o V - \ < o V A v L«°* v o c^ it ^% *°^- «5°<* J- -^- .^°-* V 1' "o .,„ .v •I o ,\ v t^n O A* .- A 1 - * V. • '•P A V ^^ ■v? °o. V 0* o , c 0- * ^ «*°* ■ v£ 1 ,* o V ^° • '^ ^, v> •' \ . I a 6) DOCUMENTS [Reprinted frcm The American Historical Review, Vol. XXIII, No. I, Oct., 1917.] i. The New England Emigrant Aid Company and English Cotton Supply Associations: Letters of Frederick L. Olmsted, 1857 The following letters reveal an attempt made in 1857 by the New England Emigrant Aid Company to enlist the aid of English cotton manufacturers in colonizing free laborers upon new land in the southwest of the United States. The work of this society in as- sisting the establishment of free communities in Kansas is well known. In encouraging emigrants, furnishing them with advice and helping to defray their travelling expenses, and finally by sup- plying the new communities with the necessary outfit of capital in the form of sawmills, grist-mills, etc., the Emigrant Aid Company combated the further advance of slavery with an intelligent policy of practical opportunism. Its business-like methods and adherence to lawful means still stand out in marked contrast to the violent denunciations and revolutionary propaganda which characterized much of the anti-slavery movement. To have enlisted the services of Frederick Law Olmsted is the best sort of proof that the leaders of the Emigrant Aid Company were really anxious to learn the truth about slavery, for by the publication of his Journey in the Seaboard Slave States in 1856 and the Journey through Texas in 1857 Mr. Olmsted had shown him- self to be the best-informed and the most unprejudiced and thought- ful student of slave society in this country. The plan which Mr. Olmsted submitted to the Cotton Supply Associations of Manchester and Liverpool was based upon two clear and important convictions: (1) that cotton could be successfully grown almost anywhere in the South by white labor, and (2) that free white labor could in the long run hold its ground against the slave-using planters in competition for the land. 1 The success of 1 The first point was elaborated in Olmsted's Journey in the Back Country, PP- 337 — 355- The soundness of the contention has been amply demonstrated by the later history of Southern agriculture, especially in Texas. On the second point there was ground for a difference of opinion. Would the new colonists be any more able to hold their land against the competition of the large planters using slave gangs than were the small farmers of the South Atlantic states who in earlier decades had been driven on to poorer soils and to the new Southwest? Much would undoubtedly have depended on the character ("4) New England /''migrant Aid Company i 15 the colonization plan in not only checking the further advance, bul in hastening the eventual disappearance of slavery would have de- fended upon another circumstance, also, which Mr. Olmsted does not seem to have recognized. Slavery depended for its profitable- ness on a constantly available supply of new land. As soon as the rapidly decreasing supply of fresh lands suitable for cotton cul- tivation had been exhausted, the economic weakness of the slave system would have been sure to display itself and eventually its political support would have failed. Thus, in planning to seize this new land in advance by free-labor colonists, the Emigrant Aid Com- pany were preparing, perhaps more scientifically than they them- selves realized, to hasten the inevitable decay of the "peculiar insti- tution " of the South. Dr. Samuel Cabot, to whom this correspondence was addressed, was a physician of considerable reputation in Boston, one of the twenty original directors of the Emigrant Aid Company and an un- tiring worker in its service. Percy W. Bidwell. I. New Haven, July 26th, 1857. ( Morris Co\ 1 Dr. S. Cabot, 1r. (N. E. E. A. Soc'y) Dear Sir I extremely regret the circumstance which so long delayed my re- ceipt of your letter of 16th July, to which I now reply. Enclosed I send you a copy of the draft of a communication ad- dressed by me on the 6th July, severally, to the Cotton Supply Associa- tions of Manchester, and of Liverpool. 2 These papers were taken out and would be delivered in person to the Secretary's of the associations, by Mr. William Neill, one of our largest Cotton merchants, dealing with Manchester, and the editor of a weekly Cotton circular, much quoted by the English journals. Mr. Neill sail'd from New York on the 8th. You will perceive that my object has been thus far to secure a proper consideration of the subject, and that in these papers I have treated it simply in the Cotton Supply aspect. By the same mail however I ad- dressed letters to individuals, with whom I have had a little correspond- ence previously, treating of the political and moral bearings of the project, stating the general principles on which I thought it would be best to proceed; fortifying my suggestions and statements with docu- ments and in two instances — to Lord Goderiche M. P. from the Wet of the new settlers and upon the amount of aid and direction furnished by the Emigrant Aid Company. It must also be r. nists would have settled on the last frontier of the cotton area and consequently would have been more reluctant to sell out than the earlier competitors of the planters. - These local associations or branches t a little before this. The Cotton Supply Association of Great Britain held its first an- nual meeting in April, 1858. 1 1 6 Documents Riding and C. Fowler Buxton M. l'. :: who has much influence in Man- chester, requesting that the proposal of my letters to the Cotton Asso- ciations meet with due consideration. 1 addressed a short note also, (continuing a conversation I had last autumn on the agricultural capa- bilities of the United I to the editor of the Times. Colonel Ham- ilton, who has the most encouraging view of the project, promised me to write to Lord Stanley 4 and friends at Liverpool by the following steam- er's mail. I trust that what has been thus done (previous to my receiving any intimation that you had thought of soliciting money in England) will have prepared the ground favorably to Mr. Paddleford's arrival. It is a most fortunate circumstance that a competent person will be present to meet objections and take advantage of various circumstances in the discussion, if one should occur, in which facts, likely to be fa- miliar to Mr. P., will tell happily. With regard to the proposal to be made by Mr. Taddleford, if any, and the information must desirable to be furnished, he will of course be guided by circumstances, but unless met with much greater favor than I can anticipate, I may venture to -a\ that I am confident in the judgment that it would not be best to urge much more at present than careful enquiry, in some such manner as I have done in my letters. We shall find, I apprehend, a strong influence against us in East India and other colonial interests, and also in a narrow patriotism. From Lord Goderiche's letter to me, I am sure that the American political relations of the project should be kept out of sight as much as pos- sible in England. The name of the N. E. E. Aid Society should not at present be mentioned, because the Society has a certain political noto- riety and English gentlemen will generally feel it to be their duty, not to listen to a proposal which seems likely to connect their names with the internal political affairs of a foreign government. This is not only somewhat reasonable but with the class represented by the Times, it happens now to be a fashion. They may be drawn into it gradually, as they gain knowledge of the true character of the society, perhaps, but the dread of lending their aid even indirectly to what might turn out to be a merely political scheme (in the narrow sense), would be likely to prevent their giving the subject a fair hearing. Everybody knows who has had to do with Englishmen, that it is peculiarly true of them, that it is the first step which costs. The great point at first is to get them to listen. If they will go so far this autumn as to send out an agent to obtain information, I shall feel quite sure of our leading them from that to the most valuable co-operation. . . /' 3 George Frederick Robinson (1S27-1909, at this time known by the courtesy title of Lord Goderich) was afterward Earl de Grey and Ripon and first Marquis of Ripon. On March 30, 1S57, he had been elected to succeed Cobden as M. P. for the West Riding of Yorkshire. Charles Buxton (1823-1S71), son of Sir Thomas Fowell Buxton, was returned to the House of Commons for Newport in 1857- 4 Lord Stanley (1S26— 1S93), eldest son of the fourteenth Earl of Derby and afterward fifteenth earl and cabinet minister, was from iSjS to 1S59 M. P. for King's Lynn. 5 Here follows a criticism of the work of an English traveller, Robert Rus- sell (North America, its Agriculture and Climate, Edinburgh, 1857), which Olm- sted feared might exert aii unfavorable influence on the English attitude toward New England Emigrant Aid Company 1 1 7 I enclose papers put into my hands last night by Mr. Kapp a which must be used with discretion. I promised to return them in course of the week. They contain offers to sell lands of the choicest unimproved character in the vicinity of the northernmost German settlements of Texas and precisely in the line we wish to occupy and evidently at un- usually low prices. I think some encouragement should be offered to the owners, who are Scotchmen — the merchants mentioned in my book at N. Braunfels, who bought the free-labor cotton. 7 I know that they have made their land investments with great care. I have another offer of choice, selected lands in the same region and to the northward of it, 20,000 acres at 90 cts an acre. Another of 2000 acres same district, selected lots at 50 cts. or one half in alternate lots, for nothing, on con- dition of occupation within three years: another of 2 leagues in the Brazos, Milan County (6000 acres) $1.50 an acre, another on the Nueces 35 miles north of Corpus Christi, 20,000 acres, in one body, at $1.00 an acre. Large tracts of cotton land can be best got, however, by deal- ing with the R. R. companies. I am obliged to close suddenly and will probably write further by next mail Yours Respectfully Fred. Law Olmsted. Copy. II. New York, July 6th, 1857. To the Secretary of the Cotton Supply Association Sir My attention having been directed for some years past to the cotton producing regions of the North American Continent, I take leave to present certain views I have formed for the consideration of your association. ,: fl| Under the stimulus of high prices, valuable contributions of cotton are obtained from various other parts of the world than the United States; measures may be taken by which this auxilliary supply will be much increased. After much research and several costly experiments however, it yet remains very questionable if any where else in the world, an equal value of cotton-wool can be obtained from a given expenditure of labor, as in that part of the N. A. Continent lying between the thir- tieth and the thirty sixth parallels of latitude. No where else are the same meteorological conditions found which here prevail, nor is [it] to be expected that by any exercise of human ingenuity they will be obtained. The amount of labor engaged in the production of cotton within the region thus favored does not exceed that of one strong man to a square mile. If one half the agricultural population of lutrope was the colonization scheme. He also sketches his plans for a third volume of the series Our Slave Stales, which appeared in 1S60 under the title, A Journey in the Bach Country. Friedrich Kapp (1824-1884), the well known writer on slavery and on the German element in America. Olmsted's account of the history of New Braun- fels. in his Journey through Texas, pp. 172-177, is based on a published lecture by his friend Kapp. ? A Journey through Texas (New York, 1857), p. 146. On New Braunfels, see G. G. Benjamin, The Germans in Texas (Philadelphia, 1909), pp. 4 1-54- i 1 8 Documents transferred to this region it would not be at all densely populated and the laborers would probably be better paid in producing cotton at l l /> d. a pound, than they are at present. An adequate supply of labor only is needed to increase the supply of Cotton from North America, tenfold. It is for the interest of those whose capital is invested in Slaves that the impression should prevail that the cultivation of cotton is imprac- ticable by means of any other than negro slave labor, a monopoly of supplying which in the United Slates they enjoy. After extended and exact inquiry, having spent a summer in the cotton districts for the purpose, I am certain that this is not the case. There are exceptional, malarious and pestilential regions but in the largest part of the present Cotton producing region of the United States the labor of men of the English or Teutonic races will produce more cotton, man for man, in a life time, than of those of the African race. I would suggest to your association therefore, that inquiry be made with regard to the practicability of increasing the supply of cotton by inducing free laborers to engage in its cultivation in the South Western territories of the United States. ■ There are here vast tracts of suitable soil, as yet unoccupied by planters, and in which the political and social circumstances that prevent the introduction of free laborers elsewhere, exist if at all. in a very limited degree. Three years ago the Governor of the State of Texas* told me that the cotton crop of the United States might be doubled on the land as yet unoccupied in that state alone. There are millions of acres of this land in the vicinity of which Slavery does not exist in a form to prevent their occupation by free labor. There is nothing in the laws, nor, under discreet direction, need there be anything in the prejudices of the people, to prevent free settlers occupying this land. Large tracts of it can be procured at from two to six shillings (sterling) an acre. If a large free emigration were directed to them they would rapidly increase in value several hundred per cent. This increase in value would pre- vent the subsequent immigration of Slave-holders upon them. In Comal County in Texas within the last ten years, three thousand Germans have settled. 9 Since they have been well established as a community, no slave proprietor has settled among them and such as were previously- settled in the vicinity have been induced to employ free-laborers in occupations for which they would otherwise have purchased more Slaves. The Germans were thus engaged in the cultivation of cotton, and in one year, they produced, without previous experience or the usual conveniences, 800 bales, which I was informed, by the Merchant who purchased it, was superior in quality to any slave grown cotton he had ever seen. Some further information on this subject may be gathered from my narrative of a Journey in Texas, a copy of which I take leave to send you by my friend Mr. William Neill of the house of Neill Brothers and Company, Cotton Merchants, to whom I have also communicated more fully my views of the measures which might be taken to increase the supply of cotton from the United States. If your association should be disposed to prosecute the enquiry I have suggested I would gladly give any assistance in my power — coming 8 Elisha M. Pease, governor from 1853 to 1857. See Journey through Texas, p. 428, " in Comal, Gillespie, and Medina coun- ties nearly all the inhabitants are Germans ". New England Emigrant Aid Company 119 to England for the purpose, if it should be thought desirable. I have recently seen two of the largest Cotton Spinners of America and am able to give you assurance of an effective co-operation on their part with any judicious movement to direct free laborers to increase cotton production in America. If you should think it well to send an agent to examine the regions available for this purpose, as I would venture to earnestly recommend, it would give me pleasure to accompany him upon the journey, and to assist in obtaining all desirable information. It would be best to leave New York in September, and, as most of the country to be examined would have to be traversed on horseback, three months time should be allowed for the journey. The expenses of the tour need not exceed £200, and my personal services would be gratuitous to your association. It is desirable that this subject should not at present be publicly discussed. 2. Kearsarge and Alabama: French official Report, 1864 The following papers, for which we are indebted to Mr. Waldo G. Leland, were found by him in the Bibliotheque Nationale in Paris ( Manuscrits Franqais, Nouvelles Acquisitions. 9466, ff, 95 98). They are addressed to the prcfet maritime of Cherbourg, Vice- admiral Dupouy, by the captain of the Couronne, a French iron- clad then stationed there and present at the right between the hear sarge and the Alabama on June [9, [864. The report has a value. as adding, to the original sources already known, Union, Confed- erate, and British, a professional account by an eyewitness who was an experienced naval officer of a neutral nation, and whose function it was to escort the Alabama outside the three-mile limit and in a sense to supervise the combat. I. Recit du Combat entre i.e Kerseage hi l' Alabama. Fregate Cuirassee La Couronne Cherbourg, le 10 juin, [864. . hniral. informement a vos ordres j'ai allume les feux en menu- temps que le batiment conf6dere Alabama. A 7I1. 50 nous avions de la pression. Le batiment federal Kerseage restait dans le N. E. a tres grande dis tance. A oh. 45 Y Alabama a appareille et la Couronne file son corps mort et l'a suivi a la distance prescrite. Des que ce batiment a etc en dehors des eaux territoriales je me suis dirige immediatement sur la rade et j'ai repris le mouillage que j'occupais avant mon depart. Nous axons suivi de la mature les mouvementS des deux batiments qui se trouvaient tres an large. < m ne distinguait pas bien leurs mouve aunts, lorsque tout-a-coup on m'a prevu que 1'on croyait avoir vu un di deux batiments couler lias; on distinguait sur les lieux du sinistre une tres grande reunion de batiments et de bateaux du port. Je me suis empresse de vous transmettre cette information, mais a cause de la ce ou se trouvaient les combattants et de I'etat brumeux du temp- 1 20 Documents il etait difficile de se rendre compte exact de l'etat des choses. Le batiment a vapeur le Var se dirigeait du reste sur les lieux. Je suis avec respect Amiral votre tres obeissant serviteur Le Cap'ne de V'eau Command't la Couronne Penh oat P.S. Nous avons acquis la certitude que c'est i 'Alabama qui a succombe dans cette lutte glorieuse. II. MOUVEMENTS DE LA CoUYOnnC ET DES DEUX BaTIMENTS AmERICAINS. 3I1.30 Apercu le Kerseagc au N. E. 5.45 Alabama commence a virer. 6.10 Alabama allume les feux. 6.10 Couronne allume les feux. 6.55 Couronne communique avec Alabama. 7.25 Kerseagc au N. E. courant a l'O. 7.50 Alabama a de la pression. 7.55 Couronne a de la pression. 8.00 Kerseage a l'E.N.E. bien loin. 8.30 Couronne prete a marcher. g.30 Alabama vire a pic. 9.30 Couronne aux postes d'appareillage. 9.35 Kerseage a l'E. i N.E. 9.45 Alabama appareille. 9.50 Kerseage disparu. 9.54 Alabama passe devant la Couronne. 9.55 Couronne appareille. 10.00 Alabama double la pointe du Mensoir. 1 10.07 Kerseage au N. E. 10.10 Alabama quitte le pilote. 10.18 Couronne double le Mensoir. 10.20 Kerseage au N. 8o° E. 10.22 Couronne gouverne a l'E.N.E. 10.23 Alabama au N. E. -i N. 10.30 Kerseage change de route ( vient sur tribord). 10.50 Couronne vient sur babord, rentre. 10.50 Kerseage arbore sa demi-enseigne. 11.03 Commence le combat. 11.50 Couronne mouille. Le batiment confedere Alabama, commande par le Cap. Semmes. mouilla sur la rade de Cherbourg le 11 juin 1864 venant du Cap de bonne esperance. Ce batiment avait declare 122 hommes d'equipage ; on a su depuis qu'il avait a bord 22 officiers confederes. L'Alabama etait 1111 joli batiment a helice de 13 a 1400 tonneaux.'-' bien mate d'un faible 1 Apparently the western point of the great breakwater which protects the harbor of Cherbourg. There is a map of the scene of the engagement in the Report of the Secretary of the Navy for 1S64, opposite page 631, and this is reproduced in Official Records of the Union and Confederate Navies, III., opp. p. 81. - 1040 tons. Scharf, History of the Confederate States Navy (Albany, 1894), p. 797. Kearsarge and Alabama 1 2 i echantillon en bois, arme de 6 canons. 8 Deux de ces canons ctoicnl etablis a pivot, le premier entre le mat de misaine et Ie grand mat etait une piece rayee de 9 polices, portant un boulet creux cylindro-spherique. Le second canon place entre le grand mat et le mat d'artimon etait inn- piece a anse lisse 4 du calibre de 48 a 50, boulet plein ( pour.lvs calibres il peut y avoir du doute, on s'en est rapporte aux assertions des ofheiers sans la controler par esprit de discretion), les autres pieces etaient du 30, ayant l'apparence de nos obusiers de 30 de marine. Le Capitaine disait que le cuivre de son batiment etait en mauvais etat : il avait rce.ii 1'autorisation de completer son charbon a Cherbourg [word illegible], et non de se reparer, car il n'est pas entre dans le port.'' Le Kcrscagc, commande par le Capitaine Vinslow, 6 a paru le 14 devant la Digue, venant de Douvres. 7 Ce batiment a declare 140 hommes d'equipage. 8 C'est un aviso a helice de 14 a 1500," arme de 6 canons dont deux canons Dahlgreen de 11 pouces (27 cm.) du poids de 7700 Kilog. etablis a pivot sur le pont, 1'un entre le grand mat et le mat de misaine. l'autre entre le grand mat et le mat d'artimon. Ces deux canons lancaient des obus et des grappes composees de biscayens et de boulets de 4 ; il n'y avait pas a bord de boulet plein pour cette artillerie: les 4 autres canons etaient des pieces de 32 correspondant a notre 30. nos. 3 011 4. Le Kcrscagc est un batiment en bois. d'assez fort echantillon blinde sur le cote avec des bouts de chaine de 36 a 40 mm. de fer de maillon. placees verticalement depuis le bastingage jusqu'a 1 metre au-dessous de la flottaison, ces bouts de chaine sont serres l'lin contre l'autre de telle sorte que la maille a plat engraine dans la maille en saillie. le tout est lie par des amarrages en filin. je ne connais pas le systeme qui rattache cette sorte de cotte de maille an batiment ( ce sont des crampons probablement ). le tout est reconvert d'un leger soufflage en sapin. Ce blindage est place sur le cote du batiment de maniere a couvrir sa machine. Le Kcrscagc se presente devant la passe de l'Kst sans entrer el vint demander 1'autorisation de Communiquer avec son consul, autorisa- tion qui lui fut accordee apres quelques difficultes sanitaires. 11 s'etablil en suite en croisiere an large de la digue, en dehors des eaux territoriales avec une telle discretion que la plupart du temps il etait hors de vue. On a dit que les deux capitaines s'etaient envoye un cartel. 1< Capitaine Vinslow repousse cette assertion, il n'a envoye aucun defi mais il avait requ une lettre du Cap'ne Semmes qui lui annonqait qu'il sortirait pour le combattre. le Cap'e Semmes avait annonce sa resn lution officiellement et prevenu qu'il sortirait le Dimanche 19 entre n beures et 10 heures du matin, les deux batiments avaient rec,u des leur 3 The armament of the Alabama consisted of one [IO-pounder rifled pivot uis il commenca le feu avec sa piece a pivot de l'arriere. Los batiments pouvaient se trouver a 8 ou 9 encablures l'un de l'autre et a 9 ou 10 milles de terre. Le Kcrscagc ne repondit pas a ce premier et ne commenc,a a tirer qu'apres le 3ieme coup. Cette position oblique en retraite prise par VAIabama etait cer- tainement la position la plus sure pour un batiment de faible echantillon comme VAIabama ; il presentait a 1'ennemi un but restreint, il couvrait autant que possible sa machine et croyant avoir la superiorite de marche. il etait maitre de la distance, il attaquait 1'ennemi avec sa piece la plus puissante, dans la partie non cuirassee; mais soit que le Cap'ne Semmes se soit laisse emporter par son ardeur, soit qu'il ignorat, comme on l'assure, que le Kcrscagc fut cuirasse. 1 - il resta tres peu de temps dans cette position et faisant un demi-tour sur tribord, il alia croiser son adversaire a contre bord en le canonnant vivement par son cote de tribord. A partir de ce moment les deux adversaires ont tottrne l'un autour de l'autre, sur des cercles dont les rayons ont varie depuis 4 encablures jusqu'a 2 et se canonnant a contre bord par le cote tribord. On a compte jusqu'a 7 tours. Mais a ce jeu le Kcrscagc qui etait blinde 1° The Roule is a height behind the town (no in. I with a wide view. 11 Cap Levi. 1- Semmes. pp. 753-754, complains bitterly of this " unchivalrous " protec- tion as unknown to him ; his lieutenant Arthur Sinclair, T~eo Years on (he Ala- bama (third ed., Boston. i.Sg6). pp. J59, 261, 274. says that Semmes had full knowledge of the fact, having been informed of it by the port admiral iprcfcl maritime) himself; Barron's letter of June 27 shows that he, Semmes's immediate superior, was aware of the essential facts. Official Records, III. 649. Rearsarge and Alabama 123 sur le cote avait tout 1'avantage, il pouvait de plus tirer avec ses deux enormes canons. Atteint de trois coups sur le cote dont deux pres de la flottaison, le blindage en chaine arreta les projectiles qui auraicnt desempare la machine s'ils avaient penetre dans le batiment. sans le blindage l'issu du combat aurait pu etre different, quoiqu'il en soit, X 'Alabama requt des obus qui ebranlerent sa charpente au point qu'il ne tarda pas a faire de l'eau. un eclat d'obus ou un boulet atteignit probablement une chaudiere, car on vit tout a coup un nuage de vapeur s'echapper de ses flancs. Quelques personnes ont assure qu'il requt derriere un obus qui en eclatant le desemparfait] de son helice ct de son gouvernail. toujours est-il que la machine s'arreta et que V Alabama mit a la voile tachant de rallier la terre; mais a partir de ce moment il etait a la discretion de son adversaire qui en a bien profite, car un moment apres VAlabama se rendit et ne tarda pas a couler a pic en s'enfonqant par 1'arriere. Tout se qui surnageait a ete sauve par le Canot du Pilote Mauger, les embarcations du Kerseage, et le yacht a vapeur anglais 13 qui sauva le Cap'ne Semmes et les officiers et se dirigea vers les cotes d'Angleterre a la grande stupefaction du Cap'ne Vinslow. Relativement a ce de- nouement desastrefux] la perte en hommes n'a pas ete considerable. On compte 2 noyes, 6 tues et 16 a 17 tues [blesses]. Le Kerseage a requ trois boulets sur le blindage dans le pro- longement de la cheminee qui n'ont produit qu'un effet insignifiant. un boulet a traverse la cheminee, deux projectiles ont traverse au ras du pont. l'un en eclatant a blesse trois hommes. ce sont les seuls blesses qui ait eu le Kerseage. un obus s'est loge dans la tete de l'etambot ou il est reste sans eclater. l'etambot porte dans cette partie des fentes longitudinales, mais le systeme est.solide. Les deux champions se sont bien battus, le confedere avec fougue, le Yankee avec flegme. VAlabama a beaucoup tire. Le Kerseage a tire 130 coups, dont 52 avec les Dahlgreen. 14 Voici quelles sont les dimensions des canons du Kerseage : Canons Dahlgreen. Mesures Anglaises. Diametre de l'anse 2-C-94 II inchi :s. Longueur totale 4.12 [m.] 13 ft. 6 inch. Poids du boulet plein 86.97 [kilos.] 192 poun ds English. " de l'obus 62.96 139 " " Poids du canon 7701.00 17000 u a Charge pour obus 6.800 15 " tt pour boulet 9.07 20 It ti Vitesse initiale (douteux) 4267. II n'y avait pas a bord du Kerseage de boulet plein pour cette artil- lerie, mais on m'assure que depuis pen des experiences ont conduit a adopter le boulet plein pour cette piece. is The Deerhound. i' 173 and 55 respectively. Official Records. III. 64. 119 7a 54 8 >• . J?**, -f> ^ f U % ~b .0. °o. ,'j »» ,0 c ° ° . .0 ' > v •^ * ^ v .•■ *V L-., V ♦ 0-'