subjects. Rome 
 itself with its adjacent territory was divided into thirty- 
 five tribes. All over the peninsula were colonies of Ro- 
 man soldiers, settled as garrisons for defense and the ex- 
 tension of Roman manners and customs and reckoned as 
 citizens of the home city. There were also towns which 
 had been incorporated bodily into the state. These 
 annexed towns, or municipia, were allowed local self- 
 government and had full Roman citizenship in most 
 cases, although in some cases the Roman citizenship was 
 only partial and did not include the right of voting in 
 Rome. 
 
 Among the subject communities the highest in rank were 
 the Latins, the old Latin towns and the Latin colonies, 
 who had the so-called Latin right, that is, the private rights 
 of Romans. Next came the Italian aUies, whose condi- 
 tion was determined by their respective treaties with Rome. 
 By this complete system of organization and by the,, ex- 
 tension of military roads throughout the peninsula, Italy 
 
48 AND THE GRANDEUR THAT WAS ROME. 
 
 was made "sl confederacy with all the connecting lines 
 radiating from Rome." 
 
 Just across the Mediterranean in northern Africa 
 was the powerful commercial city of Carthage, the only 
 rival of Rome in the west. Both cities were eager for the 
 possession of Sicily, the stepping-stone between the two 
 continents. The first of the Carthaginian or Punic wars 
 was in reality a "war for Sicily." During this conflict 
 the Romans built their first important war fleet and, realiz- 
 ing the value of naval supremacy, struggled to gain an 
 unassailable sea power. At the close of the war Rome's 
 victory gave her her first possession outside of Italy and 
 thus made the beginning of the imperial system of govern- 
 ment. Although temporarily beaten, Carthage was not 
 subdued, and some twenty years later renewed the struggle 
 with Rome under her great general Hannibal, one of the 
 world's military geniuses. His bold and daring march 
 from Spain over the Alps into Italy, his four successive 
 victories over Roman armies, his recall to Africa to de- 
 fend his country, and his first and only defeat in the battle 
 of Zama are among the most interesting incidents in Ro- 
 man history. Rome had now added to her possessions 
 Sicily, Corsica, Sardinia, and Spain, and a half-century 
 later by a cruel and selfish war, waged solely for the greed 
 of her own officials, she completely humbled Carthage 
 and from the ancient territory of the city created the 
 province of Africa. Interference in Greek affairs brought 
 
AND THE GRANDEUR THAT WAS ROME. 49 
 
 Macedonia and western Asia Minor under her control, 
 and by the year 133 B. C. Rome was mistress of the greater 
 part of the Mediterranean world. 
 
 This foreign conquest, as has been said, developed a 
 new factor in government. The federal policy of incor- 
 poration by which Rome ruled in Italy was not adapted 
 to peoples of alien race, and so the subject possessions 
 outside the peninsula were organized as provinces. These 
 provinces were governed by provincial governors sent 
 from Rome, who received no salary for their services but 
 were allowed to get their support from the provincials. 
 Exposed thus to the greed and extortion of Roman officials, 
 subjected to the rapacious tax gatherers, and shut off from 
 all trade with each other, the provinces, in spite of the 
 peace and protection guaranteed them by Rome, were in 
 a sorry plight. We have only to read Cicero's orations 
 against Verres to see what the worst type of provincial 
 governor was. Rome, on the other hand, profited greatly 
 from the increase in territory by the gain in tribute. But 
 the economic results were not so favorable as the financial. 
 The cheap grain from the provinces displaced the products 
 of the Italian farmers in the Roman market, and the 
 abundance of slaves caused slave labor to crush out the 
 free workmen on the great landed estates. The effects of 
 foreign conquest were apparent in political as well as 
 economic life. The increase in wealth and luxurious 
 living, closely connected as it was with a deterioration of 
 
50 AND THE GRANDEUR THAT V/AS ROME. 
 
 morals, tended to make wealth the leading factor in 
 politics and bribery a prominent means for ofi&ce-getting. 
 The Senate which controlled the government was fast 
 becoming a "narrow, self-seeking plutocracy." The 
 people, owing to their distance from Rome, could not 
 exercise their right of franchise, and only the rabble of 
 the city, susceptible to the bribes of office seekers, took 
 part in the public assemblies. There were, of course, 
 Romans of the old school who steadfastly opposed this 
 introduction of foreign luxury and the use of bribery and 
 corruption in politics, but not even the stern Cato could 
 accomplish anything in the way of regulating the evil. 
 The one good result of the eastern conquest was the intro- 
 duction of Hellenic art and literature. 
 
 In such a condition of affairs there was a crying need 
 for reform. Tiberius Gracchus, a prominent plebeian, 
 sought to remedy the evils of the time by making agrarian 
 reforms. His sole aim was to restore the peasantry and 
 so bring back Rome to her former prosperity. His bill 
 to divide the public land among the poor was violently 
 opposed by the richer classes and passed only by uncon- 
 stitutional means. The number of small land holders 
 was increased, it is true, but Tiberius was murdered and a 
 revolution started, which ended only in the establishment 
 of the imperial government. Ten years later Caius 
 Gracchus aimed to avenge his brother's death, but feeling 
 that Tiberius had failed because of his lack of supporters, 
 
AND THE GRANDEUR THAT WAS ROME. 5 1 
 
 he first determined to secure a body of followers on whom 
 he might rely. He conciliated the knights by giving them 
 seats on the juries, and the common people by the promise 
 of cheap grain. Unlike his brother, he had formulated 
 a definite plan of government and strove to make the 
 tribunate an absolute ministry with the direction of all 
 affairs of state, as the generalship at Athens had been. 
 Caius administered the office wisely and instituted many 
 reforms, but when he proposed a law enfranchising the 
 Italian allies the rabble deserted him and the senatorial 
 party schemed for his downfall. He suffered a fate like 
 that of his brother, but the army of revolution was already 
 organized and ready to do the bidding of any able leader. 
 Just at this time the Jugurthan war in Africa and the 
 invasion of the German tribes into northern Italy brought 
 into prominence Caius Marius, a Roman of the old school, 
 stern, patriotic, and enduring, and an able military com- 
 mander. Taking advantage of his popularity and his 
 repeated election to the consulship, the demagogues who 
 were the leaders of the popular party tried to use him for 
 their own ends. Marius was as incapable in politics as 
 he was great in war, and in the civil strife which followed 
 the revolutionary measures of his colleagues he lost credit 
 with both parties and went into voluntary retirement. 
 The liberal party in the Senate tried by a series of com- 
 promises to appease all the dissatisfied classes and even 
 proposed to extend citizenship to the Italians. This last 
 
52 AND THE GRANDEUR THAT WAS ROME. 
 
 proposal met with a storm of opposition from aristocrats 
 and commons, and therefore failed. The Italians rose in 
 arms and demanded the citizenship. Although they were 
 defeated in the war, they gained their cause, and by prudent 
 concessions on the part of Rome all the freemen of Italy 
 south of the Po were made equal in civil and political 
 rights. The enrolment of the newly enfranchised Italians 
 in the tribes became indirectly the occasion for the civil 
 war between the popular and the senatorial party. At 
 first they had been assigned to eight new tribes voting 
 after the old thirty-five. Promising enrolment in the old 
 tribes, the democratic leader gained their support in 
 forcing through the assembly a resolution appointing 
 Marius to the command of the war against Mithridates, 
 king of Pontus. Now Sulla had already received the 
 appointment from the Senate and, declaring the decree 
 of the assembly illegal, he marched to Rome with his 
 army and drove out the democrats under Marius. With 
 the departure of Sulla for the East, the democratic party 
 again rallied and obtained control of the city. But Sulla 
 soon returned, after a successful campaign against Mithri- 
 dates, and restored his party to power. Two years of 
 desperate fighting made him master of Rome and he be- 
 gan by proscriptions, murders, and systematic slaughter 
 to destroy the remnants of the Marian party. He then 
 re-established the power of the Senate and made all the 
 other parts of the government dependent upon it. In 
 
AND THE GRANDEUR THAT WAS ROME. 53 
 
 most respects his legislation was in the interest of his party 
 and was, therefore, only short lived. 
 
 The military power had been placed above the con- 
 stitution, and for the next thirty years the great question 
 of Roman history was what leader should become master 
 of Rome. Pompey's conquests and organization of the 
 East as far as the Euphrates, and Caesar's brilliant cam- 
 paigns in Gaul and subjugation of the West to the Rhine 
 made the rivalry for supreme power naturally narrow 
 down to these two men. Pompey had risen to power by 
 his services in Spain against Sertorius, and by his success 
 against the Cilician pirates and the king of Pontus. 
 During his absence in the East, Julius Caesar had become 
 the chief democratic leader. When Pompey returned 
 to Rome the Senate refused to ratify his political arrange- 
 ments in the East, and thus he was driven to seek the help 
 of the democrats to further his plans. He joined with 
 Caesar and Crassus in the First Triumvirate, a combina- 
 tion not sanctioned by any public authority, by which 
 the three men should become masters of the state. At 
 the close of five years the alliance was renewed, but after 
 the death of Crassus in Syria, Pompey, in his jealousy of 
 Caesar, turned again to the Senate and accepted the 
 leadership of the aristocratic party, thus abandoning his 
 former ally. In the civil war that followed, Caesar proved 
 the victor. He first made himself master of Italy, then 
 followed Pompey to Greece and defeated him at Pharsalus, 
 
54 AND THE GRANDEUR THAT WAS ROME. 
 
 and finally crushed the last opposition of the senatorial 
 party by his victories at Thapsus and Munda. He was 
 in reality master of the Roman world. Monarchy had 
 been made inevitable by the conditions of the last century. 
 The corrupt and vicious mob in Rome, the bad adminis- 
 tration of the provinces, and the dangers on the frontiers, 
 all required the controlling power of a single ruler. Caesar 
 fully realized that the only solution of the problem of 
 government was the equalization of laws and privileges 
 for the subject populations, and aimed, therefore, to make 
 the consideration of the interests of the provinces rather 
 than of the inhabitants of the capital his chief care. The 
 old republican forms of government continued, but Caesar 
 took the more important powers into his own hands. 
 Many measures of reform, dealing with colonization, 
 taxation, land ownership, coinage, and the calendar, were 
 introduced. The provincial system was reorganized. 
 The governors lost much of their authority and their 
 abuses and oppression were checked. 
 
 In the midst of all these improvements, Caesar fell a 
 victim to a conspiracy formed against him by discontented 
 and envious senators and republican enthusiasts, and was 
 assassinated on the Ides of March, 44 B. C. The con- 
 spirators struck down the monarch but could not destroy 
 the monarchy. Caesar's work was left to be completed 
 by successors, who were by no means his equals in states- 
 manship. To quote the words of Mommsen — "Caesar 
 
AND THE GRANDEUR THAT WAS ROME. 55 
 
 was a statesman in the deepest sense of the term. His 
 aim was the political, military, intellectual, and moral 
 regeneration of his own deeply decayed nation." Doubt- 
 less he was "ambitious," but he strove to make Rome 
 greater because of Csesar. 
 
 Caesar's death was followed by anarchy and civil strife 
 for fifteen years. Mark Antony and Octavius, Caesar's 
 grand-nephew and adopted son, combined with Lepidus, 
 governor of Gaul and Spain, and the three had themselves 
 appointed triumvirs to reorganize the state. This second 
 triumvirate defeated the "Republicans" at Philippi, but 
 soon after Lepidus was dropped from the coalition and 
 Antony and Octavius divided the Roman world between 
 them. Each, however, was jealous of the other's power, 
 and Antony's acts in the East offered a pretext for war. 
 The naval battle of Actium in 31 B. C. made Octavius 
 sole master of the Roman world and placed the rule of 
 the Empire in the hands of an able man. The final estab- 
 lishment of the Empire may be dated from the year 27 
 B. C, when the Senate conferred upon Octavius the new 
 title of Augustus. Theoretically, the old Republic was 
 never abolished, but by the side of the old forms of govern- 
 ment there grew up an imperial authority centralized in 
 one man. The weakest point in the imperial constitution 
 was the lack of a definite principle of succession. The 
 right of the Emperor to nominate his successor was often 
 restricted by the claims of relationship and the preferences 
 
56 AND THE GRANDEUR THAT WAS ROME. 
 
 of the army, so that the monarchy was neither elective 
 nor hereditary but suffered from the evils of both systems. 
 
 Except for the military revolution of the year 69 A. D. 
 at the close of Nero's reign, the succession in the first two 
 centuries was orderly and regular. The Julian Caesars, 
 Augustus, Tiberius, Caligula, Claudius, and Nero, ruled 
 for just a century. After the year of civil war came the 
 three Flavians, and these were followed by the Antonines, 
 who were provincials. It had come to be recognized that 
 "Emperors could be made elsewhere than in Rome." 
 
 The boundaries of the Empire, as Augustus found 
 them, were the Atlantic on the west, the Rhine on the 
 north, the African desert on the south, and the upper 
 Euphrates and Arabia on the east. 
 
 Under Augustus and succeeding emperors the frontiers 
 were extended by the conquest of the lands south of the 
 lower Danube, the country between the Danube and the 
 Alps, Britain, Dacia, and considerable territory in the 
 East. In the second century, the Empire reached its 
 extreme limits under the Emperor Trajan, but the prov- 
 inces beyond the Euphrates were soon abandoned. 
 
 On the whole, the first two centuries of the Empire 
 were highly prosperous. There was little disturbance 
 from wars, trade flourished, communication from place 
 to place was safe, philanthropic movements of various 
 kinds were inaugurated, and contentment and good feeling 
 were everywhere throughout the Roman world. The 
 
AND THE GRANDEUR THAT WAS ROME. 57 
 
 civilization of the ancient world ceased to be national and 
 became cosmopolitan, the union of the best of Greece and 
 Rome. There was a unity in thought and feeling among 
 all the people, a far reaching patriotism that found its 
 fatherland wherever the sceptre of imperial Rome held 
 sway. Gibbon believed that "a man, if allowed his 
 choice, would prefer to have lived under the golden age 
 of the Antonines rather than at any other period of the 
 world's history." 
 
 The art and literature of these centuries deserve special 
 mention. The age of Augustus was peculiarly an age of 
 building. He restored existing temples, and erected 
 many new ones, and justified his boast that he ''found 
 Rome brick and left it marble." The Coliseum, the tri- 
 umphal arch of Titus, the monumental column of Tra- 
 jan, and the remains of the basilicas furnish us examples 
 of the best architectural structures of the early Empire. 
 The Augustan age of literature with Horace, Vergil, Ovid, 
 and Livy as its chief exponents was followed in the second 
 century by the histories of Tacitus, the satires of Juvenal, 
 the letters of Pliny the younger, and a revival of Hellenic 
 literature in the writings of Plutarch, Lucian, and Pau- 
 sanias. It was also during these centuries that Chris- 
 tianity was gradually gaining power. The Christian 
 teachings of the fatherhood of God and the brotherhood 
 of all men and of a morality based on love and self-denial 
 had reached into all the large cities of the Empire and 
 
58 AND THE GRANDEUR THAT WAS ROME. 
 
 gained many disciples. As the Christians refused to 
 support the state religion, the worship of the Emperor, and 
 as they were considered a great secret organization dan- 
 gerous to the state, they were persecuted by many even of 
 the best emperors. The persecutions, however, only 
 served to strengthen the faith and to increase the zeal of 
 the believers. 
 
 The third century of the Empire was characterized by 
 a tendency towards absolutism in government, anarchy,, 
 civil strife, and disputed succession between military ad- 
 venturers. The rulers from Commodus to Diocletian 
 are well named the ''barrack Emperors," for they were 
 set up by the army and the imperial power was entirely 
 in the hands of the legions. In one instance the Empire 
 was actually sold to the highest bidder. Barbarian 
 attacks on the frontiers became more frequent and Rome 
 was obliged to stand on the defensive. 
 
 Towards the close of the third century, Diocletian, an 
 able soldier, came to the throne. He saw that the only 
 way to arrest the threatening dissolution of the Empire 
 was by a radical change in the administration. Accord- 
 ingly by his choice of a colleague and the association of 
 two younger assistants, called Caesars, the imperial au- 
 thority was placed in the hands of four men. It was not 
 a partition of the Empire but a division of administration, 
 a system of "partnership Emperors." This reorganization 
 was completed by Constantine. Each of the four parts 
 
AND THE GRANDEUR THAT WAS ROME. 59. 
 
 of the Empire was presided over by a prefect. The 
 prefectures were subdivided into dioceses under the rule 
 of vicars, and the dioceses, in turn, into provinces under 
 provincial governors. As civil and military affairs were 
 strictly separated, a complete hierarchy of officials, each 
 grade responsible to the one above, came into existence. 
 All these changes were in the direction of more despotic 
 organization and the outward forms of monarchy, court 
 ceremonial, and magnificence of attire, were introduced. 
 The government became a '^ centralized, bureaucratic 
 despotism" which for a time delayed the downfall of the 
 Empire. It was due also to the shrewd statesmanship 
 of Constantine that Christianity was made the favored 
 rehgion of the state. The Edict of Milan had granted 
 religious toleration to all modes of worship. Constantine 
 saw the great service which the Church might give him and 
 so desired to bring harmony between the state and this 
 powerful force within the Empire. The Church soon 
 modelled its government after that of the Empire and 
 grew monarchic with gradations in rank corresponding 
 to those of the civil authority. ''The poHtical organiza- 
 tion of the Church was brought into form," says Freeman, 
 ''by the genius of Roman rule." In order to strengthen 
 the Church by securing uniformity of belief, Constantine 
 called a council of bishops to meet at Nicaea to settle the 
 disputes about doctrines which were distracting the Church 
 and especially the controversy between the Arians and 
 
6o AND THE GRANDEUR THAT WAS ROME. 
 
 Athanasians concerning the nature of Christ. The coun- 
 cil adopted the view of Athanasius, who asserted the ab- 
 solute equality between the Father and the Son, and this 
 decision, the Nicene creed, was accepted as the orthodox 
 belief of the Church. 
 
 The reconstruction of the government by Diocletian and 
 Constantine strengthened the Empire, but did nothing to 
 arrest the economic and social decay. The decline of 
 population, the growth of the caste system in society, and 
 the increase of taxation to meet the rapidly growing ex- 
 penses of the government hastened the downfall. The 
 permanent division of the Empire into an eastern and a 
 western half was another indication of weakness. But 
 the strongest element of disintegration was the introduction 
 of Germans into the army and their settlement in the 
 provinces. Many tribes were admitted within the bounda- 
 aries as allies and served as defenders of the frontiers. 
 The first Germanic kingdom founded within the Empire 
 was that of the Visigoths, who after many wanderings had 
 settled down in Spain and southern Gaul. In the early 
 fifth century, the Vandals, under their leader Gaiseric, 
 founded a kingdom in northern Africa and the Mediter- 
 ranean islands. The Burgundians were established on 
 the banks of the Rhone, the Angles and Saxons in eastern 
 Britain, and the Franks about the lower Rhine, so that 
 in the middle of the fifth century but a small part of Gaul 
 remained under Roman rule. In Italy itself the German 
 
AND THE GRANDEUR THAT WAS ROME. 6 1 
 
 ofl&cers of the army ruled through puppet Emperors whom 
 they made and deposed at will. Finally, in 476 A. D., 
 Odovaker, one of these German leaders, sent to the Em- 
 peror of the East at Constantinople, saying that the West 
 did not need a separate Emperor and asking that Italy 
 be ruled as a part of the Eastern Empire under himself 
 as a lieutenant. This date, 476 A. D., which marks the 
 so-called ''Fall of the Western Empire," meant to the 
 Romans of that time merely that both parts of the Empire 
 were united under the Eastern Emperor and that a bar- 
 barian general was entrusted with the political manage- 
 ment of the province of Italy as well as the command of 
 the legions. As we look back to the year 476 A. D. we 
 see that in reality the change was a shifting of power from 
 Roman to Teuton and the passing of the leadership of 
 the West into other hands. "It is not a storm or an earth- 
 quake or a fire, this end of the Roman rule over Italy," 
 says Hodgkin, ''It is more like the gentle fluttering down 
 to earth of the last leaf of a withered tree." 
 
 During the following century, Italy passed under the 
 control of the Ostrogoths, the Eastern Emperor, and the 
 Lombards. The thirty years of the Ostrogothic kingdom 
 were years of prosperity, marked by the beginnings of 
 the fusion of Roman and Teuton in language, and in life. 
 The reconquest by the Eastern Emperor Justinian estab- 
 lished the code of Roman law in Italy and made possible 
 its introduction into the kingdoms of the West. The last 
 
62 AND THE GS.ANDEUR THAT WAS ROME. 
 
 conquerors, the Lombards, are responsible for the final 
 break-up of Italian unity, for they did not establish a 
 central kingdom, but numerous duchies scattered over the 
 peninsula. 
 
 It is by the Franks that the task of consolidating the 
 Teutonic states into a single empire was accompHshed, 
 and they succeeded where others failed because they did 
 not migrate to distant places but expanded from their 
 original home and also because they early gained the sup- 
 port and alliance of the Church through their conversion 
 to Cathohc Christianity. Clovis, the founder of their 
 greatness, made himself sole ruler and expanded his limited 
 territory into a great state. His descendants, the Merovin- 
 gians, held the power for about two centuries, but in the 
 last part of their rule the kings became inefficient and were 
 known as "Do nothings." The power, therefore, passed 
 to the nobles, the stewards or mayors of the palace. This 
 office finally became hereditary in the Carolingian family, 
 and was held by men of high ability. Charles Martel 
 turned back the Mohammedan invasion from Europe. 
 His son, by the sanction of the pope, deposed the weak 
 Merovingian king and assumed the royal title. In re- 
 turn for this favor. Pippin aided the pope against the Lom- 
 bards and gave him all the cities he conquered in their 
 territory. This "donation of Pippin" laid the founda- 
 tion for the temporal power of the papacy. In 768 A. D. 
 Pippin was succeeded by his son Karl, known usually by 
 
AND THE GRANDEUR THAT WAS ROME. 63 
 
 the French form of his name Charlemagne, although he 
 was a German in blood and speech. '' Great and powerful 
 as was the realm of the Franks which Charles received 
 from his father Pippin," says the chronicler Einhard, "he 
 nevertheless so splendidly enlarged it by wars that he al- 
 most doubled its dimensions." His greatest achievement 
 was the founding of the Mediaeval Empire. His corona- 
 tion by the pope in 800 A. D., as Emperor of the Romans, 
 was, in theory, the restoration of the Empire to Rome. 
 The new Empire, however, differed in all its essentials from 
 the old. It was European and Teutonic in character and 
 area and rested on "German nationality, the leadership 
 of the Franks, and the Christian religion according to 
 Rome." But it revived in men's minds the glories of the 
 past and kept alive the traditions of the civilization which 
 Rome had created. Charlemagne's place in history is an 
 important one, although his reign was comparatively 
 short. "In him was completed the Germanization of the 
 Roman Empire." He consolidated Christian Europe, and 
 although his empire was not permanent, its influence was 
 for all time. 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Feudalism. 
 
 From the time of Charlemagne onward, the institution 
 of FeudaHsm was the most important element in the 
 politics and society of Europe. Charlemagne himself 
 had not been able to centralize his power completely and 
 had had to struggle against the tendency to separation 
 and local independence of the different parts of his Empire. 
 Under his successors the Empire broke up into many 
 pieces. Since the Emperor was too weak to enforce law 
 and preserve order, protection, which could not be ob- 
 tained from the nominal head of the state, was sought 
 from "bishops, barons, and all powerful men." Under 
 these conditions the great landowners grew in power and 
 each district became independent in government. Eco- 
 nomic conditions also increased the importance of land 
 holding. With the decline of commerce and the scarcity 
 of money, the only source of income was from the rental 
 of land; and the man who had no land willingly sold his 
 personal services to the landowner, who was obliged to 
 rent his land in return for the services. Land, therefore, 
 was the basis of power; the landowner became the land- 
 
FEUDALISM. 
 
 65 
 
 lord, and government was in a fair way to become co-ex- 
 tensive with estates. Feudalism was the natural outcome 
 of the political and economic conditions of Europe in the 
 ninth and tenth centuries. 
 
 The old German custom of the "comitatus," the obliga- 
 tion of mutual aid and support between the chieftain and 
 his followers, and the grants of land made by the rich 
 Roman landowner to his cHents, both help to account for 
 the later feudal tenure of land. Under this feudal tenure 
 property in land was not absolute, but of a beneficiary 
 nature. The holder had only the use of the land, for which 
 he must render certain service to the lord from whom he 
 received it. In theory, the king was the landowner of 
 the realm. He granted portions of his kingdom to the 
 great lords or barons, and they, in turn, parcelled out 
 their vast estates among their vassals. 
 
 This subinfeudation might extend to the third or fourth 
 degree. Land granted in this way, under fixed con- 
 ditions of service, was called a fief. In reality, many fiefs 
 arose from the voluntary surrender of lands to some lord 
 in return for protection in time of danger, and others came 
 from seizure and usurpation. One who held a fief might 
 in his turn become a lord by granting a portion of his land 
 to a vassal upon terms similar to those on which he held 
 his own grant. ''All were at the same time vassals, ex- 
 cept the highest, and suzerains except the lowest." These 
 fiefs gradually became hereditary in families and passed 
 
66 FEUDALISM. 
 
 from one generation to another. But before the time of 
 hereditary ownership, a payment called the relief was 
 demanded from the heir when he entered upon his in- 
 heritance and also from the vassal when one lord died and 
 a new one succeeded. 
 
 The personal relation of the vassal to his lord and the 
 pledges of fealty and service given to him are expressed 
 by the word "vassalage." Originally this relation had 
 nothing to do with the possession of land, but as grants of 
 land came to be the compensation for service the two 
 became closely connected. The first and most essential 
 obligation of the vassal was the taking the oath of fidelity 
 by the ceremony of rendering homage. The vassal knelt 
 before the lord and, placing his hands between those of 
 the lord, declared himself the lord's ''man," solemnly 
 promising to fulfill all his duties towards his lord. Then 
 the lord raised him from his kneeling position and in- 
 vested him with the fief. Sometimes homage meant little 
 more than that the vassal would not injure or oppose his 
 lord. If the fief changed hands, the vassal must again 
 do homage for it or be considered guilty of revolt. 
 
 The vassal owed his lord military service and was ex- 
 pected to join him in any expedition, although he was not 
 bound to serve at his own expense more than forty days. 
 He must defend his lord in battle with his life, and, if the 
 lord were taken prisoner, must offer himself as hostage 
 for him. Besides military service, he was expected to 
 
FEUDALISM. 67 
 
 attend the feudal court to hear and decide upon the cases 
 of his fellow-vassals. Under some conditions money 
 payment as well as personal service must be given. When 
 the eldest son of the lord was knighted, or the eldest 
 daughter married, or the lord himself in captivity and held 
 for ransom, these feudal "aids" had to be paid. And 
 again, the vassal might have to entertain his lord and his 
 retinue when he came into his part of the country. In 
 return for these services, the lord protected the rights of 
 the vassal and secured him justice. 
 
 Under this system of land holding there were fiefs of 
 all grades of importance from those of the great lords held 
 directly from the king, down to the holdings of the simple 
 knights whose land barely sufficed for their support. Yet 
 there seems to have been no fixed classification of the no- 
 bility, at least before the thirteenth century. The fact 
 that vassals of one lord often held lands of other lords, and 
 that there was nothing to prevent a sub-vassal from ac- 
 cepting a fief from the king, greatly increased the complex- 
 ity of feudal relations; as did also the custom of the in- 
 feudation of other things than land. A feudal register 
 of the thirteenth century indicates that homage was ren- 
 dered for an annual amount of grain, wine, or honey, and 
 that the feudal bond was needed to make contracts more 
 binding. 
 
 In its social aspects. Feudalism emphasized sharply the 
 class distinction between the nobles and the common 
 
68 FEUDALISM. 
 
 people. Writers of the Middle Ages said that God created 
 three classes — priests to pray, knights to defend society, 
 and peasants to till the soil. Each lord retained a part 
 of his fief in his own hands, and this ''domain" was culti- 
 vated for him by the serfs and the villains, who owed him 
 a fixed number of days' work in return for the small plots 
 of land granted to them for their own use. Both villains, 
 who were free peasants, and serfs, who were bound to the 
 soil, were obliged to use the lord's bakery, granary, and 
 mill and to pay heavy fees for the same. The nobles 
 gave themselves solely to fighting. Their strongly for- 
 tified feudal castles, their favorite amusements, the ''joust 
 and tournament," as well as their training for knighthood, 
 show how important an occupation war was among them. 
 Nobility depended not merely on the hereditary possession 
 of a landed estate, but also on the ability to furnish military 
 service on horseback; and the word "chivalry," originally 
 denoting the form of military service rendered by the 
 gentleman, came in time to have a much broader meaning 
 and to include the ideals and usages of knighthood. The 
 true spirit of chivalry demanded the highest ideals of 
 character and blameless lives devoted to the protection 
 of the Church and the defense of the weak and the op- 
 pressed. In the words of Tennyson, the knight's mission 
 was 
 
 "To ride abroad redressing human wrongs, 
 To speak no slander, no, nor listen to it, 
 To lead sweet lives in purest chastity." 
 
FEUDALISM. 69 
 
 Many an ''errant knight," however, was an ''arrant 
 knave," and under the superficial polish of the age were 
 often found coarseness, barbarism, and dishonesty. Chiv- 
 alry, as an institution, rose to its height during the period 
 of the crusades, and for two or three centuries occupied a 
 large place in the life and literature of the time. 
 
 It often happened that the lord was not sufficiently 
 powerful to enforce his feudal authority and that the 
 vassals frequently refused to perform their obligations. 
 As a result, there was constant dissension and open war. 
 The prevaiHng disorder was unendurable, and the perpetual 
 feudal warfare was so disastrous in its effects that the 
 clergy, in the eleventh century, decreed the so-called 
 ^' Truce of God." This prohibited all hostilities from 
 Thursday night until Monday morning and also on all 
 fast days and holy seasons, and produced some degree of 
 peace and order. After the thirteenth century Feudalism 
 gradually declined. The rapid growth of the cities, the 
 increasing power of the kings, and the changes in warfare 
 due to the invention of gunpowder hastened its downfall. 
 It is easy to see the prominent defects of Feudalism. The 
 numerous feudal units, each possessing that immunity 
 that guaranteed independent sovereignty, necessarily 
 caused a general decentralization of power and a system 
 of arbitrary and conflicting law. On its social side, also, 
 it promoted the growth of landed aristocracy with strong 
 class distinctions. But it must not be forgotten that in an 
 
70 FEUDALISM. 
 
 age of anarchy and confusion the feudal system preserved 
 the idea of a general government, and that through the 
 institution of chivalry it gave to the world an ideal of 
 social character and conduct that became a permanent 
 influence in civilization. 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 
 The Church as a Factor in Mediaeval Civilization. 
 
 As has previously been said, the Church at the time of the 
 Council of Nicaea had already assumed a fixed form both in 
 organization and belief. The chief points of importance in 
 its history after that time are the separation of the Eastern 
 and Western Churches and the rise of the Roman papacy. 
 The deep seated differences of character and civilization be- 
 tween the Eastern branch of the Empire, influenced strongly 
 by Greek learning, and the Western branch, which had be- 
 come Roman in its ways of life and thought, were still further 
 increased by the political division of the Empire in the fourth 
 century. As the two parts of the Empire became separated, 
 the Churches also drifted more and more apart. Disputes 
 as to doctrines and ceremonies arose. The strife about image 
 worship, the refusal of the East to accept an addition to the 
 Nicene creed, and differences of practice in various forms of 
 worship, all hastened a final separation. But above all there 
 was the claim to supremacy over the whole Church, made by 
 the pope at Rome, which the East would not admit. The 
 theory that Constantinople, being only the seat of government, 
 must yield to Rome as the "seat of St. Peter," was declared 
 
72 THE CHURCH IN MEDIAEVAL CIVILIZATION. 
 
 by the Eastern Church to be absurd; and the more the ques- 
 tions were discussed, the clearer it became that the underlying 
 distinctions were too powerful to be overcome. Finally, in 
 the latter half of the eleventh century came the permanent 
 separation, and after that time, although many efforts were 
 made to heal the schism, the Greek Church and the Latin 
 Church continued as independent bodies. 
 
 The situation of the Roman Church in a city that was at the 
 same time the largest and most important of the West and the 
 seat of the imperial government was of great value in extending 
 its influence and estabhshing its supremacy. It was regarded 
 as an authority by the churches throughout the West, since 
 most of them had been founded as missions from Rome and 
 looked to the mother church for guidance and direction. With 
 the removal of the emperors to Constantinople the Roman 
 bishops exercised greater control over the government of the 
 city, and this power was still further increased by the vigorous 
 action of the popes during the German invasions. 
 
 In addition to all these practical foundations for leadership, 
 the Roman Church claimed a divinely appointed authority 
 throughout the churches of Christendom by the theory of the 
 '^Petrine supremacy." Peter's apostolic preeminence and the 
 tradition that he was the first bishop of Rome, it was declared, 
 secured to his successors, the Roman bishops, the headship 
 of the Church. By the middle of the fifth century this claim 
 was generally accepted in the West and was acknowledged by 
 an imperial decree, which declared the power of the Bishop 
 
THE CHURCH IN MEDIAEVAL CIVILIZATION. 73 
 
 of Rome supreme and ordered all bishops of the West to re- 
 ceive as law whatever the Bishop of Rome sanctioned. The 
 emphatic assertion of the supremacy of the Roman bishop 
 made by Leo the Great, in his protest against the action of the 
 Council of Chalcedon in raising the Bishop of Constantinople 
 to equal ecclesiastical honor with the Bishop of Rome, was 
 another step towards making Rome the sole head of the 
 Church. 
 
 The position of the popes was greatly strengthened by the 
 conversion of the barbarians. This work of christianizing 
 the German tribes was carried on largely by agents of the popes, 
 and the new converts, therefore, became firm supporters of 
 the papal power. The early conversion of the Franks to the 
 orthodox faith brought about an alliance between the Frankish 
 king and the Church, which proved a strong factor in the con- 
 quest and conversion of the heretic Visigoths and Burgundians. 
 Milman considers the conversion of the Franks "the most 
 important event, in its remote as well as its immediate con- 
 sequences, in European history." 
 
 At the end of the sixth century, Christianity was introduced 
 into the southern part of England by the preaching of Augus- 
 tine and his companion monks, but the supremacy of the Roman 
 Church was established only after a bitter conflict with the 
 Irish monks who had kept alive the Christian faith in the dark 
 days of the heathen conquest and had converted to their be- 
 hef and practice the northern and western regions of Britain. 
 The final victory of the Roman Church estabhshed in England 
 
74 THE CHURCH IN MEDIAEVAL CIVILIZATION. 
 
 the religious customs and ceremonies sanctioned by the rest of 
 Christendom and made the Enghsh Christians loyal supporters 
 of the pope. The English monks with great missionary zeal 
 began to go over to the Continent to labor for the progress 
 of the Church. Although they had accepted the faith, the 
 Germans had no church organization and Christianity was 
 rapidly losing ground among them. The work of reorganiz- 
 ing the German Church and restoring the faith was carried on 
 by Boniface, "the apostle of the Germans," who was com- 
 manded by the pope to " Christianize and Romanize all the 
 Germans of central Europe." In all his work of reconstruction 
 he emphasized the authority of the pope and made the German 
 Church dependent on Rome. In this way the doctrine of papal 
 supremacy was spread throughout Europe and the movement 
 undertaken for the purpose of preaching the gospel to all na- 
 tions has fittingly been called "the Roman Catholic conquest 
 of the West." 
 
 The function of the papacy was, in reality, threefold. It 
 was the bishopric of Rome, the head of the whole Latin Church,, 
 and the ruler of "the States of the Church." This temporal 
 sovereignty had its territorial basis in the grants of land made 
 to the popes by the earlier Carolingians and in the recognition 
 of this ownership by later rulers. 
 
 The relations of the papal power to the Empire were a sub- 
 ject of perpetual controversy. The imperial view was that 
 as the. emperor was the successor of the older rulers to whom 
 the popes had always been subject, he had the inherited right 
 
THE CHURCH IN MEDIAEVAL CIVILIZATION. 75 
 
 to control the pope. The papal theory, on the other hand, 
 claimed that, as the Empire owed its existence to the corona- 
 tion by the pope, the pope had the right to dictate to the em- 
 peror, because the spiritual should always control the temporal. 
 Charlemagne had assumed direction of the affairs of the Church, 
 but under his successors the right of the pope to confer the 
 imperial crown steadily gained recognition. The Donation of 
 Constantine and the False Decretals, although by the fifteenth 
 century generally acknowledged as forgeries, at the time of 
 their appearance contributed much towards establishing the 
 supreme authority of the papacy. Supported by these docu- 
 ments, the popes made use of the opportunity which the falling 
 Carolingian government afforded them, and consequently 
 the ninth century, when the Frankish Empire was steadily 
 growing weaker, is marked in the history of the Church by a 
 rapid growth of power. With the extension of Feudalism and 
 the lack of centralization in government there cam.e also a 
 decline in the temporal power of the papacy. The office was 
 coveted by the great families of Rome, and factional strife and 
 intrigue were common among the nobles to secure the prize. 
 Under such conditions the papacy lost its universal character 
 and became a purely local power, reaching the 'lowest point 
 of its degradation and corruption." The revival of the Holy 
 Roman Empire by Otto the Great in 962 A. D. was the be- 
 ginning of reform. Otto and his immediate successors strove 
 to estabHsh a world empire with the papacy as a strong ally 
 of the emperors. Reforming popes were appointed, and once 
 
76 THE CHURCH IN MEDIAEVAL CIVILIZATION. 
 
 more the papacy was brought under the control of the Empire. 
 But this imperial policy of the Saxon family in Italy allowed 
 the feudal barons of Germany to strengthen themselves and 
 thus weakened the royal power and made possible the ultimate 
 triumph of the pope. The attempt to control the pope and 
 Itahan affairs proved too difficult. Frequent journeys had to 
 be taken to Rome to depose a hostile pope or protect a loyal one, 
 and the absence of the emperor from Germany gave the re- 
 bellious nobles every chance to revolt. As soon, however, as 
 the imperial control over the papacy was lessened, there was 
 a relapse into the former corrupt conditions. 
 
 In the reign of Henry III, the second of the Franconian 
 Emperors, there were three rival popes, each claiming his 
 exclusive right to rule. Henry deposed all three and appointed 
 a German pope in their place, the first of a series of German 
 popes under whom the papacy took on a more international 
 character and the ideas of the Cluny reformers became a strong 
 influence in the control of affairs. This reform movement 
 had started from the monastery of Cluny as a reformation of 
 the monastic life, but it included ideas of a wider reformation 
 throughout the Church. The three points which the reformers 
 struggled to enforce were ''the independence of the Church 
 from all outside control in the election of the pope, the celibacy 
 of the clergy, and the abolition of simony or the purchase of 
 ecclesiastical preferment." Each of these demands was of 
 the greatest value towards securing the universal sovereignty 
 of the Church. The marriage of the clergy tended to alienate 
 
THE CHURCH IN MEDIAEVAL CIVILIZATION. 77 
 
 the lands of the Church and to reduce her income, for if the 
 clergy were allowed to marry and bequeath their property to 
 their children it would soon be dispersed. Hence financial 
 and political, as well as rehgious, reasons demanded ceHbacy. 
 The suppression of simony (so called from the story of Simon 
 Magus in the eighth chapter of the Acts) was m€ant to do 
 away with all buying and selling of church offices and to make 
 impossible the appointment to positions in the Church by 
 kings or princes. The granting of fiefs to churchmen had 
 made the bishops and abbots chosen by the feudal lords, and 
 it was necessary for the independence of the Church that the 
 temporal rulers should have no control in the election of ecclesi- 
 astical officials. During his hfe Henry III controlled the 
 election of the popes, but soon after his death an attempt was 
 made to free the papacy from imperial control. A decree of 
 the year 1059 placed the election of the head of the Church in 
 the hands of the College of Cardinals, the pope's own clerical 
 council. The real triumph of the reform movement and the 
 complete centralization of ecclesiastical power were due to 
 Gregory Vn, who became pope in 1073. Gregory's policy of 
 government rested on the idea that "the Church is the kingdom 
 of God and the pope who is at its head has absolute authority 
 over all the world." In carrying out this policy he became 
 involved in a long and bitter conffict with the emperor over 
 the question of lay investiture, the appointment of bishops 
 by temporal rulers. The most dramatic incident in the long 
 struggle was the journey of the emperor to Canossa and his 
 
78 THE CHURCH IN MEDIAEVAL CIVILIZATION. 
 
 humiliation before the pope. At last a compromise was reached 
 in the Concordat of Worms, by which the emperor gave up 
 investiture ''with the ring and the staff," provided that the 
 elections should take place in his presence or that of his repre- 
 sentatives and that investiture with all imperial rights should 
 still be under his control. Thus, in the wider aspect of the case, 
 the victory of the Church was complete and the independence 
 of the papacy was assured. 
 
 The papal power greatly enlarged its sphere and in the 
 thirteenth century rose to its highest point under Innocent III, 
 the most powerful pope of history. He pushed to the extreme 
 the idea of the supremacy of the pope over all rulers and held 
 that all the states of the West must be under the control of the 
 papacy. He compelled the kings of France, England, and 
 Germany to obey him and exercised an almost imperial power. 
 But he made politics the chief interest of the Church, and, 
 therefore, the papacy lost in spiritual power. Because it had 
 placed temporal power above its religious interests, the victory 
 of the papacy over the Empire was the beginning of its fall. 
 Christendom still regarded Rome as its religious centre, but the 
 nations no longer accepted the pope as their political head. 
 
 At the height of its power, the Mediaeval Church was a 
 strongly centralized monarchy, with the pope as its all-powerful 
 head. But it maintained its power not only by its great or- 
 ganization but by its teachings and sacraments and by the 
 exalted position of the clergy. The power of the clergy de- 
 pended upon the special sanctification received through their 
 
THE CHURCH IN MEDIAEVAL CIVILIZATION. 79 
 
 ordination, the right to perform the seven sacraments, and the 
 prerogatives of excommunication and interdict. Their in- 
 fluence was further increased by the fact that they alone were 
 educated. A sharp distinction was made between the secular 
 clergy, the resident preachers and pastors under the bishops, 
 who lived in the world and the regular clergy, who Hved under 
 a regula, or rule, such as those of the different monastic orders. 
 The great impulse to the monastic spirit of the West was given 
 by St. Benedict in the sixth century. The constitution which 
 he drew up for the monastery of Monte Cassino was accepted 
 by the other monasteries and gradually became the rule for 
 all the western monks. Every candidate for admission to the 
 monastery had to pass through a period of probation before 
 taking the final solemn vow, in which he pledged himself to 
 ''poverty, chastity, and obedience." In addition to prayer 
 and meditation, work at manual occupations was required 
 from the monks. Those who were physically strong and able 
 cultivated the lands about the monasteries, while others copied 
 manuscripts or taught in the monastery schools. In this way 
 the influence of the monks upon civilization was very great. 
 Waste lands were reclaimed, better methods of agriculture 
 introduced, and labor again regarded as honorable. The 
 monasteries served as places of entertainment for travellers 
 and furnished retreats for scholars, while the copying of books 
 preserved to later generations a great part of Latin literature. 
 As the Hfe in the monasteries became more worldly a great 
 spirit of reform in the religious life spread over Europe from 
 
8o THE CHURCH IN MEDIAEVAL CIVILIZATION. 
 
 the monastery of Cluny. New houses were founded by the 
 monks of Cluny and older foundations received from them a 
 reformatory impulse, so that the ''Congregation of Cluny" 
 spread during the tenth century through all the countries of 
 Europe. But as Cluny began to fall into luxury and worldh- 
 ness, new orders were formed and attempts were made to en- 
 force again the original Benedictine rule and to maintain 
 greater severity in disciphne. The history of mediaeval monas- 
 ticism is one of continually repeated reforms, and again in the 
 thirteenth century a new impulse was needed to revive the 
 decHning energy of the ascetic spirit. In the foundation of 
 the Mendicant Orders a new element was introduced and an 
 effort made to preserve the sanctity of the monastic character 
 and at the same time bring the monk into closer relations with 
 the Hfe about him. The first movements towards this end 
 were made by St. Francis of Assisi and St. Dominic. Where 
 the old monasticism had been largely selfish and aimed to se- 
 cure personal holiness, the spirit of the new was characterized 
 by missionary zeal. The Dominicans aimed to restore by 
 preaching the purity of the faith which had been endangered by 
 heresies. The Franciscans strove to deepen the sense of 
 rehgious fervor, "desiring to follow the Hfe and the poverty 
 of Jesus Christ, persevering therein until the end." In the 
 thirteenth century there was no agency more active for good 
 than the Mendicant Orders, although eventually they fell vic- 
 tims to the same temptations that had ruined the earher or- 
 ders. 
 
THE CHURCH IN MEDIAEVAL CIVILIZATION. 8 1 
 
 With the growth of the Church in riches and power the 
 buildings and ceremonies increased in splendor. The Ro- 
 manesque churches of the eleventh and twelfth centuries and 
 the later Gothic cathedrals with their wealth of beauty in 
 stained glass and sculpture are the outward indications of the 
 wealth and importance of the Mediaeval Church, ''The great 
 influence of the Church in the Middle Ages was due to the ab- 
 sence of strong rulers who could count upon the support of a 
 large body of loyal subjects." During the period of feudal 
 anarchy the Church strove to maintain order, administer jus- 
 tice, protect the weak, and encourage learning. In reality, it 
 dominated every department of life and controlled all human 
 interests. 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 
 The Crusades. 
 
 The crusading idea is but another development of that 
 peculiarly Mediaeval characteristic of seeking the ideal without 
 regard to practical considerations, and the great expeditions in 
 which it found expression are among the most romantic and 
 picturesque events of the Middle Ages. "The occasion of 
 the Crusades was Mohammedanism." Through the conquests 
 of Mohammed and his successors, Mohammedan civilization 
 had spread over large parts of Asia, northern Africa, and 
 southwestern Europe, and had made rapid advancement in 
 commerce, manufactures, science, and art. Under Arabian 
 rule the Mohammedan world was tolerant, and conflicting 
 interests between Mohammedans and Christians were com- 
 mercial rather than religious. But with the rise of the Seljuk 
 Turks and their capture of Jerusalem, Mohammedanism 
 became intolerant and aggressive. Christian pilgrims to the 
 holy places were treated with cruelty and suffered hardships 
 and indignities. The Crusades were the protest of Christian 
 Europe against Mohammedan control of the sacred places of 
 the Christian faith. For more than two hundred years in- 
 dividual pilgrims and groups of crusaders, wearing the sign of 
 
THE CRUSADES. 83 
 
 the cross, were constantly undergoing starvation, slavery, 
 disease, and death in their efforts to reach the Holy Land. 
 During this time eight great Crusades, as historians usually 
 reckon them, took place, besides the many smaller expeditions. 
 The first four of these were great European movements and 
 were shared in by many nations. 
 
 The appeal of the Eastern Emperor to the pope for aid against 
 the Turks and the preaching of the pope at the Council of 
 Clermont in 1095 g^'Ve the impulse to the First Crusade. 
 The pope urged knights and foot soldiers to turn to the reHef 
 of their fellow Christians in the East and to wrest the holy 
 sepulchre from the wicked race of the Turks, and thousands 
 responded to his call. The overwhelming enthusiasm among 
 all classes was due to many motives. The devout were aroused 
 by faith and rehgious zeal, the desire to free the Holy Land 
 from the control of the infidel. The adventurous longed for 
 opportunities for war and military exploits, while others were 
 led to join the expeditions to the East by the hope of political 
 or commercial gain. The undertaking involved hardships 
 and discomfort, but was rendered popular by the promise that 
 the pilgrimage should serve as a penance for sin and that the 
 crusader's family and property should receive the protection 
 of the Church. The first crusade was composed almost 
 wholly of Frenchmen and Normans. The French were the 
 oldest and most securely Christianized people of the West and 
 were loyal supporters of the pope, and, therefore, became the 
 natural leaders of the crusade. A year before the departure 
 
84 THE CRUSADES. 
 
 of the armies, great numbers of pilgrims, led by Peter the Her- 
 mit, started on their journey to the Holy Land. With reckless 
 courage and fanatic devotion they pressed on towards the 
 East, masses of ill-organized, undisciplined men, who believed 
 that the Lord would care for them during the long journey 
 and give them a prompt victory over the infidel. But they 
 suffered untold hardships and many perished from hunger or 
 by the sword of the Turks. 
 
 The armies were led by great nobles and princes. There 
 was, however, no real central leadership. Each feudal lord 
 was accompanied by his own followers, and ''the only principle 
 of union," as Emerton says, ''was the voluntary subordination 
 of the lesser under the greater for purely practical purposes, 
 a subordination which shifted as chance or profit might dic- 
 tate." They marched overland to Constantinople, forced 
 their way through Asia Minor, and after a long siege captured 
 Antioch from the Turks. Finally, in 1099, they took Jerusa- 
 lem and organized their conquests into a feudal state, the king- 
 dom of Jerusalem, with Godfrey of Bouillon, one of the most 
 able and unselfish of the leaders, as its king. Godfrey took 
 the modest title of "Defender of the Holy Sepulchre," and 
 was never crowned king. The kingdom of Jerusalem was one 
 of a group of four independent principalities into which the 
 conquered territory was organized. The spirit of European 
 life was opposed to centralization and the crusaders used the 
 same principle of political and social organization that they 
 had at home. By this very lack of centralization the strength 
 
THE CRUSADES. S$ 
 
 and permanence of their conquests were made insecure. Many 
 of the adventurers returned to their homes and the fortunes 
 of the new states were left in the hands of a few princes. As 
 these eastern lands began to attract settlers, a constant supply 
 of new fighting material from the west helped greatly in the 
 defense and development of the country. 
 
 One of the immediate results of this crusading activity was 
 the foundation of the three great Military Orders, which com- 
 bined the two dominant ideals of the Middle Ages, the monk 
 and the knight. The Hospitalers grew out of an association 
 for providing hospital service for the sick and wounded pil- 
 grims. Property was acquired for the support of the work, 
 and in time the order built and controlled many fortified 
 monasteries. The Templars, or "poor soldiers of the Tem- 
 ple," so called because they had been assigned quarters on 
 the site of Solomon's temple, were banded together for the 
 defense of the pilgrims on their way to Jerusalem. The third 
 order, that of the Teutonic knights, originated in the hospital- 
 ity of a German merchant in Jerusalem towards his own 
 countrymen who needed assistance. But it soon passed beyond 
 these national limits and came, like the Templars, to be a 
 purely mihtary body with the duty of defending the holy 
 places. These military orders proved the chief rehance of 
 the Christian kingdoms of the East, but after the crusading 
 period, the absence of any real motive for service and the ac- 
 quisition of wealth brought about their downfall. 
 
 Fifty years after the first crusade, the news that Edessa, an 
 
86 THE CRUSADES. 
 
 important outpost of the Christian kingdom, had fallen into 
 the hands of the Turks roused aU Europe to a second crusade. 
 It was the time of St. Bernard, whose eloquence induced many 
 volunteers to take the cross. "The Christian who slays the 
 unbeKever in the Holy War is sure of his reward, the more 
 sure if he himself be slain," was the sum of his urgent appeal. 
 The kings of France and Germany were readily persuaded, 
 and many less distinguished nobles followed their example. 
 But lack of union between the two armies and a misunder- 
 standing of the real condition of affairs made the undertaking 
 a failure, and from a military point of view it accomplished 
 nothing. 
 
 The capture of Jerusalem in 1187 by Saladin led to the 
 most briUiant of all the military expeditions to the Holy Land. 
 The greatest rulers of Europe — Frederick Barbarossa, Philip 
 II of France, and Richard ''the Lion-hearted" of England — 
 convinced that the highest duty of the Christian king was to 
 lead his vassals to the holy war, took the lead of the enterprise. 
 In spite of the romance that centres about this expedition and 
 the knightly adventures and chivalrous exploits of Richard, 
 failure must be written after this crusade also. 
 
 The enthusiasm which produced the Crusades was slowly 
 waning when it was roused again by the exhortations of Pope 
 Innocent III, who appealed to the princes of Europe to recon- 
 quer the Holy Land for the Church. The crusaders were 
 diverted from their intention of striking at the Mohammedan 
 power in Egypt by the Venetians. They turned their arms 
 
THE CRUSADES. 87 
 
 against Constantinople and established there the so-called 
 Latin Empire of the East, which maintained its existence for 
 about half a century. This expedition shov/s how completely 
 the original spirit of the crusading movement had become 
 influenced by purely practical and commercial considerations. 
 The Venetians were the gainers by this conquest, and the pow- 
 er which they obtained in the eastern Mediterranean lasted 
 for centuries. 
 
 There is no more pathetic story in all history than that of 
 the children's crusade. The preacher, a boy about twelve 
 years old, claimed that he was called of God to lead a crusade 
 to the Holy Sepulchre, and that victory which had been with- 
 held from the high and mighty of the earth should be given to 
 the children. The children became wild with excitement, 
 and thousands flocked to the gathering places. After marches 
 of hardship and exposure, they reached the coast, where they 
 expected God would open a way for them through the sea as 
 he had for the Children of Israel. In their disappointment, 
 many returned home, but others sailed away to shipwreck and 
 slavery. 
 
 The later crusades lacked the general character of the earher 
 ones and were the expeditions of single nations. The central 
 figures were Emperor Frederic II of Germany and St. Louis 
 of France. Frederic was a man much in advance of his age, 
 and his crusading policy was directed tow^ards the recovery 
 of Jerusalem by negotiations rather than by fighting. He 
 succeeded in restoring for a short time the kingdom of Jerusa- 
 
88 THE CRUSADES. 
 
 lem. St. Louis, on the other hand, was thoroughly devoted 
 to the mediaeval ideals, and his two expeditions are character- 
 ized by the high Christian motives of the early Crusaders. 
 
 The crusading zeal gradually declined, and by the opening 
 of the fourteenth century the people of Europe had lost faith 
 in the movement. The immense loss of hfe and property in 
 the East had availed nothing, and as the life at home opened 
 wider fields of activity there was little energy to be spent in 
 such remote enterprises. The failure of the Crusades may be 
 set down to the lack of organization in the expeditions and the 
 quarrels and personal ambitions of the leaders. The direct 
 and indirect effects of the Crusades on Europe were many and 
 important, yet we must remember that numerous other factors 
 were of equal importance in changing the institutions and 
 customs of Europe. The most definite and practical result 
 was the development of commerce. The importation from the 
 East of new natural products and manufactures and the ex- 
 tension of trade routes to the northern cites of France and 
 Germany increased inla.nd commerce. ''Money became a 
 world power," says one historian, "as a result of the crusades 
 and of the commerce which they had called into being." 
 Banking methods were inaugurated and commercial activity 
 still further increased. As a result, there followed the rapid 
 growth of the cities and the rise of the mercantile class. The 
 increased use of money destroyed the economic foundation of 
 FeudaHsm. Barter was no longer necessary. The owner 
 of land could obtain a money income from it and thus could 
 
THE CRUSADES. 89 
 
 pay for the services required on the land, and, in like manner, 
 those who had services to sell could exchange them for money. 
 With the use of a fixed m.edium of exchange the feudal rela- 
 tionship passed gradually out of use. So, too, the state, able 
 to derive an income from regular taxation, became independent 
 of feudal service in the formation and support of an army. 
 With the economic foundation of FeudaHsm broken down, 
 the poHtical influence also was undermined and the demands 
 of the commercial classes for uniform government, combined 
 with the natural ambitions of ruling sovereigns, brought about 
 the fall of FeudaHsm. The narrow and local political methods 
 of the feudal system gave place to more general and uniform 
 legal regulations and a stronger government. 
 
 But the most important influence from the Crusades was 
 that in the world of thought. The general fund of knowledge 
 was materially increased. Geographical knowledge was gained 
 by the journeys into the East. Acquaintance was made with 
 the animals and plants of strange countries, and botanical and 
 zoological studies were stimulated. Contact with the Arabs 
 brought also greater familiarity with medicine, chemistry, and 
 mathematics. Thus in many ways the intellectual horizon 
 was broadened and a strong influence was at work towards 
 the great uprising of the human mind in the next century. 
 
 The thirteenth century was the first great intellectual age 
 since the days of Greece and Rome, and the founding of the 
 universities was a direct and permanent contribution to the 
 world's civilization. In literature, the Crusades furnished a 
 
90 
 
 THE CRUSADES. 
 
 vast amount of material to the imagination. The adventures 
 of the crusader, his mihtary exploits, and eventful journeys to 
 the East became the subjects for the mediaeval romances. 
 
 The Crusades worked great changes and gave a powerful 
 impetus to progress in all directions, but we must not forget 
 that the beginnings of these changes go back to the ages that 
 preceded. To quote the words of George Burton Adams, — 
 *'We ma}^ say of the age of the crusades as of every great revo- 
 lutionary age in history, that it is a time not so much of the 
 creation of new forces as of the breaking forth in unusual and 
 unrestrained action of forces which have been for a long time 
 at work beneath the surface quietly and unobserved." 
 
CHAPTER VII. 
 
 The Development of National States — France and 
 
 England. 
 
 Under the feudal system there were two great obstacles to 
 the formation of any efi&cient national government, the geo- 
 graphical subdivision of the country into numerous independent 
 districts, and the subdivision of the general authority among 
 the many local powers. The great economic changes which 
 followed the expansion of commerce created a demand for 
 established order and uniformity and worked towards national 
 control. A national consciousness began to develop and to 
 seek expression in government. These new governments 
 arose first of all in France and England. 
 
 In France one of the strongest feudal lords was the Count of 
 Paris, who held extensive domains besides those he ruled as 
 count. For a hundred years there was a constant struggle 
 between this family and the family of Charlemagne, and the 
 crown passed back and forth between the two. The Counts 
 of Paris were rich and able men while the later Carolingians 
 were poor and unfortunate, so that finally the Counts of Paris 
 secured definite possession of the throne and Hugh Capet was 
 elected king. The difficulty, however, lay not in securing 
 
92 THE DEVELOPMENT OF FRANCE AND ENGLAND. 
 
 but in establishing the royal power. Progress towards creating 
 a real kingdom was necessarily slow. The kings must, in the 
 first place, bring the territory of France under their direct rule 
 and recover it from the possession of the great barons. The 
 territory of the Dukes of France, the inherited possessions of 
 the early Capetian kings, was a small district north of the 
 Seine. All about this narrow domain were the feudal strong- 
 holds of great nobles, and the king, with little more than the 
 dignity of his title, could do nothing against the powerful, lords 
 who theoretically owed him homage. The "great fiefs" of 
 Normandy, Brittany, Flanders, Burgundy, and Aquitaine 
 were strong independent states and their rulers by conquest, 
 marriage, or purchase were constantly increasing their posses- 
 sions. It will be seen that the position of the early Capetian 
 kings was very complicated. They were feudal lords of their 
 own domains, they were suzerains of the great feudal princes 
 and could require homage and feudal service from them, but 
 above all they were crowned and consecrated by the Church 
 as kings and were recognized as the protectors of the Church 
 and the oppressed. Hence they were in the estimate of the 
 people endowed with higher authority than the great vassals. 
 These vassals, on the other hand, considered the king merely 
 their feudal lord and did not recognize his royal prerogatives. 
 It was only by making his right of kingship superior to that of 
 feudal sovereignty that the king could hope to secure control 
 over the territory of France. A fortunate circumstance in the 
 struggle was the direct succession, by the established principle 
 
THE DEVELOPMENT OF FRANCE AND ENGLAND. 93 
 
 of primogeniture, of a long line of Capetian kings for over 
 three hundred years. 
 
 Philip Augustus (i 180-1223) made the duchy of France into 
 a real kingdom and devoted his life to the one object of in- 
 creasing the royal power at the expense of the great feudal 
 lords. At his accession to the throne he found many of the 
 fiefs of western France in the hands of the king of England, who 
 had inherited through his mother Normandy and Brittany, 
 through his father the counties of Maine and Anjou, and by 
 his marriage had come into possession of the greater part of 
 southern France, Guienne, Poitou, and Gascony. More than 
 half the territory in which Philip was recognized as king was, 
 therefore, under the rule of the Enghsh king. Phihp waged 
 incessant war upon the Plantagenets, and but for his shrewd- 
 ness in taking advantage of the constant family quarrels among 
 Henry's sons, to whom the government of the French posses- 
 sions was delegated, the royal house of France would certainly 
 have been annihilated. Finally, in the reign of John of Eng- 
 land, Philip, on the plea that John had refused to do homage 
 for his continental possessions, seized the greater part of the 
 Plantagenet lands, and the Enghsh kings lost all their French 
 territory except Guienne. The Capetian domain was, there- 
 fore, the chief in wealth and extent of all the feudal estates of 
 France. For the first time in the history of France the king 
 was more powerful than any of his barons and was king in 
 fact as well as in name. Phihp strengthened the royal power 
 and instituted a better administration of royal affairs by the 
 
94 THE DEVELOPMENT OF FRANCE AND ENGLAND. 
 
 appointment of baillis, officers who represented the royal 
 authority in the districts to which they were sent and cared for 
 the administration of justice and the financial interests of the 
 locality. The consolidation of the kingdom was somewhat 
 retarded by the pohcy of Philip's son in assigning fiefs to his 
 younger sons. It caused constant strife among the members 
 of the royal family and tended to alienate provinces from the 
 crown, when every thing was needed to consolidate the royal 
 authority. 
 
 The reign of Louis IX (St. Louis) was another period of 
 territorial accession and of institutional reform. After the 
 king had put down a revolt of the barons of central France in 
 aUiance with the king of England, a definite settlement of the 
 question of the English possessions was made and the king of 
 England gave up all claim to the territory that had been seized 
 by Philip Augustus. An important change in the government 
 was the organization of the council of great lords, which from 
 very early times had assembled to advise the king. It was now 
 divided into three groups, first, the king's council to aid in 
 carrying on the general affairs of the realm; second, a financial 
 body to manage the revenue; and third, the parlement, a su- 
 preme court to which appeals from the feudal courts were 
 made. Louis further regulated the office of bailli and tried to 
 secure honest and efficient service. The king's power was 
 also advanced by a decree that royal coins should be used 
 in the domain of the king and should be equal to local coin 
 in all parts of the country. 
 
THE DEVELOPMENT OF FRANCE AND ENGLAND. 95 
 
 Absolutism is very likely to follow centralization, and so in 
 the beginning of the fourteenth century the king began to bring 
 the whole government into his own hands and to disregard the 
 privileges of the lords and the clergy. This was largely due 
 to the influence of his advisers, lawyers who based their theories 
 of kingly power on the absolute power of the Roman Emperors. 
 The chief work of the reign of Philip the Fair, however, was to 
 start a system of national taxation and to create the Estates 
 General. A great council of the realm was summoned by the 
 king, with the hope of gaining the support of the nation in his 
 quarrel with the pope, and in this council were included repre- 
 sentatives of the towns as well as of the nobles and clergy. It 
 was, therefore, the beginning of a national legislature. But 
 as the assembly was at first only an advisory body and the 
 kings kept it under strict control, calling it together only when 
 they needed it for their own purposes, it had Httle influence 
 against the growth of absolutism. 
 
 From the thirteenth century, therefore, dates the organiza- 
 tion of the modern French nation. The king was in all re- 
 spects a modern king, having the allegiance of the whole terri- 
 tory over which his title extended. Increase of territory and 
 the creation of new institutions of government as the rule of 
 the kings extended over more and more of France had resulted 
 in the formation of a truly national government. The geo- 
 graphical unity of the country was not complete, and the un- 
 settled boundary between French territory and the French 
 possessions of the Enghsh king became the cause of the long 
 and disastrous Hundred Years' war. 
 
96 THE DEVELOPMENT OF FRANCE AND ENGLAND. 
 
 The struggle between the countries was brought on by the 
 claims of Edward III, through his mother, to the French crown. 
 The male line of the Capetians was extinct, and according to 
 the Salic law, which excluded a woman or her heirs from the 
 throne, the crown had passed on to a cousin of the late king. 
 Edward, in reality, went to war because France was encroach- 
 ing upon Guienne and aiding Scotland, and because he was 
 encouraged by the Flemish towns. Notwithstanding his bril- 
 liant victories of Crecy and Poitiers and the successful seizure 
 of Calais, Edward found the conquest of France impossible 
 and finally signed a treaty renouncing his pretensions to the 
 French crown and to the Plantagenet provinces north of the 
 Loire, and receiving in return full sovereignty of Guienne. 
 Succeeding kings, however, did not respect the treaty, and the 
 English possessions dwindled down to Calais and a strip of 
 land to the south of Bordeaux. Some fifty years later the 
 wretched conditions in France encouraged Henry V of England 
 to renew the war. His sole aim was to make himself and his 
 house famous by deeds of valor. After the brilliant victory at 
 Agincourt and continued English successes, the French cause 
 was saved by the patriotism and enthusiasm of Joan of Arc. 
 The EngHsh were driven from France and all their French 
 possessions except Calais passed into the hands of the French 
 king. This territorial gain helped greatly towards the geo- 
 graphical unity of France. Burgundy, Provence, and Brittany, 
 the three great fiefs remaining independent, were all annexed 
 before the close of the fifteenth century. In England as well 
 
THE DEVELOPMENT OF FRANCE AND ENGLAND. 97 
 
 as France the war had developed a strong national feeHng and 
 strengthened the royal government. The establishment of a 
 standing army had further increased the king's power in 
 France and at the close of the war the absolute monarchy was 
 complete. 
 
 The early history of England is the history of the union of 
 the several kingdoms of the Angles and Saxons, and of the 
 conflicts with the Danish invaders, who were defeated by Alfred 
 the Great but continued their invasions and in the eleventh cen- 
 tury succeeded in getting the kingship and holding it for a few 
 years. The power of the Saxon kings was strongly estabhshed, 
 but was limited by the advice of the Council of bishops and no- 
 bles, the Witenagemot, which assisted them in legislation and 
 administration. The kingdom was divided into shires, and 
 groups of these had been placed under the government of earls, 
 thus increasing the power of landed proprietors and raising 
 rivals to the king's power, but the popular assemblies in the 
 shires and " hundreds " kept alive the practice of self-govern- 
 ment and acted as a check on the power of the lords. 
 
 Feudal institutions, however, were really introduced into 
 England by the Norman conquest of 1066. WiUiam's poHcy 
 of governing was directed towards estabHshing the supremacy 
 of the crown without interfering with Enghsh customs. The 
 lands of those who had opposed him in battle were confiscated 
 and given to his followers, while those who had refused to join 
 him were permitted to retain their lands upon condition of 
 receiving them from the king as vassals. He appointed 
 7 
 
95 THE DEVELOPMENT OF FRANCE AND ENGLAND. 
 
 governors of the shires, but controlled them by means of royal 
 officers. He required every landowner in England to take an 
 oath of fidelity directly to him. Thus he secured the support 
 of the small holders and prevented combinations against him. 
 Homage was expected from bishops as well as from lay vassals, 
 and WilHam refused to permit the pope to interfere in English 
 affairs without his consent. Thus the monarchy established 
 by the Norman conquest was a strong and powerful one, but 
 instead of growing more and more absolute, as was the case in 
 France, the changes in government tended to place greater 
 restriction upon the kingly power. 
 
 During a war between rival claimants for the crown, in the 
 middle of the twelfth century, the nobles took advantage of the 
 confusion and disorder to build strong castles and make them- 
 selves practically independent rulers. When Henry II was 
 formally recognized as the king, he promptly destroyed these 
 fortresses and even deprived some of the nobles of their titles. 
 His one idea was to unify the government, and all his reforms 
 were intended to break down the authority of the barons. 
 His reforms in the judicial system were a direct contribution 
 to a centralized form of government. He directed his judges 
 to make regular circuits throughout the country to try cases 
 under local conditions in order that he might keep in his own 
 control the right to judge disputes among his subjects and pre- 
 vent private warfare. The establishment of the Court of the 
 King's Bench, which tried all other cases under the king's 
 jurisdiction, the beginning of the grand jury system, and the 
 
THE DEVELOPMENT OF FRANCE AND ENGLAND. 99 
 
 recognition of trial by jury as a settled law of the land, all date 
 from the reign of Henry II. 
 
 Probably the most powerful factor in the development of 
 modern England was the granting of the Great Charter. The 
 despotism of King John and his neglect to recognize the re- 
 strictions upon the royal power, which had been honored by 
 earlier kings, aroused great discontent, and in 1215 the barons 
 forced the king to swear to observe the rights of the nation by 
 signing the charter which they had written out. This famous 
 document secured the rights of all classes of the realm. Many 
 of its provisions were of a temporary nature, but others were of 
 permanent value. The five fundamental principles of Anglo- 
 Saxon liberty were guaranteed — ''The right to trial by jury, 
 the principle of habeas corpus, the illegahty of taxes not con- 
 sented to by the nation's representatives, fixed places of meeting 
 for courts of common pleas, and the principle that no person 
 shall be deprived of Hfe, liberty, or property without due process 
 of law." "The Great Charter," says Stubbs, "is the first 
 great pubhc act of the nation after it has realized its own iden- 
 tity, the consummation of the work for which unconsciously 
 kings, prelates, and lawyers have been laboring for a century. 
 It is in one view the summing up of a period of national life, 
 in another the starting point of a new period not less eventful 
 than that which it closes." Although succeeding kings often 
 tried to evade its provisions and to rule absolutely, the Charter 
 remained a permanent barrier against despotism. 
 
 CentraHzation and recognition of popular rights had thus 
 
 LOFfe 
 
lOO THE DEVELOPMENT OF FRANCE AND ENGLAND. 
 
 been secured. The third important element of a truly national 
 government, representation of the people, soon followed. The 
 same century saw the beginning of the English ParHament. 
 In 1265, through the influence of Simon de Montfort, who 
 championed the united forces of the nobles and the towns 
 against the arbitrary rule of the king, the commons were 
 present at a meeting of the council of the king, or as it had come 
 to be called, the ParUament. Two knights from each county, 
 or shire, and two citizens from each of the more important 
 towns were summoned to attend and take part in the discus- 
 sion. As the townspeople were becoming rich and it was 
 desirable to have them present to make grants of money, they 
 were summoned by Edward I to the Model Parliament of 1295. 
 After that time a representative Parliament became a part of 
 the national government and no statute could be legally passed 
 without its consent. From the reign of Edward I we are, to 
 quote the words of Green, ''face to face with modern England. 
 Kings, Lords, Commons, the courts of justice, the relations of 
 Church and State, in a great measure the framework of so- 
 ciety itself, have all taken the shape which they still essentially 
 retain." 
 
 In England, therefore, the struggle between kings and nobles 
 produced a constitutional monarchy under which popular 
 rights and Hberties developed. In France, on the contrary, 
 the powers of the crown grew, but without gain to the people 
 except in greater security and better government. 
 
CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 The Trade Guilds and the Growth of Town Life. 
 
 The two great forces which divided the inheritance of 
 FeudaHsm were the centraUzed monarchies and the rich, 
 industrious people of the towns. The barbarian invasions 
 and the growth of FeudaHsm had destroyed the government 
 of the old cities and brought them into the hands of bishops or 
 nobles. Many towns had grown up about the monasteries 
 and were under ecclesiastical protection, while others originated 
 on the feudal estates to offer the country people a protection 
 within a walled enclosure in times of violence and danger. 
 But in both cases there was no right of government for the town. 
 Everything was controlled by the ruHng lord, who exercised 
 his authority through his agents. The revival of industry 
 and commerce afforded opportunity for the growth of municipal 
 liberty. The rich merchants of the towns had money to carry 
 on a struggle against the lords, and consequently opposed the 
 unfair taxation put upon them and began to aim at self-govern- 
 ment. Many obtained charters from the feudal lords by suc- 
 cessful war or by purchase. As the nobles were always in 
 need of money, the common way of securing the charter was 
 by purchase and in England the towns gained their privileges 
 
I02 THE TRADE GUILDS AND TOWN LIFE. 
 
 in this way. In Germany, the cities were able to secure re- 
 lief from arbitrary taxation, but not until the thirteenth cen- 
 tury, when the imperial power was greatly weakened, did 
 they gain political independence. In France, the towns in the 
 west and south gained self-government, but in the central part 
 the king was able to check their growth and to keep them 
 in partial dependence. Towns of this class often received 
 charters granting commercial privileges, but were still ruled 
 by the officers sent by the king. 
 
 The town charters were written contracts between the lord 
 and the commune and served as the town constitutions. In 
 some towns all the inhabitants received political rights, in 
 others only members of certain guilds, while in others suffrage 
 depended on property-owning. Hence in many cases an aris- 
 tocratic or even oligarchic character was given to the govern- 
 ment and the commons had little voice in the management of 
 affairs. 
 
 The town which had received a charter was treated exactly 
 as an individual in the feudal system. It owed regular feudal 
 dues to its lord and might, in turn, become a feudal lord with 
 vassals of its own. The charter, however, usually fixed the 
 amount of feudal dues which the lord might demand at a defi- 
 nite sum yearly. 
 
 Each town was an independent centre of civic life and re- 
 sponsible for its internal affairs. The organization differed 
 in different places and the chief officials had different names. 
 In some places they were called consuls, in others a mayor and 
 
THE TRADE GUILDS AND TOWN LIFE. 1 03 
 
 jurati, ''men under oath to serve the commune in the best way 
 possible," were at the head of affairs. These ofl&cials exer- 
 cised legislative and executive power and, with some limita- 
 tions, judicial power also. The control of financial affairs 
 was in their hands. Large sums of money had to be raised 
 to meet the expenses of the government and to pay the sums 
 due for privileges secured in the charters. The revenue was 
 raised by taxation, which "was assessed on the various mer- 
 cantile and industrial companies according to their standing 
 and sometimes levied on the inhabitants by a house rate." 
 The outward signs of a commune were the possession of a 
 corporate seal and a belfry, which served as watch tower and 
 sounded its warning bell upon the approach of the enemy. 
 In the fourteenth century town halls began to be built to serve 
 as the centres of communal life. 
 
 The mediaeval towns were also the centres of industrial or- 
 ganization. The development of commerce naturally stimu- 
 lated manufacturing, and the growth of the towns in size and 
 population created greater demands for the products of labor. 
 As soon as several men in a town were engaged in the same 
 craft, local organization of that trade followed. These craft 
 guilds made the regulations for carrying on their own trades. 
 One of the earhest guilds was that of the candle makers in 
 Paris. The number of trades differed in different towns, but 
 the guilds were similar in their general character and all had 
 the same object — to secure the highest efficiency of labor in 
 the given trade. 
 
.104 THE TRADE GUILDS AND TOWN LIFE. 
 
 This could be accomplished only by preventing a man from 
 practicing a trade, if he had not been admitted to the corpora- 
 tion, and by making provision for the technical training of the 
 workmen. The members of the guild were divided into three 
 classes, apprentices, journeymen, and masters. The appren- 
 tice served a certain number of years in learning his trade. The 
 simpler trades might be learned in three years, but a difficult 
 craft, Hke the goldsmith's, required ten years. He received 
 food and shelter from the master and was trained in his trade 
 and also in the habits of good citizenship. He received no 
 pay for his work but, on the contrary, often paid considerable 
 money for his instruction. The journeyman had finished his 
 apprenticeship and was entitled to receive wages, but he still 
 had to work for a master and could not work directly for the 
 public. The guild limited the number of apprentices that a 
 master workman might employ in order that the journeymen 
 might not be too numerous. The master was not merely an 
 employer, but worked himself at the trade. Any journeyman 
 who could save enough money and prove his qualifications 
 might, in turn, become a master. The guilds regulated the 
 quality of material, the standard of completed work, and the 
 conditions under which work was to be carried on. Thus they 
 secured great advantages for their own members but were 
 monopolists in relation to outsiders. No one who did not 
 conform to the laws of the guild was allowed to work at the 
 trade and every effort was made to keep outsiders from learning 
 any technical processes or trade secrets. Within the guild, 
 
THE TRADE GUILDS AND TOWN LIFE. I05 
 
 the members were bound together by common interests and 
 often by relationship, since sons usually followed the trades of 
 their fathers. The governing principle was democratic, and 
 the members made their own laws and administered the com- 
 mon funds which came from the entrance fees of apprentices, 
 the free gifts of members, and the fines imposed for breaking 
 the rules. The funds were often used for benevolent purposes 
 for the sick and needy. The carpenter's guild at Norwich 
 promised "help to those fallen into poverty or mishap, if not 
 brought about through folly or riotous living." 
 
 The guilds form the mediaeval solution of the labor problem. 
 They were based on the principle of co-operation rather than 
 competition. Employers and employed were members of 
 the same body, and capital and labor were united in the same 
 persons. The guild, therefore, did not, Hke the modern trades- 
 unions, have to support the interests of workmen against their 
 capitaHst employers, but to protect and aid its members in the 
 advancement of the trade in which master and workmen ahke 
 took a just and honorable pride. 
 
 The merchant guilds were unions of the merchants of a 
 town, formed for securing special privileges of trade in other 
 towns and countries. Merchants did not trade as individuals 
 or as "citizens of a state which protected their interests abroad," 
 but as members of the merchant guild of their town. These 
 associations frequently had exclusive trading rights in the great 
 commercial centres, and so membership in them gave the mer- 
 chant his greatest opportunity for business. 
 
Io6 THE TRADE GUILDS AND TOWN LIEE. 
 
 Among the great commercial centres were the Italian cities^ 
 Genoa and Venice, which had extensive trade by sea. From 
 them land routes led north to the cities on the Rhine and 
 Danube and in the Rhone valley. The great northern market 
 was Bruges, where the products of the south and east were 
 exchanged for the goods of the north. Among its residents 
 were merchants from nearly every part of the known world. 
 Nuremberg, also, became important because it was on the 
 line of trade from Italy north. In addition to these permanent 
 centres of trade there were temporary centres where the great 
 fairs were held at certain periods. During the season of the 
 fairs merchants and traders from all over Europe hastened to 
 these cities and purchasers came from all the neighboring 
 country. Each fair, in turn, gave the merchant an added oppor- 
 tunity for disposing of his goods. 
 
 Some of the mediaeval restrictions on trade seem strange to 
 our modern business sense. Wholesale trade, for example, 
 was not looked upon with approval. Those who bought up 
 a quantity of goods in order to sell at a higher rate were called 
 ''forestallers" and were not highly esteemed. Public opinion 
 had much to do with the regulation of prices and it was con- 
 sidered a dishonorable thing to sell any thing for more than a 
 "just price," that is, one that merely covered the cost of ma- 
 terial and labor. 
 
 The dangers and difficulties which merchants encountered 
 led the towns to form unions for mutual defense. Such a 
 league was formed by the cities of the Rhine for the security 
 
THE TRADE GUILDS AND TOWN LIFE. I07 
 
 of merchants trading along the river. But the most famous 
 of these city leagues was that of the northern cities of Germany, 
 called the Hanseatic league. The growth of the league was 
 gradual, but by the thirteenth century it was fully organized. 
 It represented a union of German merchants abroad and 
 German towns at home for common defense, security of trafhc 
 on land and sea, and the acquisition of trading privileges in 
 foreign countries. At its greatest extent the league included 
 over ninety cities of the Baltic and North sea regions. Lubeck 
 was the capital, and the meeting place of the congress. Ware- 
 houses were maintained in foreign cities, in London and even 
 in remote Novgorod in Russia. During their flourishing period 
 these cities are an excellent illustration of the success of "inter- 
 municipal commerce." They were a great mercantile federa- 
 tion, and at a time when trading was regulated by the interests 
 of individual cities they inaugurated a general commercial 
 policy. The league maintained itself until the fifteenth cen- 
 tury as a powerful influence in northern Europe, but the rise 
 of nationaHties which objected to the presence of ahen mer- 
 chants in their midst and the general antagonism against the 
 league as a vast monopoly caused its power to decline. Its 
 final downfall did not, however, come until the seventeenth 
 century. 
 
io8 
 
 HISTORICAL OUTLINES. 
 
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HISTORICAL OUTLINES. I09 
 
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HISTORICAL OUTLINES. Ill 
 
 II. Important Events in Greek History. 
 
 B. c. 
 1500 — 1000. Mycenaean Age. Early colonization. 
 1000 — 700. Epic Age. 
 
 750 — 550. Era of great activity in colonization. 
 753 — 650. Government of aristocracy in Athens. 
 
 594. Reforms of Solon in the constitution. The 
 government really a "timocracy." 
 560 — 510. Tyranny of Pisistratus and his sons. 
 
 550. Sparta at the head of the Peloponnesian league. 
 
 508. Reforms of Cleisthenes in the Athenian consti- 
 tution. The government a democracy. 
 490 — 479. The period of the Persian Wars. 
 
 490. Battle of Marathon. 
 
 480. Battles of Thermopylae and Salamis. 
 
 479. Battle of Plataea. 
 478 — 454. Confederacy of Delos. 
 
 462. Breaking of alliance between Athens and Sparta. 
 461 — 431. Age of Pericles. 
 456 — 447. Athenian Continental Federation. 
 
 454. The Confederacy of Delos finally transformed 
 into the Athenian Empire. 
 
 445. Thirty years' truce between Athens and Sparta. 
 431 — 404. Peloponnesian War. 
 
 421. Peace of Nicias. 
 415 — 413. Sicilian Expedition. 
 
112 HISTORICAL OUTLINES. 
 
 405. Battle of ^gospotami. 
 
 404 — 371. Spartan supremacy. 
 
 387. Treaty of Antalcidas. 
 
 371. Battle of Leuctra. 
 
 371 — 362. Theban supremacy. 
 
 362. Battle of Mantineia. 
 
 359 — 336. Philip of Macedon. 
 
 338. Battle of Chaeroneia. 
 
 336 — 323. Alexander the Great. 
 
 334. Battle on the Granicup 
 
 333. Battle of Issus. 
 
 331. Battle of Arbela. 
 
 301. Battle of Ipsus: division of Alexander's Empire. 
 
 III. Important Events in History of Rome. 
 
 B. c. 
 
 753(?) — 509. The regal period. 
 
 509. The change from monarchy to republic. 
 
 509 — 264. The period of the Italian wars and Roman con- 
 quest of Italy. 
 
 494. The institution of the plebeian tribunate. 
 
 451 — 449. The Decemvirs ; the laws of the "Twelve tables." 
 
 445. The Canuleian law. 
 
 390. Sack of Rome by the Gauls. 
 
 367. Licinian-Sextian laws. 
 
 343 — 341. First Samnite war. 
 
HISTORICAL OUTLINES. 
 
 113 
 
 326 — 304. Second Samnite war. 
 298 — 290. Third Samnite war. 
 
 287. Hortensian law. 
 281 — 272. War with Tarentum. 
 264 — 133. Expansion of Rome outside of Italy. Growth 
 
 of plutocracy. 
 264 — 241. First Punic war. 
 218 — 201. Second Punic war. 
 216. Battle of Cannae. 
 202. Battle of Zama. 
 200 — 196. Second Macedonian war. 
 197. Battle of Cynoscephalae. 
 192 — 189. The Asiatic war. 
 
 190. Battle of Magnesia. 
 171 — 167. Third Macedonian war. 
 168. Battle of Pydna. 
 146. Destruction of Carthage and Corinth. 
 133 — 27. Revolution from republic to empire. 
 133. Agrarian law of Tiberius Gracchus. 
 123. Tribuneship of Caius Gracchus. 
 112 — 106. The Jugurthan war. The rise of Caius Marius. 
 100. The political failure of Marius. 
 90 — 88. The Social war. 
 82 — 79. Dictatorship of Sulla. 
 66 — 62. Conquests in the East by Pompey. 
 
 60. First Triumvirate. 
 58 — 50. Conquest of Gaul by Caesar. 
 
114 HISTORICAL OUTLINES. 
 
 49 — 45. Civil war between Pompey and Caesar. 
 44. Death of Caesar. 
 43. Second Triumvirate. 
 42. Battles of Philippi. 
 31. Battle of Actium. 
 27. End of the repubHc. 
 27 — 41 A. D. Julian and Claudian Emperors. 
 27 — 14 A. D. Augustus. 
 14 — 37. Tiberius. 
 37 — 41. Caligula. 
 41 — 54. Claudius. 
 54 — 68. Nero. 
 68 — 69. MiHtary revolution. 
 
 69 — 96. The Flavian Emperors. Vespasian, Titus, Do- 
 mi tian. 
 96 — 180. The five good Emperors. Limited monarchy. 
 211 — 217. Caracalla. Universal suffrage throughout the 
 
 Empire. 
 284 — 305. Diocletian. 
 
 313. Edict of Milan. 
 324 — 337. Constantine sole Emperor. 
 325. Council of Nicaea. 
 
 395. Division of the Empire into Eastern and West- 
 ern part. 
 418. Settlement of Visigoths in Gaul. 
 429. Vandal invasion of Africa. 
 
HISTORICAL OUTLINES. II5 
 
 476. ''Fall of Western Empire" — reunion of the -East 
 and West. 
 
 493 — 553- Ostrogothic kingdom in Italy. 
 
 481 — 511. Clovis — the founder of the Frankish kingdom. 
 
 751. Pippin, king of the Franks. 
 
 768. Charlemagne, king of the Franks. 
 
 800. Charlemagne crowned Emperor of the Romans. 
 
 IV. Important Events in the Empire and 
 THE Church. 
 
 843. Treaty of Verdun and partition of the Empire, 
 911. End of Carolingian rule in Germany. 
 918 — 1024. Saxon Emperors. 
 
 962. Revival of the Holy Roman Empire by Otto 
 the Great. 
 1024 — 1 125. Franconian or Salian Emperors. 
 1039 — 1056. Henry III. The mediaeval Empire at its highest 
 point. 
 1054. Final separation of Greek and Latin Churches. 
 1056 — 1 106. Henry IV. 
 1073 — 1085. Pontificate of Gregory VII. 
 
 1077. Triumph of the pope over the emperor at Ca- 
 nossa. 
 
 1095. Council of Clermont. 
 
 1096. First Crusade. 
 
 1099. Capture of Jerusalem by the crusaders. 
 1 1 22. Concordat of Worms. 
 
Il6 HISTORICAL OUTLINES. 
 
 1 138 — 1268. Hohenstaufen Emperors. 
 
 1 147 — 1 149. Second Crusade. 
 
 1 1 52 — 1 190. Frederick Barbarossa. 
 
 1 189 — 1 192. Third Crusade. 
 
 1 1 98 — 1 2 16. Pontificate of Innocent III. 
 
 1201 — 1204. Fourth Crusade. 
 
 1 2 14 — 1250. Frederick II. 
 
 1228. Crusade of Frederick II. 
 
 1270. Crusade of Louis IX of France. 
 
 1 29 1. End of crusading movement. 
 
 V. Important Events in France and England, 
 
 France. 
 
 911. Founding of duchy of Normandy. 
 
 987. End of CaroHngian rule in France. 
 
 987, Capetian dynasty estabhshed. 
 
 1 180 — 1223. PhiHp Augustus. 
 
 1202. Enghsh fiefs declared forfeited. 
 
 1226 — 1270. Louis IX. 
 
 1258. Treaty with England. 
 
 1285— 1314. Philip IV. 
 
 1302. First Estates-general of France. 
 
 1337 — 1453. The Hundred Years' War. 
 
 1346. Battle of Crecy. 
 
 1356. Battle of Poitiers. 
 
 1360. Treaty of Bretigny, 
 
HISTORICAL OUTLINES. II7 
 
 141 5. Battle of Agincourt. 
 
 1429. Relief of Orleans by Joan of Arc. 
 
 1453. Expulsion of English from Aquitaine. 
 
 England. 
 
 871 — 901. 
 
 Alfred the Great. 
 
 IOI6 — 1042. 
 
 Rule of Danish kings. 
 
 1066. 
 
 Norman Conquest. 
 
 1154- 
 
 Accession of Henry II. first of the Plantagenet 
 
 
 kings. 
 
 II99 — I2I6. 
 
 John. 
 
 1215. 
 
 Magna Charta. 
 
 1265. 
 
 Representatives of towns summoned to the great 
 
 
 council. 
 
 1272— 1307. 
 
 Edward I. 
 
 1295- 
 
 The Model Parhament. 
 
Pr0n0unntt9 Htst 
 
 A-chae'an An'to-ny 
 
 A-crop'o-lis A-qui-taine' 
 
 Ac'ti-um A-ra'bi-a 
 
 A-dri-at'ic Ar-be'la 
 
 iE'dile A-re-op'a-gus 
 
 iE-ge'an A'-ri-ans 
 
 ^'gos-pot'a-mi Ar-is-tei'des 
 
 iE-ne'id Ar-is-toph'a-nes 
 
 ^s'chy-lus A'si-a Minor 
 
 iE-to'li-an A-si-at'ic 
 
 Af'ri-ca As-si'si 
 
 Afri-can As-syr'i-a 
 
 Agincourt (a-zhan-koor') Ath-a-na'si-ans 
 
 Al-ci-bi'a-des A'thos 
 
 Al-ex-an'der At-lan'tic 
 
 AFfred Au-gus'tine 
 
 Am-phic-ty-on'ic Au-gus'tus 
 
 An'gles Bab'y-lon 
 
 Anjou (an-zhoo') Bab-y-lo'ni-a 
 
 An-taFci-das Bar-ba-ros'sa 
 
 An'ti-och Ben'e-dict 
 
 An'to-nines Ben-e-dic'tine 
 
PRONOUNCING LIST. 
 
 119 
 
 Ber'n^rd 
 
 Boe-o'ti-a 
 
 Bon'i-face 
 
 Bor-deaux' (do) 
 
 Bouillion (Boo'yon') 
 
 Brit'ain 
 
 Brit'tan-y 
 
 Bur-gun'di-ans 
 
 Bur'gun-dy 
 
 Bru'ges 
 
 Cae'sar 
 
 Ca-lais' (la) 
 
 Ca-lig'u-la 
 
 Ca-nos'sa 
 
 Can-u-lei'an 
 
 Ca-pe'tian 
 
 Ca'ri-an 
 
 Car-o-lin'gi-an 
 
 Car'thage 
 
 Car-tha-gin'i-an 
 
 Cas-si'no 
 
 Ca'to 
 
 Ce' crops 
 
 Chae-ro-nei'a 
 
 Chal'ce-don 
 
 Chal-cid'i-ce 
 
 Chal-dae'a 
 
 Char'le-magne (mane) 
 
 Cic'e-ro 
 
 Ci'mon 
 
 Clau'di-us 
 
 Cleis'the-nes 
 
 Cle'on 
 
 Cler'mont 
 
 Clo'vis 
 
 Clu'ny 
 
 Cnos'sus 
 
 Col-i-se'um 
 
 Com'mo-dus 
 
 Con'stan-tine 
 
 Con-stan-ti-no'ple 
 
 Cor-cy'ra 
 
 Cor'inth 
 
 Cor'si-ca 
 
 Cras'sus 
 
 Crete 
 
 Crit'i-as 
 
 Cre'cy (cra'se) 
 
 Croe'sus 
 
 Da'ci-a 
 
 Dan'ube 
 
 Dec'archy 
 
 De'los 
 
 DeFphic 
 
I20 
 
 PRONOUNCING LIST. 
 
 De-mos'the-nes 
 
 Di-o-cle'ti-an 
 
 Dom'i-nic 
 
 E-des'sa 
 
 Ed'ward 
 
 E'gypt 
 
 E-gyp'ti-an 
 
 Einhard (in'hart) 
 
 En'gland 
 
 Ep-am-in-on'das 
 
 Ep-i-cu-re'an-ism 
 
 E-pi'rus 
 
 E-thi-o'pi-a 
 
 Eu'pa-trids 
 
 Eu-phra'tes 
 
 Eu-ro-pe'an 
 
 E-ze'ki-el 
 
 Fas'ti 
 
 Flan'ders 
 
 Fla'vi-ans 
 
 Fo'rum 
 
 France 
 
 Fran'cis 
 
 Fran-co'-ni-an 
 
 Franks 
 
 Gai'ser-ic 
 
 Gas'co-ny 
 
 Gauls 
 
 Gen'o-a 
 
 Ger'man 
 
 Gi'zeh (gee) 
 
 God'frey 
 
 GotVic 
 
 Grac'chus 
 
 Gra-ni'cus 
 
 Greek 
 
 Greg'o-ry 
 
 Gui-enne' (ge-en^) 
 
 Han'ni-bal 
 
 Han-se-at'ic 
 
 He'brews 
 
 HeFlas 
 
 Herienes 
 
 Hel-len'ic 
 
 HeFles-pont 
 
 He'lots 
 
 Hen'ry 
 
 Her'cu-les 
 
 Her'mse 
 
 He-rod'o-tus 
 
 Hit'tites 
 
 Ho-mer'ic 
 
 Hor'ace 
 
 Ho-ra'ti-us 
 
PRONOUNCING LIST. 121 
 
 Hos'pi-tal-ers Lou'is 
 
 Hyk'sos Lu'beck 
 
 In'no-cent Lu'ci-an 
 
 I-o'ni-a Lu-cre'ti-a 
 
 I'rish Lyc'i-an 
 
 Is'ra-el Ly-san'der 
 
 Is'sus Mac-e-do'ni-a 
 
 I-taFi-an Maine 
 
 It'-a-ly Man-tin-ei'a 
 
 Je-ru'sa-lem Mar'a-thon 
 
 Jews Mar-do'ni-us 
 
 Jo-an' of Arc Ma'ri-us 
 
 Ju-gur'than Mar-teF 
 
 Ju'li-us Med-i-ter-ra'ne-an 
 
 Jus-tin'i-an Mem'phis 
 
 Ju've-nal Me-nan'der 
 
 Kar'nak Me'nes 
 
 Lac-e-dae-mo'ni-an Mer-o-vin'gi-ans 
 
 La-co'ni-a Mes-o-po-ta'mi-a 
 
 La'ti-um Mi-lan' 
 
 Le'o Mil-ti'a-des 
 
 Le-on'i-das Mi'nos 
 
 Lep'i-dus Mith-ri-da'tes 
 
 Leuc'tra Mo-ham'med 
 
 Liv'y Mo-ham'me-dan 
 
 Loire (Iwar) My-ce'nae 
 
 Lom'bards My-ce-nae'an 
 
122 PRONOUNCING LIST. 
 
 Mun'da ■- Pe'ter 
 
 Naz'a-reth Pe'trine 
 
 Neb-u-chad-nez'zar Pha'raoh (ro) 
 
 Ne'ro Phar-sa'lus 
 
 Ni-cae'a Phi'di-as 
 
 Ni'cene Phil'ip 
 
 Nic'i-as Phi-lip'pi 
 
 Nin'e-veh Phoe-ni'ci-an 
 
 Nile Pip'pin 
 
 Nor'man-dy Pi-sis'tra-tus 
 
 Nor'mans Plan-tag'e-net 
 
 Nov'go-rod Pla-tae'a 
 
 Nu'rem-berg Ple-bei'an 
 
 Oc-ta'vi-us Plin'y 
 
 O-do-va'ker Plu'tarch 
 
 Os'tro-goths Po 
 
 Ot'to Poitiers (pwa-tya') 
 
 Ov'id Poi-tou (pwa-too') 
 
 PaFa-tine Pom'pey 
 
 Par'is Pon'tus 
 
 Pa-tri'ci-an Pro-vence'(-vanss) 
 
 Pau-sa'ni-as Psa-met'i-chus 
 
 Pe-lop'i-das Pu'nic 
 
 Pel-o-pon-ne'sus Pyr'rhus 
 
 Per'i-cles Qui-ri'nal 
 
 Per-i-oe'ci Re'mus 
 
 Per'si-an Rhine 
 
PRONOUNCING LIST. 
 
 123 
 
 Rhone 
 
 Ro'man-esque' 
 
 Rome 
 
 Rom'u-lus 
 
 Ro-set'ta 
 
 Ru'bi-con 
 
 Rus'si-a 
 
 Sa'is 
 
 Sal'a-din 
 
 SaF-a-mis 
 
 SaFic 
 
 Sam'nites 
 
 Sar-din'i-a 
 
 Sax'on 
 
 Seine 
 
 Sem'ites 
 
 Ser-to'ri-us 
 
 Ser'vi-an 
 
 Sex'tus 
 
 Sicfi-ly 
 
 Si'don 
 
 Si'mon Ma'gus 
 
 So'lon 
 
 Soph'o-cles 
 
 Spain 
 
 Spar'ta 
 
 Sto'i-cism 
 
 SuFla . 
 
 Syr-a-cuse' 
 
 Syr'i-a 
 
 Tac'i-tus 
 
 Ta-ren'tum 
 
 Tem'plars 
 
 Teu-ton'ic 
 
 Teu'tons 
 
 Thap'sus 
 
 The'ban 
 
 Thebes 
 
 The-mis'-to-cles 
 
 The-oc'ri-tus 
 
 The-ram'e-nes 
 
 Ther-mop'y-lae 
 
 The'seus 
 
 Thoth'mes 
 
 Thras-y-bu'lus 
 
 Thu-cyd'i-des 
 
 Timber 
 
 Ti-be'ri-us 
 
 Tig'lath-Pi-le'ser 
 
 Ti'gris 
 
 Tir'yns 
 
 Ti'tus 
 
 Tra'jan 
 
 Tyre 
 
124 
 
 PRONOUNCING LIST. 
 
 Van'dals Wit'e-na-ge-mot' 
 
 Ven-e'ti-an Worms 
 
 Ven'ice Xen'o-phon 
 
 Ver'gil Xerx'es 
 
 Ver'res Za'ma 
 
 Vis'i-goths Zeus 
 
S^aJitttg ffitfit* 
 
 Frederic Harrison. The Meaning of History. A se- 
 ries of interesting essays on historical subjects. ''The use 
 of history" and "Some great books of history" are par- 
 ticularly suggestive. 
 
 Ploetz. Epitome of Ancient, Mediaeval, and Modern 
 History. Invaluable for chronology and genealogical 
 tables. 
 
 Larned. History for Ready Reference. "A general his- 
 tory on the dictionary plan," made up of selections from 
 the best historians and biographers. Useful for increas- 
 ing a knowledge of historical authorities as well as of the 
 facts of history. 
 
 Erman. Life in Ancient Egypt. 
 
 Maspero. Life in Ancient Egypt and Assyria. 
 The Dawn of Civilization. 
 The Struggle of the Nations. 
 The Passing of the Empires. 
 
 *The reading list is arranged according to the division of the book into chapters . 
 General works are named before those dealing with particular periods and special as- 
 pects of civilization. Extended bibliographies giving sources, modern authorities, 
 and illustrative works may be found in many of the books mentioned, and should be 
 consulted to supplement the brief list above. 
 
126 READING LIST. 
 
 Holm. History of Greece (4 volumes). Embodies results 
 
 of latest investigations; scholarly and valuable. 
 Grote. History of Greece (10 volumes). The best long 
 
 history. A strong democratic bias. 
 Botsford. History of Greece. A well-written one-volume 
 
 text-book, showing intimate acquaintance with sources. 
 TsouNTAS AND Manatt. The Mycenaean Age. An account 
 
 of the recent discoveries of the Mycenaean period. 
 Fov^LER. The City-State of the Greeks and Romans. 
 
 A clear explanation of the political institutions. 
 Butcher. Some Aspects of the Greek Genius. 
 
 Harvard Essays on Greek Subjects. 
 
 Delightful essays giving an insight into the life and 
 
 thought of the Greeks. 
 Abbott's Pericles and the Golden Age of Athens and 
 
 B. I. Wheeler's Alexander the Great in the Heroes 
 
 OF THE Nations series are excellent accounts of the periods 
 
 dominated by these two great men. 
 Translations of Herodotus, Thucydides, and Xenophon give 
 the original sources in accessible form. 
 Mommsen. History of Rome. The most scholarly long 
 
 history. 
 
 Pelham. Outlines of Roman History. A one-volume 
 history of great value. 
 
 Beesly. The Gracchi, Marius and Sulla. 
 
reading list. 1 27 
 
 Ihne. Early Rome. 
 
 Merivale. Roman Triumvirates. 
 
 Capes. The Early Empire. 
 
 The Age of the Antonines. 
 The five last named works are short volumes in the 
 Epoch series. 
 
 Abbott. Roman Political Institutions. A clear account 
 of the development of Roman government and a descrip- 
 tion of its many factors. 
 
 Plutarch's Lives furnish interesting biographical informa- 
 tion about the great statesmen and generals of Greece 
 and Rome. 
 
 Of modern biographies, Strachan-Davidson's Cicero, 
 Froude's Caesar, and Fovv^ler's Caesar should certain- 
 ly be consulted. 
 
 Gibbon. Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire. Of 
 greatest value for the later Empire. Index may be con- 
 sulted for special references. 
 
 HoDGKiN. Italy and Her Invaders. An exhaustive ac- 
 count of the invasions of Visigoths, Vandals, etc. 
 
 Emerton. Introduction to the Middle Ages. A brief 
 but scholarly presentation of the events from Constantine 
 to Charlemagne, with an account of the early Germanic 
 kingdoms. 
 
 Emerton. Mediaeval Europe, 814 — 1300. 
 
128 reading list. 
 
 Bryce. The Holy Roman Empire. 
 
 Fisher. History of the Christian Church. A one- 
 volume history of great value. 
 Alzog. Manual oe Church History. Gives the Catholic 
 
 point of view. 
 Thatcher and Schwill. Europe in the Middle Age. 
 
 A useful text-book. 
 G. B. Adams. The Growth of the French Nation. 
 Civilization During the Middle Ages. 
 Essays showing the foundations of our 
 civilization and its development into 
 its modern form. The writer assumes 
 that the facts of history are known. 
 Green. History of the English People. 
 Stubbs. Constitutional History of England. 
 KiTCHiN. History of France. 
 
 Henderson. History of Germany in the Middle Ages. 
 Jessop. The Coming of the Friars. Interesting essays on 
 
 monasticism and other phases of mediaeval life. 
 Cunningham. Western Civilization in its Economic 
 Aspects. Essays on the economic features of the growth 
 and diffusion of civiHzed life in Western Europe. 
 Church. The Beginning of the Middle Ages. 
 Cox. The Crusades. 
 
g>«0g^att0n0 fat (HlvbB. 
 
 Outline for a Paper on Alexander of Macedon and 
 HIS Claim to the Title of ''Great." 
 I. Early life of Alexander. 
 
 A. Inherited tendencies. 
 
 B. Educational influences. 
 
 (i) Greek literature and philosophy. 
 
 C. Dominant characteristics. 
 II. Alexander as a military genius. 
 
 A. Conquest of the Persian kingdom, 
 (i) Battles of Granicus, Issus, Arbela. 
 (2) Siege of Tyre. 
 
 B. Victorious marches into northern and eastern 
 
 countries, 
 (i) Return from India through Gedrosian desert. 
 (2) Rediscovery of sea route from the Indus to 
 
 Persian Gulf. 
 III. Alexander as a statesman. 
 
 A. Formation of empire of vast extent. 
 
 B. Administration of provincial government. 
 
 C. Foundation of cities as centres of civilization 
 
 and trade, 
 (i) Alexandria. 
 9 
 
130 SUGGESTIONS FOR CLUBS. 
 
 IV. Permanent value of Alexander's conquests. 
 
 A. Extension of Hellenic civilizations in the East. 
 
 B. Disappearance of distinction between Greek 
 
 and Barbarians. 
 
 C. Use of Greek as a universal language, 
 (i) Preparation for spread of Christianity. 
 
 D. Impulse given to trade and commerce. 
 
 V. Modern analogies to the life and conquests of Alexander. 
 
 A. Military and political genius of Napoleon. 
 
 B. Rapid advance of European nations into the East. 
 
 VI. Critical estimates of Alexander by modern historians. 
 (Grote, Holm, Droysen, Mahaffy, etc.) 
 
 VII. Conclusion. — Writer's own opinion of Alexander's 
 greatness. 
 
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