LIBRARY OF CX)NGRESS DDDDS47S'=]fl3 ^^"^^hFm^.^.,^a,. On.w^^'^'^^ ' /7x9 V y COLLECTION FROM THE NEWSPAPER WRITINGS OF NATHANIEL PEABODY ROGERS. CONCORD: PUBLISHED BY JOHN R. FRENCH; 1847. " The world is out of tune now.— But it will be tuned again, and all discord become harmony. — When Slavery and War are abolished, and hanging and im- prisoning, and all hatred and distrust — when the strife of humanity shall be, who will love most and help the readiest ; when the tyrant steeple shall no longer tower, in sky-aspiring contempt of humanity's cowering dwellings about its base ; when pulpits and priests, and hangmen and generals, gibbets and jails shall have vanished from the delivered earth, then shall be heard music here, where they used to stand. The hills shall then break forth into singing, and all the trees of the field shall clap their hands." CONCORD, N. H. STEREOTTPED AND PRINTED BY MORRILL, SILSBT AND CO. PUBLISHER'S NOTICE. In collecting, from the abundance of Mr. Rogers' news- paper writings, articles sufficient to fill the proposed " vol- ume of four hundred pages," the constant difficulty has been to decide " What shall be omitted ?" All the pro- ductions of his peerless pen, scattered with such generous profusion through various newspaper columns — all are worthy of more permanent and extensive circulation. Where all are so beautifully in earnest and so full of im- portant thoughts, a selection is not to be made, and so a coZlection, only, has been attempted. The articles com- posing this volume have no peculiar excellency of style or sentiment over scores of others standing by their side in the columns from whence they were taken. The aim has been to take such as, from the subjects treated of, might interest the greater number of the friends of the lamented author, and such too as seemed fitted peculiarly for still further work in advancing the great interests to which their author gave the last years of his life with such complete devotion. No attempt has been made to establish a consistent character for our friend, for " co7i- sistency^^ was no part of his aim while living; constant,' uninterrupted progress — going forward — the reader will notice ; never anxious for the sentiment spoken yesterday, but always careful to give utterance to the honest convic- tions of the hour. Such was he in life — let such be his reputation now that he rests from his labors. It may be due to the memory of our friend to say here, for the information of such as may read this volume, and who were not of his intimate acquaintance, that some of his associates in the Anti-Slavery cause, who are fre- iv PUBLISHER'S NOTICE. quently spoken of in these pages in warm commendation, he was afterward, from further acquaintance and trial, forced to regard as men and women of very different cha- racter. WiUiam Lloyd Garrison, especially — a name that will be met with often in this volume coupled with utter- ance of the most affectionate and enthusiastic esteem — Mr. Rogers, during the last two years of his life, was under the mortifying and painful necessity of holding in very decidedly different estimation. Our friend carried a Avarm and trustful heart ; never looking for selfishness and ambition in others, knowing none himself, he often had to drink of the bitter cup of unappreciated disinterest- edness, and partake of the mortification of unworthily bestowed commendation. Many articles that friends have desired should appear in this collection, from fear of swelling the volume to an undue size and expense, we have been obliged reluc- tantly to omit. It is possible that another collection of Mr. Rogers' newspaper writings may be made and pub- lished at a future day. j. R. p. Plymouth, 24 June, 1 847. CONTENTS Introduction ix " The Presence of God" 1 The Discussion 5 Call to a Convention , 9 Patience of Abolitionists 11 Dr. Farmer dead 13 Constitutionality of Slavery, — Keene Sentinel 15 Colonization Love and " Logic," — Rev. R. R. Gurley 21 Eclipse of the Sun 25 Balloon Ascension 27 George Thompson 29 Limitations of Human Responsibilities, — Dr. Wayland 31 Jaunt to Vermont 34 Dr. Francis Wayland 39 Color-phobi% 44 The New Hampshire Courier 47 Colonization 43 The New Hampshire Patriot 51 Reverend Ralph Randolph Gurley, — Elliot Cresson 54 Ichabod Bartlett, — Osceola 56 Massachusetts, — The Liberator 59 Anti-Slavery Divisions 62 War with Great Britain 65 Unparalleled Outrage 66 Extract of Letter from Durham 70 Emancipation in the West Indies 73 The African Strangers 75 Cingues , 78 Pierpont ejected from the Pulpit 80 The North Star 82 The Monthly Miscellany, — " Slavery as it is" 84 The Fifteen- Gallon Law 87 Anti-Slavery 89 The World's Convention 91 A* vi CONTENTS. Letter from Edinburgh 93 To the Abolitionists of New Hampshire, on return from Europe 96 Ride over " The Border" 102 Daniel Webster 105 Wincobank Hall, — James Montgomery 106 Wentworth House and Park 109 Ride into Edinburgh, — Melrose Abbey, — Abbotsford ] 13 Letter to Editorial Chair 118 Pro-Slavery " Excommunication" 121 Correspondence v/ith Pierpont 122 " Ailsa Craig" 128 Extract of a Letter, — Philadelphia 135 Meetings at New York,— Harriet Lloyd 138 " Tales of Oppression," — Isaac T. Hopper, — James S. Gibbons 140 Mary Clark 143 Proceedings of the Annual Meeting 144 Trees 146 Salem, — Newbury port, — Whitefield 153 Anti-Slavery Jaunt to the Mountains, — Meeting at Plymouth, — North Hill, — Baker's River, — Franconia Notch, — The Flume, — The " Old Man of the Mountain," — Convention at Littleton, — Fabyan's Tin Horn, — Ride up Mount Washington, — " The Willey House" 157 Poetry 194 Sectarian Worship 196 Rhode Island Meeting, — Public Buildings in Providence, — Frederfck Douglass 197 Lecture on Elocution 206 Clerical "Jugglery" 208 Poetry 210 British Abolitionism 213 Anti-Slavery 219 Church and State 221 Cobbett's American Gardener 227 At Home again. — Lynn, — Swamscott, — Marblehead 230 Bell-Ringing 232 Great Meeting-House Eruption 234 Newburyport Jail, — Thomas Parnell Beach 241 The Hutchinson Singers 244 Speech 247 The Boston Miscellany 248 Richard D. Webb ..250 Labor 255 Spring 259 CONTENTS. yij The stultifying Power of Superstition, — Daniel O'Connell 261 Politics 263 *' Shakespeare Gallery" 266 O'Connell 270 The Hutchinsons 272 " The Tigers" 274 " Muster" 275 A uthority 280 Property 285 Macbeth 288 Letter from Plymouth, — Woburn Butchers, — The Hutchinsons 290 The Anti-Slavery Platform 292 Letter from Plymouth 294 Funeral at Sea 296 The Jews and Holy Land 301 " Pen and Ink Sketches,"— Byron 304 The Anti-Slavery Movement 307 Letter from Plymouth 309 The Great Question of the Age 311 " You are before the Age" 314 Aristocracy 317 The Learned Blacksmith 320 It rains 322 The Legislature 324 " High Rock" 327 Letter from Plymouth, — The Franconia Mountains 329 " The Unconstitutionality of Slavery," — George Bradburn, — Lysan- der Spooner's Essay 332 The American Board 337 " The Rights of Animals" 339 " Infidelity" 340 Thanksgiving 341 Reply to " H. O. S." 343 The " Attic Weaver" 350 Henry Brown, — Crayon Portraits 352 Thoughts on the Death Penalty, by C. C. Burleigh 355 Instrumentalities 357 Letter from Lynn 359 War 363 The Death of Torrey 366 " Pastoral Convention" 370 Tilling the Ground 373 Bursting of the Paixhan Gun 375 Free Speech 377 INTRODUCTION. In presenting to the public a volume of the miscellaneous writings of Nathaniel P. Rogers, his family and friends feel that they are meeting a demand, often and earnestly pressed upon them, and, at the same time, contributing something to the cause for which he made great sacrifices, and devoted his highest powers and the best years of his life. To all those who are interested in the writer's reputation, it is a matter of deep regret that his own life was not spared either to make the selec- tion himself, or at least to let a selection, made by another, pass under his eye, and have the benefit of his own judgment, as to the pieces upon which he would be most willing to rest his claim upon the grateful regards of those who should commune with his spirit when his body should be '•' Commingling slowly with its mother earth." Yet, even had he lived, it is doubtful whether he would ever have been induced to do for himself, what his friends have here attempted to do for him. He was more mindful of the good of others, than of his own fame. And it was more in accordance witli his nature to produce and cast abroad the gems of thought, feeling and imagination, than to gather them up and arrange them in a cabinet for his own gratification, or the admiration even of his friends. But the treasures tliat he scat- tered with a liberal, and, for his health and life, quite too prodigal a hand, will be like choice seed, which, sown in a strong soil, not culti- vated enough to be quite ready for it, will yet strike its roots and live, and the field into which it is cast will yet feel its virtue, and be subdued and fertilized by it. Rogers wrote, as he did every thing else, for humanity, not for fame. He consulted the good of the future, not the fashion of the present ; and his claims to the regard, even of the future, ho chose to rest rather upon help given to those who " could not help tlicm- selves," than upon the good opinion of critics or literary connoisseurs. Whoever reads this book, will see that it was written by an earnest, and therefore an honest man ; a man whose soul was alive to the work to which he put his hand ; and who expected not, and asked not, the applause of a sensual and servile age. He sought rather to gratify the cravings of his own fei-vent spirit, tliat glowed with love and pity INTRODUCTION. for those who were " despised and rejected of men ;" and he did this, knoiving that if "the world and they that are therein," have a Creator, who careth for his work, he cannot be indifferent to the welfare of the oppressed and enslaved, and that he must approve — as ultimately lie will prosper — tlie labors of such as " preach deliverance to the captive^ and set at liberty tlieni that are bruised." Our friend might have worn, but he did not " wear soft raiment, or dwell in kings' houses." Lazarus-like, here " he received evil things." He might have received " good things," or what in the world pass for such, had he pleased. With his hands full of talents, that he might have readily caused to be coined into golden eagles, for the sake of tlie slave " he became poor." He might have died under a silken can- opy, and been followed to the grave far otlierwise than he was. But, with his eyes wide open, he chose tlie course of a confessor and martyr ; and, as a natural consequence, he drank a confessors — a martyr's cup. He drank of that cup, especially, for several of the last years of liis life. He drank it to tlie very dregs, during its closing hours ; — drank it like a martyr — like a man. And why should he not ? A martyr's blood ran in his veins. He was a lineal descendant from that " John Rogers who was burnt at Smith- field, during the reign of Queen Mary ;" nor had the blood that was shed, nor the spirit that was tlien tried in the baptism of fire, degenerated by its transmission from the old martyr's stake at Smitlifield, to the modern Molitio7iist''s deatli-bed at Concord.* T loved too well, and have lamented too deeply, this noble-spirited man, this sensitive child of genius, this self-sacrificing philanthropist, to * While Mr. Rogers was in London, in attendance upon the " World's Anti- Slavery Convention," in 1840, he was careful to go upon the ground at Smithfield, — now a cattle market — that was sanctified, in his sight, and that of all men who know where true greatness lies, by tlie martyrdom of his illustrious ancestor. It may be interesting to some of Mr. Rogers' friends to trace the descent of the Smithfield blood and spirit through the successive generations ; to gratify this desire, we have attempted to hunt up the genealogy of the family, which is here given as fully and correctly as we have been able to ascertain it. 1. John Rogers, the Martyr. 2. Kine or ten children ; which number appears uncertain 3. Rev. John Rogers, of Dedham, England, a son of one of them, died 18 Oc- tober, 1G39, aged C7. His son, 4. Rev. Nathaniel Rogers, was born 1598, came to New England in 1636, and settled in Ipswich, Mass., where he died 3 July, 1655, aged 57. His wife was Margaret, daughter of Robert Crane, of Coggeshall, England ; and she died 23 January, 167C. His children were, 5. John, President of Harvard College in 1682, died 2 July, 1684, aged &4 5 a INTRODUCTION. xi allow me to refuse the office, which, I learn from his afflicted widow, his cherished friendship assigned to me before his death. Speaking of llie contemplated volume of Extracts from his writings, she says, in a note to me, " He began to prepare it, at the request of a number of his friends, some months before his death; and he often expressed his daughter ; Nathaniel, who died in 1680, without issue ; Samuel, who married Sarah Wade, 13 November, ICGl, and died 21 December, 1693 j Timothy j and Ezekiel, who had several children, (Nathaniel, Ezekiel, Timothy and Samuel) and died in 1674. The John Rogers who was President of Harvard College, had a son John, who was pastor of the first church in Ipswich, and died 28 Dec. 1745, in his 80th year. The latter had a son Daniel, who was pastor of a church in Exeter, N. H., and died 9 December, 1783, aged 78, and a son Nathaniel, who was pastor of the first church in Portsmouth, N. H. 6. Jeremiah Rogers, of Salem, Mass., who died 1729-30, was the ancestor of N. P. Rogers, and was probably a son of the Samuel or Timothy mentioned in 5, or else a grandson of Samuel, Timothy or Ezekiel ; but at this time, and with the imperfect state of the records, it is supposed impossible to make this certain. His wife was Dorcas. That Jeremiah Rogers was a grandson of Rev. Nathaniel, of Ipswich, is attested on tradition. His granddaughter, Susanna, was the wife of Dr. Jacob Peabody, and mother of the late General Nathaniel Peabody, of Exeter, N. H. Jeremiah's son, 7. Rev. John Rogers was born at Salem, 22 November, 1684, graduated at Harvard College in 1705, and was ordained tlie minister of Boxford. He died at Leominster, 17 August, 1755, in his 71st year. His wife was Susanna, daughter of Capt. Manasaeh Marston, of Salem. She was born 29 April, 1687, and died at Salem, 22 October, 1757, aged 70. They were married 24 March, 1709. The children were Susanna, John, Benjamin, Mehitabel, Nathaniel, Lydia and Eunice. Their son, 8. Rev. John Rogers, was born at Boxford, Mass., 24 September, 1712; was ordained the first minister of Leominster, 14 September, 1744; was dismissed, January, 1758, and died in October, 1789, aged 77. His son, 9. Dr. John Rogers, was born at Leominster, Mass., 27 March, 1735 ; graduated at Harvard College in 1776 ; settled in Plymouth, N. H., as a physician, and was eminent in his profession, and well known for his poetical talents. His wife was Betsy Mulliken, of Bradford, Mass. He died 8 March, 1814, aged 59. Their fifth child was Nathaniel Peabody Rogers, who, it will be seen, was one of the tenth generation from him who is so well known as the " first in that blessed company of martyrs who suffered in the reign of the bigoted Mary." The blood of the Martyr flowed pure and in liberal measure in the son even thus distantly removed. Not only did " heart answer to heart," but wonderfully did " face answer to face." Those who have seen both our deceased friend and a well-preserved portrait of the Martyr, hanging in one of the halls of the American Antiquarian Society at Worcester, cannot have failed to notice the great resemblance in the shape of the face and head, in the eye, the complexion, and the general expression of the two men INTRODUCTION. intention to request you to furnish an Introduction ; — and I cannot but believe it would be gratifying to you to do it, especially as it was a favorite idea of the dear departed, whose attachment to yourself was both fervent and sincere." Yet I know myself too well not to know that I shall best discharge the duty assigned me by letting others, who were more constantly in his society, and more closely allied to him than myself, speak in my stead. Being more frequently in his presence, laboring under his eye in the same cause, and partaking largely of his spirit — seeing how manfully he bore his cross while he lived and suffered, and how calmly, after all liis labors and sufferings, he could die, — the language in which they speak of our common friend, is much more touching, because much more true to nature, than any that, without their aid, I could command. Much of what follows, therefore, is compiled from an obituary notice of Mr. Rogers, from tlie pen of John R. French, which appeared in " The Herald of Freedom" of Oct 23, 1846, and from an article by Richard Hildreth, inserted in the same paper, from the Boston Chrono- type, and a few other brief notices, transferred from other journals into the same number of the Herald. Mr. Rogers was a son of Dr. John Rogers, of Plymouth, N. H., where lie was born, June 3, 1794 ; consequently, he was fifty-two years of age at the time of his death. His fatlier was a highly respectable physician, a man of brilliant intellect and superior education, — a graduate of Har- vard College of the class of 1777, and a son of the Rev. John Rogers of Leominster, Mass., — a clergyman in his day somewhat celebrated for his talents and independence in religious faith, and for his rebellion against ecclesiastical domination. Mr. Rogers' mother, an intelligent and quite active old lady, still lives, at tlie advanced age of eighty-six, to mourn the son of her strong affec- tion. The only desire longer to live, expressed by our friend during his sickness was, that he might minister to the wants and comfort of his mother, in the decline of her life ; and the only request that he left to his family was, that they would do all in their power to make her happy. The subject of this notice entered Dartmouth College in 1811, but, after remaining one year, was, through ill health, obliged to leave. He afterwards returned, and, in 1816, took his degree with the class next below that with which he entered. He immediately afterwards entered upon the study of the law ; spending two years with Richard Fletcher, then of Salisbury, N. H., now of Boston ; and one year with Parker Noyes, also of Salisbury. He then commenced the practice of his profession in his native village, where he remained for twenty years, a diligent and successful lawyer. With an instinctive delicacy, — which, INTRODUCTION. xiii wliile it was one of tlie ornaments of his character, kept all but his intimate friends in ignorance of his ability, — he shrunk from the rude encounter of tlie forum, and was seldom known as a pleader. But, so accurate was his knowledge of the law, and so industrious and shrewd was he in his business, that a client's success was always calculated upon from tlie moment that his assistance was secured. The mind of our deceased friend was severely and beautifully disci- plined. Enriched by a greedy and enthusiastic reading of the book of Nature, and made to love its pages, not only by his delicate and poetic organization, but by the beauty and sublimity of some of the finest scenery on the earth's surface, in the midst of which he had his birth, it had been cultivated by familiarity with the great writers of both an- cient and modern times. But for the last ten years of his life, Mr. Rogers had almost entirely given up the reading of books, and turned his whole attention to the condition of men, in their various circum- stances of suffering and oppression. His susceptible heart was among the first to be touched, especially, by tlie wrongs of the slave. He entered into the Anti-Slavery con- troversy with great zeal, and presently removed to Concord, for the purpose of more conveniently publishing the " Herald of Freedom," which he edited for some years, with very slight, if any compensation, devoting the Avhole of his available time to the cause. This paper purported, during a portion of this period, to be under tlie patronage of the New Hampshire Anti-Slavery Society. But it owed all its inte- rest, and, in fact, its very existence, to the brilliant contributions and disinterested labors of Mr. Rogers. To the readers of the " Herald of Freedom" nothing need be said of his ability. As a newspaper writer, we think him unequalled by any living man ; and in the general strengtli, clearness and quickness of his intellect, we think that all Avho knew him well, will agree with us, that he was not excelled by any editor in this country. His facility in writ- ing was perfectly wonderful. His articles were always written with a rapidity which few can ever attain. Never under the necessity of wait- ing for the coming up of a thought, or for the arranging of a sentence, his pen seemed to be driven forward by the impetuous current of his thoughts, tlie fountains of which seemed never to be exhausted. When ^vriting for his paper, the limits of his columns were the only limits to his articles ; and during the time of his editing, probably as much that he wrote was omitted for want of room, as was printed. Mr. Rogers, following the lead of Mr. Garrison, became a Non- resistant. He also, along with Mr. Garrison, loudly appealed to the Church, for aid. Of this, he had become an ardent and devoted meun- B Xiv INTRODUCTION. ber ; and, educated in tlie idea that to the Church we must look for the salvation of humanity, to whom, or to what, but the Church — it was natural for him to ask — shall we look for the redemption of tlie enslaved millions of our land ? But the response that he met from that quarter — so unexpected and so mortifying — led him, as it has led many others, to review his opinions, and to inquire by what title, and by what autliority, the Church claims to decide all questions of right and wrong. He came to the conclusion that "the Church" is a mere self-constituted association of individuals, whose claim to particular election, special inspiration, or peculiar divine guidance, is without any solid foundation. Mr. Rogers had been educated in the most profound reverence for the Bible. But having once entered on tlie path of free inquiry, he did not shrink nor give back. He concluded, after much reflection, that all moral questions are to be decided by an appeal to reason and conscience, not by texts from ancient writings in Hebrew and Greek — texts, often quite as likely to perplex as to enlighten — however tradition may ascribe to those writings a mysterious or sacred character. At these conclusions our friend arrived, in company with many of his associates in the Anti- Slavery movement ; though not all of them, perhaps, were quite so free and candid as himself in the avowal of them. But upon another point, Mr. Rogers liad the fortune to differ from some of his former associates ; and a consequent coolness took place between tliem, which was never wholly removed. He refused to adopt the new war-cry lifted up by Mr. Garrison — " No union with slave- holders." He could bring his lips only to say, " No union with slave- holding." He looked upon Anti-Slavery as exclusively a moral agitation, and felt that its higli office was degraded by connecting it with party politics, or with a political party. He was a thorough, and meant to be a consistent. Non-resistant. As such, he wannly condemned the forma- tion of the " Liberty Party ;" and having denounced tlie " Third Party," he did not feel himself inclined to join a Fourth, and, witli it, or in it, to commence an agitation for tlie dissolution of tlie Union, even though that party was headed by Mr. Garrison. He went farther. Having, in company with his non-resistant friends, repudiated all political organi- zation, by following out tlie same principle, he became an advocate for " free meetings," and opposed putting the Anti-Slavery movement under the guardianship and control of Chairmen, Committees and Boards. Disquieted by this inconvenient consistency, and tliis thorough carrying out of his non-resistant principles, his non-resistant friends in Massa- chusetts, consulting and co-operating with some of those in New Hamp- shire, decided that the property of the " Herald of Freedom" was not in him, but in the Board of tlie New Hampshire Anti-Slaverj' Society. INTRODUCTION. xv It is not my purpose to enter into the question of tlie right or wrong of this decision. " Non nostrum tantas componere lites." I have neither the means, nor the power, nor the wish, to act as umpire in the case. I have friends whom I truly love and honor, on each side of the question, and I have observation and experience enough of human infirmity, and of the liability of tlie best men to err in their judgments, when deciding questions that deeply interest tlie feelings, to allow me to believe, as in this case I do believe, tliat both parties were honest in forming and in practically carrying out their judgments as to the right in this trying and keenly contested case. But Mr. Rogers felt that he was wronged : — more yet — tliat he had been wounded in the house of his friends ; — that tliey, with whom, for years, he had taken sweet counsel, had lifted up the heel against him. He had looked upon the " Herald of Freedom" as his own child. He had watched over it early and late. He had rocked its cradle alone during long night watches. He had dandled it upon his knee, when he was himself worn and weary in laboring to feed it And when he did lie down to rest, it lay in his bosom — the object nearest to his heart. He had given it its life and his own ; — had stamped upon it " the image of himself," — made it glow with the fire of his own genius, and taught it to go forth into the world and do battle for the eight, with his own brave spirit. He thought that it was his own child. But when his former friends decided that it was not ; that he was but the foster-father of the young mountain genius ; — though they told him that they wished him still to act as such, — still to feed and clothe it, and let it bear his name — he could not. The tie that had bound him to it was broken. It could never again be to him what it had been, and he withdrew himself from all further care of it, witli a desolation of heart that, under no event of his life, had he ever felt before. The same shaft that thus struck the heart of the brave Mountain Eagle, broke also his wing. Though his spirit was unconquered, and, to the last, had the same high aim, the poor flesh was unequal to do its bidding. He never soared, afterwards, as he had done ; and though, in conjunction with the former publisher of tlie " Herald of Freedom," he edited and published anotJier paper, devoted to the same cause to which he had already given and sacrificed so much, yet he could never make the second paper what tlie first had been, and even a stranger could see that its editor felt himself a wronged and broken-hearted man. It is unpleasant to me to say these things ; but, in the words of Mr. Hildreth, " they are essential to a true understanding of the character INTRODUCTION. of Mr. Rogers. Tender and gentle, he was yet firm as a rock, neitlier to be cajoled, brow-beaten, nor driven. Ardent, keen, spealdng out his whole mind, there was notliing about him of savage selfishness, or sec- tarian malice. Cant and liumbug, of which so large a share enters into most newspaper compositions, were to him totally unknown." While suffering from sickness and from abandonment by his former friends, Mr. Rogers had the additional misfortune to find his young and numerous family, tlirough the failure of a relative, to whose hands a large part of his property was entrusted, suddenly deprived of tlie pro- vision tliat his industry had made for tlieir education and support But amid all these sources of irritation, he remained gentle, collected, firm and hopeful as ever. He wrote for " The Herald of Freedom" even with increased diligence ; with occasional severity, indeed, yet his sharpest articles were but the brilliant corruscations of indignant genius, and the bitterest were but the true expressions of an honest and uncom- promising hatred of wrong. Whatever else there might be found in his colunms, you would encounter no dull dribblings of a heart hardened with selfishness, or festering with party spirit. Even among the weakness and sufterings of the summer immediately before his death, as a means, in part, of procuring bread for his children, he wrote tlie series of " Letters from tlie Old Man of tlie Mountain," published in tlie New York Tribune, which made him known to many who never saw " The Herald of Freedom." A part of tlie same sum- mer he spent in Lynn, near Boston, whither he went, early in July, to visit his few friends tliere, and to meet " the Hutchinsons," wlio were then daily expected from Europe. In a few days after his arrival at Lynn, tlie disarrangement of his physical system, from which lie had been a sufferer for thirty-five years, began to assume a more obstinate and fearful character. When about seventeen years of age, by too violent a participation in the exercise of " foot-ball," during his college life, he injured his side and stomach, which then occasioned a year's severe illness, resulting in chronic dyspepsia, which, togetlier witli the derangement of tlie otlier sympatlietic organs, entailed upon him long years of suffering, and now seemed to be about to finish tlie work that had been given it to do. He remained at Lynn, and with his friend Rev. Mr. Sargent, of Somerville, some six weeks, being unable diu-ing tliat time, to undertake the journey home. Yet such was his desire to be doing good, and to work wliile the day lasted, that notwitlistanding his weakness and pain, he every week furnished a large quota of die editorial matter for the " Lynn Pioneer," which labor, during Mr. Clapp's absence in Europe, he had taken upon liis weak but willing shoulders, besides attending and taking part in many Anti-Slavery, Temperance, INTRODUCTION. xvii and other reformatory meetings, that were held in Lynn and its vi- cinity. After returning home, Mr. Rogers left his house but a few times. His pains soon became of tlie most acute character, and continued, witliout intermission, until about two weeks of his death. So intense was his suffering, that before the close of August his family were in constant expectation of his death. How he was enabled to sustain the conflict, through the long and painful hours of the last six weeks of his life, was a wonder to all who were acquainted with his condition. More won- derful still was it, that his mind, through all the distress of his body, never, for an instant, faltered. From the commencement of his sickness, he was confident that death was to be the result, and spoke of his expectation of the event as calmly and bravely as he ever spoke of any incident of his life. A few days before his death, on observing one of his family in tears at his bed-side, he remarked tliat he was happy, and wished his family to be so, and to continue about their ordinary duties, just as if he were with them. To the hour of his death he retained an unabated interest in all that was doing in the world for the good of man. His constant inquiries were concerning the progress and state of the various philanthropic move- ments of the day, and for the health and doings of the friends with whom he had been associated in their common labors of benevolence. So strong was his desire still to be in the conflict for the Right, and for those who have no helper, that when his hand had become too weak to hold his pen, he would dictate articles for the press, and ask some friend, standing by his bed, to commit his thoughts to paper ; and it was only by the earnest remonstrances and entreaties of his friends, who found that these efforts increased the nervous excitement, from which he suffered greatly through all his sickness, tliat he was, at last, prevailed upon to quit the battle-field. The friends of Mr. Rogers had seen, for years before, that the excite- ment and labors of the Anti-Slavery reform were fast wearing him out ; and that his great mental activity was an overmatch for the delicacy and nervous sensitiveness of his physical system. But his deep love for the friendless slave, as well as his truly christian interest in the welfare of those who hold him in his chains, together with his devotion to the gen- eral cause of freedom and right, left little room in his heart — large as it was — for thought or care for himself The alienation of old friends, and the feeling that some who had once loved him, and who, he felt, ought to love him then better than they had ever done, were now finally and hopelessly estranged from him, cast a shade of sadness over the evening of his life, and, doubtless, hastened tlie going down of his guru IiNTRODUCTION. But from this, again, I turn, with sometliing of the sadness and sorrow which one cannot but feel on seeing good and loving hearts torn — and one or both of them broken in being torn — asunder. On Friday, Oct 16, with the falling of the leaves, Nathaniel Peabody Rogers breatlied his last. Witliout a struggle, witliout any of " the pains of death" — without a fear or a regret, — in tlie full, unimpaired enjoyment of his intellect and all his senses, — with his family and a few dear friends around him, his life went out, gently and quietly as fades the light of a summer's evening. At times, liis bodily distress had been excruciating, causing him to cry out ; yet his mind, never at rest, would draw food for thought even from his own physical sufferings. The Sun- day night before his death, — a friend watching with him — in a paroxysm of his suffering, he exclaimed, " O dear !" — then, seeming to reflect upon his own exclamation, he repeated it, and said, " That's the cry now This is the closing up of my terrible labors." The friend replied that it must be a consolation to him to consider tliat he had not sacrificed him- self in vain — that many had been blessed by his labors. JNIr. Rogers said, " O yes, my dear N ; it sustains me unspeakably, — tlie reflec- tion that I have acted right." During his sickness he had suffered greatly from the want of sleep, and the night before his death he had not slept at all. This day, con- sequently, he was more feeble than he had been any day before. He evidently suffered much, but made no complaint ; and, owing to his extreme weakness, he conversed but little with the friends that stood about his bed. His remaining strength seemed gradually to decrease, so gradually, indeed, tliat it was impossible to mark the moment when he ceased to breathe. But his mind, during tlie day, and up to the last moment, as, without any exception, it had been through all his sickness, was clear, calm and strong, as in the strongest hour of his life. A short time before his deatli, he desired that some one would go and ask Judson Hutchinson, who was in town, to come and sing to him. While waiting for his friend, he requested one of his daughters to sing him Samuel Lover's beautiful song, " The Angels' Whisper." In the singing, a word was accented wrong, which he immediately indicated by whispering the word Avith the correct accent ; tlius giving evidence, at once, of the calm and natural state of liis mind, and of his undying desire to have every thing, that was done, done right At the close of the song, he was asked whether Hutchinson, who had arrived during the singing, should come into tlie room. He spoke not, but made a slight motion of his hand, that was lying upon the pil- low, which attracted attention, and, from the peculiar manner in which his eyes were fixed upon a window, opposite to his bed, it was seen that the event that had, for weeks, been expected, was about to take place. INTRODUCTION. His oldest brotlier, who is a pliysician, and who had been with him several weeks during' his sickness, was called in from an adjoining room. He spoke to his brother, and asked if he knew him. The dying man turned liis eyes to the speaker, and, with emotion, calling him by name, replied, " Certainly," and then asked his wife, who was standing by, whether he understood his brother right, and why he had asked that question. In about ten minutes, with no otlier word, or a groan, or the moving of a muscle, " he was not, for God had taken him."* " On Sunday afternoon," says Mr. French, " a few neighbors and friends met at his late house, and, after an hour spent in social conver- sation, in which we relieved each other's sorrow by a remembrance of the virtuous life and calm death of our departed friend, we took his life- less body and buried it in a retired corner of the village grave-yard, beneath the sheltering shade of a kindly clump of oaks. In the same yard are buried Kimball and Cady, the two noble men who were the Editors of the Herald, previous to Mr. Rogers' connexion with it. The paper has been published but eleven years, yet the three men who have conducted its columns, have passed from life, — two of them while in its service. An admonition to us, who are left, to be diligent in the work that is given us to do. "From the establishment of the Herald, in 1835, Mr. Rogers had constantly furnished communications for its columns. He assumed the editorial care of the paper, the last week of June, 1838, and furnished his last copy the last week of June, the present year, [1846.] The amount of labor and thought that he has given through the columns of the Herald, its readers, for the eight years, well know. In addition to his tireless labors upon the Herald, he had, one year, edited the ' Na- tional Anti-Slavery Standard,' and, the past summer, had furnished the editorial for the ' Lynn Pioneer ;' and for the eight years, had been in the habit of furnisliing articles for various other papers ; and was al- ways ready, when his friends called, to attend Anti-Slavery meetings in all parts of New England ; never consulting his own interests, but always the desires of his friends and the necessities of the cause." Mr. French, to whom I am indebted for most of the facts, and for much of the language of these pages, says, in the same number of " The Herald of Freedom" that contains his obituary notice of the subject of this sketch, " Weary of contact with a world that gave him so little sympathy, Mr. Rogers, the last spring, purchased himself a small, but very beautiful farm, in a retired nook of his own native Pemigewasset valley ; whither he was intending to remove, with his family, at about * Heb. xi. 5. XX INTRODUCTION. the time of his decease. The world gave him not only little sympathy, but also little bread for his children. Upon his land he would be able — that was his hope — to procure the means of living ; and, thus relieved from tlie cankering care and perplexity that were preying upon his life, and removed from the chilling intercourse of the world, which so little understood him, lie hoped that he might be able to tliink deeper and clearer, and to wield his pen with a stronger heart. During tlie past summer, his thoughts were constantly upon his mountain retreat, where, in the quiet enjoyment of his most deeply cherished family, and amid the familiar scenes of his younger days, and in tlie healthful pursuits of agriculture, he was promising himself happy rest from tlie storm that had been tossing his shattered vessel for the last six years. But, alas ! how uncertain are all man's hopes 1" True, he found not that " happy rest," — but I doubt not, nor can I doubt, that he has found a happier one tlian that, — happier than even his aflectionate heart, that clung so lovingly to his happy home, ever painted : — I mean, " the rest that remaineth to the people of God." * But do I not forget that he was an " Infidel ?" nay, that he was " an Excommunicated person ?" — O, no. If to be an unbeliever in a religion — by whatever name you may baptize it — that expends itself upon catechisms and creeds, in church organizations and obser\'ances, in prayer-meetings, revivals, awakenings, and the singing of psalms, — to the neglect of Human Rights and Wrongs — of the sorrows and sufferings — the temptations, trials and oppressions of inan, is to be an Infidel, N. P. Rogers was an Infidel indeed ; yea, and he gloried in his infidelity. But let me add, had he been a believer in such a religion, and lived according to his belief, he would have been " worse than an infidel." But, was he not an outcast from the church — an ex- communicate ? Yes, the church excommunicated him ; but, before that, he had excommunicated tlie church. The church, as a body, he had found unfaithful to what he understood to be its " high calling," as the church of Him who came " to set at liberty them that are bruised." He therefore " came out" from it, as the only condition of fidelity to his own high calling, not merely as a disciple of Jesus, but as a man — a child of that God, whom all nature — his own nature, not less than the rest of creation— revealed to him as the lover of right and humanity, and the Almighty hater of all oppression and wrong. He wanted no printed book to teach him this. A revelation older than King James' Transla- tors'—older than the books that they brought over from Greek and He- brew into the English tongue, had taught him — for he was a lover of * Heb. iv. 9. INTRODUCTION. music — that slavery was a discord, that could never be brought into uni- son with the harmonies of the universe. To him, — if one should argue tliat slavery was from God, because it was approved in a hook that came from Him ; it would prove, not that slavery ivas from God, but that the book was not. To him, there was a Teacher above all books and all men : — the Being tliat had given him being — and it was in the spirit which that Teacher — and " who teacheth like him ?" — had given, that when, on a certain occasion, a religionist by Book said to him, " Why do you go about as you do, agitating the community on tlie subject of abolition ? Jesus Christ never preached abolitionism :" he replied, " Sir, I have two answers to your appeal to Jesus Christ. First, I deny your proposition, that he never preached abolition. That single precept of his — ' Whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to them' — reduced to practice, would abolish slavery over the whole earth in twenty-four hours. That is my first answer. I deny your proposition. Secondly, granting your proposition to be true — and ad- mitting — what I deny — that Jesus Christ did not preach the abolition of slavery, then I say, ht didnH do his duty^'' It would not be very easy, I admit, to stop such a man from doing his duty, by casting a Greek or a Hebrew text in his Avay as a stumbling block! And so he was an ^'■Infidel;'''' and so he was '■'■excommunicated." When the church has attained somewhat more of "the wisdom that is from above," she will take such men into her bosom, instead of casting them out ; and will show herself worthy of the communion of such men, by encouraging them in their work, and in going along with tliem to do it ! It is not to be denied, too, tliat Rogers did not pretend to know so much concerning a future life, as many otliers think tliat they know. But this he did know, " That if, as holiest men have deemed, there be A land of souls beyond that sable shore, To shame the doctrine of the Sadducee," — the same Being that rules in this world must rule in that ; — that there, as here, they will have served Him best, who have best served his chil- dren, by doing the most to help them who have most needed help. In this faith N. P. Rogers lived ; — in this he labored, and in this he died. " Let me die the death of the righteous, and let my last end be like his !" His earthly labors are at an end. " He sleeps his long sleep, he has fought his last battle." He has no more sacrifices to offer here upon the altar of Truth, Liberty, and Humanity ; no more cherished friends to lose because he Avould not sacrifice his convictions or his principles, INTRODUCTION. to retain them. From his earthly toils and trials he is at rest I cannot but tliink that for him to die was gain, because I verily believe that for him to live was Christ ;* that is, tliat making little or no account of the name, he lived for the advancement of the cause of Christ ; the cause for which Christ himself lived, labored and died, namely, tlie redemption of universal man from slavery, spiritual and carnal ; the emancipation of man from the power and the fear of man ; the liberation of man, as man, from all dominion and all authority but tliat of Reason, Truth, and Right. Of Mr. Rogers, as a Avriter, I need say little. On this point, " he being dead, yet speaketh ;" and he speaks for himself as no one else can speak for him. He wrote without any thing of that " fear of man that bringeth a snare" to so many writers in tliis age of criticism and Reviews — as though he was not aware tliat such an animal as a critic had ever been created. He wrote because he had something to say, and, true to nature — for to him nature was truth — he spoke " right on," with the artlessness and simplicity of a child. He sets down things just as he sees and feels them ; using words not because others do, or do not use them, but because tliey are just the medium — the atmos- phere — through which others can see what he is looking at, just as he sees it. In one word, his style is his own, and nobody's else. Trans- parency, purity, simplicity, earnestness and force will be seen to charac- terize whatever he writes ; and when a reader has finished one of his paragraphs, the last question that he will ask himself will be, " Well, now, what does all that mean ?" — Though humor was by no means his forte, whenever he chose, he could use it with great effect In well- chosen words, Mr. Hildreth has said, " Many of his pieces have all the genial liumor of Lamb, with a higher seasoning of sprightly wit than Lamb ever attained to. He had, indeed, higher objects, and, of course, greater earnestness and spirit He was not, like Lamb, a mere writer for amusement, but one of those modern heroes whose sword is their pen. A champion for spiritual freedom and tlie right of private judgment, he will long be remembered and loved by many, to Avhom he first showed tlie way out of the house of bondage." This true friend of his race — especially of the wronged of his race — this dear friend of mine is gone. I know that all who knew him well, will say with Mr. French, when remembering what he was, and thinlcing tliat he is with us no longer, — " Our hearts are sad ; but our departed friend has left us a very pleasant memory. His righteous life and tri- umphant death lift our thoughts from tlie grave. In our sorrow let us not forget tlie slave. He still groans in his prison house, and the religion * Phil. i. 21. INTRODUCTION. of the land still sanctions the wrong. When deatli comes to us, may it find us, as it did our dear friend, with the harness on, and in the midst of the conflict" , Sunday, the 18th of October, tlie remains of N. P. Rogers were borne to the grave by a few loving and faithful friends. Having loved him, they loved him unto death. I well remember the day. It was a snowy day, — the first snow of our northern autumn. Winter seemed to have come upon us before his time. Returning from the humble chapel where I had led the worship of a small society, concerning whose faith " we know, that every where, it is spoken against,"* I could not but feel saddened by tlie early desolation and dreariness of the scene. Little did I thinli that the frost of death had already fallen, before its time, upon my poor friend Rogers, and that his cold remains were, even then, on their way, through falling snows, from his late home, to the " house appointed for all living." Yet so it was. And she, who had so bravely helped him bear his cross, watched by the side of his bed, and com- municated with his dear but distant friends, informing them that there was no hope left that her husband's life could long be spared to them and to her, was, with her children, — one of whom, two days before, had sung the father and husband to sleep with her sweet " Angels' Whis- per,"' — sitting, a widow in affliction, in the house that was left to them, O how desolate ! May I not hope that that little family choir — for the children all sing sweetly, — when gathered in their secluded mountain home, will some- times sing these lines, as a memorial not of their father only, but also of their fatlier's friend and theirs ; JNO. PIERPONT. THE FAMILY LAMENT. The " Angels' Whisper" stole, in song, upon his closing ear Through his own daughter's lips it came, so musical and clear, That scarcely knew the dying man what melody was there, The last of earth's, or first of heaven's, pervading all the air. Nor need he know : — The soul that's tuned in full accord with Right, Where'er it is, will harmonize with children of the light. Anathemas, the church's ban, or thunders hurled at him, Can never close his ears against the songs of seraphim. The love of right ! O, it was this that made our father strong : — The love of right,— that's yoked, for aye, to hatred of the wrong ; The love of right was in his heart above all other love, And made the Mountain Eagle there to nestle with the Dove. * Acts xxviii. 22. INTRODUCTION. That brave and loving heart is cold ; — the clods are on that breast, That always heaved with pity for the helpless and oppressed ; And we upon His care are cast, who long ago hath said, " Trust me, and db my will, and thou shalt verily be fed." Thou Father of the fatherless, — the widow's God and Guide, In thee we put our trust, for we have none to trust beside ! Thy servant, on whose arm we've leaned, hath gone to his reward : — The dust hath to the dust returned, — the spirit to its Lord. O, dreary was that parting day ! — October's earliest snow Was falling, as his coffined clay, so mournfully and slow, Was carried to the " narrow house," and made a silent guest, " Where the wicked cease from troubling, and the weary are at rest." We know, it was a holy day ; — thrice holy now it is ! The day our Savior left his grave, our father went to his. But it was dreary, not the less, for Winter, ere its time. Was come, as death had come to him, in his autumnal prime. And Autumn's red and yellow leaves were eddying, thick and sere. On the snowy air, as slowly trod the bearers of the bier. Or, to the oaks around his grave, were clinging, dead and dry. And rustling, as the fitful wind went through them with a sigh. But Summer shall come round again, and dress in green his grave, And by its head-stone, oft shall kneel the liberated slave. And, all around, those oaks shall throw their broad and grateful shade, And birds, among the branches, sing their evening serenade. And daily shall the sunshine fall where sleeps a child of light. The moon look calmly down on one as pure as she is bright; And that true star, that from its post hath never swerved, nor can, Shall guard the grave of one as true to Freedom and to Man. A COLLECTION FROM THE NEWSPAPEE WRITINGS OF N. P. ROGERS, «THE PRESENCE OF GOD." [From the Herald of Freedom of August 11, 1838.] We wander a moment from our technical anti-slavery " sphere," to say, with permission of our readers, a word or two on a beau- tiful article under this head, in the Christian Examiner. It is from the pen of one of our highly gifted fellow-citizens, to whom the unhappy subjects of insanity, in this state, owe so much for the public charity now contemplated in their behalf It is writ- ten with great elegance, perspicuity and force of style — and what is more, it seems scarcely to want that spirit of heart-broken Christianity, so apt to be missing in the graceful speculations of reviewers, and may we not say, in the speculations of the ele- gant corps among whom the writer of the article is here found. We will find, briefly, what fault we can with the article. Its beauties need not be pointed out — they lie profusely scattered over its face. It is an article on the presence of God, and treats of our relations to Him. But does it set forth that relation, as involving our need of the Lord Jesus Christ, in order that we may be able to stand in it? For ourselves, we cannot contem- plate God — and dare not look towards Him, unconnected with Christ. Our writer seems boldly to look upon Him, as the strong-eyed eagle gazes into the sun. God is of purer eyes than to behold iniquity. He cannot look upon sin, but with abhor- rence. We have sinned ; therefore we fear to behold Him. In Christ, alone, is he our Father in heaven, and we his reconciled 1 THE PRESENCE OF GOD. children. In Christ, we dare take hold of his hand and of the skirts of his almighty garments. The Lord Jesus Christ and " him crucified," is the medium, through whom, alone, we dare look upon God, in his works, his providences or his grace. Sinless man might, without this medium. Fallen man may not. Like the Israelites at the mount of Sinai, he may " not break through unto the Lord to gaze," lest " he perish." The writer contemplates God in his works — but he seems, though awed, elevated and delighted at their grandeur, beauty and wisdom, to feel still baffled of the great end in their contem- plation. Does he not, we would ask him, feel the absence of some link in the chain of communication with this ineffable being — which might, if interrupted, anchor his soul securely within the veil, which, after all, continues to shroud him from communion and sight 1 Can he, in sight of the works of God, speak out and sing in the strains of the singer of Israel 1 Does he not experience, in view of them, an admiring enthusiasm and certain swellings of genius, rather than those spiritual heart- burnings felt by the two on the way to Emmaus, as they talked with the " stranger in Jerusalem ?" Here is the grand mistake of gifted humanity. Tired of the world — sick of its emptiness — shocked at its heartlessness — withdrawn from its unprincipled highway into the lonely by-path of a supererogatory morality, — moved by those "longings after immortality," which haunt forever the unbesotted spirit — it tries to find God in his works, and peradventure in the majesty of his word — not looking for him, however, in " the way" — seeking him along the high and ridgy road of a sort of spirito-intellectual philosophy, instead of down in the valley of humiliation. The writer speaks of the communion of God with our minds. This he seems to regard with chief interest. He mentions " the need of having attention" — meaning intellectual attention — " waked up to those old truths." " Listlessness of mind," he continues, " an inveterate habit of inattention to the existence of the Eternal Spirit, needs to be broken in upon. We need to help each other to escape a fatuity of mind on this subject, that we may feel that God's ark still rides o'er the world's waves, and THE PRESENCE OF GOD. that the burning bush has not gone out." There is an ** inat- tention," it is true ; but it is of the heart, and not merely of the mind — of the nature, and not of " habit" merely — a spiritual inattention or rather alienation from God, which must be broken in upon. It is not the creature of habit. Adam felt it in all its force, the very day of his first transgression. He heard the voice of God, which in his innocency he had hailed with joy, beyond all he felt at the beauties of Paradise, — heard it, Avalking in the garden, in the cool of the day, and he hid himself from the presence of the Lord God, among the trees of the garden. His wife also hid herself, for she too had transgressed — and we, their moral heirs, hide ourselves so to this day. They could walk in the garden in sight of the beautiful works of God, and perhaps admire the splendors of Eden ; but when they heard his voice, they hid themselves. Not from habit surely, that not being the creature of a day. There was " inveteracy," not of habit, but of fallen nature. It is that which must be " broken in upon," before we shall incline to come out from among the trees, to welcome the presence of God. It may be there is a figurative meaning also in this hiding among the trees from the presence of him who made those trees — and may we not deceive ourselves in supposing we contemplate God in his works, when in truth we are seeking to hide ourselves from his presence, among the glorious trees of this earth's garden ? The elegant writer will bear with us in our coarse commen- tary. We would not expend critical attention on the literary merits or marks of genius, in a production treating of our rela- tions to God. It is too awful and interesting a subject. We want reconciliation with God. That is the one thing needful. The crew of the ill-fated Pulaski wanted only one thing, when they were cast afloat upon the waves. When they retired to rest that night, each heart was tantalized with a thousand objects of desire. But when that explosion awoke them, they had all but cme, — life — the shore — something on which to float. That, all needed, and all felt the need Such is our need of reconciliation with God, to save us from greater depths than the sea. We have revolted from God. We are born universally in i^ state of alien- THE PRESENCE OF GOD. ation from him. The Scriptures and all experience teach this. We do not more certainly inherit the transmitted form of our fallen first-parents, than their descended nature. We are born with the need of being " born again." Of this we are sure. The truth of it and the effects of it press continually upon us, with the universality of the air upon our bodily systems. We cannot evade it. It is our fate, in the wisdom of God. We cannot escape it, any more than the Old world could the deluge. They saw an ark of Gopher wood, building by an enthusiastic old man. It eventually saved none of them, who refused to enter its pitchy sides. The old man forewarned them. He was a preacher of righteousness. But they were philosophers, and he a fanatic. He talked of rain and flood, — the breaking up of the fountains of the deep, and the opening of the windows of heaven. The sky looked blue — the sun rose and set gloriously, and broke out, as wont, after the showers. And though there were tokens about that despised old man, which at times made them turn up an apprehensive eye into the cloudless firmament — philosophy chose to risk it. The prediction was unnatural — irrational — it could not be so. They perished. We have an ark of safety, capacious enough, to be sure, to saot ■the entire race of man. It will save only those who will enter it, — and the time of entering, as it was at the flood, is before the sky of probation is overcast. The door is shut now, as then, before the falling of the first great drops of the eternal thunder shower. The ark of safety, we need not say, is Christ. He is the Way, the Truth, and the Life. No man can come to the Father but by him. Whoever hath seen him, hath seen the Father, — and by him is the only manifestation of God's presence. The pre- sence of his power may be seen in all objects around us, — but his strange love to the children of men cannot be seen, but through Christ. As the mortally bitten Israelite could be healed only by looking at the brazen serpent, so the mortally sin-infected de- scendant of fallen man can live only by looking at the Son of Man in the midst of his ignominious crucifixion — even where he was " lifted up." THE DISCUSSION. God may be seen in his works, by him whose sins are forgiven. He may be seen, then, in his word — and the Bible is then as self-evidently the word of God, as the sun, the mountain and the ocean are his works. His providential care and government are then palpably felt. The soul can then take him by the paternal hand, and feel that infinite safety which puts all human appre- hension at rest. But we are forgetting that our Herald is a small sheet. We have not space to notice the exquisite beauties of our writer's production as a composition merely, or the argument it draws of God's presence from his works, and as it purports merely to notice this evidence of his presence, we will not here express our regret tliat the name of Christ is not mentioned in the article. May the gifted writer, if he be out of the ark of safety, not delay to enter in. Let him not tarry without, to gaze with the eye of elegant curiosity, on the scenery of this Sodom world, — but bow his neck, and " enter while there's room." And as we bespeak his immediate heed to the " one thing needful," — so we demand his pen, voice, influence, prayers, and active and open co-operation, in the deliverance of his fellow-countrymen from the CHAINS OF SLAVERY THE DISCUSSION. [From the Herald of Freedrm of Julv H, 1838.] The discussion goes on. It pervades, it possesses, it " arri^ tates" the land. It must be stopped, or slavery dies, and the col- ored man has his liberty and his rights, and Colonization is stipcr- sedcd. Can it not be stopped ? Cannot the doctors, the editors, the " property and standing," the legislatures^ congress, the mob, Mr. Gurley, somebody or other, some power or other, the govern- ors, his honor the Chief Justice Lynch ; cannot any body, or every body united, put down this discussion? Alas for the "peculiar institution !" it cannot be done. The club of Hercules could not strike it down ; it is as impalpable to the brute blow as the 1* THE DISCUSSION. stately ghost of " buried Denmark" was to the " partisan" of Marcellus. It cannot be stopped or checked. It is unrestraina- ble as the viewless winds, or the steeds of Apollo. You hear it every where. The atmosphere is rife with it. " Abolition," " immediate," " compensation," " amalgamation," " inferior," "equal," " inalienable," "rights," "the Bible,' '' of one blood," " West Indies," " mobs," " arson," " petition," " gag-law," " John Quincy Adams," " Garrison." These are the words, and as familiar as household phrase. The air resounds to the universal agitation. Truth and conviction every where result, — the Genius of Emancipation moves triumphantly among the half-awakened people. And Slavery, aghast at the general outcry and the fatal discoveries constantly making of its diabolical enormities, gathers up its all for retreat or desperate death, as the case shall demand. The discussion can't be smothered — can't be checked — can't be abated — can't be endured by pro-slavery. The fiat has gone forth. It is registered in heaven. The colored man's humanity is ascertained rvud proved, and henceforth he is destined to liberty and honor. God is gathering his instrumentalities to purify this nation. A\*ar, Slavery and Drunkenness are to be purged away from it. The drunkard, that wont reform, will be removed from the earth's surface, and his corporeal shame hidden in her friendly recesses, — his spiritual " slianie," alas, to be "' everlasting" — with that unutterable " contempt" which must attend final im- penitence, as saith God. Those persisting in the brute practice of what is styled militarii, which is nothing more or less than human tigerism — rational brutality — hatred dressed up in regi- mentals — malignity cockaded, — and " all uncharitableness" plu- med and knapsacked, — homiddc under pay, and murder per order, all who persist in this beastly and bloody mania, and refuse to join the standard of universal non-resistance pf ace — will perish by the sword, or by some untimely touch t)f the Almighty, — for Christ hath said, " All they who take the sword shall perish with the sword;" and the period of accomplishment of his work on this little globe is at hand. Let the warrior of the land take warning. " A prudent man foreseeth," &:c. And slaveholders, pilferers of humanity ! those light-fingered ones, who " take THE DISCUSSION. without liberty" the very glory and essence of a man, — who put out that light which dazzles the eye of the sun, and would burn on, but for this extinction, when the moon hath undergone her final waning, — those traffickers in immortality, who sell a man " for a pair of shoes ;" those hope-extinguishers, heart-crushers, home-quenchers, family-dissolvers, tie-sunderers ; — oh, for a vo- cabulary — new, copious and original, of awful significancy and expression — that should avail us to shadow forth faintly to the apprehensions of mankind, the unutterable character of this new " ill," that hath befallen inheriting " flesh ;" an " ill" that " flesh" by nature was no< " heir to;" — oh, those man, woman and child- thieves, — those unnatural, ultra and extra cannibals, who devour their own flesh ; whose carniverous monstrosity is not limited to the blood and flesh of the stranger, — whose voracity invades the forbidden degrees, and eats its near relations within the matr - monial prohibitions, — son-eaters and daughter-consumers — who grow children to sell, and put into their coffers, to buy bread withal, the price of their own-begotten offspring ; thus eating " themselves a third time," as Pope says, " in their race" — " the cubless tigress in her jungle raging" is humanity and sympathy, compared to them : she " rages" when the hunter hath borne off her bruised young, and given her savage bosom the pang of ma- ternal bereavement. She would waste her mighty nature to a ■shadow, and her strong frame to a skeleton, ere she would appease her hunger by profaning the flesh of her own cubs ! Slavehold- ers ! American slavehuldcrs, republicnn slaveholders, liberty slaveholders, Christianity slaveholders, church-member slavehold- ers, minister slaveholders, doctor of divinity slaveholders, church slaveholders, missionary slaveholders, " Board of Commissioner" slaveholders, monthly concert slaveholders, Bible Society slave- holders, and Bible withholders ! What will the coming mil- lennium say to you, or do with you? What disposition will it make of you and your system, should it burst upon you when It is in the full tide of experiment ! the land smoking with it ! Will not the glorious morn and opening dawn of Christ's king- dom prove flaming fire to devour you from the face of the earth? The millennial day pouring in its living light upon scenes, whose THE DISCUSSION. enormity shrouds the natural sun, what will become of the actors in these scenes? O for the warning voice tliat once affrighted Nineveh, and clad her nation in sackcloth, from the king on the throne to the beggar on the dunghill ; that laid a people in ashes ! But it may not be. Another fate, we fear, attends this last of republics. Warning is esteemed as mockery, and admonition as frenzy. Shall we hold our peace amid scenes like these ? Shall we argue and -persuade, be courteous, convince, induce, and all that? No — we shall attempt no such thing, for the simple reason that such things are entirely uncalled for, useless, foolish, inadequate. Argue with slavery, or argue about it; argue about a sinking ship, or a drowning man, or a burning dwelling ! Convince a sleeping family, when the staircase and roof are falling in, and tlie atmosphere is loaded to suffocation with smoke ! " Address the understanding," and " soothe the prejudices," when you see a man walking down the roof in his sleep, en a three-story house ! Bnndy compliments and arguments with the somnambu- list, on " Table Rock," when all the waters of lake Superior are thundering in the great Horse Shoe, and deafening the very war of the elements ! Would you not shout to him with a clap of thunder through a speaking trumpet — if you could command it — if possible to reach his senses in his appalling extremity? Did Jonah argufy with the city of Nineveh, — " Yet forty davs," cried the vagabond prophet, " and Nineveh shall be overthrown!" That was his salutation. And did the " property and standing" turn up their noses at him, and set the mob on to him? Did the clergy discountenance him, and call him extravagant, misguided, a divider of churches, a disturber of parishes? What would have become of that city, if they had done this? Did they " approve his •principles,'' but dislike his " measures" and his " spirit V Slavery must be cried down, denounced down, ridiculed down, and pro-slavery with it, or rather before it. Slavery will go when pro-slavery starts. The sheep will follow, when the bell-wether leads. Down then with the bloody system ! out of the land with it, and out of the world with it — into the Red sea with it ? Men CALL TO A CONVENTION. shatt't be enslaved in this country any longer. Women and child- ren shanH be flogged here any longer. If you undertake to hin- der us, the worst is your own. The press is ours. Demolish it, if you please, — muzzle it, you shall nerer. Shoot down the Lorejoys you can ; and if your skirts are not red enough with his blood, dye them deeper with other murders. You can do it with entire impunity. You can get the dead indicted and tried along with you, and the jury will find you all not guilty together : and " public sentiment" will back you up, and say you had ample provocation. To be sure, you will not escape the vengeance of Heaven ; but who cares for that,, in a free and christian country ? You will eome to an untimely end ; — but that, you know, is noth- ing to a "judicious," " well-regulated," " christian spirit !" But this is all fanaticism. Wait and see. THE CONVENTION. [From the Herald of Freedom of Aogust 18, 1838.] Thawks to our young brethren for their hearty — noble-souled committee's call. Now for obeying it. Now see if our abo- litionists, who " remember those in bonds," &c. will spend a day or two to make it manifest. We would spend time chiefly, bretii- ren, so far as traveling expenses go. Our brethren, fortunately for the cause, have not much " property or standing." They should not lay out much of either on the road. The grog-selling inns should receive little of anti-slavery patronage. The money is too sacred for their foul coffers. The " cold chunk," or the johnny cake, or the saw-dust pudding, (Franklin's editorial din- ner,) any thing on the road, and all the mites for the Society treasury. We have got to cure this glorious slaveholding repub- lic of its character, and to pay all tlie doctors' bills, and we must gpend little, very little, for confectionaries. We echo the summons of the committee of arrangements. From our Moosehillock position we send it on, and back, to every 10 CALL TO A CONVENTION. point of compass. To uooe but the whole-hearted, fully-com- mitted, cross-the-Rubicon spirits — men of more heart than " But" — who can leave home for the sake of their principles — who can deny themselves, and " lap the water, as the dog lap- peth," for their thirst. From the sea coast, the Green Mountain west, the sky-seeking north, and the New Hampshire south — old, young and mid-aged — gray bearded and beardless — the sturdy and the infirm — from all streams and all valleys, and along all hill-sides — from rich " old Cheshire," — from Rockingham, with her horizon setting down away to the salt sea. — Strafford, from •the " «lide"-scarred mountains of Sandwich to the rainbow mists of the Cocheco — from Pigwacket to Winnipisseogee — Strafford of the lakes — up from old Hillsborough, where the staunch yeo- man drives his team from the mouths of Piscataquog and Souhe- gan, up to the very springs of the Contoocook, — young Sullivan, where she stretches from Sunapee to the valley of the Connecti- cut, and from the falls of Walpole to the cedars of Lebanon, — Merrimack — ^fcey-stone of the Granite State — abolitionists " of our county of Merrimack," start at day-break for the Conven- tion, — ^from wliere the sun sets behind Kearsarge, even to M'here ihe rises gloriously over Closes A'^orris' own town of Pittsfield ; and from Amoskeag to Ragged Mountains, — Coos — Upper Coos, home of the everlasting hills, send out your bold advocates of human rights — wherever they lay scattered by lonely lake or In- dian stream — or "Grant," or " Location" — from the trout-haunted brooks of the Araoriscoggin, and where the adventurous stream- let takes up iits mountain march for the St. Lawrence. — Scattered and insulated men, wherever the light of philanthropy and liberty has beamed in upon your solitary spirits, come down to us like vour streams and clouds : — and our own Grafton, all about among vour dear hills and yorur mountain-flanked valleys — whether you home along the swift Ammonoosuck, the cold Pemigewasset or the ox-bowed Connecticut ; from the " heights of Dorchester," and the " vale of Hebron" — from Canaan, that land oi promise to the negro student boy — and from anti-slavery Campton — come from the meadows of Alexandria — one and all abolitionists of Grafton — ^Lyme, the ipeerless town of Lyme, the native town of teir^perance. PATIENCE OF ABOLITIONISTS. 1] Abolitionists of New Hampshire I your brethren in bondage call loudly upon you for help — they clank their chains — they rattle their fetters — they lift up the cry of despair — will you hear them? Remember what God is doing for your cause. Hark, that shout from the isles of the sea ! It is the emancipation cry of the West Indies — God hath given them liberty. Their deliv- erance has come — He is drawing nigh to us. We shall hear Him, or perish. And if this nation is marked out for destruc- tion, let abolitionists remember Rahab of Jericho. We are slow, brethren, dishonorably slow, in a cause like ours. Our feet should be " as hinds' feet." " Liberty lies bleeding." The leaden-colored wing of slavery obscures the land with its baleful shadow. Let us come together, and inquire at the hand of the Lord what is to be done. [From the Herald of Freedom of Sept. 1, 183o.] "Only ye may opine it frets my patience, Mr. Osbaldistone, to be hunted like an otter, or a seal^h, or a salmon upon the shallows, and tliat by my very friends and neighbors." — Rob Roy. Whose patience has been fretted, if it had not been fret-proof, like the abolitionists' ? Have they not been hunted like an otter, or a salmon among the shallows, or a partridge upon the moun- tains ; or like David among the cliffs of Ziph and the rocks of the wild goats 1 And every body seems to think it is all as natu- ral as life, and that they should bear it, and be thankful it is no worse. How they have been belied and slandered and insulted, by a stupid pro-slavery community ! How church brethren and sisters have scowled upon them, and trifled with their rights and their feelings, as though they had no more of either than a " nig- ger !" How has the murderous scorn been extended from their poor, down-trodden — mark the phrase — down-trodden — not merely stamped upon, for once, or any given number of times, — but every time — by the common walking footstep of community, — trodden on as universally as the path of the highway — " down 1-3 PATIENCE OF ABOLITIONISTS. trodden," indeed ! How has the scorn felt for the poor colored man, been extended to the abolitionist, and how he has borne it, with almost the " patient sufferance" of the " free negro," or the Jew in Venice, — until sufferance is become " the badge of all our tribe." And what avails it? "The brotherhood" have fallen into the idea, that we also are " an inferior race," and that we are exceedingly out of our place, when we claim the common rights of humanity. As to the rights of citizenship, they do not dream that any appertain to us. See with what calm, summer- day serenity they look on, while we are mobbed. They think no more of it, than they do when a lane of " free niggers" is " smoked out" by " public sentiment" in New York or Philadel- phia, Who cared for the outrages of the great Concord mob, in September, 1835 1 " Tremendous public excitement !" shouted the N. H. Patriot — as if another revolution had been fought. Tremendous public excitement ! A grand popular victory. Vic- tory indeed it was — but over what? Over innocency, humanity, the law of the land, the public peace ! An odd victory to boast of — What a " frolic after Thompson," (or to that effect) ex- claimed the merry N. H. Courier. — O, what a joke ! How funny and frolicsome the people were after Thompson ! How they did frisk and caper, and how masterly funny they did chase him, and surround Neighbor 's dwelling-house ! O, what a sportive company of them got together, and how they did surround that house by moonlight, and what a merry time on't they caused in that dwelling ! O " riddle-cum-riddle-cum-riglit ! What a time we had, that Friday night!" He, he, he — hah, hah, hah ! ! ! Hung be the heavens in black. Out, moon — and hide, stars, so that ye look not on and blench your light, at sight of such scenes. " Frolic !" Was the Alton night-scene a frolic ? Was the hellish-gathering about that ware-house, rendering the dun night hideous, a joke — a fracas — " an abolition frolic ?" The time will come, when these deeds will be appreciated by the people of this country. Ay, it is at hand. We wait patient- DR. FARMER DEAD. X3 ly, but not silently. "The brotherhood" may fix upon us its evil eye of menace and " frolic." They shall hear of their merry doings. If we cannot speak freely, we desire not to remain on the slavery-cursed soil. We call upon the people of the land, to look to their liberties. We have no freedom of speech, no liberty of the press, no freedom of assembly. The sovereign and tyrant of the country is Slavery. He holds his court in the South, and rules the vassal North by his vicegerent the mob, — or as Hubbard Vfin'sXow preaches it, " tlic brotherhood." We owe no allegiance to either. We shall pay none. DR. FARMER DEAD. [From the Herald of Freedom of Sept. 1, 1838.] We were amazed as well as deeply afflicted, at the death of this distinguished and most excellent man. His departure sur- prised us — invalid as he long has been, and feeble as was his hold on life — so insensible are we to the uncertainty and frailty of mortal existence 1 We have lost a highly valued personal friend, as well as our cause a faithful, devoted and invaluable advocate. We could weep for ourselves as well as for the poor slave, who does not know his loss. But it is not a time to weep. Survivors on the field do not pause in thick of the fight, to lament comrades or chieftains falling around them. The departed Farmer lived and died a devoted abolitionist. We proclaim this amid the notes of his requiem and the tolling of his knell — in the ears of the scorner of the supplicating slave and of bleeding liberty. Admirers of his distinguished worth — his admirable industry — his capacity — his usefulness — his blame- less life — who felt awed at his virtues, while he lived almost in- visibly among men — mingling with the busy throng of life scarcely more than now his study-worn frame reposes in the grave — know all, and be reminded all, that Farmer was in zeal, in devotion, in principles and in measures, not a whit behind the very chiefest 3 14 DR. FARMER DEAD abolitionist. No heart beat more ardently than his, in the great cause of human rights — or more keenly feit the insults, the inhumanity and the ruffian persecutions, heaped upon its friends. How deep was his mortification at the brutal and ignoble treat- ment of the generous and gifted Thompson, and with what agoniz- ing solicitude did his heart throb, as the life of that innocent and most interesting and wonderful stranger was hunted in our streets ! How freely would he have yielded up his own sickness-wasted form, to save his friend ! Scorners of the slave — sneerers at the negro's plea — ruthless invaders (whoever you are) of the hearth of hospitality and the sanctities of home, we point you to the fresh grave of Farmer. To the grave of Kimball, too, his beloved brother — that young martyred heart — who still pleaded among you, unheeded but faithfully, the cause of the suffering and the dumb, when his voice was hollow with consumption — whose mild eye still beamed with remembrance of those in bonds, when lustrous with the hectic touch of death. To the grave of young Bradley too, who bowed his beautilul head to the de- stroyer, like the " lily of the field" surcharged with rain, remem- bering the down-trodden slave amid all the promises and allure- ments of youth and genius. And to other graves recent in your peopled church-yard, into which we should have looked with heart-broken disconsolation, but for thought of the resurrection. To these graves we point you — as you ponder on the past — not now to be recalled — registered for eternity. Advocates of the slave too, a voice from the church-yard speaks also to you. There is neither knowledge, nor wisdom, nor device there, where the departed faithful lie, and whither you hasten. Your brothers and sisters in bondage descend thi- ther in the darkness of brutal heathenism, from lives that know no consolation. What thy hands find to do, do with thy might. CONSTITUTIONALITY OF SLAVERY. ^ CONSTITUTIONALITY OF SLAVERY [From the Herald of Freedom of Sept. 8, 1838.] The second " unprovided-for difficulty" of the Keene Senti- nel, in the way of the anti-slavery movement is, that " slaves are property." We deny that they are property, or that they can be made so. We will not argue this, for it is self-evident. A man cannot be a subject of human ownership ; neither can he be the owner of humanity. There is a clear and eternal incompetency on both sides, — on the one to own man, and on the other to be owned by man. A man cannot alienate his right to liberty and to himself, — still less can it be taken from him. He cannot part with his duty to be free — his obligation to liberty, any more than his right. He is under obligation to God and humanity and his own immortality, to retain his manhood and to exercise it. He cannot become the property of another, any more than he can part with his human nature. It would be utterly repugnant to all the purposes of his creation. He is bound to perform a part, which is totally incompatible with his being owned by any body but himself; which requires that he keep himself free. He can't be property, any more than he can be a horse, or a literal ass. We commend our brethren of the Sentinel to the eighth Psalm, as a divine authority touching the nature and destination of man. He can't be property — he can't be appropriated. His mighty nature cannot be coped by the grasp of ownership. Can the Messrs. Sentinel be appropriated ? We put it sternly to them, in behalf of their, and our own, and the slave's common nature, — for we feel that it is all outraged by their terrible allegation. Can the editors of the Sentinel become property ? the goods and chattels, rights and hereditaments of an owner 1 If they can't, no man can. If any man can, they can. Can the Hon. Mr. Prentiss, with all his interesting qualities and relations, by any diabolical jugglery, be converted into a slave, so as to belong to one of his fallen, depraved fellow-men ? Can he suppose the idea ? Is he susceptible of this transmutation ? He is, if any body is. 16 CONSTITUTIONALITY OF SLAVERY. Can he be transferred, by virtue of a few cries and raps of a glib-tongued auctioneer 1 Could a pedler sell him, from his tin cart ? Could he knock him off, bag and baggage, to the boldest bidder 1 Let us try it. No disrespect to our esteemed senior. — We test his allegation, that a man is property. If one man can be, any man can — himself, or his stately townsman, Major-Gene ral Wilson, who would most oddly become the auction platform. If a man can be property, he can be sold. If any man can be, every man can — Mr. Prentiss, Gen. Wilson, Rev. Mr. Barstow — every man. Let us try to vendue the Sentinel. Advertise him, if you please, in the Keene paper. On the day, produce him — bring him on — let his personal symmetries be examined and de- scanted on — his sacred person handled by the sacrilegious man- jockey, — let him be ordered to shift positions, and assume atti- tudes, and display to the callous multitude his form and propor- tions — his points, as the horse-jockey would say. How would all this comport with the high sense of personal honor, wont to be entertained by the Sentinel ? How would he not encounter a thou- sand deaths rather than submit to it ? How his proud spirit, in- stinct with manhood, would burst and soar away from the scene ! Who bids ? an able-bodied, capable, fine, healthy, submissive, contented boy, about fifty — sound wind and limb — sold positively for no fault — a field hand — come of real stock, — faithful, can trust him with gold untold — will nobody start him? — shall we have a bid? — will nobody bid for the hoy? Now we demand of our respected brother, whose honor is as sacred in our regard as in his own, what he thinks of the chattelism of a slave, — for we indignantly lay it down as an immovable principle that the Hon. John Prentiss is as legitimate a subject of property and of sale, as any the lowest of his race. We dispose of the position that " slaves are property," by utterly and indignantly denying the possibility of it. We will rescue our brethren of the Sentinel from the imputation of this murderous idea, by erasing the semicolon after " property," and making but one sentence of the second " difficulty," turning it into an opinion that " slaves are property by the constitution and the laws ;" throwing the infamy on to the old framers of the CONSTITUTIONALITY OF SLAVERY. 17 constitution, and all of us who have lived under it, with power to amend or nullify it. It would sink the whole of us. Consti- tution and laws ! Is the Sentinel of opinion that a constitution could be framed by men, or by existences in the shape of men, that, instead of protecting human liberty and rights, should anni- hilate them 1 A constitution to ensLive men ! AVhat would you say of a British constitution, that enslaved a British subject 1 Would you not scout the idea of it — of the British possibility of it ? and can it be done here, and ivas it done here by revolution- ary sages, who could not brook the restraints of British liberty ? A constitution, that should provide for the enslavement of a man, would be a legal abortion. The bare engrossing of it would nul- lify it. It would perish by spontaneous annulment and nullifica- tion. It could not survive its ordination — nor could its infamous framers. We deny that an enslaved man is property by the con- stitution, and we might deny that any man can be enslaved under our constitution, and consequently, that he could be chattelized, if a slave were admitted to be property. Things may be appro- priated — persons may not. They are self-evidently not suscep- tible of appropriation or ownership. By the constitution every body is spoken of as a person — no mention is made of human things. If a slave is alluded to, in that instrument, as a possible existence in point of fact, it is under the name of "person." " Three fifths of all other persons" — " migration or importation of persons^' — " no person held to service." These are the only instances in it where allusion is made to slaves, — and it no more, in those allusions, sanctions enslaving, than it does " piracies and felonies on the high seas," which it also expressly recognizes, as they say of slavery. So it says " person," where it solemnly asserts that " no person can be deprived of liberty or property, but by due process of law." This clause prohibits the slightest approaches to enslaving, or holding in slavery, which is continued enslaving. No person's property can be taken from him ; not his life even ; infinitely less his liberty, without due legal pro- cess. It is idle to say, that the framers of the constitution, or those who adopted it and acted under it, did not mean to save the colored man from slavery, by this clause. In law they are to be 18 CONSTITUTIONALITY OF SLAVERY. held to mean so, because they said so. The intent of the framers is now to be gathered from what they said in the instrument it- self — not their colloquies at the time or before or after — but what they put down in imperishable black and white. It is what they inscribed on the parchment for all time, that they legally intend- ed, and there we are to go to get at their intent. If the words are obscure and ambiguous, we may gather their intent by aid of concomitant circumstances, &/C. But there is no ambiguity here. The clearest words and best understood and most trimly defined of any we have, here set forth the essential doctrine, (without which a community of thieves and pirates could scarcely be kept together,) that life, liberty and property are sacred. Enslave man and leave him these three, and you may do it, maugre this clause of the constitution. However, you must leave him, by virtue of other clauses, a few other incidentals, such as compul- sory process for calling in all witnesses for him, cf whatever color ; the inviolate right to be secure in person, house, papers and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures ; right of trial by jury in all cases over twenty dollars' value ; the free exercise of religion, of speech, of the press, of peaceable assem- bly and of petition ; the civil rights of republican government, which is guarantied to him in every state in this Union ; the privileges and immunities of citizens in every state ; in short, you must allow him a string of franchises, enumerated accident- ally in that part of the old compact, called the preamble, viz., justice, domestic tranquillity, common defence, g^tne.ral welfare, and, finally, the blessings of liberty to himself and to his pos- terity ; — moreover you may add, in repetition, — for in securing the.se breath-of-life sort of rights, people run a little into superflu- ity of words — you may add the unsuspendible privilege of //«6ffl'5 corpus — the old writ of liberty ; — and perfect exemption from all attainder, or enslaving a man's children on his account. We will mention one more — that is the uninfringible right to keep and bear arms. All these and many other riglits and innnunities, " too numerous to be mentioned," are secured to him by adaman- tine provisions in the constitution^ and if you can chattelize him under them, so that Austin Woolfolk can trade in him, at your CONSTITUTIONALITY OF SLAVERY. 19 capital, or Wade Hampton or the American Board, can buy him and use him up in their service, or Doctor Ezra Styles Ely spec- ulate in his soul and body, then your doctrine, Messrs. Sentinel, is sound, that he is recognized as property by the constitution. We claim some exceptions, however, in case we cannot over- throw slavery in the slave states, by force of the national consti- tution. We cannot allow you to enslave any body in old Virginia. Look at her law paramount in our caption, declaring the birth- right, INALIENABLE LIBERTY OF ALL MEN. In Maryland the right is constitutionally set forth a little stronger. You must not enslave a man in Maryland, — and we can't allow you to lay a finger on his liberties in the district of Columbia, because the constitutions of Virginia and Maryland are still paramount law- there, by congressional adoption, at the acceptance of the ces- sions. And if he ruifs away from the district or a territory, or either of those two states, we can't allow you to arrest him and send him back. We ask our legal friends, who think lightly of this " fanat- icism," to look into this constitutional and legal matter of slave- holding. We would like especi;illy, that some of the neighbors of the Sentinel w^ould give some exposition, during the coming convention, of the lawfulness of enslaving people in this coun- try. We ask the Keene lawyers how this is. We want " the opinion of the court." For ourselves we venture the opinion, in light of w^hat glim- merings of law scintillate about our vision, that holding a man in slavery is a violation of the law of this land, and of every part of it, not excepting our gory-fingered sister Arkansas, or our car- nage-dripping sister Alabama, the haunt of christian enterprise from New England and the worn-out slave states in the north. A constitution that can avail to protect republican liberty to a single member of this community, inviolably secures it to every man, and condemns and prohibits slavery. It cannot otherwise be. Slavery is a mere matter of fact — in the face of the consti- tution — in the face of each state constitution — in the face of every court of justice which soundly administers the law of any state — in face of every thing, but a tyrant public sentiment, and a diabolical American practice. 20 CONSTITUTIONALITY OF SLAVERY. The enslaved of the country are as much entitled to their liberty as any of us, by the law as it is. They have a right to throw off all violation of it by force, if they cannot otherwise. Nay, it is their duty to do so, if they can, — for it is not injury merely, that they are submitting to — not wrongs. They are rendered incapable of suffering injury — incompetent to endure wrong. The accursed system, that preys upon them, makes things of them — exterminates their very natures. This they may not submit to. They ought to prevent it, at every expense. They ought to resist it, as the Christian should the devil, for it wars upon the nature of man, and devours his immortality. If they could heave off the system by an instantaneous and uni- versal effort, they ought to do it. Individually we wish they could do it, and that they toould do it. We may be wrong in this opinion — but we entertain it. If our white brethren at the South were slaves, we should wish them instantaneous deliv- erance by insurrection, if this would bring it to them. We wish our colored brethren the same. We do not value the bodily lives of the present white generation there a straw, compared to the horrible thraldom, in which they hold the colored people, and we value their lives as highly as we do the colored people's. But insurrection can't effect it. It must be done by the abolitionists. They must annihilate the system by force of their principles, and as fast as possible. And they must increase their speed. Men will have to groan and pant in absolute brutality, with their high and eternal natures bound down and strangled amid the folds of this enslaving devil, until we throw it off. To the work then, and Heaven abandon the tardy ! If you wish to save your white brethren and yourselves, we commend you to this work, in sharp earnest. We tell you, once for all, there is no time to be lost ! There is no end to the theme — there must be to this article. We deny the truth and existence of the Sentinel's two difficulties, and if, in fact, they both existed, our movement " provides for them." The people collectively have the power to declare slavery a crime in the slave states. Congress has the power to do what amounts to the same thing — by direct action. They can declare it criminal in the capital, and how long would it be esteemed COLOxNIZATION LOVE AND "LOGIC 21 innocent elsewhere ? They can punish enslaving in the district, and the man-traffic between the states as piracy. Lex talionis would enslave the perpetrators — but that would be devilish, and ought not to be inflicted. But if hanging is lawful in any case, it is in this. If the people collectively and Congress have no legal power over the slavery of the slave states, abolitionists have the power, ample and adequate, and they will "provide for the difficulty." The constitution and the laws do not recognize the slaves as pro- perty. We call for the proof. The Sentinel avers it. Let them point us to the spot where. And could they do this, the aboli- tionists have the power (consult rule of three for the time it will take) to change and redeem both the constitution and the laws and transmute this property back again to humanity. COLONIZATION LOVE AND "LOGIC." [From the Herald of Freedom of Sept. 8, 1838.] "abolition logic." " Xot hate of one's neig-libor." We prove it to be hate, because it wants to send off. Hatred repels, and would expel. Love attracts, draws, wislies to detain. Colonization proposes to rid the land of col- ored people. It therefore, cannot love them. Its love is mere pretence. — Herald of Freedom. This argument, poor as it is, with hardly speciousness enouoh to deceive a sensible boy of six years old, is tlie same that was used by George Thompson, in our debate with him in Boston. But how will this argument work ? A New Hampshire father sends off his son to make his fortune on the rich lands of the West. Therefore lie haies him. A Boston merchant sends off his son to Europe or tlie East Indies, that he may extend liis schemes of enterprise, and acquire wealtii. Therefore he hates him. We send off missionaries to barbarous nations, that they may extend the blessings of Christianity, and receive in a future world tlie rewards of those that turn many to righteousness. Therefore we hale these missionaries. The consent of those who depart seems to make no difference in the view of this sage editor. "We prove it to be hate because it wants to send o^" It is a little ludicrous that the editor of the Herald should actually kill his own argument, even before he reaches the bottom of his column. " It won't hurt a slave to send him to Africa. It won't, to send him any 22 rOLOiNIZATION LOVE AND " LOGIC." where out of the infernal regions. We had rather he might get to Canada, — but if lie can't go tliere — or to tlie West Indies — or to Eng- land — or France — or Spain, or Turkey, or Algiers — or any otlier com- paratively free country under heaven — why, rather tlian remain in Amer- icEi, among our Colonizationists, let him go to Liberia — or to tlie bottom of tlie sea — or to the sharks. No monster of the deep would devour him with tlie cruel tooth of our republicanism." He also proposes, in another article, to colonize slaves in Canada. Seriously, we tliink there are sti'ong indications of insanity in the Her- ald. The above is from the Rev. R. R,. Gurley, Secretary and chief engineer of the American Colonization Society — that grand " American system" of machinery for clearing this country of free colored people, by a sort of suction-pump force, called " con- sent." They say, however, the " nicgeks" come hard ; and though the pump draws upon them, like doctor's instruments upon a tooth, yet they stick to the soil like a lamprey eel to the rocks ; and though the Secretary " hangs on like a dog to a root," they " hang back, like a dog going to the gallows." Resist sternly, colored friends ! " Abide in the ship." The land shall soon be indeed your country and your home. Lay your bones in it. Your tyrants and persecutors will go and evangelize Af- rica, themselves, when they really wish her evangelized. The wily Secretary has ventured upon a little article of ours, with true Tracy philology and word-hiuiting. " Send off." The magnificent " statesman" here finds a field for the scope of his continental philanthropy. The argument, he says, is the same that was used by George Thompson. All the better for that. George Thompson is an authority. lie is a mm of instinctive and intuitive judgment on this question. But it is a poor argu- ment, says the Secretary, " with hardly speciousness enough to deceive a sensible school boy of six years old." Any argument is always poor in the eyes of the Secretary, that is clear of spe- ciousness and false show, and that can't deceive sensible school boys. We don't intend to u^e specious arguments, — " showy, plausible, superficially not solidly right," as Walker defines them. The Secretary hud better not use any more of them. " Fair play is a jewel." *' How will this argument work ?" Try it and sec, Secretary. COLONIZATION LOVE AND "LOGIC." 2? You don't try it. You put different cases. You speak of farm- ers sending away sons for their benefit and fortunes. We speak of sending off — a sending off to git rid of. Farmers don't send off their sons, unless they get angry, and forget their nature, and disinherit tliem. Tiien they send them off. This sending to the West is not true in fact. The sons want to go from New Hampshire rocks to the prairied West. They have heard stories about it ahnost as extravagant and false as the Secretary tells about the death-haunted capes of Liberia, where bones lie bleach- ing as they do in the valley of the fabled Upas. The father wants them to stay tvith him, if he has got land for them, and if he han't, he tcould go with thcra. That is the way the father sends off his sons. Does the Secretary send off the dear colored people so? Would he accompany them? Let him go and edit at Cape Palmas, and sing his ditty of the " African steeples" about among king Joe Harris' people. They would admire his tall presence and his fine head, as the Cossacks did Murat on his black char- ger. No. The Secretary loves — " society," that has got more " frarne-work" in it. The dragon take Liberia, for all his going there ! It is a grand country for " free niggers ;" but the Secre- tary belongs to another race. " The Boston merchant sends off his son," &c. Whoever heard of such a sending off? Would the weeping father, as the vessel, with his dear boy on board, was clearing the harbor and standing out into the wide sea, tell the disconsolate mother and the brothers and sisters — all in tears — "I've sent off Charles?" Sent him off! for shame. Secretary ! If you had instanced a Boston merchant, who had a poor, miserable, profligate, drunken, prodigal son, that had exhausted his paternal nature, and forged his name to checks — whom he did not wish to see hanged at home, for the disgrace it would bring on the family, and he had shipped him aboard a man-of-war for the Mediterranean — or a whaler for a three years' chance among the storms of the cape, and the grampuses of the arctic circle, peradventure to come back, and pcradverture not, then you might talk of a father's sending his son off. But that comes too near colonizing, for the Secretary's purpose,- -only he wants to ship the innocent — the 24 COLONIZATION LOVE AND "LOGIC." blameless — the unoffending — guilty of nothing but want of the roseate hue of the beauteous, Absalom-looking Secretary. " We seiid off missionaries," &c. Only to Liberia, Secretary. We send out to every other quarter. Note this peculiarity, reader, in our American efforts to evangelize the world. We send out white, educated, college-learned, beneficiary, Andover- finished theologians to those people we have never enslaved ; and to our old human hunting-ground we send off " abated nuisan- ces,^' called " free niggers," — sent off " toith their own consent.'' (" He 'ticed him out of the field," says the witness ; " 'ticed him clear out." How did lie 'tice him? said the court. " O, he 'ticed him with a pitchfork!") We had the curiosity to look, in this very number of the Secretary's " Statesman," to see what he called the sending of missionaries. He has a deal to say about love to the heathen. We lit upon " Missions to Liberia," the first thing almost. It is not the Secretary's own, but his faithful Achates, R. McDowell's. He gives us the very technical phrase for missionary sending ; but there is no off to it. " The first mission, established in Liberia," says McD., " was the Swiss mission, &c., sent out by Rev. Dr. Bleinhardt," &c. Don't talk of sending off sons and missionaries, any more, Mr. Secretary. It is too " specious." The Secretary says, we " ludicrously kill our argument before we get down our column." What is our argument ? That sending off our free colored people, to rid the country of them, is proof of hatred towards them. How do we kill it '? Why, by saying it won't hurt a slave to send him aicay. Commend us to such killing. " What is sauce for the goose, may be for the" Secretary ; but it don't follow, that what is hod for the freeman, would be bad for the slave. Would it be good for the freeman of America to be sent to Algiers ? We say it would not hurt the slave to be sent there. He would rejoice to get there, and we should rejoice to have him, if we can't free him here, — even to Liberia — rather than stay within influence of such teachers of humanity as McDufiie and Gurley. The Secretary's mention of our proposal to colonize the slaves in Canada, as a serious proposal, is so roguishly " specious," that ECLIPSE OF THE SUN. 25 we can't answer it. — The charge of " insanity," abolitionists are used to. The Secretary will be glad to be so, by and by, when we get slavery down in this country. The cry from the West Indies makes him look wild. He will exclaim, by another year or two, when Congress, with old John Quincy Adams at their head, and Alvan Stewart and Wendell Phillips and Vermont Knapp to back him up, declare slavery down in the capital and the district — he will then cry out, as Athaliah did, when she " heard the noise of the guard, the clapping of hands, and the God save king Joash." He will be stark crazy then, — if he does not repent — which we hope he may. ECLIPSE OF THE SUN. tFrom the Herald of Freedom of Sept. 22, 1838.] We had a fine opportunity, on our way fi-om Plymouth to Con- cord, to witness this grand conjunction of the mighty orbs of the sky — this conflict of the " greater and lesser lights" — the lesser obscuring the greater, as is sometimes the case among .sM^lunary bodies, by force of position. The glorious sun was indeed " sick almost to doomsday," — and it was pitiful to see his regal distress, and with what dignity and decency he drew around him his robe of clouds, to hide his disaster and shame from the smoked-glass gaze of mortals. The atmosphere and the landscape sombered at his obscuration, and he looked, as the foul intrusion overshadowed his disk, like a noble nature seized upon, darkened, marred and smothered to blackness and darkness, by the Genius of slavery. The envious eclipse passes off, and the released luminary shines on gloriously again in mid heaven. Slavery is perpetual eclipse — sickness to " doomsday" — eternal obscuration. May God in his mercy rectify the erring orbs of life, to prevent and remove such fatal moral conjunctions. All animate creation seemed to apprehend and notice instinc- tively the malady of the heavens. The few birds that remain extant at this unmusical season, gave token of their apprehension 3 26 ECLIPSE OF THE SUN. of night-fall by betaking themselves to the topmost boughs of the trees — to get as late a good-night as they could, from the blessed luminary whose good morrow they hail with such choral glad- ness, in that joyous season when " the time of the singing of birds is come." The cricket and the grasshopper, in the fields by the road side, set up, as night came down, their twilight hum, and blew their " drowsy bugle." A drove of cattle, through which we passed, on the way to Brighton — like a coffle from the city of Washington to Alabama — halted, as the drover told us, as if the hour for putting up for night had come. And our own good steed, refreshed by the coolness of the temperature, and warned by the deepening shadows, set up his evening trot, in full remembrance, as well as his master, of Concord hospitality — for he has a " memory like a horse" — and had every visible and ostensible reason to believe, that stable-time and release from the harness were at hand. Would that the poor human cattle of the republic could realize such a season ! But neither night nor eclipse brmgs respite to them. They are slaves. At the height of the obscuration, the sky wore the appearance of real sunset — a sunset far up from the horizon, with blue sky below, between it and the hills. The passing off of the eclipse was invisil le, by reason of the thick, hard, night-looking clouds, and the sun did not reappear to give assurance of his recovery. May it not be emblematic of the extinction of slavery in this country amid the gloomy shadowings and night of insurrection, which our friend, the Observer, deprecates with such deep shud- dering — while the pro.^pect of eternal slavery he can look on with most serene comprsure. The " specious" twiliglit of the eclipse gradually put on even- ing's bona fide enshroudings, and settled into but we forget that our eclipse was seen by all our readers, and will leave them, with the wish, that the sun may rise upon them again on the morrow, all unmarred and unscathed by his conflict with the "dirty planet," and light them all on the way to a day of anti- slavery gratitude and duty. BALLOOxN ASCENSION. 27 BALLOON ASCENSION. [From the Herald of Freedom of Sept. 29, 1838.] One of these presumptuous " quittings of one's sphere," to " rush into the skies," was attempted in our little capital city, on Friday, the 21st inst., and with very handsome success. Popular curiosity poured in to witness it, under umbrellas and cloaks, from all the surrounding country. — We wish they would take half the pains to free their country from slavery, that they will to see a great soap-bubble go up into the air, with a gaseous man sub- joined to it. It was a novel sight, to be sure, and if it is to be done, perhaps it may as well be seen ; though going to see it, is all the occasion of the poor skyman's venturing up. He can have no other. — This aerostation can never, probably, come to any thing useful. We can't navigate, for the purposes of commerce, travel, or discovery, " the brave o'er-hanging firmament," or explore, in this gas-distended craft, the great orb of day, the waning moon, or those islands of light, that sprinkle at night the boundless Pacific " hung on high." — No rudder can be invented, that shall steer the light air-ship through the billowy clouds. The compass will not traverse, to point to the celestial pole, and no anchor can fix its crooked fluke in the bottom of the aeronaut's ocean. The utmost result of a voyage is the escape of the voyager with a whole neck. Science can derive no accessions fi-om it. It cannot promise even the north-west passage to China, to explore which, English audacity has braved the horrors of the polar half- year's night — the formidable ice-islands — and all the terrors of the arctic winter — a passage which commerce of course could not use, if they could find one, without a Parry or a Ross in every merchantman. Mr. Lauriat went up at Concord. His balloon, made of oiled silk, containing, as was said, seven hundred yards, and covered with a fine netting, was about two hours inflating. The gas was made in hogsheads, passed from them through tin tubes, going out of the tight headings, as the casks stood on end — and leading into reservoirs of lime water, which purified the gas as it passed 28 BALLOON ASCENSION. through it, — out of which it was conducted, in large cloth ducts, into one which entered the throat of the balloon. The balloon when filled, was about sixty feet high and thirty through. As it filled and struggled to rise, like an overgrown elephant, it was held down by the cords attached to the netting, by a circle of spectators and others standing round it. The car was broutrht and suspended directly under the centre, by these cords. It was of basket work, about a foot high, and from four to five feet over; a net work connected a hoop with it about eighteen inches above, to keep the navigator from falling overboard. About 5 o'clock, in the midst of a rain, he got on board his frail vessel, and they let him up, by a cord about twenty feet, when he made a short valedictory, cut his cable with his pocket knife, with rather an agitated hand, as we thought, and went up. The ascent was very graceful and gentle, and reminded us of the ascent of thistle-down. The multitude dismissed him with a good-natured hurrah — and he was soon so high that he looked more like a puppet than a man. He waved a little flag, which, if it was the starred and striped one we sometimes see flapping at liberty poles down here, could be more appropriately unfurled after he had passed beyond the clouds, than this side of them. When his vehicle was reduced to about the size of a hand, he went in behind a cloud-curtain, and disappeared. He went to Canterbury, about a dozen miles distant, and lighted down among the broad-brimmed hats of our friends the Shakers, about twenty minutes after he started, took a drop, as we are told, of their imperial cider, to keep the clouds from striking to his stomach, remounted and rode on, upon the twilight air, to Northfield, and landed near where Samuel Tilton, Esq. once arrested George Storrs for prayer. He was dripping wet, having rode in the raiu and among the very springs of foul weather, most of his way — though a portion of his journey was, we understand, above them in clear sky. When he was above the clouds, he said it seemed to him he was stationary, though he knew he must be moving. he knew not whither, with great velocity. He could not see the earth. His greatest elevation was eleven thousand feet. One of the greatest balloon feats we believe ever performed. GEORGE THOMPSON. 29 was by a Mr. Blanchard and another adventurer, who sailed from Dover cliffs in England, crossed the entire British channel, and landed safely in France. It would have been much safer, how- ever, and quite as rational, to take the Calais packet. The chief end and result of ballooning seem to be, as in the case of the intrepid Samuel Patch, (who ascended the other way,) to show that " some things can be done as well as others." GEORGE THOMPSON. [From the Herald of Freedom of Sept. 29, 1838.] Our readers may remember that his excellency Governor Hill, the Reverend Wilbur Fisk, D. D., President of Wesleyan Uni- versity, the Honorable Charles G. Atherton, one of our free and enlightened delegation in Congress, and sundry other dignitaries in church and state, as well as the Honorable their Graces the Concord mob — while Mr. Thompson was in this country, and soon after our brutality drove him from these guilty shores, — took great liberties with his name, and attempted liberties with his person. We call the attention of these distinguished function- aries to some of their sayings and doings, and will then subjoin some few of the testimonials recently come to us from England, or which will be new to them, we presume, as they would not be likely to encounter them in the course of their more lofty readings, " This fugitive from justice," said his excellency Isaac Hill — this " bankrupt in character and in purse," said his highness the Reverend Doctor Fisk, a gratuitous vindicator of slavery — " a miscreant who had fled from the indignation of an outraged people," declaimed the pert Mister Atherton — amen to the whole of it, repeated their Graces the mob. Hear Thomas Fowell Buxton, the Wilberforce of the British parliament — one of the ornaments of philanthropy for all Chris- tendom. It was at a great anti-slavery meeting in the city of Norwich, in the neighborhood of where this fugitive from justice had been brought up. He had just spoken on the platform wheio 3* 30 GEORGE THOMPSON. Buxton and other great men of England sat. " I come here," says Thomas Fowell Buxton, " to declare my assent to the great doctrine of immediate abolition of the apprenticeship, as well as to hear a speech from George Thompson, with whose sentiments I fully concur, and with whom I hope to labor through years to come, shoulder to shoulder, for the abolition of slavery and the slave trade' throughout the world.." " Fugitive from justice" in- deed — " bankrupt in character," with a witness ! Hear Ralph Wardlaw, of Glasgow, one of the ablest, pro- foundest divines and writers in Europe. After Mr. Thompson's victory in Scotland over Rev. Robert J. Breckenridge of Balti- more, who honored the challenge of this " fugitive from justice" in the very land from which he fled, — fought with him in presence of 1200 of the very flower of the city of Glasgow, and fell before him there — at a public meeting held in Dr. Heugh's chapel in commemoration of thig victory. Dr. Wardlaw said of Mr. Thomp- son, " With the ability, the zeal, the eloquence, the energy, the steadfastness of principle, the exhaustless and indefatigable per- severance of OUR CHAMPION, we Were more than satisfied." — " We sent him to America," said Dr. Wardlaw. " He went with the best wishes of the benevolent, and the fervent prayers of the pious. He remained in the faithful, laborious and perilous execution of the commission entrusted to him, as long as it could be done without the actual sacrifice of life. He returned. We hailed his arrival," &.c. " Fugitive from justice," says the New Hampshire governor. " We sent him," says Dr. Wardlaw. " Bankrupt in character," says the Rev. Dr. Fisk. " He return- ed," says Dr. Wardlaw, " and we hailed his arrival." And now hear Henry Brougham, in the House of Lords. We put him against the American Brougham, who called George Thompson " miscreant !" against the Honorable Charles G. Ath- ii-ton, of America. In the House of Lords, July 16th ultimo, in reply to Lord Glenelg, who claimed for the British government the credit of abolishing slavery in the West India islands — Lord Brougham said that " he maintained that, but for the interference of this country by the friends of emancipation and of liberty, there would not to-day have been received such a despatch as DR. WAYLAND. 31 had arrived from the governor of Jamaica." " He would say, ' Honor to those to whom honor was due.' He would name such men as Joseph Sturge, John Scoble, William Allen, and other noble-minded and devoted philanthropists — and above all he would name one — one of the most eloquent men he had ever heard either in or out of parliament — he meant the gallant and highly-gifted George Thompson, who had not alone exerted him- self in the cause of humanity in this country, but had risked his life in America, in the promulgation of those doctrines, which he knew to be founded in truth." Has our dainty-fingered little statesman ever heard of Henry Brougham, of England — that intellectual Titan — that combina- tion of all that is glorious in the history of British genius and learning and eloquence and patriotism ; the pride of Westminster hall, the peerless among her peerage, the very star of England, the man whose impress, of all others, this age and coining ages will bear wherever the English language shall be spoken, the man whose mental influence is felt from the palace to the hovel, from the queen to the chimney-sweeper — has the Honorable Mr. Atherton heard of him, and does he call " miscreant" the man who receives such eulogium from his lips, in the face of Europe ? Fugitive from justice ! Is the companion of Brougham and O'Connell and Buxton and Sturge and Scoble and Allen and Wardlaw, a " felon" and a " bankrupt in reputation" in England — a miscreant? What say you, Messrs. Hill, Fisk, Atherton, and mob, will you repeat your words in face of such testi- monials as these ? UMITATIONS OF HUMAN RESPONSIBILITIES.— DR. WAYLAND. [From the Herald of Freedom of Oct. 6, 1838.] We were unpleasantly surprised, on receiving our last number of the " Comprehensive Commentary" and the " Supplement," from our good anti-slavery friend Boutelle, to find the unfeeling 32 LIMITATIONS O F RESPONSIBILITIES. author of the " limitations" posted up, in the frontispiece, by Dr. Jenks, at his own right hand, and directly over the head of old President Dwight. Perhaps this is a sort of peace-offering to the slaveholder — a bit of policy to give the " Commentary" a currency among our " southern brethren." The Doctor's image would give the Commentary a cordial passport to the heart of every slaveholder. He would expect to find the Bible itself chock full of limitations of human obligations and warrant for slaveholding. We should not dare send a lad to the Doctor's college, for fear he would teach him this science of " limitations ;" a science as fatal to human welfare as the atmosphere of Upas is to healthful respiration. What a kindly blow has the Rev. Doctor here struck at religion and humanity, by this work, with a most significant and appropriate title — " Limitations of Responsibilities !" Abridg- ment of human obligations ! Curtailment of moral obligations ! Irresponsibilities to God and man ! What a title and a work, to surprise and delight the devil withal ! Give me, quoth the devil, these abridgers of human liability. O no, sweet mortals, " ye shall not surely die." Hath God indeed said so and so? It may be — but then the meaning hath excellent " limitations." Com- mend me, quoth the arch-gambler for the exposed soul, to these highly taught rabbles — brought up at foot of Gamaliel, who will ratiocinate the apprehensive mind clear of the trammels of re- sponsibility. It has been a desideratum with human depravity, from the first transgression down, to discover that this fatal responsibility had limits — some resting place, short of these crucifying require- ments. Orthodoxy itself hath at last discovered it, and the for- tunate finder is Doctor Francis Wayland. "Granting slavery to be in violation of the law of God," says the daring Doctor, " it still remains to be decided, what is our duty respecting it." In this horrible doctrine we cannot agree, but say rather, that granting slavery, or any thing else, to be in vio- lation of that law, it is decided, and always has been, that our duty is forthwith to labor to our utmost for its immediate suppression. The Doctor's essay is to " kill the abclitionists dead." Colonel DR. WAYLAND. 33 Mordecai Noah, of the tribe of Issachar, says exultingly, that it is doing it. A band of self-devoted men and women have formed themselves together, to deliver, by the power of simple truth, their poor, soul-withered brethren from a condition that would awaken irrepressible pity in any thing but an under mill-stone. They are succeeding. They have insured success ; and this northern Doctor has volunteered, as a sort of Swiss guard, to protect the slaveholder against them in his " paramount rights," and to " kill" these unoffending and faithful ones " dead." He has woven a web of sophistry, which it would waste time, and no doubt puzzle our unmetaphysical brains to unravel, in the cun- ning order in which it is put together. We shall not worry our- selves to thread its labyrinths, or unglue its spider fastenings. In plain housewife style, we take the broomstick of " self-evi- dent fruth," and just poke down this cobweb — dead flies and all, warp and filling, — with the sly old weaver himself, where he sits in his central woof, " cunning and fierce, mixture abhorred." For see. — Slaveholding is a self-evident crime. We (Doctor and all) are palpably at the bottom of it. It is engendered and fed on our own vicious public sentiment. We are bound forthwith to correct this sentiment, and thereby abolish slavery. There is no " limitation" about it, and no " two ways about it," in the expressive parlance. This is better made out, in the statement, than by any help of words with which we are acquainted, — and we here dispose of the whole Doctor. " No cat has two tails," quoth the Doctor. Agreed, says Major Noah, and his gentile brother, the New Hampshire Patriot. " But every cat has one tail more than no cat," adds the Doctor. " Han't she 1" cries Major Noah. " I want to know if she han't," echoes the New Hampshire Patriot. " Therefore," concludes the Doctor, (and anti-slavery is extinguished) — " therefore every cat has three tails." " Three tails !" exults the epauletted Is- raelite ; " three tails, by our gold-laced gabardine, every cat is a three-tailed bashaw," and it is " perfectly conclusive to the mind" of the New Hampshire Patriot. Now we hold up any bona fide pussy in the land by the tail, and all eyes may see that she hath but one. The Doctor cannot argue it into three^ 34 JAUNT TO VERMONT. JAUNT TO VERMONT. [From the Herald of Freedom of Oct. 20, 1838.] We have recently journeyed through a portion of this free state, and it is not all imagination in us, that sees, in its bold scenery, — its uninfected, inland position, its mountainous, but fertile and verdant surface, the secret of the noble and anti- slavery predisposition of its people. They are located for free- dom. Liberty's home is on their Green Mountains. Their farm- er-republic no where touches the ocean — " the highway of the" world's crimes, as well as its " nations." It has no seaport for the importntion of slavery, or the exportation of its own highland republicanism. Vermont is accordingly the earliest anti-slavery state, and should slavery ever prevail over this nation to its utter subjugation, the last, lingering footsteps of retiring liberty will be seen — not, as Daniel Webster said, in the proud old common- wealth of Massachusetts, about Bunker hill and Faneuil hall, (places long since deserted of freedom) — but wailing, like Jeph- tha's daughter, among the " hollows," and along the sides of the Green Mountains. Vermont shows gloriously at this autumn season. Frost has gently laid hands on her exuberant vegetation, tinging her rock- niapie woods, without abating the deep verdure of her herbage. Every where along her peopled hollows and her bold hill-slopes and summits is alive with green, while her endless hard-tvood forests are uniformed with all the hues of early fall — richer than the regimentals of the kings that glittered in the train of Napo- leon on the confines of Poland, when he lingered there on the last outposts of summer, before plunging into the snow-drifts of the North — more gorgeous than the " array" of Saladin's life- guard in the wars of the Crusaders — or of " Solomon in all his glory" — decked in all colors and hues, but still the hues of life. Vegetution touched, but not dead, or if killed, not bereft yet of " signs of li e." " Decay's effacing fingers" had not yet " swept the ' hills,' where beauty lingers." All looked fresh as growing foliage. Vermont frosts don't seem to be " killing frosts.* JAUNT TO VERMONT. 35 They only change aspects of beauty. The mountain pastures, verdant to the peaks, and over the peaks of tlie high, steep hills, were covered with the amplest feed, and clothed with countless sheep ; — the hay-fields heavy with second crop, in some partly cut and abandoned, as if in very weariness and satiety, blooming with honey-suckle, contrasting strangely with the colors on the woods — the fat cattle and the long-tailed colts and close-built Morgans wal- lowing in it, up to the eyes, or the cattle down to rest, with full bellies, by ten in the morning. Fine but narrow roads wound along among the hills — free, almost entirely, of stone, and so smooth as to be safe for the most rapid driving — made of their rich, dark, pow- der-looking soil. Beautiful villages or scattered settlements break- ing upon the delighted view, on the meandering way, making the ride a continued scene of excitement and animation. The air fresh, free and wholesome, — no steaming of the fever and ague of the West, or the rank slaveholding of the South, — the road almost dead level for miles and miles among mountains that lay over the land like the great swells of the sea, and looking, in the pros- pect, as though there could be no passage. On the whole, we never, in our limited travel, experienced any thing like it, and we commend any one, given to despondency or dumps, to a ride, in beginning of October, chaise-top back, fleet horses tandem, fresh from the generous fodder and thorough-gc iiig groomage of Steel's tavern, a forenoon ride, from White-river Sharon, through Tunbridge, to Chelsea Hollow. There's nothing on Salem turnpike like the road, and nothing, any where, a match for "the lay of the land" and the ever-varying, animating land- scape. We can't praise Vermonters for their fences or their barns, and it seems to us their out-houses and door-yards hardly corre- spond with the well-built dwellings. But they have no stones for wall — no red oak or granite for posts, or pine growth for rails and boards in their hard-wood forests, and we queried, as we observed their " insufficient fences" and lack of pounds, whether such barriers as our side of the Connecticut we have to rear about an occasional patch of feed, could be necessary in a coun- try where no " creatures" appeared to run in the road, and where 36 JAUNT TO VERMONT. there was not choice enough in field and pasture, to make it an object for any body to be breachy, or to stray — and where every hoof seemed to have its hands full at home. Poor fences there seemed to answer all purposes of good ones among us, where every blade of grass has to be watched and guarded from the furtive voracity of hungry New Hampshire stock. The farmers looked easy and care-free. We saw none that seemed back-broken with hard work, or brow-wrinkled with fear of coming to want. How do your crops come in, sir ? " O, middlin'." — How much wheat? "Well, about three hundred. Wheat han't filled well." — How much hay do you cut? " Well, sir, from eighty to one hundred ton." Corn? "Over four hun- dred; corn is good." How many potatoes? "Well, I don't know; we've dug from eight hundred to one thousand." How many cattle do you keep ? ' ' Only thirty odd head this year ; cattle are scarce." Sheep? " Three hundred and odd." Horse kind? " Five," and so on. And yet the Vermont farmers are leaving for the West. The only thing we saw, that looked anti-republican, was their magnificent State House, which gleams among their hills more like some ancient Greek temple, than the agency house of a self- governed democracy. It is a very imposing object. Of the severest and most compact proportions, its form and material (the solid granite) comporting capitally with the surrounding scenery. About one hundred and fifty feet long, and some eighty or one hundred wide, we should judge, an oblong square, with a central projection in front, the roof of it supported on a magnificent row of granite pillars — the top a dome without spire. It looks as if it had been translated fi-om old Thebes or Athens, and planted down among Ethan Allen's Green Mountains. It stands on a ledge of rock ; close behind it a hill, somewhat rocky and rug- ged for Vermont ; and before it, descends an exceedingly fine and extensive yard, fenced with granite and iron in good keeping with the building, the ground covered with the richest verdure, broken into wide walks, and planted with young trees. It is a very costly structure ; but Vermont can afford it, though we hold to cheap and very plain State houses, inasmuch as the seat of JAUiNT TO VERMOiNT. 37 goverhment with us is, or should be, at the people's homes. We want to see the dwelling-houses of the " owners of the soil," the palaces of the country. There the sovereignty of the country should hold its court, and there its wealth should be expended. Let despots and slaveholders build their pompous public piles and their pyramids of Egypt. The apartments and furniture of the State House within are very rich, and, we should judge, highly comjjiodious. The Representatives' Hall a semicircular, with cushioned seats, a luxury hardly suited to the humor of the stout old Aliens and Warners of early times, and comporting but slightly with the hardy habits of the Green Mountain boys, who now come there, and in brief session pass anti-slavery resolutions, to the dismay of the haughty South, and the shame of the neighboring dougln- faced North. Their legislature was about to sit — and an anti-slavery friend, one of their state officers, informed us that Alvan Stewart was expected there, to attend their anti-slavery anniversary. We should have rejoiced to stay and hear him handle southern slavery in that Vermont State House. — We trust yet to hear George Thompson there. It shall be our voice, when he comes again, that he go directly into Vermont ; that he land there from Can- ada. Let him leave England in some man-ot-war, that lioists the " meteor flag," and mounts guns only in chase of the slave ship, and enter the continent by way of the gulf of St. Lawrence. Let him tarry some months among the farmers of Vermont, and tell them the whole mysteries of slavery, and infuse into their yeoman-hearts his own burning abhorrence of it, till they shall loathe slaveholding as they loathe the most dastardly thieving, and with one stern voice, from the Connecticut to Champlain, demand its annihilation. We would have him go into the upland farming towns — not to the shores of the lake, where the steam- boat touches, to land the plague of pro-slavery — nor to the capi- tal, where " property and standing" might turn up the nose at the negro's equal humanity, or the vassals of " the northern man with southern principles" veto the anti-slavery meeting with a drunken mob — but to Randolph Hill, to Danville Green, the 4 38 JAUNT TO VERMONT. swells of Peacham, and the plains of St. Johnsbury, to Strafford Hollow and the vales of Tunbridge and Sharon — William Slade's Middlebury, and up among James Bell's Caledonia hills. Let the South learn that George Thompson was stirring the Ver- MONTERS UP AMONG THE Green MOUNTAINS. See if Alabama would send a requisition for him to anti-slavery Governor Jen- nison, or anti-slavery Lieut. Gov. Camp. And what response, think ye, she would get back? — a Gilchrist report — or the thun- dering judgment rather of stout old Justice Harrington to the shivering slave-chaser — " Snow me your bill op sale of this man from the Almighty !" A decision," said a judge of the present truly upright and learned bench of that state, " no less hon- orable to Judge Harrington's head than his heart, and good law\" Let George Thompson land in Vermont, and stay there, till other states shall learn the courage to guaranty him his right? within their own borders, if they have not learned it already for shame. He can do anti-slavery's work, and all of it, in Ver- mont. He need go no farther south. They can hear him dis- tinctly, every word he says, from Randolph Green clear down to Texas. John C. Calhoun would catch every blast of his bugle ; and assassin Preston startle at its note, in the rotunda at Charles- ton. And by and by, when every Vermont farmer shall have heard his voice, and shaken his hand and welcomed him to his hearth-stone, let him come down into Montpelier and shake that granite State House ; and mayhap to fair Burlington, to that Uni- versity — where the colored student can now enjoy, unrestricted, all the equal privileges of '■"■field recitation ;" where he may come, under cloud of night, to gaze at the stars on the very same common with the young New-Yorker, and the son of the rich merchant of this fair city of the lake, or accompany them, in broad day, on an excursion of trigonometry, in the open fields. The doors of that college chapel would open wide to George Thompson, after the Green Mountain boys had once heard him speak. But we are lingering too long for our readers or ourselves, in this noble state. We hasten back to our own native, sturdy quarry of rocks and party politicsi DR. FRANCIS WAYLAND. 39 DR. FRANCIS WAYLAND. [From the Herald of Freedom of Oct. 20, 1838.] We wonder if this learned divine has ever undertaken to con- vince men that their "responsibilities were limited" in regard to the removal of any other nuisance than slavery. We have not seen any portion of his "limitations," except that relating to slavery. Whether he has treated on them as to any other sin, we do not know. But what possessed him to think men needed reminding of the limitations of their obligations'? Are they prone to works of supererogation ? Are they apt to be rampant in the exercise of that " charity," which " seeketh not her own," to transcend the bounds of their duty 1 Is it necessary, in order to a proper husbanding of their sympathies, that they be warned and admonished against their too prodigal lavishment upon their fellow-men ? Is it to be predicated of fallen, depraved men, that they will be likely to overrun their obligations ? Need they be guarded against an extravagance like this? Need ministers of the gospel tax their ingenuity in a behalf like this? Generally this class of men have been engaged, on what they call in court " the other side ;" in enforcing human obligations, and in setting forth and urging on men's consciences their terrible responsibili- ties — to remove from their minds and hearts erroneous notions of their limitations, and of their own freedom from obligation. We take it nothing can be clearer and more reasonable than the universal obligation to do to others as we would that they should do to us — and to do likewise for others. If we were slaves, does any doctor doubt we should desire our neighbors, if we had any, to try to rescue us ? If our house was a-fire, should not we want our neighbors to help put the fire out? If we were in the water, going to the bottom, could we bear it that neighbors should go indifferently by, and let us sink — that they should merely pity us — in the abstract? The slavery case is exceed- ingly plain. Slavery is the creature of tolerance — of public sufferance. Southern slavery exists in northern sufferance. The North is the seat of American sufferance. It is the theatre of 40 DR. FRANCIS WAYLAND. moral influence for this nation. There is no such influence io the South — that is, no reforming influence except by negative operation. What is the moral influence of New Orleans on the nation ? What of Charleston, or Mobile, or St. Louis, or Rich- mond, or any of the states or people of which these are the capi- tals? What religious or moral enterprise ever originated, or advanced in any of these places or people 1 They no more influ- ence the country, than gamblers, drunkards, thieves, religiously influence the church. The church influences them for good or for evil, according to lier faithfulness or unfaithfulness in her Master's service. The North influences the South in the matter of slavery. Yea, the North acts with the South in slaveholding. They directly and professedly uphold the system wherever they have occasion. They tolerate it in the District of Columbia. They directly sustain it in the territories. They allow the slave trade between the states. They conspired with the South in the constitution, that the foreign trade in slaves should not be inter- rupted by Congress for twenty years. They voted that Arkansas should come into the Union, with a constitution guarding slavery with a two-edged sword, giving the slaveholder a veto upon an emancipating legislature, and the legislature a check upon the repentant slaveholder. They have voted to admit a system that forbids and discourages repentance of the sin of slaveholding, and makes it desperate. All this has been done solemnly and with deliberation, and in legislative form — and the whole nation has tacitly allowed those of its people who chose, to hold slaves. It has never been disreputable, but highly the contrary, to hold slaves in this country. Is not a nation answerable for the vices and crimes which are reputable and popular within its borders? If a nation has any moral influence, any moral standard, is it not responsible for what that standard does not condemn ? Has not this nation cast all its presidential votes for two men, guilty at the very moment of the election and all their days before and since, of the crime of slaveholding — Andrew Jackson, a slave- holder and a slave driver, and voted for twice by a majority of the electoral suffrage of this nation, north and south — and Henry Clay, a slaveholder and a notorious compromiser in the service DR. FRANCIS WAYLAND. 41 of the infernal system, voted for by the rest of the nation. Jack- son chosen by northern men agaiiiit Adams a northern man. And then a northern man abandoned by northern men, one and the same party, in favor of Clay, a southern slaveholder We have nothing to do with abolishing slavery, says the Doc- tor Wayland, either as citizens of the United States, or as men. Our responsibilities for its removal are all limited away. On the very face of our case, it is palpable and grossly evident, we say, that the northern people have at least as much to do with its abolition as the people of the south. They have at least as much to do with its continuation. They are as directly engaged in it. They have the control of it in the national councils wherever it exists within congressional jurisdiction. It is the North, and not the South, that prevents a legislative abolition of it in the District of Columbia. Slavery in the national district is a northern insti- tution, and not a southern. It is the " peculiar institution" there of the North, and not of the South. Is it not so? We declare then, that, as citizens and as men, we at the North have some- thing to do with the abolition of American slavery — ay, that we have every thing to do with it. We can abolish it, and we alone can. We ought to abolish it, and we alone ought to do it, as appears at first impartial glance. " I think it evident," says Dr. Wayland, " that as citizens of the United States, we have no power whatever either to abolish slavery in the southern states, or to do any thing of which the direct intention is to abolish it." We do npt perceive the pro- priety of the Doctor's language when he talks of a thing having an intention. Slaves have intentions, and the Doctor and his friends call them things — but how a thing to be done can have an intention — a " direct intention," as the Doctor says, is beyond our slight learning. Perhaps the Doctor meant tcndciicy by in- tention — and meant to say that we could not do any thing the direct tendency of which is the abolition of southern slavery. That is to say, we, as citizens of the United States, may not vote in Congress against slaveholding in the District of Columbia, or in the territories, or against the slave trade between the states. We may not receive petitions in behalf of those objects — we 4* 42 DR. FRANCIS WAYLAND. may not petition Congress — we may not talk against slavehold- ino- — or write against it — or pray against it — or sympathize with our fellow-men in slavery ; because each and every one of these acts has a direct tendency to abolish slavery in the southern states. Slavery in the land is a system, a whole system, a custom, a crime, and but one crime wherever committed. It is not war- rantable in one place, and not in another. It is not lawful in one state, and not in another. It is one entire, individual, undivided matter of fact every where in the land, as much as murder is — and if it is denounced and condemned in the District of Colum- bia by Congress, it is as fatal to it, in the whole country, as if denounced in South Carolina by Congress, or any where else — more fatal to it. A blow struck against it, as existing in that district, would be a blow at the head of it, and it would be mor- tal, — not one having a direct tcndcnnj to kill the system — or a direct intention, as the Doctor hath it, — but a blow destructive in itself It would fix the brand of infomy on every slaveholder's front throughout the nation. It would render him infamous even in the eyes of Americans. Dr. Wayland could set no limits to his infamy. It would seal him a criminal with the broad seal of the nation, the E phiriJms unnm. Who would vote for him for President then — who would send him ambassndor to Lon- don — who put him in Speaker of the House — President of the Senate — Chief Justice of the United States ? Who would shake hands with him at the capitol ? Now he is first in office, first in honor. Slaveholding is passport to every distinction. We ask Dr. Wayland and his aid-de-camp Major Mordccai Noachus, if a vote by Congress on our petitions, abolishing slavery in the district, and making it capital to enslave a man there, as they would do if they made it penal at all, would not give the system the death blow in the South, even if abolitionists had done nothing to kill it elsewhere. Would not that single enactment do it? Self-evidently it would. Have we not a right, as citizens of the United States, to do this? The Doctor says no. We say, ay. But not to follow this self-immolated man any farther now, we will say that we need not get a vote from Congress against slavery DR. FRANCIS WAYLAND. 4;j. in order to its abolition there and every where. Congress ! what is it? The mere dregs and precipitations, the settlings and sedi- ments of the nation. It is as soulless as a corporation. It has no soul, no mind, no principle, no opinion. It is an echo, and that not always a true one. It is a mere catastrophe — an upshot. It will only mutter the word abolition, after it has become an old story through the country. We have struck slavery its death blow already. We need not contend with the Doctor about the power. " One thing you have done," said an eminent judge to us, " you have driven the South to come out and declare directlv in favor of slavery. Heretofore they have pretended to lament it, as an evil. Now they declare it is a blessing, and a righteous institution." Have we not, said we, driven them to join the issue, before the world, in favor of slaveholding? " You have," said the judge. Must they not maintain it before the world, said we, to save the institution from going down ? " They must," he replied. Can they maintain it? said we. " No," said he, — and yet the judge is not an abolitionist. We need not contend v/ith this Wayland and wayward Presi- dent for the power, as citizens or as men, to beat down southern slaveholding. We have exercised the poiccr already, and the South knows it. We have waked the nation to discuss the de- merits of the system and the question of the negro man's hu- manity ; and they are discussing it, and amid the flash and fervor of the agitation the foul system dies. It can no more endure it, than owls can noon, or bats sunshine, or ghosts day-break. While Wayland is groping about in his metaphysics to get hold of some puzzle to embarrass us about the power, we will have exercised it to the full, and cleared the land of slavery. Then where will the Doctor find a market for his "limitations?" Slavery is a dead man already, unless Orator Rhett, and Professor Dew, and Colonel McDuffie, and General Hamilton, and doctor this, that and the other one, can maintain the precious creature in the argument, and get the verdict of an enlightened and purged Christianity in its favor. To this conclusion it has already come. The question is stated — the issue joined— the pleadings closed — all demurring and abating and delaying past by. And now for 44 COLOR-PHOBIA. the trial. Now, Slavery, hold thine own. The Doctor's ques- tion of our having the power comes too late. COLOR-PHOBIA. [From the Herald of Freedom of Nov. 10, 1838.] Our people have got it. They have got it in the blue, col- lapse stage. Many of them have got it so bad, they can't get well. They will die of it. It will be a mercy, if the nation does not. What a dignified, philosophic malady! Dread of complexion. They don't know they have got it — or think, rather, they took it the natural way. But they were inoculated. It was injected into their veins and incidcd into their systems, by old Doctor Slavery, the great doctor that the famous Dr. Wayland studied with. There is a kind of varioloid type, called coloniza- tion. They generally go together, or all that have one are more apt to catch the other. Inoculate for one, (no matter which,) and they will have both, before they get over it. The remedy and the preventive, if taken early, is a kine-pock sort of matter, by the name of anti-slavtry. It is a safe preventive and a cer- tain cure. None that have it, genuine, ever catch slavery or colonization or the color-phobia. You can't inoculate either into them. It somehow changes and redeems the constitution, so that it is unsusceptible of them. An abolitionist can sleep safely all night in a close room, Avhere there has been a colonization meet- ing the day before. He might sleep with R. R. Gurley and old Dr. Proudfit, three in a bed, and not catch it. The remedy was discovered by Dr. William Lloyd Jenner-Garrison. This color-phobia is making terrible havoc among our com- munities. Anti-slavery drives it out, and after a while cures it. But it is a base, low, vulgar ailment. It is meaner, in fact, than the itch. It is worse to get rid of than the " seven years' itch." It is fouler than Old Testament leprosy. It seems to set the dragon into a man, and make him treat poor, dark-skinned folks like a tiger. It goes hardest with dark-complect white people. COLOR-PHOBIA. 45 They have it longer and harder than light-skinned people. It makes them sing out " Nigger — nigger," sometimes in their sleep. Sometimes they make a noise like this, " Darkey — darkey — darkey." Sometimes, " Wully — wully — wully." They will turn up their noses, when they see colored people, especially if they are of a pretty rank, savory habit of person, themselves. They are generally apt to turn up their noses, as though there was some " bad smell" in the neighborhood, when they have it bad, and are naturally pretty odoriferous. It is a tasty disorder — a beautiful ailment ; very genteel, and apt to go in " first families." We should like to have Hogarth take a sketch of a community that had it — of ours, for instance, when the St. Vitus' fit was on. We have read somewhere of a pninter, who made so droll a pic- ture, that he died a-laughing at the sight of it. Hogarth might not laugh at this picture. It would be a sight to cry at, rather than laugh, especially if he could see the pot)r objects of our frenzy, when the fit is on — which indeed is all the time, for it is an unintermittent. Our attitude would be most ridiculous and ludicrous, if it were not too mortifying and humiliating and cruel. Our Hogarth would be apt to die of something else than laugh- ter, at sight of his sketch. The courtly malady is the secret of all our anti-abolition, and all our mobocracy. It shuts up all the consecrated meeting- houses — and all the temples of justice, the court-houses, against the friends of negro liberty. It is all alive with fidgets about desecrating the Sabbath with anti-slavery lectures. It thinks anti-slavery pew-owners can't go into them, or use their pulpit, when it is empty, without leave of the minister whom they em- ploy to preach in it. It will forcibly shut people out of their own houses and off their own land, — not with the respectful vio- lence of enemies and trespassers, but the contemptuous uncere- moniousness of the plantation overseer — mingled moreover with the slavish irascibility of the poor negro, when he holds down his fellow-slave for a flogging. It sneers at human rights through the J'ree press. It handed John B. Mahon over to the alligators of Kentucky. It shot Elijah P. Lovejoy at Alton. It dragged away the free school, at Canaan. It set Pennsylvania Hall a-fire.* 46 COLOR-PHOBIA. It broke Miss Crandall's school windows, and threw filth into her well. It stormed the female prayer meeting in Boston, with a " property and standing" forlorn hope. It passed the popish resolution at Littleton, in Grafton county. It shut up the meet- ing-house at Meredith Bridge, against minister and all, — and the homely court-house there, and howled like bedlam around the little, remote district school-house, and broke the windows at night. It excludes consideration and prayer in regard to the forlorn and christian-made heathenism of the American colored man, from county conferences and clerical associations. It broods over the mousings of the New York Observer, and gives keenness to the edge and point of its New Hampshire name-sake. It votes anti-slavery lectures out of the New Hampshire state house, and gives it public hearing on petitions, in a seven by nine committee room. It answers the most insulting mandate of southern governors, calling for violations of the state constitu- tion and bill of rights, by legislative report and resolves that the paramount rights of slavery are safe enough in New Hampshire, without these violations. It sneers and scowls at woman's speak- ing in company, unless to simper, when she is flattered by a fool of the masculine or neuter gender. It won't sign an anti-slavery petition, for fear it will put back emancipation half a century. It votes in favor of communing with slaveholders, and throwing the pulpit wide open to men-stealers, to keep peace in the churches, and prevent disunion. It will stifle and strangle sympathy for the slave and " remembrance of those in bonds," to prevent disturb- ance of religious revivals. It will sell the American slave to buy Bibles, or hire negro-hating and negro-buying missionaries for foreign heathen of all quarters but christian-wasted Africa. It pre- fers American lecturers on slavery, to having that foreign emissary, George Thompson, come over here, to interfere with American rights and prejudices. It abhors "• church action" and " med- dling with politics." In short, it abhors slavery in the abstract — wishes it might be done away, but denies the right of any body or any thing to devise its overthrow, but slavery itself and slave- holders. It prays for the poor slave, that he might be elevated, while it stands both feet on his breast to keep him down. It THE NEW HAMPSHIRE COURIER. 47 prays God might open a way in his own time for the deliverance of the slave, while it stands, with arms akimbo, right across the way he has already opened. Time would fail us to tell of its extent and depth in this free country, or the deeds it has done. Anti-slavery must cure it, or it must die out like the incurable drunkards. THE NEW HAMPSHIRE COURIER. [From the Herald of Freedom of November 10, 1838.] The New Hampshire Courier has a correspondent, " Homo," out in defence of colonization and against anti-slavery. " Homo" is a man every inch of him, for coming out in black and white. Welcome, good Homo. And thanks to brother Courier (if nig- gers may be allowed the expression) for giving " Homo" place in his columns. It will take a Homo to maintain the ground — not against us, but against his own readers. But courage, good Homo! — on with your numbers. We have glanced over No. I, and seen the face of No. 2. Courage ! we say. You have no great of a task — not much of a stint — nothing more to encounter than humanity and divinity — and heaven and earth. Cheer, man, the odds are with you. Welcome, Homo, to the tented field. Abolitionists are tired of fighting intangible enemies. They glory to see one visible and tangible take the plain, and stretch his lines. They rejoice at the unfurling of flags and the glitter of the drawn blade. We will diligently and respectfully peruse " Homo," and if, by and by, we shall copy any thing unAomogeneous in his appeals to his countrymen, we will give it such essay as our people may. We rejoice that the great rights of humanity are at length being esteemed of sufficient dignity to be argued down. 48 COLOiMZATION. COLONIZATION. [From the Herald of Freedom of June 23, 1838.] There is either a most strange delusion, or an obstinate wick- edness in men, in relation to this matter of expatriating our colored people — probably both — for delusion — " strong delusion" generally attends a long course of transgression. We believe, if there is any one crime in this land, on which the Father of the human family looks down with more displeasure than on any other, it is on this deliberate and malicious wrong and insult en- tertained by a portion of the proud people of this country towards their humbler brethren — a deliberate, premeditated, cool-blooded plot to banish them from their native land, and to send them to liie most undesirable spot on earth. God commands us to love our neighbor as ourselves. Christ our Lord tells us in the story of the good Samaritan, who is our neighbor, and what loving him is, in practice. We ask the reverends and honorables, who compose the official list of New Hampshire Colonization, if the good Samaritan would have joined the Colonization Soeiety. The question need only be asked. The idea of such a man as he, entering into a conspiracy like this, is so absurd, as to be almost ludicrous on the very face of it. Colonization is hate of one's neighbor, of the very deepest and most far-reaching kind. Bui the organization is getting to be matter of form mcrel}- — it can't act. It may raise contributions of some amount — but no widows' mites — and not from many hands. It is impotent malice now — and kept up, probably, as a set-off effort versus anti-slavery. We are loath to speak severely of the names who compose this benevolent enterprise, but cannot help it. If we feel justly to- wards the plot, we feel severely, and must speak as we feel. It is not only a wicked plot against our innocent and injured (ah, in- jured beyond reparation) brethren, but it is a most mean and dishonorable service, done at the bidding of the slaveholder of the South. He wants to get the free man of color away, so that he can the more securely grind down the colored bond man. Poor Mr. Observer remarks that " the colored man must have a COLONIZATION. 49 soil of his own, before he can rise." Pray, what does he mean by a soil of his own ? soil that he owns 1 or a sort of hlaclc soil ? Can't he own soil in this country? Truly he can, if these Ob- servers will only get out of the way, and let us win him his liber- ty, and let him work for wages. Free colored people are rising now as rapidly and as palpably as water ever rose in a freshet. They rise, as fast as such philanthropists as the Observer fall. The Observer's fall is their rise, and his rise their fall. Colored men can earn money and buy and own soil, and do now buy and own it. They need not go to Africa for soil. The land they own here is their soil, and the country they are born in is their native country. A man's native country (this is said for the especial benefit of Observers and colonizationists) is the country a man is born in. He can't have but one. He can't be born in one country, and have a native land somewhere else — in some other country. The land he is born on, and no other, is his na- tive land, and it is equally so with colored people, and those who have less or no color. No American, United States-born man can have two native lands, or can have one without the limits of America. He can no more be born here and have him a native land in Africa, than an African, born on the Gold Coast, can make him out a native land here in New England. This is really so — there is no mistake — there is no two ways about it. This is a cardinal point, and it ought to be settled and made clear to the minds of our colonization brethren. They have a strong notion of restoring colored people to their native Africa — to their own soil, as the Observer calls it — where they can rise. The soil of Africa is supposed to be theirs by a kind of nativity, though they were born here, and their fathers and grandfathers before them, and their fathers not only American-born, in some cases, but " as white," as the African prince said of the Dane — the first creature of that complexion he ever saw — " as white as the very devil," — not only white, but ichitc slaveholders, owners of their own chil- dren — sellers of their own blood and bones. What soil have they in Africa then, on which they can rise ? None, unless they go and buy it, which they will never do. And what does the Observer mean by rising ? He means getting to be governor, 5 50 COLONIZATION. councillor, general court man, deputy secretary, dancing master, clerk in a store, dandy, — any of these elevations, which white- ness of outside and total lack of inside, will give folks here. Now colored people don't want this sort of elevation ; all they want is common liberty — common humanity — a common sort of human chance for their lives. They don't care about rising very high. As to rising out of the dust and dunghill, into which this inlmman people have trodden them that they will do, as soon as colonizationists will take their feet off of their necks and breasts, where they are now planted. They stand on the very breasts of the colored people, and look down and taunt them with incapacity to rise; and wickedly say to them, I'll step off of you, if you will creep away to Africa before you rise. You may go freely — with your own conserit — mind that ; you are not to be forced away ; but unless you do most voluntarily and freely consint, I shall stand here, with both my Anglo-Saxon hinrl-feet plump on your breast bone, where the niglit-mare plants her hoof, shod all round with palsy, and you never can rise till you rise to the judgment. It is a pity you can't rise in this country ; but you see how it is. God has placed you in an inferior position ; you are evidently beneath me, and I above you. I am your friend. I belong to an " American Union for your race's relief," and also to a " Liberian association, auxiliary to said Union ;" and be- sides, your people, when they stand up straight here, and we are not standing on them, have an unpleasant fragrance which annoys our noses exceedingly ; but as you lay now, right under our noses, somehow or other we do not seem to smell you. And moreover we are in the way of evangelizing the world ; we've got that work on our hands, and are in a hurry about it — and we must take in Africa, and we don't want to go there. The climate is deadly, the people black and inferior, and we are not exactly on terms with them, and we want you to do what is to be done there, in the way of evangelizing. You can do it well enough for black people, though you can't rise to human level here. We want to colonize you for the sake of Africa — the millions of Africa. Oh, how our hearts bleed (now we think on't) for poor, benighted Africa! And then, that accursed, bloody slave trade — we want THE NEW HAMPSHIRE PATRIOT. 51 that stopped. Why, our Congress declares it piracy. We wont have the market stopped. We'll keep up slavery here, in an improved state. We'll ameliorate, and have it done "kindly;" but that traffic on salt water must be stopped, and you must go to Africa and put it down there. Q. E. D. THE NEW HAMPSHIRE PATRIOT. [From the Herald of Freedom of November 17, 1838.] A FRIEND has shown us this week's number, and we see by it that poor Mr. Barton is yet at home. We wonder people should be so insensible to the pleasures of journeying. To be sure, the season is getting to be inauspicious — the trees are naked, and the landscape muddy, and the winds chilled, and the music of the birds hushed — all, all very uncongenial to such a mellijluotis spirit as the patriots of New Hampshire. But still we somehow feel disap- pointed that he don't travel more. We would respectfully suggest to Mr. Barton the interesting objects with which this free country abounds — all parts of which he cannot yet have visited. Has he ever been to the White Sulphur springs ? He need be under no apprehension in going there. To be sure, complexion is attended with inconvenience there, and blood has its hazards. But we think Judge Larrimer and Colonel Singleton and General Carter and Major Thornton would stand the friend of a Colonel from tlie North, and prevent him any disagreeable consequences of an indiscriminate operation of the domestic slave trade. They are keen observers. They know the invasions the peculiar institu- tion has made upon the Anglo-Saxon color, and they know how the pure Americo-Anglo-Saxon has verged towards the servile shadows without coming within the lawful scope of the institution, and then the symptomatic cry of " nigger," ever and anon breaking out asleep and awake, would reveal to them at once that the Colo- nel had the genuine negro-phobia, which a nominal slave never has, and which goes so hard with doubtful white people. They would protect any northern gentleman against being imprisoned 52 THE NEW HAMPSHIRE PATRIOT. and sold for fees, provided they could be satisfied that his pro- slavery merits overbalanced his colored liabilities — which we think might easily be vouched. The Colonel has a vein of '* chivalry" about him, which would go a good way in offset to mere color of liability, which after all is but prima facie evidence of servility. — We warrant him a journey to the White Sulphur against the Zajr/u/ claims of any person or persons whomsoever. Then there is Texas — the Colonel has not, peradventure, been to Texas. It is a place of resort for people of enterprise, and where patriotism is a ready passport to consideration, although it has been slanderously styled a valley of villains, field of felons, sink of scoundrels, sewer of scamps, &:.c. &/C. Yet it is a most republican clime, " where patriots most do congregate." There is Arkansas too — all glorious in new-born liberty — fresh and unsullied, like Venus out of the ocean — that newly- discovered star in the firmament-banner of this republic. Sister Arkansas, with her bowie knife graceful at her side, like the huntress Diana with her silver bow — her knife dripping with the heart's blood of her senators and councillors, shed in legislative debate, — O, it would be refreshing and recruiting to an exhaust- ed patriot to go and replenish his soul at her fountains. The newly-evacuated lands of the Cherokee, too — a sweet place now for a lover of his country to visit, to renew his self-complacency by wandering among the quenched hearths of the expatriated Indians, a land all smoking with the red man's departing curse — a malediction that went to the centre. Yes, and Florida — blos- soming and leafy Florida, yet warm with the life-blood of Osceola and his warriors, shed gloriously under flag of truce. Why should a patriot of such a fancy for nature immure himself in the cells of the city, and forego such an inviting and so broad a land- scape? Ite viator. Go forth, traveller, and leave this mouldy editing to less elastic fimcies. We would respectfully incite our Colonel to travel. What signifies? Journey — wander — go forth — itinerate — exercise — perambulate — roam. We cannot sustain ourselves or our waning cause against the reasonings of this military chieftain if he stays at home and con- centrates his powers. Nigger nigger nigger, and nigger, and THE NEW HAMPSHIRE PATRIOT. ^3 besides that nigger, and moreover nigger, and therefore nigger, and hence nigger, and wherefore nigger, and more than all that, and yielding every thing else, " bobaiition !" urged with the pecu- liar force and genius of this deadly writer — with his grace, point and delicacy — with his " niliil tttigit, quod Jion ornavit." We crave a truce. We appeal to the magnanimity of the Patriot, — to his nighthood — to go abroad, and leave us in apprentice hands or some journeyman's ; or if he won't travel in courtesy, we be- seech him to turn his editorship upon other enemies than us. Let him point his guns at the Statesman, or the Courier. But if we must meet him, we protest against encountering the arguments aforesaid. That we are a nigger we can't deny, and we can't help it. That our little paper is a " Nigger Herald," we can't deny, and we can't help it. What signifies arguing that against us, all the time? We don't deny it — we never did deny it — we never shall. And what can we do? We can't wash off our color. We cannot change our Ethiopian skin any more than the Patriot can its " spots." The sun has looked upon us, and burnt upon us a complexion incompatible with freedom? Is it so? Will the democratic Patriot aver this? Are we to be denied the right of a hearing because we are a "nigger?" Are we to be deprived in New Hampshire of human considera- tion because we are black, and shall Cyrus Barton dispose of us thus, because he is white? We lay before the yeomanry of New Hampshire the appalling truth, that slavery has rooted itself deep into the heart of American liberty; — " Nigger Herald," argues this snow-drop Colonel ; " Bobaiition !" and our appeal is silenced. We warn the country that slavery is overshadowing the North, and that ranting and rampant professing democrats will give their very backs to the southern cart-whip. " Nigger !" replies the Honorable Cyrus Barton ; " eh, old nigger !" " old black nigger !" Is it an answer, we ask the country? But poor Mister Barton is jealous we are after votes for James Wilson. If he is really so, we pity him. He is non compos if he suspects it. He ought to be sent right up to the town farm. Votes for James Wilson ! Is this the purpose and aim of the great anti-slavery enterprise that now shakes Europe and America 5* 54 REVEREND RALPH RANDOLPH GURLEY. to the centre? Is West India emancipation a plot to defeat the Patriot's democracy here in universal New Hampshire ? Are George Thompson and Daniel O'Connell and Henry Brougham thundering for human liberty in Exeter Hall, (henceforth and forever the cradle of liberty — not the cradle of the bastard infant, rocked in Faneuil Hall of Boston, now formally dedicated to the Genius of Slavery,) are these champions of liberty plotting with tiie fifteen hundred anti-slavery societies of America to defeat the election of Governor John Page? We give our poor jaundice-visioned neighbor no other answer than this to his paltry accusations about plotting against his par- tisans. We have other and bigger objects altogether. REVEREND RALPH RANDOLPH GURLEY. [From the Herald of Freedom of Dec. 8, 1838.] We must give the whole of this euphonic line, so harmonious to the colored ear. This silver-spoken expatriationist has ap- peared again, we understand, in our New England horizon, with his northern aspect on, having doffed his slaveholder phases, as he crossed his equinoctial — the Mason and Dixon line. He ranges from tropic to tropic along his crooked ecliptic — from New Orleans on the south, to — the old town hall in Concord (his northmost declination) on the north — shifting his disk, like the changing moon. Hail to thee, in the " clear cold sky" of the North, thou star of evil promise to liberty ! Welcome, caterer of slavery, to the regions of paid labor ! Thou reverend advocate of a double origin of the human family, and denier that " God hath made of one blood all nations of men," &lc. Thou promoter of human banishment, and sunderer of the strong ties of native country, hail to thy dubious aspect — thy Janus fades ! Come, stir, with thy magician's rod, among the hushed and abashed mobocracy of your native New England. Kindle afresh the slumbering fires REVEREND RALPH RANDOLPH GURLEY. 55 of prejudice. Cry havoc, and let slip the dogs of persecution ! Mount the consecrated pulpit, under the ushering of the shepherds of the Jlocic, 7oho care for the sheep, and " pour" thence " your leprous distilment into" the common ear, till " public sentiment" shall "posset and curd" under your infusion, and the blotch and tetter of colonization shall " bark out over all" the surface of the body politic. Thou angler for consent to exile ! thou fisher for funds in the pockets of prejudice ! thou recruiting sergeant for the ranks of banishment ! Thou art earning the deep and indelible displea- sure of thy colored brother. He must forgive thee unpardonable enmity, and " seventy times seven," and God help him to charity unbounded — for he needs it in this emergency. Elliot Cresson, too, a satellite of the Secretary, is up here, on a winter campaign. Why does not Elliot cast the shadovt^ of his broad brim on the snows of Canada, this winter, in the ser- vice of the Patriots, and help them become a free republic, and .so break up that nest of self-emancipated niggers? For if this province of Canada were only a free, democratic state, it would not afford a refuge to those insolent fugitives, but they would have to be " given up on claim of those to whom" their souls and bodies, their time and eternity, " might be due. ' Bethink thee. Friend ! Elliot, thou mightest strike a capital stroke for thy master (who can enlarge his brim till it is as broad as William Penn's, to suit his turn) in the extinction of this tyrant mon- archy, this refuge of runaway democrats. Thou mightest solicit the fugitives, with good prospect of colonizing them. If thou shouldest succeed in abolishing monarchy in said province, and open a way for the restoration of the lost property to be found there, thou mightest then solicit it for consent to great advantage. Thou mightest offer the candidates, either a sudden, and, as it were, a reluctant return to the patriarchs from whom they strayed, (with fetter on heel and hand-cuff on wrist,) or the glorious alter- native of voluntary emigration, " with their own consent," to the steepled paradise of Liberia. And would they not be free to go or stay ? Yea, verily. Thee would say to them, " Friend, I do thee no injustice. Go to Liberia ; but go freely. I abate not a 56 ICHABOD BARTLETT.— OSCEOLA. tithe of thy free, thy voluntary, thy spontaneous choice. Go it thee choose. If not, stay and return south with me, whence, in an evil hour, thou came out." Peradventure some of them would " consent," for they have been south. Yes, reader, they have been south. ICHABOD BARTLETT.— OSCEOLA. [From the Herald of Freedom of January 17, 1839.] Anti-slavery engagements prevented our earlier noticing to our readers the opening lecture before the Concord Lyceum, by Ichabod Bartlett. It was on the very important subject of our country's treatment of the aboriginal inhabitants of this land. A subject, on which we should think it very difficult for any American to be eloquent — but an American Indian. Our white men have acted a part towards their red countrymen, which we should think would embarrass their flights of fancy. From the landing of the fathers, up to the last Indian ouster civilization and Christianity (such as they were) have been crowd- ing upon the Indian, and hunting him as a beast of the forest Every advantage has been taken of his unacquaintance with the roguery of reJincclYi^e. He has been circumvented, overreached, cheated, and called meantime a savage, all the way from the pilgrim-landing to the " father of waters," across which his mournful canoe now bears the remnants of the mighty forest nations. He has been all the way and all the time htinrhed by our republicanism, while that has been blustering about our jus- tice and magnanimity, and his cruelty and perfidy — because his tomahawk did not always outbear the patience of Job. We have thrust him over the Mississippi. Civilization and Christianity are building steamboats to follow on, and rout him from his wil- derness there. And although he is promised a permanent heme and hunting ground, the smoke v/ill scarce have curled above his new-built wigwam, before our enterprise will hunch him farther, till he disappears, or is driven to turn his despairing canoe out ICHABOD BARTLETT— OSCEOLA. 57 on the shoreless Pacific. The church will see that he has a scattered missionary after him, meanwhile, and the monthly con- cert will be entertained with the geography of his wanderings. But not an effort will be made (none has been) to reform the white man of that character which makes it impossible for the Indian to live with him. The cheapest mode of repentance for the American church with regard to the Indian and the Negro seems to be to " remove'^ one " by treaty" toward the illimitable sunset, and to "colonize" the other, (as fast as they become /ref) " with their own consent," on the oblivious shores of Western Africa! But to the lecture. The orator spoke of " Osceola, or rather of his countrymen." He depicted, with great power, and we presume historical accuracy, the wrongs of the Indians — which is the history of the Indians, with the exception of those who chanced to fall into the hands of the "fanatical" Quaker, Penn. With the keen sarcasm and eloquent denunciation, which distin- guish the lecturer in his pleadings for his more fortunate clients than the " Indian chief," he exposed the treachery, the baseness, the duplicity, the tyranny, the savage cruelty, the more than sai'- age — the republican and civilized — barbarity of this country. He paid some merited compliments to the learned law-officers of this great republic, for their official opinions, as counsel, advising this mighty nation on the legal effect of some of their processes to " extinguish Indian titles" to country and to home and hearth- stone. We wish these cabinet officers had been present. But their clients were, and it may not well become parties to abuse their ingenious counsel. We do not attempt a complimentary notice of this lecture. We felt mortified and humbled through the whole of its delivery, eloquent, powerful, graceful and forcible as it was. We felt that a few such finely drawn laments was all the relief the country promised the wretched Indian. The generous and indignant orator himself would say, we presume, if asked what could be done for the Indian, that nothing could be done ; that he must retire ; that he could not be civilized ; that he was irrecoverably a savacre, and that he must retire before, or be trodden beneath, 58 ICHABOD BARTLETT.— OSCEOLA. the inevitable westward movement of civilization. He would not say the white man must recognize the brotherhood of the savage, and respect his human rights and endure his aboriginid customs and habits of life, here on the land. He would treat him honorably, to be sure, and keep faith with him, and he re- spects aiid admires the heroism, the unbowing independence, the savage and forest poetry of his character. He spoke with enthu- siasm of the bravery of their chiefs, and the wild native eloquence of their orators. He quoted largely from their half-civilized writers, even. But would he say that the policy of William Penri sliould be observed towards them — the principles of non-resist- ing, unarmed peace, of primitive Christianity, which would m- mediately abolish our Indian-pliohia, and give them place in the American human family? We think not. He does not hold to the immediate abolition of negro slavery — that mighty national iniquity and shame, before which the wrongs of the Indian dwindle into insignificancy. We have trespassed on the Indian. We have enslaved the Negro. We have dcfravded the Indian. We have extinguished the Negro. But we cannot pursue the theme here. The lecture was " domnciatori/." The lecturer used " harsh language." He called the white people " miscreants and cai- tiffs," and other names of homely, old-fashioned severity. He did not style them southern brethren, or northern brethren. He did not call the Indians savages and Indian dogs, inferior race, that could not live or rise among white men, that must be sent to their own appropriate country, the woods. He did not palliate oiu' conduct in the least, but denounced it worse than ever Gar- rison did the conduct of slaveholders. We refer the denouncers of abolitionists to this authority for calling things by their right names. And we call upon the learned and eloquent lecturer, to demand of his white countrymen justice and humanity for the remaining Indians — that they invite and help them back to their native soil and their homes, and that the national treasures be expended in reforming, in this behalf, the wicked scorn and haughtiness of the irkite man, amid which an Indian can't live in safety or peace — instead of spending it in miserable politics, MASSACHUSETTS. 59 or more miserable preparations for civilized quarrelling with other nations by land or sea. We call on him to advocate a na- tional love of the Indian as a man, to gather associations in his behalf, like ours for the more deep' -'.vronged and insulted negro, and we call on him further to enlist in the cause of his colored countrymen and brethren, sprung with himself from one stock, of one kindred, of one brotherhood, of one destiny. We ask him in the name of humanity, why he, an eloquent advocate, stands coldly and more than silently by, while those of feebler powers are breasting the storm of a most savage and brute public sentiment, which is crushing to the dust and mire the colored man of this country and his uncolored friends. MASSACHUSETTS. [From the Herald of Freedom of Jan. 2G, 1839.] We have been surprised at the strange proposal in the resolu- tion passed at Worcester, for the establishment of a new state anti-slavery paper in the old commonwealth. We don't know but it will be regarded by our brethren in that state, as " out of our sphere" to meddle with that proposal. But we cannot refrain — though too late to affect, so far as our small influence might, the movement contemplated there, which is probably consummated this week. There are three objects to be affected by it — urging political action independent of party ; exclusive devotion to anti- slavery ; and control by the State society. As to the first, who can urge political action, and all other, with the force and the single-eyed constancy of the Liberator ? As to this exclusive devotion, there seems to us some indetinite- ness. J"'or how broad is anti-slavery ? Whether the Liberator be or not exclusively devoted to anti-slavery, depends on the ques- tion how broad is anti-slavery proper, and on how wide and deep foundations it must be based. The anti-slavery of many aboli- tionists is exceedingly narrow, and of very slight depth. Bona- parte and Murat were anticipating a petty battle in Egypt. — 60 MASSACHUSETTS. Napoleon, who looked more deeply into things than the king of Naples, said solemnly, that " on its result hung the fate of Europe." " The fate of this battle, at least," said Murat — for he could see no farther. We do not pretend, for ourselves, to limit, very definitely, the anti-slavery enterprise. We hold its " gross and scope," to be the mere abolition of American negro slavery. As to the matter of control, we caution brethren, with all de- ference, not to covet control of the Liberator. The controllers of that sheet and its conductor would find themselves clothed with an awkward trust. That paper started the anti-slavery enterprise. It pioneered it. It pioneers it to this day, and will and must, God willing, pioneer it to the end of it. Whoever undertakes its control, will find they have mistaken their strength. The continental Congress would have acted unwisely, had they assumed special c >ntrol of the movements of the continental arm\ and its grave chieftain. Those of us, who came into the service late, — after societies were formed, and who are the creatures of societies — may be properly under society supervision. But the originator of the enterprise — the bold projector of the expedi- tion— ^the Columbus of this exploration for the new world of Liberty, — to control and limit his course, would be too much like subjugating the compass to the regulation of the rash mariner, — or the north star itself, to the influences of the vibrating needle. The Liberator undertakes no guidance of abolitionists. It seeks none. It would accept none if proffered. It could exer- cise none. It wants no followers. It has too much personal freedom to want followers. It would place no dependence on them. It has no respect for them. But it will pioneer us. We can't help it. The Liberator can't help it. It has a mental and moral calibre different from that of the rest of us. It has a clearer vision, a profounder sigacity than any and all of us. In a storm, all hands would call the Liberator to the helm. Every department of our now extended enterprise feels its mighty im- pulses. All would at once miss its agency, if withdrawn. If God should withdraw it, our cause would go on, and other hands be emboldened and strengthened to grasp our flag staff, and MASSACHUSETTS. 61 cheer us onward. If we strike down the Liberator, God will carry on our cause, but 7iot by our instrumentality. To hoist a superseding flag (and that is the secret of this move- ment) in Massachusetts, seems to us would be the height of folly. It would be a superfluity — a sort of rush-light illumination in aid of day-light.' It is grossly unnecessary there ; and it could not be maintained. Wo to the rash hand that should undertake to hold that flag in the wind. The rude breezes and rough weather, that float the strong sheet of the Liberator, and unfurl its solemn folds, would shiver the rash ensign, " Till its rent canvass fluttering strowed the gale." The storms that are the breath and element of the Liberator, that flag could not live in. And why hoist it 1 where is the need, and where the occasion ? Did France want new banners in Italy, when her eagles had stooped from the high Alps upon the Po I Did she want other leading, after Marengo and Lodi ? Did she lack champions while Napoleon was trampling the " vineyards of Europe ?" This may sound extravagantly, to speak of Napoleon and Washington along with your mobbed printer , whom you know and see, — but mark us, brethren, the day comes, when a little antiquity, ay, a very little, will invest the name of that printer with a magnitude and a dignity, which will cast forever into for- iretfulness, these sioordsmen and statesmen. We hazard the ex- travagant prediction. A state anti-slavery paper in Massachusetts while the Libera- tor lives ! An anti-slavery editor there, while Garrison is in the field ! Preposterous — suicidal — vulgarly ungrateful ! Why, strike down every flag of us, from Maine to the Ohio, — from the gorgeous streamer that floats in firmament beauty over the tower- less city of Penn to our own little rag that wrestles here with the breath of the White Mountains, — strike us all down at a blow, and we should not be missed like the mighty Liberator. There liangs, and should forever hang, the broad pendant of the anti- slavery fleet ! On the deck of the Massachusetts rides Nelson — Nelson of the Nile. God grant we hasten no Trafalgar — none at least without its being purchased of the enemy. 6 62 ANTI-SLAVERY DIVISIONS. Brethren of Massachusetts, we solemnly warn you, lay no rash hand on the Liberator. Do not embarrass it. Do not call off its energies from the enemy upon yourselves. You need all its power. You never needed it more. Has it errors ? Put them down — put them down in its own columns. Those are now open to you — close them not up. Don't charge it with errors which you dare not refute. Pour your antidote alongside its bane, in its own columns. That is your only safety and honor. We hint no opinions on the subjects of your complaint. But we declare this. No man should embarrass or limit at all the right of discussion. Don't overawe that right. Give it free scope. It is the life and salvation of your enterprise. It is the very breath of anti-slavery. Encourage the freest — the very freest expression of honest opin- ion. Above all, cherish the man who pays no homage to human authority. The age should cherish him as the apple of its eye. ANTI-SLAVERY DIVISIONS. [From the Herald of Freedom of March 16, 1839.] Discord, alienation, and open feud, breaking out in the anti- slavery camp ! Not differences of opinion, — not mental disa- greement — discussion — debate, — but hostility, distrust and mu- tual crimination ! — and among such men — Stanton, Garrison, Phelps, — and such bodies — the executive committees of the National Society and of the pioneer society of the old common- wealth. We lament it — are grieved — mortified — alarmed at it. Brethren concerned, — is this warrantable 7 Is this a time for in- ternal divisions? When the eyes of the disquieted, agitated, awa- kened world are just opened upon us, — when, by the help of God, we have just arrested to our doings and our cause, the unheeding current of mankind, — shall we now amuse them with a gladiator- ship of our champions ? And is it time of truce, that we may indulge in private encounters upon the wall ! Now, when our despairing adversary, terribly enraged, is gathering himself, amid A^'TI-SLAVERY DIVISIONS. 63 mortal wounds, for the final struggle, and Clay leads on the for- lorn hope, — Napoleon himself chirging with the Old Guard, which never charged but when the field was an Austerlitz or a Waterloo ! Is this the time for our champions to turn their steel on each other, in sight of both hosts? It must not — nay, it SHALL not be. We demand of our brethren, that it cease. We call on the Voice of Freedom and the Advocate of Freedom, our strong northmost brothers in arms, on Maine and Vermont, to join us in this remonstrance. We who stand afar back here to watch the frontier — along these Canadian borders — our bre- thren will allow us this license of position. These conflicts must cease. We inquire not the cause. We demand cessation of the effects. We had heard of anticipated troubles before the Massa- chusetts annual meeting — but dreamed of nothing like this. We apprehended nothing but some repetition of clerical appcllancy. We knew nothing of names. But, alas ! it is deeper than that. How deep and how wide, we know not. We admire and love these vanguard-abolitionists — every man of them. Our admira- tion has been thought, by some apprehensive brethren, to savor of homage. Perhaps it was over-ardently expressed. But we aver to our bold and unworshipping brethren, that we feel not the slightest inclination to do homage to any body, — to any man or number of men, individuals, majorities, or the entire anti-slavery " brotherhood ;" — a divinity, this last — much more likely to be worshipped, in our apprehension, than any individual in such an enterprise as ours. We have admired our " mighty men." Our heart has swelled within us, as we have seen them strike for the slave. Though never aspiring to the front fight among them, these sons of Je- hoiada, — the " Three" or the " Thirty Chief," — yet we have par- taken in the " stormy joy," as one and another of them has done deathless deeds ; as " one has lifted up his spear against eight hundred:" another "smitten the Philistines, till his hand was weary, and clave to the sword ;" others broken " through the host to the well of Bethlehem ;" "slain lion-like Moabites— or lions themselves, in pits, in time of snow ;" — the Abishais — the Beoajahs — the Tachmonites. We have seen their deeds from 64 AXTI-SLAVERY DIVISIONS. our watch in the mountains, and with joy have skirmished along their distant outskirts. Now we behold them at each others' breast, and the enemy rejoicing like the II ions at the feuds of Agamemnon and Achilles. We assume not the compromiser or the pacificator. We should not incline to these offices, if we were entitled to their exercise. But M-e have a word to speak, ex positione. Will not our gallant brethren of Maine and the Green Mountains back us up, in it? We speak impulsivchj — we trust not " unadvisedly." This division among our anti-slavery brethren, — let it cease — let it not be. Let every dissentient brother — each for himself — at once divest his spirit of every spark of feeling that lies wrong- fully in the way of an immediate re-coop eration of the whole band. Let each heart be sternly and in secret, self-examined, before God, and prayerfully purified of all error in this behalf, in the impartial and charitable spirit of the disciples of Christ. Whatever this may cost, Christian abolitionists are able — they can afford it. Whatever difficulties lie in the way — abolitionists have been nurtured on difficulties, — whatever obstacles, — these, for years, have been their daily bread. The word " impossible," however good English or even " good French" it may be, can never be good anti-slavery. As our position authorizes or tole- rates us in making this demand, — the important, the vital position of our contending brethren demands of them compliance with our entreaty. It is but to be willed, and it is done. We speak to Abolitionists and to Christians, and we speak "for the suffering and the dumb." Our prayer answered, let thick obliv- ion rest upon the past — the recent past only — for on these latter years of our time shall human remembrance settle and abide in the illimitable future. Let not these " vapors," brethren, " foul, pestilent" and congregating, deepen into clouds to obscure the glorious retrospection. -1^ WAR WITH GREAT BRITAIN. 65 WAR WITH GREAT BRITAIN. [From the Herald of Freedom of March 23, 1839.] There is prospect of this country and Great Britain going to war. Our Congress has voted, with unexampled unanimity, im- mense appropriations to carry it on, although we believe none of them voted to take any personal share in the danger. They have voted enough money probably to buy the disputed territory over and over and over. But this would not be getting the land honorably to our Eagle. Where will be the honor of getting it, or keeping it, or losing it, by a " rough and tumble" — blood and di7-t — throt- tle and stab conflict; like that herd of wild horses, let loose from their troopers a while since. They did kick and slam and bite like " all possessed," those horses ; and they left hardly a mane or a tale of the whole herd, so thoroughly had they learnt the trade of their elegant riders. So highly had they been educated. Mr. Webster and Mr. Adams, they say, were very animated and heroic. What must have been their emotions at contem- plating the waste of human substance — the wreck and havoc of industry — the disorder and disarrangement of the peaceful busi- ness of the world — the ghastly waste of life — the maimings — the slaughters — the devastation of the outraged earth and the incar- nadining of the violated seas — the widows made — the fatherless — the bereaved — the heart-breakings and the wailing that shall go up to God like " the voice of the blood of Abel crying from the ground." O, the extent of mischief and misery ! and yet these grave scholars and professors of the religion of Christ, ramp at the coming of it, like old war horses when they hear the trumpet. Meantime the land trembles with passion and excitement, and seems ready with one accord to rush into the bloody strife. The press feeds the flame and carries the war cry from hill to hill, and the pulpit is dumb. And all for what ? Why, a paltry quantum of " eastern lands," such as our fanatical people (we ask pardon, our enterprising people, — it is the anti-slavery folks that wear the other name) were speculating about, a year or two since — a strip of timber 6* 66 UNPARALLELED OUTRAGE. land, containing lots of clear stuff— to say nothing of the tur- pentitie. For this patch of land we will waste dollars enough to cover it — shed blood enough to inundate it — tall men enough we'll immolate and lay low, to vie with all the pines felled by the trespassers, for that timber will break human timbers innumera- ble, — will make occasion for the whole ground as a grave-yard — will pour out red blood more than all the pines of Madawaska can pour turpentine. The debatable land we'll shroud in a smoke, dunner and pitchier than a burn of the whole forest would send up, in a time of drought, — we'll raise war on the Canadian North — war in the South — not with the hunted Seminole, but with the resuscitated negro — for the thunders of it would wake him from the dead. His dull ear will catch the universal cry, — war on the ocean — war along the shore — war on the frontiers. O, what an adequate consideration for all this, the domain con- trol of this strip of land ! the fixing of a disputed line — matter of a petty land-lawsuit. Away with your national honor ; it is a foul dishonor. Away M'ith your pride ; it is shame. Away with your eagle ; he is a foul bird of prey, a hunter of carcasses, a devourer of carrion. He is an unfit emblem of civilized man. We enter our solemn, indignant, unheeded and despised protest against this savage, barbarian contest. UNPARALLELED OUTRAGE! [From the Herald of Freedom of May 25, 1839.] " OUTRAGE AND IMPOSITION." The Boston Courier of the 16th inst. contains an article, which the veteran editor tacitly endorses, detailing one of the most flagrant violations of American sentiment on record. Such an instance of abolition insolence and fraud and of colored impu- dence, we scarcely remember since the morbid excitement begun against our southern institutions. The particulars are detailed with frightful fidelity by the Courier's accomplished correspond- UNPARALLELED OUTRAGE. 67 ent, whose indignation seems to have been kindled to the utmost pitch of gentlemanly endurance. And really if the christian pub- lic passes this over, the worst apprehensions of the country, from this abolition excitement, will have been realized. Popular for- bearance should have limits. It is already ceasing to be a virtue. The outrage was on board the steamer Massachusetts. A pas- senger of the name of Buffum, says the article, " had with him, beside his wife, colored women, for whom he i-rocured tick- ets, WITHOUT GIVING ANY INTIMATION OF THE FACT, AND PUT THEM IN THE LADIES' CABIN, WHERE THEY SLEPT ALL NIGHT WITHOUT THE KNOWLEDGE OF ANY ONE." What a concatenation of perpetrations have we here ! perpe- tration upon perpetration ! Tickets procured for colored women, without forewarning the captain ! Women thrust into the ladies' cabin — not only women among ladies — but colored women amoncp white ladies ; for though the correspondent does not expressly avow it, we have to infer they were white — and the ugly crea- tures had the deliberate insolence to sleep there. The height of impudence this abolition has already led them to. They could sleep in a ladies' cabin, and the ladies themselves did not know it. " Without the knowledge of «/??/ one," says the correspond- ent. O, their perilous condition, and they not know it ! And but for the vigilance of a colored chambermaid, the ladies might have slept all night — a chambermaid, " excellent in her place," says the correspondent. She was in the same cabin, to be sure — but then not for the impudent purpose of sleep ; she was there for vigilance — " in her place," to serve the ladies. Had these creatures been in there for service instead of rest, they would have been in their places ; but they were in for rest, which was an " outrage," and they slept and concealed their color, which was an " imposition." And what if the ladies had found it out in the night — " in the dead waste and middle of the night" — what would have been the consequence ? What fits they might have had, and what high- sterricks gone into, had they waked in the dark, and seen a colored something, right there in the berths ! Or what if one of them had stuck out her lily hand or her alabaster foot, and 68 UNPARALLELED OUTRAGE. touched naked color — O, she might have run " crazy and ravin' distracted !" On what pretext were these ugly monsters thrust in there? Why, forsooth, they had purchased tickets of admission, and had paid for them ! But then they concealed their color. It was a fraud upon the captain. He thought all was white and fair. They were ugly colored women, and he thought they were ladies as pale as a diaper. It was an imposition. We are opposed to mobs. We would go far to " prevent" them, in the abstract. But there may be cases. We appeal to a candid public — are there no limitations ? Is the law an adequate remedy in all cases ? Our wives and daughters, they may want to travel — and to what are they to be exposed 1 The fairest and most delicate of them may sleep in the same apartment, all night, with colored women ' But the imposition was detected. The captain traced it to this Buffum. He was a real " gentleman," said the Courier's correspondent. " No boat or captain stood, in his estimation, higher." He told Buffum, " he had no objection to his being with the colored women ; and had he asked the favor, he would have put them in a room by themselves, where they might have slept together." Was he not a gentleman ? And the ladies, in whose approving presence he uttered this piece of gentleman- ship — were they not real ladies ? O, they were real — prime. And they had a mob too, a salt-water mob. " At this mo- ment," says the Courier's friend, " the crowd began to get large (' property and standing' doubtless) and the excitement to in- crease," (" tremendous public excitement," Buckingham's friend Patriot would call it) and many began to fear the result — that is, fear they should lay hold of Mr. Buffum and the colored women, and throw them overboard ! The mob always "fears the result." It always tries to prevent itself, and if it can't, it '^ fears the residt." Mr. Garrison was there. He tried to speak ; but they would not allow it. Some sea Atherton or Cushman put the previous «]uestion into his mouth, and stopped him. They put it to vote right away, and voted that the whole crew was " disgusted." The disgust was very general — 77 to '23. " They showed con- UNPARALLELED OUTRAGE. 69 clusively," says the beautiful correspondent of the magnanimous Courier, " by their vote and actions, for they would not allow Mr. Garrison to speak a word, that they held him and his party in this transaction in utter detestation." Mr. Buckingham is all for freedom of debate, a detester of Athertonism and Cushman- ity ; but that is in Congress, and in a case of party. As a whig, he is for it when a Van Buren partisan applies the gag. There he is for free discussion, right of petition, &c. &c. " Circum- stances alter cases." He endorses fully this instance of gaggery. Let him never open his mouth against it in Congress again. He would gag free discussion there, if he had occasion. He would out-herod Cushman in forestalling debate. But they put it to vote — this beautiful boat's crew — without a moment's debate or consideration, and they stood disgusted, 77 to 23 — ^just about the true Congress majority. And at what were they disgusted ? Why, that three defenceless women were shel- tered by that boat's ribs, instead of shivering on deck, amid the tarred cordage, exposed to the mercies of the night sea-winds, and peradventure a tempest. They were in comfort and at rest, — having, no doubt, thanked God, with tears of gratitude, for so unexpected a shelter. Their gentle-hearted sisters were " dis- gusted" at this. O, the beautiful ladies! — the gentle and sym- pathetic fine ladies! O, the gentlemanly gentlemen, that would thrust woman out of doors, at night, upon the sea ! O, the fair sex, that would nestle and snore away in their snug cabins, while their unhappy sisters had to face the scowl of night, and the sea's rude breath on the naked deck ! O, the beautiful sweethearts, that could sleep amid scenes like this ! O, the magnanimous captain ! to deny to woman the shelter which humanity, in its barbarian state, would not deny a dog. Shelter for the night — a night at sea ; when cut off from mankind and on the perilous deep, a pirate might dream of kindness — with an ample cabin for all — with his mercenary pay in his pocket. Why did the un- feeling brute want those women to shiver on deck, that night? Why ! but to gratify those elegant-souled ladies ! They could not sleep if their colored sisters slept ; they could not enjoy their cabin, unless the unhappy colored ones were exposed on deck. 70 LETTER TO ALBE CADY— EXTRACT. They must colonize the colored woman, and send her by herself to the cold deck, — the boat's Africa — where she might repose free of the christian prejudice below. A real American scene. A demonstration of the barbarity, the injustice, the meanness, the cruelty of the American people. We call their attention to their portrait — their picture. We hold up this boat scene as a mirror. Let them see in it their reflected character and likeness by sea and land. We illustrate coloni- zation by this spirit, that would drive out those colored women from their sheltered berths, to sleep on the planked deck, covered by the night sky, — only it lacks the mockery of getting their " consent." A ship's deck, for a warm berth, and a keen, sleep- less sea-night, for the rocked repose of the cabin, is the proffer of colonization to the colored people. If the illustration is de- ticient, it is in this — that colonization does not stop at the deck. It throws them overboard into the deep of returnless Africa. It banishes them beyond its own walks and limits, where they can never again cross its path. The narrow ship affords no such " bourne" — such " undiscovered country" as this. Those may argue gravely on scenes and transactions like this, who can. We have not the argument, the spirit, or the time to do it. We speak of it as it strikes us. We feel at it, in some measure, we trust, as uncalloused humanity ought to feel. We wish we could express our feelings in words fitted to the occasion. LETTER TO ALBE CADY— EXTRACT. [From the Herald of Freedom of June 1, 1839.] Durham, May 27, 1839. A. Cadv, Esq. My dear sir, — My editorial chair seems to have taken upon it the habit of the locomotive, and I have again to pay tribute, through your hand, to our little sheet, volatile pede, as well as currente enlatno — with flying foot, as well as runaway pen. But every position and condition furnish good occasion for assault LETTER TO ALBE CADY— EXTRACT. 71 upon the grand enemy. We may attack it to account, with fly- ing artillery, and shoot at it over the croup, like the Parthian — though he rode, I believe, without saddle, and we shall not, I apprehend, be called on to fight on the retreat. I write from the ancient town of Durham, once the home and now the mortal resting-place of names known in the stirring times of the revolution. It was formerly a place of leading im- portance among the towns in New Hampshire off the immediate sea shore ; but its supremacy was stolen away by the American system, which set up its water-wheels on the falls of the Cocheco and the Lamprey. Durham fell into dilapidation by a transfer of its trade. Its lively streets, houses clustering together with all the sociable proximity of the city, were forsaken by the lum- bermen of Barrington and Barnstead and Pittsfield and North- wood — and its flagged and worn sidewalks sprung to grass. It now seems to be reviving again ; not under the returning in- fluences of trade, but the more lasting and substantial thrift of agriculture. The land around it is of exceeding fertility and beauty, and under the fostering influences of temperance and anti-slavery (and of resulting religion) could these be brought to bear upon it, it would soon regain an ascendancy, of which no rival Dovers or New Markets could deprive it. Its prosperity would then be based on the imperishable foundations of good principles and good husbandry. Its verdant soil would maintain the popu- lation of a city. The ocean flows up into its little creeks, and its quiet river is visited by small craft from the sea, distant some ten miles. I repeat that anti-slavery, temperance and religion, and the enlightened and industrious tilling of the rich ground with which a bounteous God has blessed them, would, in a brief period, make Durham the pride of the state. Total abstinence must make its people temperate. You would not then, as you rode into town from the eastward, meet the farmers of the neigh- boring region, returning towards the sunset, with faces as red as that luminary's in harvest time, and with a light borrowed, not where the moon borrows hers, but at the inflammatory fountains of the unconscionable village grocer. To bring about this total absti- nence, the professors of religion must press the whole power of the LETTER TO ALBE CADY— EXTRACT. Bible upon the sin of this spirit excitement. They must establish and enforce the principle, that the slightest indulgence in ardent spirit or any of its auxiliaries, is a crime against God, who de- mands of man a worship and a service, which he cannot render, when touched, ever so lightly, by this unhallowed inspiration. To touch it to the taste, is sin. The soul should be left to the utmost use of aJl its faculties and powers. Under its care and culture, the landscape would then revive and smile like the garden of Eden. The cry of the American bondman, for his liberty at the hand of the nation, would then reach the ear and the heart of a clear-minded and magnanimous community. Every man and every household would be abolitionists. The Spirit of God, always striving with man till grieved and driven finally away, would be resisted no longer, among a people who had crucified their prejudices and denied their appetites the strange delights of intoxication. Reli- gion would cover the face of the land with the verdure of salva- tion. On my way I crossed the bold and beautiful Northwood hill. A clear pond mirrored at the foot of its western slope. The smooth path ascended gently over it, bordered with green. The road-side was sowed thick with dandelions, yellow as gold, and " rich as the crown of a king ;" and above, as the sun broke out, the termagant bobalink hovered, scolding at the delinquent plant- ers, and uttering his season cry, " Plant your corn ! plant your corn !" From the top of the hill you behold the level-ocean region stretching to the sky, and extending the whole semi-circle of the horizon. You feel at once that you are in the neighbor- hood of the great sea. To the west the rude and rugged inland of New Hampshire. A glorious swell of land to inhabit and inhale the breezes of liberty. I wondered, as I contemplated it, how editorial genius could be born and bred there, without catch- ing the love of freedom and emancipation. It is the early home, I believe, of the accomplished editor of the News-Letter. This morning I took stage for the metropolis — passed the beautiful New Market factories and flourishing village — the dull village of Exeter, which with all its remaining splendor looked EMANCIPATION IN THE WEST INDIES. 73 to me like a " decayed gentleman," a dilapidated aristocrat. I thought it would be one of the last places that would hear of the anti-slavery revolution, or any of the great reforms of the day. This was a mere passing apprehension, and may be wholly a mistaken one. The respectable and high-born old town may be, at this hour, full of ultra temperance men and "technical abo- litionists." I could perceive, in my rapid ride through it, no signs of this, however, except the sign of the office of the " News- Letter" — indeed I did not discover that, though I respectfully looked for it. At Haverhill we took passage in the cars for the city, at half past one, and were scarcely seated, when the mighty propulsor, aggravated by the interesting conversation of some anti-slavery ladies, hurried us at once from the green and glowing country into the confused city. EMANCIPATION IN THE WEST INDIES. [From the Herald of Freedom of Aug. 31, 1839.] Complaints are frequently made that it does not work well. The great proof is, that the sugar crop is lessened. And why should not it be lessened, if emancipation works well or works at all ? Before emancipation, the sugar crop was all in all. It was the whole crop and fruit of slavery. All was raised and made that could be, and as much exported and as little consumed at home, as could be. It was the slave's business to produce — not consume. Now he is emancipated ; and what follows ? Why, there is something else to be done in the islands, beside the sweet work of making sugar to sell and nourish the idle masters. The col- ored man is no longer doomed and devoted and sacrificed to sugar making. It is not now " the chief end of man" there. The man has something else to do. He has houses to build, to live in. His land to carry on, to raise provision on. He eats some of the sugar he makes, and does not leave it all to swell the crop for the market. He has to help build the school-house and 7 74 EMANCIPATION IN THE WEST INDIES. the chapel, ay, the chapel. There is great call for chapels in the West Indies. Chapels are looking up there. Chapels are rising. There is fencing to make, we take it, and premises to rig up and repair and make comfortable. The women too are leaving the Jicld, and turning their hands to house-work. They are quitting their sphere in the cane-field, and betaking themselves to domestic institutions. And the children — they are going to school, and instead of making sugar, making progress in the a b ab business. This draws off a good share of the effective force from the sweet business of the plantation. And afler all, only one twentieth of the crop is diminished, from the utmost result of the whole slave force of the islands, — driven at the top of their speed, at high-pressure whip-power. Only ^^j — such is the superior vigor and productiveness of free, over slave labor. The crop will by and by increase twenty-fold. Not all for exportation, to be sure — for consumption, portion of it — Aowe-consumption ; for there is getting to be homes in the West Indies. " Sunrise" no longer " brings sorrow" there. " Childhood is" no more " win- try" in the sunny isles of the Carribean. Other things will be raised there, beside sugar, which, sweet as it is, is but a poor and bitter staff of life. Man cannot live by sugar alone. How un- natural and gloomy, to have those glorious gardens doomed to that solitary production ! To have the patient and generous earth enslaved and prostituted to the unsightly and unsocial production of a single article only, and that not the staff of life — not bread — not grown to live on, but to sell, to enrich those who did not sweat in its production, only as they toiled with the whip, to drive unrequited (or thus requited) labor out of the wretched slave. The earth never would spontaneously give her strength to such an unnatural production. She wants to yield food for man and beast, and not mere merchandise. She wants to yield it, too, to free labor. She joys to have her bosom vexed with the free ploughshare, and shaven with the scythe and the sickle of the shouting husbandman, who owns her fee simple. She likes to be ploughed and dressed by her own lords paramount — " them and their heirs forever." She likes to be freehold in the hands of those who cultivate her a( quaiutancc and her surface. Yes, eman- THE AFRICAN STRANGERS. 75 cipation works gloriously in the West Indies. A friend told us this morning that a gentleman in New York, recently from Ja- maica, complained to him that he had to leave, in consequence of emancipation. He was an overseer. He had to quit for want of employ, poor gentleman. Others had to do the same. There was nobody left in the island to oversee, or overlook. He brought an immense lot of gold and silver from the West Indies with him that he had earned there. The Wall street sharpers got hold of him, and eased him of the whole of it. It reminded us of the eagle plundering the fish-hawk. We are glad the money has got into comparatively honest hands. THE AFRICAN STRANGERS. [From the Herald of Freedom of Sept. 21, 1839.] We are inclined to treat their case as an abolitionist, rather than as an inquirer into their liabilities under the rules and regulations of this slaveholding country, called laws. As an abolitionist we say, defying contradictitm, that they ought not for a moment to be kept under duress. The whole procedure against them, from king Sharka down through the dignitaries of Cuba to Andrew Sharka Judson, is all of a piece. It is pro-slavery violence all of it. This is what we take notice of We shall not trouble our- selves or our readers to go through the legal authorities or argu- ments bearing on the case of these imprisoned men. If they would treat them as they do white men, we don't so much care as to the result. Their lives are as important and no more so, than any other equal number of human beings of the great multi-col- ored and dispersed family. We look to see what hand slavery has in disposing of them, and to make what use we can of the whole occurrence against the infernal institution of slaveholding. And though we feel no small interest in the heroic Cingues, we don't claim that he have his life and his rights merely because he is a hero or a master spirit, but because he is a man. Had he been ever so cowardly or ever so imbecile in mind or spirit, we should 76 THE AFRICAN STRANGERS. be equally strenuous, and more so, in his behalf; for it is the poor and feeble brethren of our race of whose rights we ought to be most tender. We are aware that a good deal of enthusiasm displayed by the pro-slavery press is based upon any thing rather than justice and a love of the right. It forgets Cingues' color, in admiration of his valor and his talent and personal prowess. But all this will evaporate by and by, when we call on it to carry out the feeling in behalf of three millions of Cingues' brethren and sisters, who are now weltering in the slough of slavery in this country. Why don' f this sympathy rise for them? Who shall kindle at the wrongs of Cingues, and sneer at the infinitely greater sufferings of the plantation ? If they hang Cingues, they won't defeat him of the chief object of his rising. He rose for liberty. He has got that, and if he dies, he dies a freeman. Liberty will be cheaply purchased by death. Death is infinitely lighter than slavery. He loses his country, his sweet home, his dear wife and children. His heart will be with them — " There where his rude hut by tlie" Mger " lay, There were his young barbarians, all at play, And there their" jlfric "mother, — he their sire Butchered to make a" Yankee "holiday." But they won't hang him. We are fearful they won't try him. The sovereignty of Cuba is making application to Van Buren to deliver up this stray property. See if he will incur the frown of the South, and hazard the bauble of the presidency by refusing. Try them and acquit them and treat them as innocent men, or as MEN, the country won't dare do, unless in this moment of excite- ment, and conquered for the hour by Cingues' William Tell prowess. How could we look the South in the face after it ; as Abner said to Asahel, " How then shall I hold up my face to Joab thy brother?" What will become of the Union? The South would get together in the Rotunda at Charleston, and with flam- ing speeches from Calhoun and Preston, dissolve it into non- entity. They would stare at the North so fiercely, that it would go into dough-faced hysterics. They won't dare acquit. And to condemn will be a delicate matter. Counsel are engaged who THE AFRICAN STRANGERS. 77 will be compelled by their oaths to unfold the whole law, and to show forth their right of acquittal by our own Venetian justice, and the full reasons of acquittal will be recorded, and the nation will read it, and the blood of the murdered Cingues will cry in ears that were deaf as the adder to the voice of Lovejoy's. They will hardly dare hang. Cuba will relieve the republic. She will ask her imperial sister for her slaves. She will get them. The brave Cingues crosses the Gulf stream once more, and should God not open to his mighty genius some second way to victory and liberty, or his unwary tyrants slacken his chain, so that he might bound mdignantly over the vessel's side, and escape them in the depths of the ocean, they will revenge upon him the daring effrontery that raised hand against the divine prerogative of mastery. They won't attempt to get him to the plantation. They have no fancy to undertake reducing him, breaking him, making his Hannibal form handy in the reptile harness. No overseer would covet the management of him. He would as soon harness the " unicorn" to " harrow the valleys after" him. He would gladly swap Cingues for almost any pro-slavery editor in the New England states, and pay that boot which is due to the servility of spirit that would make a slave. No, they would save his more docile and submis- sive companions for the plantation, but they would make of the gallant hero a signal example of slaveholder's vengeance, which knows no bounds. Those laughing Afric girls would be reared to adorn, by and by, Don Jose Ruez's harem, that young gentle- man, who so interested the New London editor, and the United States naval officer. He would undoubtedly requite these repub- lican sympathisers, should they hereafter visit his Cuba plantation, with all sorts of hospitality . 7* 78 CINGUES. CINGUES. [From the Herald of Freedom of Sept. 28, 1839.] We are inclined to call the noble African by this name, al- though he is called by as many different titles as our republican- ism offers reasons for enslaving his people. We have seen a wood- cut representation of the royal fellow. It looks as we should think it would. It answers well to his lion-like character. The head has the towering front of Webster, and though some shades darker than our great countryman, we are struck, at first sight, with his resemblance to him. He has Webster's lion- aspect — his majestic, quiet, uninterested cast of expression, look- ing, when at rest, as if there was nobody and nothing about him to care about or look at. His eye is deep, heavy — the cloudy iris extending up behind the brow almost inexpressive, and yet as if volcanoes of action might be asleep behind it. It looks like the black sea or the ocean in a calm — an unenlightened eye, as Webster's would have looked, had he been bred in the desert, among the lions, as Cingues was, and if, instead of poring upon Homer and Shakspeare and Coke and the Bible, (for Webster read the Bible when he was young, and got his regal style there) it had rested, from savage boyhood, on the sands and sky of Africa. It looks like a wilderness — a grand, but uninhabited land, or, if peopled, the abode of aboriginal man. Webster's eye like a civilized and cultivated country — country rather than city — more on the whole like woods and wilderness than fields or villages. For, after all, nature predominates greatly in the eye of our majestic countryman. The nose and mouth of Cingues are African. W^e discover the expanded and powerful no.stril mentioned in the description, and can fancy readily its contractions and dilations, as he made those addresses to his countrymen, and called upon them to rush, with a greater than Spartan spirit, Upon the countless white peo- ple, who, he apprehended, would doom them to a life of slavery. He has none of the look of an Indian — nothing of the savage. It is a gentle, magnanimous, generous look, not so much of the CINGUES. 79 warrior as the sage ; a sparing and not a destructive look, like the lion's, when unaroused by hunger or the spear of the Inints- man. It must have flashed terribly upon that midnight deck, when he was dealing with the wretched Ramonflues. We bid pro-slavery look upon Cingues, and behold in him the race wc are enslaving. He is a sample. Every Congolese and Mandingan is not, be sure, a Cingues. Nor was every Corsican a Napoleon, or every Yankee a Webster. " Giants are rare," said Ames, " and it is forbidden that there should be races of them." But call not the race zw/enor, which in now and then an age produces such men. Our shameless people h ive mide merchandise of the likeness of Cingues, as they have of the originals of his (and their own) countrymen. They had the efirontery to look him in the face long enough to delineate it, and at his eye long enough to copy its wonderful expression. By the way, Webster ought to come home to defend Cingues. He ought to have no counsel short of his twin-spirit. His de- fence were a nobler subject for Webster's giant intellect, than the Foote resolutions or Calhoun's nullification. There is, in- deed, no defence to make. It would give Webster occasion to strike at the slave trade and at our people for imprisoning and trying a man admitted to have risen only against the worst of pirates, and for more than life — for liberty, for country, and for home. Webster should vindicate him, if he must be tried. Old Mar- shall would be the man to try him. And after his most honorable acquittal and triumph, a ship should be sent to convey him to his country — not an American ship. They are all too near akin to " the low, long, black schooner." A British ship — old Nelson's line-of-battle, if it is yet afloat, the one he had at Trafalgar; and Hardy, Nelson's captain, were a worthy sailor to command it to Africa. He would steer more honestly than the treacherous old Spaniard. He would steer them toward the sunrise, by night as well as by day. An old British sea captain would have scorned to betray the noble Cingues. He would have been as faithful as the compass. 80 PIERPONT EJECTED FROM THE PULPIT. We wait to see the fate of the African hero. We feel no anx- iety for him. The country can't reach him. He is above their reach and above death. He has conquered death. But his wife and his children — they who " Weep beside the cocoa-tree" And we wait to see the bearings of this providential event upon American slavery. PIERPONT EJECTED FROM THE PULPIT. [From the Herald of Freedom of Oct. 12, 1839.] We bid the servile country look at it as a sign of the times. It will be marked by the future historian, as he tells of the re- formation of the country or its downfall, whichever event may be in the designs of Providence, an alternative puzzling to our con- jecture. Much is doing to save it. Pierpont has done much. Hollis Street pews mistake, in supposing their ejection will prevent his doing much more. He was before a pent moral volcano- ribbed in by these pew and pulpit obstructions ; — for after all his burning freedom, he has been impeded and embarrassed by those nightmares, that from their sixty-three perches, stared their tor- porific eyes at his dedicated station. Cast out from that house, he will prove an ^tna in full eruption. It is a threatening token, when the New England capital ban- ishes her Unitarian ministers from the pulpit, for being bold and faithful to speak of the mammoth vices of the city and the crimes of the day. Boston's favorite denomination banished unblush- ingly for preaching the truth, even in the graceful phrase and scholar periods of Pierpont ! See how her other steeples will bear it. But it is again an encouraging token, that a preacher of this popular persuasion there should have the boldness and fidelity to incur ejection in such a behalf It shows one tenth at least, in the haughty city, of the salt, that may be required to save it. PIERPONT EJECTED FROM THE PULPIT. 81 We do not sympathize in the distinguishing doctrines of this ingenuous and most estimable minister. We have lamented that his fine eye should, as it has seemed to us, overlook the myste- rious and wondrous humiliation of the eternal God, condescend- ing to the death of the cross, that man, otherioise incapable of reconciliation to him, might have everlasting life, while his rec- titude of principle, conscientiousness of life and disinterested boldness for humanity, have put to shame the multitudes of the northern pulpit, who, with a better profession, as we deem it, have rested on that profession — hung upon it, or skulked behind it, to avoid obedience to him they professed to believe. Pro- fessing a better Savior, they have followed him — if at all — afar off, like Peter at the betrayal ; and if they have not betrayed, have at least denied him, in the persons of " the least of these his brethren." We would affectionately hope that our persecuted brother may take occasion from this instance of suffering for truth and duty, solemnly and prayerfully to review his faith, and to lay his heart open, deeper and deeper, to the influences of the Holy Spirit — that He would reveal to him, in the light He will be seen in hereafter and forever — that Savior, in whose cause he so honorably suffers, amid his faithless and forsaking disciples. We speak this in no sectarian mood or spirit. We ask the friends of religious liberty to read the manly letter of the banished HoUis street minister. We would commend it to the pondering attention of the pulpit, especially of that portion of it, which does not deem it expedient lo run counter to the hu- mors and caprices of parish wealth and influence. " It will never do," says the faithful Rev. Mr. Blank, " for ministers to go faster than the wishes of their people." Their people they are rightly called — and they are kept theirs, by humoring their un- godly prejudices and winking at their respectable iniquities. Thus are very many ministers the slaves and panders of their parishes, while they are at the same time (and by this means) their tyrants. They lord it over the superstition of their congregations, and trample on whatever of spiritual independence they descry amid the general vassalage, — all the while watching the current of popular caprice, with the assiduity of that uncompromising watch- THE NORTH STAR. mail, which observes the wind at the top of their steeples. Not so John Pierpont. And for this, " property and standing" has ejected him from the pulpit. We wait to see what community says to it, on whose bosom he is cast. The press — will it depre- cate proscription — in the abstract — and then regret Mr. Pierpont's imprudence in thus awakening it ? And tlie Winslow pulpits — we are curious to hear their response to this summons of the Hollis street " brot'ierhood." The inrlepcndcnce and the fidel- ity of the pulpit are here signally struck down ! Let us see if it will be answered by a general quivering and succumbing — by fresh servility to the mob and heightened insolence to the abolitionists. We congratulate Mr. Pierpont on his distinguished victory. He lias come off witii signal honor. We expect henceforth double portion of the outpouring of his flaming genius for humanity and for God. Let the pro-slavery, wine-bibbing, grog-stimula- ting, time-serving, mob-instigating, man-crushing and God-defying world, have no^o no quarter at the hands of his lightning muse- now is the hour. " I^elix opportunitate" — not "^ mortis" — for it is victory — happy in this occasion of deliverance from a base- spirited and profligate pew-tyranny. THE NORTH STAR. [From the Herald of Freedom of Dec. 1, 1839.] John Pierpont has turned all free eyes to this glorious little arctic luminary, which is henceforward to be the queen of the night firmament. His " Fugitive's Slave's Apostrophe" to it — published in our week before last — (in our absence, or we should have attempted an apostrophe to that,) seems to us a star in the sky of poetry, that shall be gazed at as long as the language it is clothed in endures, and while that cold and steadfast orb shall twinkle in the polar heavens to guide the sailor on the untracked deep ; and long, long after it shall have ceased to be the magnet of the fugitive from southern bondage, to attract and direct him through these free states to the land of liberty. THE NORTH STAR. 83 " Star of the North" — O, it warms the true anti-slavery heart to look at it, now, of a clear December's night. " Sun of the sleepless" it is — and as it is followed by the pilgrim for liberty, so it will be watched by the lovers of the muse, with a dearer interest than ever Chaldean shepherd gazed at the spangled fir- mament. We cannot read this glorious "Apostrophe" without tears of admiration and wonder, — no more at the beauty of the thought and the starry magnificence of the numbers, than at the sublime appreciation it displays of the " fugitive's" manhood — hunted by the man-robber of the South and his fellow-hounds ; — while his mouth is thus filled with deathless poetry. We mark him hence- forth as a poet, as well as " a man and a brother." It is no fic- tion, though it be poetry, that the bard here sets forth. Our fuo-itive brother feels it all as he flies. His manhood awakens as he speeds his way, and the star he follows fills his soul with hope and inspiration. How keenly his dark vision scans the northern firmament for its evening appearance ! How impatiently he watches till God lights his blessed lamp, and hangs it in his northward way ! With what anxiety he witnesses the interven- mg float of the " fleecy drapery of the sky !" He scrutinizes the shrouded pole till it shines again. — There it is yet ! He blesses God and " presses on ;" his eagerness and his aspirations scarcely surpassed, in holy sublimity, by those of the men who followed the star of Bethlehem. He goes for liberty — human LIBERTY, a boon of inestimable preciousness. Men have learned here to undervalue it. He flees like Pilgrim — from the city of Destruction. How inexpressibly tender the fugitive's benediction for the gentle star-beam, that rests upon the spring where he stoops to drink, and where he reposes at approach of day ; — and who can hear, without shrinking and thrilling with cold fear, " In the dark top of southern pines I nestled when the driver's horn," &c. But we can't review. It is above our province. We can't stay for it, any more than can our panting brother. We and he are 84 THE MONTHLY MISCELLANY. on the way to liberty. We thank the noble bard in behalf of our flying brother and of our cause. We trust the time will come he need not fly. The Apostrophe is a star to guide men to our ciuse. It sheds lustre upon it in the eyes of all lovers of genius. Men cannot scorn the enterprise that enlists such talent. It will attract eyes not to be attracted by the flame of liberty. But, O ! shame to New England, that the fugitive cannot rest amid all her hills ! that he must be fugitive still — along her bold streams ! There is no rest for his tired foot in all her borders. The star of liberty rests not over the Pilgrim States. The ^'wise men" who follow it, do not find it " coming and standing over us." Our mountain region, the very home and haunt for freedom — it is only the highway to liberty — and the indignant spirit, as it traverses it in quest of disenthralment, must say of it, as the surly Johnson did, when he said of Scottish prospects, that " the only fine one was the high road that led to England." Our only natural fine prospect is that of the high road to Canada and liberty. THE MONTHLY MISCELLANY. [From the Herald of Freedom of Dec. 14, 1839.] The following article we take from " The Monthly Miscel- lany," &c. — a highly respectable periodical, published at Boston. Its contributors are among the most accomplished writers of the country. We publish the article and mention the source of it, as a mark of great change in public opinion in the community ; such periodicals not having deigned, until recently, to admit such vulgar and fanatical topics to their graceful pages. The able reviewer is shocked at the atrocities developed by " Slavery as it is." But why shocked ? Was he not aware of the existence of SLAVERY in the land, and is he surprised that it should bring forth such fruits? To be sure the details, in this terrible book, are shocking. They are enough to chill humanity's blood and stop its pulse — to make its eyes start from their spheres, and its com- bined locks to rear themselves on end — separate and rigid with THE MONTHLY MISCELLANY. 85 horror. But is it surprising 1 Was it not to be expected of sucli a relation, between men, as that of master and slave, — owner and chattel ! Is any one so utterly unaware of human nature, as to think human treatment — not to say humane — could be bestowed upon a brute ! — Terrible developments, forsooth. Well, the aboli- tionists have been holding up to community, these eight years, the creature itself — in its essential, vital monstrosity. They dragged it forth on to the public arena, and stretched it out under gaze of the nation in all its scaly deformity, its hydra hideousness. The nation were excited — but it was at the abolitionists, not at the dragon. They were mad at the sight — but not mad at slavery. They were mad with the abolitionists, and fell upon them with mobocratic fury. And the genteel writers of the day were among those who mstigated the mob. They were annoyed, offended, disgusted. They tossed their scholastic noses on high, and gave vent, in the ears of " popular sentiment," to their dainty and lettered indignation. Well, such is human nature, and such has been human history. Let it all pass for the present. If repented of, all is pardonable — and " late" repentance is " better than never." But Mr. Weld's book, terrible and faithful though it be, is wrongly titled. It is niit slavery as it is. Slavery as it is, cannot be written in an earthly book. The demon relation is indescribable, unutterable, inconceivable. There are no words formed for it. Words are for human occasion, and for the use of human nature ; and nature hath no occasion for a slavery vocabulary. The delineator of slavery must consult the lexi- cography of hell. He must learn the dialect of the bottomless pit. Weld can talk the strongest human language. But he has attempted a work that transcends his and human power. He has examined a " thousand witnesses." They tell all they know relative to the cause for which they are summoned. But inter- rogate them as to slavery as it is, and they must utter only their non mi ricordo, or stand mute. They may tell of some of its external incidents. They can testify of the whippings and ptarvings — the driving and the lacerations — the maimings, and the " deaths by modcrofi correction^' — the huntings with dog and 8 QQ THE MONTHLY MISCELLANY. gun — the separations — the snappmg asunder of the strong heart- strings and all the gentle et ceteras of the domestic institution. But are these slavery? Do these begin to disclose it? Do they give a hint at it ? Do they disclose its title-page, or even its outside lettering ? No — no — no. They don't. They can't. Milton was a bold man. He ventured on things " unattempted in prose or rhyme." He descended in imagination to the nether hell. But he did not essay the more daring conception to bring hell up, and translate it to the earth and the air. Hell above ground is slavery as it is. This is our description of slavery. We leave it at this. No slave, escaped from it, will say we have exaggerated, or will ask us to attempt details. Weld's testimony may scare away some from their anti-aboli- tionism ; but it makes no genuine anti-slavery men. It makes no such abolitionists as the mighty author. He became one be- fore he saw his book. So did all abolitionists. What made Gar- rison an anti-slavery man ? Slavery. The word — the idea, the relation — the abstraction. Not " slavery in the abstract" — had it continued abstract. Had slavery existed only in the abstract, he had remained an ab( litionist in the abstract. But slavery existed in the application, and he therefore became an abolition- ist in the application. He shouted his war cry at first idea of the dreadful wrong. Weld heard it and answered amid the depths of Ohio. The Liberator uttered his voice on the wild margin of the Atlantic. They heard him on the western rivers and the utmost lakes. " The testimony of a thousand witnesses" is important to our cause. It will affect minds that higher considerations cannot reach. It helps overthrow slavery — though it may make no genu- ine abolitionists. It is that sort of testimony that men seek to help them in their unbelief It is the kind of evidence the rich man in hell wanted Abraham to send to the earth to convince his five brethren, and keep them from that place of torment. It is the preaching of unbelief It is not Moses and the prophets. Those the land has heard and disregarded. Neither will they believe, though a thousand witnesses come up and tell theii ghastly story from the church-yard of the South. THE FIFTEEN-GALLON LAW. 87 That our brother man was enslaved, was enough for us to hear. We did not care whether he was overworked or under — full fed or scantily — clad or naked — whipped or unwhipped. He was a SLAVE. He was imbruted, and we cared not whether he was a hungry dog or a surfeited one — as an ox, whether his neck was worn with the yoke or his hide perforated with the goad, — or whether, as a horse or an ass, his sides were waled with the cart whip or cut up with the spur. Finding him a brute, we took it for granted he had brute treatment, aggravated by the circum- stance that he could provoke and be hated, as quadruped brutality could not. The remarks of the reviewer on public opinion are able and just. Will he join the anti-slavery ranks, and help revolutionize that opinion 1 or will he content himself with writing a handsome article on our enterprise, and leave it to struggle on as it has done? We like his opinion that "excision" is the only remedy for slavery ; but we marvel that he could have supposed it a tole- rable evil, before he read of the lightest of its inflictions, in " Slavery as it is." THE FIFTEEN-GALLON LAW. [From the Herald of Freedom of Dec. 21, 1839.] We are glad that Massachusetts people are getting satisfied that legislation is no proper measure for the promotion of a moral enterprise. The anti-slavery measure is moral agitation — by free discussion. The pro-slavery measure is the legislature. It is as good a measure in one spiritual enterprise as another — as good to regulate the belief, as the conduct of men. Mankind were not made to improve under its discipline. They complain of the fifteen-gallon law in Massachusetts, be- cause it has revolutionized the parties. Mr. Buckingham is in a rage with it, because of its impolicy, and because it has shaken Governor Everett in his gubernatorial shoes. We detest legisla- lative interference, because it promotes drunkenness. We think 88 THE FIFTEEN-GALLON LAW. the election of Gov. Everett of far minor importance to the intox- ication of one man — the most abandoned wretch in the by-places of the capital. For one man to get drunk, whoever he be, is of more mischievous importance than a political revolution that should not only defeat the Reverend Mr. Everett of one year's occupancy of " Herod's judgment-seat," but should leave the tetrarchy of Massachusetts unoccupied for twenty years to come. Indeed, we think it would be a great benefit to the self-governed people of the Commonwealth to go ungoverned — except by them- selves — for that term of time to come. We could get along l)retty well so in New Hampshire, were it not that the crow and militia laws need continual modification ; and they are of no force over crows or militia officers, without approval of a gov- ernor. Some of our temperance friends are in love with legislative reform in this state, in this behalf We are decidedly opposed to it. It is an illegitimate mode of reform, and is, we believe, resorted to by those clergymen and politicians, and other great men, who are afraid of the effect of moral agitation upon their influential positions in community. We say, let every man sell as much rum and drink as much rum as he chooses, ybr all legis- lation. If we can't stop drunkenness without the paltry aid of (Hir state house, let it go on. It is a less evil than sumptuary legislation, — and a legislative reformation would be good for nothing, if it could be effected. It would be a totally unprinci- ])led reformation. And as much as we loathe drunkenness, we had as lief witness any bar-room scene we ever saw, as some scenes enacted at our stone state house. Why, we have to keep the legislature itself, sober, in the very session time, by influence of the Temperance society. Stop that influence, and the legis- lative session would be a time of general drunkenness, gambling and debauchery, wherever the legislature should hold its sittings. And is the country to look to legislation for the preservation of its morals ! We would as soon look to the general muster, as the general court. We say this with all deference to our public servants, as they call themselves when they want our votes. ANTI-SLAVERY. 89 ANTI-SLAVERY. [From the Herald of Freedom of Jan. 18, 1840.] This i.? our magnificent enterprise — our grand and glorious purpose of philanthropy. We labor to effect it by the power of truth, by admonition, by warning, by solemn appeal to the heart and conscience of this nation. We have nothing to say, in this enterprise, to the slave. He is no party to his own enslavement — he is to be none to his disen- thralment. We have nothing to say to the South. The real holder of the slave is not there. He is in the North — the free North, the anti-slavery North ! The South have not the poicer to hold the slave. It is the character of the nation, that binds and holds him down in bondage. If nothing but the puny force of the South lay upon him, he would heave it off from his breast with swift and bloody insurrection. It is not the driver's whip that rules the hundred sturdy and sullen slaves of the cotton field, and humbles them to his single control. It is not the mastery, at whose beck that whip is wielded, for that is feeble, enervated and impotent. It is not the indolent and vicious population of the South, who claim to own these people, that has strength of pow-er to keep them in their chains. But it is the whole country. It is the republic, at whose behest the enchained millions of the land lie fettered. And the efficient force of that republic is north of slavery's Dixon line. Slavery is then a northern institution, and not a southern. The North continues to tolerate it at the national capital. The North refuses to interdict the inter-state home trade in slaves. The North, by its representative majority, cherishes the system in the territory of Florida. The South could neither maintain nor suppress slavery, or the trade in either of these. She has not the power, and the North has not the icill. We re- mind the anti-slavery North that by a northern majority does slavery live at the District of Columbia — a majority oi votes, and by a majority of northern hearts and voices, does it live through^ out the South. It is not a political revolution, that we have to work out. This 8* 90 ANTI-SLAVERY. is not the revolution needed. No such would abolish slavery. The country would not be prepared by it for the slave's liberty. The best and utmost that political movement — that constitutions, enactments and decisions could effect for the slave, is to transmute him into that anomaly in a christia?i republic, called a " free nigger." New Hampshire has thus transmuted him by the magic force of its politics. What is the liberty of a New Hampshire emancipated colored man ? It barely qualifies him to pass muster as a candidate for the mercy of the Colonization society. All that constitution and law have done for him is to fit him for exam- ination for the high school at Liberia. They have fitted him for re-transportation — as representative of his kidnapped ancestry, — by a sort o^ return slave-trade, and back-track " middle passage," to the forlorn and melancholy coast of Africa. Law and constitution have elevated him to the " impossibility of ever rising in this countri/" to the water level of humanity, to such a high pitch of infinite debasement, that Christianity (so says colonization) can never reach him — only to fish him up for market on the desolate Slave coast. Ohio has abolished slavery by law and constitution. Yet Ohio is the land of the black law, and her anti-slavery executive casts her Mahan bound hand and foot into the fiery furnace of Ken- tucky. Connecticut has undergone a legal abolition — for proof, behold her black act and her demolished Canterbury academy. New York has abolished slavery by late ; yet it is as much as a colored man's life is worth to live in her cities, and an abolitionist has fared there little better than he. Philadelphia is the capital city of a constitutional anti-slavery state. The skeleton of Pennsyl- vania hall, " fire-stained" and mob-scathed, looms up in its might, a monument of the omnipotency of her idol slavery. Illinois is a legally free state. But slavery boldly shot down, before her face and eyes, freedom of speech and liberty of the press. Slavery murdered both with wanton impunity and exultation in the streets of Alton. New Hampshire is a tremendously free state. Slavery has been abolished by the very genius and spirit of our institutions. Yet they burnt liberty of speech in effi- gy, in her state-house yard, on a September night, in 0:5^1835 ! THE WORLDS COIMVENTION. 91 and a school, erected to liberty, in the northern county of Graf- ton, was brutally hauled off from its foundations by the public sentiment of the county. But we will not enlarge. Slavery has been legally abolished in half the states of the Union, and the best they can do for the fugitive slave is to give him race ground to Canada before the southern bloodhound, and for the freed man of color is to let in upon him the gray hounds of Colonization. Surely, if " slavery be the creature of law," that emancipation which is its creature, is but a sorry consolation to the subject of it. THE WORLD'S CONVENTION. [From the Herald of Freedom of April 4, 1840.] It is impossible for us to tell — or conceive — the immeasurable importance of this contemplated meeting at London. We fear American abolitionists are not sufficiently interested in our coun- try's being represented there. The philanthropists of England are expecting us in great force. John Scoble said the other day, at Glasgow, there would be one hundred delegates from the Uni- ted States. There ought to be five hundred ! We fear there will not be fifty. We are apprehensive New Hampshire will not be represented there at all. We have not heard from all the appointed delegates ; but those whose pecuniary means would enable them to go, will have concerns at home, we fear, that will render their going inconvenient. Money is scarce, and some of us cannot obtain it or afford to spare it from the support of numerous and helpless families. But that would not hinder the republic of the world being fully represented there. There is money enough, but not interest enough felt by the christian pro- fession of the land. Missionaries can be fitted out and sustained, to carry religion's rush-light to make pagan " darkness visible" on the other side of the globe. But the World's Convention, which if followed up, (as it will be,) will soon open the way to evangelizing the remotest corners of the earth, and superseding «)•> THK WORLD'S CONVENTION. all necessity of missionary etfort, such as now is made, scarcely attracts tlic snccrinir notice of church or state amonanks of the Don. They met then not to abolish human slavery, but to crush mankind under the iron hoof of military despotism — to fix, as Daniel Webster said, a horizontal line between the upper and under strata of human society. The World's Conven- tion is not like that. It meets together, under flag of truce, preliminary to universal and everlasting peace and brotherhood. It is the meeting of the World's committee of arrangements, — j)rej)aratory to the congregation of the whole human family — to i)e gathered again before long, it is hoped, under the eld family roof, after thousands of years of estrangement and wide-dispersed separation. How sublime will be the greeting of these brethren ! The en