E 440 
 .5 
 
 .T24 
 Copy 1 
 
 r 11 1 : r M () X . 
 
 H- ' 
 
 ^ 
 ^ 
 
 A SERMON, 
 
 DKMVKHKl) 
 
 111 ^r;irf Slnirrli, M(k Icrh, 
 
 ON THE DAY OF THE XATIOXAL FAST. 
 January 4. 1361. 
 
 THOMAS HOTTSl*: TAYLOll, D. D. 
 
 PUBLISHED BV REQUEST. 
 
 NEW YOIJK : 
 
 B A K E 11 ct (! () 1» W 1 N . P R I N T E R S , 
 
 iMiiNTiNfMiorsE sqi:are, oi'p. city ll.M.l,. 
 
 18G1. 
 
V 
 
thp: union. 
 
 A SERMON, 
 
 DELIVERKD 
 
 ox THE DAY OF THE Nx^TlONAL FAST, 
 
 January 4, 1861. 
 
 THOMAS HOUSE TAYLOR, D. D. 
 
 PUBLISHED BY REQUEST. 
 
 NEW YORK: 
 BAKER <fe GODWIN, PRINTERS. 
 
 PRINTI-NG-HOLSE SQUARE, OPPOSITE CITY H.\LL. 
 
 1861. 
 
Mo 
 
 1 
 
Ittb lil.orh, |;uiuar)j T, 1361. 
 
 Rev. THo^f as House Taylor, D. D. 
 
 Ri-i'eroid and Dear f>i.f, — Having this morning, as members of the 
 conn-rogation of Grace Church, heard, with the deepest interest, the ser- 
 mon delivered Ity you in tliat ( 'liureli, — and iK'lievino- lliat an extensive 
 dissemination, at this time, of a discourse so sound in its principles, so 
 just in its views, so triu' in its sentiment, and so patriotic in its spirit, 
 cannot fail 1o do good, — we earnestly request that you will he pleased 1o 
 fnrnish us with a copy of j'our sermon for publication, — 
 
 And reiuain, as always. Reverend and Dear Sir, with the highest re- 
 spect and esteem, your friends and obedient servants, 
 
 L. BRADISH, 
 
 ROBERT RAY, GEO. W. McCOLLOM, 
 
 JAMES MONROE, BENJ. H. FIELD, 
 
 JOHN VAN BUREN. A. NORRIE, 
 
 D. B. FEARING, CHARLES SUYDAM, 
 
 P. LORILLARD, WM. DOUGLAS, 
 
 H. VAN RENSSELAER, C R. GREEN, 
 
 B. AYMAR, JOHN DAVID WOLFE, 
 
 H. D. ALDRICH, GEORGE BARCLAY, 
 
 P. V. HOFFMAN, CH. AUG. DAVIS, 
 
 HENRY DELAFIELD, E. PRIME. 
 
 804 Broadway, New York, | 
 Jmntarii 5, ISC.l. S 
 
 Gentlemen, — 
 
 If you suppose that the sei-mon whicli you have so kindly requested 
 for publication cau be of any sort of use, in this crisis of our country's 
 history, I shall have much pleasure. in placing it at your disposal. 
 
 With every sentiment of respect and regard, I am, gentlemen, most 
 
 truly your friend and pastor, 
 
 THOMAS HOUSE TAYLOR. 
 
 To Messrs. Bradisu, Ray, Monroe, and others. 
 
SEEM ON. 
 
 "Watchman, what of the niglit ?" — Isaiah, xxi. 11. 
 
 In the Scriptures tlie term Watchman is con- 
 stantly applied to the ministers of God. Tliey are 
 regarded as being set apart to watch over the safety 
 of His people, to guard them from threatening dan- 
 gers, and to lift up the voice of Avarning against 
 their peculiar sources of temptation or causes of 
 calamit}^ In keeping up the figure of speech in 
 which the Prophet is called a watchman, 'Hhe 
 night" is used to denote the particular period of 
 time in which he is exercising his office. And the 
 people of Mount Sier are represented as anxiously 
 inquiring of the Prophet what news he had for 
 them from God ^ wdiat meaning he could read for 
 them in the portentous signs of the times i 
 
 My brethren, assembled, as ^ve are, at the invi- 
 tation of the Powers that be, to humble ourselves 
 with prayer and fosting before the God of nations, 
 on account of the threatening aspect of the times, — 
 on account of passing events which unfold them- 
 
6 
 
 selves so ominously to tlie unity, peace, and liappi= 
 ness of our country, — I can well fancy that I liear 
 you appealing to me, as I stand a servant of the 
 Most High God, in his consecrated temple, and he- 
 fore his holy altar, for the words of warning, of 
 comfort, and of instruction I may have to deliver to 
 you. I can well fancy that I hear j^ou exclaiming, 
 in tones of anxiety, " Watchman, what of the night ? 
 Watchman, what of the night ? " 
 
 It is impossible to suppose that such an assem- 
 blage of Christian peoj^le as are now 1)efore me, can 
 be indiiferent to the extraordinary condition of 
 things amid which we are called to act; and no 
 thoughtful mind can fail to perceive that at no pe- 
 riod within the history of our race has the condition 
 of the whole world been so extraordinary, so sol- 
 emn, so ominous. At such a time it is impossible 
 for any of us to separate ourselves from the feelings 
 which are proper for the Christian, the ])atriot, and 
 the man ! 
 
 It is always wrong for the minister of Christ to 
 mix himself up with the l)itter strife of political 
 parties. It is wrong in him to fan the flames of 
 discord ; to stir up strife and to inflame the minds 
 of his hearers Avith rancorous feelings ; to array his 
 fello^v-countrymen against each other in Idood}' 
 war, and thus to become an instrument for bringino; 
 
desolation aiid iiiiseiy ovt-r ten tliousaiid lioiiics. 
 Ah! it Avould 1)C' Letter for sucli men lia<I tliey 
 never 1)een l>()rn. But t<> love his roiuitry, to sym- 
 pathize most dee])l\ in its fortunes, to watcli witli 
 sleepless vigilanee over its avenues of i)rosperity 
 and its eauses of Avoe, and to strive to animate your 
 hearts Avith lofty patriotism, and to fill them Avith 
 something of his own spirit of love, unity, and 
 peace, can never be inconsistent Avith either his posi- 
 tion or his duties as a religious teacher. 
 
 My })rethren, we are here upon a solemn tast-day, 
 in the house of prayer, to ackno^vledge our sins be- 
 fore God, and to implore his mercy for our country-. 
 Every mind is excited, every heart is alarmed, and 
 gloomy forebodings of calamity till every eye with 
 the tears of agon}'. And for ^vhy is all this^ Our 
 country was never more blessed with all the abound- 
 ing elements of prosperity ; our seasons ^vere never 
 more healthful ; our lands were never more fruitful ; 
 our agricultural, commercial, and financial interests 
 were never before more admirably balanced, and 
 every ^vay calculated to ])rove exuberant fountains 
 of hapi^iness. But suddenly a black cloud has 
 arisen in the South, and the muttering thunder that 
 comes from it speaks to us of political discontents 
 so deep and serious as to lead to all the horrors of 
 disunion ! My brethren, I ha\e already said, from 
 
8 
 
 this place, that if there be any causes of complaint, 
 well-founded and reasonable, then I am perfectly 
 sure that ev^ery right-minded and kindly-disposed 
 person, of evei'y shade of l>arty, will be ready and 
 willing to correct the evil in the way most accept- 
 able to our com])laining countrymen. But, at the 
 same time, I must say that it is but fair and light 
 that our dissatisfied friends should tell us clearly 
 and explicitly what they Avould have us to do. 
 What new guarantees do they require 'i what laws 
 can be passed, and what laws can be repealed, to 
 afford them the most unyielding satisfaction and 
 security for all time to come 'i But unless they will 
 do this, — unless they will meet our efi^orts to serve 
 them in a reciprocal sj^irit of conciliation and kind- 
 ness, — then I cannot see but our best feelings and 
 our best efforts will be utterly useless ! If our 
 southern friends, goaded and irritated as they have 
 been, shall rush from us in the frenzy of madness, 
 and, listening to no voice of friendship, shall pro- 
 ceed recklessly in their work of disunion and ruin, 
 then it becomes us to arrest them in their progress 
 by the calm, and dignified, and firm, and gentle re- 
 monstrance, that too many and too mighty interests 
 are involved in such a proceeding to allow it to go 
 on without such opposing checks as the rest of us 
 may be able to throw in ! I find it diflicult to 
 
(M)iU'('iv(' liow any intelligent and lli(»UL;'litl"nl man, 
 \vli('n \w takes into \ iew all the miglity interests of 
 this vast country, complicated as tliey are, and inter- 
 woven witli each other as tliey necessarily must ))e, 
 can tor one moment suppose tliat tliese overwlielm- 
 iug millions of people are always to sit ^vith folded 
 arms and in listless meekness while all their hiirh 
 interests are sacrificed ; wliih; tinancial confidence, 
 Avliich is the life-ldood of trade, is utterly destroyed ; 
 while the hum of industry, on the mart and in the 
 workshop, is suspended, and private bankruptcies 
 are carrvini>; crushino; wretchedness into nmuberless 
 homes; yea, ^vhile the ])ublic credit is seriously 
 impaired, the majesty of the government is insulted, 
 its miglity powers are paralyzed while its property 
 is seized, and the flag of this great nation's un- 
 1 )0unded pride is trampled in the dust ! 
 
 My brethren, these things ought never so to 
 have l:)een, and they cannot continue as they are 
 very long. I say it calmly and solemnly, and after 
 the most }>ainful delilx-ration, and 1 l)elie\e that I 
 speak the sentiments of every patriot that hears me 
 when I say that it is not within the 1)ounds of pos- 
 sibility that this state of things should continue 
 very long. 1 would do nothing in unkindness; I 
 would do nothing in harshness; I would extend 
 forbearance and brotherly love to their utmost lim- 
 
10 
 
 its ; but yet the time cannot l3e very distant wlien 
 the vast masses of our people, rising in their over- 
 ^vhelming might, shall speak in a voice which shall 
 everywhere be heard and can nowhei'e be mistaken ; 
 and at the sound of it the workers of mischief of 
 every sort and kind, in the 2)nlpit and in the con- 
 claves of political schemers — official agents of every 
 grade and every shade of [)art}', the corrupt and 
 the imbecile alike — shall all of them disappear to- 
 gether fi'om their places of trust, and the lav) of 
 rigJit shall be seen advancing, in its terrible majesty, 
 to achninister impartial justice and to command 
 universal quietness and peace. 
 
 My brethren, I speak as an American citizen,'" 
 and I speak as a native of South Carolina ; I speak 
 as one Avho understands well her condition and her 
 Avrono-8 — understandino' them as no strano^er can 
 by any possibility understand tliem ; I speak, there- 
 fore, as one ^\\\o lias a light to speak, and when I 
 speak words of censure they are spoken far more in 
 sorrow than in anger. I say that South Cai'olina 
 has wrongs to complain of; she has injuries to )>e 
 I'edi'essed. Demao;oo:ues have assailed her with the 
 ribaldry of the hustings in the sanctity of the Sen- 
 ate. She has been irritated and goaded to madness 
 b}' the libels that ha^'e l)een poured forth, for years, 
 
 * See note A. 
 
iH")Oii the most saci-cd ;iii(l most dt'licjitc ol" Ik r <lo- 
 mestic institutions, hy tlic mountebanks of llic |»ul- 
 pit, A\ lio in llu'ir pcstit'ei'ous career arc animated 1>v 
 the most iiziioMc of all the forms in wliidi worldly 
 ambition can display itself, the and)itioii tni- scciir- 
 inL;- n<)torict\' by an association with the demons in 
 pandering to the false j)reju<lices and malignant pas- 
 sions of vulgar minds. And is it to Ik- wondered 
 at, if the sons of* C'ai'olina Iw.nc sometimes forgot- 
 ten what was due to themselves, and the true dig- 
 nity of tlieir Stat(\ and descended to private retalia- 
 tion and hruta! \ iolence t The mistakes, and follies, 
 and crimes ot' indix idual men are not to he charged 
 u{)on the countries to w liich they 1)elong. We are 
 now to deal Avith South Carolina as a State, and as 
 one of tliese United States; and it is as such that I 
 repeat, she has cause of complaint not only against 
 individual men in the States of the North, l)ut 
 against juany of those States in their executive, leg- 
 islative, and judicial capacities. But then the griev- 
 ances of South Carolina are precisel) the same 
 grievances as are complained of by her sister States 
 of tlie South — nothing more, nothing less. AN'hy, 
 then, xve have a right to ask, has she assumed this 
 sad pre-eminence in rash precipitancy^ Why has 
 she rushed, without conference and without sujtjxtrt, 
 into all the danjjers and nn'schief of revolntion, un- 
 
12 
 
 prepared for, and Avliicli can never terminate in good 
 to anybody ? Wlio does not feel tliat this most 
 unwise haste has alienated the sympathy and weak- 
 ened the hands of every friend of the Sontli Avho 
 clings to our Union as the only ark of strength and 
 of safety for them and for us i Within the Union, 
 all evils may he remedied and grievances redressed ; 
 hut Avithout the pale of our common fold of safety 
 — wdthout the reach of the chaste and cheering ra- 
 diance that falls from our clustering Stars of Grlory, 
 there is no room for help — there is no deliverance 
 to l)e found. There is no injury, nor insult, nor 
 vexatious meddling w^ith her most ])rivate and pre- 
 cious interests, under which she no^v ^vrithes and 
 frets, that will not l^e continued Avith the most al)- 
 solute imj^unity, and with increased and most viru- 
 lent bitterness ! And, in addition to all that, every 
 imagination will at once conjure up the uncounted 
 horrors of every other kind which the strong and 
 the wicked of the earth ai'e ever ready to bring 
 upon the unprotected and the weak. 
 
 I have just said that this extraordinary IJevohi- 
 tion, Avdiich, as it seems to us, has l)een so inconsid- 
 erately entered upon l)y our sister State, can bring 
 no good to any (me. But I nuist 1 )eg to amend that 
 saying l)y throwing out the suggestion that ])er- 
 haps the contemplation of the false position in 
 
13 
 
 wliicli IIk'v ;nv oMi^cd (<> scr tliat Soutli Cai'oliiin 
 lias jJacecl herself, willi all of its attendant train cf 
 enibarrassments, may prove sufficient to dctci- otlici- 
 ajid more tliouglitfiil States from liuir\ ini;- Mindly 
 on to the same fatal exti'emity of foll\- and ruin."' 
 
 My hretliren, I (h) not believe that there is i^^oing 
 to ])e any dismend)ernu'Jit of this powerful, this glo- 
 rious country of ours — glorious in all the memories 
 of the past, and thi'ice glorious in our entrancing 
 ])]"ospects for the future ! 
 
 Tlie very thought of it seems to diifusc an odoi- 
 of treason around us. Not that I \\()uld lend the 
 h'ast sanction to any teachiuc; that ^vouhl 2:0 to 
 i-evive the effete doctrine of " passive obedience" to 
 governmentf as an institution of God — not that I 
 would agree to any ^vholesale denunciation of that 
 immortal philosoj)lK-r, John Locke, fi'om Avhose a\ rit- 
 ings, as from a treasure-house of wisdom, tlie found- 
 ers of our Eejnil)lic dre^N' all their maxims of 
 goverimient— but because I believe that, linked and 
 l)ound together as we are, the thing is an im])os- 
 si1>ility. As A\('ll jiiight Ave lio])e to tear asunder 
 the several ])arts that go to make uj) that mar\ cl- 
 ous machine, the human body, and then ex])ect 
 that each part, oi- any one of the i)arts, should con- 
 tinue to work on in usefulness an<l comfoit. It is 
 
 * Soo ^'ote B. f See Xotc ('. 
 
14 
 
 not only inipos^il^le, but it is entirely unnecessary, 
 even if it were possil )le — I say tliat it is unnecessary 
 and undesiral)le, because there are no evils ex- 
 jierienced A\liicli cannot l»e far l)etter corrected 
 within tlie Union than out of it. There are no 
 biu'dens of governnieiit tliat ^Nould not be increased 
 an hundred fold by separation ; and there are un- 
 numbered l>lessings which it secures to us, (juiet 
 and unseen, perhaps, l)ut yet foi' tlie loss of Avliich 
 nothing on this eartli could compensate us. And 
 as soon as time shall operate ^\\i]\ its soothing 
 influences, and our southern friends sliall recover a 
 little from the Irenzy of excitement, iido Avhicli 
 scheming ])oliticians liave thro^vu them, they are 
 too intelligent by far not to perceive and luiderstand 
 all of this. 
 
 The ])resent excited condition of the public 
 mind at the South is to be attriVmted to two causes. 
 The first is the mistake of supposing that the insane 
 i-avings of certain fanatical preachers of aT)olition- 
 ism, in Avhicli the gibl)erish of falsehood is dressed 
 uj) in tlie language of Holy A¥rit — the smart say- 
 ings of others, l)ordering ahvays u})on bhisphemy, 
 in Avhich lil)els and denunciations are clothed, and 
 mixed with coarse anecdotes and vulgar ribaldry — 
 are fair exj^ositions of the feelings of northern 
 people for tlieir countrymen of the South. I need 
 
15 
 
 iu)t say to you liow ciitircK iiiit'ouiKlcd is ;iii\ 
 supposition like that. I siiirly need ii(»t, jiroNc to 
 you lio\\' slight — how wvy sliglit — is tlie measure of 
 intlucncc cxerti^d l»y suc'li tcadicrs as those, beyond 
 the narrow s])her(' of their own immediate fol- 
 lowers. But yet the press, in giving j)ul»lieity to 
 these juml)les of mendacity and malignity, have 
 j)rodiiced tlu' most wide-spread miseliiefs to our 
 eountr}'. And so, too, the unscrupulous leaders of 
 l)olitical parties have too often given uttei-ance to 
 the cant of abolitionism, in order to secure their 
 temporary and selfish ends, — and thus the whole 
 body of voters, ^v\\o for far different purposes ha\e 
 been associated with these demagogues, are set 
 down as all of them together, having abolition aims 
 and objects. Nothing can be more false than that, 
 and yet nothing has contributed moi-e to alienate 
 (me section of our country from the other, and to 
 break asunder the ties of love and mutual interest 
 which ought to bind us inseparably together! No, 
 no, my friends, J will nevei- allow it to be said that 
 the great body of the intelligent voters of the Noith 
 have any sort of hostility or hatred for the South, 
 or the least wish to interfere with tiieir jx'culiar 
 institutions; and I protest, in the luune of tiiith 
 and justice, against their being associated and con- 
 founded with the few noisv and wavward disturbers 
 
IG 
 
 of tlie piiblic tranfiuility, who we know to he of a 
 contrary mind. 
 
 In this connection, permit me to allude to the 
 spectacle which our fellow-citizens of the free States 
 have exhibited in their calm and universal sul amis- 
 sion to the slow movements of authority, in these 
 dark days, while all their hopes have been blasted, 
 their interests sacrificed, and their industry sus- 
 pended, by the shocks which confidence has received 
 from political disturbances. They might naturally 
 have l^een supposed to be enraged against the 
 authors of their miseries, and, without hope from 
 either their rulers or law-makers, they would })e 
 ready to move in hostile array against somebody. 
 But there has l)een nothing like it ; and I do say 
 that the universal acquiescence of our people in the 
 orderings of the Government, although so very con- 
 trary to the universal and deep conviction of what 
 would be wisest and best, presents us with a subject 
 for thought of the sublimest import. It is that 
 Avhich could not have been witnessed in any other 
 country on earth ; and, with such a people, ^ve have 
 nothing to fear for the Union, or the glory of its 
 flag. Leaving the negro, and all the vexations con- 
 nected w^ith him, to them Avhose province it is to 
 take care of him, the men of the North and the 
 East, with the American Eao-le ]iearinf>: the Stars 
 
 7 O c 
 
17 
 
 and Stripes in liis iK'.-ik, as tlicii- cnsion <.t' sii-ciiutli, 
 will H\ tlicii' cvi's upon tlic West, and Ix-foic tlicii- 
 advancing fo(>tste])s tlic Ideak |>rairi(\ tlic Ljh'onix' 
 forest, an<l flic wonderino" savaoe evervw liei-e sjive 
 place to tlic arts and comforts of civilized man — 
 takiiiu' aloHi;' witli tliem, w lierever tlie\ u'o, the 
 spellinu-l)ook, the HiMe, the raili'oad and the tele- 
 i>Ta])h — those vast regions wliere natui'e lias slum- 
 Itered foi* ages in solitary grandeur will soon l>e 
 resounding with songs of grateful hearts, lifted up 
 in ]»rayers and ])raises to (rod, and in expressions of 
 good A\ill to man. And \vhen those l»oundless 
 fields of j)lenty and joy, extending from one sea to 
 the other, shall all l>e filled with Christian people, 
 and all reposing in safety under the Constellation of 
 Stars that the Eagle bears before his uplifted head, 
 ■what nation of the globe Avill compare Avith us in 
 power, or in all the essential elements of national 
 glory and greatness I 
 
 But the second cause of restless uneasiness to our 
 countrymen of the South is to be seen in the fruit 
 of that false and pestilent teaching Avhich \\ oidd lead 
 them to believe fl/e Union of flu^ Sfatrs is the reason 
 why South Carolina has not advanced in pros])erity 
 and power as raj)idly as New^ York. Tlie logic, as 
 T found it in a j^aper recently sul)mitted for my 
 reading, amounts to this : "■ When the Ccmstitution 
 
18 
 
 '' of the United States was adopted, the commerce 
 " and shipping of Cliarleston was greater than that 
 " of NeAV York." '' Consequently, if that Constitu- 
 " tion liad never l>eeii adopted, Charleston ^vould 
 " have groAvn aixl flourished as much as New York! 
 " Break u}) our union Avitli the North — ^let Charles- 
 " ton resume her natural commerce, importing 
 '' directly from tluMvltole world such conmiodities as 
 " they ])ro(luce and w<' need — and Avhat a might}- 
 " change would come over tlie prospects of Cliarles- 
 " ton ! Our colonial and triluitary conunerce with 
 " the North \vould cease, and a mighty Wtv com- 
 " nierce Avith the Avliole Avorld Axould rise in its 
 " stead. Capital Avould floAV into a place where it 
 " could be used Avith sucli a<lAantage — the Koths- 
 " childs and the Barings Avould soon he thei-e — 
 " and thus Charleston heconie tlie envy of all the 
 " earth." I tind it difficult to persua(h' niA self that 
 any nuui capable of ^^-l•iting the English language 
 so Avell can, T)y any possil)ilit>-, he made to believe 
 his own teaching. T find it still more difficult to 
 conceive hoAv such a farrago of bald nonsense could 
 ever hav(^ foiuid a lodgiiig-idace amongst so intelli- 
 gent a people as our friends of South Carolina. And 
 yet it is perfectly certain that a persuasion of the 
 truth of this teaching, and the brilliant hopes Avhich 
 have thus been awakened, are at the l)ottom of all 
 
10 
 
 tlie tui'l»ult'iit and suicidal |(i(iccc( lilies in t hat uallaiit 
 ))Ut niisi;iiidt'<l State I Can any man Icll inc how and 
 at wliat time tlie intlucnce oi' tlie uvncial ( iovcrnnicnt 
 has heeii exerted in 1av<»r <»!' New Vovk and to thi- 
 injury of Charleston ( Can tiny man tell me iiow a 
 tariff of duties eoidd, l)y any possibility, ]»e tranied, 
 wliieli would o])eraie against Charleston, and would 
 not at the same time operate against NeAv ^^)rk '^ 
 Can any man <leny that the taritf, as we now haxc 
 it, was framed l>y South Carolina herself, and voted 
 toi- unanimously hy hei- representatives in Con- 
 gress^ Can it l)y any ])ossibility l>e true that the 
 most simple of all truths should be hidden from the 
 people of South Carolina, and l)e plain and written 
 in capitals for the I'eading of every man in the 
 world besides, that the only reason why Charleston 
 does not advance in commerce and po})idation in 
 jjroportion to New York is because she has no 
 market for her imported goods ^ Let us only i-efer 
 to a map of the United States, and when you trace 
 the almost incredible range of country sj reading 
 out in every direction, with it>; dense and e^•er- 
 increasing population, its rich manufactories, and 
 countless products of every kind, all of Avhicli is 
 poured into Ne^v ^'ork, and affords a market in 
 return for the go<»ds that are sent to Kew York to 
 be sold — when you trace the marvelous network of 
 
1^0 
 
 internal improvements, and tliat long chain of inter- 
 national seas, almost as wide an expanse of water 
 as tlie Atlantic itself, and all of tliem affording the 
 most wonderful facilities for an interchange of com- 
 modities — can any citizen of South Carolina fail to 
 see that Charleston has not, and in the nature of 
 things never can have, anything to compare with 
 it ? And, consequently, by no possibility can she 
 ever l)econie the great commercial emporium that 
 Ne^v York now is, and nuist continue to be, with 
 j^erpetuall}^ increasing accessions of prosperity and 
 wealth. M}^ friends, it is a sad and painful suliject 
 of thou2:ht, tliat the uuderstandino- of mankind 
 should 1)e so triiled with, and that, under a hallu- 
 cination so gross and palpable to all eyes Init their 
 own, they should rush to ruin, and su])i)ose that 
 they are only led by the ])urest tires of patriotism. 
 But I must be done. Let me only repeat that, as 
 New-Yorkers, we have notliing to fear for ourselves. 
 We can afford to be magnanimous and forl)earing to 
 the last degree. The clieck ^^dlich the industr}^ of our 
 people has received will be temporar}'. There has 
 been no sufficient cause for it in anything done Ijy us 
 or operating directly ui)on ourseh'es, and it is to be 
 accounted for entirely by a reference to that ex- 
 treme and morbid sensitiveness Avhich financial con- 
 fidence ever evinces to ])olitical disturbances. Upon 
 
the lii'st whispei' of alarm iVoiii tlir«'at('ii<'(l iioiiMc^ 
 in (xoveruiueiit, coiifidciicc hides liiiiisclf in tiiiiitl 
 (lisiiia\, and when iiiosl wanted can now liei'e In- 
 found. I Avill conclude 1>\ entreating you to clicr- 
 isli the all-iinpoi'tant truth ^vith which 1 lia\'e 
 ah-eady sought to impress you — that, if not wanting 
 to ourselves and to our (xod, nothing from without 
 can by any means liurt us very long. Come A\hat 
 \vi\], or come what may to otlier States, this City of 
 New York must of necessity continue to he the 
 center of capital an<l connnerce to this Western 
 Continent. Blessed ^is ^^■e are M'ith a most unii- 
 valed geographical position, commerce has hei-e 
 AVorn hei" hroad and deep channels, and capital has 
 ilowecl in upon the waves of commerce, and it is as 
 impossible to change them as would he the attempt 
 to check or change the downward flow of the A\'ater 
 in the father of rivers. Our sister cities of the South 
 may become })ros])erous and ])owerful; hut just in 
 proportion as they advance in powei', just in tlie same 
 l^'oportion Avill they contribute to swell the intlux 
 of exchanges towards this great center of our c(»ni- 
 merce, this vast reservoir of wealth. They are as 
 sure to flow this way as the Gulf Stream flows this 
 w^ay. These things, my friends, can never be con- 
 trolled by any sectional legislation, because they are 
 
90 
 
 governed l>y ];n\'s wliicli are as certain and as fixed 
 as tliose wliicli secure the liarmony of tlie spheres." 
 C'onie, then, my beloved brethren, let us mourn 
 over our iniquities and ingratitude, ^vhich render 
 us so unworthy of these many and great l)lessings. 
 Let us alwa>'s remember that we liave nothing- to 
 dread so mucli as wickedness in oiir peoj^le. But 
 our (rod is o-ood ! He is infinite in mere v. He 
 was the (lod of our fathers, and A\'e will trust in 
 him with a confidence that ne^'er falters. Let us 
 always look upon those who difter from us Avitli 
 kindness and charity. Let us say to them, Avith 
 hearts overfloAving with tenderness, Sirs, we are 
 brethren; jour country is oiu* country, our j^eople 
 are youi' ])eo])]e, and }'our peoj)le are our peo]de, 
 and never may it 1)e otherwise! Never may our 
 prayers ascend from the altars of our hearts for you 
 or for ourselves, save it l)e as for friends and fellow- 
 citizens, and all of us together as fellow-candidates 
 for the immoi'tality of the skies. 
 
 * See Xote D, 
 
IsrOTES. 
 
 fA.] 
 
 The State of South Carolina, iVoni and after tlie adoption of 
 the Constitution of the United States, lias had no more power to 
 eonfer citizenship than iicr tnwns nf ('<nisa\\ liatrhic and \\>r>>- 
 taligo. It is thus that I am a native of South Carolina, a i-csidcnt 
 of New York, and a ( Vii/.kn of these I'nited States of Anieriea. — 
 and it is to that nation only that my allegiance is due. Ilow 
 serious, then, is the mistake of those many gallant uttieers from 
 the arm\- and iiav\ ol" our country, who had sworn fidelity to 
 the Constitution of the Lnited States under every possible cir- 
 eumstance of solemnity, and whose noble energies ha<l been so 
 lonir identified with the i>lorv of our ilaij:, — who are expected to 
 be faithful, although all other men should iirove faithless, — are yet 
 found to desert their posts and their colors, when the hour of 
 trial comes, under a [lersuaslon that supei-ior allegiance is due 
 to some little corner of the land which happens to be marked by 
 the accident of their hirth ! 
 
 To the oHicer who has on<-e assunu-d the high responsibility 
 of sustaining and (iefending the interests of this gi-cat Republic, 
 the flai: of his country becomes identitied with his whole being, 
 and so continues as long as life, lasts. Its honoi- is associated 
 with his every thought, and it would lie insult to suggest that its 
 ;:loiy was not more sacred than his lit'e. When worn and wasted 
 in upholding it. without one moment^ tiiltering. he resigns his 
 spirit to his (Jod. and is consoled in the cold lionrofileatli lt\ thi- 
 i-eflci-tion that his body will be enwi-a|.|.cd in the emblem of hi- 
 conntrv's glory, which he has never either desert imI or disgraced. 
 
 In this connection T will invite attention to the following ex- 
 tract Iroiu a sj.ecch delivered by the late Hon. Joel IJ. [^.i^sett 
 
24 
 
 durino- a season of extraordinary excitement in South Carolina, 
 nearly thirty years ago, when the doctrine of secession Avas, per- 
 haps, first agitated. Mr. Poinsett was a distinguished citizen of 
 the United States, horn in South Carolina, and, in the latter years 
 of his life, was entrusted with a succession of the highest offices 
 within the gift of the people and the Government. TTis trusts 
 were, each one and all, surrendered to the hands from which he 
 received them, untainted by the breath of suspicion as to mal- 
 feasance or treason. Such things were unheard of in those daijs .' 
 The greatest portion of Mr. Poinsett's life Avas passed in 
 traveling over every accessible part of tlic w orld. and it Avas in 
 reference to this wide experience that lie said — 
 
 " Wherever I have l)ecii, I have been proud of luring a citizen 
 of this Republic, and to the remotest C(ji-ners of the earth have 
 Avalked erect and secure under that banner Avhich our opponents 
 Avould tear doAvn and ti-ample \mder foot. I Avas in Mexico 
 Avhen the town was taken by assaidt. The house of the Ameri- 
 can Ambassa(h»r*' Avas then,^ls it ought to be. the refuge of the 
 distressed and persecuted. It was pointi-d out to the infuriated 
 soldiery as a place filled Avith their eneu)ies. They rushed to 
 the attack. My only defence Avas the tiag of my country, and 
 it Avas flung out at the instant that hundreds of muskets Avere 
 leveled at\is. Mr. Mason (a braver man never stood by his 
 friend in the hour of danger) and myself placed ourselves 
 beneath its Avaving i'olds, and the attack Avas suspended. We 
 did not blench, foi" avc felt strong in the pi-otecting .arm of this 
 mighty Republic. We told thein that the flag that Avaved over 
 us was the banner of that nation to Avhose example they owed 
 their lilierties, and to Avhose protection they Avere indebted for 
 their safety. The scene changed as l)y enchantment; those 
 men Avho avcj-c on the point of attacking and massacring^ the 
 inhabitants cheered the flag of our couiitj'y and placed sentinels 
 to protect it from outrage. Fenow-citizens, in such a moment 
 as that Avould it have been any protection to me an<l mine to 
 haA'e proclaimed uiyself a Carolinian? Sho)ild I have been here 
 to tell you thift tale if I had huncf ovt the Palmetto and single 
 star? Be assured that, to be respected abroad, avc must main- 
 tain our place in the Union."' 
 
 * Mr. roiiis;etl was hjiasclf the American Amh.'is.sadur at that time. 
 
25 
 
 [B.j 
 
 Since these words were written, it would appear that certain 
 other States have followed the example of South Camlina in 
 entering upon a career of revolution, disunion, and ruin. 
 
 1 have no fliith in the long continuance of this hallucination 
 over the mass of the people in any of those States. But one 
 thing is certain : that the greater the number of the States which 
 shall attempt to confodcrate together, just in the same proportion 
 will the consequences be unpleasant and disastrous to South Car- 
 olina, — her importance will Ite diminished, her glory will be 
 eclipsed, and her interests despised amid the conflicting claims of 
 more powerful associates. And as the causes of rivalry, inter- 
 fering interests, jealousies, and bitter hatred arise, so surely will 
 they rejoice to hasten back to that fold of t^nion and safety from 
 which they will feel it had been better for them if they had never 
 departed. On this point how emphatic and how precious is the 
 warning which wc may gather from the history of the past. 
 
 Judge Story, in drawing his picture of the condition of the 
 States during the period of their former confederation and before 
 their Union under our present Constitution, has said — 
 
 " The very magnitude of the public evils almost discouraged 
 every effort to relieve them. The usual consequences of such a state 
 of things had been fully realized. Private as well as public credit 
 was destroyed, agriculture and commerce M'ere crippled, manut'ac- 
 tures could not in any strict sense be said to have had an existence 
 — they were in a state of profound lethargy. The little Jiioney 
 which was yet remaining in the country in specie, was subject to 
 a perpetual drain to purchase the ordinary supplies from foreign 
 countries. The whole industry of the country was at a stand. 
 Our artisans were starving in the streets, without the means or 
 the habits of regular employment ; and the disbanded officers of 
 the army found themselves not only without resources, but with- 
 out occupation. Under such circumstances the popular murmurs 
 were not only loud, but deep, and the general distress became so 
 appalling that it threatened the shipwreck of all our free institu- 
 tions. In short, we seemed to have escaped from the dominion 
 of the parent country only to sink into a more galling domestic 
 bondage. Our very safety was felt to be mainly dependent upon 
 the jealousy or foi'bearance of foreign governments."' — Judge 
 Story on Ch. Justice Marshall, Mis. Wri., p. 653. 
 4 
 
26 
 
 Again, " Our irade was regulated, taxed, monopolized, and 
 crippled, at the pleasure of the maritime powers of Europe. 
 Every State managed its own concerns in its own way ; the sys- 
 tems of retaliation for real or imaginary grievances were perpet- 
 ually devised and enforced against neighboring States, so that 
 instead of being a band of brothers in a common cause and guided 
 by a common interest, the States were everywhere secret or open 
 enemies to each other, and we were on the verge of a border war- 
 fare of interminable irritation and interminable mischiefs." — 
 Page 654. 
 
 "1 have labored," said Governor Edmund liaudolph, " for the 
 continuance of the Union, the rock of our salvation; 1 believe, as 
 surely as that there is a God, that our safety, our political hap- 
 piness and existence, depend on the Union of the States, and that, 
 without this Union, the people of this and the other States will 
 undergo the unspeakable calamities which discord, faction, turbu- 
 lence, war, and bloodshed have produced in other countries. The 
 American spirit ought to be mixed with the American pride, to 
 see the Union magniticently triumphant." * * * *: 
 
 "If the Union be now lost, 1 fear it will remain so forever. 
 But when 1 maturely weigh the advantages of the Union, and the 
 dreadful consequences of its dissolution ; when 1 see safety on my 
 rio-ht and destruction on my left ; when I behold respectability 
 and happiness acquired by the one course but annihilated by the 
 other, 1 cannot hesitate in my decision." — Debates hi (he Virginia 
 Con., III., jy. 85, f{T. 
 
 General Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, who bequeathed to 
 his country that noble maxim, " Millions for defence, but not a 
 cent for tribute," has ever been regarded with gratitude and re- 
 spect by the American people, and at one time was an authority 
 of unb()unded reverence in South Carolina. I trust they will bear 
 to be reminded that in the Legislature of 1788 that great man 
 declared — 
 
 "This admirable manifesto (the Declaration of Independ- 
 ence) sufficiently refutes the doctrine of the individual sov- 
 ereignty and independence of the several States. In that declara- 
 tion the several States are not even enumerated ; but after reciting 
 in nervous language and with convincing arguments our right to 
 independence, and the tyranny which compelled us to assert it, 
 
27 
 
 the declaration is made in the f()lh)wing Wdvd.s, &:c., &c. The 
 separate independence and individnal .s(jvereignty of the several 
 States were never tliought of by the enlightened Ijand of patriots 
 who framed this declaration. The several States are not ever 
 mentioned by name in any part, as if it was intended to impress 
 the maxim on America that our freedom and independence arose 
 from our Union ; and that, without it, we never could be {\w uv 
 independent. I^et us, then, consider all attempts to weaken this 
 Union by maintaining that each State is separately and individ- 
 ually independent as a species of political heresy which can nevei' 
 benefit us, but may bring on us the most serious distresses."— 
 Debates in South Carolina {Mi//er), 2^. 'ia. 
 
 [C.J 
 
 In a sermon recently preached in Trinity Church, New York, 
 by the Rev. Francis Vinton, D. D., and since " Published by 
 Permission," there is a reproduction of the old arguments by 
 which the extreme High-Churchmen of the 17th century vindica- 
 ted their doctrine of the " Divine right of kings," and " flung 
 around the civil Government of a nation the sacredness of the 
 Divine Presence and the authority of Almighty God." — Vinton. 
 
 An insidious attempt is also made to reconcile these principles 
 with the Revolution in England in 1688, by which the British 
 Constitution was perfected, and to reconcile them also with the 
 American Revolution of 177G. All of this may sound strangely 
 enough to every student of history, but it is still more strange 
 that the author should have thought it necessary to make a most 
 savage assault upon the remains of that dead lion in philosophy, 
 Mr. John Locke. Because, if the results of the English Revolu- 
 tion were of the greatest and most lasting importance, the world 
 is indebted for those results to the writings of Locke. If the De- 
 claration of American Independence is worth anything, then 1 
 have only to say that there is not a maxim that it rmbodies nor 
 a principle it announces which may not be traci-d directly to the 
 writings of Locke. 
 
 Dr. Vinton adduces the iirst political Constitution of the Statu 
 
28 
 
 of South Carolina as an instance of the " aiTogancy and weakness 
 of Locke." It is perhaps the first instance in which that great 
 man, who was so reniarkaltle for the admirable temper, the wise 
 moderation, and true dignity with which he conducted all his con- 
 troversies, was derided as " weak," or cliarged with " arrogance." 
 But Ramsay, tlie Historian of South Carolina, informs us that 
 the Loi'ds Proprietors framed that Constitution for the govern- 
 ment of their colony " with the aid of the celebrated John Locke." 
 Mr. Locke's interest and agency in the matter was to see that it 
 embraced and secured those great principles of civil and religious 
 liberty, for the universal diffusion of which he had consecrated 
 his life ; and it was those principles that he pronounced " im- 
 mortal." 
 
 If this Constitution was a " strange medley," it was not more 
 of a medley than the very mixed population for which it was pre- 
 pared. If it served its purpose for a quarter of a century, it did 
 full as well as the most of the Constitutions that have been 
 adopted since that day for the different States in our Union. It 
 was by no means, however, the " bald and haggard exhibition of 
 materialism and atheism" to which we are told that the teachings 
 of Locke necessarily lead, " utterly ignoring the presence of God 
 in the world" (Vinton), for it " positively required the acknowl- 
 edgment of a God, and of the worship that was due to liim," 
 " without which no man could be a freeman or have any estate oi' 
 habitation in Carolina." " But persecution for observing differ- 
 ent modes and ways of worship was expressly forbidden, and 
 every man was to be left full liberty of conscience, and might 
 worship God in that manner which he tliought most conformable 
 to the Divine will and revealed Word." — See Ramfscirfs History of 
 S. C. 
 
 Now, it is to be feared that it was this very liberty of con- 
 science fur which Locke contended that has rendered his teaching 
 so very distasteful to the ultra High-Churchmen in modern 
 times, as well as in the days of old. 
 
 In the sermon before me, Mr. Locke is unscrupulously de- 
 nounced as a " materialist," and his teaching " negatively atheis- 
 tic," and working out practical atheism in society." If we did 
 
29 
 
 not know the misi'epresentatiou which the blessed Savirtiir umJ 
 his doctrines of unearthly wisdom have received at the hamls of" 
 an ungrateful world, — if we did not know how extraordinary are 
 the contradictory senses in which the writings of the Apostle 
 Paul have been received, and how sadly they have been pervei-t- 
 ed to bad ends, — we might well marvel at the grossness of the false- 
 hoods which men have ventured to utter as to the opinions aii<J 
 character of Mr. Locke. I was aware that he ha J been called by 
 turns a Roman Catholic, a Socinian, and an inlidel, and now he 
 is ranked with the " fools who say in their hearts there is no God," 
 while the simple truth is, that Mr. Locke was no "materialist," 
 but while he exposed the insufficiency of the grounds upon which 
 certain writers had rested their faith in the immateriality of the 
 soul, yet he distinctly admitted that the groat truth might be 
 pi'oved by reasoning to be in the " Jtij/hesl decree jjrobaUe," and 
 the hiyhest 'prohahUity upon such a subject is all that ihe lunnan 
 mind is capable of reaching apart from Revelation. 
 
 So far from being an Atheist, that the simple truth is, Mr. 
 Locke was one of the most sincerely devout men that ever lived. 
 He was not only a person of the severest morality, which in a 
 corrupt age was his " honorable singularity," but he was always 
 distinguished for his deep and unaffected piety. While disliking 
 !<ome thincrs in which he thought his Church was too narrow in 
 her views, he yet died as he had lived, " in the communion of t lie 
 Church of England." So for from " ignoring a God," it would be 
 much nearer the truth to say that " God Avas in all his thoughts." 
 How beautiful are the following rules for reading the Scriptures 
 profitably, and which, amongst other things, were found in his 
 handwriting after his death : — 
 
 " //■ any one fi)ul any doclrimd ■parts of the Srriptvre difficult 
 to he understood, tve recommend him — 1. The study of the Scrip- 
 tures in humility and singleness of heart, 2. Prayer to the 
 Father of lights to enlighten him. 3. "Obedience to what is al- 
 ready revealed to him, remembering that Xha practice of what we 
 do know is the surest way to metre knowledge," &c. — Lord king's 
 Life of Locke, Vol. ii. p. 54. 
 
 If such teaching leads to Atheism, may the good God, in His 
 
30 
 
 infinite mercy, bless the earth with a little more of just sucn 
 Atheism ! 
 
 Mr. Locke's notions upon the question of " Innate Ideas " has 
 no more connection with his political philosophy, than Dr. Priest- 
 ley's materialism had to do with his discoveries in chemistry. 
 But, in the language of Sir James Mcintosh, " in his nohle zeal for 
 liberty of thought he dreaded the tendency of doctrines which 
 might practically prepare mankind ' to swallow tl ait for an innate 
 principle ivhich may suit Ms purpose who teacheth them.'' " 
 
 The same delightful writer (Sir James Mcintosh), in allusion 
 to the influence of Locke in elevating the intellectual habits of 
 mankind, most beautifully reinarks, — " In this respect the merit of 
 Locke is unrivaled. His writings have diffused, throughout 
 the civilized world, the love of civil liberty, the spirit of tolera- 
 tion and charity in religious differences, the disposition to reject 
 whatever is obscure, fantastic, or hypothetical in speculation ; to 
 reduce verbal disputes to their proper value ; to abandon prob- 
 lems which admit of no solution ; to distrust whatever cannot be 
 clearly expressed; to render theory the simple expression of 
 facts, and to prefer those studies ivhich most directly contribute to 
 human hap2}iness. If Bacon first discovered the rules by which 
 knowledge is improved, Locke has most contributed to make 
 mankind at large observe them. He has done most, though 
 often by remedies of silent and almost insensible operation, to 
 cure those mental distempers which obstructed the adoption of 
 these rules, and thus led to that general diffusion of a healthful 
 and vigorous understanding, which is at once the greatest of all 
 improvements, and the insti-ument by which all other improve- 
 ments must be accomplished. He has left to posterity the in- 
 structive example of a prudent reformer, and of a philosophy 
 temperate as well as liberal, which spares the feelings of the good, 
 and avoids direct hostility with obstinate and formidable prejudice. 
 
 " These benefits are very slightly counterbalanced by some 
 political doctrines liable to misapplication, and by the skepti- 
 cism of some of his ingenious followers, — an inconvenience to 
 which every philosophical school is exposed which does not 
 limit its theory to a mere exposition of experience. If Locke 
 
31 
 
 mado few discoveries, Socrates made none, — yet both did mora 
 for the improvement of the understanding, and not less for the 
 progress of knowledge, than the authors of the most brilliant dis- 
 coveries. Mr. Locke will ever be regarded as one of the great 
 ornaments of the English nation, and the most distant posterity 
 Avill speak of him in the language of the poet — 
 
 " ' O, Decus Angliacse certe, O, Lux Altera gentis.' " 
 
 —Ediiihnrfj Review, Vol. XXXV]., ^j. 243. 
 
 "Great as are his merits in other respects, it is principally as 
 the champion of civil and religious liberty that Locke is entitled 
 to the reverence and gratitude of mankind." — Dkiioanry of 
 Biography. 
 
 [!).] 
 
 We all know that the interruption of business relations be- 
 tween the North and the South has, for the time, proved most 
 disastrous to the merchants and manufacturers engaged in the 
 southern trade. But, if the times are bad for the northern 
 - creditors, they are infinitely worse for the southern debtors ; and 
 I utterly reject the suggestion that the great body of the mer- 
 chants at the South have favored revolutionary movements in 
 order to escape from their millions of indebtedness to the mer- 
 chants of the North. They do not pay only because they cannot 
 pay, — they are overwhelmed in the universal ruin in which po- 
 litical agitators have involved every species of property. But, 
 believing, as I do, that this disturbed condition of things will be 
 comparatively brief at the South, I am quite sure it will be still 
 more brief at the North. 
 
 I feel quite sure that as soon as any trade is resumed at the 
 South it will flow, as it has hitherto done, towards the North, 
 simply because in that channel it can be done with superior ex- 
 pedition and cheapness. The nearest approach to omnipotence, 
 in anything connected with the earth, is to be found in the law of 
 rheapiicss. It controls all things else. Men will deal with us, 
 not because they love us less, but because they love themselves 
 more. It is thus that, in spite of all the denunciations of politi- 
 cal empirics, mankind will continue to buy and sell just where 
 
32 
 
 they find it most to their interest to do so ; and, in that matter, 
 the merchant is far keener sighted than the politician. 
 
 I have said that the period of depression will he even more 
 brief at the North than at the Sonth, becanse such is the marvel- 
 ous elasticity in the energies of our people that, no sooner are 
 their hopes blasted in one branch of business, than they bound up 
 from the most forlorn condition of ruin into new life and vigor in 
 some other avenue to prosperity and wealth. 
 
 Our New England friends may be brought to a stand-still for 
 a few moments, when they are no longer permitted to manufac- 
 ture nutmegs for the southern markets, but it will be only a few 
 moments before they will discover something else Avhich they 
 can manufacture with increased profit, and so as even to under- 
 sell the spicy islands of the East in their own markets. 
 
 We have all heard of the uncounted millions of wealth that 
 the fether of rivers was always bearing upon its bosom to the 
 ocean, and of the indispensable necessity of the mouth of the 
 Mississippi to the prosperity of the western States; and our 
 southern friends are little prepared, I fear, for the tidings of a 
 revolution in the course of trade, more strange, by far, than any- 
 thing of which they have yet heard. Who could have supposed 
 it, fifty years ago, that the Mississippi River would have been so 
 tapped and superseded by canals and railroads that its waters 
 are no longer required to transport the produce of any free State 
 in our Union? By fixr the larger proportion of breadstuffs and 
 meats which are now received at New Orleans come from the 
 slave States bordering upon the river ; and the whole amount, in 
 value, of breadstuffs and provisions received at the two cities, 
 respectively, are about in the proportion of one million at New 
 Orleans to one hundred millions at New York. 
 
 A still more extraordinary proof of the certainty with which 
 a demand wnll secure a supply, is to be found in the fact that our 
 northern railroads, for months past, have been profitably engaged 
 in transporting the cotton of the South, which Avas seeking a 
 market at New York and Boston. 
 
LIBRARY OF CONGRPS<: 
 
 Mi. 
 
P, W M U W I 
 
 * * M 
 
 ¥j: S'|- i 
 
 J. 1. # 
 
 ^-.'fe'iri. 
 
 .^'. |l. =Jlv. 
 
 ^ ^ *■ "l^ % "'^ 'I 
 
 ' t i *• i^. > ^ 
 
 ■i»v. ^,- !k, c«. ■ S^. . "' ■ ■ !5»., ."'/v; '" 1- 
 
 ..-,., .^ # i « i' ft i" I 
 
 *..l^ W i 
 
 
 * * 
 
 * .*■* 
 
 ^.^^.-.^-"^•^-./^ 
 
 I . B t 
 
 ■■ '^ -^^^ *. ^ ^~' 
 
 
 "«- ., ^- ■ . Wt . V-. )s.>^ iJT ,V 
 
 : i^ i i. 1^ ' 
 
 P\M W 
 
 
 
 ■ *, * 1*.' J: TS> l» ■!»:- !» 
 
 ^^*. fe. ». t, I: ^^ ^' W W fe I > t S * S 
 
a ^« ^i ^*l M M ^^4 «i .<* ^M: *?\ 'i. *. 
 4 4 A '^^ ^ ^' ^ ^ i i i ^ ^ « 'li r"- 
 .t i: '■ t t ^ i t ^4. t't ■* ' 
 
 ^ A 'r 
 
 <5 <! 1; i: «' 
 
 < f «' ^ «. '*■ 
 ;^ t: X' ^ «• » 
 
 
 i t 
 
 i: i ^ 
 
 * t f 4 «, f ft. ' i .,. ., 
 
 V f f l; t «^ 'i^' 'If. If '■«■ ■ 
 « € flf: n .« 
 
 \4 \i ^ii '%'4 '% ^n't *. «■ ■ 
 
 I: C 1i^ It ^^ -f ^ '^ i '^ ^: 
 
 i i % % ^ Ik ,1 "t « t ■* ' 
 
 % i t *, t t; ■* D 'f^ #: 
 
 ^ .5^ ii. ^; t «• i * a^ i^ ■ 
 
 
 #■ ^ «; * «. 
 t c I f ■# ■«" 
 % ^1 «■ 3s- 'c ■ 
 
 'ij il 4 «: 'i 'i 
 
 t i % H' "*, 
 
 *■ 4 
 
 li 1^ i; ii! «i *f' t- 
 
 i' «. ih ifi "^ "ii^ 'v 
 : i g ^ -■'••' ■- ■ 
 
 J A M , 
 1 «. 13 ,< 
 
 * i' 
 
 «' f * ^ 
 
 -' V i ^ ^ ^ 4) 'c'l 
 
 ^ ^ I; .*, .r .«: ^ ^C f f; f f t: t; .fi *; ^ #; , 
 < li t i; € ^ 4^ *, I *. ii^ * If ■^: ^^ i? 4? % 
 
 - 4 «e * «^ *" c 4 ^' 1^ "^«^ c 'f ■'€ 'i "'f' ■ 
 
 * 1^; fe % tf f i \ 4 *C "»■ ■»' 't^ '-' 
 i '^ '^ t; 4: < 4 # If; 4 '4 '^ 'jl , 
 m. i %_ % ii !i g t ^ ^ f *.$' t 'i ■4 '4' 
 ' ^ ^ '^: € '€ '# '€ '4^ '^ '#^ ^^ '1^ "t '4: 'i 'i, 
 ■ < > Ij- 4 ^. li ^ ^^ # ■.^- 4 '.i -^^ ^ •- 
 . 4 1; If/ 11 # « ^: i t '4: 1: ■•# "i^ ■'- ^ 
 
 
 j %' ft i i % fl^ *iif ■) 
 j^' n ^i !^ # *'"i 'ii^ 'ij .