pi oovered both in their rear and their flanks, he con- ceived a design of falling on them by surprize. The execution of his design was entrusted to his friend Colonel Lee, who, in the night of October 6th, fell upon their rear, turned their camp, made a considerable slaughter, dispersed the v/hole party, destroyed their magazines, and returned with; scarce any loss. When a general conclusion was at length put to the war, he returned to England from Portugal, after having received the thanks of his Portuguese Majesty for his services ; and Count La Lippc recommended him in the strongest tern^s to the English Court, He had, at this period, a friend and patron in high office, one of the principal Secretaries of State ; so that there was every reason for him to have expected promotion in the English army. But here his attachment, his enthusiasm for America, interfered, andprevented. The grf lit 16 I;idlan, or what we called Pondiacks War, broke, out, which the ministerial agents thought their in- terest to represent as a matter of no consequence. The friends of America thought the reverse, and asserted it would be attended with dreadful waste, ravage, and desolation. This brought him once more to publish for the defence and protection of diis country, by which he lost the favour of the ministry, and shut th^ door to all hopes of preferment in the English army. But he could not live in idleness and inactivity : he left his native country, and entered into the Polish service, and was of course absent when the stamp act passed ; but although absent, he did not cease labouring in the cause of America, as may belearnedfrom many ofhisletters. He used every argument, andexi:rted all the abilities he was master of, with every cor- respondent he had, in either House of Parliament, of any weight or influence ; and at the same time, he had not an inconsiderable number in both. It must be observed, that this famous act had divided almost every court in Europe into two different parties : the one, asserters of the prero- gative of the British Parliament ; the other of the rights and privileges of America. General Lee, on this occasion, pleaded the cause of the Colonies with such earnestness as almost to break off all intercourse with the King's ministers at the Court of Vienna, men that he personally loved and esteemed ; but, at the same time, it was thought that he pleased with so much success as to add not a few friends and partizans to America. These circumstances are mentioned, as they serve to demonstrate that a zeal for the welfare of the Colonies, from the General's earliest acquaintance with them, had been a ruling principle of his life. The presentvolumes will testify v/hat he sacrificed, 17 what he did, and what he hazarded, in the last and most important conte .t which separated the Colonies from their Parent State : — but there is one circumstance that seems to claim a particu- ler attention; which is, that of all the officers who embarked in the American service, he was the only man who could acquire no additional rank, and perhaps the only one whose fortune could not have been impaired, or at least the tenure by which it was held, changed from its former condition into a precarious and arbitrary one, by the success of the British ministry's schemes ; for, had they been completed to the full extent of their wishes, the condition of his for- tune had not been altered for the worse : his for- tune, though not great, was easy, and, it may be said, affluent, for a private gentleman ; a detail of which the Editor is enabled to collect from his pa- pers. 1 St. The Generai had four hundred and eighty ■pounds pe?' ivinum, on a mortgage in Jamaica, paid punctually. 2dly. An estate of two hundred pounds per ajinum in Middlesex, for another gentleman's life; but whose life he had insured against his own. 5dly. A thousand pounds on a turnpike in England 3X^o\\y per cent, interest. 4thly. One thousand five hundred pounds, at five per cent. 5thly. His half-pay, one hundred and thirty-six pounds per annum : in all, nine hundred and thir- ty-one pounds per annum^ clear income : besides this, about twelve hundred pounds in his agent's hands, and different debts. He had, hkewise, ten thoustmd acres of land in the island of St. John, which hiKl been located and settled at the expence B 2 18 of seven hundred pounds ; and a mandamus for twenty thousand acres in East Florida. This is the state of the General's fortune when he engaged in the late American contest ; and this fortune would have been totally unaffected, though the prerogative of taxing America without her consent had been established and confirmed : the 4^ull possession of it ^vas secure, and independent of her fate. But these considerations did not in- fluence his mind : he gave up security for insecu- rity, certainty for uncertainty ; he threw into the lap of America, without any chance of ^yinning ; he staked all on the die of her fortunes : if she succeeded, he could not I3e bettered : if she mis- carried, his whole was lost. His rank, as before observed, acquired no addition ; but the contrary', for a stop was put to its progress in the two other services, the Polish and the English. The General, who could never stay long in one, place, during the years 1771, 1772,' to the flill of 1773, had rambled air over Europe : but we can collect nothing material relative to the adventures of his travels, as his memorandum-books only mention the names of the towns and cities through which he passed. That he was a most rapid and very active traveller, is evident : it appears also, that he was engaged with an officer in Italy in ai\ affair of honour, by which he lost the use of two of his fingers ; but having recourse to pistols, the Italian was slain, and he immediately obliged to fly for his life. His warmth of temper drew him into many rccounters of this kind ; in all which he acquitted himself with singular courage^ sprightiiness of imagination, and great presence of mind. Much dissatisfied with the appearance of the po- Jiticai horizon at London, oai the 16th of August 19 1773, he embarked on board the packet for New- York, where he arrived on the 10th of November following, and had a very severe fit of the gout. At this period, the controversy between Great Brit- ain and her Colonies began to be serious ; and the General concerted a design of taking a part in fa- vour of America, in case it came to an open rup- ture. The destruction of the British East India com- pany's tea at Boston, the IGtli of December, was a prelude to the calamities that afterwards ensued. At this crisis, General Lee's mind was not inob- servant or inactive ; his conversation, his pen, an- imated the Colonists to a great degree, and per- suaded them to make a persevering resistance. During this winter, he visited Philadelphia, Williamsburgh, and several other places in Vir- ginia and Maryland : and retured to Philadelphia', a few months before the first Congress met in that city, on the 5th of September. Encouraging and observing what was going forward here, he then paid a visit to New- York, Rhode Island, and Bos- ton, where he arrived on the 1st of August 1774. The most active political characters on the Amer- ican theatre, now hailed him, and were happy in his acquaintance, not a little pleased with his san- guine, lively temper ; considering his presence among them at this crisis, as a most fortunate and propitious omen. General Gage had now issued his proclamations ; and though Lee was on half- pay in the British service, it did not prevent him from expressing his sentiments in terms of the most pointed severity against the ministry. In short, he blazed forth a Whig of the first magni- tude, and communicated a portion of his spirit to all with whom he conversed. As he continued travelling, or rather flying from place to place, he 20 became known to all who distinguished them- selves in this important opposition : his company and correspondence were courted, and many oc- casional political pieces, the production of his pen, were eagerly read, and much admired ; and from this popularity, there is no reason to doubt but he expected he should soon become the first in mill- tary rank on this continent. General Gates was settled on a plantation in Berkeley county, Virginia ; and having a great friendship for Lee, persuaded him to purchase from a Mr. Hite, a very fine valuable tract of land in his neighbourhood, of about two thousand seven hundred acres, on which were several good im- provements. On this business, he left his friends in the Nor- thern States, and returned to Virginia, where lie remained till the month of May 1775, when he again presented himself at Philadelphia. The American Congress were assembled : and he be- came daily a greater enthusiast in the cause of Liberty. The battle of Lexington, and some other matters, had now ripened the contest ; and Lee's active and enterprising disposition was ready for the most arduous purposes. He therefore ac- cepted a commission from the Congress, which was offered to him by some of its principal mem- bers ; but he found it necessary previously to re- sign that which he held in the British service. This he did without delay, in a letter transmitted to the Right Honourable Lord Viscount Bamng- ton, his Majesty's Secretary at War ; assuring his Lordship, that although he had renounced his half- pay, yet, whenever it should please his Majes- ty to call him forth to any honorable service against^ the natural hereditary enemies of his country, or \n defence of his niObt just rights jujd dignity, nc Anan would obey the righteous summons with more zeal and alacrity than himself: at the same time, the General expressed his disapprobation of the present measures, in the most direct terms : declaring them to be " so absolutely subversive of the rights and liberties of every individual sub- ject, so destructive to the whole empire at large, and ultimately so ruinous to his Majesty's owrt person, dignity, and family, that he thought him- self obliged in conscience, as a citizen. English- man, and a soldier of a free State, to exert his ut- most to defeat them." Professing these sentiments, he received a Con- tinental commission of the rank of Major Gen- eral. As he had made war his study from his youth, seen a variety of service, and distinguished himself for his courage and abilities, one might have imagined he would have immediately been appointed second in command in the American ar- my : this was not the case ; in all countries, kis- sing goes by favour ; and men will be tenacious of any rank bestowed upon them. General Ward, of Massachusetts Bay, by some means or other, had received a commission of a prior date ; and on this accouiit, perhaps to the injury of the ser- vice, he took rank of General Lee, who was at present content to act under him. Whatever his feelings were on this head, he took care to disguise them : and General Ward, on the evacuation of Boston, grew weary of military honour and ser- vice, retired to private life, and sent his resigna- tion to Congress. On the 21st of June, General Washington and General Lee, having received their orders from Congress, left Philadelphia, in order to join the troops assembled near Boston They were accom- panied out of the city, for some miles, by a troop. 22 of light horse, and by all the officers of the city militia, on horseback ; and at this time General Lee was accounted, and really was, a great acqui- sition to the American cause. On the road they received the news of the affair at Bunker's-hill, and arrived at the camp at Cambridge the 2d of July 1775. The people of Massachusetts received them with every testimony of esteem ; and the Congress of that Colony not only presented an address to his Excellency General Washington, as Gommander in chief, but, from a sense of the mili- tary abilities of General Lee, presented one to him also, couched in terms of the highest respect. The General remained with this army till the year 1776, when General Washington, having obtain- ed intelligence of the fitting out of a fleet at Bos- ton, and of the embarkation of troops from thence, which, from the season of the year, and other circumstances, he judged must be destined for a Southern expedition, gave orders to Gene- ral Lee, to repair with such volunteers as were willing to join him, and could be expeditiously liaised, to the city of New- York, with a design to prevent the English from taking possession of New- York and the North- River, as they would thereby command the country, and the communi- cation with Canada. The General, on his arrival, began with putting the city in the best posture of deft-nce the season of the year and circumstances would admit of; disarming all such persons upon Long-Island, and else where, whose conduct and declarations had rendered them suspected of de- signs unfriendly to the views of Congress. Colonel Ward was ordered to secure the whole body of professed Tories in Long-island. This gave an uni- versal alarm, that even the Congress of New-York ^ideavoured to check the General iji this business/ 23 by informing him, in a letter, that the trial and' punishment of citizens belonged to the Provincial Congress, and not to any military character, how- ever exalted. To this the General answered, that when the enemy was at the doors, forms must be dispensed with — that his duty to them, to the Continental Congress and to his own conscience, had dictated the necessity of the measure — that if he had done wrong, he would submit himself to the shame of being reputed rash and precipitate, and undergo the censure of the public ; but he should have the consciousness of his own breast, that the pure motives of serving the community, uncontaminated by picque or resentment to ndivi- duals, urged him to the step. The General also remonstrated against supplyingthemen of war and Governor Try on with provisions, as the boats co-raingto the city must open the means of their receiving every sort of intelligence. " I should," says the General in one of his letters, " be in the highest degree culpable to God, my conscience, and the Continental Congress, in whose service I am engaged, should I suffer, at so dangerous a crisis, a banditti of professed foes of liberty and their country, to remain at liberty to co-operate with, and strengthen the ministerial troops openly in arms, or covertly, and consequently more dan- gerously furnish them with intelligence." He also drew up a Test^ which he ordered his officers to offer to those who were reputed inimical to the American cause : a refusal to take this, was to be construed as no more or less than an avowal of of their hostile intentions ; upon which, their per- sons were to be secured, and sent to Connecticut, where it was judged they could not be so dan- gerous. Thus the General excited the people to every spirited incasure, and intimidated by every 24 means the friends to the English government. At this time, Captain Vandepiit, of the Asia, seized a Lieutenant Tiley, and kept him on board his ship in irons. On the principles of retaliation, Lee took into custody Mr. Stephens, an officer of Government ; and informed the Captain what he had done, and that this gentleman should not be released until Lieut. Tiley was returned. This had the desired effect. His determined and de- cisive disposition h.id an amazing influence both on the army and people ; and the steps he propo- sed for the management of those who disappro- ved of the American resistance, struck a terror wherever he appeared. Congress had now received the account of Xjc- neral Montgomery's unsuccessful expedition against Quebec. As flattering expectations were entertained of the success of this officer, the event threw a gloom on American affairs. To remedy this disaster, they turned their eyes to General Lee, and Congress resolved that he should forthwith repair to Canada, and take upon him the command of the army of the United Colonies in that pro- vince. This, though he was just recovered from a fit of the gout, he accepted ; but while prepara- tions were making for the important undertaking, Congress changed their determination, and ap- pointed him to the command of the Southern de- partment ; in which he became very conspicuous, as a vigilant, brave and active officer. His exten- sive correspondence, his address under every dif- ficulty, and his unwearied attention to the duties of his station, all evince his great military capa- city, and extreme usefulness to the cause he had espoused, and was warmly engaged in — Every tes- timony of respect was paid him by the people of the Northern Colonies, and he experienced a sim- 25 ilar treatment in his journey to the Southward. On his arrival at Williamsburgh, every one expres- sed their high satisfaction at his presence among them ; and the troops of that city embraced the opportunity of presenting him with an address, expressive of their sanguine hopes and firm reso- lutions of uniting with him in the common cause. This example was followed at Newbern, North- Carolina ; and a committee was appointed by the inhabitants of that town, to wait upon him in their name, and, in an address, to thank him for his gen- erous and manly exertions in defence of Ameri- can rights and liberties ; and to offer him their cordial congratulations for his appearance among them, at a time when their province was actually invaded by a powerful fleet and army ; and to ex- press their happiness to find the command of the troops destined for their protection, placed in the hands of a gentleman of his distinguished charac- ter. Great too was the joy in South Carolina, where his presence was seasonable and absolutely neces- sary, as Sir Henry Clinton was actually preparing for an invasion of that province. The minds of all ranks of people were considerably elevated at the sight of him ; it diftbsed an ardour among the military, attended with the most salutary conse- quences ; and his diligence and activity at Charles- town, previous to the attack upon Sullivan's island, will be long remembered. From a perusal of his letters and directions to the officers commanding at that post, we may justly infer, that America was under no small obligations to him for the sig- nal success there obtained — And here it may be mentioned, as somewhat remarkable, that when General Lee received orders, at Cambridge, to re- pair to New- York, to watch the motions of the c 26 British, he met General Clinton the very day he arrived there ; when he came to Virginia, he found him in Hampton Road — and just after his arrival in North Carolina, General Clinton left Cape Fear - — Their next meeting was at Fort Sullivan, which must have made Lee appear to Clinton as his evil genius, haunting him for more than eleven hun- dred miles, along a coast of vast extent, and meet- ing him at Phillippi. The affairs of Sullivan's island was a most extra- ordinary deliverance ; for, if the English had suc- ceeded, it is more than probable the Southern Colonies would at that time have been compelled to have submitted to the English government. Dreadful was the cannonade, but without effect. Porto Bello, Boccochico, and the other castle at Carthagena, were obliged to strike to Vernon ; Fort Lewis in Saint Domingo yielded to the me- tal of Admiral Knowles ; but in this instance, an unfinished battery, constructed with Palemeto logs, resisted, for a whole day, the twelve and eighteen- pounders of the British fleet, to the as- tonishment and admiration of every spectator. The fleet and army under Sir Henry Clinton and Sir Peter Parker being repulsed, General Lee then flew to the assistance of Georgia, where he continued for some weeks, planning schemes to put that province in a state of defence, and to make an excursion into East Florida, as their Sou- thern frontiers were suffering considerably by the incursions of Indians and others from that quar- ter. About this time, the Congress were informed by General Washington, that Clinton, with the troops under his command, had returned, and joined General Howe at Staten- island. In conse- (juence of this intelligence, the Congress were 27 convinced that the Enghsh, by collecting their whole force into a point, were determined to make a most vigorous exertion at New-York ; and in order to ensure success there, were dispo- sed for the present to overlook every other ob- ject. The getting possession of that city, and the junction of the two armies under General Howe and Burgoyne, it was the Congress's opin- ion were the grand objects they had in view, and for the attainment of which they would give up every inferior consideration. Lee's success in the Southern department had increased the good opinion they had conceived of him : his reputation was in its zenith ; and they now applied to him for assistance, in the present important situation of their affairs. An express was dispatched to Georgia, directing him to repair as soon as possi- ble to Philadelphia, there to receive such orders as they might judge expedient. He returned with great expedition, the beginning of October, and waited on Congress immmediately on his arrival, who, after consulting him, resolved that he should without delay repair to the camp at Haerlem, \vitii leave, if he should judge proper, to visit the posts in New-Jersey. He arrived at General Washington's army just time enough to prevent it from being blockaded in York-island, the circumstance of which hath been thus related. General Washington was at that time under a ne- cessity of consulting his coui>cil of officers, before he could take any step of consequence; and they, contrary to his opinion, were for waiting an attack in their own lines on York-island — Extensive barracks had been erected, and large preparations made for such a ste|5. Sir William Howe, find- ing the Americans too strong to be attacked with (Safety from the side of New- York, leaving Lord 28 Piercy with a body of troops opposite the river, embarked the rest in his flat boats, passed safely the dangerous passage of Hell-Gate, and landed on Frog's Neck, an island separated by a small creek, from West Chester. Here he remained a week, under a pretence of waiting for stores and provisions ; while the Americans, in consequence of their resolution, continued on the island. The very evening before General Howe made a move- ment, General Lee arrived at General Washing- ton's camp : his opiriion of their dangerous situa- tion convinced the Council of War ; and, that night, a precipitate movement extricated them from the danger. The next morning, General Howe landed on Pell's Manor, a point separated from FroQ-'s Neck bv a channel of scarce 200 yards : he then extended his army across to Hud- son's river ; but there was then no enemy to in- tercept. Had he, instead of trifling away his time, crammed up on Frog's Neck, landed only on Pell's point, not a soul of the American army would have escaped. Hitherto General Lee had been successful, and was universally esteemed ; but fortune now began to reverse the ocene. On the 13th of December 1776, at the head of all the men he could collect, he was marching to join[General Washington, who had assembled the Pennsylvania militia, to secure the banks of the Delaware. — From the distance of the British can- tonments, he was betrayed into a fatal security, by which, in crossing the upper part of New-Jer- sey from the North river, he fixed his quarters, and lay carelessly guarded at some distance from the riiain body. Tliis circumstance being commu- nicated to Colonel Harcourt, who commanded the British light horse, and had then made a de- sultory excursion at the head oi' a small detach- 2§ ment, he conducted his measures .with such ad- dress and activity, that Lee was carried off", though several guarded posts and armed patroles lay irx the way. Great was the joy of the British, and equal the consternation of the Americans, at this unexpected event. The making of a single offi- cer prisoner, in other circumstances would have been a matter of little moment ; but in the pres- ent state of the continental forces, where a general deficiency of military skill prevailed, and the in- experience of the officers was even a greater grie- vance, the loss of a commander, whose spirit of enterprize was directed by great knowledge m his profession, acquired by actual service, was indeed of the utmost importance. The Congress, on hearing this news, ordered their President to write to General Washington, desiring him to send a fkg to General Howe, for the purpose of enqui- ring in what manner General Lee was treated ; and if he found that it was not agreeable to his rank and character, to send a remonstrance to General Howe on the subject. This produced much inconvenience to both sides, and much ca- lamity to individuals. A cartel had some time before been established for the exchange of priso- ners between the Generals Howe and Washing- ton, which had hitherto been carried into execu- tion, as far as time and circumstances would ad- mit. As Lee was particularly obnoxious to Government, it was said that General Howe was tied down by his instructions, from parting with him upon any terms, if the fortune of war should throw him into his power. General Washington not having at this time any prisoners of equal- rank with Lee, proposed to exchange six field officers for him, the number beinn; intended t6 balance that disparity ; or if this was not accep- c 2 30 ted, he required that he should be treated suitably to his station, according to the practice establish- ed among polished nations, till an opportunity of- fered for a direct and equal exchange. To this it was answered, that as Mr. Lee was a deserter from his Majesty's service, he was not to be oonsidered as a prisoner of war ; that he did not at all come within the conditions of the cartel^ nor could he receive any of its benefits. This brought on a fruitless discussion, wb.ether Gen- eral Lee, who had resigned his half-pay at the be- ginning of the troubles, could be considered as a deserter ; or whether he could with justice be ex- cluded from the general benefits of a cartel, in which no particular exception of person had been made. In the mean time, General Lee was guar- ded with all the strictness which a state criminal of the first magnitude could have experienced in the most dangerous political conjecture. This conduct not only suspended the operation of the cartel, but induced retaliation on the American side ; and Colonel Campbell, who had hitherto been treated with great humanity by the people of Boston, was now thrown into a dungeon. Those British officers who were prisoners in the Southern Colonies, though not treated with equal rigour, were, however abridged of their pa- role liberty. It was at the same time declared, that their future treatment should in every degree be regulated by that which General Lee expe- rienced, and that their persons should be answer- able, in the utmost extent, for any violence that was offered to him. Thus matters continued till the capture of the British army under General Burgoyne at Saratoga, October 17th, 1777. A change of conduct towards him then took place ;, ^e was allowed his parole in New- York,, lodged 31 in the same house with Lieutenant Colonel Butlcc of the 38th, dined with General Robertson com- mandant of the town, and with many principal officers and families, and a short time after was exchanged. The first military scene in which General Lee appeared after his liberation, was the battle of Monmouth, which terminated his career in the American army. Before this affair, his character in general was very respectable ; many of the warm friends to America, highly valued the impor- tant services he had rendered to the United States. From the beginning of the contest, he had ex- cited and directed the military spirit which per- vaded the continent ; his conversation raised aa emulation among the officers, and he taught them to pay a proper attention to the health, cloathing and comfortable subsistence of their men : add to this, his zeal was unwearied in inculcating the prin- ciples of liberty among all ranks of people ; hence it is said that a strong party was formed in Con« gress, and by some discontented officers in the army, to raise Lee to the first command ; and it hath been suggested by many, that General Lee's conduct at the battle of Monmouth, was intended to effect this plan ; for, could the odium of the de- feat have been at that time thrown on General Washington^ and his attack of the British army made to appear rash and imprudent, there is great reason to suppose he would have been deprived of his command. It hath been observed by some writers on this subject, that when General Lee was taken prisoner, the American army was on na par with the Royal forces ; but the ease v/as much changed on his return from his captivity. He found them improved, and daring enough to at- tack even the British grenadiers with Hxmaess and 32 resolution. Had not this been the case, and Ge- neral Lee, when ordered to attack the rear of the Royal army, seen his men beat back with disgrace, unwilling to rally, and acting with fear and trepi- dation, his retreat would have been necessary, his conduct crowned with applause, and his purposes eifected ; but, disappointed in this view, the retreat hath been imputed to himself, as he could not al- ledge the want of sprit in his troops for the justi- fication of his conduct. The British army, early on Thursday the 25tli of June, completed their evacuation of Philadel- phia, having before transported their stores and most of their Artillery into the Jersies, where they had thrown up some works, and several regiments were encamped ;^ — they manned the lines the preceding night, and retreated over the commons, crossing at Gloucester Point. A party of the American horse pursued them very close ; however nothing very material happened till the 28th, when, about three o'clock, in the morning, the British army moved on their way to Middietown Point. About eleven o'clock, the American van, com- manded by General Lee, overtook them ; but he soon retreated, and was met by General Washing- ton, who formed on the first proper piece of ground near Monmouth Court-house. While this was doing, two pieces of cannon, supported by Colonel Livingston and Colonel Stewart, with a picked corps of 300 men, kept off the main bo- dy of the Enghsh, and made a great slaughter. Very severe skirmishing ensued ; and the Ameri- can army advancing, the British made their last efforts upon a small body of Pennsylvania troops at and about Mr. Tennant's house ; they then gave >vay, leaving the field covered with dead and woundcu. General Washington's troops pursu- ed for about a mile, when, night coming on, and the men exceedingly fatigued with marching, and the hot weather, they halted about half a mile be- yond the ground of the principal action. — The British took a strong post in their front, secured on both flanks by morasses and thick woods, where they remained until about twelve at night, and then retreated. In consequence of this action, General Lee Avas put under arrest, and tried by a Court Martial at Brunswick, the 4th July follow- ing. The charges exhibited against him were, 1st. For disobedience of orders, in not attack- ing the enemy on the 28th of June, agreeable to repeated instructions. 2d. For misbehaviour before the enemy on the same day, by making an unnecessary, disorderly, and shameful retreat. od. For disrespect to the commander in chief, in two letters, dated the 1st July, and the 28th June. The letters, on which the third charge is found- ed are as follows : Campy English Town, ^st July Ml ^. SIR, From the knowledge I have of your Excel- lency's character, I must conclude, that nothing but the misinformation of some very stupid, or misrepresentation of some very wicked per- son, could have occasioned your making use of such very singular expressions as you did, on my coming up to the ground where you had taken post : they implied, that I was guilty either of disobedience of orders, of want of conduct, or want of courage. Your Excellency will therefore infinitely oblige me, by letting me know, on which of these three articles you ground your charge, that I may prepare for my justification,- which I have the happiness to be confident I can do, to the Army, to the Congress, to America, and to the 54 >¥orld in general. Your Excellency must give me leave to observe, that neither yourself, nor those about your person, could, from your situation, be in the least judges of the merits or demerits of our manoeuvres; and, to speak with a becoming pride, I can assert, that to these manoeuvres the success of the day was entirely owing. I can boldly say, that had we remained on the first ground, or had we advanced, or had the retreat been conduct- ed in a manner different from what it was, this whole army, and the interest of America, would have risked being sacrificed. I ever had, and I hope ever shall have, the greatest respect and vene- ration for General Washington; I think him en- dued with many great and good qualites ; but ia this instance, I must pronounce, that he has been guilty of an act of cruel injustice towards a man who has certainly some pretensions to the regard of every servant to his country; and, I think. Sir, I have a right to demand some reparation for the injury committed; and unless I can obtain it, I must, injustice to myself, when the campaign is closed, which I believe will close the war, retire from a service, at the head of which is placed a man capable of offering such injuries : — but, at the same time, injustice to you, I must repeat, that I from my soul believe, that it was not a motion of your own breast, but instigated by some of those dirty earwigs who will for ever insinuate them- selves near persons in high office ; for I am really convinced, that when General Washington acts from himself, no man in his army will have rea- son to complain of injustice and indecorum. I am, Sir, and I hope ever shall have reason to continue, your most sincerely devoted humble Servant, CHARLES LEE. His Excellency Gen. Washington. 35 . Head Quarters, English- Tcivn, June 28th IIIB. SIR, I RECEIVED your letter, (dated, through mistake, the 1st of July,) expressed, as I conceive, in terms highly improper. I am not conscious of having made use of any very singular expressions at the time of my meeting you, as you intimate. What I recollect to have said, was dictated by duty, and warranted by the occasion. As soon as circumstances will admit, you shall have an opportunity either of justifying yourself to the Army, to Congress, to America, and to the world in general, or of convincing them that you are guilty of a breach of orders, and of misbeha- viour before the enemy, on the 28th instant, in not attacking them as you had been directed, and in making an unnecessarj^, disorderly, and shameful retreat. I am Sir, your most obedient Servant, GEORGE WASHINGTON. Major Gen. Lee. Camp, June 23th, 1778, SIR, I EEC your Excellency's pardon for the in- accuracy in misdating*, my letter. — You cannot afford me greater pleasure than in giving me the opportunity of shewing to America, the sufficien- cy of her respective servants. I trust, that the temporary power of office, and the tinsel dignity attending it, will not be able, by all the mists they can raise, to offiscate the bright rays of truth. In the mean time, your Excellency can have no ob- jection to my retiring from the army. I am, Sir, Your most obedient. Humble Servant, CHARLES LEE. Oen. Washington. ' Camp, June 5Qth, ms. sir; Since I had the honour of addressing nny letter by Colonel Fitzgerald to your Excellency, I have reflected on both your situation and mine ; and beg leave to observe, that it will be for our mutual convenience, thata Court of Inquiry should be immediately ordered ; but 1 could wish it might be a Court Martial : for, if the affair is drawn into length, it may be difficult to collect the necessary evidences, and perhaps might-bring on a paper- war betwixt the adherents to both par- ties, which may occasion some disagreeable feuds on the Continent ; for all are not my friends, nor your admirers. I must entreat, therefore, from your love of justice, that you will immediately exhibit your charge ; and that on the first halt, I may be brought to a trial. lam. Sir, Your most obedient, Humble Servant, CHARLES LE>E, His Excellency Gen. Washington. The Court met, by several adjournments, till the 12lh of August, when ihey found the unfor- tunate General guilty of the several charges brought against him, and sentenced him to be suspen- ded from any commission in the armies of the Uni- ted States of North America for the term of twelve months. But it was usual in America, and thought necessary, that the sentence of every Court Mar- tial should be ratified or confirmed by Congress ; the proceedings, therefore, of the Court, were ac- cordingly transmitted to them, and the General re- paired to Philadelphia to await their decision. Du- 5^7 ring his stay there on this business, he tvas invoI>-^ ved in several disputes; and though hisafFair might be considered as yet sub judice, yet the conversa- tion of the city was rather against him, which in- duced him to publish, as it were, a second defence; and as this may not be so well known to the pub- lic as the elegant and masterly defence in his trial, which hath been republished in Europe, I shall in- sert it in this place. GENERAL LEE'S VINDICATION TO THE PUBLIC. The different commentators on the orders I re- ceived from Gen. Washington on the 28th of June, have, I think, construed them into no more than tlirce different senses. I shall therefore, for argu- ment's sake, give the world leave to suppose them to have been any one of these three :* — 1st. To attack the enemy in whatever situation, and in whatever force I found them, without considering consequences. 2d. To contrive the means of bringing on ^ ge- neral engagement. 3d. To annoy them as much as possible, without risking an^^ thing of great importance ; that is, in fact, to act with a great degree of latitude, accord- ing to my own discretion. Now, I say, granting any one of these three to have been the orders I received, it is manifest, that I did literally and effectually comply, as far as depended on myself, and on human means. As to the first, notwithstanding the attempt, by a low evasion, to prove that the orders I gave were only * It must appear sornewbat extraocdinsry, that when the princi- pal and heaviest charge brought against me, was the disobedience of orders, these orders that it seems I disobeyed, should never have been attempted to be ascertained to the Court by the proper authori- ty, but were left to the conjecture and wild constructions of those who might take the trouble to guess, and to the hardiness of tho^e ■wlio- might cliuse to invent, D 38 t^ advance on the enemy, it is clear from Captain Mercer's evidence, that General Wayne and Colo- nel Butler were ordered, not only to advance, but, in precise terms, to attack ; — it is clear, that I did, with the three brigadiers on the right, make the only movement possible to accomplish this end — it is clear that I did not wish, or give any orders for a retrogade manoeuvre from the first •point of action, and that, even when I was infor- med of our left being abandonjt^d, the retreat, how- ever necessary, was, I am ashamed to own it, done contrary to my orders, and contrary to my inten- tions. I say I am ashamed to own it ; for if the British cavalry had vigorously pushed on our right, they might have turned our flank, taken us in re- verse, and we had been lost. There is one sup- position, and indeed only one (and that, for the General's honour, is too monstrous to be admitted,) that would render me criminal ; it is, that he had positively commanded me, that after the attack commenced, whatever were my circumstances, or whatever were my numbers, from thence I should not, from any consideration, recede an inch. Now, if such I had conceived to have been hi* intention, so great is my opinion of the valour, zeal, and obe- dience of the troops, and so well I think I know myself, that I do really believe we should all have perished on the first spot; b'^t I never had, audit IS almost impossible I should have, an idea that such was his plan ; and it is evident that it was not ; consequently, in seeking a better position in our rear, I oould be guilty of no disobedience. Upon the whole, admitting the orders I received to h..ve been Cas it h.is heen insinuated) to attack, without any consideration of the force, or situation of the enemy, they were as fully and rigidly obeyed, cir- rum^tanced as I was, as it was possible for any hii- 3& man officer to obey orders of such a nature. In the next place, if the General's instructions are construed to be, that I should find the means of bringing on a general engagement, it is difficult to imagine a more efficacious method than that which was pursued. But I must here beg leave to ob- serve, that those gentlemen who talk so familiarly of bringing on a general engagement, must under- stand themselves as little as they can be understood by others. To bring on a general engagement is not always in our power. An enemy of any ca- pacity will take such measures as not to be under the necessity of fighting against his inclinations ; and, however it may be received, I cannot help be- ing persuaded, that some of the British generals are not deficient in this great essential. Clinton, Grey, and Erskine, were bred up, and considered no despicable officers in one of the best schools of Europe. Prince Ferdinand and his nephew, the hereditary prince, think, it is said, and do most certainly speak very honourably of them. Now, although it must be supposed that men of this Stamp will make it a rule to retain the power of refusing a general engagement, there are stndng grounds for believing, that on this day (whether from our manoeuvres, or from the often ungovern- able impetuosity of the British troops) they would have been put under the necessity of committing the most considerable part of their army to the de- cision of arms, if the opportunity on our side had been availed of. They were tempted to pass three of the great ravines which traverse the plain ; and there is room to flatter ourselves they would have passed the last, if they had been wisely suftered. They would then have been actually in our power ; that is, they would have been under the necessity of fighting against unequal force ; for they had 49 scarcely the possibility of retreating, and it was at- our option to engage whatever part of the army we thought proper, whether the whole, one half, or only a third, as they had immediately emerged from the ravine, and before they could have had time to developc and form ; our rear was, on the contrary, quite clear and unembarrassed, and were, in fact, entire masters of our manoeuvres ; at the same time, Colonel Morgan, and the militia on the flanks, by this separation of the major part of the enemy's army to so great a distance from their baggage, and the body covering the baggage, would have had a much fairer opportunity of ma- king their respective attacks, than if they had re- mained more compact : thus, if any thing is meant by finding the means of bringing on a general en*, gagement, it was done, and in the most salutary manner, to the utmost, extent of human possibility. We come now to the last supposition, viz. That the orders I received (which in fact is the truth, unless they had no meaning at all) were to annoy the enemy, strike a partial blow, but without risk- ing aiiy thing of great importance ; or, in other terms to act in a great measure discretionally.*^ And here I defy the most acute military critic of the world, to point out a more effectual method than what was pursued ; for, had we taken post oa the hither or western margin of the first ravine, as- General V/ayne seems to think we ought to have done (and admitting that in this position our flanks could have been secure, which they certainly were not,) or on the margin of any of the other ravines in our rear, the last not excepted, if the last had been tenable, how could we possibly have an- * It must be remarked, that disobedienc* to discretionary orders is, pr/«ia /me, a glaring absurdity; it is an impossibility; and yet it has been endeavoured t« prore me guilty of this iippossibility. 41 ndycd the enemy, or struck a partial blow ? The consequence would at most have been this, that we might have remained gazing on and can- nonading each other for some time, and the mo- ment they chose to retire, they could have done it at their leisure, and with impunity ; for, by all the rules of war, and what is more, by all the rules of common sense, we could not have ventured to pursue them, because we should have put, if not impracticable, at least very dangerous, defiles in our rear ; and if they had turned back upon us, we should have been effectually in their power, unless we could have insured victory to ourselves with very unequal numbers; but, by drawing them over all the ravines, they were as much in our power ; besides, it must occur to every man who is not destiute of common reason, that the further they were from their ships and the heights of Middletown, the point of their security, the more they were (ta use the military language) in the air» To these considerations may be added, that the ground we found them on, was extremely favour- able to the nature of their troops; and that we drew them into, as favourable to ours. The ground we found them on, was calculated for cavalry, in which they comparatively abounded.;^ and that which we drew them into, as much the reverse. In fine, admitting that the order I re^ ceived was any one of the three referred to, and supposing we had been as perfectly acquainted with every yard of the country as we were utterly ignorant of it, I am happy to be able consciously to pronounce, that were the transactiorjs of that day to pass over again, there is no one step I took which I would not again take. There is iiQ one. thing I did which does not demott§^tral<^. 42 (hat I conducted myself as an obedient, prudent^ and, let me add, spirited officer ;* and I do from my soul sincerely wish, that a court of inquiry, composed of the ablest soldiers in the world, were to sit in judgment, and enjoined to canvass with the utmost rigour every circumstance of my con- duct on this day, and on their decision my repu- tation or infamy to be for ever established. There is, however, I confess, the strongest reason to believe (but for this omission lam no ways respon- sible) that, had a proper knowledge of the theatre of action been obtained, as it might, and ought to have been, its nature and different situations, with their references studied, and, in consequence, a general plan of action wisely concerted and digested, a most important, perhaps a decisive blow might have been struck, but not by adopt- ing any one measure that any one of my cen,. surcrs has been fortunate enough to think of. I have already said, that had we remained on the ground where the attack commenced, or on the margin of the first ravine, which General Wayne seems to think was a good position, wc should pro- bably have been lost; and I believe I may safe^ly as- sert, that had we attached ourselves to the second po- sition, in front of Carr's house, reconnoitered by Mons. Du Portail, on the hill which Colonel Hamilton was so strongly prepossessed in favour of, and allowing our flanks to be secure in any of these positions, which it is evident they were not, security is the only thing we could have had to boast of. The security of the enemy would have been equally great ; but any possibility of annoy- ing them we certainly had not. I assert, then, * This style, on ordinary occasions, would appear a most intolerable and disguising gasconade ; but when a man's con- duct has been so grossly misrepresented and calumniated, a» mine has t)e«n, \k« Strongest language ij juatifiaWo in his cEe- fjncci 4^ that if we had acted wisely, it was our business to let one, two, or three thousand pass the last ravine, in the rear of which, and on the eminence pointed out to me by Mr. Wikoff, and to General Wash- ington by Colonel Ray,* the main body of our army was posted, fresh, and unfatigucd ; whereas those of the enemy were extremely harrassed, or, indeed, worn down to so low a degree of debility, that had they once passed, they had little chance of repassing ; the ground was commanding, and to us, in all respects andvantageous. A sort of natural glacis, extending itself in our front, from the crest of the eminence quite down to the ra- vine, over which there was only one narrowed pass, the plain so narrowed as to give no play to the ma- noeuvres of their cavalry ; and at two or three hundred yards distance in the rear, a space of ground most happily adapted to the arrangement of a second line.f This ground, from the nature of its front, is almost entirely protected from the annoyance of the enemy's cannon ; and, of course, well calculated for the respiration of a body of troops, such as my detachment was, fatigued, but not dispirited by action, and the excessive heat of the weather ; here they might have taken breath ; here they might have been refreshed, and, in a very short time, refitted at least to act as a line of support, which was all that, in these circumstan- ces, could be necessary. I proposed to the Gene- ral to form them as such, but was precipitately or- * To these two gentlemen not a little credit for the success of the 28th of June is due. f It may be objected, that a part of my detachment there, undet Fcott and Maxwell, had already filed off in the rear, but they might easily have been brought up. It is evident they might, as not long afterward.? a pari of ihem were oi*dered, and did march up. It must be observed, that I myself was totally ignorant that any part of them had filed off; but those I had ivitlxme woujd hav« formijd a very respectable liac of v^9.irYQ> 44 dcred, and, I confess, in a mariner that extremely ruifled me, to three miles distance in the rear. Thus, in my opinion, was a most glorious op- portunity lost; fcr what followed on both sides was only a distant, unmeaning, inefficacious cannonade ; and what has been so magnificently stiled a pur- suit, was no more than taking up the ground which the British troops could not possibly, and were not (their principle being retreat) interested to main- tain. jP. S, a thousand wicked and low artifices, du- ring my trial, were used to render me unpopular. One of the principal was, to throw out that I had endeavoured, on every occasion, to depreciate the American valour, and the character of their troops. There never was a more impudent falsehood ; I appeal to my letters addressed to Mr. Burgoyne — to the whole tenor of my conversation, both pre- vious and subsequent to the commencement of the present war, and to all my publications. It is true, I have often heavily lamented, as to me it ap- pears, the defective constitution of the army ; but I h:ivc ever had the highest opuiion of the courage and other good qualities of the Americans as sol- diers ; and the proofs that my opinion was just, are numerous and substantial. To begin with the affair of Bunker's-hill. J may venture to pronounce that there never was a more dangerous, a more execrable situation, than these brave and unfortunate men (if those who die in the glorious cause of Liberty can be termed unfortunate) were placed in ; they had to encoun- ter with a body of troops, both in point of spirit and discipline, not to be surpassed in the whole world, headed by an officer of experience, intrepi- dity, coolness, and decision. The Americans were composed, in part, of raw lads and old menj 4o half armed, with no practice or discipline, com- manded without order, and God knows by whom. Yet what was the event ? It is known to the world, that the British troops, notwithstanding their address and gallantry, were most severely handled, and almost defeated.* The troops under the command of General Montgomery, in his expedition against St. John's, Chambly, and into Canada, who were chiefly composed of native Americans, as they were from the Eastern State, displayed, by his own account, in a letter I received from that illustrious young man, not only great courage, but zeal and enter- prize. The assault under Arnold, on the lower town of Quebec, was an attempt that would have start- led the most approved veterans ; and, if they mis- carried, it cannot be attributed to a deficiency of valour, but to want of proper information of the circumstances of the place. The defence of Sullivan's-Island, by Colonel Moultrie, might be termed an ordeal. The garri- son, both men and officers, entirely raw ; the fire furious, and of a duration almost beyond example ; their situation extremely critical and dangerous, for the rear was in a manner open ; and, if Gene- ral Clinton could, as it was expected, have landed on the island, there were no resources but in the last desperate resolutions. With respect to the transactions on York and Long-Island, I must be silent, as I am ignorant of them ; but, from some observations after I joined the army, I have reason to think the fault could not • The Colonels Stark, Prescot, Little, Gardner, Read, Nixon, aind the two Brewers, were entitled to immortal honour for their action on that day ; but, according' to the usual justice of the wri- ters of newspapers and gazettes, their namea have scarcely been mentioned on the occasion. 46 have becii in the men, or in the common bulk oi officers. Even the unhappy business of Fort Washington, which was attended with such abominable conse- quences, and which brought the affairs of Ameri- ca to the brink of ruin, when the circumstances are well considered, did honour to the officers and men, devoted to the defence of this worthless and ridiculous favourite. The defence of Red-Bank, by Colonel Green, and Mud- Island, by CoJonel Smith, forced a con- fession, even from the most determined infidels on this point, of the British officers, to the honour of American valour. I have often heard them al- low, that the defence of these two places were realty handsome things — that no men could have done better ; which, from unwilling mouths, is no small panegyrick. The victory gained by Stark, at Bennington, and the capture of Mr. Burgoyne's whole army, by Gates and Arnold, are, above all, convincing ar- guments of what excellent ingredients, in all re- spects, the force of America is composed. The detail of what passed lately on Rhode- Is- land is not yet come to my knowledge ; but, from all I have been able to collect, the men and offi- cers exhibited great valour and facility, as did their General, discretion, calmness, and good conduct. Upon the whole, I am warranted to say, what I always thought, that no disgrace or calamity has fallen on the arms of America through the whole course of the war, but what must be attributed to some other cause than to the want of valour, of disposition to obedience, or to any other military defect in the men, or the general mass of their offi- cers in their different ranks ; and I solemnly de- clare, that was it at my choice to select from all the 47 nations of (he earth to form an excellent and per- fect .iniiy, I would, without hesitation, give the preference to the Americans. By publishing this opinion, I cannot incur the suspicion of paying my court to their vanity, as it is notoriously the language I have ever held. I have been told, that one of the crimes impu- ted to me, is my entertaining a high opinion of the British troops. If this is a crime, 1 am ready to acknowledge it. There were times, I confess, when the promulgation of such an opinion would have been impolitic, and even criminal ; but in these times, it is not )rious to the world that my conduct was the reverse. Every thing I wrote, every thing I said, tended to inspire that confidence in their own strength, which it was thought the Americans wanted ; and it is believed, that what I said, and what I wrote, had no inconsiderable ef- fect ; but now, circumstanced as we are, I cannot conceive the danger, or even impropriety, in spea- king of them as they deserve, particularly as their excellence redounds to the honour of America. I could not help, whilst I was prisoner, being aston- ished at the bad policy and stupidity of some of the British officers, who m^de it their constant bu- siness to depreciate the character of the Americans in point of -courage and sense. I have often ex- pressed my astonishment, making a very natural observation to them, that if the persuasion of their opponents' cowardice and folly were established in the world, the great merits they themselves pre- tended to must, at the same time, be utterly des- troyed. That I have a very great opinion of the B'itish troops, I make no scruple to confess ; and unless I had this opinion of them, I do nat sec what gro\md I could have for my eulogiums on American valour. Tiiis is a truth, simple and 48 clear as the day; but be it as it will, it is noWinosl scrtain, let the courage and discipline of the Bri- tish troops be as great as imagination can paint, there is at present no danger from either the one or the other. The dangers that now threaten, are from other quarters ; from the want of temper, moderation, oeconomy, wisdom, and decision amongst ourselves ; from a childish credulity ; and in consequence of it, a promptness to commit acts of the highest injustice on those who have deser- ved best at the hands of the community ,- but above all, from the direct opposites to those qualities, virtues, and principles, without which it is impos- sible that the mode of government established should be supported for the tenth part oi a century. These, 1 assert, are now the proper objects of our apprehensions, and nat any real or supposed ex- cellence in the armies of Great Britain, who has infinitely more reason to fear for her own indepen- dence, than to hope for the subjugation of yours. General Clinton's letter, which has just appear- ed, has so wonderful an accord with the above es* say, that I make no doubt butthat some acute gen- tleman may insinuate that it furnished the hint : but I can appeal to more than fifty gentlemen of this city, or officers of the army, to whom it was read, previous to the publication of General Clin- ton's letter, whether a single syllable has been ad- ded or varied, the conclusion of the postscript ex- cepted, which has no reference to the affliir of Mon- mouth. It was a considerable time before Congress took the General's trial under their consideration, during which our unfortunate hsro continued Smarting under the frowns of fortune and the ma- lignant tongues of men ; and to add to his suffer- 49 ings in this state of suspense, he received a letter from Colonel Laurens, one of General Washing- ton's aids, informing him, '• that, in contempt of decency and truth, he had publicly abused Gene- ral Washington in the grossest terms ;" that, " the relation ih which he stood to him, forbade him to pass such conduct unnoticed; he therefore deman- ded the satisfaction which he was entitled to ; and desired, that as soon as General Lee should think himself at liberty, he would appoint time and place, and name his weapons." Without hesitation tliis T/as accepted ; and the General made choice of a brace of pistils, declining the small sv/ord, because he was rather in a weak state of bod}^, having late- ly received a fall from a horse, and also taken a quantity of medicine to baffle a fit of the gout, which he apprehended. They met according to appointment, and discharged their pistols, when General Lee received a slight wound in his side ; and it hath been said, that on this occasion, he dis- played the greatest fortitude and couraa:c. Shordy after, the proceedings of the Court Mar- tial on his trial came under consideration in Con- gress, and produced debates for several evenings ; but, finally, the sentence was confirmed. The Ge- neral was much dissatisfied with it, and his mind extremely embittered against one of the members., Mr. William Henry Drayton, of South Carohna. This gentleman's conduct was vituperated by Lee in the severest language, because he opposed io Congress a division of the several charges brought against him, but argued and insisted upon lump- ing them all together, to be decided by one ques- tion. In this he was ingeniously and warmly op-- posed by a very amiable and worthy gentleman, Mr. William Paca, a late governor of Maryland. Here we must observe, that prior to this, Mr. 50 ©ray ton was by no means one of the General's favourites ; he had taken some unnecessary liber- ties with his character, in a charge which he dcli- rered as chief justice to a grand jury in Charles- town, South Carolina. His temper thus exaspe- rated, he could no longer refrain from emphatical- ly expressing his sense of the injuries he had re- ceived from Mr. Drayton. These were delivered, intermixed with threatening language, to Mr. Hut- bou, his colleague and friend, who communicated the same. A correspondence ensued, so remarka- ble for its poignancy of reply, as may be worth preserving in these memoirs. 6IR, Philadelphia, Feb. 3d, 1779. My colleague, Mr. Hutson, hath this day mentioned to me, a conversation you had with him, in which you expressed yourself as injured by a misrepresentation of your conduct immedi- ately preceding your captivity by the enemy, in a charge I had the honour to deliver, as Chief Jus- tice, to the Grand Jury of Charlestown, South Ca- rolina. I must inform you, Sir, that, on the one hand, I have been repeatedly assured the representation I then made was a true one ; and that, on the other hand, I have also been assured, that it was not founded on fact ; and that, immediately upon this latter assurance in South Carolina, I took that step which was most likely to lead me to a certain- ty on the subject, witli the avowed design, that if I had injured your reputaticjn, I might be enabled to make the most ample reparation ; but I did not receive the necessary materials. Those sentiments of propriety which dictated the first advance on my part then, to acquire them now dictate a like 51 conduct when another opportunity seems to operi itself for my arriving at truth, and to do that jus- tice which the case may requite. And I do assure you, that if I can be enabled to declare, that you did not violate the orders of the commander in chief, respecting your junction withliim, when he had retreated to the Delaware in 1776, I shall not only do so in the most pointed terms, but beg your pardon for having through error and misrepresen- tation, published the contrary. To this purpose I wrote to Major Eustace on the 6th of January 1778, when I was in Charles- town, and had no prospect of coming to this part of the Continent ; and a copy of the correspon- dence between him and myself on the occasion I will lay before you, if you desire to sec it. Those principles of honour which must make you feel an injury, make me feel even an idea of having done an injury, and impels me to make a reparation where it is due. I am sir, Your most obedient Servant, Wm. henry DRAYTON. Major Gen. Lee, SIR, Philadelphia, Feb. 5th, 1779. I SHOULD have done myself the honour of answering your letter yesterday, but was prevented by a variety of business. If I have viola- ted ar.y orders of the commander in chief, to him, and the Congress only, am I responsible ; but certainly am not amenable to the tribunal of Mr. William Henry Drayton. I shall therefore remain entirely indifferent whether you are pleas- ed o think or dream that I designedly threw my- self into the hands of the cntmy, or Avhether I wXs 52 not taken by a concurrence of unfortunate circum- stances such as happen in the course of all wars. The only remark I shall make on your extraordi- nary requisition, that I should clear myself on this point to you simply, Mr. William Henry Dray- ton, whom I consider but as a mere common member of Congress, is, that you pay a very ill compliment to the General. You must suppose him either miserably deficient in understandings or in integrity as a servant of the public, when you suppose that he would suffer a man, for a single day, to act as his second in command, whom he ):nows to be guilty of such abominable military treason. This ingenious supposition, therefore, is,; in ray opinion, a greater affront to the General than to myself. 1 am sincerely concerned that my friend Eustace should have degraded himself so far as to enter into any discussion of this matter with Mr. Wil* liam Henry Drayton ; and I shall reprimand him for not understanding his own dignity better. I shall now only take the trouble of adding, that if you can reconcile your conduct in stepping out of the road, (as I am informed you did in your charge to the grand jury,) to aggravate the calamaties of an unhappy man, who had sacrificed every thing to the cause of your country, and as he then con- ceived, to the rights of mankind ; who had sacri- ficed an ample, at least an easy and independent fortune, the most honorable connections, great mi- litary pretensions, his friends and relations: I say, if you can reconcile your stepping out of the road to airsrravate the calamities of a man who had no- toriously made these sacrifices, and who, at the ve. ry time you was displaying your generous elo- quence, had no less than five centinels on his per- son, and was suffering extremely in body and mind — If you can, I repeat, reconcile such a pro- cedure to common humanity, common sense, or common decency, you must still be a more singu- lar personage than the public at present consider you. I am, Sir Your most obedient, Humble Servant, CHARLES LEK. William Henry Drayton, Esq. Philadelphia, Ftb. Qlh, 1 7 Zfh SIR, At nine o'clock last night, I received yours of the fifth instant, in answer to mine of the third. But, as I have neither time or inclination to enter- into a competition, whether Mr. Charles Lee, or Mr, William Henry Drajton, can raise the most- ingenious supposition, say the keenest thing, and pen the most finished period with parenthesis ; nor ambition to correspond -with you in your sim- ple character of Mr. Charles Lee, whom I cannot consider but as legally disgraced for being guilty of abominable military treason against a commu- nity of the most liberal, just, and generous, and. I must add, merciful people on the face of the globe : I say, perfectly satisfied with my simple character of Mr. William Henry Drayton, "a mere common member of Congress," and " a mere Chief Justice of South Carolina," 1 shah do myseif the honour, out of breath as I am with parentheses, to make only one observation in re- ply, absolutely terminating the correspondence on my part, that I verily believe we equally remain entirely indifferent with respect to what either is ,^', pleased to think or dream." And now, finally B 2 54 taking my leave of Mr. Charles Lee, with coni^ mon decency from rcspect to my simple charac- ter, I subscribe myself, Sir, Your most obedient Servant, Wm. henry DRAYTON. Major Charles Lee. Philadelphia, March 15th, 1779. SIR, As I have now settled all my affairs, and as I am given to understand that you probably may soon set out for South Carolina, I take the liberty of addressing this letter to you, which is to close our correspondence for ever. Until very lately^ I ■was taught to consider you only as a fantastic, pompous dramatis persona, a mere maholio, never to be spoke or thought of but for the sake of laughter ,- and when the humour for laughter sub- sided, never to be spoke or thought of more. But I find I was mistaken ; I find that you are as malignant a scoundrel, as you are universally al- lowed to be a ridiculous and disgusting coxcomb. You are pleased to say, that I am legally dis- graced ; all that I shall say in reply, is, that I am able confidently to pronounce, that every man of rank in the whole army, every man on the Conti- nent, who had read the proceedings of the Court- Martal (perhaps indeed I might except Mr. Penn of North Carolina, and Dr. Scuddcr of the Jer- seys, with a few others about their size in under- standing,) is of the opinion, that the stigma isnots on him on whom the sentence was passed, but on those who passed this absurd, iniquitous, and pre- posterous senteace ; for, to be just, I do not be- lieve you quite blockhead enough to think the :harge hatl a shadow of report v and if, by som^ 55' wonderful metamorphosis, you should become an honest man, you will confess it. As to the confir. mation of this curious sentence, I do not conceive myself at liberty to make any comments on it, as it is an affair of Congress, for which body I ever had, and ought to have, a profound respect. I shall only lament that they are disgraced by so foul a member as Mr. William Henry Drayton. You tell me the Americans are the most merciful peo- ple on the face of the earth : I think so too ; and the strongest instance of it is, that they did not long ago hang up you, and every advocate for the stamp-act ; and do not flatter yourself, that the pre- sent virtuous airs of patriotism you may give your- self, and your hard laboured letters to the Com- missioners and the King, will ever wash away the stain. If you think the terms I make use of harsh or unmerited, my friend Major Edwards is com- missioned to point out your remedy. CHARLES LEE. William Henry Drayton, Esq. This correspondence, which produced nothing but inkshed, being finished, the General retired to his plantation in Berkeley county, Virginia, where, still irritated with the scurrilous attacks he had met with from several writers and others in Philadelphia, he could not forbear giving vent to the bitterness of his feelings ; and in this mis- anthropic disposition, composed a set of queries, which he styled Political and Military. These he sent by one of his aids to the printers of Philadel- phia, for publication ; but they thought it impru- dent to admit them into their papers, as General Washington possessed the hearts and admiration ef every one : he therefore applied t® the editgr 56 of the Maryland Journal at Baltimore, who indul- ged him with their insertion. The queries no soon- er made their appearance, but a considerable dis- turbance took place among the citizens of Balti- more : the printer was called upon for the author, and obliged to give up his name. General Reed, then President of the State of Pennsylvania, con- ceiying himself to be injured, published the sub- sequent piece for his justification. The aspersions which have been thrown on my own character from the press, I have ever despised too mrach to take the least notice of them ; but when a most valuable and amiable character is attacked through me, I think it my duty to remark it, and guard the public from error, even in opinion. In a set of queries, designed to lesson the cha- racter of General Washington, in a late paper, I am alluded to so particularly as not to be mis- taken, and quoted, as having furnished evidences under my own hand, that General Washington Was not the distinguished character the addresses of the Council of this State had represented; from , which an inference is to be drawn prejudicial to the General in point of ability, and the Council in consistency, so far as I had any share in those addresses. This insinuation I therefore think it my duty to contradict ; and though the sanc- tity of private and confidential correspondence has been grossly violated on this occasion I should have passed it by, if the fact had not been as gross- ly mis-stated. The only ground on which this insinuation can be made, arose from the following circumstance : In the fall, 1776, I was extremely anxious that ^ort Washington should be evacuiited: there was- 5Cf a, difference in opinion among those whom tlic General consulted, and he hesitated more than I ever knew him on any other occasion, and more than I thought the public service admitted. Knowing that General Lee's opinion would be a great support to mine, I wrote to him from Hackinsack, stating the case, and my reasons, and I think, urging him to join me in sentiment at the close of my letter ; and, alluding to the particular subject then before me, to the best of my recol- lection, I added this sentence : " With a thousand good and great qualities, there is a wantof deci- sion to complete the perfect military character." Upon this sentence, or one to this effect, wrote in haste, in full confidence, and in great anxiety for the event, is this ungenerous sentiment intro- duced into the world. The event but too fully justified my anxiety ; for the fort was summoned that very day, and surrendered the next. I abso- lutely deny that there is any other groimd but this letter ; and if there is, let it be produced. I have now only to add, that though General Washington, soon after, by an accident, knew of this circumstance, it never lessened the friend- ship which subsisted between us. He had too much greatness of mind to suppose himself inca- pable of mistakes, or to dislike a faithful friend, who should note an error with such circumstances of respect, and on such an occasion. I have since been with this great and good man, Tor such he is, at very critical moments ; and I hope I shall not be suspected of unbecoming adulation, when I assure my countrymen, (so far as my opinion is thought of any consequence), that they may repose themselves in perfect confidence on his prudence and judgment, which are equal to any circumstances j — -and that repeated expcri- 58 eiice of the value of his opinions, have inspired him with more dependence on them than his mo- desty and diffidence would in some cases former- ly admit. Time will shew, whether his enemies will not find themselves disappointed in their at- tempts to shake the public confidence, and lessen a character of so much worth, to gratify private^ violent resentments. JOSEPH REED. Philadelphia, July 14th, 1779. To judge of the propriety of General Reed's performance, it will be necessaiy to refer the rea- der to his letter in page , wdiich is a true copy from the original, in his own hand writing. Lee remained at his retreat, living in a style pe- culiar to himself, in a house more like a barn than a palace. Glass windows and plaistering would have been luxurious extravagance, and his furni- ture consisted of a very few necessary articles ; indeed he was now so rusticated, that he could have lived in a tub with Diogenes : however he had got a few select valuable authors, and these enabled him to pass away his time in this obscuri^ ty. In the fall, 1782, he began to be weary with the sameness of his situation ; and experiencing his unfitness for the management of country bu- siness, he came to a determination to sell his estate and procure a little settlement near some sea-port town, where he might learn what the world was doing, and enjoy the conversation of mankind. His farm, though an excellent tract of land, ra- ther brought him in debt at the end of the year, and added to the difficulties he laboured under. It is no wonder, then, he was inclined to relinquish liis present system of life. He left Berkeley, and 59 ©ame to Baltimore, where he st;r»d near a week vvitli some old friends, and then look his leave for Philadelphia. It is presumed he now founda difference between a General in command^ and oiie destitute of every- thing but the name ; for we do not find him enter- tained at the house of any private citizen. He took lodgings at an inn, the sign of the Conesto- ga waggon, in Market- street. After being three or four days in the city, he was taken ^vith a shiv- ering, the forerunner of a fever, which put a period to his existence, October 2d, 1782. A friend of the Editor's was at the inn when he took his departure from this world. The servants informed him that General Lee was dying ; upon which he went into the room ; he was then strug- gling with the king of terrors, and seemed to have lost his senses ; the last words he heard him speak were, ''Stand by me, my brave grenadiers 1" The citizens of Philadelphia, calling to remem- brance his former services, appeared to be much affected at his death. His funeral was attended with a very large concourse of people, the clergy of different denominations, his excellency the pre- sident of Congress, the president, and some mem- bers of the council of the commonwealth of Penn- sylvania, his excellency the minister plenipoten- tiary of France, M. Marbois secretary to the em- bassy, the minister of finance, General baron de Viominil, duke de Lausam, the minister of war, and several other officers of distinction both in the J'rench and American army. From what hath been observed in these me- moirs, we may with justice afiirm, that General Lee was a great and sincere friend to the rights and liberties of mankind, and that it was this grand principle which led him to take part on the side of 60 America. It appears, that, from his youth, he was bred up with the highest regcrd for the noble sen- timents of ireedom ; his education and reading strengthened them ; the historians and orators of Greece and Rome, with whomhew^as considerably conversant, added to the sacred flame ; and his tra- vels in many parts of the world did not tend t6 diminish it. When a boy, he was sent to an academy in Switzerland, and he has frequently said to his friends, that he was there struck with the general happiness, affluence and ease diffused throughout that country, notwithstanding its natural disadvan- tages of soil and climate. In one of his letters, he expresses himself in this manner : *' When I Avas quite young in Switzerland, I could not help comparing the robust well clothed commonalty of this country, with their miserable neighbours of France, a spot upon which nature seems to have taken pains to confer her favours. To France, na- ture has given the most fruitful soil, which produ- ceth not only every necessary, but every luxury of life. She has given to its people a lively, active, en- terprising genius, a climate upon the whole the best of the world — To the Swiss, she bequeathed rocks, mountains, and, as it is thought, very infe- rior mental faculties ; and yet the Swiss are rich, happy and respectable ; the French starving and contemptible. In Italy, the contrast betwixt the free, and those who are not free, is still more re- markable ; I know very well, that the republics of Genoa and Venice are not in general allowed to be free states. Monsieur Montesquieu has demon- strated that thev are not free ; but there is un- doubtedly some excellence in them, which has escaped this wise man — shall I beg leave to hazard a conjecture ? They have no king : Thev have n© frourt." 61 The General had read both men and books ; his reading and travels were extensive, and of course his manners easy and free of embarrassment ; so that he was frequently accustomed to deliver his sentiments and feelings without disguise, from the first impressions, according to the nature of the objects which presented. This liberality of conduct, and openness of dis- position, in a youngcountry, caused many to doubt of his belief in revealed religion ; the common people, at last, considered him as an atheist ; while those of a higher class were more indulgent to his principles. If we were to form a judgment on this subject, from his private correspondence, we should not accuse him as totally destitute of reli- gious notions, for it appears that he entertained some grand and sublime ideas of tlie Supreme Being, and was strongly persuaded that no society could exist without religion. He has often asserted, that he thought the Chris- tian religion, unincumbered of its sophistications, the most excellent, as comprehending the most di- vine system of ethics, consequently of a divine na- ture ; but at the same time he disapproved of the length and tediousness of the liturgies of the va- rious sects. As to the dogmas, he considered many of them absurd, if not impious, and dero- gatory to the honour, dignity and wisdom of the Godhead, or omniscient ruler and moderator of the infinity of worlds that surround us. The General, in his person, was of a genteel make, and rather above the middle size ; his re- markable aquiline nose rendered his face somewhat disagreeable. He was master of a most genteel address ; but, in the latter part of his life, became excessively negligent of the graces, both in his garb and behaviour. A talent for repartee, uni- F 62 ted with a quickness of penetration, created him many enemies. A character so eccentric an~d singular, could not fail of attracting the popular attention. His small friends frequently passed se- vere criticisms on his words and actions. Narrow- ly watched, every little slip or failure was noticed, and represented to his disadvantage. The objec- tions to his moral conduct were numerous, and his great fondness for dogs brought on him the dis- like and frowns of the fair sex : for the Genera! would permit his canine adherents to follow him to the parlour, the bed-room, and sometimes they might be seen on a chair next his elbow at table. As the ladies are commonly against any trans- gression of the laws of decency and cleanliness, it is no wonder a shyness commenced between them, and the General. This hath given some persons an idea of his being averse to women, which in reality was not the case ; for his life and posthumous pa- pers will furnish several examples of his early at- tachment to them ; and a letter to him, from a Bri- tish oflicer in Montreal, in 1774, convinces the Editor of his having been susceptible of the same feelings with other men, and of his having fre- quently indulged himself in gallantry with the la- dies. "During the winter," says this officer, who was the General's intimate friend, *' I took atrip to Quebec, where I passed several agreeable days with your queen. I delivered your compliments to her, and she enquired particularly about you, desiring me to return them most sincerely when- ever I wrote — She is the same amiable creature, whose disposition neither climate nor country can alter, and as strongly attached to you as ever." And his letter from Warsaw to Louisa, demon- strates the siime fact. There is great probability the General was the first person who suggested tlie idea that Ameriai ought to declare herself independent. When he was sent by the commander in chief to New- York, he behaved with such activity and spirit, infusing the same into the minds of his troops and the people, that Mr. John Adams said, " a happier expedition never was projected; and that the whole Whig world were blessing him for it." About this time Doctor Franklin gave Mr. Thomas Paine, the celebrated author of Common Sense, an introduc- tory letter to him, in which were these words : ^' The bearer, Mr. Paine, has requested a line of introduction to you, which I give the more willing- ly, as I know his sentiments are not very different from yours. " A few days after, the Doctor writes again, " There is a kind of suspense in men*s minds here at present, waiting to see what terms will be offered from England — I expect none that we can accept ; and when that is generally seen^ we shall be more unanimous and more decisive. Then your proposed solemn league and covenant will go better down, and perhaps most of yonr other strong measures adopted." In a letter to Edward Rutlege, Esq. in the spring of 1776, thei^ a member of the Continental Congress, the Gene- ral thus expresses himself. " As your affairs pros- per, the timidity of the senatorial part of the con-- tinent, great and small, grows and extends itself. By the Eternal G — d, unless you declare your- selves independent y establish a more certain and fixed legislature than that of a temporary courte- sy of the people, you richly deserve to be ensla- ved, and I think far from impossible that it should be your lot ; as, without a more systematic inter- course with France and Holland, we cannot, we have not the means of carrying on the war." There are other epistles of his, of a similar spirit and diction. The more we investigate the GeneraPs charac- ter and conduct, the more conspicuous his services will appear. In the infancy of the American dis- pute, we all find him continually suggesting and forwarding plans for the defence of the country ; and though he was a professed enemy to a standing army, he was always recommending a well regula- ted militia. This he considered as the natural strength of a country, and absolutely necessary for its safety and preservation. He has frequently asserted, that a more perni- eioub idea could not enter into the heads of the ci- tizens, than that rigid discipline, and a strict sub- jecfion to military rules, were incompatible with civil liberty ; and he was of opinion, that when the ^bulk of a community would not submit to the or- dinances necessary for the preservation of milita- ry discipline, their liberty could not be of long continuance. The libert}'^ of every commonwealth must be protected ultimately by military force. Military tbrce depends upon order and discipline : without order and discipline, the greatest number of armed men are only a contemptible mob ; a handful of regulars must disperse them. It follows then, that the citizens at large must submit to the means of becoming soldiers, or that they must commit the protection of their lives and property to a distinct body of men, who will naturally, in a short time, set up a professional interest, separate from the community at large. To this cause we may attri- bute the subversion of every free State that histo-. ry presents to us. The Romans were certainly the first and most glorious people that have figur- ed on the face of the globe ; they continued free longest. Every citizen was a soldier, and a sol- dier not in name, but in fact ; by which is meant, 65 tliat they were the most rigid observers of mili- tary institutions. The General therefore thought it expedient that every State in America should be extremely careful to perfect the laws relative to their militia ; and that, where they were glaring- ly defective, they should be made more efficient ; and that it should be established as a point of hon- our, and the criterion of a virtuous citizen, to pay the greatest deference to the common necessary laws of a camp. The most difficult task the Editor met with in collecting and arranging these Posthumous Pa- pers, arose from his desire of not giving offence to such characters as had been the object of the Ge- neraPs aversion and resentment. Unhappily his disappointments had soured his temper : the affair of Monmoutli, several pieces of scurrility from the press, and numerous instances of private slan- der and defamation, so far got the better of his philosophy, as to provoke him in the highest dcv. gree, and he became, as it were, angry with all mankind. To this exasperated disposition we may impute the origin of his political queries, and a number of satirical hints thrown out both in his conversa- tion and writing, against the Commander in Chief. Humanity will draw a veil over the involuntary errors of sensibility, and pardon the sallies of a suffering mind, as its presages did not meet with an accomplishment. General Washington, by his retirement, demonstrated to the world, that power was not his object ; that America had noth- ing to fear from his ambition ; but that she was honoured with a specimen of such exalted patri- otism as could not fail to attract the attention and admiration of the most distant nations. The reader will not wonder that General Lee, r 2 66 disappointed in his career of glory, should be con- tinually inculcating an idea of the extreme danger of trusting too much to the wisdom of owe, for the safety of the whole ; that he should consider it as repugnant to the principles of freedom and republicanism, to continue for years, one man as commander in chief; that there should be a rota- tion of office, military as well as civil ; and though the commander of an army possessed all the vir- tues of Cato, and the talents of Julius Caesar, it could not alter the nature of the thing ; since, by habituating the people to look up to one man, all true republican spirit became enervated, and a vi- sible propensity to monarchical government was created and fostered ; that there was a charm in the long possession of high office, and in the pomp and influence that attended it, which might cor- rupt the best dispositions. Indeed it was the opinion of Marcus Aurelius, whose virtues not only honoured the throne, but human nature, that to have the power of doing much, and to confine that power to doing good, %vas a prodigy in nature. Such sentiments of this divine prince, who was not only trained up in the schools of austere philosophy, but whose elevated situation rendered him the most able judge of the difficulty there is in not abusing extensive power, when we have it in our hands, furnish sul^stantial arguments for not entrusting it to any mortal what- soever. But while we are convinced of the just- ness of these sentiments, we are led the more to respect and reverence our most disinterested Com- mander in Chief, who stands conspicuous, with unrivalled glory, superior to the fascinations which have overthrown many a great and noble mind. The Editor conceives his present labours, in the compilation of this work, will be useful, and throw 57 some light on the history of the late revolution — a monument of the arduous struggle, exhibiting a faithful and valuable collection of military and political correspondence. EDWARD LANGWORTHY. Bcdtim&re, March 10th, 1787. MISCELLANEOUS PIECES;, FROM THE PAPERS OF THE LATE MAJOR GrENEBAlL LEJE. ss SKETCH OF A PL.I^" FOR THK FORMATION OF A MILITARY COLONY. .1 WILL suppose the number to consist of ten thousand men, with their full proportion of officers of different ranks, and children. There shall be no distinction made in the distribution of lands, betwixt the general officers and colonels ; but as it appears that there should, for the sake of order, be some diffifrence of property in the dif- ferent classes of men, I would propose the follow- ing plan of distribution. — When the capital is once fixed, immediately round it by lot — Every colonel to have two thousand five hundred acres ; every lieutenant colonel two thousand ; major fif- teen hundred ; captain one thousand ; lieutenants and ensigns seven hundred each : each serjeant three hundred ; every rank and file two hundred. Another circle dra^vn round it containing the same number of acres, shall be in common, for the use of the whole community ; where cattle shall have the liberty of ranging beyond this circle. Anoth- er shall be drawn, of an equal number of acres, with the same proportion of acres, for every mem- ber of the community. So that every colonel will, in fact, be master of five thousand acres, eve- ry lieutenant-colonel of four, every major of three, every captain of two thousand, and every rank and file of four hundred ; one half within the capital precinct, and the other half in what I call the pom cerium of the State : the intermediate 7^ shall be allotted to the rearing of horses for the public strvioe, and cattle, to form magazines for war. The lots in the pomoerinm are intended for the children of the Stute, when rhey are of an age to settle and marry. As the colony is military, (as every colony ought to be, if they intend to be free,) a constant exercised militia shall be kept up, but by ounual rot tion : for which purpose, the fifth part of the men tit to bear arms, from seven* teen to forty. five, shall be embodied for two months of the year, their manoeuvres as simple as can be devised : but no sui)st tutes are to be al- lowed, on any pretence, but absolute infirmity ; and even those who are not embodied, shall, in their certain districts, be obliged to assemble eve- ry week, practise some simple evolutions, such as marching in front, retreating and rallying by their colours and all firing at marks. A standing small body of horse, and of artillery, shall be constantly kept up at the public ex pence, as these species of troops are not to be formed in an instant. An agrarian law shall be passed, and rigidly observed, restraining absolutely every member of the community from possessing more than five thousand acres of land, not only within tht precincts of the community, but anywhere else. No member of the community, unless he comes into the world deformed, or too weak to undergo the munly labours, shall be suffered to exercise sedentary trades, such as taylors, barbers, shoe- makers, weavers, &c. &.C. These effeminate and vile occupations shall be allotted to women, to the weak, deformed, and to slaves. Agriculture, hunting, and war, to be the only professions of the men ; to which may be added, the trade of smiths, carpenters, and those which do not emasculate. 77 led with robbers and assassins. Every where, for a series of years previous to the government of this excellent prince, were seen gallows, wheels and tortures of every kind ; and the robberies and murders were not at all less frequent. He had read and admired the Marquis of Beccaria, and determined to try the effects of his plan. He put a stop to all capital punishments, even for tlie greatest crimes; and the consequences have con- vinced the world of its wholesomeness. The galleys, slavery for a certain term of years, or for life, in proportion to the crime, have accomplish- ed what an army of hangmen, with their hooks, wheels and gibbets, could not. In short, Tusca- ny, from being a theatre of the greatest crimes and villanies of every species, is become the safest and best ordered State of Europe. It is a known fact, that since the adoption of this plan, there have been but two murders com- mitted : one by a little boy of eleven years old, in a stroke of passion ; and the other, not by a na- tive Italian subject, but by an Irish officer. But if we had not this example, and that of the Em- press Elizabeth, (who adopted the same plan, which had the same good effect) before our eyes, the inculcating an idea in a military people that death is the most terrible of all punishments, is certainly the most absurd of solecisms. Nothing great can be expected from a community which is taught to consider it as such. On the contra- ry, death ought, as far as human nature will admit, to be made a matter of indifference ; or, if pos- sible, (and I think it very possible, ) of comfort. I have often laughed at the glaring contradic- tion in the proceedings, in this article, in the Brit- ish armies, and others, in which I have served. I have seen two or three wretches who had the mis- € 2 78 fortune to be detected marauding, or attempting to desert, taken out with awful form, encircled by a multitude who had been guilty of, or had intend- ed to have committed the same crimes, but hap- pily had not been discovered ; the chaplain, in his canonicals, telling them how dreadful a thing it was for their souls to be divorced from their bod- ies, and to be urged on to the tribunal of their Maker, with these horrid sins on their heads. A few hours afterwards, some desperate expedition ordered to be executed by the very men who had been present at the execution, who had commit- ted, or had intended to commit, the very same horrid crimes : and the officer appointed to com- mand the expedition, as usual, harrangues the sol- diers ; assures them that death is not a serious af- fair ; that, as all men must sooner or later die, it is of little moment when it happens. Thus it may be said, we blow hot and cold with the same breath. I am therefore absolutely and totally against capital punishments, at least in our milita- ry community. Let the loss of liberty, and igno- miny, be inculcated as the extreme of all punish- ments : common culprits therefore are, in propor- tion to the degree of their delinquency, to be con- demned to slavery, for a longer or shorter term of years ; to public works, such as repairing high ways, and public buildings, with some ignomini- ous distinction of habit, denoting their condition. As to those who have been guilty of crimes of a very deep dye, such as wanton murder, perjury, and the like, let them be mutilated, their ears cut off, their faces stamped with the marks of iiifamy, and whipped out of the State. I pass now to trade. — The persuasion that ex- tensive trade is the source of riches, strength, hap- piness and glory, is perhaps ont of the greatest 7^ mistakes and misfortunes which modern societies labour under. Without doiibt certain cities, both of antiquity and the present world, from their pe- culiar situation and circumstances, owed their ex- istence entirely to their commerce ; such as Tyre, Venice, and Holland : but I cannot conceive how a community of soldiers and agricultors, who have lands enough to cultivate, not only for their own subsistence, but in a great measure for others, should have occasion for what is called great and extensive commerce. I think, on the contrary that it must emasculate the body, narrow the mind, and in fact corrupt every true republican and man- ly principle ; nay, I think it must destroy all sen- sibility for real pleasure and happiness. Let any man of taste or sensibility associate only for a few months with commercial men, or reside in a com- mercial city, he will iind their conversation dull, languid, and stupid ; their pleasures confined to gross eating and drinking ; their only idea of mirth, to the roaring of some vile hoarse singer : and of wit, to the story-teller of the club, or some wretch- ed punster, who lives on catches and crotchets* True music, elevating poetry, liberal history, and all polite literature ; a competent acquaintance with these, is necessary for those who have any share of the legislature : I mean those who are immediately entrusted with the executive or judi- cial powers. It is absolutely requisite to qualify iivery man of a liberal community for social con- versation. But although I object to professional merchants being permitted to reside in our govern- ment, it is certain that some degree of commerce or barter must be carried on, or agriculture and- hunting stand still, and of course idleness and all its attendant evils ensue. I would therefore propose, that on tlie frontiers 80 of tlie State, at least once in the year, a great fair should be established, to which merchants and ped- lars of all sorts and nations should be encouraged to resort. This fair to continue three weeks or a month. AN ESSAY ON THE COUP D'CEIL. J.T is the general opinion, that the coup d^ceildoti> not depend upon ourselves ; that it is a present of Nature ; that practice will not give it to us ; in 3 word, that we must bring it into the world with us, without which, the most piercing eyes see noth- ing, and we must grope about in utter darkness. This is a mistake : we have all the coup d^ceil'in proportion to the degree of understanding which it has pleased Providence to give to us. It is de- rived from both ; but what is acquired, refines and perfects the natural, and experience insures it to us. It is manifest from the actions and con- duct of Amilcar, that he had it to a great and fine degree ; for he possessed all the qualities requi- site for it, and in the greatest point of perfection that perhaps ever any general carried them ; as may be remarked in the war of Er) ce, and that of the rebels of Africa. Before I enter into the explication of the me- thod that should be pursued to acquire this talent, falsely thought to be a gift of Nature, it is neces- sary to define it. — The military coup d^osil, then^ is nothing else than the art of knowing the nature and different situations of the country where we make and intend to carry the war ; the advantages I r 81 and disadvantages of the camp and posts that we mean to occupy ; as likewise those which may be favourable or disadvantageous to the enemy. By the position of our army, and the consequences drawn from it, we may not only form with preci- sion our designs for the present, but judge of those we may afterwards have. It is alone by this know- ledge of the country into which we carry the war, that a great Captain can foresee the events of the whole campaign, and, if it may be so expressed, render himself master of them; because, judg- ing from what he himself has done, of what the enemy must necessarily do, forced as they are, by the nature of the places, to regulate their move- ments to oppose his designs, he conducts them from post t© post, from camp to camp, to the very point he has proposed to himself to insure victory. Such, in a few words, is the military coup d^oeily without which it is impossible that a^ General should avoid falling into a number of faults of the greatest consequence. In a word, there are little hopes of victory if we are destitute of what is called the coup cfoeiloi war; and as the military science is of the same nature with all others that require practice to possess them in all the different parts that compose them, this which I treat of, is, of all others, that which requires the greatest prac- tice. Philopcemen, one of ihc gi-catest Captains that Greece produced, and whom an illustrious Roman has called the last of the Grecians, had the coup d^oeil, in an admirable degree ; but we ought not to consider it as a «:iftof Nature, but as the fruit of study, application, and his extreme passion for war. Plutarch informs us of the method he used to en- able* himself to see with his own eyes, rather than those of other people, when he was at the head of armies. The passage deserves to be quoted. 8S *' He willingly listened/' says the Greek author, "to the discourses, and read the treatises of the philosophers ; not all, but only those which could nid him in his pursuit of virtue ; and of all the great ideas of Homer, he sou8:ht for, and retained those alone which could whet his courage, and ani^ mate him towards great actions : and of all other lectures, he preferred the treatises of Evangelus, called the Tactics, that is, the art of ranging troops in order of batde ; and the histories of the life of Alexander ; for he thought that language was of no further use than its reference to action, and that the only end of reading was to learn how to con- duct ourselves ; unless we chuse to read merely to pass the time, or to furnish ourselves with the means of keeping up idle and fruitless chat. When he had read the precepts and rules of the tactics, he did not trouble his head about seeing the demonstration of them by plans on paper, but made the application of them in the very scenes of action, and in open field ; for, in his marches, he accurately observed the eminences and low pla- ces, the breaks and irregularities of the ground, and all the forms and figures which battalions and squadrons are obliged to take in consequence of rivulets, ravines, and defiles, which force them to close or extend themselves. In general, it appears, that Philopoemcn had a very strong passion for arms ; that he emhraccd war as a profession that gave greater play to his virtues ; in a word, he de- spised all those as idle and useless members of the community, who did not apply themselves to it." These, in abridgement, are the most excellent precepts that can be given to a prince, the general of an army, and every officer who wishes to arrive at the highest degrees of military rank. This is the only method ; and, as the translator has very •83 judiciously observed, renders the putting the pre- cepts into practice, on occnsion, more easy than by studying the plans on paper. Plutarch accuses, and even severely censures Philopcsmen for having carried his passion for arms beyond the bounds of moderation. Mons. Dacier docs not fail to chime in with him ; but, both the one and the other, without well knowing what they say, have passed an unfair judgment on this great Captain ; as if the science of war was not immense, and did not comprehend all others in its vortex ; and as if, to acquire a perfect knowledge of it, a long and labo- rious application was not necessary. Plutarch was no soldier ; his translator less so : it escaped both the one and the other, that Philopoemen was as learned as the greatest part of the Grecian ge- nerals, and that he applied himself to the study of philosophy and history, so necessary for military men. Why, then, be offended that a man should apply and give himself entirely up to the study of the sciences which have a relation to his profession? That of arms is not only most noble, but the most extensive and profound ; consequently it demands the greatest application. What this great Captain did to acquire the coup d'oeti, is extremely neces- sary and important for the command of armies on which depend the glory and safety of the State. There is no doubt but that tactics, or the art of ranging armies in the order of battle, of encamp- ing and tit^hting them, is a most royal attaiinnent. What could be the reason that Hannibal ranked Pyrrhus king of the Epirots, before Scipio, and immediately after Alexander, although the hthr was certainly the ablest man ? It was, doubtless, because the first cxrrllcd all mankind in this great part of wjr, although Scipio did not yield to him in this point, as he made appear at the battle Lama, Hannibal was less practised in this branch tlian the two others. Philopoemen saw that the study of tactics, and the treatises of Evangelus, were of no use to him, unless he joined to them the coup doeil, so necessary to the general of an army. His method always pleased me, and it is what I have ever practised in my journeys, and in the camp ; for we ought not to wait ibr the opportunity of war to acquire the coup cPoeil, but it may be learnt and obtained by iht excicise ol hunting. To I ttain this scienrc, many things are necessa- ry. ScvTre applic. tior. to our pr(;fession is the basis; then a certain method is to be adopted: Although that of this Grecian Captain is good, I think I have in-'p;oved upon it, or at least disco- vered that which the Grt ek author has omitted to teach us more particulaily. We are not always at war, nor is it to be supposed that we can render ourselves able by experience alone, on which in- deed the capacity of the greater part of military men in these ages is founded : it serves to perfect us, but is scarcely of any use unless the study of the principles accompany it; because, war being a science, it is impossible to make any pro- gress without beginning with the study of the principles. Two ages of perpetual war would scarcely suffice to furnish lights for our conduct: from the experience of facts, this ought to be left to souls of an ordinary stamp, and more compendious methods be provided for great Cap- tains to mount to the summit of glory, without being indebted for it to the capacity of others, v^l^j^ich is not always to be met with. It is, then, necessary to study war before we engage in it, and to apply ourselves incessantly after we are engaged in it. I have before said, that we are not always at war ; and I may add, that armies 85 .•ire noi always dra\^n together in a body, or in motion. They are for six months at least quiet in winter quarters ; and six months are not suf- ficient to form the coup (TkU of war. It is true, that a great deal more is to be learnt in marches, in forages, and in the different camps and posts which armies occupy : the ideas become more clear and capable to judge of, and reflect on, the country we see ; but this does not prevent us from making use of it, by the assistance of good sense, on other occasions than when in armies ; or form refining our judgment and eye, either by hunting, or on our journeys :— this I can speak of fro.n experience. Nothing contributes more to form the coiip (Vmly then the exercise of hunting : for, besides giving us a thorough knowledge of the country, and of the different situations, which are infinite, and never the same, it teaches us a thousand stra- tagems and other things relative to ^var. But the principle is the knowledge of the objects that form the coup d^ceii, without our being sensible of it ; and if we practise it with this intention, we may, whh the addition of a very few refiections, acquire the greatest and most important quali- fication of a gener al of an army. The great Cyrus, in giving himself entirely up to hunting, in his younger years, had the pleasu.e of it less in view than the design of qu.Jifyipg himself ibr war and the command of armies. Xenophon, who wrote his liie, does not leave us in the least doubt on this head. He says, thnt this great man, on his preparing for war with the king of Armenia, reasoned upon this expedition as if the question had been of a party of hunt- ing in a mountainous country. He explained him- self thus to Chrysantes, one of his general ofiicers, H 86 whom he had detached into the roughest parts and the most difficult valHes, in order to gain the entrances and issues, and to cut off all retreat to the enemy. " Imagine," says he, " that it is a chace we are engaged in, and that it is allotted to ihee to watch at the toils, whilst I beat the country. Above all, remember not to begin the chace be- fore all the passages are occupied, and that those who are placed in ambuscade be not seen, lest they should frighten the game. Take care liot to en- gage thyself too far in the woods, from whence thou mightest find it difficult to extricate thyself; and command your gaides, unless they could in deed shorten the distances, to conduct you by the best roads, which, with respect to armies, are al- ways the shortest." Whether or not Xenophon, in his history of Cyrus, has run into romance in order to give us an abridgm.ent of the military science treated histo- rically, is a matter of no great importance, pro- vided that all it contains relative to this science be just and solid. His intention is to convince us that hunting leads us to the knowledge of many things necessary to be known — that it is a becom- ing amusement, and extremely necessary to those who are either born to command or to obey ; be- cause it enures us to bear the fatigues of war, strengthens the constitution, and forms the coup d^oeil; for an exact knowledge of a certain ex- tent of country, facilitates that of others, if he' but sees it in the slightest manner. It is impossible, although they are widely different, that there should uo be some conformity betwixt them ; and the perfect knowledge of one (says Machiavel in his political discourses) leads to that of another. On ihc contrary, tho^e who are not trained in this practice, have the greatest difficulty to acquire it ; 87 whilst the others, by a single glance of the eye, can ascertain the extent of a plain, the height of a mountain, the depth, breadth, and termination of a valley, and all the circumstances of the nature of the different grounds to which they are accus- tomed by habit and experience. I do not believe that any other author, than this I have quoted, has treated of this matter. The remainder is excellent : I shall beg leave to transcribe it. '* Nothing is more true," continues he, " than whit I here advance, if we may give credit to Titus Liviuf-', and the example he presents to our eyes in the person of Publius Dccius, uho v/as Tribune in the Roman army, commanded by tlie Consul Cornelius, againstthe Samnites. It happened that this General suffered himself to be pushed into a valley, where the enemy might have pent him up. In this extremity, Decius says to the Consul, ' Don't you perceive yonder eminence, which com- mands the enemy ? This is the post that alone can extricate us, if we do not lose a single mo- ment in making ourselves master of it, as the Samnites have been so blind as to abandon it.' But before Decius addressed himself in this man- ner to the Consul, he had discovered through the wood, a hill which commanded the camp of the enemy ; that it was steep, and of pretty difficult access for heavy armed troops, but practicable enough to the light infantry. That the Consul ordered the Tribune to take possession of it -svith three thousand men that he had consigned to him ; which having happily executed, the whole army retreated in order to put themselves in a place of safety. That he ordered some few of his people to follow, whilst there was yet some remains of day-light, in order to discover the pas- ses guarded by the enemy, and those by which v. 88 retreat might be made ; and he went to reconnoi- tre, dissruised in the habit of a common soldier, that the Sdmnites might not perceive that it was a general officer who was on the scout ." *' If we reflect," continues Machiavel, " upon what Titus Livius here says, we shall see how necessary it is for a good General to be able to judge of ihe nature of a country ; for if Decius had not possessed this talent, he would not have known how advantageous the possession of this hill must have been to the Romans ; and he would have been incapable of discovering at a distance, whether it was of easy or difficult access. When, afterwards, he had made himself master of it, and when the point was to rejoin the Con- sul, he would not have been able, at a distance, to discover which posts were guarded by the ene- my, and those by which a retreat was practicable. Decius, therefore, must certainly have been very intelligent in these sort of matters ; for otherwise he could not have saved the Roman army by pos- sessing himself of this hill, and afterwards extrica- ted himself from the enemy, who had surrounded him." There are very few military men who arc ca- pable of drawing, from an historical fact, such observations as these I have cited from Machiavel; the most consummate master in the profession could do no more. I am not at all surprized at it ; a profound and well-digested study of history ne- cessarily leads us to the knowledge of an infinity of things, which enables us to judge soundly and solidly of all. The study of politics, of which his- tory is the basis, is a powerful means of perfecting our understanding and judgment. The political and military discourses of this au- thor, on the Decades of Livy, are an immortal 89 work. I think them worthy the curiosity of all mihtary men — of bein£>j attentively read and well digested. His life of Castrucciom, one of the greatest Captains of his age, thouG,h not very much known, is not less admirable. It is every where ornamented with curious and very instructive facts; and filled with military reflections and observa- tions which few people are capable of making. So happy a turn had this man for the profession of arms, (excepting his book on the article of war, which does not do him a great deal of honour, al- though it is pillaged from Vegetius,) he is admir- able in all. He lived at a time when Italy was so agitated with trouble intestine and foreign wars, that we must not be surprised if a man of sense and judgment, and learned besides, was equal to so noble a performance ; because, as he was on the scene of action, he had the means of obtaining the most excellent materials, and of conversing with officers who had served in these wars. A PICTURE COUNTESS OF A HE Countess has, what we see seldom united in the same woman, vivacity and tenderness, dig- nity of person and feminine softness. She is tali and exquisitely shaped. She is of an amiable and commanding aspect. Her eyes are of the lan- guishing English blue, but of the Grecian large- ness and contour. Her forehead is of a polish and formation not to be matched. Her lips arc full and ripe, from which issues a breath which would create desires in age and coldness. Her neck is of such a colour and symmetry as to make h2 90 us curse iwvidious custom for preventing us ga- zing on the whole of so admirable apiece of work- manship. Her skin is of a smoothness that the slightest contact of it thrills through every pore^ and beats alarm to a thousand wishes. Her per- son is rather ample ; but we could not consent to its diminution, lest some grace or beauty should be lost. No man has seen her laugh ; but she smiles frequently. Her smiles seem rather to be the re- sult of an inclination to make those about her cheerful and happy, than of any inherent gaiety of disposition in herself. She has, at times, a dash of melancholy in her countenance, which is more becoming than her smiles. These short symptoms of melancholy I should attribute to her vacancy of heart, to her want of some one object upon which she may fix her affections ; a necessity which Nature has imposed upon Woman for a wise purpose — the perpetuation of the human race. She has faults ; but her faults seem to be ac- quired — her virtues a native inheritance. She is so general, that it almost amounts to coquetry. She makes too little distinction betwixt the men . of merit and sense, and the foolish and undeserv- ing. She can cruelly suffer the sincere re- spectful lover to languish without a glimmer of hope, and give encouragement to the assured, in- different coxcomb, who would boast of favours which she is, perhaps, determined to confer ori no man. She has the appearance of being so satisfied with these reptiles, that you would suspect her understanding, did not every sentence which she utters correct this mistake. She may be accu- sed in this, of ingratitude towards her benefactress Nature, who bestowed on her such uncommon ta« 91 ients, not to be hebetated by the galimatias of fools, but, by a proper application of her time, to be per- fected into mental endowments proportionable to her personal charms. She acts wisely in bcinjj cautious of a second marriage, as the great for- tune which she is possessed of, must render it diffi- cult for her to distinguish who courts her riches, who herself. But the man who shall be happy enough to obtain her, will do well to hurry his prize to some retreat from the great world, as the facili- ty which I complain of might create him UiUch un- easiness ; for it is an eternal truth, that great love, and some degree of jealousy are inseparable. There thou mightest, O envied mortal ! enjoy perpetual happiness ; if candour, frankness, good nature, understanding and beauty could make thee happy. AN ACCOUNT OF A CONVERSATION, CHIEFLY RELATIVE TO THE ARMY. ^OME time ago, I made one of a company of officers, whose conversation was not confined, as is too much the custom of gentlemen of our pro- fession, to buckles-, buttons, garters, grenadier caps, or, what is little better, the figure that such or such a regi?nent made in their puerile reviews for the amusement of royal masters and misses, great and small, in Hyde Park, or o?i Wirnbleton Common > our discourse fell upon the history of England, and the respective merits of the different historians. A young subaltern, who seemed to have great fire and sentiment, and with more reading than young subalterns are generally masters of, was ex- tremely bitter on Mr Hume : he loaded him with a thousand opprobriums ; he styled him a sophist, 92 a Jesuit, a theislical champion of despotism, who had dethroned the God of Heaven, and deified the sceptered monsters of the earth. The young man was taken up by a grey-headed field-officer, who was so warm a partizan of Mr. Hume's, that he leaned not only towards absolute (or in his favour- ite author's terms) pure unmixed monarchy, but visibly towards jacobitism. He spoke of Charles the First with an idolatrous reverence, and of all his opponents with the greatest horror and indig- nation : this led him to a great deal of abuse on Mrs. M'Cawley ; he lamented that a composition of this nature was suffered to be published, which must instil the most damnable republican princi- ples into the minds of our youth ; that it already had diminished that respect to royalty so neces- sary to be kept up ; and that the young gentle- man who spoke last had furnished us with an in- stance, that the army had not escaped the conta- gion — a most alarming consideration ! as their disrespect to crowned heads was not manifested alone by opinions injurious to the royal martyr, but that several of them had frequently in their conversations declared their disapprobation of some parts of the present reign ; that such senti- ments, and such language, were not only repug- nant to the spirit of ourmilitarylaws, but indecent and ungrateful in those who eathisMajesty'^ shrcad. This he uttered with so much emphasis, that the greatest part of the company was terrified into si- lence ; and the young subaltern began to think he had been guilty in some measure of treason, and I believe would have prevaricated himself into other sentiments than those he had professed, had I not taken up his cause, justified all he had ad- vanced, and encouraged him to foster the noble principles he bad imbibed. I demanded of our 93 veteran to explain his meaning in sayins^ that rue eat bis Majesty''s bread ; whence h;.d his M j'^sty drawn tunas to feed so many mouths? Were cof- fers of gold transported from his personal estates in Germany ? or, had be discovered in his gardens at Kew, treasures sufficient for such prfHrligious munificence ? Were the officers of the army for- lorn and starving in the streets, without patrimo- ny, relations and friends ; cut off by their coun- try, from all means of supporting themselves ; in a word, precluded from all the possibilities, presented to other members of society, of procu- ring a livelihood? Had his Majesty found the whole body of us in this wretched desperate situation, and out of the vast benevolence of his soul, and at his own individual expence, without the least incumbr?- ce to the nation, redeemed us from hunger and nakedness, fed us comfortably, clothed us in smar^ ed coats, put swords by our sides, and erected u.s into the condition of gentle- men ? I said, if these things could be proved, but on no other terms, I would agree with the gentle- man who spoke lai.% that %ve really did eat the king^s bread, and that v/e were perliaps in duty bound to approve all his measures, and all those of his ministers, whether right or wrong, glorious or inglorious, stJutary or pernicious. — But, on the other hand, if we considered ourselves, as we re- ally were, only as a class of one great free people, segregated from the rest into this distinct class, and subjected to particular laws necessary for the maintenance of military order and discipline, with- out which we could not answer the ends of our institution, that is, the im?nediate defence of our mother country against foreign invaders, and the preservation of our colonies and external posses- sions-, the great basis and support of our ''-ommerrf.^ 94 eaithy and marine ^consequently our national im- portance and independance : I said the King might be considered, partly in the same predicament with the officers of the army, or the fleet, viz. a great servafit of the community^ or mass of the people^ ordained and subsisted for the public service ; with this difference, that each individual of the army, or fleet, contributed as a citizen, and one of the people, to his subsistence, as a soldier, or servant of the great aggregate, of which he himself, in another sense, formeda part; whereas the king was simply a receiver ; in no respect a contributer ; so that it might in fact be said with more propriety, that the king eat the officer of the army's bread, than that the officers of the army eat the king's. I confessed that his Majesty, as one branch of the legislature, and executive magistrate, was entitled to a very high degree of reverence from soldiers as well as other citizens, as long as he fulfilled the duties of his station ; but that still a higher de- gree of reverence and attachment was due to the freedom, laws, prosperity and glory of our coun- try, than personally to the first magistrate, let him fill his office ever so worthily. When it was re- membered, I added, that the present reigning fam- ily^ had been taken from a German electorate, not the most considerable, exalted to the head of a mighty empire, endowed with adequate revenues, and invested with the godlike powers of executing justice, but softening its rigours, of dealing out mercy, but restrained from evil ; I said-, when these things were remembered, should his present Majesty, or any of his successors, pervert the pow- er granted by the generosity and confidence of the people, to the prejudice or dishonour of the peo- ple, the officers of the army, no more than any other class of citizens, could not be taxed v/it.h in- 95 gratitude, or indecency, in censuring their prince, but the prince in furnishing matter of censure. — The old field officer began to soften : he confessed that his expression with respect to the officer's eat- inghis Majesty's bread was improper ; but. still in- sisted, that tlie army ought to be more reserved in their censure than any otiier order of men, as they seemed to be held in higher esteem by the present Court than any other order. In this again I to- tally differed from the old gentleman. I asserted it was the reverse ; that the army had been treat- ed through the Vv'hole present reign, both individu- ally, and collectively, with more contempt and in- gratitude than in any reign of any age or any coun- try ; that the ill usage of the army had not been confined to the living, it had extended to the dead. To begin with Mr. Wolfe, to whose valour and conduct we owed the acquisition of a mighty empire, how irreverently had his ashes been treat- ed by government ! The nation had indeed grate- fully and generously voted a monument to their hero ; the nation had paid the money, but unfor- tunately his Majesty's ministers were the trustees; to this -day therefore we see no monument erect- ed ; the money raised on the people for this pur- pose, having probably been converted to the use of some living worthies, not very fiir distant from Westminster Abbey. But they were not satisfied with depriving the hero of these trophies ; they had piqued themselves in adding every insult to his memory. The man who had served, or rath- er disserved, under him ; who had shewn activity only in embarrassing his counsels, impeding his measures, and labouring to defeat his purposes ; who had strained his hardbound wit to throw a ri- dicule on his conduct ; who, whenever he could find an audience passive and base enough to his 96 mnid bad poured forth torrents of abuse, and en- deavoured to raise a spirit of faction and mutiny in others, equal to that stirred up in his own breast, by the daemon of envy ; who after his glorious death, had not paid the slightest tribute of respect to his memory, or of ceremony to his remains ; who had attempted to filch his laurels off the shelf\ and put them in his pocket : This man, I said, had been loaded with the highest preferments, and the greatest honours, (if any thing which flows from such a court can be deemed honours,) which our court has to bestow. — Let us next observe how the brave band, who conquered under him, and indeed the whole American army, had been recom- pensed, officers and soldiers. The first instance of gratitude exhibited by our government, w^as the depriving them of their provision, without which it is almost impossible that an American soldier should subsist : the vast consumption of necessa- ries occasioned by the nature of that hard service, from clearing communications, building bridges and forts, but above all from transporting provi- sions, ammunition and artillery up the rivers, and the enhanced price of these necessarie?, as they all come from England, by the freight and profit of the merchants, put an American soldier, al- though allowed provision, in a worse condition than an European without it ; particularly when we consider, that an European soldier is paid for all king's or public works, whii h in Ame- rica was not the case. But die cruelty of this measure was not all : it was flagitious ; it was a breach of compact, at least with respect to a great part of that army — tlie volunteer drafts from England, the whole body of royal Americans, and every man recruited in Americii, were engage i on absolute express conditions of beiag allowed pro- vision. Travelling from North America to llic West Indies, the lenderness of the present reign displayed towards the soldiery is still more striking ; the distribution of the plunder of the Havanna is so notorious that it would be impertinent to men- tion it ; but the motives of this distribution are so curious, that it is notdiificult frequently to recur to them. They were these : The Earl of Bute and his great adjunct lived in perpetual apprehensions i)f the late Duke of Cumberland ; the firmness of the man, his known courage, his good sense, but above all his principles and attachment to the wel- fare and honour of his country, rendered him an object of terror to those who were determined to sacrifice every thing to the maintenance of their own power and authority — :ifter havipg revolved in their minds what was th'" most probable me- thod of softening this bar to their schemes into some complacency, it was concluded, that to win his favourite, was the plan of the most promising as- pect. The expedition against tlie Havanna was at this time resolved upon ; th.e troops and fleet were in readiness ; niy lord of Albermarle was oil this principle appointed to the command, and on this principle so enormously enriched atthcexpenceof the labour, health, and blood of the most noble deserving army that this, or perhaps any other country, has been ever ser\'ed by. His lordship and Iiis family were indeed aggrandized ; but the G;reat views of the distributers were happily disappoint- ed. The Duke of Cunjberland persisted in his in- tegrity, and continued an honest zealous citizen, until the fatal moment when he was snatched away from his country. I think, without rant or exag- geration, it may be termed a fatal moment : — he was indisputably a valuable true Englishman :. he I 98 had in the early parts of his life, through an over zeal for reforming the. army from the miserable condition in which he found them, projected schemes not unexceptionable ; but this must be ascribed to a deference which he paid to the opinion of men infinitely inferior to himself, both in virtue and ta- lents ; but in his latter years, his great and good qualities demonstrated themselves so fully, that we may fairly conclude, had fate spared him, he might at least have checked the torrent of those bitter waters broke in wpon us from their accursed source of Carleton-House. — But before I take leave of America, I cannot help observing the ex- traordinary attentioji paid to the ofHcers and sol- diers in the allotment of lands ; it would be end- less to enter into the detail of the royal or ministe- rial (for these terms have been of late so confoun- ded together that it is puzzling todistinguish them) bounty in this particular ; I shall instance one or two which may suffice for the whole. It had long been supposed that the island of St. John's, in the gulph of St. Lawrence, would have been a profitable possession. A set of officers of the land and sea service, laid out a plan for the settlement of it. They presented it to Govern- ment, and petitioned a grant of it. The grant was promised. The officers dangled from day to day for the fulfilling of this promise. They were shuffled from the Admiralty to the Board of Trade, from the Board of Trade to the Admiralty, from an Egmont to an Hilsborough, from an Hilsbo- rough to an Eg^mo'it, for the space, I believe of three years. Kgniont accuses Eiilsborou.^h as the cause of this delay ; Hilsborough accuses Egmont; his Msj'rsty stai;ds neuter betwixt these two righ- teous personages. The officers danced attendance until thev found »9 themselves on the threshold of a jail •, but at length it is decided : The officers who \yere the original petitioners, got half a lot. Mr. Touchit, or Touchat, (for I have not the honour of know- ing how he spells his name,) some court surgeons, and every kind of court retainer who thinks it worth his while to hint that he has no objection to an American possession, is gratified wiih a whole lot. Another society of officers had solicited a grant of lands on the river St. Lawrence, \vhich they undertook to settle ; this was flatly refused. Another society solicited for lands on the lower parts of the Illinois, Ohio, or on the Mississippi : this was likewise rejected ; but from what motives it is impossible to define, unless they suppose that soldiers invested with a little landed property, would not be so readily induced to act as the in- struments of the oppression of their fellow subjects, as those whose views are solely turned, if not re- duced, to farther promotion ; and if reduced, to full pay. And here I am afraid the understandings of our profession must appear dreadfully low, when they can be dupes to the hopes of promo- tion. Let them reflect for a moment on the mode of bestowing, since the peace, the only commission which by military men can be esteemed objects ; I mean regiments, and lieutenant-colonelcies ; and I will venture to affirm, that not four of each have been bestowed on men who, in the opinion of those who have served with them, have the semblance of a title. Th st the army on the En- glish and on the Irish establishment, and the fleet on the home and foreign stations; have been con- sidered by our court as the precious means of corrupting us from our duty as citizens ; that a 100 plea of merit in general, or any jxirticular action, of wounds, loss of health or limbs by a course of hard services, has been considered as a symptom of lunacy. And I have heard say, our incom- parable Secretary at War values him.self not a little for his humanity in not suing for statutes to confine the wretches who can push their extra- vagance to such a height as to make these pleas. It will perhaps be said, that jobs are not the growth of this reign ; that jobs ever were, and eycr will be, in a government like ours. But al- lowing jobs to have been, I cannot think iniquity is to be justified by precedent ; and surely iniqui- tous precedents are very ungracefully quoted in a reign which v^^as announced from its commence- ment to be that of virtue, purity, and righteous- ness. As to the army that served in Germany, it is true they have not been so very grossly treated as the American. There were moments when Lord Granby would not cede to our gracious Secreta- ry at War. There were moments when, «s our ingenious court termed it, he was obstinate and impracticable ; that is, there were moments when he insisted on some regard being paid to those who had deserved of their country ; but these moments unfortunately occurred but too seldom. His facility and complacence to the wickedness of the Court, preponderated over his natural love of justice. In short, the patronage of the army was left to a Barrington, by whom valour, sense and integrity must naturally be proscribed, as he must suspect that no man can possess them without being an enemy to their contraries, which are the undisputed attributes of his Lordship. From this long digression on the obligations of the army to the present Court, on the extraor- lOi clinary esteem in which the militar}- has been held through the whole course of the present reign, \vc returned to our original topic, the merit of the dif« ferent historians. I joined the young subaltern in his encomiums on Mrs. M'Cawley. I challenged the old field- officer to point out a suspicious authority that she had quoted ; to produce a single comment which did not correspond with the facts. I asserted, that her inferences were fairly drawn from her premises ; and that there could not be traced the shadow of partiality in the long series of her his- tory, unless a zeal for true liberty, and the rights of her country and of mankind, may be termed partiality. I asserted, that Hume was the reverse in all respects ; that he produced little, and that very suspicious, authority ; that his comments did not agree with his facts, the effects not deduciblc from the cause ; upon the whole what I said on the subject of James's history, and of the character of his favorite Charles, was so satisfactory to the com- pany, that they requested me to digest v/hat I offer- ed, and to present it to the public. AN EPISTLE TO DAVID HUME, ESa. SIR, 1.N reading history, nothing has so frequently shocked me as the disrespectful and irreverent manner in which divers writers have spoke of crowned heads. Many princes, it must be owned, have acted, in some instances not altogether as we could wish ; but it is the duty of every honest man, and friend to royalty, the great source of hu- man happiness, to draw a veil over their weakness ; and if not able entirely to justify some parts of I 2 102 their conduct, he may at least, by the aid of certaiu managed terms, and decent softenings, in a great measure prevent the evil effects which a coarse, and I may say barbarous relation of facts is apt to have on weak and vulgar minds. The passion, prejudice, and party heat of several who style themselves historians, have, I make no doubt, been the principal causes of the numberless mur- murs, insurrections, rebellions, dethronements, expulsions, regicides, which have disgraced the history of mankind, and more particularly of this infatuated country. On this principle, sir, you will readily believe, that the satisfaction I have received from your in- comparable History of the House of the Stuarts,, is of the highest kind ;. tliat I have perused it, iftnd re-perused it a thousand times, and always ivith fresh pleasure ; and that I ardently ^vish the 3'outh of our country were never suffered to read nny other ; a rule which I am charmed to hear is obser>ned by the most exalted personage in the kingtlom, as v/ell in virtue as in rank, v\^henever he condescends to unbend his mind from his se- vere studies and occupations by dipping into the annals of his predecessors ; and it is to this rule,, perhaps, that we are indebted for the pj;odigiou& enlargement of his mind in so tender an age that all Europe stands astonished at it. How complaisant, how gentle, how guarded, how humane, how polite are your phrases, in lay- ing before usthe transactions of those good, though perhaps misguided, princes ! How calculated are your comments to mitigate the seditious spirit of the mad multitude ! Had you written an hundred years ago, I am persuaded you would not only have prevented the growth of those horrible epinions, (alas! too preralent,) that kings are 103 not only responsible, but punishable for tlicir delinquences towards their people ; that Charles the First met with no harder fate than he deserved, and that his two sons ought, in justice, to have made the same exit. I say, sir, had you written an hundred years ago, you might not only have prevented the growth of such monstrous notions ; but, probably, have checked those furious princi- ples which ended in driving from the throne of his ancestors, to the indelible disgrace of these nations, a prince replete with every royal virtue. In short, sir, I am so much in love with the scheme of your history, I am so convinced that no task can be equally laudable in a philosophei% an historian, and a gentleman, as to endeavour, to eradicate from the minds of our youth all pre- judices and prepossessions against the memory of deceased, and the character of living princes ; and by obviating the cavils and malice of republican writers, to inspire mankind with more candour in judging of the actions and government of sovereigns, that I am determined to follow so bright an example, and exert the utmost of my zeal, skill, and abilities, (indeed far short of yours,) to rescue from the unmerited odium under which they lie, two much injuried characters in history ; I mean the Emperor Claudius Cassarandhis immedi- ate successor Nero, whose foibles and indiscretions have been swelled up into vices by the austerity and malevolence of Tacitus, Suetonius, and others, (the Rapins, Ludlows, and M'Cauleys of those days,) who wrote under succeeding monarchs of a different family ; but as the motives for such virulent proceedings are now ceased, and as men's minds ought to be a little cooler, we may ven- ture to pronounce the disposition of these princes, (though I do not think they were faultless, or al- together well-advised,) to have been good. 104 Should tlie ungenerous and biggols in party raise a clamour, should they exclaim that its being a pander to despotism, and an enemy to the rights of humanity, the endeavouring to gloss over vices and enormities so manifest, as they pretend, by a concurrence of facts, vouched by the most authen- tic records, I shall conclose myself, sir, with your approbation, and that of the generous few who think with you, and shall flatter myself that the attempt, whatever may be the merit of the execu- tion, will recommend me, along with the Smd- lets, Scotts, Murphys, and Johnsons, to the no- tice of a Court which seems to pique itself in rewarding the champions and apologists of un- - popular men and measures, in proportion as their labours are unsuccessful with the narrow-minded public. Your^ &c. A POLITICAL ESSAY. On leaving school, I thought it right to get some acquaintance with the history of Eng- land ; for the school w^here I was brought up was guilty, in common with all other schools, of the shameful neglect of suffering the boys to re- main in utter ignorance of the laws, constitution, andtransactions of their own country; some know- ledge of which is certainly of more importance, at least in a government Hke our^, than the being able to scan the flattering versifyers of x\ugustus*5 age. Rapin, accidentally, was the first historian that fell into my hands. Notwithstanding his length, I read him through with great attention, which was more particularly engaged when I came to tliose parts which treat of our several civil wars : 105 but the great one of the year 1640, interested me more sensibly than the antecedent. And I cannot express how much I was amazed in finding the character of Charles the First so httle agree with the notions I had conceived of him, from his being styled a martyr ; from the solemn ob- servance of the 30th of January, in order to avert the wrath of the Almighty for tliat horrible parri- cide ; from the epithets of good, viiaious, pious, blessed, which were perpetually bestowed on him, not only by the old house-keeper, the maid- servants, but by the master, usher, and all the clergy who happened to discourse on this subject in my hearing. In the holidays, when we went home, my mother, grandmother, and all their female acquaintance, rung the same in my ears. On the perusal of Rapin I was, therefore, strangely puzzled and confounded to find this vir- tuous, pious, blessed, holy martyr, metamor- phosed into an obstinate, dissembling, perfidious tyrant ; and that the men whom I had been taught to execrate as rebels, traitors, parricides, should, for the greater part, appear the champions of the laws of their country and the rights of man- kind, fraught with truth, valour, integrity, and every attribute which can render mortal men the objects of veneration. I had no method of accounting for this, but by concluding my historian guiity of the most egregious partiality, tliat he must have mis- stated, or di«5guised the facts to an enormous de- gree ; for as to his comments, they appeared judi- cious, natural, and fair, allowing the facts to be justly stated. I desired all those whom I thought more knowing and wise than myself, to solve these difficulties. Some few of them averred that Charles was not at all better than what he was re- 106 resented by Rapin ; but far the greater number assured me, that Rapin was a lying French Pres- byterian, partial, unjust, malicious, that no credit was given to him by men of judgment and know- ledge, and that he was never spoke of with com- mon patience by those who have any generous sentiments- They advised me, by all means, to go to the fountain-head of information on this subject, the great Clarendo?i ; that there I should see the facts related clearly and honestly, the com- ments sensible and candid, the causes and effects congruous, the spring of every action laid open, the views and characters of the actors painted in their proper colours by one who had himself play- ed a principal part, or, at least, seen every thing that had passed behind the scenes ; one, whose authority was incontestable from his character for truth and integrity. I accordingly procured a Clarendon, not only read him with attention, but studied him with ac- curacy : and, behold the result ! it was an entire, complete disappointment in every circumstance : instead of carrying the conviction which I expec- ted, it appeared to me one eternal periphrasis, subdivided into assertions without authority, child- ish ifs, without probable suppositions, and tortu- red inferences from rnistated or defalcated facts, with endless begging the questions. I'he epithets candid, sincere, virtuous, pious were very liberal- ly bestowed on him, whose cause he intends to plead ; and not a single instance of candor, sin- cerity, or virtue Is given through the whole course of his history, unless excessive bigotry to episco- pacy and a spirit of persecuting all other protest- ant sects is to be construed piety. In short, my aversion to Charles was rather confirmed that trans- ferred to the other party by the perusal of Lord Clarendon. I here discerned very plainly, -why 107 the episcopal clergy should have made a Saint and a martyr of him. His excessive attachment to their order, and the great sacrifices he made to them, are undoubtedly very substantial titles to (canonization, and the crown of martyrdom ; but the zeal and reverence with which a multitude of others who are quite indifferent to modes of wor- ship, and some who seem desirous there should be none at all, still continue to speak of this prince, and the indignation and horror with which they speak of his opponents, I confess is with me a matter of wonder. I know very well, that the impressions we receive in our childhood sink deep, and that these impressions, whether we receive them from our nurses, grandmother, or the par- son of the parish : whether they concern ghosts, or hobgoblings, a devil, or a saint, a tyrant, or a martyr, are with difficulty effaced ; but that those who have got rid of those narrow superstitious prejudices, should still retain, in their utmost force, their prepossessions with respect to their royal master is something supernatural. I have long endeavoured to account for this, and am apt to conclude, that it must be ascribed to the singulari- ty of his fate. A king tried and condemned by his own subjects is certainly a singular case, the singularity of his fate has created pity, and pity ever generates love and affection. The Marquis of Beccaria, in his incomparable treatise on Crimes and Punishments, is of opinion, that a communi- ty ought to punish with death such criminals only whose existence is absolutely pernicious to the community ; if his reasoning is just, a criminal king is almost the only criminal on whom death ought to be inflicted, as his existence, (if not al- ways absolutely destructive,) is undoubtedly high- ly' dangerous to society. Tarquin was only ex- 108 pellecl ; Tarquin's existence was nearly destruc- tive to Rome; an eternal war and conspiracies witliinthe walls which brought Rome into the ex- tremest peril, were the consequences of the tyrant's existence ; and the death of the tyrant simply un- less it had been accompanied with that of hit, sons, ^ivouldnot have injured the tranquillity and secu- rity of Rome. On this principle, some of the Grecian States had laws levelled, not only against the lives of those who should erect themselves into the tyrants of their country, but enjoining the extirpation of their whole race; and these v.?ere wise and humane lav/s, because they were necessary for the good of the whole, for the sacrifice of a single family for the preservation of millions is indisputably huma- nity. James the Second was expelled like Tarqu in, l.^ut he and his sons were suffered to escape with their lives ; the consequences of their being suf- fered to escape v/ere three rebellions, which not only threatened immediate destruction to these na- tions, ])ut endangered the liberties of Europe. It is true, these rebellions were defeated in their im- mediate purposes, but the existence of the Stuart race hath laid, too certainly, I am afraid, the seeds of our destruction. *llieir existence has furnished the ministers of the family, which was called in for our preservation, with pretexts for arming the fa- mily of bur preservers., with the means of (de- stroying us ; for it is impossible to suppose that the nation could have been brought to acquiesce in mortgaging the national property, without any visible national purposes, unless they had imagined that national debts \yere a security against the return of the dreaded Stuarts ; and it is impossible to suppose that the ])eople could have been so far imposed upon, as to suffer their repre- 109 scntatives to vote themselves septennial from tri- ennial, unless they had been persuaded that a sep- tennial parliament formed a stronger barrier against the return of the Stuarts than a triennial ; and it is still a greater absurdity to suppose, that a majority of landed gentlemen, of really well mean- ing honest Englishmen, could be infatuated, to so great a degree, as to sit down contentedly under the establishment of a standing army, the gradual aug- mentation of it to an enormous bulk, the inter- weaving of it (as may be said) into our constitu- tion, had not the spectre of the Stuarts return continually danced before their eyes. Hence, I think, without straining, it may be inferred, that the pecuniary influence of the crown, septennial parliaments and a standing army, (which unless some great national calamity falls out to draw us back to our first principles, before the minds of our soldiery are totally debauched,) must inevita- bly end in the destruction of our liberties ; and perhaps national independence, have been the fruits of our mistaken cruel moderation, in suffer- ing a single individual of the expelled family to remain in existence. But to return from this long digression to the question, whether the singulari- ty of Charles the First's fate, tried and condem- ned by his own subjects is not one of the princi- pal causes of his niemorj-'s being treated with such tenderness and reverence. We will suppose a case : but first admitting Beccaria's position to be just, that a com7nunity ought not to punish with death any criminal xvhose existence is not ab- solutely pernicious., or highly dangerous to the com- munity ; and further admitting that a criminal king is the only criminal whose existence can he pernicious or highly dangerous. We will suppose, then, that there should hereafter be formed a com- 110 jnunitv, one of whose fundamental laws should be, that capital punishments should be confined to delinquent kings alone; that all other delin- quents, let iheir crimes be what they will, should be sent into exile ; their estates, money and goods confiscated to the use of the community. I will venture to affirm, that an hundred kings, less guil- ty than Charles the First, put to death on the scaffold, would not shock the humanity of the ten- derest nature. We will farther suppose, th?it after a series of years adherence to this law, they should at length, from a concurrence of accidents, on some very great emergency, deviate from it, and inflict the punishment levelled against royal delinquents alone, on delinquents of an inferior order, I will venture to affirm that the spectacle, from its no- velty, of a Jonathan Wild, a S h, or a * * *, dangling on a gallows, would affect the passers-by with compassion, and prompt their ingenuity to devise apologies for the poor sufferers ; though, previously to their execution, the whole world had agreed on the transcendency of their flagiti- ousness, the incorrigibility of their natures, and that no fate could be too severe for their merits. But, although the singularity of Charles's destiny, the prejudices fostered by the pious care of our nurses and the clergy, have greatly contributed to the false light in which his conduct, morals, and general character are seen, it could not have opera- ted so wonderfully alone : the address and sophis- try of a succession of our corrupt citizens have been set at work, to co-operate in misleading our judgment and blinding our understandings ; and of this tnbe the pre-eminence must indisputably be given to Mr. David Hume; for the pompous anility (as I think it may be termed) of Clarendon, Ill the more than priestly fury of Carte, much less the pert patchwork of Sniollet, or the drivellmgof poor Goldsmith could not have wroughtany migh- ty miracles : but with Hume, the case is different; the philosophical, or rather sceptical character of the man, antecedent to his appearance as an histo- rian, and a speciousness of style render him so in- finitely more dangerous than his fellow labourers, that it is much to be lamented that some person, (for instance, a Lord Littleton,) eminent for parts and learning, has not thought it worth his while professedhs (but I would have it compendiously, for a reason I shall -hereafter give,) to expose to public view the incongruities, artifices, and perni- cious intention of this sophist. But when I lament that no man of a superior stamp has set himself the task, I do not mean that extraordinary learning, or talents are absolutely necessary : on the contra- ry, I think an attentive perusal must qualify every man of common sense full as well for the purpose, if we could suppose that an equal degree of regard would be paid to him ; but it is certain, that the name and signature of a person in high repute gives to manifest eternal truths, greater force than when uttered by a common or unknown writer, al- though the essence of truth cannot be altered by the greater or lesser reputation of him who utters it. It is true, a more effectual antidote to the poison of Hume's history cannot be desired than Mrs. M'Cauley's, if they are but read and compared together with their respective authorities ; but the misfortune is, the perusal and comparing of two so bulky writers cannot be expected from the la- ziness of modern readers ; and it is on the no- tions and principles of the lazy plass of readers that the present welfare of our country and the il2' fate of posterity, in a great measure, depend. lu fact, of Vv^^liat importance would it be to the com- munity, if those very few, who have inclination and perseverance to work through volumes, should enlarge their minds to even the standard of an an- cient Roman, when the young nobility, gentry and men of property, who compose the lazy class, still remain perverted, uncorrected, and uninfor- med ? For these reasons, I think that some work so compendious as not to terrify by its bulk, con- fined simply, and bearing the import of such in its title, to a refutation of Hume's tenets, and de- monstration of his partiality and pernicious prin- ciples, would be more beneficial than a full com- plete body of history, digested methodically, sup- ported by the best authority, and animated by the noblest sentiments. But until some eminent per- son will be pursuaded to take up the employment^ it is the duty of every common citizen to exert Avhatever force he has in the common cause. A jealous spirit in the people, of those who go- vern and the principle of resistance, form the palladium of liberty, particularly in a limited monarchy. An abhorrence of tyrants, or even of those who have a semblance of tyrants, (and it will scarcely be disputed that Charles had a semb- lance,) is inseparable from this jealous spirit and principle of resistance ; whoever would extinguish the one, would extinguish the other. When we see, therefore, a junto of notorious court-retainers, clubbing their labours to reconcile us to the de- spotic administration of Charles, to his duplicity, to his breach of faith, and violation of the most solemn compacts, we may safely conclude, that a design is lodged to extinguish the necessary jea- lous spirit of liberty and inculcate the principles 113 of non-resistance. It may be said, that a too great jealousy oF liberty is equally dangerous with a two great confidence ; that as the latter may plunge us into slavery, the former may into anar- chy. I should allow some weight to this objection, if, in the whole course of our history, a refutation, in a single instance, could be produced of these positions ; that the spirit of liberty is slow to act, even against the worse princes^ and exerts itself in favour of the best with more effect than any other spirit whatever. I must therefore repeat, that the keeping alive the jealous spirit of liberty is a com- mon cause ; that a detestation of tyrants, or even of those who lean to tyranny, is inseparable from this spirit; that Charles the First was a tyrant in principle and in action ; that those who la- bour to reconcile us to his conduct and character, would destroy the spirit of liberty, and ultimately establish the principle of non-resistance ; that a junto of mercenaries and court-retainers do la- bour to these purposes . That it is, therefore, the duty of every common citizen, who has the in- terest of his country at heart, to exert continually whatever force he has to defeat their purposes ; or, at least, v/eaken their influence ; for, in me- chanics, the smallest force continually applied will overcome the most violent motions commu- nicated to bodies. From these considerations, I propose to offer to the public, hereafter, some cursory remarks on Mr. Hume's History of the two first Stuarts : if they are well received, I shall continue them through the reigns of the two last. If they ha^Cy in any degree, the effects which I could wish, I shall think myself amply recompensed, the only recompence which I can promise myself. I can- not hope for any glory from the composition ; the 114 little reading which a soldier can snatch up at in- tervals will scarcely qualify him to reap laurels in the field of literature ; and it will easily be belie- ved, that the sentiments which I avow, will not procure a place or a pension. A BREAKFAST FOR RIVINGTON. Mr. H , A.S Mr. Rivington has given the public to under- stand, that he does not chuse to deal with any writers, but those of the most accurate and elegant kind, and who have passed through a regular course of education ; and as I cannot flatter my- self, that I am one of this class, I do not presume to offer this little performance to him, though it is intended for his vindication ;, but as I understand from the same authority, that you admit into your paper even the lowest trash, I find myself under the necessity of applying to you. Mr, Riving4;on has, I know, like other great men, his calumnia- tors and enemies ; — envy and malice ever were attendant on exalted genius and merit. It is in- conceivable, what numbers are endeavouring tode- tract from this wonderful personage ; how they strain their little wits to throw a ridicule upon his talents, his style, his integrity, and even his erudi- tion. This last, one should imagine if any thing of human attainment can, is unquestionable, as he has given such eminent and manifold proofs of it : however it does not escape the^tu. I found my- self the other night, (for as a studier of men and characters I associate with all sorts,) amongst a set of the most flaming factious enemies to all order and government ; where the most respectable cha- racters of the age were treated with scandalous 115 freedom. Lord Mansfield was a Jefferies, Lord Bute a solemn empty pedantic Jacobite, and Mr. Rivingtona ridiculous pragmatical slip-slop cox- comb : they said, that he had not decency enough for the porter of a bawdy-house, learning enough for a barrack washer- woman, nor imagination suf- ficient for a christmas-bellman : — ^that at the age of fifteen he was turned out of the blue-school, where he had been bred, as too incorrigible a dunce to make a scavenger of ; that they had, by way of jocular experiment, for some time tried him in this capacity ; but that he always, in windy days, swept the dust up against the wind. By persisting in this practice he was very near losing his eyes, and that you may observe they ai'e still extremely weak from its eftects. At this. Sir, I own my biood boiled. I said, they must be driven to great straits indeed, if they could object nothing worse to a gentleman's character than his having been bred at a charity school ; for that it had been the case of some of the most illustrious men tl^ na- tion had produced ; the late Lord Hardwicke, and Mr. Prior, had been educated in the same manner. As to the story of the weakness of his eyes, proceeding from sweeping the dust against the wind, I knew it to be a falsehood ; for that it had been contracted, to my knowledge, by poring into a Johnson's dictionary of his own printing, late at nights, to find out decent poUysylables, of sufficient sound and dignity, to dress up an ad- vertisement of Scotch herrings, lumber and pick- led oysters. I asserted, that his compositions were incom- prehensibly fine, his language sonorous and musi- cal; although, perhaps, he did not always apply words to their legitimate meaning ; as who does in suchan immensity of business; and that he should round a period with any bookseller in Christen- dom : That he was a Latin scholar, I thought must be allowed by all unprej udiced men, when they con- sidered his numberless and apt quotations from Ho- race. Upon my mentioning his knowledge of Latin the whole company burst out into a horse- laugh, which I thought was very indecent, and when the uproar subsided, demanded the expla- nation. They insisted upon it, that he was so totally ignorant of it, that he did not know the meaning, nor could he conjugate the verbs mentior^ nor vapidoy though he so generally practised the former and had so often experienced the latter : — that his patches of Horace were always furnished by his friend the Doctor — that when he had finish- ed one of his pieces, he always applied to the Doc- tor for a motto to dignify his performance ; that, for instance, the four lines from Horace, prefixed to his late Epistle to Mr. Sears, (which I really think one of the smartest things I ever read,) were pointed out by the Doctor ; and that a blunder whimsical enough had happened on this occasion, though it was fortunately rectified in time for the press. They related, that when he went as usual for his motto to the Doctor, the Doctor wrote him down these lines : While you alone sustain the weighty cares Of ull the worJd, and manage peace and wars ; The Roman State by virtue's rules amend, Adorn with manners, and with arms defend ; To write a long discourse, and waste your tin:e. Against the public good, wou'd be a crime. saying " Rivington, you may transcribe the Latin at your leisure, as you have Horace in your shop ; remember, it is the first epistle." Rivington went home vastly happy, l^ut unluckily mistook the first satire for the first epistle. When the Doctor went to revise it the next morning, he found these line? 117 very fairly written-— Qui jit Macenas utnenioquam, &c. and under, the above translation. They ad- ded, that though the Doctor was that morning in an horrible ill humour, (as he had just been rea- ding the Bishop of St. Asaph's speech,) he could not refrain from laughing : but, however, after leaving bestowed some anathemas on the skull of his friend, he, for the honour of the common cause, took the pains to transcribe the lines with his own hand, to prevent any further blunders. They then proceeded to fall foul upon his En- glish ; they said that when he first set up his press, aivl before he was under the correction of the Doctor, he used always to write musketeers, musk-cat-eeq-s — dragoons, dragons — battalions, battle-lions; and that he really thought these strange things were made use of in war ; that all the words ending in Hon, as Jiagellation, castiga- tion, salivation, words he is best acquainted with, he spelt with an sh. I hate the story they told of him, which, although I was cursedly enraged, I confess made me smile ; that writing to his niece who was going to be married to an eminent pawn- broker in St. Martin's Lane, he began his letter thus : " My dear Kitty, as you are going to be married, and are so very young a girl, I would advise you, by all means, at least, £t first, to act with a little cushion,'''' meaning it for caution. Now I would appeal to all mankind, who are not to- tally blinded by party and faction, whether it is credible, whether it is possible, that a gentleman, who has from his cradle, been in some sort a re- tainer of the Muses, should be guilty of such gross, such ridiculous blunders. When I say Mr. Rivington has been a retainer of the Muses, I do not mean. Sir, in your paltry sphere, a mere dealer in indexes and title pages. No Sir, his 118 sphere has been more enlarged. It is notorious that when he had finished his studies, he was invi- ted into a society of eminent itinerary comedians ; I know very well, that his enemies give out, that he only amputated the luminaries betwixt the acts ; but I could bring authentic proofs of hh distinguishing himself m some important charac- ters. i.:i. February 3, 17; A PAMPHLET,* EXTTTLED, " A FRIENDLY APDRESS "TO ALL REASONABLE AMERICANS ON TTlE SL'B- " JECT OF OXTR POLITICAL CONFUSIONS/' GAVE BIRTH TO THE FOLLOWING PERFORMAN'CE, AD- DRESSED TO THE PEOPLE OF AMERICA " LePs canvass him in his broad cardinaPs halP &'lialcespear. TO THE PEOPLE OF AMERICA. A PAMPHLET, m<\\t^ A friendly Address to all reasonable Americans, advertised and sold by Mr. James Rivington of New-York, is of so extraordinary a nature, that it is difficult for any man who is interested in the welfare of the com- munity (whatever contempt he may have for the performance) to remain silent. I know not whe- ther the author is a layman or ecclesiastic, but he bears stronglv the characters of the latter : he has the want 6f candour and truth, the apparent spirit of persecution, the unforgiveness,the deadly hatred to dissenters, and the zeal for arbitrary j&oTifc/* which has distinguished churchmen in all ages, and more particularly the high part of the Church of Eng- land. I cannot help, therefore, considering him as one of this order. The design of his reverence's pamphlet, is ma- nifestly to dissolve the spirit of union, and check * It is said to have been written by the Reverend Dr. Miles Coo- per, president of King's College, at New- York, 119 the noble ardour, prevailing through the conti- nent ; but his zeal so far outruns his abilites, that there is the greatest reason to think that he has laboured to little effect. His discretion seems to be still less than his genius; a man of common judg- ment would not so wantonly have attacked the ge- neral reigning principle and opinions of the peo- ple, whom he intends to intimidate or seduce out of their rights and privileges. For instance, I believe there are at least ninety-nine Americans in a hundred, who think that Chai'les the First was an execrable tyrant ; that he met with no harder fate than he deserved ; find that his two sons ought, in justice, to have made the same exit. To descant, therefore, on the criminality of the resistence made to that tyrant ; to affect on every occasion, giving the title of rebellion to the civil war which brought him to justice, is a degree of weakness which no man, who is not blinded by the dasmon of Jacobitism could possibly be guilty of. But to preach up in this enlightened age, as he does, in almost express terms, passive obedi- ence, is a mark of lunacy, or at least it proves that the moment a head begins to itch for a mitre, it lo- ses the faculty of reasoning ; for if the principle of passive obedience is admitted, the gracious prince, for whom his reverence professes so great a de- votion, is a downright usurper, and the parliament, of which he speaks so respecfully, Lords and Commons, are rebels and traitors. The doctrines he aims to inculcate are as fol- low : " That the parliament has a ri§*ht to tax you " without your consent ; that the duty upon tea is *' no tax; that this duty is your only grievance; that " the cause of Boston is their own concern ; that "it is not your cause; that the pijnishment of " Boston is a just punishment; that \t is lenient ; 120 " that it is not equal to their crimes; that the BoS- " tonians are rebels, traitors, and pampered fana- *' tics; that the Congress are little better; that no " misconduct of administration can justify or ex- *' cuse open disrespect ; that submission is to be " paid to the higher powers, whatever character '* they be ; that an apostle enjoined submission to " the tyrant Nero ; that, of all people under hea- " ven, the kings American subjects have the least " cause for complaint ; that the present confusion *' of the Colonies has been occasioned by false " alarms ; that none of your legal rights have been *' invaded ; no injury has been done you ; and, " consequently, that you can never be justified in *' resenting that of which you have no reason to *' complain ; that you are no judges of the rights " of Parliament ; that the Parliament ought to " act according to their own judgment, not accor- "ding to yours, even in things which concern " you principally or solely ; that they assert they " have the right in question ; that you have never " proved they have not ; that you have always be- *' lieved or allowed they have, until the present " occasion ; that the Quebec Bill is a just and " constitutional bill ; that the Canadians are likely " to prove the best and most loyal subjects in his " Majesty's American dominions ; that there is " too much reason to believe, that the minds of " the Americans are unprincipled, and their hearts *' disposed for rebellion ; that since the reduction " of Canada, they have been bloated with a vain " opinion of their own power and importance ; *' that the island of Great Britain is able to govern, " (that is to dragoon,) ten Americans ; that the " moment it is kncvn that America is no longer *' under the protection of Great Britian, all the " maritime powers of Europe would join to ra- 121 ** vage your sea-ports, plunder and seize your " ships, merely for the pleasure of ravaging ;* '* that all the maritime powers of the world would *' not dispossess Great Britain of the empire of "the sea, even when America is separated from '* her." Now I challenge the world to produce so many wicked sentiments, stupid principles, au- daciously false assertions, and monstrous absur- dities, crouded together into so small a compass. All his positions, indeed, are so self-evidently ab- surd and false, that it would be an insult to Ameri- can understanding, seriously to attempt refuting them. I shall only beg leave to take notice of the curious argument he uses to prove the duty on tea to be no tax, it is, that unless we consent to the tax, we are not to pay the duty ; we may refuse pur-- chasing it if we please. The same logic would demonstrate that a duty on beer, candles, or soap would be no tax : as we are not absolutely obli- ged to drink beer, we may drink water i we may go to bed before it is dark, and we are not forced to wash our shirts. His assertion that Great Bri- tain, when divorced from her colonies, will still hold the empire of the seas, in spite of all the •This is perliaps the most preposterous idea tluit ever was hatch- ed in a distempered brain. America (more particularly since the distractions in a "oland have taken jjlact) has been the great grana- rv, or c'lla penaria of Europe. Is it possible to conceive, that tiie different maritime powers should unite to deprive themselves of the chief means of subsistence, merely for tlie fun's sake! Is it not more natural to suppose, that they would outbid each other for your friendship and c;)mmcrce, on wiiich so much depends ? When the Low Countries withdrew tliemselves from the dominion of Spain, did England, France, and tlie other powers, immediately set about ravaging their sea-ports and seizing their shipsJ Did they not, on the contrary, exert themselves, directly and indirectly, to assist them! The case is similar ; tlie event would be similar, and that Great Britain would not be powerful enough at sea, when sepa- rated from her Colonies, to prevent this assistance, I shall refer my readers to Masiie's Estimates, the authority of which has never been disputed, and wliich demonstrate that more than half the naval povf' er of Great Britain stand* or her American foundation. i:2s2 •powers of the world, is still more ingenious. It amounts to this, ihatwithout the possible means of * procuring timber^ iron, plank ^ masts^ pitch, tar, or hemp, to furnish out a single frigate, they may build more sh^ps than all the zv or Id put together ; that when her nursery for seameji is destroyed, and all the commerce on which the existence of seamen depends is annihilated, they will then be able to man more fleets than the whole universe put to- gether. But I am ashamed of trespassing on the public patience, in making strictures on such ridi- culous articles, I shall therefore pass to some ques- tions which have not been so much agitated, and on which, if I mistake not,his Reverence lays the greatest stress ; for, as he modestly declares, that he has no opinion of your courage, it was natural for him to consider intimidation and terror, as the most powerful figures of rhetoric. Regular ar- mies from Great Britain, Hessians, Hanoverians., royal standards erected, skilful generals, legions of Canadians, and unnumbered tribes of savages, swords faming in the front and rear, pestilence, desolation, and famine, are all marshalled in a most dreadful order by this church militant author. But let us somewhat minutely examine the picture, and see whether, stripped of its false colouring, it has any thing really terrifying. His Reverence begins with assuring us, that there is no room to doubt but that such an army as was employed in the re- duction of Canada (that is, an army of 7000 men) would be more than sufficient for the conquest of all the disaffected American colonies, which are, in fact, all the colonies, should such a resolution be- come necessary in order to reduce them to obedi- ence. For my own part, I think there is very great reason to doubt that 7000, even of the best troops, are able to conquer 200,000, of the most disor- 123 derly peasantry upon earth, if they are animated in defence of every thing they hold most dear and sacred ; and there is still greater reason to doubt that 7000 very indifferent troops, composed of the refuse of an exhausted nation, few of whom have seen action of any kind, should be able to concjuer 200,000 active vigorous yeomanry, fired with the noble ardour we see prevalent through the conti- nent, all armed, all expert in the u-ic of arms, al- most from their cradles. The success of Quebec, it is true, does infinite honour to the English arms'; the army was, I believe, only 7000 ; the enemy were perhaps more thati double, but 16,000 men are not 200,000. The fate of Canada depended upon one decisive action, but it is impossible to calculate how many victories must be gained be- fore these Colonies could be subdued ; whereas a single victory gained by the Colonies must de* cide the contest in their favour. In the afflur of Quebec, there is another circumstance to be con- sidered ; it was Wolfe who commanded, a man of the most wonderful talents, formed to level all dif- ficulties, to render the most despicable soldiery al- most instantaneously an army of heroes. In short, the genius of the man was so extraordinary, ihe event was so extraordinar}^ that no inferences can be drawn from it ; but this, without presumption, may be asserted, that no general, now existing in the British service, would, with double or treble his number, have succeeded in the same circum- stances. One thing more I must add in honour of that illustrious personage, that the same greatness of soul which qualified him to conquer the natural hereditary enemies of this country, would have made him reject Vv'ith horror the hangman's office ; which. others, who arenot endowed with conquer- ing attributes, will, with readiness, accept. 124. It is notorioils, that Mr. Wolfe was not only the first of soldiers, but that he was a most liberal virtuous citizen ; that he was passionately attach- ed to the liberties of his country, and of mankind; and that he was particularly an enemy to large standing armies, in time of peace. It is, on the other hand, remarkable, that all the advocates for standing armies, all those who are the fondest of the faddiing and parade of war, are the most active in avoiding real service. Tliis tremendous soothsayer, on the supposition, that so great a miracle should happen in our favour, as that the trifling body of 500,000 men, though firmly united (for every man in America, firmly united, would not amount to less) should be able to withstand his 7000, goes on to ratde in our ears armies of Hcbsians and Hanoverians. I wish to Heaven he had for once deviated into probability and trudi. I wish 10,000 of them could possibly be transported to-morrow. The purpose they would answer, is a purpose devoutly to be wished for, they would be an addition to this continent of just so many useful and excellent citizens ; for I will venture to aflirm, affirming is infectious, that in less than four, months not two of these 10,000 would remain with their colours. But does not this reverend gentleman know, that in the year 1764, a convention was formed by most of the princes of the empire, at the head of which con- vention were the emperor himself and the king of Prussia, to prevent the alarming emigrations which threatened depopulation to Germany? Does he not know that no troops can march out of the Empire without the consent of the Empe- ror ? Does he not know that the Elector of Hano- ver and the Emperor are upon exceeding ill terms ? Does he not know that the Elector of 125 Hanover and the Kini^ of Prussia are still upon worse ? Is he sure that the Landgnive of Hesse would sell his troops ? For, as not one man would return back to their country, he must consider them as lor ever sold. Is he sure that, as the finan- ces of Great Britain stand, the vast sum necessary for this purchase would be conveniently found ? Is he sure that the state of Hanover would consent to such a draining of their ccamtry ? I know not how it is ; but his most excellent Majesty George tlie Third, who in England is justly esteemed the most gracious of sovereigns, the wisest, greatest, and best of kings, is not very popular in the Elec- torate of Hanover. These people seem to think it hard, that 270,0001. should annually bedrawnfrom them, for the purposes, as they conceive it, of cor- rupting the members of St. Stephen's Chapel, in order to support the power and authority of a set of men, whc, from the beginning, have been ene- mies to the succession of the Hanover line, and who shewed a particular animosity to their last and fav- orite pHnee George the second. But these difficul ties, (great and unsurmountable as to a common mortal they appear,) our divine exorcist has, in an instant, conjured down ; and by a single motion of bis enchanted wand, has transported whole armies in spite of their respective princes, and \vithout the consent of their respective states, from the interior parts of Germany, across the Atlantic into the plains of New England and Pennsylvania ; but he does not confine himself to the introduction of his Germans. He proceeds next to erect the royal standard, to which he tells us, that all who have the courage to declare themselves now friends to government, will undoubtedly resort ; and these, he says, in a good cause, will be of themselves formidable to their opposers. Dreadfully form.!- t 2 126 dable they must be indeed ! There would resort to it ; let me see, for the respectable town of Rye, have declared themselves a kind of neutrals, ra- ther than friends to government ; there would re- sort to it, Mr. Justice Sewell, the honourable Mr. Paxton, Brigadier Kuggles, and about eight or ten more mandamus council-men, with perhaps twice their number of expectants, and not less than twenty of the unrecanted Hutchinsonian ad- dressers : these the four provinces of New Eng- land alone would send forth. New York would furnish six, seven, or probably eight volunteers, from a certain knot, who are in possession or ex- ])ectation of contracts, and the fourth part of a dozen of high-flying Church of England Roma- nised priests. I represent to myself the formida- ble countenance they will make, when arranged under the royal or ministerial standard ; but what will add to the terror of the appearance will be their Reverend Pontifex himself, whom I conceive marching in the front, an inquisitorial frown upon his brow, his bands and canonicals floating to the air, bearing a cross in his hands, with the tremen- dous motto, in hocsigno vinces, flaming upon it in capital letters of blood, leading them on and exci- ting them to victory. It is impossible that men, who are not under an infatuation by the judgment of Heaven, should flatter themselves, that forty thousand American yeomanry ; for we are assu- red by the same great authority, that more than forty thousand cannot be brought to action, should stand the shock of this di'eadful phalanx. But I should beg pardon for attempting to be ludicrous, upon a subject which demands our utmost indignation. I shall now, therefore, on the presumption that the people of England should he so lost to sense, virtuCj and spirit, as to sufier 127 tbeii" profligate mis-niJers to persevere in their present measures, endeavour to stat€ to you what is their force, and what is yours. I shaHcndeavour to remove the false terrors wliich this writer would hold out in order to intimidate you from the de- fence of your liberties and those of posterity, that he and his similars may wallow in sinecures and benefices heaped up from the fruits of your labour and industry. Great Britain has, I believe, of infantry athorTie, comprehending Ireland, and ex- clusive of the guards, fifteen thousand men. They find the greatest difficulty in keeping the regiments up to any thing near their establishment : what they are able to procure are of the worst sort. They are composed of the most debauched weavers, apprentices, the scum of the Irish Roman Catho- lics, who desert upon every occasion, and a few Scotch, who are not strong enough to carry packs. This is no exaggeration : those who have been lately at Boston, represent the soldiers there (one or two regiments excepted) as very defective in siae, and apparently in strength. But we shall be told they are still regulars, and regulars have an irre- sistible advantage. There is, perhaps, more im- position in the term regular troops, than in any of the jargon which issues from the mouth of a quack doctor. I do not mean to insinuate, that a disorderly mob are equal to a trained disciplined body of men; but I mean, that all the essentials, necessary to form infantry for real service, may be acquired in a few months*. I mean, that it is * There cannot be a stronger illustration of the truth here advan- ced, ihiin the Prussian army. They are composed of about one- third of the King's subjects, two-thirds foreigners. The third con- sisting of his own subjects are, when the exercising season is over, which lasts six or seven weeks, suffered to return to their families, and attend to the business of husb;indry. Half of the other two- thirds, consisting of foreigners, are not only permitted, but encour- aged to work at their trades in the garrison towns, and never touch SI mtisket for the resi of the year. So that, in fact, only one-third 128 very possible for men to be clothed in red, to be expert in all the tricks of the parade, to call them- selves regular troops, and yet, by attaching them- selves prit^cipally or solely to the tinsel and sliow ot" war, be totally unfit for real service. This, I am told, is a ^ood deal the case of the present British infantry. If they can acquit themselves tolerably in the puerile reviews, exhibited for the amuse- ment of royal masters and misses in Hyde Park, or Wimbledon Common, it is sufficient. In the beginning of the late war, some of the most esteemed regular regiments were sent over to this country ; they were well dressed, they were well powdered, they were perfect masters of their manual exercise, they fired together in platoons ; but fatal experience taught us, that they knevv not how to fight. While your militia were frequently crowned vviih success, these regulars were defeated or bafRed for three years successively, in every part of the Continent. At length, indeed, after re- peated losses and disgraces, they became excellent troops, but not until they had absolutely forgotten every thing which, we are assured, must render re- gulars quite irresistable. The corps; sent from this country under General Monkton, was, I believe, for its number, one of the best armies that ever was led to conquest ; and yet, if I have been rightly informed, there was not a single regiment of them that could go through the manual exercise, or, at best they performed it most wretchedly. It is likewise said, that when, after their glorious and rapid conquest of Martinico, they were joined by the spruce regiments from Europe, such was their uncooth appearance, that they were scarce honour- are, in the modern languag'c to be called reg-ular soldiers : these generally make their escape the first opporlvmity. It may be said, therefore, that the King of Prusia has gained all his victories with a sort of militia. 129 ed with the title of soldiers by those gentlemen. Upon the whole, it is most certain that men may be smartly dressed, keep their arms bright, be call- ed regulars, be expert in all the anticks of a re- view and yet be very mifit for real action. It is equally certain, that a militia, by confining them- selves to essentials, by a simplification of the ne- cessary manoeuvres, may become, in a very few months, a most formidable infantry. The yeoman- ry of America have, besides, infinite advantages over the peasantry of other countries ; they are ac- customed from their infancy to fire arms ; they are expert in the use of them : whereas the lower and middle people of England, are, by the tyranny of certain laws, almost as ignorant in the use of a mus- ket, as they are of the ancient catapulta. The Ame- cans are likewise, to a man, skilful in the man- agement of the instruments necessary for all mi- litary works ; such as spades, pick- axes, hatchets, &c. Taking, therefore, all circumstances into con- sideration, there will be no rashness in affirm- ing, that this continent may have formed for ac- tion, in three or four months, one hundred thou- sand infantry ; for as to the assertion of one friend- ly adviser, that nojnore than forty thousand could act to advantage^ I confess I do not understand it, nor does he, 1 believe, understand it himself. If he means that sixty thousand men cannot be ranged in a field, capable of containing only forty thou- sand, we shall all agree with him ; but how, in the operation of a war, upon a vast continent, double this number should be a disadvantage, I can have no conception. Let one simple general plan be adopted for the formation and subdivision of your battallions ; let them be instructed only in so much of the manual exercise as to prevent confusion, and ac- 130 cidents in loading and firing ; let them be taught to form, to retreat, to ..dvance, to change their front, to rally by their colours; let them be taught to reduce themselves from a line of fire to a line of impression, that is, from two deep to four, six, or eight. This is all so easy and simple, that it may be acquired in three months. Let some plan of this sort be adopted, I say, and there is no doubt but that, in the time I have ascribed, you may have an army on foot of seventy, eighty, or an hundred thousand men, equal to all the services of war. Should this be admitted, it will be still objected that you have no able officers to conduct you. I do not know that you have, but is it certain that those sent to dragoon you have better ? I have taken some pains to inform myself what methods these gentlemen, said to be bred to arms, take to qualify themselves in a superior degree for the pro- fession. What is their rotine of instruction ? Do they read much ? I am assured that they do not. From books alone the theory of war can be ac- quired, and the English service in time of peace, afibrds them no practical lessons ! for mounting guard once or twice a week, or the preparation for the review of a single regiment, can never be es- teemed as such.^J^ * It is much to be lamented that tlie {gentlemen of the army do not apply more of the many leisure hours they have upon their hands to reading. The majorily of them arc of a generous disposition which did they cultivate, by conversing with the great Jiistorians and orators of antiquity, and the more liberal political writers of our own country, a standing army would be sometliing less an ob- ject of jealousy to all virtuous citizens. We might perhaps see them, instead of being advocates and partizans of the present min- istry, a check upon their wickedness. I am inclined to think that few, or none of the officers have condescended to infta-m themselves of the merit of the present contest. Let me conjure them, for once, to read cooly and candidly the whole process ; afterwards to lay their hands upon their hearts, and answer, whether the people of America in general, and of Boston in particular, are moro sinnei against, or sinning ? 131 Another circumstance, Americans, may be ad- ded for your comfort; it has been allowed by some of the most candid of the regulars them- selves, that during the last war upon this conti- nent, your countrymen, the provincial field offi- cers, were in general more understanding and ca- pable than their own of the same rank. But the history of the civil war in the year 1641, furnishes us with the strongest instances that excellent offi- cers may be soon formed from country gentlemen, citizens, lawyers, and farmers. The parliament's army, or, as our priestly writer would call them, the rebellious republicans, were chicfiy composed of this class of men. In the beginning of this war, they were treated with the same aflected con- tempt, and almost in the same opprobrious terms as you, the people of America, are by your friend- ly and decent adviser. Whoever would infer from the tenor of these papers, that the writer is desirous of precipitating, or could look with indifference upon the calamities of a civil war, does him great injustice. He con- siders them Vv'ith all the horror natural to a feel- ing man and honest citizen. He execrates the me- mory of those men, to whom they may be justly attributed ; but he is persuaded that they never ori- ginated, at least in states of any considerable ex- tent, in the turbulent dispositions of the people, nor in the arts of demagogues, but in the oppres- sion of their rulers, in the wantonness, folly, pride, or avarice of kings, ministers, or governors. The Now I am upon the subject of the officers of the airny, I take tlie opportunity of mentioning-, with the respect due to him, one gentleman of high rank amonjj them. His general conduct while in command was so liberal, and his letters quoted in the House of Commons, were so fiiir, candid, and friendly to the Continent that he is entitled to the thanks of America. He is indeed of a country that owes not only its prospei-ity, but its existence, to the same principles, which actuate America. 132 Grislers of Switzerland, the Granvels of Holland, the Lauds and StrafFords of England, were the undoubted authors of the tragedies, acted in their respective countries ; and if this continent should be stained with the blood of a single citizen, it can never be charged to the unreasonable preten- sions of the people, but to the Barnards, Hutchin- sons, and some other traitors of a similar stamp. He is convinced, that being prepared for a civil war is the surest means of preventing it ; that to keep the swords of your enemies in their scab- bards, you must whet your own. He is convinced, that remonstrances, petitions, prayers, and suppli- cations, will make no impressions on our callous court, and abandoned parliament. England, Ire- land, America, even Guernsey, Jersey and Minorca, are witnesses of their inefficacy. He is convinced, that fear alone can operate ; there are symptoms that it already begins to operate. The monster tyranny already begins to pant ; press her now with ardour, and she is down. Already the mi- nistry have expressed in their letter an inclination to make some concessions, to meet you half- way, which, I suppose, may be construed thus, *' that as they find they have it not in their power to estab- lish, by force, the despotism which they aimed at, they shall be very well satisfied if you will just cede so much of your rights and privileges as will enable them, by extending their pecuniary influ- ence, and sapping your virtue, to take away the rest at their leisure." There now remains, peopk of America, one consideration, which, however it may be taken, I think it my duty to offer. History tells us, that the free states of Greece, Thebes, Sparta, A.thens, and Syracuse, were all, in their tu;ns, subjugated In' the force or art of tyrants. They almost all. 13S in their turns, recovered their liberty and destroy- ed their tyrants. The first act, upon the recovery of their liberty, was to demolish those badges of slavery, citadels, strong-hoids, and military tene- ments ; the Switzcrs did the same ; the people of England, lost in corruption and lethargy as they are, could never be prevailed upon to suffer barracks amongst them ; even the courtly Black- stone is startled at the idea. No separate camps, no barracks, no inland fortresses, says he, should be allowed ; in fact, wherever barracks are, free- dom cannot be said to exist, or she exists so lame- ly, as scarcely to deserve the name. It is worth your consideration, Americans, whe- ther these badges should remain or no. I shall now conclude, brave citizens, with invoking the Almighty Go^, from whom all virtues flow, to continue you in that spirit of uminimity and vigor which must ensure you success, and immortalize you through all ages, as the champions and pat- rons of the human race. TO THE GENTLEMEN OF THE PROVINCIAL CON- GRESS OF VIRGINIA. JL HE addresses presented to their lieutenant go- vernor by the Council, and eleven polluted mem- bers of the Assembly of New-York, are, to eve- ry sensible thinking American, of infinitely a more alarming nature, than the threats of the minister, the bi'utum fulmen of the king's speech, (if that can properly be termed the king's speech,) which the minister has publicly avowed to be his own composition,* or the echoing back this speech by * The affected friends to Government often coraplain, that his Majesty is not treated with the respect due to his character and sta- tion ; but it appears to mc, that a minister's declaring in an open senate, that the speech from the throne is not tlie king's, but his M 134 a hireling majority of the peers to their pay-mas- ter ; for as long as a spirit of union subsists through this continent ; and as long as the people at home have reason to think that this spirit does subsist ; these threats of the minister, although vibrated from the sounding-board of the throne, and the echoing it back by a hired chorus of peers, must cast more ridicule upon those by whom they are uttered than give terror to those at whom they are leveUed, But the suspicion or report of any de- fection amongst ourselves, is a matter of most se- rious concern ; it behoves you, therefore, gentle- men, it behoves every Provincial Congress of the continent, to consider immediately of some effec- tual means to prevent the mischievous consequen- ces, intended by these abandoned and senseless men. Have we then formed a general associa- Eion of our provinces? Have we pledged ourselves to each other, to our posterity, to mankind? Have we made so great, temporary at least, sacrifices in the glorious cause of liberty ? Have we con- founded our enemies by a strain of virtue, scarce- ly credible in these modern ages, and with a spirit of harmony that has surpassed the most sanguine expectation ? Have we acted this noble part ? And shall the council, and eleven contemptible Assembly-men of New- York, attempt to render all we have done abortive? Contemptible in all respects, in numbers, in understanding, in know- ledge, and in principles ! For what other tenden- cy can their addresses to their lieutenant governor possibly have, but to counteract the resolves of the Congress, and render every thing you have done, abortive ? These compositions of pusil- lanimity, abject servility, and disgusting folly, own, is going beyond disrespect : It is a most outrageous insult ; it is representing his Majesty as a mere puppet, that squatks just M tht prompter breathes. amount simply to this : That the utmost exertion of this united continent.^ consisting of half a mil- lion of fighting men^ can have 710 ejfect ; that all the resistance^ civil or military ^ which they can make^ must be in vain ; but that redress alo7ie must be sought, and can be expected from the magnanimity of the British 7tation., a7idthe k7iow7i good7iess a7id virtue of the Ki7ig. Gracious Hea- ven ! grant us patience to be told, that we are to expect any thing frcm the magnanimity of a pe- ple who, for twelve years successively, have suf- fered themselves to be insulted, disgraced, tram- pled upon, plundered and butchered with impuni- ty! Or to be told, diat we are to look up to the goodness and virtue of akiuf^, who for the same number of years has been influenced to make in- cessant war upon the property, rights, privileges, laws, honour, and integrity of his people,, in every part of the Empire, is enough to drive moderation itself into Violence. But, continue these admirable senators, what opens still a surer prospect of redress is, that his excellency governor Try on is ?iow near the throne ; so it seems, that what the petitions, supplications, remonstrances of the whole colonies, of the city of London, of the great commercial towns, of the leading counties of England, what the voice of policy, reason, justice, and humanity, could not af- fect, Colonel Tryon's being in England will ac- complish. I know not whether this Colonel Tryon is a man of so extraordinary talents, eloquence, and influence, as to work these mighty miracles : I never understood that he was ; but I am sure, if he has common sense, and any manly feelings, he cannot help being somewhat disgusted, at this ill- timed impertinent flattery ; and that he must con- 136 ceive the greatest contempt for the parasites who, regardless of the most important concerns of their country and humanity, and at the very crisis which is to determine whether themselves and their poste- rity are to be freemen or slaves, could step out of their way to offer up incense to an unimportant individual. It may be said, this is all declamation; it may be so, but it is a declamation which an honest zeal in the public cause has forced me into. It is now time, gentlemen, to devise some means of putting a stop to this cancer be- fore it spreads to any dangerous degree. You, gentlemen, of Virginia, and your neighbours of Maryland, have perhaps these means in yourhands. I would propose then, that after a spirited mani- festo expressing your abhorrence of the council*, and prostitute eleven of New- York, you should proceed to punish the individuals of this wicked junto who are in your power. Some of them have great contracts for wheat, and corn in these provinces, from Norfolk, Alexandria, Chester, Baltimore, and other parts. They export prodi- gious quantities, and enrich themselves conside- rably by this commerce. I would propose, that all commerce with these assassins should be laidimme- dlately under an interdict ; that not a single ship belonging to a counsellor of New- York, unless he purges himself by oath from having consented to the address, or of one of the prostitute eleven, should be furnished with a freight within the capes Henry or Charles; and I have that opinion of tlie virtue of these provinces, to think your in- junctions would be efficacious. But here I must * I cannot persuade myself that the council were unanimous in this infamous address ; there are individuals amongst them of known probity, sense, and patriotism. But tliese gentlemen, so far from objecting to the obligation of purging themselves by oath of having any share of the guilt, will rejoice in, the opportunity of acquitting themselves. 157 beg leave to pause for an instant, and ask pardon of the public for my apparent presumption. An individual who offers his thoughts to so respectable a body, as a congress, delegated by the voice of a whole people, has certainly the air of presump- tion. It is in some measure attributing to himself superior lights and abilities; but, on the other hand, it is allowed, that an individual has fre- quently been fortunate enough to chalk out lines in which the most sagacious and respectable bodies have not disdained to walk. If his proposals, or hints, be weak and absurd, they will naturally be laughed at; but if his intentions be honest, the consciousness of having acted from motives of rec- titude, and the love of his country, will suffici- ently compensate for any ridicule which his scheme can incur. I would therefore wish, that what I offer should rather be understood as hints than ad- vice. If these hints are attended to, I shall reap no personal glory; if they are despised, I shall be no personal sufferer, as my name will probably never be known. But to proceed with my proposals, or hints, in which latterlight I am most desirous they should be considered, I could wish, to the above- mentioned manifesto, was subjoined, the warmest letter of thanks to the virtuous ten of the Assembly of New- York, for their endeavoursto stem the prc- fligacy and wickedness of the majority, and for the noble part they have acted as true Americans and excellent citizens ; that another address, no less warm , should be presented to the gentlemen and peo- ple of New- York at large, expressing your opinion of their honesty and public spirit, and lamenting their peculiar circumstances ; which, to those wha are strangers to these circumstances, may inculcate a belief that they alone are exceptions to the cha- racter of patriotism, which the Americans arc now M. 2 138 indisputably entitled to. But above alJ, I couid wish thj'^ it were recommended to every province of the continent, more particularly to their imme- diate neighbours of Pennsylvania, the Jei sies, and Connecticut, not to suffer one of this depraved un- decemvirate to set his foot on their territories, un- til he invokes the forgiveness of his country, and solemnly engages, that his future life shall be em- ployed in making compensation for his present conduct, of so obviously a mischievous tendency. The epithets prostitute, profligate, &c. which I have so freely made use of, may probably appear illiberal ; but, when we consider the mischievous consequences which the conduct of these Council and Assembly-men of New- York are fraught with, it must be allowed, that nolanguage can furnish op- brobrious terms adequate to their delinquency. 1 am far indeed from apprehending that their weight and influence are sufficient to shake the virtue of the continent, or occasion any defection. I do not believe that an individual, much less a set of men, will be found who will be stupid and wicked enough to tread in their steps ; the infamous* * * of Philadelphia, and a small perverse drivelling knot of Quakers, who form his Senate and Court excepted. This Worthy fixed his residence at New-York, with the professed intention of working, with some congenial spirits in that city, towards the ruin of the whole fabric v/hich the Congress had been raising. Indeed, it is most probable, that he was the principal compiler, if not the dictator, of these WTetched addresses. The style and sentiments are certainly his : the same mist, fog, and darkness, which overcast all his productions, envelope these addresses; and the same nanovv, crooked politics, low cunning, malignancy, and treachery, discover- 139 able through the mist, fog, and obscurity of all his works and actions, betray themselves in these addresses. It may now be asked, as I have represented the character, weight and credit of these eleven As- sembly-men, of the majority of the Council of New- York, and their Philadelphian coadjutor, or, more properly, dictator, in so despicable a light, wherefore should I sound the alarm ? What mis- chiefs can possibly result from the utmost such men can do ? I answer, that although they can neither occasion any defection, nor present the least prospect of success to the enemies of Ame- rica, and liberty, they can do very considerable mischief: they can procrastinate the issue; they can, and most probably will, prolong the inconve- niences which we must, more or less, feel during the contest. There is nothing more certain than that the ministry have proceeded to the enormous lengths they have done upon the presumption, that the attacks upon Boston would not have been ta- ken up by the other provinces as the cause of the whole.* There is, therefore, nothing more cer- tain, than that the appearance of our firmness and unanimity, must soon have overthrown them, or forced them into a total change of measures ; but the least appearance, that this firmness and unan- imity no longer subsists, will encourage them to persist, and will enable them to keep their ground some time longer. These addresses of New- York will give this appearance ; so that whatever the gentlemen, the merchants, the tradesmen, the mechanics, and the people of America at large, suffer from the prolotjgation of ihe contest, what- ever shall be added to the distresses and burden *That this is the principle they acted upon, is now put out of diis- pute by the conduct of I^ord North in the Hovsv of Commons, and some speeches directed to him. 140 of the people at home, whatever shall further im- pair the commerce, strength, credit, and reputa- tion of the mother country, and bring her still nearer to total bankruptcy and ruin ; whatever shall farther alienate the affections of the child from the parent, may justly be imputed to this abject Councilfand eleven prostitute Assemblymen of New-York. ON A FAMOUS TRIAL IN THE COURT OF COMMON PLEAS, BETWEEN GENERAL MOSTYN, GOVERNOR OF MINORCA, AND AN INHABITANT OF THAT ISLAND. JlT is a maxim with the Emperors of China, when the people of any of their provinces offer up complaints of their governors, immediately to recal them, to hear the charges brought against them, and, if they are found guilty, to punish them in proportion to their delinquency ; and such is the parental complacency of those eastern mo- narehs for their subjects, that even when the grie- vances complained of prove ill-founded, the go- vernor who has had the misfortune, though inno- cently, to incur the ill-opinion of the people, is never more employed, in the same capacity, over that or any other province, his having been suspec- ted o^ mal-administration being deemed a total disqualification. Though the justice of this max- im may not be universally admitted, it certainly is a wise one, as it is founded on a respect and de- ference of the public wishes ; to which, when it can be done compatibly with the public safety, the prince ought to pay the greatest regard* But, how different has been the rule of conduct obser- ved tlirough the whole present reign ! Does a governor render himself completely odious to the 141 people over whom he is set to preside ? — he is that instant adopted a favourite at court. The infamous Bernard, who was not only arraigned, but stands convicted, in the opinion of all man- kind, of one continual series of misrepresentation, falsehoods, treachery, and every species of trea- son to the people of his government, was contin- ued until the last possible moment ; and, when recalled, so far from meeting with the censures he had merited, that he was exalted to the rank of a baronet, and had an ampie provision made for him in Ireland. And this public reward for delinquen- cy has had the effect which must naturally be ex- pected ; for his successor in office, it is reported, pitches many bars beyond him in perfidy and wickedness, for which he probably expects an Irish peerage. And, to say the truth, if our court acts consistently with itself, they are obliged as his merits are still greater, to confer on him a higher title, and a more ample provision than on the baronet his predecessor. If we turn our eyes towards Ireland, the decen- cy and kindness exhibited by the court for that peoble is still more striking. The late viceroy, by talents peculiar to himself, almost on his first landing, incurred the contempt and detestation of the whole kingdom, to a man. This was a sufficient, and, apparently, the only motive of his being continued for a long five years in his sta- tion ; for, what other motives can be conjectured ? As it is agreed, on all hands, that even the wretched expedients from day to day, little jobs and larcenies, as well as the more substantial plun- dering, called, in the cant of courtiers, business of government, were never so miserably bungled through as by this ridiculous m.ock-majesty. At length, however, a successor is appointed : a 142 length, under the protection of the whole mili- tary, he is withdrawn from the just resentment of the people whom he had oppressed, beggared, and insulted ; at length, thus circumstanced, he is presented to his sovereign, by whom he is caressed, smiled upon, and preferred in so distin- guished a manner, that a stranger who had been present, would have been apt to imagine him returned loaded with the spoils of some ancient inveterate enemy of his country, and not with the injuries and execration of a whole nation of loyal and affectionate subjects. Such has been the mode of treating the griev- ances of our natural brethren of Ireland and the Massachusett's bay, and a still more comfortable prospect is opened to our fellow subjects who are not of British extraction. The Canadians, the inhabitants of the ceded islands, asid of Minorca; these people are told, that if their property is in- vaded, or their persons insulted, they are to seek redress from the King and Council. Are some late occurrences calculated to give them confidence in those from whom they are to seek redress ? Let us, without exaggeration or perversion, state the case of General Mostyn and Mr. Fabrigas. General Mostyn is accused by Fabrigas of vio- lently and illegally throwing him into prison, and afterwards banishing him the island, for no other crime than petitioning against a regulation which he conceived to be prejudicial and grievous. The cause is tried : the allegation not only proves just in its full extent, but aggravated with a variety of wanton, cruel circumstances. — Fabrigas, a substantial farmer, is thrown into the dungeon appropriated to felons convicted of capital crimes; the sentinels receive strict orders not to allow the least refreshment to be conveyed to him ; even 143 the air-hole is guarded, lest some of his children or friends should drop a loaf of bread, or bunch of grapes. Having lain in this miserable dungeon for some days, he is at length hand-cuffed and pinioned, drawn forth, and, by the simple fiat of this smart, lively minature of God's vicegerent on earth, John Mostyn, Esq. hurried on bord a ship* pre- pared for the purpose, and interdicted from the fire and water of his native island, until it should please the said little, mighty John Mostyn, Esq. to suspend the interdict. And it was thought a wonderful act of clemency, not only by his visier, the most accurate, judicious, liberal, ve- racious Mr. Wright f, but by another illustrious member of the divan, in thus committing the bow-string or hatchet into the gentle sentence of banishment ; for these worthy ministers gave it as their opinion, openly in an English court, that strangling and beheading was a part of his High- nesses prerogative. But I should beg pardon for attempting to be ludicrous upon an occasion so very serious, not indeed because a man of Mr. Mostyn's stamp, a contemner, and, as far as a very little wit will enable him, a ridiculer of all public spirit and sentiment, a deserter of his noble friend and patron;]:, on the first appearance that he no longer possessed the power of serving him farther. * He was banished for a year to Cartbagena. His wife, as they were carrying- him onboard, appeared on the beach with a matrass, but the guard was ordred to drive her away witii their bayonets ; this convenience of a matrass being thought too great an indul- gence. f His secretary. This gentleman was asked in court, whether it was a part of the governor's privilege to behead or hang ? and re- plied, ingeniously, he beleivedit was. The chief engineer, estf^em- ed a man of some seme and learning, seemed to be of the same opin- ion. t Lord Rockingham ; to whom Mr. Mostyn owed all his great preferments : he opposed his patron when minister, because he knew it would please tlie cabinet. 144 That a man of this stamp should be intoxica- ted with authority, and run into violence and ab- surdity, when removed from immediate checks, is not to be wondered at, nor that such a governor should be furnished with a dull mercenary secre- tary, ready to execute the mandates of his prin- cipal, be they ever so iniquitous and preposterous; but that there shot^Id be found a single officer of rank, of no despicable parts, and some reading, to encourage, advise and justify measures so repug- nant to the spirit of our constitution and the rights of mankind, is astonishing, and in the highest de- gree alarming ; for, if such notions become fashi. ionable amongst the military, our laws are but a parapet of paper, vvliich the sword is ready to cut through on the first hint from a dictator. The idea, I say, of such principles becoming fashiona- ble in the army must give the most serious alarm to every individual who does not wish annihilation to the present liberties of these islands, and enslave- ment to their posterity. But what follows, is more particularly a matter of melancholy concern to our fellow subjects, the colonists of America, the Ca- nadians, and the people of Minorca. They are, it seems, if aggrieved, to seek redress from the king and council; but if they have reason to think that their redressers will become partisans of those who oppress them, what must be the situation of their minds ? Will they not naturally despair, and resign themselves passively to the hand of power, or bravely attempt to redress themselves ? To one of these alternatives, a cir- cumstance immediately subsequcnttoMr.Mostyn's trial, must tend to reduce them. Reeking with the infamy of being convicted by an honest jury of his country, he dared to present himself at the levee of her first magistrate, where he, who is the 145 head, and in fact creates anduncreates this court from which redress and equity are to flow, he, who sliould consider himself as the corrector of abuses, and avenger of wrongs, could attempt to be facetious on the occasion. Well, General, says the King, so you have been cast; and who were the counsel employed by your doughty adversary ? The General, a veteran courtier, long accustomed to royal waggery, smartly replied, the learned sergeant Glynn, and the profound duke of Rich- mond. This was prodigiously witty, that the whole circle, lords of the bed-chamber, maids of honour, and privy-council, all burst into a loud laugh*. This maybe a very excellent joke at St. James's; but I can assure Saint James's, that in other places it favours but of shallow wit, and that it only serves as a proof, for which there was no occasion, of the weakness of the heads, and corruption of the hearts, within those walls. And I can further assure them, that did such nobleuien, and such lawyers, as the duke of Richmond, and sergeant Glynn, form the circle of the drawing room, it would be more for the honour of his Majesty, and the sa- tisfaction and safety of the nation, than one com- posed of the Grafton's, Sandwiches, Nortons, and Wedderburnes. A SHORT HISTORY OF THE TREATJIENT OF MAJOR GENERAL CONWAY, LATE IN THE SERVICE OF AMERICA. Philadelphia, December 3, 17T8. LrN Monday the 23d of November last, the hon- ourable Major General Conway set out from this city, on his return to France. The his- * It is to be observed, that the Treasury paid General Mostyn's damages. N 146 tory of the treatment this gentleman has received, is so singular that it must make a figure in the anecdotes of mankind. He was born in Ireland, but at the age of six was carried into France ; was bred up from his infancy to the profession of arms ; and, it is univ^ersally allowed, by the gentlemen of that nation, that he has, in their service, the reputa- tion of being what is styled un tres brave major d^infanterie, which is no small character. It im- plies, if I comprehend the term right, a man pos- sessed of all the requisite qualities to fill the duties of a general officer in the secondar}^ line, but by no means ranks him among those favoured mor- tals to whom it has pleased God to give so large a portion of the ethereal spirit, as to render reading, theory and practice unnecessary ; but with the spectacle of this phcenomena Heaven entertains the earth but very seldom ; Greece, as historians re- port, had but one* ; Rome none ; England and France, only one each. As to this hemisphere, I shall be silent on the sv>bject, lest I should be sus- pected of not being serious. But be this as it may, it is past doubt that General Conway is a man of excellent understanding, quick and pene- trating, that he has seen much service, has read a great deal, and digested well what he has read. It is not less certain, that he embarked, with the warmest zeal, for the great American cause, and it has never been insinuated, unless by those who have the' talent of confounding causes, that his * x\lexaiider ; Henry the fifth ; and the Prince of Conde. It may be disputed, however, whether these heroes were indebted to the gift of Heaven alone for their glories. Alexander served some cam- paigns under his father Phibp, bad Ariarolle for his master. Kenry, before he became king, distinguished himself in the civil wars against the hduse of Northumberland, and, if I recollect right, comman- ded in some expedition against the Welsh ; and the Prince of Conde had lessons from the great masters formed in the schcols of the wars jn the Low Country. 147 zeal has diminished. His recompense has been, What ? lie has lost his commission ; he has been refused thecommon certificate, which every officer receives at the expiration of his services, unless his delinquencies have been very substantial indeed. And for what crime ? For none, by any law, or the most strained construction that can be put on any la\v. The reasons given are so far from being substantial, that they really ought to refiect hon- our on his character. It seems he has been accu- sed of writing a letter, to a confidential friend, comm-imicating an opinion, that the commander in chief was not equal to the great task he was charged with. Is this a crime ? The contrary. If it was really his opinion, it was decent, it was honest, it was laudable, it was his duty. Does it come under any article of war ? I may venture to affirm, that it does not. God help the communi- ty that should be absurd enough to frame a law which could be construed into such a sense ; such a community could not long subsist. It ever has been, and ever ought to be, the custom in all ar- mies, not absolutely barbarians, for the officers of high rank minutely to canvass the measures of their commander in chief; and if his faults or mistakes appear to them many and great, to com- municate their sentiments to each other ; it can be attended with no one bad consequence ; for if the criticisms are unjust and impertinent, they on- ly recoil on the authors ; and the great man who is the subject of them, shines with redoubled lus- tre. But if they are well founded, they tend to open the eyes of the Prince or State, who, from blind prejudice, or some strange infatuation, may have reposed their affairs in hands ruinously in- capable. Does any man of sense, who is the least acquainted with history, imagine that the greatest 148 generals the world ever produced have escaped censure ? Hanibal, Caesar, Turene, Marlborough, have all been censured ; and the only method they thought justifiable of stopping the mouths of their censors, was by a fresh exertion of their tal- ents, and a perpetual series of victories. Laissons parlor ces bahleurs Pespere. que fwus leur ferme- rons la bouche a force des victoires, was the answer of the king of Prussia to those worthy gentle- men, who thought to recommend themselves by informing him, that some of his measures were made very free with by certain officers in his ar- my. Indeed, it is observable, that in proportion to the capacity or incapacity of the commander in chief, he. countenances or discountenances the whole tribe of tale-bearers, informers, and pick- thanks, who ever have been, and ever will be, the bane of those courts and armies where they are encouraged, or even suffered. Allowing Gener- al Washington to be possessed of all the virtues and military talents of Epaminondas, and this is certainly allowing a great deal, for whether from our modern education, or perhaps the modern state of human affairs, it is difficult to conceive that any mortal in these ages should arrive at such perfection ; but allowing it to be so, he would still lemain mortal, and of course subject to the infir- mities of human nature ; sickness or other casu- alties might impair his understanding, his memory, or his courage ; and, in consequence of the fail- ure, he might adopt measures apparently weak, ridiculous, and pernicious. Now, I demand, supposing this certainly possible case, whether a I w, the letter or spirit of which should absolutely seal up the lips and restrain the pens, of every wit- ness of the defection, would not, in fact, be de- nouncing vengeance against those who alone have 149 the means in their power of saving the public from the ruin impending, if they should dare to make use of these means for its salvation. If there were such a law, its absurdity would be so mon- strously glaring, that we may hardly say, it would be more honoured in the breach than in the ob- servance. In the English and French armies, the freedom with which the conduct and measures of commanders in chief are canvassed is notorious, nor does it appear that this freedom is attended with any bad coiiisequences ; it has never been once able to remove a real great officer from his command. Every action of the Duke of Marl- borough (every body who has read must know) was not only minutely criticised, but his whole conduct was dissected, in order to discover some crime, blunder, fault, or even trifling error ; but all these impertinent pains and wicked industry, were employed in vain ; it was a court intrigue alone that subverted him ; the low military cabals passed as the idle wind. General Wolfe, with whom to be compared, it can be no degradation to any mortal living, was not merely criticised, but grossly calumniated by some officers of high rank under him ; but that great man never thought of having recourse to the letter or construction of any law, in order to avenge himself; he was contented with informing his calumniators, that he was not ignorant of their practices, and that the only method he should take for their punishment, would be an active perseve- rance in the performance of his duty, which, with the assistance of God, he made no doubt would place him beyond the reach of their malice. As to what liberties they had taken with him person- ally, he should wait till he was reduced to the rank H 2 150 of a private gentleman, and then speak to them in that capacity. Upon the whole, it appears, that it never was understood to be the meanin,^ of the English ar- ticle of war, which enjoins respect towards the commander in chief; and of course it ought not to be understood, that the meaning of that article of the American code (which is a servile copy from the English) is meant to proscribe the communi- cation of our sentiments to one another, on the ca- pacity or incapacity of the man on whom the. safe- ty or ruin of the state depends ; its intention was without doubt in part complimentary, and partly to lay some decent restrictions on the licence of conversation and writing, which otherwise might create a diffidence in the minds of the common sol- diery, detrimental to the public service. But that it was meant to impose a dead, torpid, idolatrous, silence, in all cases whatever, on men, who, from their rank, must be supposed to have eyes and understanding, nothing under the degree of an id- iot can persuade himself; but admitting in oppo- sition to common sense and all precedents, the proceeding to be criminal ; admitting Mr. Con- way guilty of it, to the extent represented, which he can demonstrate to be false ; in the name of God, why inflict the highest, at least negative pun- ishment, on a man untried and unheard. The re- fusal of a certificate, of having honestly served, is considered as the greatest of negative punish- ments ; indeed in the military idea, it is a posi- tive one. And I sincerely hope, and do firmly believe, (such is my opinion of the justice of Congress,) that when they have coolly reflected on the merits and fortunes of this gentleman, they will do him that justice, which nothing but the hasty miscon- 151 struction of a law hastily copied from another la^r, never defined nor understood, has hitherto preven- ted. PROPOSALS FOR THE FORMATION OF A TJODY OF LIGHT TROOPS, READY TO BE DETACHED ON AN EMERGENT OCCASION. ^jOUNT Polaski is certainly a good soldier, or he is not : for my own part, I believe him a very good one. In the first place he is a Polander, whose genius is adapted to the light or expedite war. In the second place, he has had much prac- tice in the best schools, and is undoubtedly brave and enterprising. If he is not a good soldier, as his corps is expensive, he ought not to be detain- ed ; therefore, it is expedient, either to send him about his business entirely, or to make the proper use of him ; but on the supposition that he knows his trade, I would propose the following scheme — That his legion should be immediately com- pleted to twelve hundred men, four hundred cav- alry, and eight hundred light infantry — for these eight hundred infantry, that a draft should be made, without loss of time, from every regiment of the continent, entirely of natives ; not so young as to be unable to resist the fatigues of this sort of service, but of the proper age for violent exercise and forced marches. Major Lee, who seems to have come out of his mother's womb a soldier, should be incorporated in this legion, with the rank of Lieutenant- Colonel, and to command spe- cifically the whole cavalry. If Major Lee's corps (for I know not their strength) will not, added to the cavalry Polaski already has, compleat them to four hundred, let there be a draft made from the other regiment of cavalry. Moilands, Blands, 152 and Sheldons, all of natives, and the very youn- gest men ; because on Polaski's principle of ex- ercise (which I verily believe to be the best in the world) none but very young men are capable of being trained to the manoeuvres ; but as it is not certain that either Count Polaski, or Major Lee understand the detail of cavalry, on which so much depends, let some Quarter-masters or Sergeants, who have served in the British cavalry., (and there are many on the continent,) be found out, en- couraged with rank and emolument, and employ- ed. A corps thus composed, with brave and un- derstanding officers at their head, such as are Po- laski and Lee, with a few subordinate officers, knowing, in the detail, will render more effectual service than any ten regiments on the continent. It would likewise put a stop, for the future, to that odious, pernicious practice of picking the best men from every battalion, on what are called extraordinary occasions ; which practice has ab- solutely no other effect than disgusting the grea- ter part of the officers of the army, and rendering the whole dispirited and unfit for action. I could quote a strong instance of the bad consequences of this custom. Some days before the affair of Monmouth, General Scott was detached with a corps of picked men and officers, to the no small disgust of those who were left behind, who could not help considering it as a sort of stigma on their characters. After this, the Marquis de la Fayette was detached with another corps of one thousand, picked out in the same manner. This body, now consisting of twenty- five hundred men, instead of falling on the enemies flanks, did, from some fatali- ty, absolutely nothing at all. I was afterwards or- dered to march to sustain them, with three scan- ty brigades, composed entirely of the refuse; and 153 ^of this refuse I was under the necessity of forming my van- guard on the day of the action of Mon- mouth; for the picked corps, by the bhmders committed^ were so fatigued that they could scarcely move their legs. - Philaddphiu, July &lh, 1T99. S(»1E QITERIES, POLITICAL AND MILITARY, HU5I- BLY OFFERED TO THE CONSIDERATION OF THE PUBLIC. 1st. Whether George the First did not, on his accession to the throne of Great Britain, by ma- king himself king of a party, instead of the whole nation, sow the seeds not only of the subversion of the liberties of the people, but of the ruin of the whole empire ? 2d. Whether, by proscribing that class of men, to which his ministry were pleased to give the appellation of Tories, he did not, in the end, make them not only real tories, but even Jacobites ? 3d. Whether the consequence of this distinc- tion, now become real, was not two rebellions ; and whether the fruit of those rebellions, although defeated, were not septennial parliaments, a large standing army, an enormous additional weight and pecuniary influence thrown into the scale of the crown, which in a few years have borne down, not only the substance, but almost the form of liberty, all sense of patriotism, the morals of the people, and, in the end, overturned the mighty fa- bric of the British empire ? 4th. Whether the present men in power, in this state, do not tread exactly in the steps of this per- nicious ministry, by proscribing and disfranchising so large a proportion of citizens as those men 154 whom they find it then- interest to brand with the denomination of Tories ? 5th. Whether Hberty, to be durable, should not be constructed on as broad a basis as possible ; and whether the same causes, in all ages, and in all countries, do not produce the same effects ? 6th. Whether it is not natural and even justifia- ble, for that class of people (let the pretext be ev- er so plausible) who have been stripped of their rights as men, by the hard hand of power, to wish for, and endeavour to bring about, by any means whatever, a revolution in that state, which they can- not but consider, as an usurpation and tyranny ? 7th. Whether a subject of Morocco is not, when we consider human nature, a happier mor- tal, than a disfranchised citizen of Pennsylvania, as the former has the comfort of seeing all about him in the same predicament with himself; the latter, the misery of being a slave in the specious bosom of liberty ? The former drinks the cup, but the latter alone can taste the bitterness of it. 8th. Whether an enlightened member of a French parliament is not a thousand times more wretched than a Russian cirf or peasant ? As to the former, the chains, from his sensibility, must be extremely galling ; and on the latter, they sit as easy as the skin of his back. 9th. Whether it is salutary or dangerous, con- sistent with, or abhorrent from, the principles and spirit of liberty and republicanism, to inculcate and encourage in the people, an idea, that their welfare, safety, and glory, depend on one man ? Whether they really do depend on one man ? 10th. Whether, amongst the late warm, or ra- ther loyal addressors, in this city, to his Excellen- cy General Washington, there was a single mor- tal, one gentleman excepted, who could possibly be acquainted with his merits ? 155 11th. Whether this gentleman excepted, does really think his Excellency a great man ; or whe- ther evidences could not be produced of his sen- timents being quite the reverse ? 12th. Whether the armies under Gates and Ar- nold, and the detachment under Starke, to the Northward, or that immediately under his Excel- lency, in Pennsylvania, gave the decisive turn to the fortune of war ? 13th. Whether, therefore, when Monsieur Ge- rard and Don Juan de Miralles, sent over to their respective courts the pictures of his Excellency General Washington at full length, by Mr Peal, there would have been any impropriety in sending over, at the same time, at least a couple of little heads of Gates and Arnold by M. de Simitiere. 14th. On what principle was it that Congress in the year 1776, sent for General Lee quite from Georgia, with injunctions to join the army under General Washington, then in York-Island, without loss of time. 15th. Whether Congress had reason to be satis- fied or dissatisfied with this their recal of General Lee, from what subsequently happened on York- Island, and at the White-Plains ? 16th. Whetiier Fort Washinsrton was or was not tenable ? Whether there were barracks, case- mates, fuel, or water, within the body of the place ? Whether in the outworks, the defences were in any decent order ? And whether there were even platforms for the guns ? 17th. Whether, if it had been tenable it could have answered any one single purpose ? Did it cover, did it protect a valuable country ? Did it prevent the enemy's ships from passing or repassing with impunity ? 18th. Whether, when General Howe manifest- 15G ly gave over all thoughts of attacking General Washington, in the last strong position in the rear of White-Plains, and fell back towai^ds York-Is- land, orders should not have been immediately dis- patched for the evacuation of Fort Washington, and for the removal of all the stores of value from Fort Lee to some secure spot, more removed from the river ? Whether this was not proposed and the proposal slighted ? 19th. Whether the loss of the garrison of Fort Washington, and its consequent loss of Fort Lee, with the tents, stores, &c. had not such an effect on the spirits of the people, as to make the difference of twenty thousand men to Ameri- ca? 20th. Whether, in the defeat of Brandewine, General Sullivan was really the person who ought to have been censured ? 21st. Wliether, if Duke Ferdinand* had com- manded at Germantown, after having gained, by the valour of his troops, and the negligence of his enemy, a partial victory, he would have contrived, by a single stroke of the Bathos, to have corrupt- ed this partial victory into a defeat ? 22d. Whether our positions at Valley Forge was not such, that if General Howe, or after- wards General Clinton, had been well informed of its circumstances, defects, and vices, they might not at the head of ten, or even of eight thousand men, have reduced the American army * In one of the numerous publications which have lately infested Philadelphia, it was brought as a crime against Mr. Deane, that he had, directly or indirectly, made some overtures to Prince Ferdi- nand of Brunswick, to accept the command of the American ai'my, who must of coui'se have superceded General Washington. This crime appeared to all the foreign officers who are acquainted with the prince's reputation as a soldier, in so very ridiculous a light, that they never think or speak of it without being thrown into violent fits of laughter. 157 to the same fatal necessity as the Americans did General Burgoyne ? 23d. Whether the trials of General St. Clair, of which court-martial General Lincoln was pre- sident, and that on General Lee, were conducted in the same forms, and on the same principles ? Whether in the former, all hearsay evidences were not absolutely rejected ; and in the latter hear- say evidence did not constitute a very considerable part? 24th. Whether, if the Generals Schuyler and St. Clair, had been tried by the same court-mar- tial as General Lee was, and, instead of Congress, General Washington had been the prosecutor, those gentlemen (unexceptionable as their conduct was) would not have stood a very ugly chance of being condemned? And whether, if instead of Gene- ral Washington, Congress had been the prosecutor, General Lee would not probably have been ac- quitted with the highest honour ? 25th. Whether it must not appear to every man who has read General Washington's letter to Con- gress, on the aifair at Monmouth, and the pro- ceedings of the Court-Martial, by which General Lee was tried, that if the contents of the former are facts, not only General Lee's defence must be a tissue of the most abominable audacious lies, but that the whole string of evidences, both on the part of the prosecution and prosecuted, must be guilty of rank perjury, as the testimonies of those gentlemen, near forty innumber, delivered on oath, scarcely in one article coincide with the detail gi- ven in his JLxcellency's letter? 158 COPY OF GENERAL LEE^s WILL. J.5 Major General Charles Lee, of the county of Berkeley, in the commonwealth of Vir- ginia, being in perfect health, and of a sound mind, considering the certainty of death, and the uncertainty of the time it may happen, have de- termined to make this my last will and testament, in manner following : that is to say, I give and bequeath to Alexander White, esq. one hundred guineas, in consideration of the zeal and integrity he has displayed in the administration of my affairs, also the choice of any two of my colts or iillies under four years of age. Item, I give and bequeath to Charles Minn Thruston, esq. fifty guineas, in consideration of his good qualities and the friendship he has mani- fested for me ; and to Buckner Thruston, his son, I leave all my books, as I know he will make a good use of them. To my good friend, John Mercer, esq. of Marlborough in Virginia, I give and bequeath the choice of two brood mares, of all my swords and pistols, and ten guineas to buy a ring : I would give him more, but as he has a good estate and abetter genius, he has sufficient, if he knows how to make a good use of them. I give and bequeath to my former aid-de-camp, Otway Bird, esq. the choice of another brood marc, and ten guineas for the same purpose of a remembrance-ring. I give and bequeath to my worthy friend Colo- nel William Grayson, of Dumfries, the second choice of two colts : and to. my excellent friend William Steptoc, of Virginia, I would leave a 159 great deal, but as he is now so rich, it would be uo less than robbing my other friends who are poor. I therefore entreat, he will only accept of five guineas, which I bequeath to him to purchp.se a ring of aftection. I bequeath to my old and fiiithful servant, or rather humble friend, Guisippi Minghini, three hundred guineas, with all my horses, mares, and colts of every kind, those above mentioned ex- cepted ; likewise all my wearing apparel and plate, my waggons and tools of agriculture, and his choice of four milch cows. I Ijeqiieath to Elizabeth Dunn, my housekeeper, one hundred guineas and my whole stock of cat- tle, the four milch cows above mentioned only excepted. I had almost forgot my dear friends, (and I ought to be ashamed of it,) Mrs. Shippen, her son Thomas Shippen, and Thomas Lee, esq. of Belle-View. I beg they will accept ten guineas each, to buy rings of affection. My landed estate in Berkeley, I desire may be divided into three equal parts, according to qua- lity and quantity ; one-third part I devise to my dear friend Jacob Morris, of Philadelphia; one other third part to Evan Edwards, both my for- mer aid de camps, and to their heirs and assigns ; the other third part I devise to Eleazer Oswald, at present of Philadelphia, and William Goddard, of Baltimore, to whom I am under obligations, and to their heirs and assigns, to be equally divi- ded between them •, but these devisees are not to enter until they have paid off the several legacies above mentioned, with interest from the time of my death, and all taxes which may be due on my estate. In case I should sell my said landed es- tate I bequeath the price thereof, after paying the I6d ' aforesaid legacies, to the said Jacob Morris, Kvm Edwards, Eleazer Oswald, and William Goddard, in the proportions above mentioned. All my slaves, which I may be possessed of at the time of my decease, I bequeath to Guisippi Minghini and Elizabeth Dunn, to be equally divi- ded between them. All my other property of every kind, and in every part of the world, after my decease, funeral charges, and necessary expenses of administra- tion are paid, I give, devise, and bequeath to my bister Sidney Lee, her heirs and assigns for ever. . I desire most earnestly, that I may not be buried in any church, or church-yard, or within a mile of any Presbyterian or Anabaptist meeting-house ; for since I have resided in this country, I have kept so much bad company when living, that I do not chuse to continue it when dead. I recommend my soul to the Creator of all \\ orlds and of all creatures ; who must, from his visible attributes, be indifferent to their modes of worship or creeds, whether Christians, Maho- metans, or Jews ; whether instilled by education, or taken up by reflection ; whether more or less absurd ; as a weak mortal can no more be answer- able for his persuasions, notions, or even scepti- cism in religion, than for the colour of his skin. And I do appoint the above-named Alexander White and Charles Minn Thruston, executors of this my last will and testament, and do revoke all other wills by me heretofore made. In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and seal this day of in the year of our Lord, one thousand seven hun- dred and eighty-two. ^ :if. i^ ik. £^ sk. CHARLES LEE. I seal, t 161 Signed, sealed, published, and declared by the said Ma- jor General Charles Lee, as, jor oenerai ^nanes l.cc, as, / and for, his last will and tes- \ tament. In presence of JAMES SMITH, SAMUEL SWEARINGEN, WlLLIAJyt GARRARD. At a court held for Berkeley county the 15th day of April, 1783, this last will and testament of Charles Lee, deceased, was presented in court by Alexander White, one of the executors therein named, who made oath thereto according to law, and the same being proved to be executed on the 10th day of September, 1782, by the oaths of James Smith and Samuel Swearingen, two of the witnesses thereto, and ordered to be recorded ; and on the motion of the said executor who enter- ed into bond with Adam Stephen, esq. his secu- rity, in the penalty of twenty thousand pounds, conditioned for his true and faithful administration of the said estate. Certificate is granted him for obtaining a probate thereof in due. form of law. A COPY. WILLIAM DREW 2 LETTERS TO AND FROM MAJOR GENERAL LEE I LETTERS TO CENEIlALr L.EE5 FROM SEVERAL EMINENT CHARACTERS EOTH IN EUROPE AND AMERICA. I.o):do7i, Xov. ■IlGtli,i~t59. Mr DEAR Lef, jL our American posts are excessive hard upon me, and mai reglee'^s. You and Montgomery are so good as to write to me often from thence. I have been, upon honour, very exact in my answers, without having been lucky enough that either of you should have heard from me. This time I hope to be more fortunate, having recommended my letter to the best hand. I envy you all the service you have seen whilst I have been in the most sluggish inactivity. I have indeed got a son, but cela ne conte gueres. Our good fortune, and that of our friends, has been indefatigable this vear. To-dav, we have the news of the surrender of Munster and the French in Germany retinng, probably into winter quarters. Daun is doing the same, and islikely to leave the amazingkingof Prus- sia once more in possession of Saxony. The Rus- sians, we flatter ourselves, will move no more. The Brest fleet is out ; Hawke after them, and a good account of them hoped for, and expected every moment. Next year I hope to have some- thing to do in Germany, where they talk of sen- ding us. I believe you already know my trade — Lieutenant Colonel to George Elliott's Light Dra« 166 goons. Being as horse-mad as ever, and having the rank of Colonel before by being the King's aid de camp, I preferred that to a young regiment of foot. So man}'^ children have of late been made Generals, that we Children-colonels are already very high in the list. The riding of this new corps has kept me fully employed this whole sum- mer, and I am now come up to town for winter quarters, which the season make much more pleas- ant than the country ones. We are all here in grief for the loss of poor Wolfe. Nobody of that age can be more publicly and privately admired and regretted. The war in America, we are in hopes will be over very soon; if so, I shall hope then to have the pleasure of seeing you. The French's fighting-days seem to be over, or at least, sus- pended. Every day produces a change amongst them, of generals, admirals, and ministry ; and every thing speaks them to be in the greatest pov- erty and disunion. It don't often happen here, or any where else, I believe ; but there is certainly at present amongst all here the greatest spirits and unanimity imaginable, and no appearances of want; much debauch, and good living ; so pray come amongst us soon. You have the good fortune not only to have seen service enough, but most of it successful. All your friends are well. Adieu, my dear Lee ! let me hear from you when you can, and be assured that no one can interest them- selves more sincerely about you than. Your most affectionate Friend, and Humble Servant, PEMBROKE. To • Capt. Charles Lee, In the 44th Reg. Albany. i3EAR Charles, 167 London, Nov. 28tk, 1759. JL OU have obliged me very much by a second letter come lately to my hands, and dated at Nia- gara : We had before received accounts of the re- duction of it, and your being in possession of the glorious country around ; which, by your descrip- tion, must be a paradise indeed ; and it is much to be wished, it may never again go out of your hands. Our acquisitions this year have been so great and important, that it has been thought proper to ap- point to-morrow a public thanksgivingday : and though Amherst has not got so forward as was ex- pected, yet he sends word he is master of Lake Champlain ; which, as we are possessed of the other side of Quebec, must bound the enemy be- tween the two in such a manner, as, we con- clude here, will distress them extremely, if not oblige them to make submission and surrender. In Europe, you will have iieard Boscawen fell in with the Toulon fleet, and took four of them ; and we are now in hourly expectation of Hawke's overtaking the Brest fleet, which stole out of the harbour the other day, in order, as it is supposed, to cover a descent, either upon Ireland or this country, which they have long threatened us with : but it must be a very desperate game they are playing, since, if our ships have the luck to come up with them, we have little fear here of their giving them such a blovv' as will put an end to the naval force of France for some time to conic— But I will talk no more of public affairs ; it will probably be of greater satisfaction to you, to hear of the welfare of your friends and relations, which I am happily enabled at present to assure you of ; for I know not of any exception amongst them 168 all. My son is gone to Turin, and I hope we may presume upon his health, though we have not late- ly heard from him ; he is to stay here five or six months, and afterwards to ramble about Italy an- other twelve-month. Your sister Sidney com- plains you do not write so often as she wishes. I gave her the satisfaction of knowing you had fa- voured me lately with a letter, and that you were well and happy, as I am willing to suppose by the strain of your style, which is very iivel}'^ and enter- taining. The books and chocolate you desired, have been sent to Mr. Calcroft near a month ago, who has taken the charge of them ; and I hope they will get safe to your hand : But sure you are not to stay on that continent for ever : We wish you to come again among your friends, and proba- bly some change might be procured, as well as ad- vance on this side of the water, if you desired it. Lord Graiiby commands in Germany at present, and is likely to be at the head of the army on this side of the water too, if Ligonier drops ; and it is supposed he cannot last a great while longer. The taking of Munster, which we had advice of the other day, will be of great importance to our allied army, and secure them good winter quarters. A great many matches ai'c talked of here in town, so that if you do not come soon, all our fine young ladies will be disposed of; but I know of none of your more particular acquaintance that have, or are about, changing their state. Pray go on writing to us ; nobody better qualified to entertain by their letters : I wish I had as good a knack on my side for the sake of your amusement. Your aunt and cousins beg to live constantly in your memory and good wishes ; they desire I will as- sure you, you have theirs most heartily ; and I i6y hope I need not add, that you will invariably have those of your affectionate and obliged uncle, WILLIAM BUNBURY. Capt. Charles Lee. ll'arsaic, Ajinl 29//j, i'CT. My Dejib Colonel, A ADMIRE, very much, the subtilty of your reasoning, and the arguments you run after, to prove me in fault for the silence you have long observed, which, I confess, has furnished me often with subject for reflections. The receipt of your letter has given me 59 much pleasure, that I ought in gratitude to forget every uneasy thought that I have permitted to torment me whilst I was in expectation of it ; and therefore shall proceed im- mediately to thank you for the intelligence it brings me, and the assurances it renews of your affection and friendship. I should have been heartily glad to have heard, ray dear Colonel, that His Majesty's recommend- ation had been more successful in procuring you an establishment equal to your merit and wishes ; but am not at all surprised that you find the door shut against you by the person who has such un- bounded credit ; as you have ever too freely in- dulged a liberty of declaiming, which many infa- mous and invidious people have not failed to in- form him of. The principle on which 3'ou thus openly speak your mind, is honest and patriotic, but not politic ; and as it will not succeed in changing men or times, common prudence should teach us to hold our tongues, rather than to risque our own fortunes without any prospect of advan- tage to ourselves or neighbours. Excuse this p 170 scrap of advice, my dear Colonel, and place it to the vent of a heart entirely devoted to your in- terest. I remember my promise, to inform you of the transactions of this place ; and had I received a line from you upon the road, should have endea- voured to find time during the diet to have given you a sketch of the critical and unexpected affairs that agitated us ; it will be needless now, as the public papers and your other correspondents here have, doubtless, not failed to instruct you. The important affair of the dissidents was rudely and insolently refused ; and you cannot be ignorant that those gentlemen have formed two confedera- tions in Poland and in Lithuania, supported by a Hussian army of thirty or forty thousand men, and that we expect a diet extraordinary in the months of August or September, for terminating their demands, to the satisfaction of the powers who interest themselves in their behalf : and though it is impossible to say how it will end, yet the appearances at present are much in their fa- vour, and we have all reason to think, that it will be conducted without any interruption of the tran- quillity of the republic. You must not imagine, that however important this negociation is, that our great men cannot find time for other amusements and engagements. — The object that engrosses our attention at this mo- ment, is love, and the family of Clavereau, (you remember the French actor and his two daugh- ters:) Prince Caspar Lubomirski marries the youngest daughter to day, and the eldest ran away, and married a musician, two days ago, having re- ceived from R- a considerable sum, as a re- compence for so infamous a part, and as serving only for a cloak to his views of getting her out of 171 her father's house. The father has acted, on this occasion, like a prince, and the ambassador like a comedian ; the latter laughs, and is content with his dexterity, and his flatterers tell him. he is an ha- bile 7iegotiateur : but every prudent and impartial man must condemn a person of his rank and cha- racter — father of many children, and past the heat of youth — for having committed such an extra- vagance. The chart du pais remains pretty much the same as when you left us ; the same friendships and the same quarrels. You have been the instrument of making Liiid's fortune ; M — has given him the absolute direction and education of Mons. Chambelkm's son, \\\th a pension for life, and he is to travel with him in a couple of years ; and I cannot but congratulate both parties, for Lindhas great merit as a scholar, and a man of principles and worth. I am much obliged to you, my dear Colonel, for your offers of service, and am convinced, that you would seize any opportunity of being useful to me ; I don't know in what manner you can do me a greater, than in the conservation of your sen- timents for me. Take care of your health, and husband well your fortune, which is sufficient to make you hiippy; and, in your happiness, I shall always find a sincere satisfaction. Adieu, my dear Colonel ! I am, and shall be, to the end of my life, Your affectionate Friend and Servant, THOMAS WROUGHTON. Col. Lee. 172 Island Sh John, Nov. iOth, 17T2. Mr Dkar Lee, vrF ail men on earth, you are the last„ from Avhom I expected to hear, unless it was in a para- ,G;raph of a foreign Gazette, that such a day Mons. General Lee, un Jngiois, was cut to pieces, de- fendinj^ his Polish Majesty, or in some desperate uncommon attack ; or, which was full as likely, that you was hanged for treason, in some of the daiuned arbitrary governments you have been Avandering through. But, how surprised ! when in the place of this, I received a flattering letter from you, dated Dijon. Surely, Lee, the climate oF France has produced this wonderful effect. I am sure in Old England you would never flatter any man, much less one whom you honoured with your friendship. Do you not know how apt we ail are to forget oujrselves when in power, or upon any sudden elevation ; arid how very ready we are to believe all the handsome things that even the most abject sycophants are pleased to bespat- ter us with ? Then, my friend, how much more dangerous must it be from a man, of whose un- derstanding I have always had the highest opin- ion ? And who is so remarkable for his candor and freedom of speech, that they are, to the dis- grace of our day, well known to be his greatest enemies. In spite of what I say, I will acknow- ledge I am proud of your good opinion, though delivered in too flattering a style ; but I hope it will have no other effect than to make me endea- ^'our to deserve it. Taking it for granted, that you will like to know how I bear my promotion, I will give you as impartial an account of it, in as few words as it is possible for a man to give of himself. I feel my- 173 self independent, and a slave to slaves, obliged to court. and flatter men whom I despised, both for their want of abilities and want of honesty. I hate power, and those in it, more and more every- day. I am plainer in my table and apparel than you ever knew me, without an attempt or wish to be rich. I have children and I feel they may one day be under another government, on the spot where their father once presided. This helps to make me careful, and as tender as possible of those entrusted to my care. My actions are as public as they can possibly be made ; and I hope my children and friends will never have reason to blush, or be ashamed to hear of them. I find the care of a people a more difficult thing than I imagined it to be, and I find myself very de- fective as a legislator : the former, perhaps time may render more easy, and 1 am endeavouring to remedy the latter, by as close an application, to study the spirit of the laws of my country, as is in my power; in the mean time, I am cautious of doing much, least I may do more evil than good. This, if I know any thing of my- self, is truth. How you will like the daubed por- trait, I know not, nor whether or not, I may not forfeit a part of your good opinion, by the bad- ness of the attempt. Having said so much of myself, I now come ta your business; and in the first place, I promise you, if it be in my power to do any for you, I will,' and with more pleasure than you can ask me. In the mean time, I can answer you some of your que- ries to a greater certainty, by being here, than if I had received your letter in Suffolk street, where you directed it to me. You desire to know if it is worth your while to lay out any money on your lands in this island ; I answer, ves. You have p 2 " 174 half of the very best lot on this island, or at least as p;oocl as any, and were I in your circumstances, I would be proprietor of the whole of it ; in that manner I would lay out the first money. There are a good many French who live upon it already ; but for want of title to the land, they do not im- prove it as they might : these would commence a small rent immediately, for which reason you ought to appoint an agent; and if you do not like to purchase the other half, you ought to come to some agreement with Sir Francis M'Leane, either to have a division made of it, or to bear a share of the expences; but I would by all means recom- mend the former, that is to say, to purchase the whole, or to have it divided. The kind of man, I would recommend to you as an agent, would be an English farmer, an active fellow, with a genius a little above the common run of them ; one that would not be so much guided by old customs, as to attempt ploughing here in February, because he was used to do so at home ; in short, a man who can think a little and accommodate both himself and his labour to the climate. As you have a plentiful fortune, no mat- ter whether or not he has, perhaps better not. To such a man you might give at an easy rent, as much land as he thought would make him a com- plete farm. He ought to bring some servants with him, who ought to be bound for three or four years, he paying them yearly wages, some- thing more than they get in England. He ought to bring likewise all the iron parts of every kind of farming utensils, and all the necessary iron work for building himself a house ; and, beside that, either money, or a credit to purchase cattle and a year's provisions. 175 If you had such a man well settled ; and it should be done in such a manner, that he might feel as few inconveniences as possible ; he would soon bring you more ; for you may depend upon it, the soil and climate both would please him. He ought to have a power of attorney to let your lands, and indeed as extensive a one as you, from your knowledge of the man, would think prudent to entrust him with. But after all, dear Lee, what is there to hinder you from taking a view of the place yourself, nay, of being your own agent. Do not you think the cultivating your lands, and improving your con- stitution and fortune, is a much more rational, and perhaps I might say, sensible employment, than scampering over all the continent of Europe, in search of damned Hungarian fevers. Come, Lee, and leave Hume to cram his history down the throats of his countrymen, for few others read it. You will find your gall bladder decrease in size very much, without writing strictures upon any thing ; or even abusing a king or a Barrington, as scon as you set foot upon this our free and hospi- table coast : and to encourage you, as I know you like good living, I will engage to give you as good beef, mutton, poultry, and salt fish, as you ever met with, and as my countrymen say, a hundred thousand welcomes. And now, taking it for gran- ted, that you will be as tired with reading, as I am with writing, by the time you get thus far, I will finish, by assuring you, that I am your affection- ate friend, and servant, W. PATTERSON. Colonel Lee. Dear Sin. 176 Wesiminskr, Feb. ist, 1T7.5. 1 RECEIVED two letters from you ; one by Mr. Hey, the other by the pacquet : I thank you most sincerely for both. Your first was particu- larly acceptable, as it gave me an opportunity of renewing and of improving my acquaintance with a gentleman, for whose character I have always had an high esteem. My particular friends were the first who took notice of his merit. They im- agined, that they could not do a better service to government, in a newly acquired French country, than to send them one of the best samples we were able to furnish of plain manly English sense and integrity. I wish those who rule at present may shew by the provision they make for him here, that such qualities are still in some request among ourselves. It was extremely kind of you to remember your friends in our dull worn out hemisphere, among the infinite objects of curiosity, that are so exhu- berantly spread out before you, in the vast field of America. There is indeed, abundant matter, both natural and political, to give full scope to a mind active and enterprising like yours ; where so much has been done and undone ; and where still there is an ample range for wisdom and mistake. Either must produce considerable effects in an af- fair of such extent and importance. It will be no light mischief, and no trivial benefit. When one considers, what might be done there, it is truly miserable to think of its present distracted condi- tion ; but as the errors which have brought things into that state of confusion are not likely to be corrected by any influence of ours upon either side of the water, it is not wise to speculate too much 177 on the subject : it can have no effect, but to make ourselves uneasy, without any possible advantage to the public. Here, as we have met so we continue, in the most perfect repose. It has been announced to us, that we are to have no business but the gold coin; this has not appeared as yet : And if there be no- thing further than we hear of intended, it will come on time enough. The politics of the con- tinent, which used to engage your attention so much, attract no part of ours. Whether the Ame- rican affairs will be brought before us is yet uncer- tain. Saturday, I heard the Massachusett's petition against their governor and deputy, discussed be- fore council. It was spoken to, very ably by the counsel on either side ; by Messrs. Dunning and Lee, for the province ; by Mr. Wedderburn for the governors. The latter uttered a furious phi- lippic against poor Doctor FrankUn, It required all his philosophy, natural and acquired, to sup- port him against it. I hear that the petition will be rejected. The council was the fullest of any in our memory ; thirty-five attended. I hope, as you say nothing of it in your last let- ter, that your fit of the gout was but gentle, and rather a sharp remedy than any thing that deserves to be called a disease. With many thanks for your obliging remembrance, and all good wishes for an agreeable journey and safe return, I am, Dear Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant, EDMUND BURKE. Dear Lee, 178 New-York, June IO//1, 1T74. X SHOULD have done myself the pleasure to have wrote to you before ; but really did not know where a letter would find you ; sometimes we heard you were gone to the West- Indies ; at another, that you were gone on to Carolina ; by Mr. Bird, I am informed you are still in Virginia. I expected before now, to have heard from go- vernor Chester, relative to your land in West Flo- rida, but suppose I shall shortly. I set out in a few days to join our worthy friend General Gage at Boston ; he is come out with very extraordinary powers, and has wrote for me : It is a very for- tunate circumstance, that the power both civil and military hath fallen into the hands of so moderate a man as General Gage ; I hope he will gain great credit on this critical occasion ; his abilities are good, and with respect to his heart, you who know him so well, will allow him to be possessed of one of the best kind. Your things are all left with Mrs. Aire who will take care of them. I enclose you a letter from Dunbar, and one I picked up in the coffee-house for you. Dagworthy has got a company in the 48th regiment, through Colonel Vaughan's inter- est. I am. Dear Lee, with great truth, Yours most sincerely, THOMAS GAMBLE. To General Lee, Traullers Rest, July 1, 1T74. My Dear Lee, A RECEIVED your welcome letter by Mr. Wormley, and live in daily expectation of see- 179 ing you at my hut. I now wish more than ever for that satisfaction, as the alarms of the times make me earnest to consult, and converse with you thereupon. Until actions convince me of the contrary, I am resolved to think Mr. Gage has some secret medicine in his pocket, to heal the wounds that threaten the life of American liberty. Surely amanso humane, so sensible, sohonourable, so independent in his circumstances, and so great from family expectations, would never undertake a business, fit only for an abandoned desperado, or a monster in human shape, a General Murray, a Macro, or a Ravilliac. I cannot think what detains you so far to the Southward, at this season of the year ; without any disparagement to Williamsburg, health, and such as you like for associates, are more certainly to be met with to the Northward j I know not, how you find it, but the older I grow, I become less and less inclined to new acquaintance: Self- ishness and sycophantry possess so generally the minds of men, that 1 think the many are best avoided, and the few only who are liberal and sin- cere, to be sought for and caressed. I therefore stick steadily to the cultivation of my farm, am intimate with few, read when I have time, and content myself with such domestic comforts as my circumstances and fortune aflbrd me. I wish therefore, most anxiously, you would come to my retreat, and there let us philosophise on the vices and virtues of this busy world, the follies and the vanities of the great vulgar and the small. Laug-h where we please, be canded where we c*n. And justify the ways of God to man. Mrs. Gates is earnest in desiring to see you un- der her roof, where a good bed is provided for you, two or three slaves to supply all your wants and 180 whimsies ; and space enough about us for you to exercise away all your spleen and gloomy moods, whensoever they distress you. In my neighbour- hood there is this moment as fine a farm mill, and tract of land to be sold as any in America, and provided it is convenient to you to pay down half the price, I am convinced you may have it a very great bargain. It is altogether two thousand foui hundred acres, at thirty shillings sterling an acre; I am satisfied you might have it so. By pitying down about one thousand eight hundred pounds sterling, you may be put in possession of an estate, that ten years hence will be worth seven thousand pounds sterling ; and I take it for granted, that you may have the pay- ment of the rest of the purchase money, at easy installments, and that too without interest; so by- laying out a thousand pounds sterling more, in stocking and improvements, your produce will yield you a fine fiving, and wherewithal to pay your annual installment, bargained for in the pur- chase. I suppose you have procured from Lord Dunmore his warrant for your five thousand acres upon the Ohio, that will be very soon <^f conside- rable value. As to the Indians, the behitviour of certain of the white people is be3^ond all compari- son abominable towards those unhnppy natives ; not content with quiet possession of ail die land on this side the Ohio, they demand as a preliminary to a peace, all the land between that river and the Mis- sisippi — but this story is too long for a letter, 3 ou shall know the whole of this iniquitous affair when we meet — the gentleman who does me the favour to present you diis letter, has the pleasure of your acquaintance, and can very fully inform you of the exceeding wickedness and absurdity of the measures pursued, and pursuing, against the 181 Indians. I have read with wonder and astonish- ment Gage's proclamations ; surely this is not the same man, you and I knew so well in days of yore; but that men should change, neither you nor I will be surprised at ; it is rather matter of amazement when they do not. August the seventeenth ; I am this instant re- turned from Baltimore, and hoped to have cro'Ssed upon you, ni your route to the Northward, but like Swift's Mordanto you were vanished. I was sorry for it, as I might have prevailed upon you to have tempered your zeal with caution, before all such persons as may reasonably be suspected to watch your words and actions, where your zeal in the noble cause you mention can be exerted to effect, too much cannot be sliewn ; but be careful how you act, for be assured Gage knows you too well, and knows you know him too well not to be glad of any plausible pretence to prevent your good services in the public cause. Farewell, my friend ; remember I am, what I have always pro- fessed myself to be, and that I am ready to risk my life to preserve the liberty of the Western world. On this condition would I build my fame, And emulate the Greek or Roman name ; Think Freedom's rights boug'ht cheaply with my blood. And die with pleasure for my country's good. While I live, I am Yours unchringeably, HORATIO GATES. Mr DKAR Lee, 182 London, Sept, Sd, I7T.4. RECEIVED your long letter with great plea- sure, and will answer it as fully as I am able. You must have misunderstood me, in what I said of the bill to alter the Massachusetts government, if you imagined I had either concurred in, or even forborn to express my fullest disa])prob"tion of it, when it was depending in the house. The fact is so much otherwise, that I fought it through every stage, almost alone, when most of the oppo- sition were attending the New-Market meeting, or other occupations, equally entitled to be preferred to that duty. I may have said indeed, that I pre- fer the form of the English government to that of any other country upon earth, because it appears to me most calculated to reconcile necessary re- straint and natural liberty, and to draw the line between them. It is the government I was born under, I am happy to live under, and would wil- lingly die to preserve and transmit entire ; but I look upon the first principle of that constitution to be, that the whole must be governed by the will of the whole, and that any government where the authority residing with the Jew is supported by any other power than that of the many, in conse- quence of their free concurrence and full appro- bation, is the worst of tyranny. Judge then, my dear friend, whether I could approve of tearing from a free and happy people that form of govern- ment which had been purchased with the blood, and established by the wisdom of their ancestors; and of subverting that excellent polity, endeared to them by their prosperity, and sanctified by the most laudable of human predilections, a venera- tion for their ancestors, and an enthusiasm for the 183 permanence of their liberties. Nolomus Leges Anglia 7nutariy was the noblest expression that ever bore testimony to the spirit of a free legisjj^- ture. I think it as laudable at Boston now, as in London some centuries ago. So far I stand upon the ground of natural right and manly feeling — thus much, I say, because — Homo sum — but to descend to the humbler ground of policy, nothing can be so absurd, or impolitic, as to shake a frame sanctified by long possession, for the caprice of a moment, or the fancies of a icw ; to sacrifice the wisdom of ages to the presumption of an hour ; and to divert the stream of government, which has fertilised the country and enriched the people, by channels which it has gradually formed for itself, by surmounting or eluding all the obstacles it has met with in its course ; from those channels by dams raised by strange hands unacquainted with the country, which if they are not borne down the torrent must deluge the country and de- stroy the ancient land-marks. If therefore I pre- fer in speculation the government of Virginia to that of Massachusett's Bay, it is not from thinking that what appears best in the abstract, should be imposed on all : on the contrary, I am convinced that the minds of individuals and the manners of a people form and adapt themselves naturally and imperceptibly to the mode of government, under which they are born. The modifications of mu- nicipal institutions are in themselves indifferent, provided they are approved by the people ; but it is of the essence of freedom, and common to all free governments, that the people should be con- vinced, the laws they live under are of their own chusing ; and that there is no power on earth that can prolong their existence, or give force to their injunctions one hour, after the disapprobation of the mass of the people is signified. 184 I have been the more full upon this subject, be- cause I would not willingly be mistaken in my principles upon so material a point. Now I am upon the subject of Massachusetts, 1 cannot help expressing my surprize that you should have been so far misinformed, as to have believed that I, amongst the rest, could speak v/ith "approbation of that scoundrel Hutchinson," so far from it that I agree with you in the epithet, and was the only person in the house that declared my detestation of his character, and my conviction that his whole conduct had been that of a parricide, who had at- tempted to ruin his country, to serve his own little narrow selfibh purposes. This I did in such poin- ted terms that I was informed he had afterwards waited upon a friend of mine, who did not see his character in so just a light, to thank him for what he was pleased to call, defending him against me* Be assured, I shall never speak well of a man who recommends an abridgement of English liberties in any part of the globe, where one spark remains unsmothered by corruption, and unextinguished by violence. As to the Quebec Bill, I can, with pleasure, assure you, that I opposed it, with acti- vity throughout ; and though I could not overset it, I was at least fortunate enough to set a defined bound to despotism ; and say, so far shall thou go, and no farther, by drawing the line which protec- ted New- York and Pennsylvania ; though I have since been told, that Burke takes the merit to him- self, but upon what grounds I know not, as I pro- posed the line without any communication with him. As to myself, I am out of Parliament, without any prospect of being in ; and though I should have thought it infamous to have deserted my post and not endeavoured to get in, yet I hardly 185 can say, that I much regret my being out, there is so little prospect of doing good. I am dear Lee, Yours, &c. •^- * ^- -Jfr * *• ^ -Jf^ , Bullimore, Jan. i'^ih, 1T76. Sib, XOUR civilities to me when at Prospect-hill, were such as I expected from the soldier, and the gentleman, and demand my warmest thanks, I hope I shall ever bear a grateful remembrance of them. I see by the papers, that you are removed to Newport, in Rhode Island, and therefore suspect that the ministerialists, unable to bear the pressure of want, and the inclemencies of the season, intend to remove from Boston, and make Khode- Island their head quarters, at least for some time; but of this you can best judge whose experience, in some degree, enables you to penetrate the designs of those in power. The king's speech to both houses of Parliament, at the opening of the session, clearly evinces the necessit}^ of speedy and effectual exertions on the part of this continent, for the purpose of oppos- ing, with force of arms, the infamous plan adop- ted by a venal ministry, for subverting our most inestimable privileges. We should imme- diately unite, and call forth every spark of virtue in so great and important a contest, as all hopes of an accommodation arc now lost. America is happy in having for generals, gentlemen expe- rienced in military operatioris. With ardent wishes that America may rise su~ have been all taken up by such a variety of business, that I ^201 seldom can sit down ten minutes without interrup- tion. — God give you success. I am, with the greatest esteem, Yours aft'ectionately, B. FRANKLIN. Major Gen. Lee. PldlaJclpIua, Feb. i9th, 1796. My Dear Sir, The Congress have seen such a necessity of ail able commander in Canada, as to destine you to that most arduous service. I tremble for your health, yetlhope the campaign will rather promote it than otherwise. We want you at New- York ; we want you at Cambridge ; we want you in Vir- ginia ; but Canada seems of more importance than any of those places, and therefore you are sent there. I wish you as many laurels as Wolfe and Montgomery reaped there, with an hap- pier fate. Health and long life after a glorious return. But I am ashamed to go on in such a strain when writing to you whose time is so much better employed than in reading it, since I took up my pen only to introduce to your acquaintance a countryman of yours, and a citizen of the world, to whom a certain heretical pamphlet, called Co?7j- mon Sense, is imputed. His name is Paine. He is travelling to New- York for his curiosity, and wishes to see a gentleman whose character he so highly respects. ^ A luckier, a happier expedition than yours to New- York never was projected. The v»'hole Whig world are blessing you for it, and none of them more than, Your friend and" servant, JOHN ADAMS. Major Gen. Lee. Sir, 202 PliUaddphia, Feb. i9lh; 17T6. X HAVE the honour to inclose you sundry re- solutions of Congress, by which you will perceive, it is the desire of Congress, that you should repair to Canada, and take upon you the command of the army of the United Colonies in that pro- vince. I need not mention the importance of the trust reposed in you, and the happ}^ effects it will have in securing the liberty of America, if you should be so fortunate as to drive our enemies, the enemies of liberty and the rights of mankind out of it. I heartily pray that the Disposer of Events may grant you success equal to your merit and zeal. As you will want battering cannon, which are not to be had in that province, you are to apply to the Convention, or Committee of Safety of New- York ; to whom, by this opportunity, I send the recommendation of Congress to supply you with twelve, such as you shall judge most suita- ble, and some mortars, if they have or can procure them ; with balls, shells, and other necessaries ; and also to assist you in forwarding them. Eight tons of powder are now on their way to Albany, for the forces in Canada; and as a very consider- able quantity of saltpetre is sent to the mills of Mr. Wisner and Mr. Livingstone, should there be occasion for more, you will be supplied from thence.* You will readily perceive the necessity of con- ferring with General Schuyler, and with him con- sulting on the best methods of having necessaries conveyed to you across the lakes. The Congress have a full confidence that you will co-operate in securing the possession of the lakes, and mutually 203 assisting each other as occasion may require; and, r.s far as in your power, give mutual aid in sup- porting the cause of freedom and liberty. I expect the deputies will in a short time be ready to pro- ceed to Canada. I am, with every sentiment of esteem, Sir, Your most obedient, Humble servant, JOHN HANCOCK, Pres. Hon. Major Gen. Lee. Philadelphia, March ist, 1TT6. Dear Sir, After a warm contest, occasioned by the high estimation the members of Congress have of your worth and abilities, every one wishing to have you where he had most at stake, the Congress have at length determined to supercede the orders given you to proceed to Canada, and have this day come to a resolution that you shall take the command of the continental forces in the southern department which comprehends Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia. The Congress have also appointed six new bri- gadier Generals ; viz. John Armstrong, William Thompson, Andrew Lewis, James Moore, Lord Sterling, and Robert How, Esq. four of whom you are to command in the southern department, and two in the middle. By this conveyance I have forwarded the commission for his Lordship. As soon as your health and the necessary orders you may think proper to give for putting New- York in a state of defence, will permit, I have it in charge to direct that you repair to the depart- ment put under your immediate command'. 204 In expectation of seeing you soon in this place, on your way, I need not add, but that, I am, with every sentiment of regard and esteem, Sir, Your most obedient servant, JOHN HANCOCK, Pres. Hon. Major Gen. Lee. New-York. Head-qnar'.crs, Flu. £6//t, 17T6. Dear General, J.iAST night I had the pleasure to receive yours of the 15th. I am rejoiced you have weathered this fit of the gout ; I don't think you will have another this winter, if you was careful in letting that pass off; it may probably be of much service to your constitution. When I mentioned Canada, I did not mean you should winter there ; if you can secure the entrance into it, by getting Quebec, and possessing it this summer, you may leave the care of that province to your Brigadiers for the winter to come. The General was pleased you wrote to him, as he began to think you tardy. He writes to you by this express. I like your in- tention of making the fort an open redoubt : I thhik some heavy guns upon the south and west sides, with good sod merlons, will make tlie men of war keep aloof. It is a pretty high situation, and battering it at a distance, over the lower bat- teries, \\ould have but little effect. We have lately had reason to suppose Mr. Howe had thoughts of leaving Boston ; the General will tell you his reasons for thinking that was intended. Clinton, I am satisfied, went to see how affairs were circumstanced at New- York, to consult with Tryon, and to prepare tlie way for Howe's recep- 205 tion. Unless the enemy repossess Canada, they cannot reinstate the king's aftairs on this conti- nent ; there is no way to recover Canada, but by the Rivers of St. Laurence and Hudson. The St. Laurence is not practicable until late in May ; therefore, the first attempt would mostassuredly be made at New- York: for these reasons, I think your hands should be strengthened as much, and as expeditiously as possible. I am afraid you are deficient in gun-carriages ; employ all the hands you can procure to make them. I am glad you express yourself so well pleased with the captains, Smith and Badlam ; the former has good talents, and will, I hope, prove as faithful as he is capable. Ere long it will be known, if I am right in my conjecture, that the great body of the enemy mean, to endeavour to take post at, or near, New- York. Should that happen to be attempted, be assured we shall march with the utmost expedition to sup- port you, I expect soon to see Palfrey, in con- sequence of what I wrote to him, when I hope to hear you are in perfect health. Little Eustace is well, but nothing is done for him as yet. You know the more than Scotch partiality of these folks. I ha\'e had much to do to support the lad you put into Colonel Whitcomb's regiment. They have no complaint in nature against him, but that he is too good an officer. What, in the name of reason, can Hite have trumpedup, to com- mence a suit in Chancery upon ? Mrs. Gates and I have puzzled our brains to find it out. The in- closed I desire you will order to be immediately delivered to the postmaster. Mrs. Gates joi«s me in every good wish for your health and success. I am ever affectionately, yours, HORATIO GATES. Majqr Gen. Lee. 206 Phikdelphia, Feb.i9th, 1770, Dear Sir, A REJOICE that you are going to Canada. I hope the gout will not have the courage to follow you into that severe climate. I believe you will have the number of men you wish for. I am told there will be two thousand more, but there are al- ways deficiencies. The bearer, Mr. Paine, has requested a line of introduction to you, which I give the more wil- lingly, asl know his sentiments are not very differ- ent from yours : he is the reputed, and, I think, the real author of Common Setise, a pamphlet that has made great impression here. I do not enlarge, both because he \vaits, and because I hope for the pleasure of conferring with you face to face in Ca- nada. I will only add, that we are assured here on the part of France, that the troops sent to the West- Indies have no inimical views to us or our cause. It is thought they intend a war without a previous declaration. God prosper all your undertakings, and return you with health, honour, and happiness. Yours most affectionately, B. FRANKLIN. Major Gen. Lee. Philadelphia, July 2£rf, 1776. Sir, JL OUR favour of the 2d instant, containing the very agreeable intelligence of the success of the Atnerican army under your command, I had the honour of receiving, and immediately laid the same before Congress. The same enlarged mind, and distinguished ar- dour in the cause of freedom, that taught you to 207 despise the prejudices which have enslaved the bulk of mankind, when you nobly undertook the defence of American liberty, will entitle you to receive from posterity the same due to such exal- ted and disinterested conduct. That a handful of men, without the advantage of militaiy experience, animated only with the sa- cred love of liberty, should repulse a powerful fleet and army, are circumstances that must excite gratitude and wonder in the friends of America, and prove a source of the most mortifying disap- pointment to our enemies. Accept, therefore, Sir, the thaniks of the Ii^e- pendent States of America, unanimously declared by their delegates to be due to you and the brav« officers and troops under your command, who re- pulsed with so much valour the attack that was made on the state of South Carolina, on the 28th of June, by the fleet and army of his Britannic Majesty ; and be pleased to communicate to them this distinguished mark of the approbation of their country. I have the honour to be, with the greatest respect, Sir, your most obedient, And very humble servant, JOHT>J HANCOCK, Fre«. Major Gen. Lee. l^if-FoWs, Afttj/, 1770. My DEAiR Lee, jL OUR favour of the 5th ult. from Williamsburg, the first I have received from you since you left this city, came to my hands by the last post. I thank you for your kind congratulations on our posses- sion of Boston. I thank you for your good wish- 208 es in our future operations, and hope that every diabolical attempt to deprive mankind of their inherent rights and privilges, vi^hether made in the east, west, north, or south, will be attended with disappointment and disgrace, and that the au- thors in the end v/illbe bi oughtto such punishment, as an injured people have a right to inflict. General Howe's retreat from Boston was preci- pitate, beyond any thing I could have conceived. The destruction of the stores at Dunbar's camp after Braddock's defeat was but a faint image of what was seen at Boston ; artillery carts cut to pieces in one place ; gun carriages in another i shells broke here ; shot buried ther^, and every- thing carrying with it the face of disorder and confusion, as also of distress. Immediately upon their embarkation, I detach- ed a brigade of five regiments to this city, and upon their sailing, removed with I'he whole army hither, except four regiments at Boston, and one at Beverley, &c. for the protection of those places, the stores and barracks there, and for erecting works for defending the harbour of the first. Immediately upon my arrival here I detached four regiments by order of Congress to Canada, (to wli, Foors, I'atterson's, Treaton's and Bond's) under the command of BrigadierThomp- son, and since that, by the same authority, and in consequence of some unfavourable accounts from that quarter, General Sullivan and six other regi- ments, namely, Starke's Reed's Wain's Irvine's, Wind's and Dayton's have moved off for that de- partment ; the four last regiments are of Pennsyl- vania and New-Jersey. The first brigade arrived at Albany the twenty-fourth ultimo, and were mo- ving oUj when accounts came from thence the twenty.^eventh. The other brigade must all be 2G9 at Albany before this, as some of the regiments sailed ten days ago, and the last four, and the winds very favourable. This has left us very wc^fk at this place, whilst I have my fears that the rein- forcement will scarce get to Canada in time, for want of teams to transport the troops. Sec. to Fort George, and vessels to convey them on after- wards. We have done a great deal of work at this place. In a fortnight more, I think the city will be in a very respectable state of defence. Gov- ernor's Island has a large and strong work erected, and a regiment encamped there. The point be- low, called Red Hook, has a small, but exceeding strong barbet battery ; and several new works arc constructed, and many of them almost executed atotlier places. General Ward, upon the evacuation of Boston, and finding that there was a probability of his re- moving from the smoke of his own chimney, ap- plied to me, and wrote to Congress for leave to re- sign, A few days afterwards, some of the officers, as he says, getting uneasy at the prospect of his leaving them, he applied for his letter of resigna- tion, whioh had been committed to my care ; but, behold ! it had been carefully forwarded to Con- gress, and as I have since learnt, judged so reason- able, [want of health being the plea,) that it was instantly complied with. Brigadier Fry, previous to this, also conceiving that there was nothing en- tertaining or profitable to an old man, to be march- ing and counter-marching, desired, immediate- ly on the evacuation of Boston, (which happened on the 17th of March,) that he might resign his commission on the llth of April: the choice of the day became a matter of great speculation, and remained profoundly mysterious till he exhibited s 2 210 his account, when there appeared neither more nor less in it, than the completion of three calender months ; the pay of which he received without any kind of compunction, although he had never done one tour of duty, or, I believe, had ever been out of his house from the time he entered till he quitted Cambridge. So much for two Generals : I have next to in- form you that the Pay-master-general, Colonel Warren, not finding it convenient to attend the army, from the various employments and avoca- tions in which he was engaged, also resigned his commission, and is succeeded by your old aid,. Palfrey. When I was speaking of the distressed situation of the king's troops, and the tories, at their eva- cuation of Boston, I might have gone on., and ad- ded, that their misfortunes did not end here. It seems upon their arrival at Halifax, many of the former were obliged to encamp, although the ground was covered deep with snow ; and the lat- ter, to pay six dollars a-week fpr sorry upper- rooms, and stow in them, men, women, and chil- dren, as thick comparatively, as the hair upon their heads. This induced many of these gentry to return, and throw themselves upon the mercy and clemency of their countrymen, who were for send- ing them immediately back, as the properest and severest punishment they could inflict ; but death being preferred to this, they now wait in confine- ment, any other that may be thought due to such pai'ricides. All the ships of war have left this place, and gone down to the Hook, except the Asia, which lays five miles below the Narrows, and about twelve or fourteen from hence. I could have added more, but my paper will not admit of it. With compli- 211 ment, therefore, to the gentlemen of my acquain- tance with you, and with the most fervent wishes for your health and success, I remain, Your most affectionate, G. WASHINGTON. Major Gen. Lee. Tyaquin, North Carolina, June. ll//j, ITTG. Sir, AhIS moment yours of the 1st instant came to my hand. The note inclosed, directed to the com- manding officer of the corps of Virginia forces^ intended for the station of Hillsborough, I will use my best endeavour to transmit so soon as I can learn who he is, or for what part of Virginia they are ordered ; of both I am now entirely un- informed, having heard nothing of such destina- tion until I received your letter. If I can get no information in my neighbourhood, I will send your note to the commanding officer of Halifax or Mecklinburgh county ; which, lying contiguous to this, are most likelv to have received orders to march hither. I cannot say. Sir, that I rejoice that the enemy have abandoned their design on this colony. Their force could not have effi^cted much against us, but they may prove troublesome to some of our southern neighbours, who are probably not so well provided for defence as we are. I beg leave, Sir, to vvish you all possible success in your generous effiarts for the defence of the un- doubted rights of mankind. Had the scene of ac- tion been where we first expected, I intended to have put myselfa volunteer under your command, and to have contributed my little assistance to- 212 wards that success which I am assured would hav^ attended your command. Remote as the sceiie may be, I shall not bear absence from it ^v•ilh much patience ; and were it not almost ruin to my private affairs, no campaign should pass without receiving the little assistance I could personally give ; for though I am no military character, nor ambitous of such distinction, the cause in which we are now engaged, and in which I have unremit- tingly struggled since the stamp act, makes me anxious to be a witness and an actor, however in- considerable, in every scene of importance whether military or civil, which may relate to it. I have the honour to be, with singular respect, Sii', your obedient servant, THOMAS BURKE. Major Gen. Lee. PhUadetphia, June i7th, 1778. Dear Sir, I HEARTILY thank you for your letter, and regret that I cannot have the pleasure of meeting you ; the great wish of my life is to see peace be- tween two countries I almost equally love, while it is a question whether this or an inexterminable war is to take place. I meant in words I had learnt from you, to set before you the many and mutual advantages both would derive from an agreement : and as the terms now offered are more for the interest of your favourite America than you ever hoped to obtain, I should have made no scruple to ask your good offices, and to engage my own, to remove any obstacles that might ob- struct the peace. I sliould think it a greater honour to contribute in the smallest degree to this, than to have ihe 213 greatest share in bringing about victory : these, to a thinking man like you, who has many friends on both sides, subject him to a double regret. I may not find another occasion of meeting you easily, but I would travel far to have the pleasure of embracing you, as a fellow subject of the same empire, and a friend. You will see by some speeches in the House of Commons, that others whom you value have the same wish. A celebra- ted poem, just published, says, " By virtue, captive Lee is doubly blest," A pamphlet wrote by Governor Johnstone's brother is much applauded by the nation, where a spirit prevails like that between tender relations who are more disposed to love and respect, after a quarrel has convinced both, of the advantage and value of friendship. I send you the pamphlet. You do Sir H. Clinton great justice in believ- ing him incapable of an inhuman or illiberal mea- sure ; you may, with great confidence, assert, that he^had no share in the havock you say has embit- tered peoples' minds to a degree of madness. Your letter to me is the only notice he has of the burnings you mention. If any other houses be- sides magazines were destroyed, it must have been by the wantonness of soldiers ; as the officer who formed the plan for destroying the preparations for the invasion of the island, confined it to this object. The destruction of houses was no part of his project ; otherwise he would have mention- ed the success of it, which he has not done. I will deliver the messages you give me, and will ever seek every occasion to shew that I am with regard. Dear Sir, your most affectionate friend, and humble servant, GEO. JOHNSON. 214 P. S. Sir Henry Clinton bids me tiaank you for your letter, and charges me to enclose one he has received for you, from England- Major Gen. Lee. OJ Charlts-Toim Bar, July 22, 1716. Sir, UN my return to the fleet, I found a letter front you by a flag of truce, with some refreshments you were pleased to send me, in return for which I must beg your acceptance of a cask of porter, and some English cheese. I have made enquiries concerning the person mentioned in your letter, who, it seems, has occa- sioned this correspondence between us, but can learn nothing further about him, than that he is not a master of a vessel, as he has represented himself to you ; and you will have been already informed by Mr. Byrd that Ethan Allen, and those that were with them, are gone to the North- ward. I am, Sir, Yuui" moat }vumKlf» servant, H. CLINTON, To Chtirles Lee, Esq. '^ Major General in the service of his Polish Majesty. Williamnlnirg, July i^th, 1776. My Dear GeneraI/, JL OUR kind concern for my health made me happy, and the high approbation you ex!:ress of my public conduct highly gratified my pride. I had the pleasure of receiving your letter which did 215 me so much honour, about the 9th of last month. I was then at Mr. Harrison's near Petersburg, where I had gone with Mrs. Page for the recovery of her health. Our trip happily has answered our wishes, and we are once more fixed at W^illiams- burg. It is now four weeks since we have re- ceived any certain accoinit of the situation of af- fairs in either of the Carolinas. Even your let- ter to brigadier Lewis countermanding the march of the troops did not arrive here till four weeks after it was written. The regiments had just be- gan their march ; but had they not been scattered abroad on distant stations, and badly provided with necessaries for such an expedition, they would have reached the place of their destination before your express could have stopped them. It will ht worth your while to examine into the occasion of this. I thought it a matter of so much impor- tance to have such orders communicated with dis- patch, that I advised the brigadier to send an ex- press to you immediately, to inform you of the un- accountable delay that yours had met with, and to recommend it to you to establish a post throughout your district ; but he was preparing for an expe- dition against Gwynn Island. The brigadier set out last Monday on his way to our camp, attended by the Colonels Woodford, Stephens, Buckner, Weedon, and some others, intending to examine mto the strength of the enemy, and submit the propriety of an attack to a council of war. They reached the camp that night, and the next day finding that the Dunmore had changed stations with the other, and had exposed herself very pret- tily to the very place where we had been preparing a battery for the Otter, they determined not to lose this good opportunity of beginning their cannon- nade, in which. they might severely and principally 216 chastise the noble Earl. At eight o'clock, A. M. captain Arundel and lieutenant Denny saluted the Dunmore and Otter, with two eighteen pounders; the very first shot at the Otter, though a full mile from our battery, struck her, as it is supposed, be- tween wind and water, for she did not return the fire, but was towed off on the careen. The Dun- more fired a broadside, and then was towed off, having receiv ed four shot through her sides ; whilst she was in tow, she received a fifth through her stern which raked her, scarcely a shot was fired which did not do execution in some part of the fleet. A schooner lost one of her masts. Whilst lieu- tenant Denny was firing on the fleet, their battery on the island began to play on him, and a ball pas- sed through the embrazure ; on which he immedi- ately turned his cannon on their battery ; for he had taken the precaution to have scope enough to take in the fleet, and that part of their battery ; and fired three times successively into their embrazure, which three rounds completely silenced that part of the battery ; the other part facing our lines on the Haven was almost as soon silenced by our bat- tery erected against it with four nines and three six pounders. Part of their camp was a little ex- posed to both of our batteries which fired a few rounds into it. This fire was us well directed as that against their ships ; for it beat down many of their tents, and threw their camp into the utmost confusion. When this was discovered, the briga- dier ordered canoes to be brought down, to enable the men to pass over into the island ; for, unhap- pily, we had not a boat on the shore : these could not be procured till the next day, when a smart cannonade began between the batteries ; but as soon as our rnen liad manijcd their boats, iheir fire ceased, and they retired with precipitation to their 217 boats, and escaped safely to their ships, having fiiiit broken ofF the trunnions, &c. of their cannon. There were three tenders up the haven which could not pass our batteries ; these they aban- doned ; they endeavoured to burn one, but our men boarded it, and extinguished the flames. I understand that all these tenders have their swivels in them ; but it is reported that they had thrown the guns overboard. We are now in possession of the island. The fleet has retired, but is in sis^ht. This might have been a complete affair, if proper measures had been preconcerted, and the whole well conducted. Our men, however, behaved well, our artillery was admirably served, and we have disgraced and mortified our enemies. In this affair we lost not a man ; but most unhappily poor Captain Arundel was killed by the bursting of a wooden mortar, with which he was endeavouring to throw shells into the fleet. His loss is irrepa- rable. He behaved with great spirit and activity, and was so hearty in our cause that he is universally lamented. Colonel Stephens is just returned from Gwynn's Island, he says the enemy carried off all their cannon from their batteries, except one six pounder, which they spiked. They left six car- riage guns in one of the tenders ; several negroes and a few whites were taken ; two negroes and one of the fourteenth regiment deserted to us. The prisoners inform, that Lord Dunmore's mate was cut in two by a double headed eighteen pounder, which also took off one man's arm and another's leg, and drove a splinter into his lord- ship's leg. Tom Byrd was ill of a fever, and was carted off to a boat just before our people landed. They were obliged to burn two line small vessels that d?y, and at nieht, in the mouth of the -river, they burnt ak>o ;> '•;:•' ^W:-:. sup(;o-cdto be 218 the Duiimore, as she was not with the fleet next morning. The Fowey it is said, was with the fleet but did not chuse to come within reach of our guns. The Roe- buck was at the mouth of Rap- pahannock. The Colonel says, when he came away, the whole fleet had sailed, and were out of sight, and it was uncertain where they are gone ; suppose to Maryland ? They went oflf in a bad plight without biscuit or water. Their works were found of excellent construction and consid- erable extent ; they were preparing to build houses and a wind-mill : they had made a vast collection of materials for different works ; their tents, which they moved off, except one markee which was left in their hurry, and through which a cannon ball had passed, were capable of containing about sev- en or eight hundred men. From many circum- stances it is evident they meant to stay there a con- i^iderable time. I have been interrupted in writing, and before I could return to my scrawl, I had the happiness to receive your letter of the third of July. I most heartily congratulate you on your success ; it was a most glorious affair — a noble de- fence ! The British navy has been happily check- ed in her proud career, and has received a most Just and complete chastisement. What must the king think now ? The whole continent in arms against him, seven hundred and fifty of his favour- ite highlanders in our possession, and his fleets re- pulsed and disgraced along our coasts for two thousand miles ! I hope he will repent and be contented to put up with the loss of America, or, if he does not, that he may meet with repeated disappointment. The Marylanders were roused by the resolve of our Convention, and have lectur- ed their representatives so well, that they have unanimously voted for independence — they have 219 no occasion for our riflemen on that account : However I can assure you, on the eastern shore of Maryland there has been a considerable insur- rection of tories, insomuch that Colonel Flem- ing has been obliged to march with a hundred and twenty men to quell them. We have not yet heard the event of that affair. I have just now received another letter from you, and am delighted M'ith your description of the bravery of Colonel Moul- trie and the garrison of Fort Sullivan. It is not flattery, my dear General, when I tell you, that most of us here attribute the glorious display of bravery on that day, to the animating presence of a commander, who, independent of his great miU itaiy abilities and experience, appeared to be the evil genius of Clinton, who had followed him, and from whose presence he had seemed to retire and retreat along the coast, from Boston to Charles Town. All that I could do, as there were not gentlemen enough in town to make a council, was to desire brigadier Lewis to send immediately to North Carolina, all the powder that could be spa- red out of the magazine. About four thousand pounds will be sent. I am most sincerely yours, JOHN PAGE. Major Gen. Lee. Philadelphia, July 23d, 1T76. Dear General, XT would take a volume to tell you how many clever things were said of you, and the brave troops under your command, after hearing of your late victory. It has given a wonderful turn to our affairs. The loss of Canada had struck the spirits of many people, who now begin to think our cau^e 220 is not abandoned, and that we shall yet triumph over our enemies. I'he declaration of independence has produced a new cera in this part of America. The militia of Pennsylvania seem to be actuated with a spirit more than Roman. Near two thousand citizens- of Philadelphia have lately marched towards New- York, in order to prevent an incursion being made by our enemies upon the state of New-Jersey. The cry of them all is for battle. I think Mr. Howe will not be able to get a footing in New- York, and that he will cad the present, or begin the next campaign in Canada, or in some one of the southern colonies. The only places in which America is vulnerable. We depend upon Gates in the north, and you oblige us to hope for great things from the south. The torics quiet, but very swYly, Lord Howe's proclamation leaves them not a single filament of their cobweb doctrine of reconciliation. The spirit of liberty reigns triumphant in Penn- sylvania. The proprietary gentry have retired to their country seats, and honest men have taken the •seats they abused so much in the government of our state. The papers will inform you, that I have been thrust into Cona:ress. I find there is a ejreat deal of difterence between sporting a sentiment in a letter, or over a glass of wine upon politics, and discharging properly the duty of a senator. I feel myself unequal to every part of my new situation, except where plain integrity is required. My former letters to you, may pass hereafter for a leaf of the Sibyls. They are full of predic- tions ; and, what is still more uncommon, some of them have proved true. I shall go on and add, that I think the declaration of independence will 221 produce union and new exertions in England in the same ratio that the}^ have done in this country. The present campaign, I beheve, is only designed to train us for the duties of next summer. Adieu, Yours sincerely, AN OLD FRIEND. Major Gen. Lee. My Dear Lee, Netv-Tork, August 12/ft, 17T6. Notwithstanding i shaii probably fed the effect, I do most cordially and sincerely con- gratulate you on your victory over Clinton and the British squadron at Sullivan's Island. A victory undoubtedly it is, when an enemy are drubbed, and driven from a country they were sent to con- quer. Such is the case of Clinton and Sir Peter Parker, who are now with the fleet and army at Staten Island, where General Howe and the troops from Halifax have been ever since the last day of June, and Lord Howe since the twelfth of July. Some Hessians and a pretty many of the Scottish laddies have got in, and the residue of the fleet parted with off the banks of Newfoundland, hour- ly expected. When the whole arrive matters will soon come to a decision, every thing being prepared on both sides for the appeal, and, on ours, I hope it will be obstinate, if not successful. The latter, it is not in the power of mortals to command ; but they may endeavour to deserve it ; and this I am persuaded, our troops will more than ever aim at, as I have impressed upon their minds the gallant behaviour of the brave few, who de- fended Sullivan's Island. At present the enemy can bring more -men t© T 2 222 a point than we can, and when reinforced by the Hessians without number, as unless the miUtia (fas- ter than heretofore) come into our aid, their num- bers, when the Hessians arrive cannot, by the best intelligence we can get, fall short of twenty- five thousand men. Ours are under twenty, very sick- ly, and posted on Governor's Island, Long Island, at Howlis Hook, Horn's Hook, and at the pass near King's Bridge ; more militia are expected, but whether they will be in time, time only can tell, as also where the point of attack will be. An opin- ion prevails, countenanced by hints from some of the principal tories, and corroborated by intelli- gence from Staten Island, that part of the enemy's fleet and army will go into the Sound, whilst ano- ther part of it, runs up the North River, thereby cutting off all communication by water with this place, whilst their troops form a chain across the neck, and stop an intercourse with Connecticut by land : others think, they will not leave an army in their rear, whilst they have the country in their front, getting by that means between two fires, un- less it is extended as a feint to withdraw our troops from the city, that they may slip in and possess themselves of it : all this is but a field of conjec- ture. Our affairs in the north have been growing from bad to worse, till I hope they will mend, as one great source of the evil is in a way of being re- moved, I mean, the small pox ; but the army have retreated from place to place, till they are now got to Ticonderoga, opposite to which on the east 4,ide of the Lake Champlain, they are about to es- tablish a post, which they say will be invulnerable ; but whether it may not be somewhat like the man who built a mill on account of a beautiful fall, and then had to consider whether it was practicable to 223 bring water to it, remains in some measure to be determined, as it is the opinion of some, (I know nothing of the country myself,) that the enemy may pass this post and get into Lake George, with- out receiving the least annoyance from this work. Whether they would chuse to leave a post in their rear, without establishing one themselves, sufficient to.keep it in awe is the point in question. It gives me a very singular pleasure to hear of the gallant behaviour of your young aids, and Mr. Jenefer, as also of Colonels Moultrie and Thomp- son, to be the means at any time, of rewarding merit, will add greatly to my happiness ; and whenever you can point out a mode that can be adopted consistently, you shall find me very ready : but you know the temper of the troops in this quarter, as well as I do, and how impracticable it is to bring in a person, let his merit be ever so great, without throwing a whole corps into confu- sion. This will also apply to Captain Bullet. What vacancies there may be in your department that he has his eye to, and could he appointed to with pro- priety, you must know better than I. That there is none here, I can undertake to say. I have no doubt but the Congress would annex the rank of colonel to his office of adjutant. I believe they have done it in the instance of Griffin, who is ap- pointed deputy adjutant to the flying camp. If this would add any thing to his satisfaction, I should have no objection to the mention of it. With every wish for your prosperity and success, I re- main with sincere regard. Your most affectionate and obedient, G. WASHINGTON. Gen. Lee, I>EAR Sir, 224 General Greai's Quarters, Nov.iGih, 17TG. X OU will see by the inclosed Resolves, that Con- gress have entered into some new regulations re- specting the enlistment of the new army, and re- probating the measures adopted by the state of Massachu sett's Bay for raising their quota of men. As every possible exertion should be used for recruiting the army, as speedily as may.be, I re- quest that you immediately publish, in orders, that an allowance of a dollar and one-third of a dollar will be paid to the officers for every soldier they shall enlist, whether in or out of camp. Also, that it will be optional in the soldier to enlist during the continuance of the war, or for three years, unless sooner discharged by Congress. In the former case, they are to receive all such bounty and pay as have been heretofore mentioned in orders ; those who engage for the latter time, that of three years, are not to receive the bounty in land. That no mistakes may be made, you will direct the recruiting officers, from your division, to pro- vide two distinct enHstnig rolls ; one for those to sign who engage during the war ; the other for those who enlist for three years, if their service shall be so long required. I am sorry to inform you, that this day about twelve o'clock, the enemy made a general attack upon our lines about Fort Washington, which, having carried, the garrison retired within the fort. Colonel Magaw finding there was no pros- pect of retreating a-cross the North River, surren- dered the post. We do not yet know the loss of killed and wounded on either side ; but I imagine it must have been pretty considerable, as the en* 225 gagement, at some parts of the lines, was of long continuance, and heavy ; neither do I know the terms of capitulation. The force of the garri- son, before the attack, was about two thousand men. Before I left Peck's-hill, I urged to General Heath, the necessity of securing the pass through the Highlands next to the river, as well on that as this side, and to the forts above ; but as the pre- serving of these and others which lay more easterly, and which are equally essential, is a matter of the last impoitance, I must beg you to turn your at- tention that way, and to have such measures adopt- ed for their defence as your judgment shall sug- gest to be necessary. 1 do not mean to advise abandoning your present post contrary to your own opinion, but only to mention my ideas of the importance of those passes, and that you cannot give too much attention to their security, by ha- ving works erected in the most advantageous pla- ces for that purpose. I am, dear Sir, Your most obedient Servant, GEORGE WASHINGTON. Gen. Lee. THE RESOLVES OF CONGRESS MENTIONED IN THE PRECEDING LETTER. IN CONGRESS, Nov. 7th, 1776. Re SOLVED, that the resolution passed the 14th of October, last, That the allowance to officers of one and one-third of a dollar for enlisting soldiers, be not extended or giving on the re-ei>iistment of the soldiers in camp, be repealed. 226 Nov. i-2th, 1776. Resolved, As the opinion of this Congress, that if the soldiers to be raised by the state of Mas- sachusett's Bay, be enlisted on the terms offered to them, (which are more advantageous than what are offered to other soldiers serving in the same ar- my,) it would much retard, if not totally impede, the enlistment of the latter, and produce discon- tent and murmur, unless Congress should equally increase the pay of these ; which it is the opinion of this Congress would universally be reprobated as an immoderate expence, and complained of, as a grievous burden by those who must bear it ; and therefore, that the committee from the state of Massachusett's Bay, be desired not to enlist their men on the additional pay offered by the Assembly of that state. Upon reconsidering the Resolution of the 16th of September last, for raising eighty-eight battal- ions, to serve during the present war with Great Britain, Congress being of opinion, that the readi- ness of the inhabitants of the states to enter into the service for limited times, in defence of their invaluable privileges, on all former occasions, gives good ground to hope the same zeal for the public good will appear in future when necessity calls for their assistance ; and the uncertain length of time which forces raised during the continuance of the Avar may be compelled to serve, may prevent ma- ny from enlisting who would otherwise readily manifest their attachment to the common cause, by engaging for a limited time, therefore, Resolved, That all non-commission officers and soldiers, who do not incline to engage their services during the continuance of the present war, and shall enlist to serve three years, unless 227 sooner discharged by Congress, shall be entitled to, and receive, all such bounty and pay as are al- lowed to those who enlist during the continuance of the present war, except the one hundred acres of land which is to be granted to those only who enlist without limitation of time. And each recruiting^ officer is required to pro- vide two distinct enlisting rolls ; one for such to sign who enlist during the continuance of the war, and the other for such as enlist for three years, if their service shall be so long required. By order of tht Congress, JOHN HANCOCK, Pres. COPY. Robert Harrison. Hackensark, Nor. "lisl, 1776. Dear General, A HE letter you will receive with this contains my sentiments with respect to your present station ; but besides this, I have some additional reasons for most earnestly wishing to have you where the principal scene of action is laid. I do not mean to flatter nor praise you at the expence of any other, but, I confess, 1 do think that it is entirely owing to you, that this army and the liberties of America, so far as they are dependent on it, are not totally cut off. You have decision, a quality often wanting in minds otherwise valuable : and I ascribe to this our escape from York-Island, from King's Bridge, and the Plains ; and I have no doubt, had you been here, the garrison of Mount Washington would now have composed a part of this army : and from all these circumstan- ces, I confess I ardently wish to see you removed from a place where I think there will be little call 5228 for yftur judgment and experience, to the place where they are likely to be so necessary. Nor am I singular in my opinion, everj^ gentlemen of the family, the officers and soldiers, generally have a confidence in you : the enemy constantly enquire where you are, and seem to me to be less confi- dent when you arc present. Colonel Cadwallader, through a special indul- gence, on account of some civilities shewn by his family to General Prcscot, has beeiT liberated from New- York without any parole. He informs, that the enemy have a southern expedition in view ; that they hold us very cheap in consequence of the late affair at Mount Washington, where both the plan of defence and execution were contemptible. If a real defence of the lines was intended, the number was too few ; if the Fort only, the garri- son was too numerous by half. General Wash- ington's own judgment, seconded by representa- tions from us, would, I believe, have saved the men and their arms ; but, unluckily, General Green's judgment was contrary. This kept the General's mind in a state of suspense till the stroke was struck. Oh, General ! an indecisive mind is one of the greatest misfortunes that can befal an army : how often have I lamented it this campaign ! All circumstances considered, we are in a very awful, alarming state, one that requires the utmost wisdom and firmness of mind. As soon as the season will admit. I think vour- self and some others should go to Congress, and form the plan of the new army, point out their defects to them, and, if possible, prevail on them to bind their whole attention to this great object, even to the exclui^ion of every other. If they will not, or cannot, do this, I fear all our exertions will be vain in this part of the world. Foreign 229 assistance Is soliciting, but we cannot expect they will fight the whole battle. I intended to have said n:iore, but the express is waiting, and I must conclude with my clear and explicit opinion, that your presence is of the last importance. I am, with much affection and regard. Your very affectionate, Humble servant, JOSEPH REED, Adjut. Gen. Major Gen. Lee, at the White Plains. Plilladclphia, Aug. SOlh, 1TT8. My dear General, A AMshocked, confounded, and exceedingly cha- grined to hear the court have adjudged you guilty of all the charges alleged against yon, and have suspended you one year on account of it. The sentence is as unaccountable to me, as that they should find you guiUy. Matters have been so cursedly represented against you In this place, that I have been ahiiost mob- iDcd in defending you. Ten thousand infamous lies have been spread, that I never heard before, to bias the friends of the people against you. In the name of God, what are we come to ? — So much for our republic;;nism. [ am beyond description unhappy, I fisel for the injury ofa man I do sincerely esteem — a mnn whose merit is so '-oJ^picuous throughout the world ; and more particularly for a man, who, if justice was to take place, and facts properly known, merited the thanks of the continent, for the transactions of that day, in a most singular manner. u 230 1 have not been able to see Mr. Lee ; I called twice, but he was not at home ; to-morrow morn- ing I shall have the pleasure, I expect, as I in- tend to call again. General Mifflin will be in town to-morrow, whom I shall likewise visit. My sincere affection you will ever command, and I shall never esteem myself so happy as when I can have it in my power to render you a service, I will in two or three days, set out for camp, in order to have an interview with you. I am, dear General, Yours affectionately, •j^ * ^- ^^ Major Gen. Lee. Brmistcick, Jan. 16/fc, ilf^. Sir, 1 AM honoured with your favour of the 18th ult. and can assure you, that of the merit or demerit of your conduct in the affair of Monmouth, on the 28th of June, I have not to this day framed any opinion. I have so little leisure to attend to the military operations of America, and am so incom- petent a judge of the qualifications necessary to constitute the character of a general, that I make no judgment at all. But without admitting or denying that you have made greater sacrifices in the cause of American freedom than any officer of our whole army, without a single exception, and that it is not less certain that you have saved our whole arniy more than once from destruction, (the proofs of which are not in my possession,) I can assure you, that I heartily disapprove of all publi- cations containing personal reflections on the char- acter of any gentleman, and especially on those of vour rank, in the American armv. And if what 231 was represented to the public, as a mere republi- cation of a paper formerly printed by a Virginian, has been, as you say, republished with many ma- licious alterations and additions, it is still the more inexcHsable ; because all such alterations and ad- ditions, besides their particular malignity against you, (for which alone I should condemn them,) are an imposition upon the world ; and it must be considered, by every man of honour, be the legal construction what it will, as a downright forgery. I can further assure you, that I cannot but disap- prove of Mr. Collins's inserting the paper you re- fer to in his gazette, not only because no printer ought to make his press a vehicle for personal slan- der, but because he set out with a professed decla- ration against diverting his paper to such purposes, and has so tenaciously adhered to that maxim till the publication in question, as to reject, if my in- formation be true, several pieces on account of the personal reflections they contained on gentle- men in the service of the enemy, and which the law of retaliation would clearly have warranted him to insert. And I must declare, in justice to him, and from what I personally know of his hu- mane disposition, and his disinclination to convey through the channel of his press any thing injuri- ous to the reputation of others, that I firmly be- lieve, he has taken the paper, presented to him as a copy of a publication in Virginia, for a true copy. And it is generally supposed, by virtue of what law I know not, but perhaps by one as rational as that of deciding controversies by private combat, in civil communities which reprobate that mode of decision, that a printer, by the bare republica- tion of a paper, is not presumed to adopt the sen- timents ; and that, by disclosing to the party ag- grieved, at whose instance it was republished, he 232 always averts the indignation of the sufferer fro^Tfi himself to tliat person. I should, however, be vci}' sorry to fiiKi any of our printers imitate the practice of the British subjects in New- York, who whether they excel us in military discipline and Gourage or not, have, to my certain knowledge, hitheito surpassed us in printed calumny and de- traction. From thesemy sentiments respectingthe printers of defamatory pa])ers, I hope, sir, you will not question my disapprobation both of the original authors, and the secondary propagators, of slander. But neither Mr, Boudinot's appointment to, nor deposition from, his office, as commissary of our .state ])risoners, being in my department, it is not in my power to do you the justice which you seem to expect in'uiatline; nor is there any authority in thia state by which he can be cashiered, till the next mcctinp- of our assemblv, which stands ad- journed to the 19th of May. But the law of the state is always at every one's service ; and, in the case of libels, if we are to credit the British law- }'ers, so peculiarly favourable to the prosecutor, that the scandal is not the less penal for being true, th.an if it was utterly false ; which, I think, is gi- ^'ing a man as great a chance as can reasonably be desired ; and, perhaps, if you thought proper to publish your letter to me on the subject under con- sideration, it would be as ample satisfaction against Mr. Boudinot, as the nature of the offence requires; but that I entirely submit to your better judg- ment. In a word, sir, whenever it shall be point- ed out to me in what manner I can, with any pro- priety, interfere in the matter, either as governor of this state, or as a private gentleman, I shall not hesitate a moment to do you all the justice which I conceive you deserve. In the mean time, I em- i^o brace this opportunity to re-acknowledgc my grateful sense of your friendly intimations, some time since, of the enemy's peculiar resentment against me, and your kind concern for my personal safety upon that account. I must, however, take the liberty to say, as a man detached from all par- ties, and wholly devoted to what he thinks the true interests of his country, that I should be extreme- ly unhappy in having reason to believe what is frequently, and perhaps injuriously, reported of you, that you endeavoured to lessen the estimation in which General Washington is held by the most virtuous citizens of America ; and which estima- tion, not, sir, from a blind attachment to men of high rank, nor from any self-interested motive whatsoever, but from a full conviction of his great personal merit and public importance, I deem it my duty to my country to use my utmost influence to support. I am, with all due respect, Sir, Your most humble servant, Major Gen. Lee. W. LIVINGSTON. Philadelphia, Od. £4, 1779. Mz DEAR Friend, JL AM distressed to think that all your friendly letters and messages to me have met with such un- grateful returns. I have written twoletters to you, one of which was inclosed under a cover, directed to Mr. Wolford, and put into the Post Office ; the other was mislaid and lost before I could hear of an opportunity of sending it. You see from this, that I have not been unmindful of you. You have wounded me in supposing that I am carried away bv the tide of the times. I would as soon be u 2 234 suspected of picking a pocket, as of infidelity in friendship, or idolatry in politics. Major Eustace informed me of your reply to President Reed's publications. Our printers re- fused to give it a place in their papers : it was best for you they did so. Have patience ; time and posterity will do you justice. The summer flies that now din our ears must soon retire. Nothing but virtue and real abilities will finally pass muster, v;hcn the public cool a little from the ferment into which the great and sudden events of the late re- volution have thrown us. I would rather be one of }'our dogs in a future history of the present war, than possess the first honours that are now current in America, with the characters which I know some of our great men merit. Poor Pennsylvania has become the most miserable spot upon the sur- face of the globe. Our streets, alas ! have been stained already with fraternal blood ; a sad prelude, we fear, of the future mischiefs our constitution will bring' upon us; they call it a democracy, a mo- bocracy in my opinion would be more proper. All our laws breathe the spirit of town meetings and porter shops : but I forget that I am not safe in communicating my opinion of men and measures to paper. Oh, Liberty ! Liberty ! I have worship- ped thee as a substance! — But — it is near twelve o'clock at night, and I am much fatigued with an unusual share of business ; for in the true stile of the subject of a monarch, my family and my bu- siness now engross all my time and attention-— mj country I have long ago left to the care of Timo- thy Matlock, Charles Wilson Peale, and Co. I must therefore bid you good night, wishing you at the same time all possible health and happiness, nd am, my dear Lee, Your sincere and affectionate Major Gen. Lee. OLD FRIEND. Mr DEAR Lee, 235 York-town, Od. 21*/, 1731. A HERE are few circumstances that give me equal pleasure to that of hearing from my friends ; and, as my esteem for you has ever encreased in proportion to your misfortunes in the road of per- secution, 1 am always made happy in a line from you, as it announces your present situation. Your being robbed of your hordes is a common evil, and its falling harder on you than any other person is what I should have expected, from the disposition of wretches always disposed to heap coals on the head of the injured. I am happy ever in having it in my power to inform you of the good esteem in which you are held in the army ; and that they are not now, whatever they have been, in- clined to pursue the track of persecution, beaten so bare as it is by creatures whose praise would be a dishonour to any honest man. PoorFleury, the other day, calledmea one-side to whisper to me, and after looking round, to pre- vent a possibility of being over-heard, he asked me what had become of you? I could not help smiling, and in my reply, telling him you was ve- ry well, and that he need not be afraid of acknow- ledging an acquaintance with General Lee in the most public assembly in America ; that I esteem- ed it an honour to call myself his friend ; that my sincere attachment to him was amply rewarded by the universal approbation of all good and sensible men. He answered me, he was very glad of it : it was every where known in France that you had been ill-treated, and that every person lamented your misfortune. The surrender of Lord Cornwallis and his ar- my will reach you before this letter. I think this 236 is a circumstance which must secure to America her independence. What will follow, I leave to time. It must have been a mortifying circum- stance to my lord, to have solicited terms, as no demand of a surrender was made. We had just completed our second parallel, at two hundred yards from his main works. In the capitulation he was not permitted to uncase his colours, or to beat an American or French march. You will probably see your friend O'Hara, who is a priso- ner. We expect now to go on to Charles Town, to invest that place. The moment I can obtain per- mission to leave the army, I will repair to your hermitage, and spend some time with you, when I promise myself much satisfaction. In the mean while, believe me, Your affectionate and Unalterable friend, E. EDW^ARDS. LETTERS FROM MAJOR CENEHAI. ILIEE. London, Dec. isl, 1T66, Most exckllknt Sir, and most dear Master, J- OUR Majesty will better imagine, than I can express the pleasure I have received from your kind and gracious letter : the assurances it gives me of your good opinion and regard, I shall ever consider as the happiest, the most honourable circumstance of my life. They make ample amends for the enmities I have drawn upon my- self from certain powerful quarters in my own country, where, perhaps, from some just judgment of God, the same qualities which would recom- mend to your Majesty are highly obnoxious. I devoutly wish, and proudly hope, for my own honour, that I may ever possess a place in the esteem of your Majesty, and remain the aversion of those who so widely, so totally, differ from you. I am concerned I cannot more fully, and in a more satisfactory manner, answer the several ques- tions of your Majesty on the state of our country, than what I am able to do. Of some of these articles, the cause, though generally treated of, appears not in the least understood ; on others, opinions are so various that it is presumption to decide ; but. some are, I think obvious to every man of com-r mon understanding ; and of this class indf be reckoned Mr. Pitt's quitting the stage and the con- duct of the American colonies towards the mother 238 country. With respect to the first, it is manifest, from a thousand circumstances, that with the health and frame of this extraordinary man, the understanding is likewise worn out. Before I came to England, I did not lay much stress on those parts of his conduct which the newspapers have so worried ; and I recollect your Majesty was of the same way of thinking, that there was nothing very monstrous in his acceptance of a peerage, but that it might be imprudent, and argued a senselessness of glory, to forfeit the name of Pitt for any title the king could bestow. But since I am a little more behind the scenes, and am made acquainted v/ith several circumstances previous, concomitant, and subsequent to this event, I am apt to agree with the majority of the better sort, that this once noble mind is quite overthrown. Can it be reconciled to reason, that the same man who had rendered his name so illus- trious and so tremendous to the greatest part of the globe, should split upon ribbons and titles ; that when he had arrived at a higher pinnacle of glory than ever citizen did since the days of Epaminon- das, he should be captivated by such a bauble, even though it should be attended with no ill con- sequences to the affairs of his country ? but when such terrible ones Vi^ere visible, it must be constru- ed downright madness. Mr. Pitt, say they, was the only man who had capacity, spirit, and power to assert the honour and interest of the nation with foreign states, correct the abuses, and stem the torrent of corruption at home. His power was not founded on vast property or cabinet fa- vour, but on his popularity. By sinking into a peenage, his popularity would vanish of coiu'se, and with it Al power of rendering, at a most crit- ical time, any farther services to his country. If 239 it is objected that it is possible to accept a title and retain the integrity of the citizen, they allow it; but that, unfortunately, the bulk of the people will not be persuaded of it ; that a popular min- ister must, therefore, not only be strictly virtuous, but, like Cassar's wife, his virtue must not be suspected ; that this persuasion of the people, ri- diculous as it may appear at first sight, is foun- ded on too much justice ; for they observe, that, from the time of Wentworth down to that of Pul- teney, not one instance can be produced of a man's changing his seat from the lower to the upper house, without a thorough renunciation of all principles and public virtue ; but whether this opinion is well or ill founded, as it is a prevalent one, this revolt, error, folly, or madness, of such a man has some direful effects ; it taints with jeal- ousy all public affiance, establishes a doubt, wheth- er such a thing as public virtue can exist : in short, it makes the bulk of mankind indifferent who are in, who are out, as they are almost persuaded that all men are, or will prove, in the end, equally vain, apostates to the common cause, either through in- terestedness, vanity, or madness. Such are the arguments not only made use of by the majority of Mr. Pitt's once admirers, but they were stated to him by those who were suppo- sed Jo have the greatest weight with him. Lord Camden, in particular, concluding this resolution to be a short fit of compliance, and that his friend would soon see the danger of the measure, delay- ed the signing of the patent for two days. But his lordship was mistaken, the disorder had taken deeper root than he imagined ; no girl could shew more impatience for a new toy, than this first of men did, till the testimony of his folly was signed and sealed to the whole world. Your Majesty will 240 probably object, that though Mr. Pitt played the child in one article, it is no proof of the general failure of his understanding ; that no man was ev- er blessed with so entire faculties, as not, on some particular occasion, and in some unlucky moment, to betray weakness. But this is not the case with Pitt, the decay of his parts is not only indicated by the act itself, but confirmed by his conduct in public and private character : In public the doc- trines he broaches are diametrically the reverse of what he has, through the whole course of his life, asserted : In private, he is totally metamorphosed; from the extreme of plainness and simplicity, he is all parade, magnificence and ostentation. But I might have spared your Majesty this prolix de- tail, when in few words, it would have sufficed to have said, that he has fits of crying, starting, and every effect of hysteric; it is affirmed, indeed, that ten years ago, he was in the very same condi- tion, that therefore a possibility of his recovering once more his nerves, and with them all his func- tions ; but from the age of the man, the generali- ty consider the piece as finished ; the honest and well-wishers of their country lament over him, the corrupt and profligate sing Te Deum, as the Devil probably did for the fall of man. Your Majesty asks who is to mount the stage in his room ? I am so far from seeing any man so qua- lified in all points, as'to fill his part in time of dis- traction and confusion, that I know no set of men who have a chance of being called to it, who will not by ignorance, obstinacy, or timidity, throw things into ten times greater confusion than they are at present. My Lord Rockingham is indeed an honest, worthy, and spirited man, and possesses the good opinion of the people in general, but these attributes will probably exclude him. The 241 Thane who is still all-powerful, will never admit of a man so endowed. He requires a certain de- gree of subserviency and complaisance ; in short, he requires a minister of his own jobs and parti- alities, and not an administrator of the national affairs. As to the rest who form what is called tlie opposition, they are so odious, or contemptible, that the favourite himself is preferable to them ; such as Grenville, Bedford, Newcastle, and their associates. Temple is one of the most ridiculous order of coxcombs I ever heard of, he is eter- nally appealing to the .public, forgetting that the public never considered him farther than they would an old pair of boots, which Mr. Pitt might, tlirough whim, have set a value upon, which when he chose to throw aside, it mattered not if they were thrown into a lumber room or the fire. No- thing could make the American colonists cast off their obedience, or even respect to their mother country, but some attempt on tlie essence of their liberty ; such as undoubtedly the stamp act was, which, if it had remained unrepealed, and admit- ted as a precedent, they would have been slaves to all intents and purposes, as their whole property would lie at the mercy of the Crown's minister and the minister's ministers, the House of Com- mons, who would fijid no end to the necessity of taxing these people, as every additional tax would furnish the master with means of adding to their respective wages ; but it would be impertinent in me to enter into a discussion of the propriety or impropriety, the justice or injustice, of this mea- sure, when it is so fully and clearly treated in some tracts which are bound up together, and which I have ordered to be sent to your Majesty. If the humours which this accursed attempt has raised, are suffered to subside, the inherent affection which 242 the colonies have for their mother country, and clashings of interests one amongst another, will throw every thing back into the old channel ; which indeed is the case already : but if another attack of the same nature should be made upon them, by a wicked blundering minister, I will venture to prophecy, that this country will be shaken to its foundation in its wealth, credit, naval force, and interior population. London, Dec. ^5th, 1766. My DEAR Prince, \ OU will do me great injustice if you attribute my silence for so many months to a want of sense of your excessive goodness and friendship, or even to carelessness, which, considering the obligations I lie under to your highness, would be one and the same thing. The truth is, that I was unwilling to trouble you with a fulsome letter of acknowledge- ments, as I hope you are no stranger to my senti- ments on the subject ; but I thought a few lines which would give you a sketch of the state of this country, of the parties, and of our prospect in reiation to foreign and interior affairs, would be the only possible method of making your High- ness some return for the thousand instances of friendship which I have received at your hands ; but the most reasonable schemes are frequently de- feated : so it fares with me ; for although I have been in London eight days, which, in this political and communicative town is sufficient, one should think, to make a man master of every thing neces- sary to be known ; but my evil stars have disap- pointed me, and your evil stars have dictated to me, that, notwithstanding the insignificancy of all I have to say, it would be a petty treason to remain 243 any longer silent. You must therefore accept the will for the deed ; in a few posts I hope to be able to amuse you better. The king and his mii isters are out of town, or more properh , I should have said the ministers and their king, for I do not find that the latter is any more a principal than when I left England. Lord Chatham is supposed to be abso- lute in all affairs which concern the state ; Bute in his corner, retains influence to a sufficient degree, for the provision of his creatures and couiitrymen, in subordinate offices ; he disclaims all concern with business ; but this is like the rest of his con- duct a most impudent and ineffectual hypocrisy ; for he is as usual, not credited. A formidable op- position is expected, but the conjectures on its suc- cess are too vague to be attended to. Some men of weight and reputation are embarked in it ; but the heads are too odious to the nation in general in my opinion, to carry their point. Such as Bed- ford, Sandwich, G. Grenville, and, with submis. sion, your friend Mansfield. He lately drew up- on himself the laugh of the House of Lords, ma- king use of the word Liberty of the Subject ; and expressing great regard to it, it was called Satan preaching up sanctity. Conway is still secretary of state, and much regarded as a man of ability and integrity. Lord Shelburne, the other secre- tary, has surpassed the opinion of the world ; he speaks well, and is very distinct in office. The Duke of Grafton is an absolute orator, and has a fair character. An Irishman, one Mr. Burke, is sprung up in the House of Commons, who has astonished every body with the power of his elo- quence, his comprehensive knowledge in all our exterior and internal politics and commercial inte- rests. He wants nothing but that sort of dignity annexed to rank, and property in England, to 244 make him the most considerable man in the Lower House. A dispute with Portugal, on some commercial points, seems at present chiefly to occupy the thoughts of the ministry. It is thought, that an embassador extraordinary, with an escort of ten ships of war, which is the best ultima ratio, will be sent to Lisbon. I have had some conversation with our ministry on the affairs of Poland ; but 4is this letter goes by the common post, I cannot send you the particulars. The character of his Majesty is high in their esteem. I intreat your Highness to present my duty to him, to assure him of my zeal, veneration, and love ; in a few days, i-shall take the liberty of writing to him, or to- Mr. Ogroudski. I wait till I have had a conver- sation \vith ihe King. Could your Highness pro- cure me a copy of his Majesty's picture, either in miniature, or otherwise ; I ask for a copy, as I would not presume to trouble him to sit. You would likewise make me very happy with your own. I was much pleased with an acquaintance with Lavisa at the Hague. His warm attachment to our incomparable master has much endeared him to me. We have some books published here, which I fancy you would be glad to have, particu- larly, the whole letters of Swift. They are the best history of those times^ and read with great avi- dity. When the Baltic is open, I shall send to his Majesty a considerable number, as he has done me the honour to trust to my judgment, and drawn on Mr. Tipper for the cost. ^ I have not heard from our friend Lind ; I beg you will chide him for this abominable neglect. Wroughton too deserves abuse ; I shall write to him in a few posts. The reason of Lord Thanet's delay in regard to the horse, was delicacy. He 245 could not find any he thought good enough ; but in the spring he will send a couple, which will, in all respects, suit his Majesty. I entreat you, my dear prince, to pay my hum- ble respects to your father, mother, the prince, chancellor, and all your house, to which I have so great obligations, and for which I have a sincere love and honour, and that you will steal a few moments to give me under your hand what I am already convinced of, that I possess some share of your love and friendship. I am, with the most respectful sentiments. My dear Prince, ever yours, CHARLES LEE. Warsaw, May isi, 17G7. My ItSAR CoLEHAN, X OU must undoubtedly think me a very ex- traordinary persoi^ that, on a slender acquaintance, I should have saddled you with the curation of my affairs, and afterwards not think it worth my while to write you even a civil note, such as a common acquaintance, who had conferred no ob- ligation, might have expected. The truth is, I have every day expected to be ascertained of my destiny, and then intended to have given you a circumstantial plan of my operations ; but as this day is as remote, in all appearance, as ever, I should be gulity of a monstrous neglect, in any farther delaying, to pay the tribute of friendship which I so sensibly owe. Believe me, my dear Sir, that I most sincerely love and honour you ; and this love and honour is founded on so solid a basis, that I have dared to neglect a form which would, not be pardoned by a person who is not really an object of esteem. X 2 246 I have been in this place two months waiting for an opportunity to join the Russian army, and I am afraid I shall be obliged to wait a month longer. The communications are so filled with the offals of the confederates, who are themselves a banditti, that it is impossible to stir ten yards- without an escort of Russians : the English are less secure than others, as they are esteemed the arch-enemies of the holy faith. A French come- dian was the other day near being hanged from the circumstance of his wearing a bob-wig, which by the confederates, is supposed to be the uniform of the English nation. I wish to God the three branches of our legislature would take it into their heads to travel through the woods of Poland in bob-wigs. The first opportunity that will offer will be the present embassador, who, it is said, will now be succeeded in ten days ; but this has been so long said, that I begin to despair of any opportunity at all; if none should offer, I have made a wise joiir- ney of it : I believe it would break my heart. I have an unspeakable curiosity of seeing this cam- paign, though, in fact, I believe it will be a ridicu- lous one ; if not like that of Harlequin and Sea- pin, it will resemble the battle of Wilks and Tal- bot. The Russians can gain nothing by beating their enemy, and the Turks are confoundedly afraid. I wish, by practice, to make myself a sol- dier for purposes honest, but which I shall not mention. If I am defeated in my intention of joining the Russians, I think of passing through Hungary, and spending the ensuing winter in the i,outh of Italy, Sicily, or some of the islands in the ^gean sea. As you are a scholar I venture to talk this cant. As to England, I am resolved not to set rny ^^^^ "^ ^^' ^^^ ^^^^ vitrue which I be- 247 lieve to exist in the body of the people can be put into motion. I have good reasons for it. Mv spirits and temper were much affected by the mea- sures which I was witness of, measures absolutely moderate, laudable, and virtuous, in comparison of what has been transacted since. To return so- lemn thanks to the Crown for the manifestly cor- rupt dissipation of its enormous revenues and im- pudent demand on the people ; to repair this dis- sipation, to complete their own ruin, is pushing servility farther than the rascally senate of Tibe- rias was guilty of. In this light it is considered by all those I converse with, of every nation, even those who have the least idea of liberty. The Austrians and Russians hoot at us. In fine, it is looked upon as the ultimatum of human baseness, a coup de grace to our freedom and national hon- our. You will say, it is being a pleasant correspond- ent, giving you my comments on what passes un- der your own eyes, and being entirely silent on the transactions of this country, which you may be supposed to have some curiosity of being acquain- ted with. You will not think me serious when I assure you, that I am as totally a stranger to them as yourself or any man in England. Humphrey Gates, 1 am sure, must know fifty times more of the matter. I see that the country is in one gener- al state of confusion, filled with devastation and murder. I hear every day of the Russians beat- ing the Confederates ; but as to what the Russians, what the Confederates, what the body of the na- tion propose, I am utterly ignorant, though no more, I believe, than they are themselves. Their method of carrying on the war is equally gentle with what our's was in North America ; the Con- federates hang up all the Russians who fall into a48 their hands, and the Russians put to the sword the Confederates. The Russian Cossacks have an ad- mirable sang froid in these executions. The other day, at a place called Rava, forty or fifty Confederates were condemned to the bayonet ; but as they were tolerably dressed, they were obliged to strip for the ceremony, the Cossacks chusing not to make any holes in their clothes. The situ- ation of the K is really to be lamented, not- withstanding he wears a crown. He is an honest, virtuous man, and a friend to the rights of man- kind. I wish we could persuade a prince of my acquaintance, who is taught, (as far as he can be taught any thing,) to hate them, to exchange with him. I know a nation that could spare a whole fa- mily, mother, and all to the Poles, and only take in exchange this one man. I could say many things on this subject, digna literas nos^risy sed non com- mittenda ejusmodi periculo^ ut aut interire, cut apeririy aut intercipi possmt. I hope your kindness has not entailed any trou- ble upon you with respect to my affairs. 1 hope Mr. Ayre has been punctual in his payment. I wrote to him from London, acquainting him with your powers. If you should pass by Mr- Hoares, I beg you will tell him, that I wrott to him from Munich, requesting him to send me, if possible, a letter of credit to Warsaw, and to give credit to a Captain William Spey, for surveying my land in St. John's. How does the hallowed Juliet ? It is inconceivable how deeply I am interested for the success and weliare of that girl. If she does not succeed, let her murry me, and settle in America. My respects to Mrs. Coleman, and that^ I am, most sincerely. Dear Cokman, With the warmest affection, &c. C. LEE, 249 P. S. My love to Rice, that when he can find time and matter I wisL he would write. What will give me the greatest pleasure is to hear of his being married to the widow Wales, or to any good party. He is the only Jijie gentleman I ever loved. Direct to me Chez le Prifice General de PodoliUj Farsovia. Let your letters be as long as possible, and let them have in them as much of Juliet as possible. Warsaw, May id, 1T67. Dear Madait, X SHOULD write to you with more ease and pleasure, had you not given me to understand that you looked upon mc as an able letter- writer. The ambition of coming up to your expectations lays me under a constraint which will enevitably make me fall short of every correspondent. To render myself tolerable I must endeavour to for- get your sex, your beauty ; but above all, the high opinion which you are pleased to conceive of my talents in this article. That I may not run into compliment, that I may divest myself of awe and vanity : the first you would despise as ful- some, and the second and last would be productive of reserve and petulance. Your understanding and the care you have ta- ken to cultivate it, cuts me off" from some of the most fruitful subjects to female correspondents ; the dress, intrigues, and diversions of the women in the several places we pass through ; but, on the other hand, it affords me ample liberty of pouring out my mind upon subjects which, un- fortunately for my own ease, engross it entirely ; the dreadful situation of all the honest part of man- kind, and particularly of our own countr^^ How 250 miserably fallen she is in the eyes of every state ! How sunk are we (i'; a few months I may say) from the summit of glory, opulence, and strength, to the lowest degree of poverty, imbecillity, and contempt. Europe is astonished at the rapidity of the change ; high and low, men of every order, from the ministers of state to the political barbers, mi ke it the subject of their admiration. How can it happen, say they, that Great Britain, so lately the mistress of the globe, with America in one hand, Asia and Africa in another, instead of the glorious task of giving laws and peace to nations, protecting the weak and injured, checking the powerful and oppressive, should employ her time in trampling on the rights of her dependencies, and violating her own sacred laws, on vi^hich her superiority over her neighbours is founded ? It was some consolation, say they, for the generous few of the Romans who survived the liberties of their country, that it was a Julius Caesar, a man with more than mortal talents, who was their subverter ; and the patriots of England had some mitigation for their spleen, that it was a Crom- well who had over-reached them ; but that 7^ >T^ 7N" ^ ^ ^ vfr Tfr should be able to encompass the enslaving of a spirited nation, whose every law seems dictated by Liberty herself, is too much to bear. They compare the noble remonstrances of the French parliaments against the oppressions of their court, with the slavish addresses of ours. I must confess, that instead of sending for cooks and hair-dressers from that country, I have long wished that we were to supply ourselves with members of parlia- ment. What it will come to, I know not, but it is time something should be done, and I flatter my- self it will : there is much spirit in the body of 251 the people ; but I will endeavour to quit this sub- ject ; it makes me mad. This country is the reverse of ours ; they have an honest, patriot k g, but a vicious nation. If God delights in seeing a virtuous man (as Se- neca supposes he does) struggling with adversi- ties, he has a charming spectacle in the king of Poland : and I hope God will, in the end, recom- pense the instrument of his pleasure, by extrica- ting him out of his distresses ; nothing else can, I am sure. You must excuse me entering into a detail of these difficulties, as this letter may pos- sibly fall into the hands of the Confederates, and be published to the nation, as several others, full as insignificant, have already been, to the no small detriment of this good man's affairs. I shall re- serve them for some future letter, or our evenings chat in Queen Anne Street, or Langham, Our station here, I mean those who are about the king's person, is whimsical enough. We have few troops, the bulk of these totally disaf- fected, and the town is full of (though not decla- red, far from being concealed) Confederates. — We have frequent alarms, and the pleasure of sleeping every night with our pistols on our pil- lows. I at present only wait for an opportunity to join the Russian army : this does not offer eve- ry day, as a strong escort is necessary, the commu- nications being filled with banditties of robbers, who are the offals of the Confederates. I believe it will be but a ridiculous campaign, something like that of Wilks and Talbot. The Russians can gain nothing by beating their enemy, and the Turks are confoundedly afraid. I have heard of Lady S h's flight. I can- not say I ever liked the match. • It is impossible to have the least connection with Fox, either of a 252 political or a private nature, without smarting for it : every thing he touches becomes putrid and prostitute. I hope your brother will have the grace to break this accursed connection, which has diverted such excellent parts from their true use, blasted all the hopes which his real friends and his country had a right to entertain of him ; that he will see, in its proper colours, the odious- ness of dependency and venality, particularly in a man of fortune; and that he may, by his future conduct, make an ample recompense to the opu- lent county which has chose him for their hither- to disappointment. I am convinced you will not tbink Avhat I am saying as too great a liberty with your brother ; I am convinced your sentiments correspond with mine ; if I thought they did not, I solemnly declare, were your beauty and under- standing greater than they are, I would not write to you. I have no doubt of Mr. Blake's doing his duty. He is not only well-disposed himself, but in the hands of one who might transform a Maccaroni into a Cato. He must be the devil himself whom a young, beautiful, English woman, with the sentiments of a Spartan matron, cannot lead into the ways of political righteousness. If women in general were like you, men could not possibly be such rascals. I have long lamented the accursed prevailing notion that women ought to have defective educations. It was the most cunning fiend in hell who first broached this doc- trine ; which, had it not prevailed, the better part of the globe would not have groaned in the wretched state of slavery we at present see it. For God's sake. Madam, have as many daughters as possible, and make them as much like yourself as possible, and some descendant of Catherine 25J M'Cauley may attribute the salvation of the state to your progeny. I am, dear Madam, with the highest esteem, Yours, ^c. CHARLES LEE. Mrs. M'Cauley. IVarsaw, May hlh, 1757. Dear Louisa, W HEN you first requested me to give you les- sons in English, I esteemed myself happy to de- monstrate my gratitude to Madam Kreithin for her singular kindness to me. I have been so used to convers witii myself and a few favour- ite books, that I never found it necessary to at- tend the toilets of women, merely as the generali- ty do, to fly from themselves, and kill the time Vv^hich they have no other means of employing. This was my original motive ; but on one or two conversations with my scholar, I entertained a sort of ambition of adding something to the means of enlightening so excellent an understand- ing as I perceived her to be possessed of. A little knowledge of the English language I concei- ved to be one of the means, as it abounds with so many excellent and instructing books. For a few days my views were confined to this ; but, O Lou- isa ! you ought, you must,have seen this ambition giving place to another less tranquil sentiment. Why did you not check it in its birth, by aifect- ing to find difficulties in the task you had under- taken ? Why did you not, on some such humane pretext, remove me from your side before the flame had acquiredsuch inextinguishablefierceness? This you should in charity have done, as you was determined to treat me as an enemy the Y 254 moment I declared I loved. Your resentment at my pretending to more than common friendship, is futile and vain, or, what is worse, hypocritical and deceitful. You know your own charms, your own powers too well. You have proved them with an unhappy success on several, not to be con- scious that it is impossible to see you often, and to hear your voice, without being forced beyond the bounds of friendship. But, to speak proud- ly, I do not see why the declaration of my pas- sion should so heniously offend you. To inspire you with an equal passion for an object destitute of any kind of charm, would be ridiculous pre- sumption: and were I furnished with every charm that could captivate womankind, to entertain any hopes which might affect your happiness, or re- putation, would be the highest villainy; but as I am born of a reputable family, I hope my cha- racter is rather a fair one ; and as my fortune is sufficiently ample to make an honest man indepen- dent and an honest woman content, 1 cannot sec the mighty crime in wishing to unite your for- tune with mine. I had flattered myself, that time and an unwearied attention to please, would have supplied in me what you might find amiss in my person or the arts of conversation. I am, dear Louisa, with much esteem. Yours, &c. CHARLES LEE. To Louisa C Warsaw, Mai/,ith i767. My DEAR Lord, A WROTE a sort of scrap of a note to you by the hands of Fawkner, and flattered myself that I should have found at this place a scrap in return. 255 I know your indolence too well, to except a letter of a sheet of paper, and do not exact it ; but if you knew how much pleasure a scrap signed by your hand, certifying your health, welfare, and good spirits affords me, I atn confident you would from time to time muster up resolution, to write me a few lines, three will be sufficient, which I in- sist on, as a tribute due to friendship, which on my side I can affirm to be as pure and genuine as the spawn of such a rascally planet as this is capable of; and I have the strongest reason to think it is not less so on yours. I must therefore repeat it, that I expect a tribute of this sort every fifth or sixth post. I have been in this happy capital five weeks, waiting for an opportunity to join the Rus- sian army, which does not offer every day, for the communications are filled by a set of gentlemen who are called Confederates, but why or wherefore they are pleased to stile themselves Confederates, I cannot find out. They give no reasons, they pro- pose no plan, but they rob, strip, and generally murder every body who fall into their hands. You used to dine formerly with very knowing, wise politicans, suchasHans, Stanley, and others, who are acquainted with all the schemes of all the nations, and all the individuals in Europe ; I would request you, to give me some hints of what these worthies intend : You will scarcely believe me serious, but I do assure you, that I knew, before I left London, the state of this country, full as well, if not better than I do here on the spot. If Gates is in the way you will much oblige me in procuring his opin- ion. I have greater reason every day to congra- tulate my prudence in having left England ; I am persuaded, had I stayed, I should have brought myself into some cursed scrape ; even here, at so great a distance, I am thrown into strange agitations 256 of passion on the sight of every newspaper. Hea- venly God ! is it possible we should be so far sunk? to return solemn thanks for a manifestly corrupt dissipation of such enormous revenues, and an im- pudent demr.nd on the public to repair this dissipa- tion, is pushing servility to its ultimatum. Those nations who have the least idea of liberty, as the Austrians and Russians, laugh and hoot at us ; compare, say they, the remonstrances of the French parliaments with the addresses of yours, and then dare to pride yourselves in the superiority of Bri- tish spirit over their neighbours. It is impossible to make the least reply to these charges, Ichoak with grief and indignation. When I attempt to assure tliem that the body of the nation is still untainted, that they have still sentiments of freedom ; they answer,, that such sentiments are of little conse- quence, when courage is wanting to put them ia motion. Is not every of your most boasted laws trampled upon, or eluded ? Is not perjury, de- solation, and murder, encouraged and rewarded with the national money ? Are not your magis- trates, from the sole merit of being declared ene- mies of the law, become factious partizans ? Is not the choice of your people in their representa- tives, treated with contempt and annulled? Are not your citizens massacred in the public streets and in the arms of their household gods by the military, and the military thanked for theirfriend- like alertness? If these things are borne with by a people, who possess sentiments of liberty, we have lost the meaning of words. Such, my dear Lord, is the language of these people, and it is for- tunate for me, that they are ignorant of the state of our American politics. They can have no idea of our carrying our abominations so far, as to dis- franchise three millions of people of all the rights 257 of men, for the gratification of the revenge of a bhinclering knavish Secretary, and a scoundrel Attorney General, a Hillsborough, and a Barnard. Were they informed of these faots their opinion of us would be still more mortifying, I had the other day a conversation with the gendeman to whom you gave the horse ; he laments, with great energy, the weak and wicked conduct of our ad- ministration, not only on our own account, but on that of all Europe. He says, did they barely pos- sess common sense, and common honesty, Great Britain must have been the Empress of the World; that she might have kept on the muzzles of the dogs of war, which must now inevitably be slip- ped off, to the devastation of the greater part of the globe. He desires his respects to you, and thanks you again and again for the horse which turns out nobly. I beg my compliments to Lady Thanet, and was in hopes to have heard that she had before this, produced you a son. Adieu, my dear Lord, and write soon a few lines to one who sincerely loves you. C. LEE. Lord Thanet. Most gracious Sir, A.S an express is this evening dispatched by the governor, I take the liberty of addressing this scribble to your Majesty. As it is in English, I am in hopes no bad consequences can arise, if it falls into the hands of the Confederates. Your Majesty will have heard of our retreat — a thousand reasons will undoubtedly be given, and pxooabJy not one founded in justice; I must, it is my duiy, to speak freely to your Majesty. The operations have been Y 2 258 miserably concluded; they opened with a capital defect — without a certainty of the state of the place, (Chotzim,) they were destined to attack it ; they with infinite fatigue and expence marched to the certain, (in idea,) reduction of it, without the possible means of reducing it. Chotzim is per- haps as secure from assult, as any fortress in the universe ; but must inevitably be taken, when at- tacked with the necessary quantity of battering artillery, in forty hours. The hopes of reducing it, with our pop guns soon appeared vain ; it was then seemingly determined to blockade it, but the line of blockade was either broken in part, or to- tally taken away on every alarm. When the blockade was formed, the grand Vizier was expect- ed with an hundred and fifty thousand men. If that number was formidable, they ought not to have formed the blockade, but retired at once over the Niester, without harassing for nopurpose, their men and their horses. If it was not formidable, they ought to have persisted in the blockade. In fact, the Russian army, I mean the infantry, brave as it is, V was not sufficient in number to form a line complete of circumvallation, against so nume- rous an enemy ; but neither the marching without battering cannon, the blockading the place without a resolution to persist in it, nor any blunder com- mitted, are so liable to censure, as the neglect to attack them in their camp. If success in war can be assured, ours was certainly so. I am', With the hijvhest respect and attachment, Your Majesty's most obedient and humble servant, CHARLES LEE. To My dear Davers, 259 Dijon, Jan. 19//^, 1T68. X HOUGH I have been a long time in answer- ing your letter, I beg you will not conclude, that the pleasure 1 received from it, is but small. Be- lieve me, that every fresh assurance of your friend- ship gives me unspeakable satisfaction, though I have no need of fresh assurances to be convinced of it. The longer I live, my love for you, acquires greater force, perhaps from a cynical disposition, in comparing you with other men. I have long been acquainted with your private virtues, and my opi- nion of your political virtues is now confirmed. I am only concerned at your having thoughts of quitting parliament. I know your reasons, but cannot approve of them. You think, that as you are not a speaker, as you have no turn for busi- ness, your attendance will little avail ; that it can- not contribute to stem the torrent of corruption and villainy which at present bears down every thing before it. It is this indolent or despairing method of reasoning, of many honest men, for I cannot help being persuaded that there are still many honest men, that have reduced us to this terrible situation. You know that the God of the Jews who should have been a judge of Jewish af- fairs, as he interfered in them so much, was of opinion that five righteous men were sufficient to save the rotten state of Gomorrah ; and 1 do not find that he meant they should be all speakers. Besides, the mass of the people of Gomorrah was all polluted, but the mass of the English peo- ple certainly is not. I believe no people was ever possessed of more pubhc virtue, which is manifest from all their proceedings. I beg, my dear friend, you will not in despair quit the deck and get un- der hatches—work at the pump — hand a rope, 260 doing any thing with good will and firmness — en- courage others to do the same, and with so intre- pid a pilot, as Sir George Saville, the vessel may perhaps work into harbour, notwithstanding the abominable treason of the major part of the crew. Sir C. Da vers. My Lord, I am yours, &c. C. LEE. Philadelphia, October l^th, 1774. Jl he noble part your Lordship has acted in op- posing all the diabolical measures of our accursed misrulers has encouraged me to address these few lines to you. Men who are embarked in the glo- rious cause of liberty should wave all ceremony. I shall therefore neither trouble you, nor myself with making apologies. Inclosed I send your grace a copy of the different resolves of the Con- gress, (though it is probable you may have recei- ved them before,) their address to the people of England, to the people of English America, to the people of Canada, and to the King. They argue so irresistibly, and they breathe so noble an ardor, that if there is the least understanding remaining in your island,, and the least virtue latent, the for- mer must be convinced, and the latter roused to action. What could put it into our blockheads heads, that these people could be tricked out of their liberties by their cunning, or bullied by any force which they can send over ? What devil of nonsense could instigate any man of General Gage's understanding to concur in bringing about this delusion ? I have lately, my lord, run through almost the whole colonies, from the South to the 261 North. I have conversed with all orders of men from the first estated gentlemen to the poorest planters, and cannot express my astonishment at the good sense and general knowledge, which per- vades the whole ; but their elevated principles, their enthusiasm in the cause of freedom and their country, is still more admirable. I think I should not be guilty of exaggeration in asserting, that there are two hundred thousand strong bodied active yeomanry, ready to encounter all hazards and dangers, ready to sacrifice all consi- derations rather than surrender a tittle of the rights which they have derived from God and their an- cestors : But this is not all, they are not like the yeomanry of other countries, unarmed andunused to arms ; but they are all furnished and all expert in the use. They want nothing but somearrange- ment, and this they are now bent on establishing. Virginia, Rhode Island, and Carolina are form- ing corps : Massachusetts Bay has long had a suffi- cient number instructed to become instructive to the rest ; even this Quakering province is follow- ing the example. I was present at a review of some of their companies at Providence in Rhode Island, and really never saw any thing more perfect ; in short, unless the banditti at Westminster speedily undo every thing they have done, their royal pay- master will hear of reviews and manoeuvres not quite so entertaining as those he is presented with in Hyde Park and Wimbledon Common. I must now, my dear Lord, hasten to the main purpose of this letter : As your Lordship is justly consideredas one of the most strenuous advocates and patrons of this country, and one of the most active assertors of the rights of mankind, I must beg leave to propose to you, what, had you advert- ed to, I am persitaded you would have already 262 adopted ; it is to set on foot a subscription for a reliti or an indemnification for the brave sufierers of Boston. These people's sufferings and merit are so transcendent, that men less animated with sentiment and public spirit than your Lordship, would exert themselves in their cause, A town consisting of thirty thousand people, perhaps of more ease and affluent circumstances than any other town of the world, reduced at one stroke to beggary and wretchedness ; every individual of them deprived of the means of supplying them- selves with a morsel of bread, butwhatis furnish- ed to them by the precarious hand of charity ; to see a whole people struggling with the extreme of distress, not only magnanimously, but cheerfully, rather than comply with the wishes of brutal ty- rants, and thereby admit precedents injinious to mankind and posterity, is, I say, a strain of vir- tue almost too bright for modern eyes to gaze at ; and must fill every breast, not totally dead to sen- timent and feeling, with rage, indignation, horror, and compassion. But they went further ; they made a formal offer to the Congress, to abandon their town, with their wives, children, aged, and infirm, throw themselves on the charity of the in- habitants of the country, or build huts in the woods and never revisit their native walls, until re- established in the full possession of their rights and liberties. Your Lordship will see the Con- gress's resolve on this head : These instances, I am sure, render imnecessary any thing I could say to incite a man of your Grace's stamp to exertions in their favour, or, more properly, in favour and sup- port of human virtue. I should be very happy in receiving a couple of lines in answer ; it must be 263 directed for me, at Richard Penn, Esq. at Phila- delphia. I am, my Lord, your Grace's true friend, admirer, and humble servant, C. LEE. To his Grace the Duke of— . Philadelphia, Jxme 7, 1775 . My dear Sir, * ▼ E have had twenty different accounts of your arrival at Boston, which have been regularly con- tradicted the next morning ; but as 1 now find it certain that you are arrived, I shall not delay a sin- gle instant addressing myself to you. It is a duty I owe to the friendship I have long and sincerely professed for you ; a friendship to which you have the strongest claims from the first moment of our acquaintance. There is no man from whom I have received so many testimonies of esteem and afifection ; there is no man whose esteem and af- fection could, in my opinion, have done me great- er honour. I intreat and conjure you, therefore, my dear sir, to impute these lines, not to a petulent itch of scribbling, but to the most unfeigned solici- tude for the future tranquillity of your mind, and for your reputation. I sincerely lament the infa- tuation of the times, when men of such a stamp as Mr. Burgoyne and Mr. Howe can be seduced into so impious and nefarious a service by the arti- fice of a wicked and insidious court and cabinet. You cannot but recollect their manoeuvres in your own select committee, and the treatment yourself as president received from these abandoned men. You cannot but recollect the black business of St. Vincents, by an opposition to which you acquired 264 the highest and most deserved honour. T shall not trouble you with my opinion of the right of tax- ing America without her own consent, as I am afraid from what I have seen of your speeches, that you have already formed your creed on this article; but I will boldly affirm, had this right been established by a thousand statutes, had America admitted it from time immemorial, it would be the duty of every good Englishman to exert his utmost to divest parliament of this right, as it must inevi- tably work the subversion of the whole empire. The malady under which the state labours, is in- disputably derived from the inadequate represen- tation of the subject, and the vast pecuniary influ- ence of the Crown. To add to this pecuniary influence and incom- petency of representation, is to insure and preci- pitate our destruction. To wish any addition, can scarcely enter the heart of a citizen who has the least spark of public virtue, and who is at the same time capable of seeing consequences the most immediate. I appeal, sir, to your own con- science, to your experience and knowledge of our court and parliament, and I request you to lay your hand upon your heart, and then answer with your usual integrity and frankness, whether, on the supposition America should be abject enough to submit to the terms imposed, you think a single guinea raised upon her would be applied to the purpose, (as it is ostentaciously held out to deceive the people at home,) of easing the mother coun- try ? Or whether you are not convinced that the whole they could e xtract, would be applied solely to keep up still further the enormous fund for cor- ruption which the Crown already possesses, and of which a most diabolical use is made. On these principles, I say, sir, every good Englishman, ab- 265 stracted of all regard for America, must oppose her being taxed by the British parliament ; for my own part, I am convinced that no argument, (not totally abhorrent from the spirit of liberty, and the British constitution,) can be produced in support of this right. But it would be impertinent to trou- ble you upon a subject which has been so amply, and, in my opinion, so fully discussed. I find by a speech given as yours in the public papers, that it was by the King's positive command you em- barked in this service. I am somewhat pleased that it is not an office of your own seeking, though, at the same time, I must confess that it is very alarming to every virtuous citizen, when he sees men of sense and integrity, (because of a certain profession,) lay it down as a rule implicitly to obey the mandates of a court, be they ever so flagitious. It furnishes, in my opinion, the best argument for the total reduction of the army. But I am run- ning into a tedious essay, whereas I ought to con- fine myself to tlie main design and purpose of this letter, which is to guard you and 5' our colleagues from those prejudices which the same miscreants, ^,vho have infatuated General Gage and still sur- round him, will labour to instil into you against a brave, loyal, and most deserving people. The avenues of truth will be shut up to you. I assert, sir, that even General Gage will deceive you, as he has deceived himself; I do not say he will do k designedly ; I do not think him capable : But his mind is so totally poisoned, and his understand- ing so totally blinded by the society of fools and knaves, that he no longer is capable of discerning facts as manifest as noon day sun, I assert, sir, that his letters to the ministry, (at least, such as the public have seen,) are one continued tissue of mis- representation, injustice, and tortured inferences z 266 from mistatecl facts. I affirm, sir, that he has ta- ken no pains to inform himself of the truth ; that he has never conversed with a man who has had the courage or honesty to tell him the truth. I am apprehensive that you and your colleagues may fall into the same trap, and it is the apprehen- sion that you may be inconsiderately hurried by the vigour and activity you posi^ess into measures which may be fatal to many innocent individuals, may hereafter wound your own feelings, and which cannot possibly serve the cause of those who sent you, that has prompted me to address these lines to you. I most devoutly wish, that your industry, valour and military talents, may be reserved for a more honourable and virtuous ser- vice, against the natural enemies of your country, (to whom our Court are so basely complacent,) and not be wasted in ineffectual attempts to rediice to the wretchedest state of servitude, the most me- ritorious part of your fellow subjects. I say, sir, that any attempts to accompHsh this purpose must be ineffectual. You cannot possibly succeed. No man is better acquainted with the state of this con- tinent than myself. I have ran through almost the whole colonies from the north to the south, and from the south to the north. I have conver- sed with all orders of men, from the first estated gentlemen, to the lowest planters and farmers, and can assure you that the same spirit animates the whole. Not less than one hundred and fifty thou- sand gentlemen, yeomen, and farmers, are now in arms, determined to preserve their liberties or per- ish. As to the idea that the Americans are defi- cient in courage, it is too ridiculous and glaringly false to deserve a serious refutation. I never could conceive upon what this notion was found- ed. I served several campaigns in America the 267 last vvar, and cannot recollect a single instance of ill behaviour in the provincials, where the regu- lars acquitted themselves well. Indeed we well remember some instances of the reverse, particu- larly where the late Colonel Grant, (he who lately pledged himself for the general cowardice of America,) ran away with a large body of his own regiment, and was saved from destruction, by the valour of a few Virginians. Such preposterous arguments are only proper for the Rigbys and Sandwichs, from whose mouths never issued, and to whose breast, trudi and decency are utter stran- gers. You will much oblige me in communica- ting this letter to General Howe, to whom I could wish it should be considered in some measure ad- dressed ; as well as to yourself. Mr. Howe is a man for whom I have ever had the highest love and reverence. I have honoured him for his own connections, but above all, for his admirable talents and good qualities. I have courted his acquaint- ance and friendship, not only as a pleasure, but as an ornament ; I flattered myself that 1 had obtained it. Gracious God ! is it possible that Mr. Howe should be prevailed upon to accept such an office ! That the brother of him, to whose memory the much injured people of Boston erected a monu- ment, should be employed as one of the instru- ments of their destruction ! But the fashion of the times it seems is suchj as renders it impossible that he should avoid it. The commands of our most gracious sovereign, are to cancel all moral obliga- tions, to sanctify every action, even those that the satrap of an Eastern despot would start at. I shall now beg leave to say a few words with respect to myself and the part I act. I was bred up from my infancy in the highest veneration for the liberties of mankind in general. What I have seen of Courts 268 and princes, convinces me that power canrtot be lodged in worse hands than in theirs ; and of all courts I am persuaded that ours is the most corrupt, and hostile to the rights of humanity. I am con- vinced, tlii^t a regular plan has been laid, indeed every act oince the present accession evinces it, to abolish even the shadow of liberty from amongst us. It was not the demolition of the tea, it was not any other particular act of the Bostonians, or of the other provinces, which constituted their crimes ; but it is the noble spirit of liberty mani- festly pervading the whole continent, which has rendered them the objects of ministerial and royal vengeance. Had they been notoriously of another disposition, had they been homines ad servitudi?ie?}i paratos, they might have made as free with the property of the East India Company as the felo- nious North himself with impunity. But the lords of St. James's and their mercenaries of St. Ste- phe?is will kniiW, that as long as the free spirit of this great continent remains unsubdued, the pro- gress they can make in their scheme of universal despotism, will be but triflingo Hence it is, that they wage inexpiable war against America. In short, this is the last assylura of persecuted liberty. Here should the machinations and fury of her ene^ mies prevail, that bright Goddess must fly off from the face of the earth, and leave not a trace behind. These, sir, are ray principles ; this is my persua- sion, and consequently I am determined to act. I have now, sir, only to entreat, that whatever measures you pursue, whether those which your real friends (myself amongst them) would wish, or unfortunately those which our accursed misrulers shall dictate, you will still believe me to be per- sonallv, Avith the greatest sincerity and affection, Yours, &c. C, LEE. Gen. Burgoyne. 269 Bear Sib, y\ HEN we were last together in service I should not have thought it within the vicissitude of human affairs that we should meet at any time, or in any sense as foes : the letter you have honoured me with, and my own feelings combine to prove we arc far from being personally such. I claim no merit from the attentions you so kind- ly remember, but as they manifest how much it was my pride to be known for your friend ; Nor have I departed from the duties of that character, when I will not scruple to say, it has been almost a general offence to maintain it : I mean since the violent part you have taken in the commotions of the colonies. It would exceed the limits and pro- priety of our present correspondence to argue at full, the great cause in which we are engaged. But, anxious to preserve acon^istentandingenuous character, and jealous, I confess, of havhig the parti sustain imputed to such motives as you inti- mate, I will state to you as concisely as I can, the principles upon which, not voluntarily, but most conscientiously, I undertook it. 1 have, like you, entertained from my infancy, a veneration for public liberty. I have likewise re- garded the British constitution, as the best safe- guard of that blessing to be found in the history of mankind. The vital principle of the constitution, in which it moves and has its being, is the supre- macy of the King in parliament, a compound, in- definite indefensible power, co-eval with the origin of the empire, and co-extensive overall its parts : I am no stranger to the doctrines of Mr. Locke and other of the best advocates for the rights of mankind, upon the compact always implied be- tween the governing and governed, and the right z 2 270 of resistance in the latter, when the compact shall be so violated as to leave no other means of redress. I look with reverence almost amounting to idola- tr}'-, upon those inmiortal men who adopted and applied such doctrine, during part of the reign of Charles the First, and in that of James the Second, should corruption pervade the three estates of the realm, so as to pervert the great ends of their in- stitution, and make the power vested in them for the good of the whole people operate like an abuse upon the prerogative of the Crown to general oppression, I am ready to acknowledge, that the same doctrine of resistance applies as forcibly against the abuses of the collective body of power, as against those of the Crown, or either of the component branches separately : still always un- derstood that no other means of redress can be ob- tained. A case, I contend, much more difficult to suppose when it relates to the whole, than when it relates to parts. But in all cases that have existed, or can he conceived, I hold, that resistance, to be justifiable, must be directed against the usurpation or undue exercise of power, and that it is most criminal when directed against any power itself in- herent in the constitution. And here } ou will discern immediately why I drew a line m the allusion I made above to the reign of Charles the First. Towards the close of it the true principle of resistance was changed, and anew system of government projected accordingly. The patriots, previous to the long parliament, and during great part of it, as well as the glorious Re- volutionists of 1681, resisted to vindicate and re- store the constitution ; the republicans resisted, to subvert it. Now, sir, lay your hand upon your heart, as you have enjoined me to do on mine, and tell me. 271 to which of these purposes do the proceedings of America tend? Is it the weight of taxes imposed, and the possibiHty of relief after due representation of her burthens, that has induced her to take up arms? Or is it a denial of the legislative right of Great Britain, to impose them, and consequently a struggle for total independency ? For this idea of a power that can tax externally and not internally, and all the sophistry that attends it, though it may catch the weakness and prejudices of the multi- tude in a speech or a pamphlet, is too preposterous to weigh seriously with a man of your understand- ing, and I am persuaded you will admit the ques- tion fairly put. Is it then for a relief from taxes? or from the controul of parliament '* in all cases whatsoever," that we are in war? If, for the former, the quarrel is at an end. There is not a man of sense and in- formation in America, who does not sec it is in the power of the colonies to obtain a relinquishment of the exercise of taxation immediately and for ever. I boldly assert it, because sense and infor- mation must also suggest to every man, that it can never be the interest of Britain to make a se- cond trial. But if the other ground is taken, and it is in- tended to wrest from Great Britain a link of that substantial, and I hope, perpetual chain, by which the empire holds, think it not a ministerial man- date ; think it not a mere professional ardour ; think it not prejudice against any part of our fel- low subjects, that induces men of integrity, and among such you have done me the honour to class me, to act with vigour. But be assured it is con- viction, that the whole of our political system de- pends upon preserving entire its great and essential parts ; and none is so great and essential as the su- 272 premacy of legislation. It is conviction, that as the king of England never appears in so glorious a capacity as when he employs the executive power of the state to maintain the laws, so in the present exertions of that power, his Majesty is particularly entitled to our zeal and grateful obcdienjpe, not on- ly as soldiers, but as citizens. These principles, depend upon it, actuate the army and fleet throughout : arid let mc at the same time add, there are few, if any, gentlemen among us who would have drawn his sword in the cause of slavery. But why do I confine myself to the fleet and army? I affirm the sentiments I here touch, to be those of the great bulk of the nation. I appeal even to those trading towns which are sufferers by the dispute, and the city of London at the head of them, notwithstanding the petitions and remonstrances that the arts of par- ties and factions have extorted from some indivi- duals ; and last, because least in your favour, I appeal to the m?rjorities of the last year upon American questions in parliament. The most licentious news- writer wants assurance to call these majorities ministerial ; much less will you, when you impardally examine the characters of which they were in a great degree composed ; men of the most independent principles and fortunes, and many of them professedly in opposition in their general line of conduct. Among other supporters of British rights against American claims, I will not speak positively, but I firmly believe, I may name the men of whose integrity and judgment you have the highest opin- ion, and whose friendship is nearest your heart ; I mean Lord Thanet, from whom my aid de camp has a letter for you, with another from Sir C. Da- vers. I do not inclose them because the writers 273 (little imagining how difficult your conduct would render our intercourse) desired they might be de- livered into your hands. For this purpose, as well as to renew " the rights of our fellowship," I wish to see you ; and, above all, I should think an interview happy if it induced such explanations as might tend, in their conse- x]uences, to peace. I feel, in common with all around me, for the unhappy deluded bulk of this country : they foresee not the distress that is im- pending. I know Great Britain is ready to open her arms upon the first reasonable overtures of ac- commodation : I know she is equally resolute to maintain her original right ; and 1 also know, that if the war proceeds, your hundred and fifty thou- sand men will be no match for her po\ver. I put my honour to these assertions as you have done to others ; and I claim the credit I am willing to give. The place I would propose for our meeting, is the house on Boston Neck, just within our ad- vanced sentries, called Brown's House : I wili obtain authority to give you my parole of honour for your secure return. I shall expect the same on your part, that no insult be offered me. If the proposal is agreeable to you, name your day and hour : and at all events, accept a sincere return of the assurances you honour me with, and believe me, Affectionately yours, J. BURGOYNE. p. S. I have been prevented, by business, an- swering your letter sooner. I obeyed your com- mands in regard to General Howe and Clinton ; and I likewise communicated to Lord Percy the contents of your letter and my answer. They all join with me in compliments, and authorise me\ to assure you they do the same in principles. 274 Cambridge, Head Quarlcrs, July iith, 1775. Iteneral Lee's compliments to General Bur- goyne : would be extremely happy in the inter- view he so kindly proposed ; but as he perceives, that General Burgoyne has already made up his mind on this great subject, and that it is impossi- ble that he (General Lee) should ever alter his opinion, he is apprehensive that the interview might create those jealousies and suspicions so natural to a people struggling in the dearest of all causes, that of their liberty, property, wives, chil- dren, and their future generations. He must, therefore, defer the happiness of embracing a man whom he most sincerely loves, until the subver- sion of the present tyrannical ministry and system, which he is persuaded must be in a few months, as he knows Great Britain cannot stand the con- test. He begs General Burgoyne will send the letters which his aid de camp has for him. If Gardiner is his aid de camp, he desires his love to him. Camp on Prospect Hill, Dee, ist, 1775. Dear Sir, As I am just informed you are ready to embark for England, I cannot refrain from once more trespassing on your patience. An opportunity is now presented of immortalizing yourself as the saviour of your country. The whole British em- pire stands tottering on the brink of ruin, and you have it in your power to prevent the fatal catas- trophe ; but it will admit of no delay. For hea- ven's sake avail yourself of the precious moment: put an end to the delusion : exert the voice of a brave, virtuous citizen ; and tell the people at 27^ home, that they must immediately rescind all their impolitic, iniquitous, tyrannical, murderous acts; that they must overturn the whole frantic system, or that they are undone. You ask me, in your letter, if it is independence at which the Americans aim? I answer, No; the idea never entered a single American's head, until the most intolerable oppression forced it upon them. All they required was, to remain masters of their own property, and be governed by the same equitable laws which they had enjoyed from the first forma- tion of the Colonies. The ties of connection which bound them to their parent country, were so dear to them, that he who would have ventur- ed to touch them, would have been considered as the most impious of mortals ; but these sacred ties, the same men, who have violated or baffled the most precious laws and rights of the people at home, dissipated, or refused to account for their treasures, tarnished the glory, and annihilated the importance of the nation : these sacred ties, I say, so dear to every American, Bute and his tory ad- ministration are now rending asunder. You ask, whether it is the weight of taxes of which they complain ? I answer, No : It is the principal they combat, and they would be guilty in the eyes of God and men, of the present world, and all posterity, did they not reject it ; for if it were admitted, they would have nothing that they could call their own ; they would be in a worse condition than the wretched slaves in the West India islands, whose little peculium has ever been esteemed inviolate. But, wherefore should I dwell on this ? Is not the case with Ireland the same with theirs ? They are subordinate to the British empire ; they are subordinate to the Par- liament of Great Britain, but thev tax themselves. 2/0 Why, as the case is similar, do you begin with them ? But you know, Mr. Burgoyne, audacious as the ministry are, they dare not attempt it. There is one part of your letter which, I confess I do not understand. If I recollect right, (for I un- fortunately, have not the letter by me,) you say that if the privilege of taxing themselves is what the American's claim, the contest is at an end. You surely cannot allude to the propositions of North. It is impossible that you should not think, with me and all mankind, that these propositions are no more or less than adding to a most abomi- nable oppression, a more abominable insult. But, to recur to the question of Americans aiming at independence : Do any instructions of any one of the provinces to their representatives, or delegates, furnish the least ground for this suspicion ? On the contrary, do they not all breathe the strongest attachment and filial piety to their parent country ? But if she discards all the natural tenderness of a mother, and acts the part of a cruel step-dame, it must naturally be expected that their affections will cease ; the ministry leave them no alternative, aut serviri, aut alienari jubent ; it is in human nature ; it is a moral obligation to adopt the latter. But the fatal separation has not yet taken place, and yourself, your single self, my friend, may perhaps, prevent it. Upon the ministr}^, 1 am afraid, you can make no impression ; for, to re- peat a hackneyed quotation, Tliey are in biood Stepp'd in so far, that, should they wade no more, To return woiihl be as tedious as go o'er. But, if you will at once break off all connec- tions with these pernicious men ; if you will wave all consideration, but the salvation of your coun- try, Great Britain may stand as much indebted to 277 General Burgoyne, as Rome ^vas to her Camillus. Do not, I entreat you, my dear sir, think this the mad rhapsody of an enthusiast, nor the cant of a factious designing man ; for, in these colours, I am told, I am frequently painted. I swear by all that's sacred, as I hope for comfort and honour in this world, and to avoid misery in the next, that I most earnestly and devoutly love my native country ; that I wish the same happy relation to subsist for ages betwixt her and her children, which has raised the wide arch of her empire to so stupendous and enviable a height; but at the same time I avow, that if the parliament and people should be depraved enough to support any longer the present ministry in their infernal scheme, my zeal and reverence for the rights of humanity are so much greater than my fondness for any particular spot, even the place of my na- tivity, that, had I any influence in the councils of America, I would advise not to hesitate a single instant, but decisively to cut the Gordian knot, now besmeared with civil blood. This, I know, is strong emphatic language, and might pass, with men who are strangers to the flame vvhich the love of liberty is capable of light- ing up in the human breast, for a proof of my insa- nity ; but you, sir, unless I have mistaken you from the beginning, will conceive, that a man, in his sober senses, may possess such feelings. In my sober senses, therefore, permit me once more most -earnestly to entreat and conjure you to exert your whole force, energy, and talents to stop the ministry in this their headlong career. If you labour in vain, (as, I must repeat, I think will be the case,) address yourself to the people at large. By adopting this method, I am so sanguine, as to nssure myself of your success ; and your public Aa 278 character will be as illustrious as your personal qualities are amiable to all who intimately know you. By your means the Colonists will long con- tinue the farmers, planters, and shipwrights of Great Britain ; but if the present course is per- sisted in, an internal divorce must inevitably take place. As to the idea of subduing them into ser- vitude, and indemnifying yourselves for the ex- pence, you must be convinced long before this of its absurdity. I should not, perhaps, be extravagant, if I ad- vanced, that all the ships of the world would be too few to transport force sufficient to conquer three millions of people, unanimously determined to sacrifice every thing to liberty ; l3Ut if it were possible, the victory would not be less ruinous than the defeat. You would only destroy your own strength. No revenue can possibly be exacted out of this country. The army of place-men might be encreased, but her circuitous commerce, foun- ded on perfect freedom, which alone can furnish riches to the metropolis, would fall to the ground. But the dignity of Great Britain, it seems, is at stake. Would you, sir, if in the heat of passion you had struck a single drummer of your regi- ment, and afterwards discovered that you had done it unj»stly, think it any forfeiture of your dignity to acknowledge the wrong ? No : I am well acquainted with your disposition, you would ask him pardon at the head of your regiment. I shall now conclude (if you will excuse the pedantry) with a sentence of Latin ; Justum est bellum quibus necessariiim^ et pia arrna quibus nul- la, nisi iji armis, relinquitur spes. I most sincerely wish you u quick and prosperous voyage, and 279 that your happiness and glory may be equal to the idea I have of your merits, as, I am, with the greatest truth and affection, Yours, CHARLES LEE. Major Gen. Burgoyne. Cambridge, ITVG. SiB, In my lelter, lately sent into Boston, all politi- cal disquisition was designedly avoided. 1 did not avail myself of the advantages which the sa- cred cause of my country, of liberty, and of hu- man nature, manifestly gave me over Mr. Gage. I remonstrated with you in decent terms, with respect to the hard and unworthy treatment shewn, as 1 have been informed, to the soldiers and citi- zens of America, whom the fortune of war, chance, or an erroneous opinion of your honour, had thrown into your hands. In answer to this remonstrance, we are insulted with the most out- rageous language, and abusive epithets. Were we, Sir, the worst of traitors ; had we conspired to subvert the liberties of our fellow subjects ; had we conspired to re-establish on the throne the expelled tyrants of the Stuart house ; or, could we be charged with any notorious breach of faith ; had we, for instance, seduced some part of the troops under your command, upon certain con- ditions, into a surrender of their arms, and after- wards violated our engagement, the style which you assume would scarcely be justifiable. You affect, Sir, to despise all rank not derived from the same source with your own : to speak, as I think, with becoming pride, it is impossible to conceive a more honourable source than that to 280 which I owe my present station. I was called to it by the voice of the freely chosen delegates of a A'irtuous and uncorrupt people. Yours, for ought I know, and, as I am told, is frequently the case, might have been obtained by connections with some prostitute part of a prostitute House of Commons. You threaten us. Sir, with a cord : Begin, Sir ; I dare you to it. Although my nature shudders at the thought, necessity will force us to retaliate ; and we have it in our power, Mr. Gage, to make 'a ten-fold retaliation. You have the confidence to appeal to that Almighty God whose every law you have violated. Let that x\lmighty God, to whom the rights and happiness of his creatures cannot be indifferent, j udge then between us. When the great and tre- mendous day shall arrive ; when all mortals arc to render a strict account, which, do you apprehend. Sir. will have the greatest reason to tremble ? The virtuous citizens, now forced to arms by the hands of tyranny ; in arms not to rob, spoil, and invade; not as mercenary* instruments to gratify the lust, ambition, avarice, or revenge of scep- tered robbers or wicked ministers, but to defend their wives, children, and household goods, and to deliver down to their posterity the bright inhe- ritance of freedom they received from their forefa- thers : which, I once more demand, shall, on that dreadful day, have the greatest reason to tremble ? The citizens engaged in this righteous cause, or those men, who by artifice, misrepresentation, and falsehood, have not only stained this fair continent with the blood of her children, but shaken the mighty empire of Britain to her foundation. 1 shall now. Sir, close my correspondence with you, perhaps for ever, assuring you, that the in- 281 telligence you have received, with respect to the harsh treatment of the prisoners in our possession, is as remote from fact, as that which you have con- stantly transmitted to the ministry, when speak- ing of the principles and designs of America. Not only the officers and soldiers have been treated with the tenderness due to fellow-citizens and brethren, but even those execrable parricides born amongst us, who have aimed their daggers at the vitals of their parent, have been protected from the fury of a most justly enraged people. I shall now Sir, only add, that for the future, whatever mode of conduct you shall think proper to observe towards those of our people who are in your custody, such exactly are the ministerial- ists to expect in return. I am, Sir, YouF most obedient, Humble servant, Gen. Gage. C. LEE. Cambridge, 17T6. Dear Sir, JL LITTLE thought the time could ever arrive when I should not run with eagerness to embrace Mr. Gage. Whether it is from a cynical disposi- tion, or a laudable misanthropy, whether it is to my credit or discredit, I know not ; but it is most certain, that I have had a real affection for very few men ; but that these few I have loved with w^armth, zeal, and ardour. You, Sir, amongst these few, I swear by all that is sacred, have ever held one of the foremost places. I respected your understanding, liked your manners, and perfectly adored the qualities of your heart. These, Sir, are my reasons, paradoxical as they may appear to Aa 2 282 many, that I now avoid what I heretofore should have thought an happiness. Were you person- ally indifferent to me, I should, perhaps, from cu- riosity, appear in the circle of your levee ; but I hold in such abhorrence the conduct, temper, and spirit of our present court ; more particularly their present diabolical measures with respect to this country fills me with so much horror and in- dignation, that I cannot bear to see a man, from whom my affections can never be weaned, in the capacity of one of their instruments ; as I am con- vinced that the court of Tiberius, or Philip the Second, were not more treacherous and hostile to <■ the rights of mankind than the present court of | Great Britain. I cannot help thinking it one ofJ the greatest curses fallen on mankind, that they should be endued with sufficient art to seduce or delude men of the best hearts and heads. My Lord Chatham himself was for a time their dupe ; and poor York was entrapped for his destruction. 1 believe. Sir, I know the tricks and insidiousness of the Cabinet better than you do. I have no doubt, but they were hard set to work upon you. May God Almighty extricate you, with honour and safety, from their clutches ! I know not whe- ther the people of America v/ill be successful in tlieir struggles for liberty ; I think it most probable they will, from what I have seen in my progress through the colonies. So noble a spirit pervades all orders of men, from the first estated j^entlemen to the lowest planters, that I think they must be victorious. I most devoutly wish they may ; for if the machinations of their enemies prevail, the bright goddess. Liberty, must, like her sister As- trsea, utterly abandon the earth, and leave not a >vreck behind. She has, by a damned conspiracy €f kings and ministers, been totally driven froin 283 the other hemisphere. Here is her last asylum ; here I hope she may fix her abode. I have now, sir, only to entreat, that as knaves and fools will probably, from design and mis- understanding, exaggerate, disfigure, and distort what I do, and what I say, you will be upon your guard, particularly when it relates to yourself. Though it is difficult to separate the man from the office, should it be reported that I ever speak of you in terms of disrespect, I entreat, that you will slight the report. I am not capable of it. A personal friendship for Mr. Gage has taken too deep root in my breast; though, wqre you my brother, twinned at a birth, I must wish to defeat the purposes of those by whose instructions Go- venor Gage must act. As to North, my opinion of him is this, (and I have known him a long time,) that did he hear of a single freeman in the remotest part of the world, he would willinoly put his country to the expence of furnishing forth an army and fleet for the sole pleasure of destro} ing that single freeman. I know, Sir, you will do me the justice to believe that I am not acting a part ; that no affectation has place in my conduct. You have known me long enough, I flatter myself, to be persuaded, that zeal for the liberties of my country and the rights of mankind, has been my predominant passion. May God Almighty bless you. Sir, and, witti honour to you, dissolve the spell which has charmed you into a situation so incompatible with the excellence of your natural disposition. Excuse the length, and, if it appears to you, the impertinence, of this epis- tle, and believe me, With great esteem, Yours, CHARLES LEE. Gen, Gage. 284 Mr DEAR PHIPps, X HAVE not for a long time read any per- formance with so much pleasure, as the para- graph in the public papers announcing your safe return. I congratulate your country, your friends, and particularly myself, on this happy event. As I most sincerely love and honour you, I should have been pleased, in common with all mankind, had your hopes and expectations been answered in their full extent ; but, as your individual friend, I am completely satisfied ; for the attempt is suf- ficient to immortalize you. A young man of your rank arid affluent circumstances, giving up his ease, pleasure, and connections, to encounter mountains, and even to risk the taking up his residence in the thrilling regions of thick Ribbe- dia, for the public benefit, would have appeared heroic in any age or nation ; but the inglorious insipid character of the present age heightens the lustre of the enterprize. Once more, my dear Phipps, I congratulate you and all your friends on your safe return ; and the honour which is your due, and which is not paid you at home, come to this country, vt^here your praises are sung daily ; but your political parlia- mentary conduct has the largest share of their panegyrick. Their opinion of your integrity, tal- ents, and consistency, is very high ; and I hope you will believe that I do not labour to weaken it. By all that is sacred, these are a fine people, liberal, enlightened, sensible and firm. Your Mansfields and Norths may play over their wretch- ed tricks, have recourse to their paltry finesses, may bluster and bellow, but they will never be able to trick or frighten these men out of their liberties. They are too acute and vigilant for the 285 fonner to avail, and much too strong for the lit- ter. Twelve thousand fresh colonists, half Ger- mans, half Irish, were imported this year into Philadelphia alone, and not a much less number into the colonies of Virginia and New- York. The banks of Hudson's River, of the Moliawk, Sus- quehannah, Juniatta, and the Ohio, from the Mo- nongaheia downwards thirty miles, which at the peace were totally a desert, are become one con- tinued chain of villages. Four large military- townships are imn^vediately to be established on the Missisippi. I leave you to judge, whether it will be easy to dragoon so numerous a people for any length of time. Sliips of war, it is true, may in- sult, and put to inconvenience some of their capi- tal ports ; but these teasings and insults will only serve to shew the absurdity of your minister's poli- cy in a more striking light, by giving a unanimity to these people equal to their eft'ectual strength, when they may set at defiance the machinations, not only of an earthly, but of the infernal potentate himself and his ministry. Egregious block- heads ! their folly increases every day ; no soon- er are they out of one bad scrape, but they get in- to a worse. This blessed tea project meets with a resistance full as vigorous, though more regular and tem- perate than the stamp act. The colonists, one and all, have entered into the most solemn obli- gations to send it back to its exporters, and con- tinue furnishing themselves from the Dutch ; so that by the ingenuity of our ministry, smuggling is rendered an-^----- - — Cetera desttnt. 286 Slamfonl, Jan. 22(i, lT7o. aiR, A-S General Washington has informed the Con- gress of his motives for detaching me, it is needless to trouble you upon the subject ; I am, therefore, only to inform you, that I have collected a body of about twelve hundred men from the colony of Connecticut, whose zeal and ardour, demonstrated on this occasion, cannot be sufficiently praised. With this body I am marching directly to New- York, to execute the different purposes for which I am detached. I am sensible. Sir, that nothing can carry the air of greater presumption, than a servant's intruding his opinion, unasked, upon his master ; but, at the same time, there are cer- tain seasons when the real danger of the master may not only excuse but render laudable, the ser- vant's officiousness. I therefore flatter myself that the Congress will receive, with indulgence and le- nity, the opinion I shall offer. The scheme of dis- arming simply the tories, seems to me totally in- effectual ; it will only embitter their minds and add virus to their venom. They can, and will, always be supplied with fresh arms by the enemy. That of seizing the most dangerous will, I apprehend, from the vagueness of the instruction, be attended \vith some bad consequences, and can answer no good one. It opens so wide a door for partiality and prejudice, to the different congresses and com- mittees on the continent, that much discord and animosity will probably ensue, it being next to im- possible to distinguish who are, and who are not, the most dangerous. The plan of explaining to these deluded people the justice and merits of the American cause, is certainly generous and humane ; but, I am afraid, will be fruitless. They are so ri- 287 Vetted in their opinions, that, I am persuaded, should an angel descend from heaven with his gol- den trumpet, and ring in their ears, that their con- duct was criminal, he would be disregarded. I had lately myself an instance of theirinfatuation, which, if it is not impertinent, I will relate. I took the li- berty, without any authority but the conviction of the necessity, to administer a very strong oath to those of Rhode Island, that they would take arms in defence of their country, if called upon by the voice of the Congress. To this Colonel Wanton, and others flatly refused their assent ; to take arms against their sovereign they said was too monstrous. This is not a crisis, when every thing is at stake, to be over compliant to the timidity of the inhabi- tants of any particular spot. I have now under my command a very respectable force adequate to the purpose of securing the place, and purging all its environs of traitors, on which subject I shall ex- pect, with impatience, the determination of the Congress ; their orders I hope to receive before or immediately on my arrival. This instant the inclosed express from the pro- vincial Congress of New- York, was delivered into my hands ; but as these gentlemen probably are not fully apprized of the danger hanging over their heads, as I have received intelligence from camp, that the fleet is sailed, and that it is necessary to urge my march, I shall proceed with one division of the forces under my command to that city. A moment's delay may be fatal. The force I shall carry with me is not strong enough to act offen- sively ; but just sufficient to secure the city against any designs of the enemy. If this is to give um- brage, if the governor and captain of the man of war are pleased to construe this step as an act of positive hostility, if they are to prescribe what 288 number of your troops, and what number not, are to enter the city, all I can say is, that New- York must be considered as the minister's place, and not the continent's. I must now, Sir, beg pardon for the length of this letter, and more so, for the presumption in of- fering so freely my thoughts to the Congress, from whom it is my duty simply to receive my orders, and as a servant and soldier strictly to obey, which none can do with greater ardor and affection than, Sir, Your most obedient humble servant, CHARLES LEE. The Hon. John Hancock, Esq. Pres. of the Continental Congress. New-York, March 5lh, 1776. SiK, 1. RECEIVED your commands on Sunday evening, and should have answered it immediately, but waited for the result of an application I had made to Waterbury's and Ward's regiment, re- questing them to remain here until they can be re- placed by a certain number of troops from Phila- delphia, and the Jerseys. They have ananimously consented to stay till the twenty-fifth of this month, which is a fortnight longer than the term they were enlisted for. Before the expiration of this time, I am in hopes that some measures will be ta- ken by the Congress for throwing into the city, its environs, and Long Island, a force sufficient to dis- pute the ground with any number of troops we have reason to expect ; not that I would imply that these two Connecticut regiments remcuning here would be able to prevent the landing and 289 lodging themselves in the Island, even five batta- lions of the enemy, should they chuse to attempt it ; but those two regiments will enable us at least to lay the foundation of the necessary works. I have ordered a regiment from the Jerseys, who will be here I hope in a few days. I shall not, Sir, trouble you with a detail of ourimended works, as I shall have the power of paying my respects in person to the Congress in a very few days, for on Thursday it is my intention to set out. I am in very little pain about the execution of what we have concerted, as it is committed to the hands of Lord Stirling, who shews much intelligence and activity. As this place will probably be the scene of a good deal of action, it would be prudent to add something to their present stock of ammuni- tion. I find by their returns, that there is in the whole colony, that sent up to Fort Constitution included, five tons and an half. The numerous body of professed tories in Long and Staten Islands, with not a few within the walls of the cit}' , is a most alarming consideration ; the measures adopted By the Provincial Congress, of obliging them to give bonds as a security for their good behaviour, can answer no purpose, but that of rendering them more bitter and violent. The first regiment of our gracious sovereign's cut- throats which arrive here wiii indubitably cancel these bonds. I am well assured, indeed, that these bunds are made a public joke of already, by the worthy gentlemen who gave them. In short, the friends to liberty are to a man convinced, that the tories will take up arms, when encouraged by the appearance of any royal troops. The delicacy of our situation, the dangerous crisis of affairs, have therefore determined me to take a decisive 8tep, which alone, according to my judgment, can sb 290 secure us : 1 have proposed to ofter to these peo- ple a test, drawn up in such terms, that refusal or consent to take it, must be a criterion by which we may be able to distinguish those, whose swords are whetted to plunge into the vitals of their coun- trv, and whose, if not drawn in defence of the common rights, may be expected to remain quiet- ly in their scabbards. The first I have directed to be seized without further ceremony, and I should think myself highly criminal, in omitting so salutary a step before it is too late ; perhaps I judge wrong ; if I do, I must myself take the shame of being reputed weak, rash, and precipi- tate. The intelligence I have received from Ge- neral Washington will, at all events, justify, in some measure, my dispensing with forms. I am Sir, with the greatest respect. Your most obedient humble servant, CHARLES LEE. To his Excellency the Pres. of the Continental Congress. WiUiamsburg, April 3d, 1776. My dear Bin, 1 HAVE nothing of sufficient importance to trouble the Congress with; but shall teaze you with a few words ; I am exactly in the same situation I expected, puzzled where to go, or fix myself, from an uncertaint}^ of the enemy's design : I can therefore only act by surmise ; the general opinion is, that they will aim at this part of Virginia, viz. York and Williamsburg, or that they will fix their head quarters in North Carolina : it has been al- ready asserted, that Mr. Clinton was landed with one thousand five hundred men at Wilmington ; a letter from Brigadier Howe, dated from Edenton, 291 says, that it is believed, but not ascertained. I wait for further intelligence ; in the mean time, I shall employ myself in rendering this place, and York, as inaccessible as possible ; for it is my own persuasion, that they will endeavour to possess themselves of the capitol, not only as it is really a most tempting and advantageous post, from com- manding two rivers, and a most abundant country ; but it would give an air of superiority and dignity to their arms which in this slave-country might be attended with important consequences, by the impressions it would make in the minds of the ne- groes. I wish we had a couple of good regiments more in South Carolina, it would then be perhaps hors insult. The apathy of this province seems to §0 passidus cequis^ with that of some other provin- ces notwithstanding the pursuasion and assurances of all the officers, that the tories about Norfolk will most certainly repair to the King's standard, and have proposed means of securing them ; they say, such means would be violent and cruel. In short as your affairs prosper, the timidity of the senatorial part of the continent, great and small, grows and extends itself. By the eternal God, unless you declare yourselves independent, estab- lish a more certain and fixed legislature than that of a temporary courtesy of the people, you richly deserve to be enslaved, and I think it far from im- possible that it should be your lot ; as without a more systematical intercourse with France and Holland, we cannot, we have not the means of carrying on the war. Adieu, Yours, &c. C. LEE. To Edw. Rutledge, Esq. Member of the Continental Congress. Sir, 292 Vi'iUiamsburg, April 5/ft,1776, J. HE subject of this letter appearing to me of exceeding importance, I have resolved to dispatch an express to inform you that the Roebuck, a King's ship of forty-four guns, has for some time kft the Capes of Virginia, and, as we hear, is now lying off the Bay of Delaware, with a design to intercept the continental fleet. At Norfolk remain the Liverpool, a thirty gun frigate ; the Otter sloop of fourteen guns, and some tenders, together with a ship. Lord Dunmore on board, of little or no force ; and a number of vessels belonging to the tories, with valuable cargoes and prizes, am.ounting, by a reasonable estimate, to an hun- dred and forty thousand pounds sterling : If Mr. Hopkins is at Cape Fear, would it not be a good measure to inform him, how sure a prey these ships at Norfolk, with their immense treasure of goods, arms, ammunition, and other military stores would be to him, were he to come into the Capes of Vir- ginia ? It is not probable our fleet can keep the sea much longer, a number of British ships of war being expected soon on the American coast ; this last mentioned stroke would then be a glorious conclusion; and if it should be necessary after- wards to keep in a safe harbour, by erecting a bat- tery at the mouth of the river leading to Norfolk, the navy of Great Britain might be, from the na- ture of the navigation, prevented from getting up. I am extremely anxious to know the state of your province, and of the state, number, and quality, of your troops ; any assistance which can be aftbrd- edyou by this province, as far as depends on me, you may commisnd. I should have se^ out before this, for your province, but the confusion, disorder, 293 and deficiences of Virginia, oblige me to pass a few more days in my present quarters. I am, Sir, with the greatest respect. Your most obedient humble servant. To C. LEE. The Hon. the Pres. of the Council of Safety, North Carolina. Williamsburg^ April Glk, 1T76. Dear Sir, A-S I know not to whom I can address this most important note, with so much propriety and assu- rance of success as to yourself, the crisis will not admit of ceremony and procrastination ; I shall, therefore, irregularly address you in the language and with the spirit of one bold determined free citizen to another ; and conjureycu. as you value the liberties and rights of the community of which you are a member, not to lose a moment, and in my name, if my name is of consequence enough, to direct the commanding officer of your troops at Annapolis, immediately to seize the person of go- vernor Eden; tlie sin and blame be on my head. I will answer for all to the Congress. The justice and necessity of the m.easure will be best explained by the packet, transmitted to you by the Commit- tee of Safety from this place. God Almighty give us wisdom and vi^or in this hour of trial. Dear Sir,^ Yours, most affectionately, To CHARLES LEE. Samuel Purviance. Esq. Chairman of the Committee^ jab 2 294 JVilltamsbnrg,^j)7-il i;lk, ITTo. SlE, i^ OT only propriety and decency, but an ear- nest desire to act in concert with so respectable a body, as the Committee of Safety, enjoin me to lay before them my thoughts, on some measures necessary for the defence and very being of the colon}^ After having considered the number and qua- lity of your troops, the state and condition of your arms, artillery, and ordnance apparatus, the weak- ness and disadvantages you labour under from the numerous intersectingrivers, themultitudeof your slaves, &c. I suppose to myself, that the enemy will make this province their immediate object ; and since the defeat of their schemes in North Carolina, by Colonel Caswell, it is the most natural supposition. I say. Sir, after having considered your strength and weakness, no circumstance ap- pears to me so seriously alarming as the disposi- tion and situation of the inhabitants of the lower counties, Norfolk, and Princess Ann ; but that I might not rest entirely on my own opinion, I have called together some of the field officers who are best acquainted with that district, and they unani- mously agree, that it will be difficult, if not impos- sible, to secure and preserve the province, unless these inhabitants, thus dangerously disposed, are removed from the very spot whei-e they can do such infinite mischief. I am sensible. Sir, that their removal must be attended with very conside- rable difficulties, and perhaps much distress to individuals ; but when the preservation and being of the province, if not of ihe whole continent are at stake, were these difficulties and distresses a thousand times greater, they must be submitted to. 295 I am in hopes, therefore, tliat the gentlemen of the committee will immediately devise some means for removini^ these people ; as well as their stock : at least their wives and children should be carried to a place of security, as hostages /or the good behaviour of the husbands and fathers. I should be extremely sorry to find myself under the necessity of destroying all their cattle, store, and granaries ; and forcing the inhabitants, at the point of the bayonet, from their homes : but unless their removal can be accomplished by some other means, I shall be constrained to these harsh meth- ods ; as otherwise, I cannot be answerable for the execution of the important trust committed to my hands. I am, Sir, With the greatest respect, Your most obedient humble servant, CHARLES LEE. To The Hon. the Pres. of the Committee of Safety, nilliamsburg, April 19th, IT7G. Sir, JL HE disagreeable uncertainty I have been in, of the enemies' designs, from the circumstance of their being able to fly in their ships from one spot to another, hath kept me at Williamsburg. It is evident that their original intention was against North Carolina, but the apparently total overthrow of their whole scheme by Colonel Caswell's victo- ry, makes it more probable that they will bend their course to some other quarter ; whether to this province, or South Carolina, it is impossible 296 to divine. I am myself more inciined to think that this will be their object, as the numerous in- tersecting navigable waters present them such su- perior advantages ; though, at the same time, I confess myself in great pain for South Carolina ; the force in that province seems alarmingly small. I wish I could afford to detach from hence at least three battalions; but neither our numbers of men, the state and condition of our arms, nor the vast extent of this province open to attack, will admit of the thought. If Pennsylvania could spare three or four battalions for the defence of Virgin- ia, Virginia or North Carolina might detach the same number to South Carolina ; and as the army which was employed in the blockade of Boston is now set at liberty, I should imagine this force might be afforded us. We are so extremely deficient in arms, that I have been under the necessity of sending an offi- cer into the back parts of the country to purchase all the rifles he can procure for the continental ser- vice. The arrangement I have made of arming two companies of each battalion with spears, will render musquets and bayonets less necessary ; and the ease I find in reconciling the men to these kind of arms, is a flattering symptom of their spirit. The price of these rifles, I am told, will be five pounds each ; but as the article of cartouches and. bayonets will be saved, upon the whole, they will not be more, if so expensive. The defence and security of the capital rivers, with their creeks, is an object of so great impor- tance, that I have thought it necessary to direct as great a number of half gallies as possible, to be constructed with the utmost expedition ; but as the carpenters and other artificers in this country are so lazy a race of mortals, that it is in vain to 297 expect any fruits from their labours, unless there is a coersive power over them, I thought it the surest and safest method to estabhsh two compa- nies of carpcnterb on the same terms with those in the Jerseys ; the measure is absolutely necessary, and I flatter myself it will prove economy. The nature of the service here is such, the force not being collected into one point, but scat- tered in fragments, that a greater number of sub- ordinate staft' officers are rtquis.ite than in th give me so disagreeable sensations. You tell me a dark, mysterious story of a certain great General of whom prince Ferdi- nand has declared, si Von veut iin officier, &c. this great General in the clouds, will, it seems, gracious- ly condescend to serve America, on condition that congress will give him assurances of stepping ;Over the heads of every officer but one, and this he submits to, only on consideration of the confi- dence due to an American. You ask my opinion on this subject ; but the palpable meaning of your letter is, to prepare me for a cessiqn of my rank in favour of some impudent adventurer. Buck- with is the man, as you conjecture, from his known political principles and military abilitieB, which are so transcendent, that I ought for the pub- lic interest to make a second sacrifice. I am not, I believe, naturally proud ; I do not think myself conceited of my tulents ; but to be put in compe- tition, much more to be spurned aside, to make room for so despicable a character as Buckwith^ a 319 generally reputed coward, (and a b d syco- pliant,) I say, to be kicked out of my station for such a creature as this, would swell a man more humble than myself into a trumpeter of his own merits. Great God ! is it come to this ? I am not, it seems, an American ; but I am not, (if I may so express myself,) Americanior ipsis Ameri- cajiis ? Have 1 not, such has been my zeal for your cause, once already waved my military claims in deference to the whim and partiality of some of your members ? Did I not consent to serve under an old church-warden, of whom you had concei- ved a most extravagant and ridiculous opinion ? Your eyes were at length opened, and deacon Ward returned to his proper occupation ; and Avould you now a second time, (do you think it consistent with decency, I may say, gratitude or common honesty) to load me a second time with a similar disgrace ? Have I betrayed any igno- rance in my profession ? Have I shewn a deficien- cy in courage ? Am I slackened in my zeal or industry ? What have I done to merit such an indignity ? What part of my conduct can justify your harbouring such an idea ? Have not I staked my fortune, life, and reputation in your cause ? Is there a service in Europe to speak proudly, (your injurious proposal forces me to it,) is there a ser- vice in Europe, where with some small reputation, and my powerful friends, I might not expect the same rank I now hold ? Have I not made myself a voluntary slave for the insurances of American freedom ? Have I, sleeping or waking, employed a single thought, but for her welfare, glory or advantage ? But enough of this — You ask my opinion, and I will freely, explicitly, and concise- ly give it to you. If the Congress supercede me, I will, I must obey ; but, I hope, in common jus- 320 tice, and for their own honour, that they will re- establish me, at least in part, in the easy fortune which I have forfeited, so as to enable me to retire from a service to which I am no longer thought adequate. Before I conclude, let me once more repeat confidentially to you, that if Buck with is the man, in whose favour you meditate so gross a piece of injustice, you will make a very bad bar- gain, as he is certainly, unless fame belies him, neither possessed of courage, abilities, or integri- In God's name, if a real genms, or acknowledg- ed hero, favoured by Heaven with a more than common portion of etherial spirit, should present himself, fa la Lippe^ or Bragansa^) receive him with open arms, as an immediate present from God ; invest him with the command of the whole. No man loves, respects, and reverences another more than I do General Washington. I esteem his virtues, private and public. I know him to be a man of sense, courage, and firmness, but if a hero should start up, endowed with the attributes, v/hich, according to my persuasion reside in the two I have mentioned, and who would charge himself with the mighty task of your political salvation. General Washington ought, and, I am convinced, would resign the truncheon ; but that a little, paltry, im.pudent adventurer should sneak- ingly stipulate for the second rank, when, if his motives were pure, he could be equally service able in the third, fourth, fifth, or sixth ; it is not to be endured, it is a gross imposition on common un- derstanding, and a grosser attempt to rob an indi- vidual. I must beg and conjure you, my dear friend, for such I am sure you are, to consider the delicate, perhaps, you will say, false notions in which soldiers are bred ; and that you will be 321 careful of putting to so severe a trial the sensibi- lity of one, who is most sincerely, devotedly, and aifecionately, Yours, CHARLES LEE. To * * * P. S. I am extremely shocked with the pallid complexion of your public councils ; is it possi- ble that such a despicable group as the Maryland Convention, should lay an embargo on the great vessel of the commonwealth ! Can you be so weak as to hunt for the chimaera, absolute unani- mity ! Why do you not advise the aggregate of the people to enfranchise themselves ? Your idea of quitting Canada from want of specie is to me inconceivable, when you can or ought to com- mand plate sufficient to purchase ten Canadas. ^Charles-town, Juli/,29ih, 1776, Dear Sir, 1 USED to regret not being thrown into the world, in the glorious third or fouiili century of the Romans, but I am now thoroughly reconciled to my lot. The reveries which have frequently for a while served to tickle my imagination, (but which when awakened from my trance, as con- stantly I considered as mere golden castles built in the air,) at length bid fair for being realized. We shall now, most probably, see a mighty empire established of freemen, whose honour, property, and military glories are not to be at the disposal of a sceptered tyrant ; nor their consciences to be fettered by a proud domineering hierarchy. Every faculty of the soul will be now put in mo- tion, no merit can lie latent ; the highest offices of the state, both civil and military, will now be 322 obtained, without court favour, or the rascally talents of servility and observance, by which court favour could alone be acquired. Sense, -valour, and industry will conduct us to the goal: every spark of ability which every individual possesses, will now be brought forth and form the common aggregate for the advantage andhonourof the com- munity. The operations of war will be directed by men qualified for war, and carried on with that energy natural to a young people. True unartized knowledge, unsophisticated learning, simple, ge- nuine eloquence and poetry will be carried to the highest degree of perfection. This to many, I am sensible, would appear rant, but to you, who, I think, have congenial feelings with my own, it needs no apology. However, I shall now en- deavour to deliver myself more like a man of this world. I most sincerely congratulate you on the noble conduct of your countrymen ; and I congratulate your country on having citizens, deserving of the high honour to which you are exalted ; for the being elected to the first magistracy of a free peo- ple is certainly the pinnacle of human glory ; and am persuaded that they could not have made a happier choice. Will you excuse me ? but I am myself so ex- tremely democratical, that I think it a fault in your constitution that the governor should be eligible for three years successively. It appears to me that a government of three years may furnish an opportunity of acquiring a very dangerous influ- ence ; but this is not the worst ; Tacitus says, plura peccantur^ dum demeremur^ qiiam diim offen- dimus, A man who is fond of office, and has his eye upon re-election will be courting favour and popularity, at the expence of his duty. He will 323 give way to the popular humours of the day, let them be ever so pernicious. In short, his ad- ministration will be relaxed in general, or partial to those whom he conceives to have the greatest in- terest : Whereas were all hopes of re-election pre- cluded, till after the intervention of a certain num- ber of years, he would endeavour to illustrate the year of his government by a strict, rigorous, and manly performance of his duty. These no- tions may perhaps be weak and foolish ; but such as they are, I am sure you will excuse my utter- ing them. There is a barbarism crept in among us that ex- tremely shocks me, I mean those tinsel epithets, with which (I come in for my share) Ave are so beplaistered : His Excellejicij ^ and His Honour ; The Honourable President of tht Honourable Con- gress^ or the Honourable Convention. This ful- some nauseating cant may be well enough adapt- ed to barbarous monarchies ; or to gratify the adulterated pride of the magnijici in pompous arisr tocracies ; but in a great, free, manly, equal com- monwealth, it is quite abominable ; for my own part, I would as soon they would put rats-bane in my mouth, as the Excellency with which I am daily crammed. How much more true dignity was there in the simplicity of address amongst the Ro- mans ! Marcus TuUius Cicero, Decimo Bruto Imperatori, or Caio Marcello Consuli, than to his Excellency Major General Noodle, or to the Hon. John Doodle. My objections are perhaps trivial and whimsical ; but, for my soul I cannot help starting them. If, therefore, I should sometimes address a letter to you without the Excellency tacked, you must not esteem it a mark of personal or official disrespect, but the reverse. The discontent of the troops which you men- 324 tion as arising from the want of regular payment, might have been remedied by General Lewis ; his warrant is undoubtedly sufficient for the pay- master : however, I have written to that gentle- man on this subject, and am in hopes that affairs for the future will be more satisfactorily conduct- ed. An old rice-boat which we converted the other day into a row-batter}*, has made a considerable prize ; no less than a brig with a whole company of the royal highland emigrants on board, consist- ing of two officers and fifty men: although they saw that they were inevitably our prize, had the impu- dence to throw their arms overboard, for which they ought to have their ears cut off, as it was con- trary to all the rules of war. I send you inclosed the state of the enemy's navy ; I think there is no doubt of their army having steered their course Northward ; on this presumption I shall direct my course towards Virginia, but first must assist to regulate the mi- litary affairs of this province, in the best manner I can ; th6ugh, in fact, that will be doing little ; the inconveniences of this complex play we are acting, of Duke and no Duke, are numberless and great. The president is thought by some to be the real commander, I am thought so by others ; in short, there must be no troops but continental. The council is at present employed in settling a more regular post. We have received none these eighteen days ; for my own part, I conclude the mail has been intercepted and carried on board the man of war. Seven tons and a half of powder were safely landed four days ago, at Georgetown. Adieu, dear Sir, and believe me to be Most entirely and sincerely yours, charlp:s lee. His Excy. Pat. Henry, Jun. Gov. of Virginia. I 325 Charles-Town, Aug.^, tTTfi. Sin, WISH I had been informed how I am to ad- dress myself in writing to the Board of War ; whetlier to the board in general, to the first members on the list, or to the secretary. I have ventured on the last mode ; if it is wrong, I hope I shall be excused and corrected. The irregulari- ty and tardiness of the post are now become a matter of my serious concern ; we never receive a letter from Philadelphia in less than six or seven weeks ; that from the members of the Board of War and Ordnance is only just now arrived, though dated the twelfth of June. I have been pressed, sir, by several members of the Conven- tion of Virginia, to establish a post for this dis- trict ; but am apprehensive, that it might interfere with the continental post ; however the conse- quences arising from the irregularity of the post are so very serious, that ail other considerations must be waved : In the mean time I am con- strained to the necessity of putting the continent to the expence of an express almost on every oc- casion. I am extremely rejoiced at the establishment of a Board of War ; for the business of Congress was so complex and heterogeneous, that it was im- possible they should give the necessary attention to the affairs of any one distinct department ; their regulations with respect to returns. Sec. shall be punctually observed. I have ordered General Armstrong to collect the returns from the different corps, to digest them into one, and transmit them immediately to the Congress. I am myself busied in arranging matters for an expedition into East Florida. It is much to be lamented, that these Southern colonies suffered the EC 326 whole of last winter to pass over their heads with- out preparing the means either of offence or de- fence. Not a single row-galley or armed boat was furnished by Virginia, North, or South Caro- lina ; were we provided with a moderate fleet of these sort of vessels, I think I could ensure the reduction of East Florida, an object, though not equal with Canada, is certainly of very great im- portance. Here the measures of the Southern Indians are concerted and planned, their treaties negociated and concluded ; here they receive their bribes, for their murderous operations, and from hence they are supplied with all the means and in- struments of war: from hence they have lately made some alarming incursions into Georgia, car- ried off a considerable number of negroes, and not less than two thousand head of cattle : they have likewise thrown up a post on the river St. Mary's, which, if suffered to remain, may prove extremely troublesome to Georgia, by affording a ready asylum to negro deserters. From these considerations, although I cannot think of laying siege to Augustine, having neither boats, horses, waggons, nor any other means of conveying cannon, ammunition, or provision for the purpose, I think it both a prudent and neces- sary measure to attempt breaking up the whole province of East Florida. It will be a security to Georgia, occasion infinite distress to the garri- son of St. Augustine, but above all, make a salu- tary impression on the minds of the Creeks, who now are thought to stand wavering. They pro- fess a good disposition towards the American cause ; but if, by a strong predatory expedition into the province of the enemy, we give an idea of our prowess aiid superior strength, they will be rivetted in our interest. If I was sure Mr. Clin- ton and his army had steered their course to New- 327 York, as the deserters all agree, and a letter which was left in Long Island confirms, (a copy of which is here enclosed,) I should, as I have nothing im- mediately else to do in my district, march in per- son with this party ; but the bare possibility of his being gone to Virginia will detain me. Eve- ry ship of the enemy has now repassed the bar. It appears by this same inclosed letter that they were more roughly handled than even the desert- ers represented. The Congress I make no doubt have been in- formed of the incursions made, and the ravages committed by the upper and lower Cherokees; an expedition I understand is furnished forth by Vir- ginia, against the upper nations ; another by this province against the lower; the success or mis- carriage is of the last consequence; I am there- fore desirous of forming a second line, or corps de reserve, and detaching for this purpose, a regiment of regulars, but have not as yet been able to pro- cure v/aggons sufficient for two companies. It will be necessary that Congress should make some regular establishment for waggons. I should think one waggon at least, if not two, should be purchased and appointed to each company of the whole army, and regiments made responsible for theirs respectively. Vi^e should then be able to march when occasion requires expedition ; at pre- sent it is sometlmeaaa much impossible to march an hundred miles, although the fate of a province depended upon it, as if the soldiers wanted legs. I hope the Congress and Board of War will ex- cuse my giving an opinion on a subject on which it has not been asked ; but I conceive it to be my duty not to remain silent on any affairs of such moment. I find, sir, that representations have been made, that many inconveniences would arise from putting the troops of this pro- 328 vince on the continental establishment. I can assure the Congress, that it is almost impossible to carry on the service, if they remain on the colo- nial establishment ; the difFerence of the laws, the distinction of rank, occasion so much confu- sion ; and the ridiculous farce of Duke and no Duke, we are playing, (the officers not always comprehending who is their proper commander, whether the president, or continental general,) occasions very dangerous distractions ; but there are other matters of more serious consideration, of which I shall not trouble you with a detail ; nor do I find that the officers of this province ob- ject to a continental establishment, on the contra- ry, all those I have conversed with seem desirous of it. Upon the whole, I think it absolutely es- sential to the public service, that these regiments should immediately be put on the same footing, ,and be governed by the same laws, with the rest ; nor am I singular in opinion : the two brigadiers, all the officers of every rank, and the greater part of the gentlemen of the country concur with me. Colonel Muhlenburg of the eighth battalion of Virginians has been made very uneasy by some letters he has lately received with respect to the rank of his regiment. These letters intimate, that it was never the intention of the Congress to consider the seventh, eighth, and ninth, battalions of the Virginians on the continental establishment until they were entirely complete. That his re- giment never was entirely complete ; and that, con- sequently, after having so long thought himself on the continental establishment ; and on this pre- sumption having marched five hundred miles frora his own province, under the command of a conti- nental general, he now, at least, finds himself on- ly a provincial officer. Si29 I have ventured to assure him and his officers, who are equally uneasy, that there must be some mistake in this affair ; in fact, the hardship would be so great, that I cannot believe their apprehen- sions are well founded. It was, if I remember right, notified in April, by the Committee of Safety in Virginia, that they were then taken upon the continental establishment ; and though in this, I may be mistaken, without the proviso of their being complete. It happened at this time, though not complete to a man, (for no regiment ever is complete to a man,) that Muhlenburg's regiment was not only the most complete of the province, but, I believe of the whole continent ; it was not only the most complete in numbers, but the best armed, clothed and equip- ped in all respects for immediate service; I must repeat, that I cannot conceive that it was ever the intention of Congress that the establishment should be filled to a man ; but that they should be competent to service in or out of their pro- vince. In most services when new levies are raised, one half of the proposed complement en- titles them to establishment. Muhlenburg's re- giment wanted only forty at most. It was the strength and good condition of the regiment, that induced me to order it out of its own province, in preference to any other. I certainly consider- ed them at that time as continental troops, other- wise I could have no authority to order them out of the province. I must now submit it to the consideration of the Congress, if it would not really be the great- est cruelty, that their strength and good condi- tion should be turned against them. It was their strength and good condition which carried them out of their province, where, had thev remained EC 2 330 and known that it was a necessary condition of their establishment to be complete to a man, they certainly could have accomplished it in three days. I do, therefore, most sincerely hope, and confidently persuade myself, that Muhlenburg's regiment will at least date their rank from the day I ordered them to march out of their pro- vince ; not only justice, but policy requires it, for you will otherwise lose a most excellent regi- ment. I often represented to congress how difficult or impossible it would be to engage or retain, after they were engaged, any engineers of tolerable qua- lification on the wretched pay established. The two appointed to my district have (as I expected) quitted the service ; it was indeed impossible for them to exist. Stadler, I hear, has entered into the service of Virginia. Massenburg is retained by this province, at fifty-four dollars per month, a servant, rations, and his travelling expenses. He formerly begged his di mission from me, assuring me, (and, I believe, sincerely,) he was zealous in the cause of America ; that he would willingly, if 1 chose it, enlist as a common soldier ; but that to ride about the continent from north to south, find horses, and appear like a gentleman was impossi- ble. I could not in conscience force him to starve, so consented to his engaging in this service. I am now without a single engineer, and really know not how to carry on the business. I hope the Board will consider the necessity of supplying me. I shall now, Sir, conclude, with assuring them, that I am, with the greatest respect, their most obedient humble servant, CHARLES LEE. Bichard Peters, esq. Secretary to the Board of War and Oxdaanee. 331 Savcmnak; in Georgia, "25(1 August, 1T76 . Sir, X OUR letter, with the thanks of the Conti- nental Congress, reached me at Purisburg. The approbation of the freely chosen delegates of a free and uncorrupt people, is certainly the highest honour that can be conferred on mortal man. I shall consider it as a fresh stimulus to excite my zeal and ardour in the glorious cause in which I am engaged. May the God of righteousness prosper your arms in every part of the empire, in proportion to the justice with which they were ta- ken up ! Once more, let me express the high sa- tisfaction and happiness I feel in this honourable testimony ; and once more, let me assure the Uni- ted States of America, that they cannot meet with a servant (whatever may be my abilities) animated with a greater degree of ardour and enthusiasm, for their safety, prosperity, and glory. The pres- ent state of this province, its strength and weak- ness, I shall transmit to the Board of War, accor- ding to the directions I have received ; and let me entreat you to be persuaded that I am, sir, with the greatest respect, Your most obedient and Very humble servant, CHARLES LEE. His Excellency John Hancock. Savannah, August Hth, 1T7^. Gentlemen, Any irregularity of returns of the forces under my command, will not, I hope, be imputed to me ; the extensive business of superintending the safe- ty of so vast a territory, as that which the Congress have committed to my charge, renders it impossi- ble for me to attend to the detail of the regiments, 332 or, in any reasonable time, to collect and digest the various returns ; but I have given orders to the brigadiers to be as accurate as possible on this subject in their respective districts, and have no reason from my knowledge of tie men, to think they will be deficient. As a thorough knowledge of the present condition of this colony, of its strength and weakness, is certainly a matter of very serious consideration, I shall lay before the Board the best and most accurate information I am able. Georgia is a state of much greater importance to the empire of America than generally supposed^ at least, than what I myself imagined before I vi- sited it. The variety of navigable rivers, commo- dious harbours, and fine inlets : the prodigious quantities of rice, and immense stocks of cattle, both on the islands, and on the main ; but, above all, the gentleness and salubrity of the winter sea- sons, with the conveniency of its situation for commerce with the West India Islands would ren- der it a most valuable possession to the enemy ; the Altamaha, a very noble river, already furnish- es a considerable quantity, and may, in time, fur- nish any quantity of lumber ; the garrison of St. Augustine, and, indeed, the whole province of East Florida, draw their subsistence from Geor- gia ; and, if all intercourse were with her cut off, that nest of robbers and pirates would probably fall to the ground, and, of course, the empire of the United States become more round and entire. These circumstances summed up together, must evince the importance of keeping Georgia or any part of it out of the hands of the enemy ; the means of doing it, demands the utmost attention. I have turned my thoughts to the subject, and shall beg leave to submit the result to the consid- cration of the Congress. The present state of the strength of this colony, consists of Colonel M'ln- tosh's battahon, a return of which, is here enclo- sed, a company of independent artillery, consist- ing of three officers and twenty-three privates, with about twenty-five hundred militia of all sorts; but in a very great part of these, (as I learn from the authority of their own captains,) very little confidence can be placed, their principles being extremely contaminated by a most pernicious banditti of enemies to the common liberty. M'ln- tosh's battalion is really a very fine one, (one of the best I think on the continent,) but as, perhaps, it might appear a harsh task, to insist on this bat- talion's acting with the necessary rigour against some of their nearest connections and relations, accused of being concerned in treasonable practi- ces ; it is my intention to remove them either into South or North Carolina, where they can be more serviceable, and have an opportunity of com- pleting themselves, which, in this state, frown the dearth of men is impossible, and replace them with an equal or greater number from South Ca- rolina. Such is the present condition of the strength of Georgia, very far from being adequate to its de- fence. My scheme for its security is, as row gal- lies, and armed boats are so well calculated for what is called the inland navigation, give them an infinite advantage over vessels merely sailing, which in these straight confined waters have no room for manoeuvring ; they will secure the riv- ers against the predatory incursions of the enemy, prevent the desertion of negroes, sweep the coasts clear of tenders : but, above all, facilitate the means of the different states mutually assisting each other with troops, cannon, provision, and other requisites, which is now effected with diffi- S34 culties, slowness, and monstrous cxpence. Three gallies are already on the stocks in this port, and we have armed and equipped several boats with swivels, and one gun on the bow of each. The least of them capable of containing thirty men, and rowed with fourteen oars ; sailors, of whom we find so great a scarcity, are not' necessary for this species of vessels, the soldiers are competent to the business ; besides the equipment of these gallies and boats, I proposed establishing little forts or redoubts, in certain situations, on the tiver St. Mary's, Satilla, Sapello, and Altama- ha, which may enable us to make incursions from time to time, when circumstances require it, into East Florida, and render it dangerous for them to make attempts of a similar nature into Georgia. These redoubts, or little forts, will like- wise serve as places of rendezvous, refreshment, and retreat for bodies of horse rangers which ought continually to be patroling on the frontier. Such are the best methods, after having consulted the most intelligent people, which, in my opinion, can be devised for the defence and security of this State, unless, indeed, we could prevail on the pro- vince, to contract their frontier, by breaking up all their setdements on the other side of the Alta- maha, which to me, I confess, appears a wiser and more economical measure ; but this I am afraid, is not to be accomplished. I must now beg leave to lay before the Board, a matter of the highest concern, and which cer- tainly demands the most serious attention of Con- gress, as, unless remedied, it may not only distress the circumstances of the public, but bring a dis- grace on the American character; I mean the un- conscionable advantages which individuals, mer- chants, mechanics, farmers, and planters are suf- fered to take of the public necessities. If boats, 335 waggons, horses, drugs, clothing, skins, necessa- ries, even little refreshments, such as fruit or gar- den stuff, are vvanting for the soldiers, no price be- ing regulated, the extortion is monstrous: theex- penees of the war must not only be prodigiously swelled by this want of regulation, but the offi- cers and soldiers are disgusted to the service by the toleration of such impositions ; for instance, the Virginians and North Carolinians are so much out of temper with Charles-town on this head, that ,should it be again attacked, and the assistance of these troops be again requisite, I am afraid we shall find a dangerous repugnance in them to march, when ordered. I most devoutly wish, therefore, that the congress will make it an object to remedy this evil. Might they not recommend or enjoin to the legislatures of the different states, to appoint a committee of assessors, from their respective bodies to fix the prices of the different articles in their provinces ? Whether this method is or is not proper, I cannot pretend to say ; but something, I must repeat should be done. The waste, difficulty, and expence arising from a want of method in provisioning the troops, when assembled in any particular spot, upon an emergency, are so great, that magazines ought to be established in every province, more particu- larly in those, which have the greatest probabili- ty of being attacked : by these means, the troops will not only be better fed, but be an immense saving to the continent ; for the contractors, not being pressed for time, can at their leisure, pur- chase every species of necessaries in these parts, where they are best and cheapest ; but, when a great and sudden demand is made, either for cat- tle, corn, spirits, &c. they are under a necessity of taking that which is next at hand, and giving the sellers their own price. On this consideration, in 336 concurrence with the president and council of South Cai ohna, I have thought it expedient to es- tabhsh some magazines in South Carolina, of pork, beef, corn, &c. besides straw and whiskey, which, in these low damp countries, are absolutely neces- sary ; at all events, this establishment can be no loss to the continent, as the beef and pork, at least, can always, with advantage, be exported to the West Indies. Were I at a less distance from the Congress, I should not take the liberty of laying out a single dollar without having obtained their approbation ; but, at this distance, I must assume such a power, or let the public affairs go to wreck, and of course, prove my.,elf totally unworthy of the great trust the Congress have reposed in me. I am, Gentlemen, With the greatest respect. Your most obedient, and Very humble servant, CHARLES LEE. The Board of War and Ordnance. Savannah^ Aiig. SOih, 1T76. Sir, It will be necessary in addressing a letter of this nature, so abruptly to your excellency, that I should inform you who the writer is. I have served as lieutenant-colonel in the English service, colonel in the Portuguese, afterwards as aid du camp to his Polish majesty, with the rank ot ma- jor general. Having purchased a small estate in America, I had determined to retire, for the re- mainder of my days, to a peaceful asylum : when the tyranny of the ministry, and court of Great Britain, forced this continent to arms, for the preservation of their liberties, I was called, by the 337 voice of the people, to the rank of second in com- mand. I make no doubt of this knter's being kindly received by your Excellency, both in the character of a good Frenchman, and friend to humanity. The present conjuncture of affairs renders the interest of France and oi this conti- nent one and the same thing ; every observation drawn from history must evince, that it was the exclusive commerce of these colonies, which en- abled Great Britain to cope with France, gave to her a decided superiority in marine, and, of course, enabled her in the frequent wars betwixt the two nations to reduce her rival to the last extremity. This was the case, so peculiarly in the last war, that had the British ministry persevered, Heaven knows what would have been the fate of France. It follows, that if France can obtain the monopoly, or the greater part of this commerce, her opulence, strength, and prosperity, must grow to a prodigious heigiit ; and nothing can be more certain, than that if America is enabled to preserve the independence she has now declared, the great- er part of this commerce, if not the monopoly, must fall to the share of France. The imaginary plans of conquest of Lewis the Fourteenth, had they been realized, would not have established the power of that monarchy, on so solid and permanent a basis, as the simple as- sistance, or rather friendly intercourse with this continent, will inevitably give. Without injustice, or the colour of injustice, but, on the contrary, only assuming the patronage of the rights of man- kind, France has, now in her power to become not only the greatest, but the most truly glorious monarchy which has appeared on the stage ot the world. In the first place, her possessions in the islands will be secured against all possibility of at- Ff 338 tack ; the royal revenues immensely increased, her people eased of their present burdens, an eternal incitement be presented to their industry, and the means of increase by the facility of pro- viding sustenance for their flimilies multiplied. In short, there is no saying what degree of eminence, happiness, and glory, she may derive from the in- dependence of this continent. Some visionary writers have indeed asserted, that could this coun- try once shake oft' her European trammels, it would soon become more formidable alone, from the virtue and energy, natural to a young people, than Great Britain with her colonies united in a state of dependency. But the men who have built such hypotheses must be utter strangers to the manners, genius, disposition, turn of mind, and circumstances of the continent. Their dis- position is manifestly to agriculture, and the sim- ple life of shepherds. As long as vast tracts of land remain unoccupied, to which they can send colonies (if I may so express it) of their offspring, they will never entertain a thought of marine or manufactures. Their ideas are solely confined to labour and to planting, for those nations, who can, on the cheapest terms, furnish them with the necessary utensils for labouring and planting, and clothes for their families ; and till the whole vast extent of continent is fully stocked with people, they will never entertain another idea. This can- not be effected for ages ; and what then may hap- pen, it is out of the line of politicians to lay any stress upon : most probably, they will be employ- ed in wars amongst themselves, before they aim at foreign conquests. In short, the apprehension is too remote to rouse the jealousy of any reason- able citizen of a foreign state. On the other hand, it is worthy your Excellency's attention, to consi- 339 tier what will be the consequences, should Great Britain succeed in the present contest. America, it is true, will be wretched and enslaved ; but a number of slaves may compose a formidable army and fleet. The proximity of situation, with so great a force, entirely at the disposal of Great Bri- tain, will put it in her power to take possession of your islands on the first rupture. Without pre- tending to the spirit of prophesy, such, I can as- sert, will be the event of the next war ; upon the whole, I must repeat, that it is for the interest, as well as glory of France, to furnish us with every meansof supporting our liberties, to effect which, we only demand a constant systematic supply of the necessaries of war. We do not require any aid of men, we have numbers, and, I believe, courage sufficient to carry us triumphantly through the struggle. We require small arms, powder, field- pieces, woollen and linen to clothe our troops; also drugs, particularly bark : in return for which, every necessary provision for your islands may be expected, as rice, corn, lumber, &c. If, indeed, you could spare us a few able engineers, and artil- lery officers, they may depend upon an honourable reception and comfortable establishment. The Sieur de la Plain, one of your countrymen, now- engaged in the cause of the United Slates of Ame- rica will have the honour of delivering this letter to your Excellency. I have no doubt of his being received with that politeness, and kindness, to be expected from a gentleman of your rank and cha- racter. I am, with the highest respect, your Excellen- cy's most obedient servant, CHARLES LEE. His Excellency, The Governor at Cape Francois. 340 CHARACTER OF GENERAL HOWE. Camp at Valley-Forgt^Junt^th, 1778. My dear Rush, 1. HOUGH I had no occasion for fresh assuran» ces of your friendship, I cannot help being much pleased with the warmth which your letter, deliver- ed to me by Mr. Hall, breathes ; and, I hope, it is unnecessary to assure you, that my sentiments, ^vith respect to you, are correspondent. You will think it odd, that I should seem to be an apologist for General Howe : I know not how it hap- pens, but when I have taken prejudices in favour, or against a man, I find it a difficulty in shaking them off. From my first acquaintance with Mr. Howe, I liked him : I thought him friendly, can- did, good natured, brave, and rather sensible than the reverse. I believe still, that he is naturally so ; but a corrupt, or, more properly, no educa- tion, the fashion of the times, and the reigning idolatry amongst the English, (particularly the soldiery ;) for every sceptered calf ^ wolf ^ hog^ or ass have so totally perverted his understanding and heart, that private friendship has not force suf- ficient to keep a door open for the admittance of mercy towards political heretics. He was, besides, persuaded that I was doubly criminal, both as a traitor and deserter. In short, so totally was he enebriated with this idea, that I am convinced he would have thought himself both politically and morally damned had he acted any other part than what he did. He is, besides, the most indolent of mortals : never took farther pains to examine the merits or demerits of the cause in which he was engaged, than merely to recollect, that Great Bri- tain was said to be the mother country, George the Third King of Great Britain, that the parlia- 341 ment was called the representatives of Great Bri- tain, that the King and Parliament formed the su- preme power, that a supreme power is absolute and uncontrollable, that all resistance must, con- sequently, be rebellion ; but, above all, that he was ^ soldier, and bound to obey in all cases whatever. These are his notions, and this his logic ; but through these absurdities I could distinguish, when he Avas left to himself, rays of friendship and good nature breaking out. It is true he was sel- dom left to himself ; for never poor mortal, thrust into high station, was surrounded by such fools and scoundrels. M'Kensy, Balfour, Galloway, were his counsellors : they urged him to all his acts of harshness ; they were his scribes ; all the damned stuff which was issued to the astonished world was theirs. I believe he scarcely ever read the letters he signed. You will scarcely believe it, but I can assure you as a fact, that he never read \hc curious proclamation, issued at the head of Elk, till three days after it was published. You will say, that I am drawing my friend Howe in more ridiculous colours than he has yet been re- presented in ; but this is his real character. He is naturally good humoured, complaisant, but illite- rate and indolent to the last degree, unless as an executive soldier, in which capacity he is all fire and activity, brave and cool as Julius Caesar. His understanding is, as I observed before, rather good than otherwise ; but was totally confounded and stupified by the immensity of the task imposed upon him. He shut his eyes, fought his battles, drank his bottle, had his little whore, advised with his counsellors, received his orders from North and Germain, (one more absurd than the other,) took Galloway's opinion, shut his eyes, fought again, and is now I suppose, to be called to ac- ff 2 342 count for acting according to instructions ; but, I believe, his eyes are now opened; he sees he has been an instrument of wickedness and folly : in- deed, when I observed it to him, he not only took patiently the observation, but indirectly assented to the truth of it. He made, at the same time, as far as his 7nauvais honte would permit, an apo- logy for his treatment of me. Thus far with regard to Mr. Howe. You are struck with the great events, changes, and new characters which have appeared on the stage since 1 saw you last ; but I am more struck with the ad- mirable efficacy of blunders. It seemed to be a trial of skill which party should out- do the other ; and it is hard to say which played the deepest strokes ; but it was a capital one of ours, which certainly gave the happy turn which affairs have taken. Upon my soul it was time for fortune to interpose, or we were inevitably lost ; but this we \vill talk over another time. I suppose we shall see one another at Philadelphia, very soon, in at- tendance. God bless you ! Yours affectionately, CHARLES LEE. PMhtdtVphia, Oct. ?>Oth, 177T. When it is considered I hold a high rank in the service of one of the most respectable princes of Europe ; that I have been honoured with the trust of the second command in your army ; that I have hitherto served, with some reputation, as a soldier ; that I now stand charged, and have been actually tried for some of the most heinous mili- tary crimes ; and, to the astonishment, not only of myself, but I can venture to say, of every man in the army who was present at this court, and of 343 every man out of the army who has read the pro-" ceediiigs, found guilty of these crimes : when, at the same time, I am myself inflexibly persuaded, that I am not only guiltless, but that the success of the 28th of June ought principally, in justice, to be ascribed to me ; I say, sir, when these circum- stances are considered, it must be allowed that my present situation is extremely aukward; that a man of my military rank, lingering in suspence, whilst his fame and fortune are sub jiidice, is rather a dis- graceful spectacle ; that it is natural for him to wish, and reasonable for him to request, that Congress will no longer delay the final decision of my fate. An additional motive for my requesting it is, that I find Congress is every day growing thinner ; and, I confess, that I could most ardently wish, that the Congress was not only as complete as possible in numbers, but that if it was agreeable to the rules of the House, that the people at large might be admitted to form an audience when the discus- sion is entered into, of the justice or iniquity, wis- dom or absurdity, of the sentence which has been passed upon me. I do now. Sir, therefore, most humbly, but, earnestly, entreat, that a day may be immediately fixed for the final determination of this aifair. I am, Sir, with the greatest respect, Your most obedient servant, CHARLES LEE. His Excellency Henry Laurens, Pres. Philadelphia, Dec. SOtt, 177?. y\ HP'.N an officer of the respectable rank I bear is grossly traduced and calumniated, it is incum- bent on him to clear up the affair to the world. 344 with as little delay as possible. The spirit of de- famation and calumny (I am sorry to s,=i> it) is grown to a prodigious and intolerable height on this continent. If you had accused me of a design to procrastinate the war, or of holding a treason-. able correspondence with the enemy, I could have borne it : this I am used to ; and this happened to the great Fabius Maxirnus. If you had accused me of getting drunk as often as 1 could get liquor, as two Alexanders the Great Tiave been charged with this vice, I should, perhaps, have sat patient under the imputation ; or, even if you had given the plainest hints, that I had stolen the soldiers' shirts, this I could have put up with, as the great Duke of Marlborough would have been an exam- ple ; or if you had contented yourself with asser- ting, that I was so abominable a sloven as never to part with my shirt, until my shirt parted with me, the anecdotes of my illustrious name-sake of Sweden* would have administered some comfort to me. But the calumny you have, in the fertility of your malicious wit, chosen to invent, is of so new, so unprecedented, and so hellish a kind, as would make Job himself swear hke a Virginia Colonel. Is it possible that the celebrated Miss F s,t a lady who has had every human and divine ad- vantage, who has read, (or, at least, might have read,) in the originals, the New and CUd Testa- ments ; (though I am afraid she too seldom looks even into the translations:) I say, is it possible that Miss F s, with every human and divine advantage, who might, and ought to have read these two good books, which (an old We.-h nurse, whose uncle was reckoned the best preacher in Merionethshire, assured me) enjoins charity, and * Charles XII. t I'^is young lady was a Jewess. 345 denounces vengeance against slander and evil speak- ing ; is it possible, I again repeat it, that Miss F s, should, in the face of the day, carry her malignity so far, in the presence of three most re- spectable personages ; (one of the oldest religion in the world, one of the newest ; for he is a new- light man ; and the other, most probably, of no religion at all, as he is an English sailor ; but I demand it again and again, is it possible, that Miss F s should assert it, in the presence of these respectable personages, " That I wore green breeches patched with leather ?" To convict you, therefore, of the falsehood of this most diabolical slander ; to put you to eternal silence, (if you are not past all grace,) and to cover you with a much larger patch of infamy than you have wantonly endeavoured to fix on my breeches, I have thought proper, by the advice of three very grave friends, (lawyers and members of Congress, of course excellent judges in delicate points of ho- nour,) to send you the said breeches, and, with the consciousness of truth on my side, to submit them to the most severe inspection and scrutiny of you and all those who may have entered into this wicked cabal against my honour and reputation. I say, I dare you, and your whole junto, to your worst : turn them, examine them, inside and out- side, and if you find them to be green breeches patched with leather, and not actually legitimate sherry vallies,^ such as his Majesty of I^oland wears, (who, let me tell you, is a man that has made more fashions than all your knights of the Meschianzaf put together, notwithstanding their * A kind of long breeches reaching to the ancle, with a broad stripe of leather on tlie inside of the thigh, for the conveniency of riding. f An entertainment given by General Howe just before the eva- cuation of Philadelphia, at which were introduced Tilts and Tour numents in favour of the ladies, of whom Miss F was one. 346 beauties ; ) I repeat it, (though I am almost out of breath with repetitions and parentheses,) that if these are proved to be patched green breeches, and not real legitimate sherry vallies, (which a man of the first ban ton might be proud of,) I will submit in silence to all the scurrility which, I have no' doubt, you and your abettors are prepared to pour out against me, in the public papers, on this im- portant and interesting occasion. But, Madam ! Madam! reputation (as " Common Sense," very sensibly, though not very uncommonly observes,) is a serious thing. You have already injured me in the tenderest part, and I demand satisfaction ; and as you cannot be ignorant of the laws of duel- ling, having conversed with so many Irish officers, whose favourite topic it is, particularly in the company of ladies, I insist on the privilege of the injured party, which is, to name his hour and weapons ; and as I intend it to be a very serious affair, will not admit of any seconds ; and you may depend upon it, Miss F - - - - s, that whatev- er may be your spirit on the occasion, the world shall never accuse General L - - with having turned his back upon you. In the mean time, I am, Yours, C. L. . - Miss F - - - - s, Philadelphia. P. S. I have communicated the affair only to my confidential friend , who has men- tioned it to no more than seven members of Con- gress and nineteen women, six of whom are old maids ; so that there is no danger of its taking wind on my side : and, I hope, you will be equal- ly guarded on your part. 347 Philadelphia, Jan. 28A, 177?. Madam, Nothing has happened to me of late, that has given me more concern than the serious light in which I am told you are persuaded to consider the harmless jocular letter I wrote to you ; I say, persuaded to consider ; for, on the first receipt of it, when you were directed alone by your own ex- cellent understanding, you conceived it as it was meant, an innocent Jeu d"* esprit, I do not mean to compliment, when I assure you, upon my honour, that it was the good opi- nion I had of your understanding which encoura- ged me to indulge myself in this piece of raillery, which is, in effect, not in the least directed against you, butagainst myself and some others; if it con- tains any satire, you are obviously the vehicle, not the object. My 'acquaintance with you is too slender to take any liberties which border on familiarity ; and I had been taught to believe, that the liberali- ty of your mind and disposition, would be pleas- ed with any effort to make you laugh for a mo- ment in these melancholy times. Upon the word of an honest man, if I had thought a single sen- tence of this trash could have given you uneasi- ness, I would sooner have put my hand into the fire than have written it. Thank God, I have not that petulent itch of scribbling, and vain ambition of passing for a wit, as to Give virtue scandal, innocence a tear, Or from the soft-ey'd virgin steal a tear. And, to speak my real thoughts, I am thoroughly persuaded, that you must suffer yourself to be bi- assed by people infinitely your inferiors in capaci- ty ; and if you really are offended by what nobo- dy, who is not below mediocrity in understanding, 348 can mistake for any thing but an harmless joke, founded on the good opinion of the person to whom it is addressed, I confess I have been much deceived in you. I must, therefore, think that by consulting yourself alone, you will consider it in its proper light, and believe me to be, with the greatest respect, Madam, Your most obedient. And very humble servant, C L ^. MissF s, Philadelphia. Praia Bio, Sept. Uth, 1779. My DEAR SISTER, JL HAVE just received your letter of January the 3d ; I know not whether you have received them, but in the course of this and the last year, I wrote you two letters, informing you fully of my health and spirits ; the two points which, from your natural tenderness and affection, I knew you must be most solicitous about ; they have both, thank Heaven, and the e-ood constitution we re- ceived from our father and mother, neverfailed me a single day ; and until I am conscious of having committed some unworthy action, which, I can assure you, is not at present the case, the iniquity of men shall never bear me down. I have, it is true, uneasy feelings, but not on my own personal account. I feel for the empire of Great Britain, I feel for the fortunes of my relations and friends, which must receive a dreadful shock in this great convulsion. As to my personal honour, for I sup- pose you allude to the affair of Monmouth, all I shall say is, that as I believe the proceedings of the court have been sent to England, and as you 349 have eyes to read, and capacity to judge and make proper comments, I may be quite easy on the sub- ject. What has not our quondam friend Gage to an- swer for ? I laboured at Boston, by a letter, to open his eyes, and he treated my efforts as the effects of republican insanity. Had he listened to me, the empire of Great Britain would have stood, the affections and allegiance of this great people continued for ages. He is, in fact, answer- able for the subversion of the British empire, and for the blood of, at least, one hundred thousand Englishmen, or the immediate descendants of En- glishmen. I fancy too, by this time, Lord Piercy and General Burgoyne lament that they considered my letters as the ebulition of madness or faction. But as my letter must be opened before it reaches you, any thing like politics must be improper. God bless you, my dear sister. My love to the Townshends, Hunts, Bunburys, Mrs. Hinks, and the Barrets. Youi's, most affectionately, CHARLES LEE. Mrs. Sidney Lee, Chester. Virginia, June 22