mm ■'i w tm ^Pdl@Q©iiTS.^.f^ifc®iKQJTl© mATi [BYT wmmEiM Wo LwrnmiL"^. ^UBMSHE D BY E o KKABNY. y^'ofa GoLU St. iV\ LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS OF THE UNITED STATES; WITH BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES OF THE SIGNERS OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE; SKETCHES OF THE MOST REMARKABLE EVENTS IN THE HISTORY OF THE COUNTRY President's Houae, at Washington. BY ROBERT W. LINCOLN EMBELLISHED WITH \ PORTRAIT OF EACH OF THE PRESIDENTS, FORTY-FIVE ENGRAVINGS NEW YORK: PUBLISHED BY EDWARD KEARNY, 272 PEARI. STREET. ?'^S, SIFT «,„«TATE OF »*'Wiir Of CONGRESS Entered according to the Act of Congress, in the year 1842, BY EDWARD KEARNY, in the Clerk's Office of the Southern District of New York. "^U.V1 »^' PREFACE. In writing the Lives of the Presidents of the United States, il has been difficult to preserve the strict impartiahty which the nature of the work requires, and avoid running either into eulogy or abuse The circumstances of their administration are so recent, that one who has hved through the greater portion of them and entered into all the excited feelings of party strife, can hardly be supposed capable of divesting himself of prejudices and passions, however much he may desire to be an honest chronicler of the times. We can only say, that it has been our sincere aim and endeavor to see near events with the eye of a distant spectator and to anticipate the dispassionate judgment which posterity will pass upon the great men who have administered our Government. The affairs of the last twenty years are hardly yet ripe lor the bio-rapher, and the materials for their history are scattered in various directions, and to be drawn from many different sources. That all those sources should be pure, is more than can be expect- ed ; but we have uniformly endeavored to resort only to those least exposed to suspicion. , ,. . ^ For the materials of our work, we owe much obligation to many distinguished writers. To the Lives of the Signers of the Declara- tion of Independence, by a gentleman who has done a great deal for the illustration of American history, we have been much indebted in the course' of the volume, and particularly in our summary of their biographies. To the eloquent eulogist of Mr Monroe, to Marshall, Bancroft, Ramsay, Thacher, T"dor W rt, Lee, Jefferson, Irving, Knapp, the author of a Biographical Sketch of J. Q. Adams, Goodrich, Hinton, the editor of American Anec- dotes, the author of the History of the United States, published b PREFACE. in Lardner's Cyclopaedia, to Eaton, Goodwin, the editors of the Annual Register and North American Review, and many others, of whose labors we have had occasion to avail ourselves, we take this opportunity of noticing our repeated obligations. It is idle, in a work of this description, to pretend to originality, and unfair not to acknowledge the sources to which we have been indebted. We hope that our readers will find in this work all that has been promised, and indeed more. Of its imperfections no one can be more aware than ourself ; but of its impartiality and honesty we believe that no one will have reason to doubt. R. W. LINCOLN. New- York, July 20, 1833. DCr" The publisher deems it proper to state, that the sketches of Presidents Harrison and Tyler have been prepared by another gentleman, and are now first published in the present edition of this work. Several errors which escaped notice in former editions, have been corrected in this, and it is believed this volume presents the only complete Biography extant of all the Presidents of the United States. New- York, August, 1842. CONTENTS. Lives or the Presidents - 1 George Washington — 1 John Adams ....^. ....... 71 Thomas Jefferson - - - «.... 97 James Madison...^ ..131 Tames Monre ......— .>........................ — ^ — ,^.....178 John Quincy Adams _............>.. _...-.-... -.237 Andrew Jackson ...>..«. ....-...>. ^..^.^......373 Martin Van Buren _ ^ 325 William Henry Harrison ^.^.. . ...357 John Tyler 393 James K.' Polk.. .„........__ 1 Lives of the Signers - - ► 1 Samuel Adams ^..... >.. 1 Josiah Bartlet ..^j. _ 3 Carter Braxton 5 Charles Carroll »-. 6 Samuel Chase »..>... 12 Abraham Clarke 14 George Clymer ^ _., ^ 15 William Ellery 17 William Floyd l8 -Benjamin Franklin 18 Elbridge Gerry ^. 22 Button Gwinnett 2rt Lyman Hall _.. i;'6 John Hancock . 27 Benjamin Harrison ».„ 29 John Hart „ .».......- «— .-•.. 30 Joseph Hewes .^ ..... . 3i Thomas Hey ward 33 William Hooper. „> 34 Stephen Hopkins. _,...... 35 Francis Hopkinson . __-.»...... . 36 Samuel Huntington _ ...» — _.- 37 Francis Lightfoot Lee ^.. .->._.- .^ 38 Richard Henry Lee ......._^ ,..^ ^.„ 40 Francis Lewis ^. .. ^.. 42 JT. CONTENTS. Philip Livingston „._.. - — ......^ — —— 43 Thomas Lynch .^^ ». .- ^..^ ... ^.. ... 45 Thomas M'Kean 46 Arthur Middleton 4? Lewis Morris ............ ... 48 Robert Morris 49 John Morton 51 Thomas Nelson, Jr 52 WiUiamPaca 53 Robert Treat Paine 53 John Penn...... 55 George Read...... 55 Csesar Rodney . 56 George Ross — — . 57 Benjamin Rush 58 Edward Riitledge 60 Roger Sherman 60 James Smitli 62 Richard Stockton 63 Thomas Stone .y. 64 George Taylor - -. — 64 Matthew Thornton 65 George Walton 66 William Whipple - 67 William Williams 68 James Wilson - 69 John Witlierspoon 70 Oliver Wolcott 71 George Wythe 72 Early History of America ..73 Early Adventures in North America...... .. .......................... 95 Settlement of the Southern States... ..................................101 North and South Carolina .......................... 111 Settlement of the Northern States...... .... ...... ...... ...... .... ...... ..117 Fbench Wars 127 Anecdotes of the Revolution 143 GsNERAL View of tbs Unitsd Statss. .... ...... .... .. .... .... .... ...... .151 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. GEORGE WASHINGTON. There is no individual whose life is more completely identified with ihe history of his country, than is that of George Washington. Notwith- standing the order, dignity, and beauty of his prisvate character, there are many whose private life would furnish much more interesting subjects to the pen of a biographer. The interest of his life depends upon more im- portant circumstances than personal adventure, or romantic incident. It rests upon his connexion with the great events, which led to the indepen- dence of his country, and which, in their still spreading and accumulating effects, may break up the institutions of tyranny all over the globe. George Washington was born at Bridge's Creek, in Westmoreland county, Virginia, on the twenty-second of February, 1732. He was the son of Augustine Washington, a descendant of one of the earliest settlers of the first English colony in America, who died when his son George was about ten years of age. The education of the orphan devolved upon his mother, who devoted herself to the task with a zeal and industry, for which she afterwards reaped an ample reward. The means of education at that period were of course very limited, and a grammatical knowledge of the English language, mathematics, history, natural and moral philoso- phy, formed the course of his youthful studies. Of this education, mathe- matics formed by far tlie most important part. This was of great advan- tage to him in early life, in qualifying him for the office of practical sur- veyor, and in later years in its connexion with military science. At the age of fifteen, he was desirous to enter into active life, and obtained the birth of a midshipman in the British navy ; but the anxiety of an af- fectionate mother dissuaded him from the adoption of this course of life. Of the early youth of Washington, no authentic anecdotes have been preserved. He has been described by his contemporaries as grave, silent, and thoughtful ; diligent in his business ; correct in his deportment, ond strictly honorable in all his conduct. His patrimony was small, but ma- aged with prudent industry. Of the estimation in which he was held, sven when quite young, we may judge, from his being appointed one of he adjutants general of Virginia, at the age of nineteen. When hardly wenty-one, he was employed by the government of his native colony in an enterprise of very considerable importance. 1 2 WASHINGTON The French were the first Europeaa dis^Vexers of the Mississippi, and claimed all those extensive regions whose waJfers emptied into that river. They had just formed a plan of connecting their possessions in America, by the union of Louisiana with Canada. In pursuance of this design, a line of military posts from the lakes to the Ohio had been commenced in the year 1 758. This territory was situated within the boundaries of Vir- ginia, and the governor of that province deemed it his duty to remonstrate against encroachments, which he considered in violation of previous treaties. He determined to send an agent to the French commandant on the Ohio, to convey his views upon this important and delicate subject For this purpose Mr. Washington was the person selected. In discharge of this trust, he set out about the middle of November, from Wills' Creek, tlien an extreme frontier settlement, and parsued his course over an unexplored tract of morasses and forests, over rivers of diffi cult passage, and among tribes of hostile Indians. Reaching the Moiion- gahela on the twenty-second, he there learned that the French general was dead, and that the greater part of the army had retired into winter quarters. He spent a kw days among the Indians, and very wisely secured tlie ser- vices of some of their chiefs, who guided him to the fort at French Creek, where he found the commanding officer on the Ohio. Delivering his let- ters, in three or four days he received an official reply, and immediately set out on his return. Finding the snow deep, and his horses weakened with fatigue, he determined to pursue his way on foot. He took his necessary papers, a gun and a pack, and wrapping himself in his watch-coat, set out with a single companion. On the day following, they fell in with a party of French Indians, one of whom fired upon them. They took this Indian WASHINGTON. c prisoner, and kept him until nine o'clock in the evening, when they re- leased him, and walked without stopping all the rest of the night, in order to be out of the reach of pursuit. As the answer of the French commandant indicated no disposition to withdraw from the disputed territory, the Assembly of Virginia determin- ed to maintain by force the rights of the British crown. A regiment waa mimediately raised of three hundred men. The command of this body was given to Mr. Fry, and Washington was appointed lieutenant colonel. Desirous to engage in active service, and take as early measures as possi- ble in defence of the colony, Washington obtained permission to march in advance of the other troops, to Great Meadows. On reaching this place, he learned from the friendly Indians that ^ party of the French were en- camped in a valley a few miles to the west. The night was dark and rainy, and entirely concealed the movements of the troops. They sur- rounded the French camp, and took it completely by surprise. The com- manding officer was killed, one person escaped, and all the rest immedi- ately surrendered. Soon after tiiis affair. Colonel Fry died, and the command of the regiment devolved upon Washington, who speedily collected forces at Great Mea- dows, to the number of four hundred men. A small stockade was erected, called Fort Necessity, in which a few soldiers were stationed to guard the horses and provisions, while the main body moved forward to dislodge the French from Fort Du duesne. They had not proceeded more than thir- teen miles, when they were informed by friendly Indians, "that the French, as numerous as pigeons in the woods, were advancing in an hostile manner towards the English settlements, and also, that Fort Du Quesne had been recently and strongly reinforced." In this critical situ- ation it was resolved to retreat to the Great Meadows, and every exertion was made to render Fort Necessity tenable. Before the completion of the works erecting for that purpose, the fort was attacked by a considerable force. The assailants were protected by trees and high grass. The Americans received them with great intrepidity, and Washington distin- guished himself by his coolness and address. The engagement continued from ten in the morning until dark, when the French general demanded a parley, and offered terms of capitulation. These were refused, but in the course of the night other proposals were accepted. The fort was sur- rendered on condition that the garrison sliould march out with the honors of war, should be permitted to retain tlieir arms and baggage, and to pro- ceed without molestation into the inhabited parts of Virginia. A public vote of thanks was given to Washington and the officers under his com- mand, for their conduct in this affair ; and three hundred pistoles were distributed among the soldiers. The controversy in respect to the Ohio lands, which commenced in Virginia, was taken up with much zeal in Great Britain, and two regiments were sent to America to support the pretensions of his Britannic majesty. They arrived early in 175.5, under the command of General Braddock, who iiivited Washington to serve the campaign as a volunteer aid-de-camp. This invitation he at once accepted, and joined the regiment on its march so Fort Cumberland. Here the army was detained till the twelfth of June, 4 WASHINGTON waiting for wagons, horses and provisions. Soon after resuming their march, Washington was seized with a violent fever, but refusing to re- main behind the army, was conveyed with them in a covered wagon. The object of the campaign was the capture of Fort Du Quesne. Washington advised the general to leave his heavy artillery and baggage behind, and to press forward with a chosen body of troops as expeditiously as possible. This advice was adopted, and twelve hundred men were se- lected, to be commanded by General Braddock in |)erson, and to advance with the utmost despatch. This corps immediately commenced its march, but did not move with the celerity that had been expected. " I found," said Washington, in a letter to his brother, " that instead of push- ing on with vigor, without regarding a little rough road, they were halting to level every mole hill, and t6 erect bridges over every brook." They were four days in passing over the first nineteen miles from the Little Meadows. Here the sickness of Washington made it impossible for him to proceed on the march. General Braddock ordered him to stay behind with a small guard, till the arrival of Colonel Dunbar, with the rear di- vision of the army. As soon as his strength would permit, he rejoined the general, and immediately entered on the duty of his office. The next day was an eventful one in our early history. It was the ninth of July. General Braddock had crossed the Monongahela, and was pressing forward, with no apprehension of danger, to Fort Du Quesne. He was already within a few miles of his destination, marching on an open road thick set with grass, when on a sudden a heavy and well directed fire was opened upon his troops by an invisible enemy, consisting of the French and Indians. From their sheltered retreats they were able to take a safe and steady aim, and the officers of the British troops were slain in great numbers. In a short time Washington was the only aid-de-camp left alive and unvvounded. He was obliged consequently to carry all of the general's orders, to every part of the battle-field in person. In performing WASHINGTON. this duty, he had two horses killed under him, and four balls passed through his coat. " I expected every moment," says an eyewitness, " to see him fall. Nothing but the superintending care of Providence could have saved him from the fate of all around him." During the whole course of the battle Braddock displayed the utmost intrepidity and firmness. He encouraged his men to keep their ground; but valor was useless, and he saw his army falling around him like grass under the scythe, without being able to render them any assistance. Un- acquainted with the Indian mode of fighting, his efforts to form his broken troops only exposed them more surely to the galling fire of the enemy. The action continued for three hours, in the course of which the general had three horses killed under him, and received himself a mortal wound. His troops immediately fled in great confusion. It was impossible to rally them, until they had crossed the Monongahela, and placed a river between themselves and their enemy. The Indians were too much occupied with the plunder, to think of continuing the pursuit. Braddock was carried to the camp of Dunbar, where in a few days he died. On this occasion the British officers behaved with admirable bravery, but the common soldiers broke into confusion in spite of every effort to rally them, and fled like sheep before hounds. The three Virginia com- panies, on the contrary, conducted with great spirit, and fought with such disregard of danger, that there were scarcely thirty men left alive from their whole number. This defeat did not injure the reputation of Wash- ington. His countrymen praised his conduct, and it was well understood that the disasters of the day originated in a neglect of his advice. Intelligence of the defeat of Braddock, and of the withdrawal of the regular forces from Virginia, arrived while the Assembly of that colony were still in session. It was at once resolved to raise a regiment of sixteen companies to protect the frontier settlements. The command of this was given to Washington, with authority to name the field officers. In executing the duties of his office, Washington visited the frontiers, and made the best disposition of the few soldiers he found in the various posts. On his way to Williamsburg, he was overtaken by an express, with information that the back settlements had been broken up by the French and Indians, who were burning their houses, devastating their crops, murdering and leading into captivity the men, women and children. The few troops stationed on the frontiers were unable to render them any assistance, but retired for their own safety to the stockade forts. Alarm and confusion prevailed on all sides. Before any sufficient force could be collected to repel the assailants, they had retreated beyond the Alleghany mountains, and were out of the reach of punishment. Irruptions of this kind were repeatedly made into the frontier settlements during the years 1756, 1757, and 1758. The distresses of the inhabitants were extreme. In the forts they suffered from hunger, and were often besieged and mur- dered. In their farms and villages they lay down every night with the fear of a cruel death, or a more cruel bondage, continually before them. The people looked to Washington for the protection he was unable to give. The difiiculty of raising a large number of men, and the inability of a small number to protect the extensive frontiers of Virginia, were 6 WASHINGTON. continuaJ sources of anxiety and distress. The savages made no distinc- tions in their warltire. They slew the women and children, the aged and the helpless, as well as the men whom they found in arms. Wash- ington, in a letter written during this period to the governor, observed — "The supplicating tears of the women and moving petitions of the men, melt me with such deadly sorrow, that I solemnly declare, if I know my own mind, I could offer myself a willing sacrifice to the butchering enemy, provided that would contribute to the people's ease." He was indefiiti- gable in representing to the governor the wretched condition of the inha- bitants, and the great defects of the existing mode of defence. He ad- vised the reduction of Fort Du Uuesne, the lurking-place and strong hold of these predatory bands, as the only means of effectually restoring secu rity to the frontier settlements. In case this measure was not adopted, he advised that twenty-two forts, extending in a line of three hundred and sixty miles, should be erected and garrisoned by two thousand men, in constant pay and service. In the autumn of 1758, to the great joy of Washington, an expedition was fitted out against Fort DuQuesne; but on reaching the post, they found that the garrison had deserted it and re- treated down the Ohio. A treaty of peace was soon after concluded with the Indian tribes. Fort Du Quesne received the name of Fort Pitt, was repaired and garrisoned with two hundred men from Washington'.? regiment. Henceforward it was a source of as much advantage to the English settlements, as it had before been of detriment. The remains of this fort presented the following appearance in the year 1831. The great object of his wishes having been thus happily accomplished, Washington resigned his conunission, and thus ended his career as a provincial officer. Soon after this resignation, he married Mrs. Martha WASHINGTON. 7 Custi^, a young and beautiful lady, of great accomplishments, and an amiable character. Retiring to the estate at Mount Vernon, which he had acquired a few years before by the death of his elder brother, he devoted himself assiduously to the business of agriculture He became one of the greatest landholders in North America. His Mount Vernon estate alone consisted of nine thousand acres, and his domestic and farming establishments were composed of nearly a thousand persons. From the close of the frontier war to the commencement of the revolu- tion, Washington acted as judge of a county court, and as a member of the House of Burgesses of his native province. In this body he was never distinguished as a speaker, yet he secured the esteem and confidence of all who knew him, by the firmness and propriety of his conduct, and the uniform good sense of his counsels. While in this situation, he took an active part in opposition to the principle of the British parliament, to tax the American colonies. He was elected a representative to the first Congress, which met at Philadelphia, in 1774, and was the active mem- ber of all the committees on military affairs. When the commencement of hostilities made it necessary to appoint a commander-in-chief of the American forces, George Washington was unanimously elected to the office. On receiving from the President of Congress official notice of this appointment, he thus addressed him : " Mr. President, although I am truly sensible of the high honor done me in this appointment, yet 1 feel great distress from a consciousness that my abilities and military experience may not be equal to the extensive and important trust. How- ever, as the Congress desire it, I will enter upon the momen:ous duty, and exert every power I possess in their service, and for support of -the glorious cause. I beg they will accept my most cordial thanks, for this distinguished testimony of their approbation. " But, lest some unlucky event should happen, unfavorable to my reputation, I beg it may be remembered by every gentleman in the room, that I this day declare, with the utmost sincerity, I do not think myself equal to the command I am honored with. " As to pay. Sir, I beg leave to assure the Congress that as no pecunia- ry consideration could have tempted me to accept this arduous employ- ment, at the expense of my domestic ease and happiness, I do not wish to make any profit from it. I will keep an exact account of my expenses; those I doubt not they will discharge, and that is all I desire." A special commission was made out for him, and at the same time an unanimous resolution was adopted by Congress, " that they would main- tain and assist him, and adhere to him with their lives and fortunes, for the maintenance and preservation of American liberty " He prepared to enter immediately on the duties of his high station. Having passed a few days in New-York, and making some arrangement with General Schuyler who commanded there, he proceeded to Cambridge, which was the headquarters of the American army. On his way thither, he received from individuals and public bodies, the most flattering atten- tion and the strongest promises of support and assistance. A committee of the Massachusetts Congress met him at Springfield, about one hun- dred miles from Boston, and conducted Urn to the array. 8 WASHINGTON. ' Immediately after his arrival, the Congress presented him an address, in which they expressed their approbation of his appointment, and the great respect and affection they entertained for him. His reply was well calculated to increase these sentiments. He returned the warmest ac- knowledgments of their kindness, and promised ever to retain it in grateful remembrance. In the course of this reply, he observed, "In exchanging the enjoyments of domestic life for the duties of my present honorable, but arduous situation, I only emulate the virtue and public spirit of the whole province of Massachusetts, which, with a firmness and patriotism without example, has sacrificed all the comforts of social and political life, in support of the rights of mankind, and the welfare of our common country. My highest ambition is to be the happy instrument of vindicating these rights, and to see this devoted province again restor- ed to peace, liberty and safety." On reaching the camp, the first movements of the commander-in-chief were directed to an examination of the strength and situation of his forces. They amounted to about fourteen thousand and five hundred men ; occupying several posts in an extent of about twelve miles. Some were stationed at Roxbury, some at Cambridge, and some on Winter and Prospect Hills in front of Bunker's Hill. A few companies were posted in the towns about Boston Bay, which were most exposed to attacks from British armed vessels. The troops were not sufficiently numerous to defend so large an extent of country, but it was difficult to make a more compact arrangement. The British army were posted in three divisions. The main body, under General Howe, was intrenching itself on Bunker's Hill, in Charlestown. Another division was stationed on Copp's Hill and the third was strongly entrenched and fortified on Roxbury Neck There were three floating batteries in Mystic river, and a small body of infantry and light horse stationed in Boston. The American army was very badly provided with the necessaries of war. Of military stores, they were almost entirely destitute. All the powder in New-England would not have furnished nine rounds to each soldier. In this condition, the army remained for a fortnight. There was no discipline among the troops, owing to their being enlisted only for short periods. The appointment of general officers by Congress gave great dissatisfiiction, and induced several of those who thought themselves injured, to quit the service. To remedy all these evils, to form an uniform mass of discordant materials, and subject men strivnig for independence to the rigid discipline of a camp, required patience, firmness, and a spirit of conciliation. General Gage had received a small reinforcement from New- York, so that the whole number of the British army now amounted to about eight thousand men. Their plans were principally directed to self-defence. With little interruption, both armies were employed in strengthening their re- spective fortifications. But few skirmishes took place, and those without much bloodshea. This state of things did not satisfy the mind of Wash- ington. He was eager for some active measures to destroy the British army in Boston, before it should receive additional reinforcements; and before the resources of the colonies should be entirely exhausted. WASHINGTON. 9 The situation of the enemy was frequently reconnoitered, and every effort made to ascertain their strength. To carry their works by storm was a dangerous project, but it appeared to Washington practicable, and he determined to suggest it to his general officers. A council of war was called, and the measure proposed. It was decided that the attempt ought not to be at that time made. The original plan of continuing the block- ade appeared the most advisable, and Washington acquiesced in the decision of the council. The scarcity of fresh provisions in Boston, induced the enemy to send small parties to forage along the shores of the continent, under the pro- tection of their armed vessels. The defence of their property imposed such a heavy burden upon the seaboard towns, that the governors of several colonies applied to Washington to send detachments to their assistance. Repeated applications of this nature were very embarrass- ing, till Congress passed a resolution " that the army before Boston was designed only to oppose the enemy in that place, and ought not to be weakened by detachments for the security of other parts of the country." In the course of the autumn, gradual approaches were made towards the British posts. The army was also reinforced by the arrival of more than fourteen hundred riflemen, from Pennsylvania and Maryland. Through the season, the most active exertions of the commander-in- chief were directed to procuring arms and ammunition for his troops. A voyage was made to Africa, and every pound of gunpowder for sale in the British factories along the coast, was obtained by the exchange of New-England rum. A British ordnance ship, completely I ""den with military stores, was captured by a privateer under the command of Cap- tain Manly. On the fifth of September, a committee of Congress was appointed to visit the camp at Cambridge, and confer with the chief magistrates of the northern colonies, and the Council of Massachusetts, on the continuance and regulation of the continental army. The result of their conference was, that the new army should consist of twenty thou sand three hundred seventy-two men, to serve till the last day of Decem- ber, 1776. This short term of enlistment proved a very serious and almost a fatal evil. In the execution of this resolve, Washington called upon the soldiers and officers to make their election, whether to retire or remain with the army. Great difficulties occurred in effecting the re-enlistment. Many were unwilling to continue in the army on any terms, some required leave of absence to visit their families, and others were in doubt, and uncertain what course to pursue. In his general orders, Washington appealed directly to the pride and patriotism of both officers and men " The times," he observed in the orders of October twentieth, " and the importance of the great cause we are engaged in, allow no room for hesi- tation and delay. When life, liberty and property are at stake ; when our country is in danger of being a melancholy scene of bloodshed and deso- lation; when our towns are laid in ashes, innocent women and children driven from their peaceful habitations, exposed to the rigors of an incle- ment season, to depend, perhaps, on the hand of charity for support; when calamities like these are staring us in the face, and a brutal, savage enemy ^^ WASHINGTON. roon k litt'lP hi ^ i'"^;^' ^"'^ ^''''' ""''^ destruction from foreign nT.' J-\ r '"'""' *''" character of a soldier to shrink from dan^r and condition for new terms. It is the general's intention to induS both officers and soldiers, who compose the new army, with furloughs fS a reasonable time; but this must be done in such a manner as not to injure the service, or weaken the army too much at once " old tioops, whose term of service had expired, were eager to return home- the new troops were slow in coming in. From this circums a ice the lines wer.e often in a defenceless state. "It is not " says Gene d Washington, m a communication to Congress, "in the pages of history to furnish a case like ours. To maintain a post with' fnul t S same'trn'To' dTshT^ """''' '""''''''I' -^^^out^ammunition, and at he same time to disband one army and recruit another, within that dis- luempted '' "'' ''' ^"'^' "^^"^"^^' ^^ ^'''' P-^^^V, than etr was About the middle of February, 1776, the waters about Boston had become sufficiently frozen to bear the 'troops. Washinaton was now desirous to execute his plan of attacking the enemy. A councU of Z was again called, and was again almost unanimous agains'TemeLre ' It was therefore reluctantly abandoned. The regular' force en.a'ed for' the year, now amounted to more than fourteen thousand men" >nd the militia to about six thousand. With these troops, Wash^n.ton d'etern^^ ed to take possession of the heights of Dorchester; a ^cuthiohZ thought must certainly bring on a general action. To favor^he exect tion of this plan, a heavy bombardment on the town and linTs oTZ enemy, was commenced, on the evening of the second of Marcl and con tinued on the two succeeding nights" On the night of the ' fourth a" flTrf ""^'^''^' ?'^"^^"^ «^ ^•^"^'•^1 Thomas, crossed he neck from Roxbury, and took possession of the heights. The ground wns durfnl ?r^"';^"d '' -^« -"h great labor that the party ^were able st;"?f tt ent; ^^ '''-'' ^^^^'^ ^^^^^ "-^'^ — ' ^^-n f-- the anr;m^SSep-=\^ and reboundin. over the IH and itf. n "'k "'' T'''''''^^^ '«'''"« our soldiers a^ tern^'^ '^:' ^:^-^i::i::^^^^ theTrnZTsIf r"f-,;"/'"f"-^'^" '"^ --- ' nothiiTg l^s ha" ;e:crdi: b ^'^^'^f:j::,^rT'- ,T'^ 'r''^^^'- ^- on Dorchester shore, to at\a k ouT wors" TriuU: ni h' "r' '"'' the r joy, and express a warm desire for the aoDronrl, nf T^ ""'"''"* each ™a„ knows his place and is resolut" o etecX" ,f d /'" SS Howe determmed to attack the heights, and ordered three tLusal:^ m^n WASHINGTON. 11 on this service. These vvere embarked, and fell down to the Castle with the intention of proceeding up the river to the attack, but were dispersea by a tremendous storm. Before they could be in readiness to proceed, the American works were in such a state of security as to discourage any attempt against them. The British now resolved to evacuate Boston as soon as possible. A paper signed by four of the selectmen was sent out with a flag of truce, containing a proposition, which purported to come from General Howe, that the town should be left uninjured if the troops were allowed to em- bark without molestation. This letter was directed to the commander-in- chief, but did not bear the signature of General Howe. Washington therefore declined taking any notice of it, but at the same time he " inti- mated his good wishes for the security of the town." On the seventeenth, the royal army commenced their embarkation on board of the transports. They were suffered to depart without annoyance. Immediately after their departure, Washington ordered a part of his army to New- York, to defend that town against the expected invasion cf the enemy. On entering Boston, the commander-in-chief was wel- comed on all sides with the warmest gratulations. Congress passed a vote of thanks, to express the public approbation of his conduct ; and ordered the striking of a medal, with suitable devices, to perpetuate the remembrance of the event. The town had received much less injury than was at first anticipated. During the siege, the Old South Church, a brick building near the centre of the town, had been converted into a riding school for Burgoyne's dragoons. The pulpit and pews were re- moved, and the floor covered with earth, to make it suitable for exercising their horses upon. A beautiful pew, ornamented with silk and carved work, was broken up, and its pieces taken for a fence to a hog-stye. The North Church was torn down, and consumed for fuel. After providing for the security of Boston, Washington marched with the main army to New- York, and made every preparation for the defence of this very important position. In these labors, the American army was incessantly occupied, until Lord and General Howe arrived at Sandy Hook with their naval and land forces. Before the commencement of hostilities, an attempt was made at negociation. General Howe sent a letter by a flag, directed to " George Washington, Esq." This the general refused to receive, as it did not recognise the public character with which he had been invested by Congress. His conduct on this occasion met with the approbation of this body, and they resolved, " that he had acted witli the dignity becoming his character." The British general was very anxious to obtain an interview with the commander-in- chief, but was unwilling to adopt his military address. He accordingly sent Colonel Patterson to the American headquarters, with a letter to " George Washiugton, &c. &bc. &lc." The general still declined receiv- ing it. He said it was true, the etceteras implied every thing ; tiiey also implied any thing : and a letter directed to a public character should have an address descriptive of that character. Colonel Patterson then said that General Howe would not urge his delicacy any further ; repeating his assertion that not the slightest disre- 12 WASHINGTON. spect was intended in the form of the address. Some conversation ensuea in respect to the treatment of prisoners ; when the colonel observed that Lord and General Howe had been appointed commissioners by the king^ and were very desirous of arranging the difficulties that had so unfortu- nately arisen. General Washington observed that he was vested with no ])ower of treating upon the subject. He had read the act of parliament, and found Lord and General Howe only authorized to grant pardons. The Americans, having committed no fault, desired no pardon ; they were only defending their rights. Colonel Patterson seemed confused, and said this would open a wide field for argument. After some few remarks, he was invited to a small collation, and introduced to the general officers. With many polite expressions at taking leave, he observed — " Has your Excellency no commands to my Lord or General Howe ?" " None, Sir," replied Washington, " but my particular compliments to both of them." On the arrival of General Howe at Staten Island, the American army did not exceed ten thousand men, but before the end of August they amounted to twenty-seven thousand. This force was distributed so judi- ciously, that the enemy were doubtful in what quarter to commence their operations. Every probable point of debarkation was guarded. From the arrival of the army, the Americans were in daily expectation of being at- tacked, and Washington was actively engaged in preparing their minds for action. In general orders he called upon the officers to be deliberate, and upon the soldiers to be firm, courageous and obedient. He directed that any soldier who deserted his ranks in time of battle should be im- mediately shot down. " The time," he observed, " is now at hand, which must probably determine whether Americans are to be freemen or slaves ; whether they are to have any property they can call their own ; whether their houses and farms are to be pillaged and destroyed, and themselves consigned to a state of wretchedness, from which no human efforts will deliver them. The fate of unborn millions will now depend, under God, on the courage and conduct of this army. Our cruel and unrelenting enemy leaves us only the choice of a brave resistance, or the most abject submission. We have to resolve to conquer or die. Our own, our coun- try's honor, call upon us for a vigorous and manly exertion ; and if we now shamefully fail, we shall become infamous to the whole world. Let us then rely on the goodness of our cause, and on the aid of the Supreme Bei'ig. in whose hands victory is, to animate and encourage us to great and noble actions. The eyes of all our countrymen are now upon us, and we shall have their blessings and praises, if happily we are the instruments of saving them from the tyranny meditated against them. Let us therefore animate and encourage each other, and show the whole world, that a freeman, contending for liberty on his own ground, is superior to any slavish mercenary on earth." On the twenty-seventh of August, the enemy attacked the American forces under the command of General Sullivan, on Long Island. The variety of ground and the number of different parties engaged on both sides, occasioned a succession of small engagements, pursuits, and daughters, which lasted for many hours. The Americans were defeated WASHINGTON. *^ in every quarter. They suffered exceedingly from the want of disciplme ITihl means of read/ transmission of intelligence. The troops retired wirh n their line, discouraged and fatigued, with a victorious army in Son and a powerful fleet about to enter East river, for the purpose of cutU^. off their retreat. Washington immediately determined to evacuate the sfand with all his forces. For this purpose, he crossed over to the sland on the night of the twenty-ninth, to conduct the retreat in person. It so happened, that, about two o'clock in the morning, a heavy fog enveloped the whole of Long Island. Under this cover, an army of nine thousand men, with their baggage, provision horses and ^^^I'^ary stores crossed a rive more than a mile wide, and landed at New-Yo k with no material loss. It was done in such silence, that the enemy who were so near tl^at they were heard at work with their pickaxes, knew nothing about 1L matter, till the clearing up of the fog. In conducting tins difficult movement, Washington was incessantly active. For forty-eight hours he did not close his eyes, and much of that time he was on horse- back. Notwithstanding the entreaties of his officers, he remained among the last upon the shore, refusing to embark till he saw his troops safely on ^"^TL^^unfeToTaWe' issue of this engagement led to the most alarming consequences. Hitherto the soldiers had possessed such confidence in themselves and their officers, from being engaged m the cause of their country and liberty, that it outweighed all their apprehensions from the skill and discipline of the enemy. But on this occasion they found them- selves encompassed with difficulties and dangers from which the^r valor could not extricate them. They exaggerated the adroitness and military di^ cipline of the enemy, and in every movement were apprehensiv^e of some new surprise or skilful stratagem. " Our situation,' said Washington in hislette?to Congress, " is truly distressing. The clieck our detachment received on the twenty-seventh ultimo has dispirited too great a propor- tion of our troops, and filled their minds with apprehension and despair. The militia, instead of calling forth their utmost efforts to a brave and manly opposition, in order to repair our losses, are dismayed, intractable, and impatient to return." . . Washington had recourse to entreaty, to persuasion, and to promises, to arrest the progress of these evils. In his communication to Congress, he urged the necessity of making enlistments for a longer period. The de- fence of the public liberties was to be entrusted only to a permanent arm> , regularly disciplined. It required time to reduce men who had been sub- ject to no control, to the requisite military strictness In a few days after {his remonstrance. Congress resolved to raise eighty-eight battal ons to serve during the war. It was important therefore to wear away the pre- sent campaign with as little loss as possible, in order to take the field in the ensuing year with a well organized army. The evacuation of New- York was accordingly determined on, as soon as events might make it necessary for the preservation of the troops. While Washington was taking measures to preserve his troops and stores by evacuating the city, the British commander was P^^smng ^'^ plan of bringing about a general action. On the fourteenth of September. 14 WASHINGTON. General Clinton landed with four thousand men, three miles above New York. This landing was effected under cover of five men of war. VVoiks had been thrown up at this place by the Americans, and tliey were capa- ble of defence; but the troops posted there, on ihe firing of the ^fnps, im- mediately abandoned them. Two brigades were detacll(^! from tlio main body to support them. Washington rode promptly to tlie scene f>f action, and to his great mortification found the whole relreai tig. While atterfipt- ing to rally them and with some success, they again broke and retreated in great confusion, on the appearance of a very small body of the enemy. At this shameful conduct, Washington entirely lost his self-command. He thought. of the ruin, which this miserable cowardice might bring upon the cause in which his whole soul was engaged. In despair he turned his horse's heSd towards the enemy, with the intention of seeking an honora- ble death ; and it was only by the friendly violence of his aids that he was compelled to retire, and his life saved for his country. The issue of this day hastened the evacuation of New- York. This was effected with the loss of very few men, though all the heavy artillery, the tents, and most of the military stores, were left behind. The British gene- ral immediately stationed a detachment in the city, and posted his main army in front of the American lines, in encampments across York Island. The flanks of the army from front to rear were protected by the shipping. The strongest post of the Americans was at Kingsbridge, and this post secured their communication with the country. A detachment was also posted on the heights of Haerlem, within a mile and a half of the enemy. This disposition of the two armies would naturally lead to frequent skir- mishes, and it was on this account very desirable, as it might accustom the undisciplined troops to military service. On the very day after the retreat from New- York, a body of the enemy appeared in the open plain between the two camps. The general detach- ed some troops, under the command of Colonel Knowlton and Major Leitch, to attack them. After leading their men into action, in the most soldierlike manner, both these officers were brought mortally wounded from the field. Their troops bravely continued the attack, and drove the enemy, though superior in numbers, from their position. The success of this skirmish had a great influence upon the army. In his general orders, Washington applauded the courage of the officers and men on this occasion, and contrasted it with the cowardly conduct of the troops the day before. He called upon the whole army to remember and imitate this brave example. He gave out on the ' next day " Leitch," for the parole. In filling the vacancy occasioned l)y the death of the colonel, he observed that " the officer succeeded the gallant and brave Colonel Knowlton, who would have been an honor to any country, and who had fallen gloriously fighting at his post." This was the method wliicli he adopted to animate the spirits of the army. General Howe continued to prosecute his scheme for cutting oft' Washington's communication with the eastern states, and compelling him to a general engagement. Failing however in this design, he adopted a new plan of operations, and directed his attention to the invasion of New-Jersey. Wasliington penetrated hia design, crossed the North river, and wrote to the governor of New-Jersey WASHINGTON. 15 urorlnf!; him to put the militia of that state in a condition to dcfond it. About this time Fort Washington Avas taken h}"^ storm, and the garrison, consisting of more than two thousand men, surrendered themselves pri- soners of war. The loss on this occasion was very heavj'. Tents and military stores were taken by the enemy, which could not he replaced. The conquest of Fort W^ashington made the immediate evacuation of Fort Lee, on the opposite Jersey shore, a necessary measure. This was effected with little loss of men, hut with great loss of baggage and artillery. When General Ilo.ve passed into New-Jersey, Washington posted his •irmy along tlie Ilackcnsack ; and as the British forces advanced, he retreat- ed towards the Delaware. It often happened, that the front guard of one army entered a village, as the rear guard of the other was quitting it at the opposite end. Whenever it could be done with prudence, Washington took a stand and made a show of resistance ; sometimes advancing a small detachment as if to engage the enemy. At Brunswick, Lord and General Howe issued a proclamation as commissioners, commanding all persons in arms against the king to return peaceably to their homes, and oifering a full pardon to all who would subscribe a submission to the royal authority. This was the darkest period of the whole war. The American army were reduced in numbers, worn out with fatigue, disheartened by defeat, bare- foot without tents or clothing, and living before a numerous and disci- j)lined body of well armed and well provided troops. A general spirit of je-"pondency prevailed through New-Jersey, and most of the lamilies of fortune and inlluence were inclined to return to their allegiance to the '^i^g. A few, however, maintained their political integrity, and nearly a .:h")usand of the militia of the state bravely kept the tield. In the worst <*f times Congress remained unshaken, roused only to new and more vigo- rous exertions by the public danger. \ retreat beyond the Delaware became necessary, and this was eflected on the eighth of December. The boats on the Jersey shore were all se- ct' -cd, the bridges broken down, and parties stationed in such a manner a? to guard the different fording places over whicli it was possible for the er.emy to pass. General Howe, after an unsuccessful attempt to obtain b")ats to pass the river, posted his army in New-Jersey ; intending to wait till the ice should furnish him with a passage to Philadelphia. During this retreat, when affairs were taking their most gloomy aspect, Washing- ton observed to Col. Reed, passing his hand over his throat : " JMy neck does not feel as if it were made for a halter ; we must retire to Augusta county, in Virginia, and if overpowered, we must pass the Alleghany mountains." On the thirteenth of this month, a disaster of much im^wrtancc happen- ed in the capture of Major General Lee. While marching at the head of his division to join the main army, he very imprudently took up his lodgings for the night at a house three or four miles distant from his troops. In this situation he was made prisoner, and conveyed to New-York. Such was now the gloomy state of affairs, that the whole country took the alarm ; and strong apprel^ensions were entertained that the continental army would be entirely broken up. The term of service of many of the iroops had nearly expired, and no sufficient number of recruits arrived to 16 WASHINGTON. supply their places. Under all these circumstances of doubt and distress, Washington was undismayed. lie remained firm, self-possessed, and serene, omitting nothing that could animate his own soldiers or embarrass the enemy. Laying before Congress the state of the army, he pointed out the impolicy of short enlistments, and urged the establishment of corps of cavalry, artillerists, and engineers. " We find," he observed, " that the enemy are daily gathering strength from the disaffected. This strength, like a snow-ball by rolling, will increase, unless some means can be devised to check, effectually, the progress of the enemy's arms. Militia may possibly do it for a little while ; but in a little while, also, the militia of these states, which have frequently been called upon, will not turn out at call ; or if they do, it will be with so much reluctance and sloth, as to amount to the same thing." He also hinted at the propriety of enlarging his own powers, so as to enable him, in urgent cases, to act without application to Congress, and thus execute important measures in the most effectual manner. " I have no lust," he added, " after power, but wish with as much fervency as any man upon the wide extended continent for an opportunity of turning the sword into the ploughshare. But my feelings as an officer, and a man^ have been such as to force me to say, that no person ever had a greatei choice of difficulties to contend with than I have." The American forces now amounted to about seven thousand men ; though during their retreat through the Jerseys they seldom amounted to half that number. The two armies were separated by the Delaware. In the security of conquest, the British had cantoned their troops in a very loose and uncovered manner, being in daily expectation to pass over into Pennsylvania by means of the ice, which is generally formed about that time. On receiving information of the number of the different canton- ments, Washington exclaimed, " Now is the time to clip their wings, when they are so spread." He formed the bold design of re-crossing the Delaware, and attacking the British posts on its eastern banks. In the evening of Christmas day, he made arrangements to pass over in three divisions ; two of these parties failed in their attempt from the quan- tity of ice by which their passage was obstructed. The main body, of about two thousand four hundred men, began to cross very early in the evening, during a severe storm of snow and rain. Having landed on the Jersey shore, they had still a march of nine miles before they reached the village of Trenton, where a party of about fifteen hundred Hessians and British light horse was stationed. This party was taken altogether by surprise. A smart firing ensued, but in a few minutes the enemy, finding themselves surrounded, threw down their arms and surrendered. Colonel Rahl, the commanding officer, was mortally wounded ; and of the other officers and soldiers nine hundred and forty-eight were taken prisoners. Of the American troops, two privates were killed, an officer and five or six privates wounded, and two frozen to death. On the same day. General Washington recrossed the Delaware with his prisoners, six pieces of ar- tillery, a thousand stand of arms, and some military stores. These being secured, and bis men having enjoyed two or three days of rest, he returned, and took possession of Trenton. On the next day Lord Cornwallis moved WASHINGTON. 17 forward with a numerous force, and reached Trenton about four o'clock in the afternoon. General Washington drew up his army behind a creek which runs through the town, and in this position waited for the move- ments of the enemy. After having attempted to cross this creek, and finding the passes guarded, the British general halted his troops, and de- termined to defer the attack till the following morning. The situation of the American troops was critical. Washington called a council of his officers, and laid before them the different plans that they might adopt. A retreat across the Delaware was impracticable, on account of the ice. A defeat, if they risked an engagement, would be entire destruction. It was determined to quit their present position, and get in the rear of the British army at Princeton. On the next morning. Lord Cornwallis discovered that his enemy had disappeared. Soon after dark, Washington had given orders for the re- moval of the baggage to Burlington. Guards were stationed to perform the usual rounds, and to keep the watch fires burning throughout the night. At one o'clock, the army silently left the camp, and gained the rear of the enemy. They reached Princeton early in the morning, and would have completely surprised the British, if they had not been met by an advance of three regiments, which were on their way to join the Ui&in army. The centre of the American troops was severely charged by this party, and gave way in disorder. In his effort to rally them. General Mercer was mortally wounded. At this moment, Washington advanced at the head of his troops, and plunged into the hottest fire of the enemy. He was bravely supported by his men, and the British were obliged to retreat. One party of them fled to the colleges, but after a few discharges from the American fieldpieces, they came out and surrendered them- selves. More than an hundred of the British were left dead upon the battle ground, and three hundred were made prisoners. These victories led to the most importaiit consequences. Philadelphia was saved for the winter ; Jersey was recovered ; and the depressed spirits of the Americans were again revived. The character of the commander- in-chief rose still higher in public estimation ; and the soldiers began to entertain confidence in themselves and each other. After the campaign had been thus carried into the month of January, Washington retired into winter quarters at Morristown. His forces were small in comparison with those of the enemy, but public report had much exaggerated their number, and this deception was carefully continued. The remainder of the season passed over in a war of s!iirmishes, which generally terminated in favor of the Americans. Arranging the army in spring gave the commander-in-chief inconceivable trouble. A difliculty arose in as- sembling the troops from the different states in which they had been enlisted. The state regulations, in respect to pay and bounty, were different, and occasioned petty and vexatious jealousies among the troops. Each state, that conceived itself exposed to invasion, was desirous of retaining a part of its force for its own security. All these embarrass- ments, ho\^tver, were finally removed by the authority and great personal influence of Washington. The treatment of American prisoners, by the British officers, was a 3 18 WASHINGTON. source of threat vexation and difficulty. They were viewed as rebels, and confined in prisons witli common felons. General Washington had written to General Gage on this subject early in the war. In this letter he de- clared the intention to regulate his conduct towards prisoners in his own hands, by the treatment which those should receive in the power of the British general. To this communication an insolent reply was received, in which General Gage retorted the charge, and stated, as a mark of British clemency, that the cord was not applied to their prisoners. Gene- ral Washington rejoined in a manner worthy of his character, with a communication which, he observed, was " to close their correspondence, perhaps forever." In conclusion he remarked, " if your officers, our pri- soners, receive from me a treatment different from what I wished to show them, they and you will remember the occasion of it." Accordingly, all the British officers in his power were put into close jail, and the soldiers were confined in places of security. When Howe succeeded to the com- mand, the treatment of prisoners became more humane on both sides. The capture of General Lee opened new sources of irritation on this subject. As he had formerly been a British officer, General Howe pretended to consider him as a traitor, and at first refused to consider him as a subject of exchange. Congress directed the commander-in-chief to propose to exchange six fieldofficers for General Lee ; and in case of the rejection of this proposal, they resolved that these officers should be closely confined and receive in every respect the treatment that General Lee did. This plan of retaliation Washington considered unjust and impolitic, and he was reluctant to execute it. He remonstrated against it, and Congress eventually adopted the measures he recommended. In the approach of active operations, Congress determined to form an encampment on the western side of Philadcljdiia. Washington had made his arrangements for the campaign, with the expectation that the British would attempt to obtain possession of Philadelphia, or the Highlands on the Hudson. To prevent this, the northern troops were divided between Ticonderoga and Peekskill ; while those from the south were posted at Middlebrook, near the Raritan. This position was fortified by intrench- ments. The force of the Americans, collected at this strong encampment, was nominally between nine and ten thousand men ; but the effective force was about six thousand. A large portion of these consisted of raw recruits, and a considerable number of those enlisted in the southern states were foreigners. To encourage their desertion. General Howe offered a bounty to every soldier who would come over to his army ; and, to counteract this measure, Washington recommended Congress to grant full pardon to all Americans who would relinquish the British service. On the part of the British, the campaign opened early in June. Their forces advanced toward Philadelphia as far as Somerset County in New- Jersey, but they soon fell back to New-Brunswick. The whole of this month was wasted in alternate advance and retreat, without any deter- minate action. Apprehensive that Sir William Howe would ultimately move up the North river, and that his movements southwardly were merely feints, Washington detached a brigade to reinforce the northern division of his army. Further advices favored the idea that a junction of WASHINGTON. 19 the royal armies near Albany was intended ; but still the whole affair was embarrassed, and made doubtful by the future movements. About the middle of August, certain accounts were received that the British had taken possession of the Chesapeake, and landed as near Phila- delphia as was practicable. As soon as this was known, Washington ordered the divisions of his army to unite in the neighborhood of Phila- delphia, and the militia of the surrounding states to take the field. He had previously written very pressing letters to the governors of the eastern states to strengthen the northern army opposed to Burgoyne ; and even detached some of the best of liis own forces on that important service. The effective American army did not exceed eleven thousand men. With tliese troops Washington marched through Philadelphia, that the sight of tliem might make an impression on the minds of the wavering and disaffected. The two armies approached each other on the third of September. As the British troops advanced, Sir William Howe endeavored to gain the right wing of the American army. General Washington continued to fall back, until he crossed the Brandywine river. He here posted his troops on the high ground, near Chadd's Ford. The light corps, under General Maxwell, was advanced in front, and placed on the hills south of the river, in order to assail the enemy if they should approach in that direction. Troops were also posted at a ford two miles below, and at several passes some miles above. The opinion of Congress, and the general wish of the country, made it necessary for Washington to risk a general action at this place. On the morning of the eleventh, the British army advanced in two columns to the attack. One column took the direct road to Chadd's Ford, and soon forced Maxwell's corps to cross the river, with very little loss on either side. General Knyphausen, the commander of this body, continued to parade on the heights, to reconnoitre the American army, and was apparently preparing to attempt the passage of the river. The other column, led by Lord Cornwallis, moved up on the west side of the Brandywine, making a circuit of about seventeen mile-!. On com- ing within view of the American troops, it instantly formed the line of battle, and at about half after four the action began. It was continued with great spirit for some time. The American right first fell into dis- order and gave way. They attempted to rally, but on being vigorously charged by the enemy, again broke. The flight now became common. General Washington, who had hastened towards the scene of action as soon as the firing commenced, only arrived in season to cover the retreat. When the right wing was engaged with Lord Cornwallis, the works at Chadd's Ford had been assaulted and carried by General Knyphausen. The whole army retreated that night to Chester, and on the next day, to Philadelphia. The Americans lost in this battle about nine hundred men ; three hundred of whom were slain, and the rest wounded and taken prisoners. This defeat occasioned no dejection either among tlie citi- zens, or in the army. Measures were immediately taken to procure reihtbrcements. Fifteen hundred men were marched from Peekskill, and /arge detachments of militia ordered into the field. It was determin- 20 WASHINGTON. ed to risk a second engagement, for the security of Philadelphia. The enemy sought it, and Washington was willing to meet it. The commander-in-chief was empowered to impress all horses, wagons, and provisions, requisite for the use of the army. Perceiving that the enemy were moving into the Lancaster road, towards the city, Washing- ton took possession of ground on the left of the British, and about twenty- three miles from Philadelphia. On the next morning, the approach of the British was announced. He immediately put his troops in motion, and a skirmish had already commenced, when a violent rain storm oblig- ed them to separate. The retreat of the Americans was now unavoida- ble. Their gun locks and cartridge boxes were badly made, and tlje storm rendered most of the arms unfit for use. The exposure of the army was still greater, from their being entirely destitute of bayonets. Washington continued his retreat through the day, and most of the night, amidst a very cold storm, and through very bad roads. On a full discovery of the damage that had been done the ammunition and arms, the general ascended the Schuylkill, and crossed it at Warwick Furnace, that the army might refit their muskets and replenish their cartridge boxes. He still resolved to risk a general engagement. Recrossing the Schuylkill at Parker's Ferry, he encamped on the east side, posting de- tachments at the different fords at which the enemy might attempt to force a passage. Instead of urging an action, the British moved rapidly on their march towards Reading. To save the military stores which had been deposited in that place, Washington took a new position, and left the enemy in undisturbed possession of the road which led to the city. Sir William Howe availed himself of this advantage, and on the twenty- sixth of the month entered Philadelphia in triumph. Washington had taken seasonable measures to remove the public stores from the city, and to secure the most necessary articles for the use of the army. Though failing in his plan to save Philadelphia, he retain- ed the undiminished confidence of the people, and of Congress. Instead of now going into winter quarters, he approached and encamped near the enemy. Four regiments of grenadiers were posted in Philadelphia, and the other corps of the British army were cantoned at Germantown. The first object of Sir William Howe was to effect an open communication through the Delaware with the British fleet. General Washington was desirous to cut off this source of supplies, and erected forts on both banks of this river, near its junction with the Schuylkill, and about seven miles below Philadelphia. In the channel between the forts, large pieces of timber strongly framed together and pointed with iron, were sunk in two ranges, to obstruct the passage of the ships. These works were covered by floating batteries and armed ships. A considerable number of British troops having been despatched to destroy these works, it was thought a fiivorable time to attack their main body. The American forces now amounted to about eight thousand regular troops and three thousand militia. The plan formed was, to attack the enemy in front and rear at the same time ; and, on the fourth of October, the army was moved near the scene of action. The line of WASHINGTON. 21 tlie British encampment crossed Germantown at right angles. At sun- rise, on the next morning, the attack was commenced.* The American troops were at first successful. They routed the enemy at two different quarters, and took a number of prisoners. But the morning was extreme- ly foggy, and the Americans were unable to take advantage of theii success. They could not perceive the situation of the enemy, nor under- stand their own situation. The field was hastily abandoned, and Wash- ington was obliged to resign a victory of which he had thought himself secure. The loss of the Americans, including the wounded, and four hundred prisoners, was about eleven hundred. A retreat was made twenty miles to Perkioming, with the loss of a single piece of artilfery. The plan of the battle of Germantown was judicious, and its com- mencement well conducted ; unavoidable circumstances prevented a fortunate issue. Congress voted their unanimous thanks "to General Washington, for his wise and well concerted attack, and to the officers and soldiers of the army, for the brave exertions on that occasion." From the time that the British obtained possession of the city, every aid was given to the forts constructed on the Delaware, to close the naviga- tion of that river. Troops were sent out, to prevent the farmer from carrying provisions to the market, and to cut off the foraging parties. The British soon afi;er broke up their encampment at Germantown, con- centrated all their forces at Philadelphia, and directed their attention principally to opening the navigation of the Delaware. This opera- tion employed them about six weeks, and after a great display of valor on both sides, was successfully accomplished. In this state of public affairs, a long and very singular letter was ad- dressed to Washington, by the Rev. Jacob Duche, late chaplain of Con- gress, and a clergyman of rank and character. The purport of this communication was, to persuade him that farther resistance to Great Britain was hopeless, and would only increase the calamities of their common country ; and to urge him to make the most favorable terms, and give up the contest. Such a letter, from a man of eminence, worth, and patriotism, corresponding also with the views of very many respecta- ble citizens, would have produced considerable effect on a mind less firm and resolute than that of Washington. He took no further notice of the letter, than merely to send a verbal message to the writer, "that if the contents of his letter had been known, it should have been return- ed unopened." While Sir William Howe was successful in all his enterprises in Penn- sylvania, the intelligence arrived that General Burgoyne and his whole army had surrendered prisoners of war. A portion of the northern army soon after joined Washington, and with this reinforcement he took a posi- tion at and near White Marsh. Sir William Howe marched out of Phila- delphia, with the expectation of bringing on a general engagement. On the next morning he took a position upon Chesnut Hill, about three miles in front of the Americans, and spent several days in reconnoitering their camp. He changed his ground, and made every appearance of an inten- tion to commence an attack. Several severe skirmishes took place, and a general action was hourly expected. But Sir William Howe was too well S2 WASHINGTON. aware of the adv.antage of the enemy's position, and returned to Phila delphia without commg to an engagement. Three days after the retreat of the British army, Washington made pre- parations to retire into wnter quarters. He expressed in his general orders strong approbation o.' the conduct of his troops. Presenting tJiem with a favorable view of their country's situation, he exhorted them to bear with firmness the sufferings to which they must be exposed in the po- sition they were about to occupy. Valley Forge, about twenty-five miles back of Philadelphia, was fixed upon for winter quarters. This position was preferred to distant and more comfortable villages, as it was calculated to give the most extensive security to the country. The American u iny might have been tracked, by the blood of their bare feet, from Whue Marsh to their new position. They were badly clothed and badly pro- vided with food. Many were obliged to go almost naked, suffering at the same time from famine. In this situation the men behaved with great for- titude. They felled trees, and built log huts, which were covered with straw and earth, and afforded but very poor shelter from the severity of the season. Washington was now obliged to pursue a course, which he adopted with the greatest reluctance. The army suffered exceedingly from hunger. It was necessary that they should be allowed to satisfy their wants by force. In obedience to the commands of Congress, the general issued a procla- mation, calling on " the farmers, within seventy miles of headquarters, to thresh out one half of their grain by the first of February, and the resi- due by the first of March, under the penalty of having the whole seized as straw." While these transactions had been going on in the middle states, the northern campaign had terminated in the capture of the army of General Burgoyne. This event had very highly raised the reputation of General Gates, the commander in that department. The different issue of affairs under General Washington, afforded the ignorant and discontented an WASHINGTON. ^ occasion to murmur and complain. Several members of Congress, and a few general officers of the army, were engaged in a plan to supplant him m his office, and raise General Gates to the chief command. In the prosecution of this scheme, every effort was made to injure the character of General Washington. The conspiracy did not escape his notice ; but love of country was superior to every consideration. He re- pressed his indignation, to prevent an appearance of disunion and dissen- sion, that might ruin the cause in which he was engaged. His private letters at this period exhibit the state of his feelings, and the honorable motives which directed his conduct. In a communication to the President of Congress, Mr. Laurens, he ob- serves upon this subject: — " My enemies take an ungenerous advantage of me. They know the delicacy of my situation, and that motives of po- licy deprive me of the defence I might otherwise make against their in- sidious attacks. They know I cannot combat their insinuations, however injurious, without disclosing secrets it is of the utmost moment to conceal. But why should I expect to be exempt from censure, the unfailing lot of an elevated station. Merit and talents which I cannot pretend to rival, have ever been subject to it. My heart tells me it has been my unremitted aim to do the best which circumstances would permit ; yet I may have been very often mistaken in my judgment of the means, and may, in many instances, deserve the imputation of error. About this time it was rumored that Washington had determined to resign his command. On this occasion he wrote to a gentleman in New- England as follows : " I can assure you that no person ever heard me drop an expression that had a tendency to resignation. The same principles that led me to embark in the opposition to the arbitrary claims of Great Britain, operate with additional force at this day ; nor is it my desire to withdraw my services while they are considered of importance in the pre- sent contest : but to report a design of this kind, is among the acts which those who are endeavoring to effect a change, are practising to bring it to pass. I have said, and I still do say, that there is not an officer in the service of the United States, that would return to the sweets of domestic life with more heart-felt joy than I should. But I would have this decla- ration accompanied by these sentiments, that while the public are satis- fied with my endeavors, I mean not to shrink from the cause. But the moment her voice, not that of faction, calls upon me to resign, I shall do it with as much pleasure as ever the wearied traveller retired to rest." Washington now devoted himself to preparations for an active cam- paign in 1778. He labored to convince Congress of the necessity of en- listing a regular army, at least equal to that of the enemy. Congress deputed a committee from their body to reside in the camp, and act in concert with the commander-in-chief, in reforming the condition of the forces. This committee repaired to Valley Forge in January, 1778. .Washington laid before them a minute view of the army, in which he minutely pointed out what he deemed necessary for the correction of abuses, and for the advancement of the service. He recommended, " as essentially necessary, that, in addition to present compensation, provision should be made by half pay, and a pensionary establishment, for the future 24 WASHINGTON, support of the officers, so as to render their commissions valuable." He pointed out " the insufficiency of their pay (especially in its present state of depreciation) for their decent subsistence ; the sacrifices they had al- ready made, and the unreasonableness of expecting that they would con- tinue patiently to bear such an over proportion of the common calamities growing out of the necessary war, in which all were equally interested ; the many resignations that had already taken place, and the probability that more would follow, to the great injury of the service ; the impossi- bility of keeping up a strict discipline among officers whose commissions, in a pecuniary view, were so far from being worth holding, that they were the means of impoverishing them." These and other weighty considera- tions were accompanied by a declaration from Washington, " tliat he neither could nor would receive the smallest benefit from the proposed establishment, and that he had no other inducement in urging it, but a full conviction of its utility and propriety." Congress acted upon the proposed reforms with a general concurrence of sentiment, but before the army could receive the benefit of them, their distresses had reached the most alarming height. Of seventeen thousand men in the camp, but five thousand were able to discharge eflfective duty. Several times during the winter, they experienced little less than famine ; and a total dissolution of the army was often threatened in consequence. " It was on tliis occasion," observes L»r. Thacher, *' that a foreigner of distinction said to a friend of mine, that he despaired of our independence; for while walking with General Washington along the soldiers' huts, he heard from many voices echoing through the open crevices between the logs, ' 710 pay, no clothes, no provisions, vo rum,' and when a miserable being was seen flitting from one hut to another, his nakedness was only covered by a dirty blanket. It will be diflicult to form a just conception of the emotions of grief and sorrow, which must have harrowed up the soul of our illustrious patrk>t and philanthropist. In this darkening hour of advcrsitv, any man who possesses less firnuiess than Washington, would despair of our independence." It was at this period that the British government were disposed to make conciliatory proposals. The first certain intelligence of these oft'ers was received by Washington in a letter from the British governor of New- York, enclosing the proposals, and recommending " that they should be circulated by General Washington among the officers and privates of his army." These proposals were innnediately forwarded to Congress, and on the day after their rejection an order was adopted, in which it was urged upon the diflerent states to pardon, under certain limitations, such of their misguided citizens as had levied war against the United States. This resolution was transmitted to the British Governor, with a request, by way of retort, that he would circulate it among the Americans in the British army. The proposals of the British government had been made in consequence of a treaty which had just been concluded between France and the United States. Sir William Howe had resigned the command of the British army, and was succeeded by Sir Henry Clinton. This officer received immediate orders to evacuate Philadelphia. Washington was uncertain what course WASHINGTON. 25 he would probably pursue. Deciding on a march to New- York, the British general crossed the Delaware about the middle of June. When this was known, a council of war was immediately called in the Ameri- can camp. There was a great difference of opinions. Since the recent alliance with France, independence was considered secure, unless the army should be defeated. Under such circumstances a general engage- ment was not to be hazarded, without a fair prospect of success. This was the opinion of a majority of the general officers. Washington, how- ever, was very desirous to risk an action. When Sir Henry Clinton had advanced to Allentown, instead of pur- suing the direct course to Staten Island, he drew towards the sea coast. On learning that he was marching in this direction, towards Monmouth court-house, Washington sent Brigadier Wayne with a thousand men to reinforce his advanced troops. The command of this body was offered to General Lee, who in the exchange of prisoners had been restored to the army. This officer was opposed to any engagement with the enemy at that time, and declined the service. It was accordingly given to the Marquis de La Fayette. The whole army followed at a proper distance for supporting the ad- vanced corps, and reached Cranberry the next morning. Washington increased his advanced corps with two brigades, and sent General Lee, who was now desirous of assuming the command, to take charge of the whole, and followed with the main army to give it support. On the next mo'-ning, orders were sent to Lee to move forward and attack the enemy, unless there should be very strong objections to the measure. When Wasiiington had marched about five miles to support the advance corps, he found it retreating, by Lee's orders, and without having offered any opposition. He immediately rode up to Lee and requested an explana- tion ; the reply was unsuitable and insolent. Orders w'ere then given to form on a piece of ground which seemed to offer advantages as a position to check the enemy. Lee was asked if he would command on that ground ; he consented, and replied " your orders shall be obeyed, and I will not be the first to leave the field." Washington returned to the main army, which was soon formed for action. After several unsuccessful movements of the British troops, they retired and took the ground that had been before occupied by General Lee. Washington determined to attack tljem, and ordered two detach- ments to move round, upon their right and left sides. They did not ar- rive at their ground in season to commence the attack that night. They remained in that position till morning, General Washington reposing on his cloak under a tree in the midst of his troops. Before dawn, the British moved away in great silence. Nothing was known of their march till the next day. They left behind four officers, and forty privates, so severely wounded that it was not safe to remove them. Including prisoners, the whole loss of the British army was about three hundred and fifty. They pursued their march to Sandy Hook without farther interruption and without any loss of baggage. The Americans lost about two hundred and fifty men. Declining pursuit of the royal troops, they retired to the borders of the North river. 4 ^ WASHINGTON. Short y after the action, Congress resolved on a vote of thanks to Gene- . ral Wasliington, for the activity with which lie marched from the camp at Valley Forge in pursuit of the enemy ; for his distinguished exertions in forming the line of battle ; and for his great good conduct in leading on the at ack and gaming the important victory of Monmouth. General l.ee tolfowed up his passionate language on the day of the battle, by writ- ing two vio ent letters to Washington, which occasioned his being arrested and brought to trial. After a protracted hearing before a couit-martial, 01 which Lord Stirling was president, Lee was found guilty, and sentenced to be suspended from any command in the armies of the United States for tne term of one year. ♦K^w^f^n/-^'' ^^"i^ °^ Monmouth, the American army took post at the White Plains and remained there and in the vicinity till autumn was far advanced, and then retired to Middlebrook, in New Jersey. During this period, nothing occurred of greater importance than an occasional skirmish. The French fleet arrived too late to attack the British in the Delaware It was determined, therefore, that a joint expedition, with the sea and land forces, should be made agaitist the British posts in Rhode Island. Genera ISulhvan was appointed to the conduct of the American troops ; Count D Estaing commanded the French fleet. The preparations for commencing the attack had been nearly completed, when a British fleet appeared in sight. The French commander immediately put out to sea to come to an engagement. A violent storm arose, and injured both fleets to such an extent, that it was necessary for the one to sail for Boston, and the other to New- York, to refit. General Sullivan had commenced the siege, in the expectation of beincr shortly seconded by the French fleet. The determination of D'Estain^ to return to Boston excited general alarm. It left the harbors of Rhode Island open for reinforcenients to the British, from their headquarters in New-lork. The very safety of the American armv was endangered by It. Every effort was made to induce the French commander tS chancre his intentions but without effect. This aff^air produced a great deal of discontent and irritation, among the American officers, and was likely to lead to very serious difficulties. With his usual prudence and good judgment General Washington exerted his influence to quiet the wounded feelings of both parties. He was powerfully assisted in this attempt, by the Marquis de La Fayette, who was very much beloved by the Americans as well as the French, and gladly rendered his services to bring about a reconciliation. Washington wrote on the subject to the several general officers of his army, and took the first opportunity of recommencmg his correspondence with Count D'Estain/ His letter took no notice of the angry dispute that had occurred, and good humor and cordial good-will were speedily restored. With the battle of Monmouth, active operations closed in the middle states. On the approach of winter, the American army went into ZTZl "V '"./'"'^ T'^"^^ ^^''^" Highlands. Being better clothed and better fed than m the preceding winter, their situation was creatlv ameliorated. At the close of 1778, except the possession of Nevv-York by the British, the local situation of the hostile armies did not much WASHINGTON. 27 differ from that of the commencement of the campaign of 1776. " It is not a little pleasing," observed Washington in a letter to a friend, " nor less wonderful to contemplate, that after two years' manoeuvring, and undergoing the strangest vicissitudes, both armies are brought back to the very point they set out from, and the offending party in the beginning is now reduced to the use of the pickaxe and the spade for defence. The hand of Providence has been so conspicuous in all this, that he must be worse than an infidel that lacks faith, and more than wicked that has not gratitude to acknowledge his obligations." In the last months of the year 1778, when the active operations of the campaign were over. Congress decided on a magnificent plan for the conquest of Canada. This plan was to be carried into effect by the joint operations of distinct detachments of Americans, acting in different points, and co-operating with a French fleet and army on the river St. Lawrence. The scheme was not communicated to Washington, till it had been adopted by Congress. He was then consulted, and requested to write to Dr. Franklin, then minister at Paris, to interest him in securing the proposed co-operation of France. Doubtful of the success of the operation, even with the assistance of the French, Washington was urgent to obtain its rejection. Congress persisted in the measure, and a committee of their body was chosen to confer with the general on this business, and on the state of the army. His objections were then found to be insurmountable, and the expedition was laid aside. The alliance with France had seemed to m.any to secure our independence. It was supposed that Great Britain would despair of final success, and relinquish farther prosecution of the war. Washington was very busy in opposing the progress of this dangerous delusion. In his correspondence with members of Congress, and influential men throughout the state, he represented the fallacy of this opinion, and the impolicy of indulging it. He was anxious that early and vigorous measures should be taken for the next campaign. Yet it was not till the twenty-third of lanuary, 1779, that Congress passed resolutions for re-enlisting the army; and not till the ninth of March, that the states were called upon to furnish their proportion of the general forces. This state of affairs greatly alarmed Washington, and his apprehensions at the time may be gathered from the following extract of a letter to one of his confidential friends. " To me it appears no unjust simile, to compare the affairs of this great continent to the mechanism of a clock, each state representing some one or other of the small parts of it, which they are endeavoring to put in fine order, without considering how useless and unavailing their labor is, unless the great wheel, or spring, which is to set the whole in motion, is also well attended to and kept in good order. I allude to no particular state, nor do I mean to cast reflections upon any one of them, nor ought I, as it may be said, to do so upon their representatives; but as it is a fact too notorious to be concealed, that Congress is rent by party ; that much business of a trifling nature and personal concernment withdraws their attention from matters of great national moment, at this critical period ; when it is also known that idleness and dissipation take place of close attention and application ; no man who wishes well to the liberties of hia 28 WASHINGTON. country, and desires to see its rights established, can avoid crying out — Where are our men of abilities ? Why do they not come forth to save their country ? Let this voice, my dear sir, call upon you, Jefferson, and others. Do not, from a mistaken opinion that we are to sit down under our own vine and our own figtree, let our hitherto noble struggle end in ignominy. Believe me, when I tell you, there is danger of it. I have pretty good reasons for thinking that the administration, a little while ago, had resolved to give the matter up, and negotiate a peace with us upon almost any terms ; but I shall be much mistaken, if they do not now, from the present state of our currency, dissensions, and other circumstances, push matters to the utmost extremity. Nothing, I am sure, will prevent it, but the interruption of Spain, and their disappointed hope from Prussia." The depreciation of the paper currency had so reduced the pay of the American officers, as to render it inadequate to their support. This led to serious troubles and discontents. Early in May, the Jersey brigade was ordered to march by regiments to join the western army. In answer to this order, a letter was received from General Maxwell, stating that the officers of the first regiment had addressed a remonstrance to the legislature of the state, in which they professed a determination to resign their commissions, unless that body immediately attended to their pay and support. General Washington knew the sufferings to which the army had been exposed, and the virtue and firmness with which they had supported them. He knevv the truth and justice of the complaints now made by the Jersey regiment ; but saw and felt the evils that would result from the measures they had adopted. Relying on their patriotism and personal attachment to himself, he immediately wrote to General Maxwell a letter to be communicated to the officers. In this address, he adopted the language of a friend as well as of an of- ficer. He acknowledged the inconvenience and distress to which the army were exposed ; and expressed the hope that they had done him the justice to believe, that he had been incessant in endeavors to procure them relief The limited resources of the government were mentioned, and their embarrassment in procuring money. He then alluded to the pro- gress of the cause, the probability of soon attaining the object of their struggles, and the meanness of a shameful desertion, and forgetfulness of what was due to their country. " Did I suppose it possible," he observed, " this could be the case, even in a single regiment of the army, I should be mortified and chagrined beyond expression. I should feel it as a wound given to my own honor, which I consider as embarked with that of the army at large. But this I believe to be impossible. Any corps that was about to set an example of the kind, would weigh well the consequences ; and no officer of common discernment and sensibility would hazard them. If they should stand alone in it, independent of other consequences, what would be their feelings, on reflecting that they had held themselves out to the world in a point of light inferior to the rest of the army. Or if their example should be followed, and become general, how could they console themselves for having been the foremost in bringing ruin and disgrace upon theit country. They would remember, that the army would share a WASHINGTON. 29 double portion of the general infamy and distress, and that the character of an American officer would become as despicable as it is now glorious." The officers did not expressly recede from their claims, but they were prevailed upon by the representations of the letter to continue in service. In an address to General Washington, they expressed regret that any act of theirs should have given him pain, and proceeded to justify the measures they had taken. They stated that their repeated memorials to the legislature had been neglected, and that they had lost all confidence in that body. " Few of us," they said, " have private fortunes ; many have families who already are suffering every thing that can be received from an ungrateful country. Are we, then, to suffer all the inconveniences, fatigues, and dangers of a military life, while our wives and our children are perishing for want of common necessaries at home ; and that without the most distant prospect of reward, for our pay is now only nominal ? We are sensible that your Excellency cannot wish or desire this from us. " We beg leave to assure your Excellency, that we have the highest sense of your ability and virtues ; that executing your orders has ever given us pleasure ; that we love the service, and we love our country ; but when that country is so lost to virtue and to justice as to forget to support its servants, it then becomes their duty to retire from its service." Washington, with his usual prudence, resolved to take no further notice of this address, than to notify the officers through General Maxwell, that, as long as they continued to do their duty, he should only regret the step they had taken, and hope that they themselves would perceive its impro- priety. The occasion was a favorable one for the commander-in-chief, to urge upon Congress the necessity of making suitable provision in behalf of his officers. " The distresses in some corps," he observed, " are so great, either where they were not until lately attached to any particular state, or where the state has been less provident, that officers have solicited even to be supplied with the clothing destined for the common soldiers, coarse and unsuitable as it was. I had not })ower to comply with the request. The patience of men, animated by a sense of duty and honor, will support them to a certain point, beyond which it will not go. I doubt not Congress will be sensible of the danger of an extreme in this respect, and will pardon my anxiety to obviate it." The legislature of New-Jersey were alarmed, and at length induced to notice the situation of their soldiers ; the remonstrance was withdrawn, and the officers continued to perform their duty as usual. The American army, in these years, was destitute, not only of food, but of clothing. The seasons of 1779 and 1780, were unfruitful ; the labors of the farmers had been interrupted by the calls of war ; paper money was no equivalent, in its present value, for the produce of tlie soil ; and, consequently, no provisions could be obtained but by measures of compulsion. The soldiers were demanding food, the inhabitants de- manded protection, and, distracted by the wrongs of the one, and the wants of the other, Washington was m a state of the deepest embarrass- ment and anxiety. At length, even force began to fail ; the neighboring country was drained of all its produce, and absolute famine appeared to threaten the army. In this situation, the conduct of the commander-in- 30 WASHINGTON. chief was of the most prudent, wise, and conciliating character ; and i* was indeed a crisis which called for all his address, popularity, and firm- ness, to carry him through it. He succeeded in keeping the army to- gether, and in retaining, not only their approbation, but that of his fellow citizens. The effective force of Sir Henry Clinton, in 1779, strongly fortified in New- York and Rhode Island, amounted to .about sixteen thousand five hundred men ; that of the Americans did not exceed thirteen thou- sand. The British were supported by a powerful fleet, which enabled them to move with expedition and facility, and when on the Hudson, to concentrate their forces on either side of it. West Point was the chief post of the Americans, on this river ; and the preservation of this place and its dependencies, was an object of primary importance. For this purpose, Washington concentrated his forces here, and all the efforts of the British to allure him from this position by attacking and burning the towns on the coast of Connecticut, proved unavailing. The American army limited its operations to securing the passes of the North river, and protecting the country as far as was consistent with this important object. While the British devastations were going on, Washington planned an expedition against Stony Point, a bold hill, projecting into the Hudson, on the top of which a fort had been erected and garrisoned by six hun- dred men. The enterprise was entrusted to General Wayne, and was completely successful. It was soon followed by the surprise of the British garrison at Paules Hook, concluded on the eighteenth of August, by Major Henry Lee. With three hundred soldiers, he entered the fort about three o'clock in the morning, and, with very inconsiderable loss, carried away one hundred and fifty-nine prisoners. It was thought desirable to avoid all hazardous movements, fi-om the expected arrival of a French fleet, with which the army might success- fully co-operate. This fleet, under Count D'Estaing, reached the vicinity of Georgia, with a body of troops, and, in conjunction with the southern array, under General Lincoln, made an attack on the British post at Savannah. The united forces were led to the lines of the enemy Avith great valor and firmness, but after standing a very severe fire for about an hour, they were repulsed with loss. The campaign terminated in the northern states without any decisive efforts on either side. The British attempts upon the posts in the High- lands had been defeated. The Indians had been reduced to peace by an expedition sent against them, under the command of General Sulli- van. Wmter quarters for the American army were chosen at Morris- town. On their march to this place, and after their arrival, they suffered exceedingly. The snow was two feet deep, and the soldiers were desti- tute, both of tents and blankets, some of them barefooted and almost naked. At night, their only defence against tlie weather, was in piles of brushwood. After reaching the place that had been chosen for winter quarters, they found it very diflicult to pitch their tents in the frozen ground. They built up large fires, but could hardly keep from fi-eezing. Besides the sufferings from cold, they were without necessary food. For seven or eight days together, tliey had no other provision than miserable fresh beef, without bread, salt, or vegetables. WASHINGTON. 31 The weather in January, 1780, was remarkably cold and severe. On the third of the month, there was a most violent snow storm. Several of the marquees were blown down over the officers' heads, and some of the soldiers were actually buried under the snow in their tents. The officers of the army had a sufficient supply of straw, over which they could spread their blankets, and, with their clothes and large fires, keep themselves from extreme suffering. But the common soldiers on duty, during all the violence of the storm, and at night, with but a single blan- ket, were exposed to great distress. They were so enfeebled by cold and hunger, as to be unable to labor in the erection of their log huts. The sufferings of the soldiers, from the unusual seve'-ity of the winter, and the privation of food, were extremely severe; but though desertions were frequent, not a single mutiny was excited. Notwithstanding the situa- tion of his army, Washington was active in seeking opportunities for a favorable attack ; and planned an expedition against the British works on Staten Island. A detachment of twenty-five hundred men, under the command of Lord Stirling, was despatched on this service. The party passed over from Elizabethtown, at night, on the ice. The British troops, however, had received intelligence of their design, and withdrawn into their fortifications. All the benefit of the expedition con- sisted in procuring a quantity of blankets and military stores, with a few casks of wine and spirits. The snow was three or four feet deep, and tlie troops remained on the island twenty-four hours without covering ; about five hundred of them were slightly frozen, and six were killed ; the retreat was effected with no other loss. Soon after this event, Washington received intelligence of the loss of Charleston, and the surrender of that detachment of the southern army, under General Lincoln. When the news of this disaster reached the northern states, the American army was in the greatest distress. The officers had been for some time dissatisfied with their situation ; they had been exposed to great distress, and had made great sacrifices, for small wages, paid with no punctuality. The paper money had dimi- nished so much in value, that it was difficult to procure supplies with it, even at the reduced rates. Forty dollars in these bills were worth less than one dollar in silver. A number of officers were compelled, by necessity, to give up their commissions. General Washington was un- wearied in his efforts to procure from Congress a more generous provi- sion for them, and at length succeeded. The disaffection of the troops at length broke out into actual mutiny. Two of the Connecticut regiments paraded under arms, announcing their intention of returning home, or obtaining a subsistence by their arms. By the prudent and spirited conduct of their officers, however, the ringleaders were secured, and the regiments brought back to their (Uity. Soon aft;er the surrender of the southern army, the commanding officer of the enemy, in New- York, thought to take advantage of the discontent and distress prevailing among the northern troops. General Knyphausen crossed over from Staten Island with about five thousand men. Orders were immediately given in the American camps, to be in readiness to march at a moment's notice. The enemy advanced to Springfield, and 32 WASHINGTON set fire to the village ; burning the church, and twenty or thirty dwelling houses. They then made a rapid retreat to Staten Island. The object of this expedition was supposed to have been the destruction of the stores at Morristown. The first months in the year were spent in these desul- tory operations. No disposition to give up the contest, was produced in the north, by the disasters in the south ; but the weakness of the govern- ment, and the depreciation of the paper currency, deprived Washington of all power to act on the offensive. When aff"airs were in this condition, the JMarquis de La Fayette arrived from France, with the assurance that the French army and fleet might soon be expected upon our coast. This roused the Americans from their lethargy, and Washington was very active in his extensive correspond- ence through the states, to stimulate the public mind to the exertions the crisis demanded. The resolutions of Congress were slowly executed, and from the want of their efficient assistance, the operations of Wash- ington were very nmch embarrassed. Some relief was obtained from private sources, and the citizens of Philadelphia formed an association to procure a supply of necessaries for the suffering soldiers. In a few days, the sum of three hundred thousand dollars was subscribed, for this purpose, and converted into a bank, from which great advantages were derived. The ladies of that city, also made large donations for the im- mediate relief of the soldiers ; but large as all these supplies w^re, they fell far short of the wants of the army. On the tenth of July, the expected allies arrived on the coast of Rhode Island. Their fleet consisted of seven sail of the line, five frigates, and five smaller vessels ; their army amounted to six thousand men. So tardy had been the arrangements for raising the American army, that their force at this time did not amount to one thousand men. Trusting, however, that the promised support would be forwarded with all possible despatch, Washington sent proposals to the French commander for com- mencing the siege of New- York. " Pressed on all sides," he observed in a letter to Congress, " by a choice of difficulties, in a moment which required decision, I have adopted that line of conduct, which comported with the dignity and faith of Congress, the reputation of these states, and the honor of our arms. I have sent on definitive proposals of co-opera- tion to the French general and admiral. Neither the period of the season, nor a regard to decency would permit delay. The die is cast ; and it remains with the states, either to fulfil their engagements, preserve their credit, and support their independence, or to involve us in disgrace and defeat. * * * If we fail for want of proper exertions in any of the governments, I trust the responsibility will fall where it ought, and that I shall stand justified to Congress, my country, and the world." The fifih of August was fixed upon, as the day when the united armies were to commence operations. Sir Henry Clinton, who had returned the preceding month, with his victorious troops from Charleston, had embarked about eight thousand men, with the apparent intention of attacking the French force at Rhode Island. Washington put his army in motion, and crossed the Hudson, to besiege New- York during his absence. The enemy were alarmed at the danger of this city, and WASHINGTON 33 returned to defend it. The American army recrossed the Hudson to the Jersey shore. This passage was made in boats and floats, and occu- pied three days and nights. The designs on New- York were only sus- pended, not entirely abandoned ; and Washington had a personal inter- view on this subject, with the French commander, at Hartford. But the arrival of Admiral Rodney, with eleven ships of the line, upon the American coast, disarranged the plans of the allies, and no expedition of the kind could be undertaken during the present campaign. At this time, Washington wrote thus in a letter to a friend : " We are now drawing to a close an inactive campaign, the beginning of which appeared pregnant with events of a very favorable complexion. I hoped, but I hoped in vain, that a prospect was opening, which would enable me to fix a period to my military pursuits, and restore me to domestic life. The favorable disposition of Spain ; the promised succor from France ; the combined force in the West Indies ; the declaration of Russia, (acceded to by other powers of Europe, humiliating the naval pride and power of Great Britain ;) the superiority of France and Spain by sea, in Europe ; the Irish claims, and English disturbances, formed in the aggregate, an opinion in my breast, (which is not very suscep- tible of peaceful dreams,) that the hour of deliverance was not far distant : for that, however unwilling Great Britain might be to yield the point, it would not be in her power to continue the contest. But alas ! these prospects, flattering as they were, have proved delusory ; and I see nothing before us but accumulating distress. We have been half our time without provisions, and are likely to continue so. We have no magazines, nor money to form them. We have lived upon expedients until we can live no longer. In a word, the history of the war is a history of false hopes and temporary devices, instead of system and economy. It is in vain, however, to look back, nor is it our business to do so. Our case is not desperate, if virtue exists in the people, and there is wisdom among our rulers. But, to suppose that this great revolution can be accomplished by a temporary army ; that this army will be sub- sisted by state supplies; and that taxation alone is adequate to our wants is, in my opinion, absurd." At a period when the resources of the country were almost exhausted, and countless troubles and embarrassments surrounded Washington, treason entered the camp of the Americans, and had nearly strangled their infant liberties. Benedict Arnold had been regarded from the commencement of the American war, as a brave and patriotic officer. He had fought in several battles, with great valor and gallantry, and ac- quired the entire confidence of his countrymen. His services had been rewarded by promotion, to the rank of major general. At his own re- quest and solicitation, he was entrusted with the command of West Point. Partly from motives of avarice, and partly from feelings of re- venge, for some public censures, he had received from the government, he determined to deliver this post into the hands of the enemy. He entered into a secret correspondence with Sir Henry Clinton, and actual- ly agreed to put him in possession of the garrison. The British general readily consented to the treachery, and selected Major John Andre, his 5 34 WASHINGTON. adjutant general and aid-de-camp, to have a personal interview with Arnold, and arrange the plan for the surrender of the post. A British sloop of war, called the Vulture, sailed up the North river, and anchored about twelve miles below West Point. On board of this vessel was Major Andre, under the assumed name of John Anderson. The parties could now communicate with each other, without exciting suspicions of any treasonable designs. But a personal interview becarne at length necessary, and the place chosen for this purpose was the beach, near the house of Mr. Joshua Smith, who had long been suspected of favoring the British cause. Arnold now sent a boat to bring Andre on shore. This was unexpected to the British officer, but he was unwilling that the enterprise should fail, through any fault upon his part. Putting on a grey surtout, to hide his uniform, he accompanied the messenger of Arnold to the shore. After conversing some time at the water's edge, they went to the house of Smith for greater security. Andre remained concealed here till the following night, when he became anxious to return on board the Vulture, and went alone to the beach, where he expected to find a boat to convey him to this vessel. During his visit to the shore, however, the Vulture had been driven from her station, and had removed some miles farther down the river. When Andre proposed to the boat- men to carry him back to the vessel, they told him that it was too far, and refused to go. It being impossible to procure a boat and men for the purpose, it was resolved that Andre should return to New- York by land. For this dangerous attempt, he laid aside his uniform altogether, and put on another dress. Arnold furnished him with a horse, and accom- panied by Smith, he set out upon his journey. Each of them had a passport from Arnold — "to go to the lines on White Plains, or lower, if the bearer thought proper ; he being on public business." By means of these passports, they got beyond all the American outposts and guards, without being suspected. They lodged together on the night of their departure at Crompond. They arrived without interruption, a little beyond Pine's Bridge, a village situated on the Croton. They had not yet crossed the lines, though they were in sight of the ground occupied by the British troops. Smith here looked round, and seeing no one, and no sign of danger, he said to Andre — "You are safe — good by," and retook the road by which they had come. Andre put spurs to his horse, and supposing himself out of danger, rode forward at full speed to deliver the favorable result of his mission. He had pro- ceeded about a dozen miles with the same good fortune. He was about entering Tarrytown, the border village that separated him from the royal army, when a man sprung suddenly from a thicket, and exclaimed, "where are you bound?" This man was armed with a gun, and was immediately joined by two armed companions. They were not in uni- form, and Andre supposed at once they must be of his own party. In- stead of producing his passport, he asked them in his turn, where they belonged. They replied, "to below," alluding to New- York. "And so do I," said Andre, "I am a British officer, on urgent business, and must not be detained." "You belong to our enemies," was the reply, "and we arrest you." WASHINGTON. 35 Andre was surprised at this unexpected language, presented his pass- port, but this piper only served to render his case more suspicious, when considered in connexion with his confessions. He offered them gold, his horse, and promised large rewards, and permanent provision from the English government, if they would let him escape. They refused all his offers, and proceeding to search him, they found in his boots, in the handwriting of Arnold, exact returns of the state of the forces, ordnance, and defences of West Point, with many other important papers. No longer in doubt, they carried him at once before Colonel Jameson, who commanded the outposts. Andre retained his self-possession, and still passing under his assumed name, requested permission to write to Ar- nold, to inform him that his messenger was detained. Jameson thought it more simple to order him to be conducted to Arnold, and was already on his way for that purpose, when the suspicious circumstances of the case induced him to change his mind; and sending in all haste after the pretended Anderson, had him conveyed under guard to Old Salem. He despatched at the same time an express to Washington, containing an account of the affair, with the draughts and other papers taken from the prisoner. But the commander-in-chief, who set out on the same day, the twenty-third of September, to return to his army, had parsued a different route from that by which he went to Hartford, and the messenger was compelled to retrace his steps without having seen him. This delay proved the salvation of Arnold. Jameson began to regard his suspicions of Arnold as unjust and un- worthy, and wrote him that Anderson, the bearer of his passport, had been arrested. Arnold was busy with his arrangements for the reception of the enemy, when he received the letter from Jameson. Those who were present at the time, afterwards recollected that he was very much dismayed and agitated. Recovering himself quickly, he said in a loud voice that he would write an answer, and withdrew to reflect upon the course which it was best for him to pursue. The entrance of two Ame- rican officers interrupted his reflections. They were sent by the com- mander-in-chief, and informed Arnold that he had arrived within a few leagues of West Point, and was to have set out a few hours after them, to complete his journey. The traitor had now no safety but in immedi- ate flight. Concealing his emotions, he told the two officers that he wished to go and meet the general alone, and begged them not to follow him. He then entered the apartment of his wife, exclaiming — " All is discovered ; Andre is a prisoner ; the commander-in-chief will know eve- ry thing. Burn all my papers — I fly to New-York." Leaving his wife, without waiting for a reply, he mounted the horse of one of the two officers, and rushed towards the Hudson. Here he had taken care to have always ready a barge well manned. He threw him- self into it, and ordered the boatmen to make for the English sloop with all possible despatch. The barge, bearing a flag of truce, was in sight when Washington arrived. The officers related to him what had hap- pened. Arnold had absconded, and no one knew how to account for it. The commander-in-chief instantly repaired to the fort of West Point, but he could learn nothing there. He returned to the house of General Ar- 36 WASHINGTON. nold, where the messenger of Jameson presented himself, and delivered the packet with which he was charged. Washington seemied for a few moments overwhelmed by the enormity of the crime. Those who were near him waited silently, but impatiently, for the result. He at length said — " I thought that an officer of courage and ability, who had often shed his blood for his country, was entitled to confidence, and I gave him mine. I am convinced now, and for the rest of my life, that we should never trust those who are wanting in probity, whatever abilities they may possess. — Arnold has betrayed us." Major Andre was conducted to West Point, and afterwards to headquarters at Tappan. A court-martial was here instituted, and this unfortunate officer was condemned to death. General Washington was now called upon to discharge a duty from which he revolted, and it is said that his hand could hardly command his pen, when signing the warrant for the execution. But the laws and usages of war required that Andre should die, and he accordingly perished on the scaffold. The treason of Arnold, the capture of Andre, together with private intelligence received from New- York, induced General Washington to believe that other officers in his army were connected with the late con- spiracy. This belief gave him great uneasiness. The moment he reached the army, then encamped at Tappan, under the command of Major Gene- ral Greene, he sent to request an interview with Major Lee. This officer immediately repaired to headquarters, and found the general in his marquee alone, busily engaged in writing. As soon as Lee entered, he was requested to take a seat, and a bundle of papers, lying on the table, was given to him for perusal. In these much information was detailed, tending to prove that Arnold was not alone in treachery, but that the poison had spread, and that a Major General, whose name was not concealed, was certainly as guilty as Arnold himself This officer had enjoyed, without interruption, the complete confidence of the commander- in-chief The only reSson for suspicion rested on the intelligence deriv- ed from papers before him. Major Lee immediately suggested that the whole was a contrivance of Sir Henry Clinton, to destroy the necessary confidence between the commander and his officers. This suggestion had occurred to the mind of Washington ; but he was still anxious and distrustful. Deeply agitated, as was plainly shown by his tone and countenance, the general proceeded : " I have sent for you, in the expec- tation that you have in your corps individuals capable and willing to undertake an indispensable, delicate, and hazardous project. Whoever comes forward will oblige me forever, and, in behalf of the United States, I will reward him amply. No time is to be lost. My object is to probe to the bottom the afflicting intelligence contained in the papers you have just read ; to seize Arnold, and, by getting him, to save Andre. They are all connected. My instructions are ready ; here are two letters to be delivered as ordered, and some guineas for expenses." Major Lee replied that he had no doubt his legion contained many individuals capable of the most daring enterprises. There were some feelings of delicacy that prevented him from suggesting the step to a commissioned officer, but he thought the sergeant major of the cavalry in WASHINGTON. 37 all respects qualified for the undertaking, and to him he would venture to propose it. He then described the sergeant, as a native of Loudon county, in Virginia, about twenty-four years of age, rather above the common size, full of bone and muscle, grave and inflexible. He had enlisted in 1776, and was as likely to reject a service coupled with ignominy as any officer in the corps. The general exclaimed that he was the very man for the business ; that he must undertake it ; that going to the enemy at the request of his officer was not desertion, though it appeared to be so. He enjoined that this explanation should be impressed upon Champe, as coming from him, and that the vast good in prospect should be contrasted with the mere semblance of doing wrong. This he hoped would remove every scruple. Major Lee assured the general, that every exertion should be used on his part to execute his wishes, and, taking leave, returned to the cam.p of the light corps, which he reached about eight o'clock at night. He sent instantly for the sergeant major, and introduced the subject in as judicious a manner as possible. Dressing out the enterprise in brilliant colors, he finally removed all scruples fiom the honorable mind of Champe, and prevailed on him to yield entirely to his wishes. The instructions were then read to him. He was particularly cautioned to be careful in deliver- ing his letters, and urged to bear constantly in mind that Arnold was not to be killed under any circumstances, but only to be taken prisoner. — Giving the sergeant three guineas, he recommended him to start without delay, and enjoined him to communicate his arrival in New- York as soon thereafter as might be practicable. Pulling out his watch, Champe reminded the major of the necessity of holding back pursuit, as he should be obliged to go in a zigzag direction in order to avoid the patroles. It was now nearly eleven; the sergeant returned to camp, and, taking his cloak, valise, and orderly book, drew his horse from the picket, and, mounting, committed himself to fortune. Within half an hour, Captain Carnes, the officer of the day, waited on the major, and told him that one of the pati»ol had fallen in with a dragoon, who, on being challenged, had put spurs to his horse, and escaped. Major Lee contrived various expedients to delay sending a party in pursuit ; but it was finally despatched, under the command of cornet Middleton. When Middleton departed, it was only a few minutes past twelve, so that Champe had only the start of about an hour. Lee was very anxious, not only from fear that Ciianipe might be injured, but that the enterprise might be delayed. The pursuing party were delayed by necessary halts to examine the road. A shower had fallen soon after Champc's departure, which enabled them to take the trail of his horse, as no other animal had passed along the road since the rain. When the day broke, Middleton was no longer obliged to halt, but passed on with great rapidity. As the pursuing party reached the top of a hill on the north of the village of Bergen, they descried Champe not more than half a mile in front. The sergeant at the same moment discovered them, and gave the spurs to his horse. He eluded them, just as they felt secure of taking him, and again disappeared. Pursuit was renewed, and Champe was again descried. He had changed his original intention of soing directlv to Paules Hook, 38 WASHINGTON. and determined to seek refuge from two British galleys, which lay a few miles to the west of Bergen. As soon as Champe got abreast of the galleys, he dismounted, and ran through the marsh to the river. He had previously prepared himself for 'imming, by lashing his valise on his shoulders, and throwmg away the scabb ard of his sword. The pursuit was so close and rapid, that the stop occasioned by these preparations for swimming had brought Middleton v^itbin two or three hundred yards. The sergeant plunged into the water, ^.-.f^ c&lled upon the galleys for help. They sent a boat to meet him ; he was taken on board, and conveyed to New- York, with a letter from^ the captain of the galley, who had witnessed the whole of the scene. The horse, with his equipments, the sergeant's cloak and sword scabbard, were taken by the pursuing party. About three o'clock in the evening they returned, and the soldiers, seeing the horse, made the air resound with cries that the scoundrel was killed. Called by this heart rending annunciation from his tent. Major Lee began to reproach himself with the blood of the faithful and intrepid Champe. He was relieved by Middle- ton's information, that the sergeant had made his escape. The command- er-in-chief was sensibly affected by the perilous adventures of Champe, and anticipated the confidence that would follow the enemy's knowledge of its manner. Champe was conducted to Sir Henry Clinton, who, after a long conversation, presented him with a couple of guineas, and recom mend°ed him to call on General Arnold, who was engaged in raising an American legion in the service of his majesty. Arnold expressed much satisfaction on hearing from Champe the manner of his escape, and the influence which he attributed to his own example, and concluded his numerous mquiries by assigning him quarters. Champe now turned his attention to the delivery of his letters, which he was unable to effect till the next night, and then only to one of the parties. This man received the- sergeant with extreme attention, and assured him that he might rely on his prompt assistance in any thing thai WASHINGTON. 39 could be prudently undertaken. The sole object in which the aid of this individual was required, was in regard to the general and others of the army, implicated in the information sent by him to Washington. This object he promised to enter upon with zeal. Five days had elapsed after reaching New- York, before Champc saw the confidant to whom only the attempt against Arnold was to be entrusted. This person entered at once into his design, and promised to procure a suitable associate. The com- plete innocence of the suspected general was soon established. Andre had confessed the character in which he stood, disdaining to defend himself by the shadow of a falsehood. He had been condemned as a spy, and had suffered accordingly. Nothing now remained to be done by Champe but the seizure and safe delivery of Arnold. To this object he gave his undivided attention, and Major Lee received from him the complete outlines of his plan on the nineteenth of October. Ten days elapsed before Champe brought his measures to a conclusion, when Lee was presented with his final commu- nication, ap|)ointing the third subsequent night for a party of dragoons to meet him at Hoboken, when he hoped to deliver Arnold to the officer. Champe had been improving every opportunity to become acquainted with the habits of the general. He discovered that it was his custom to return home at about twelve every night, and that, previous to going to bed, he always visited the garden. During this visit, the conspirators were to seize him, and, being prepared with a gag, were to apply it instantly. Adjoin- ing the house in which Arnold resided, and in which it was intended to seize and gag him, Champe had taken off several of the palings, and so replaced thera. that he could easily open his way to the adjoining alley. Into this alley he meant to have conveyed his prisoner, with the assistance of a single companion. Another associate was to be prepared with a boat to receive them at one of the wharves on the Hudson. Champe and his friend intended to have placed themselves each under Arnold's shoulder, and to have thus borne him through the most unfre- quented alleys and streets to the boats. If questioned, they were to represent him as a drunken soldier whom they were conveying to the guard house. The day arrived, and Lee, with a party of dragoons, left camp late in the evening, with three led accoutred horses, one for Arnold, one for the sergeant, and the third for his associate, never doubting the success of the enterprise. The party reached Hoboken about midnight. Hour after hour passed; no boat approached. At length the day broke, and the major, with his party, returned to camp. Washington was much chagrined at the issue, and apprehensive that the sergeant had been detected in his dangerous enterprise. It so happened that on the very day preceding the night fixed for the plot, Arnold had removed hib quarters to another part of the town, to superintend the embarkation of some troops. The American legion had been transferred from their barracks to one of the transports, so that Champe, instead of crossing the Hudson that night, was safely deposited on board one of the vessels of the fleet, whence he never departed till the troops under Arnold landed in Virginia. It was some time before he was able to escape from the British ; when he deserted, and, proceeding high up into Virginia, passed into 40 WASHINGTON. North Carolina, and safely joined the army. His appearance excited great surprise among his former comrades, which was not a little in- creased when they saw the cordial reception he met with from the then Lieutenant Colonel Lee. His whole story soon became known to the corps, and excited universal admiration. Champe was introduced to General Greene, who cheerfully complied with certain promises that had been made to him by the commander-in-chief. He was provided with a good horse and money for his journey to headquarters. Washington treated him munificently, and presented him with his discharge from •lirther service, lest, in the vicissitudes of war, he should fall into the hands of the enemy, and die upon a gibbet. The campaign of this year ended with no very decided efforts, and the army went into winter quarters. On the first night of the new year a very serious mutiny broke out among the troops at Morristown. A preconcerted signal having been given, the whole line, except three regiments, paraded under arms without their officers, marched to the magazines, supplied themselves with provisions and ammunition, and seizing six fieldpieces, took horses from General Wayne's stable to transport them. The mutineers then ordered the party who opposed them to come over instantly or they should be bayoneted, and the com- mand was obeyed. General Wayne endeavored to interpose his influence and authority, but to no purpose ; on his cocking a pistol, they presented their bayonets to his breast and said, " We love and respect you; often have you led us into the field of battle, but we are no longer under your command ; we warn you to be on your guard ; if you fire your pistols, or attempt to enforce your commands, we shall put you instantly to death." G(!neral Wayne reasoned and expostulated with them to no purpose ; they enumerated their grievances, and determined to march to Philadelphia and demand of Congress the justice that had so long been denied to them. This transaction terminated successfully for the insurgents; they even- tually accomplished their views. Washington was far from being pleased at the issue of this affair, and determined to adopt more severe and decisive measures in future. A revolt shortly after broke out in another regiment, and he at once ordered a detachment of five hundred men to march and reduce them to duty. This party was placed under the command of Major General Robert Howe. On the twenty-seventh of January, about daylight, this detach- ment arrived within sight of the huts of the insurgents. Here they were halted, and received orders to load their arms. General Howe then addressed them, representing the enormity of the crime of the mutineers, and adding that no terms could be made with them till they were brought to entire submission. The troops were then directed to surround the huts on all sides. He then ordered his aid-de-camp to command the mutineers to cippear in front of their huts, unarmed, within five minutes. A second messenger was sent, and they immediately formed as they were directed. Being thus overpowered, the mutineers quietly submitted to their fate. General Howe ordered that three of the ringleaders should be selected for immediate punishn)ent. These wretched men were tried on the spot, by a court-martial standing in the snow, and were sentrno^^d to WASHINGTON 41 be shot. Twelve of the most guilty mutineers were- now chosen to be their executioners. Two of these offenders were shot, and the third pardoned. The terror of this scene produced a very powerful effect upon the guilty soldiers. They asked pardon of their officers, and promised a faithful discharge of duty for the future. On the first of May, 1781, Washington commenced a military journal, in which he makes a brief summary of the wants and prospects of the army. " Instead of having magazines filled with provisions, we have a scanty pittance scattered here and there in the distant states. Instead of having our arsenals well supplied with military stores, they are poorly provided and the workmen all leaving them. Instead of having the various articles of field equipage in readiness, the quartermaster is but now applying to the several states to provide these things for their troops respectively. Instead of having a regular system of transportation estab- lished upon credit, or funds in the quartermaster's hands to defray the contingent expenses thereof, we have neither the one nor the other ; and all that business, or a great part of it, being done by impressment, we are daily and hourly oppressing the people, souring their tempers, and alien- ating their affections. Instead of having the regiments completed agreea- ble to the requisitions of Congress, scarce any state in the Union has at this hour one eighth part of its quota in the field, and there is little prospect of ever getting more than half In a word, instead of having any thing in readiness to take the field, we have nothing : and instead of having the prospect of a glorious offensive campaign before us, we have a bewildered and gloomy prospect of a defensive one ; unless we should receive a powerful aid of ships, troops, and money, from our generous allies, and these at present are too contingent to build upon." While the Americans were laboring under the embarrassments and troubles which introduced the year 1781, the enemy were laying plans for more extensive operations than they had hitherto attempted. Their previous policy had been concentration, but events seemed to indicate that division would be more successful, by enabling them to make an impression on several points at the same time. In this campaign they carried on the war, not only in the vicinity of their headquarters at New- York, but in Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina, and in Virginia. Of course, the commander-in-chief could have no immediate agency in the southern department ; he deemed it of more importance to remain on the Hudson, not only to secure the most important post in the United States, but to concert the operations which resulted in the termination of the war. While the British were in the Potomac, they sent a flag on shore at Mount Vernon, requiring a supply of fresh provisions. To prevent the destruction of property which would follow a refusal, the person who had the management of the estate complied with this request, and requested that the buildings might be spared. For this Washington severely repri- manded him : " It would have been a less painful circumstance to me to have heard, that, in consequence of your noncompliance with the request of the British, they had burned my house, and laid my plantation in ruins. You ought to have considered yourself as my representative, and should have reflected on the bad example of communicating with the enemy, and 6 42 WASHINGTON making a voluntarj'^offer of refreshment to them, with a view to prevent a conflagration." It was at this period that Washington received intelligence that the French government had loaned to the United States the sum of six millions of livres, and had resolved to equip a fleet to co-operate with the land force of the Americans. In conformity with this arrangement, M. de Grasse sailed from Brest in March, and, after some preliminary movements in the West Indies, arrived in the Chesapeake on the thirtieth of August. Here he was soon joined by the French fleet from Rhode Island. The plan of operation had been so well digested, and was so well executed, that Washington and Count Rochambeau had passed the British headquarters at New- York, and were considerably advanced in their way to Yorktown, before Count de Grasse had reached the American coast. The first determination of Washington had been to attack New-York, but the arrival of the additional fleet induced him to change his operations, and to march to Virginia and lay siege to the post of Lord Cornwallis at Yorktown. This expedition Washington had determined to command in person, and had advanced as far as Chester, when he received the news of the arrival of the fleet commanded by M. de Grasse. He immediately visited the count, attended by several of the general officers of the French and American armies. A plan of operations was then agreed upon, and the combined forces proceeded on their way to Yorktown. In this place, Lord Cornwallis, with the royal army, had constructed strong fortifications. It is a little village, on the south bank of the river York, about fifteen miles from its entrance into Chesapeake Bay. The British forces amounted to seven thousand men ; the allied army to about twelve thousand. The works erected for the security of the town weie redoubts and batteries, and every effort was made to strengthen them. On the first of October, the allied armies had made some progress in the siege. They had compelled the British to abandon several of their redoubts, and retire within the town. During a severe cannonade from the enemy, while the Rev. Mr. Evans was standing near the commander-in-chief, a shot struck the ground so near as to cover his hat with sand. Being much agitated, he took off" his hat, and said, " See here, general." " Mr. Evans," replied Washington with his usual composure, " you had better carry that heme, and show it to your wife and children." The American troops labored for a number of days, with incessant activity, in digging trenches and erecting batteries. Two or three batteries having been prepared to open upon the town, General Washing- ton put the match to the first gun, and a furious' discharge of cannon and mortars immediately followed. From the tenth to the fifteenth of the month, a severe and continual firing was kept up by the allied armies. The enemy returned the fire with little eflfect. During this period, a shell from the French battery set fire to a forty-four gun ship, and two or three smaller vessels in the river. It was in the night time, and presented a splendid spectacle. The fire spread all over the ships, running about the rigging to the tops of the masts, and casting a broad and bright flame over the waters. This dreadful scene, in the darkness of night, amid the roar of cannon and bursting of shells, must have been brilliant and sublime. WASHINGTON. 43 A fine description of this siege is given by Dr. Thatcher. " Being in the trenches," he observes, '^ every other night and day, I have a fine opportunity of witnessing the sublime and stupendous scene which is continually exhibiting. The bomb shells from the besiegers and the besieged are incessantly crossing each others' path in the air. They are clearly visible in the form of a black ball in the day, but in the night they appear like a fiery meteor with a blazing tail, most beautifully brilliant, ascending majestically from the mortar to a certain altitude, and gradu- ally descending to the spot where they are destined to execute their work of destruction." - After carrying on this kind of warfare for a number of days, the American gener;'? determined to take possession of two redoubts about three hundred yards in front of the principal works of the enemy, and which presented formidable impediments to their approaches. These redoubts were both assaulted at the same time ; one by a brigade of American troops under the command of the Marquis de La Fayette, and the other by a French detachment under the Baron de Viomenil. The assault commenced at eight o'clock in the evening, and was soon suc- cessfully concluded ; the Americans losing but a very few men, and the French a considerable number. The reason of this difference in the loss of men was, that the Americans, in coming to the abatis, tore away a part of it, and leapt over the remainder. "The French, however, waited till their pioneers had cut away the abatis according to rule, being exposed, meanwhile, to a severe fire from the enemy. When the marquis entered the works, he sent his aid. Major Barbour, through a terrible fire of the enemy, to inform Baron Viomenil, " that he was in his redoubt, and to ask the baron where he was." The messenger found the French troops clearing away the abatis, but the baron sent back this answer — " Tell the marquis I am not in mine, but will be in five minutes." He advanced, and entered the works within his time. During the assault, the British kept up a very severe and incessant fire of musketry and cannon. Washington and the generals Lincoln and Knox, with their aids, were standing in an exposed situation, waiting the 44 WASHINGTON. result. One of Washington's aids, solicitous for his safety, said to him, " Sir, you are too much exposed here ; had you not better step a little back ?" " Colonel Cobb," replied the general, " if you are afraid, you have liberty to step back." On the seventeenth of the month. Lord Cornwallis was reduced to the necessity of sending out a flag, to request a cessation of hostilities for twenty-four hours. Two or three flags passed in the course of the day, and at length a suspension of hostilities for two hours was resolved upon. At an early hour in the forenoon of the eighteenth, Washington communicated to the British commander the basis of the terms of capitu- lation to which he would consent. A sufficient time was allowed for reply. Two officers were then selected from each army to meet, and prepare the particular articles of agreement. These were arranged, and confirmed by the commanders-in-chief On the nineteenth of October, preparations were made to receive the British general and his soldiers prisoners of war. The terms of capitulation were similar to those granted to General Lincoln, at Charleston. At about twelve o'clock, the allied armies were arranged, and drawn up in two lines, extending more than a mile in length. The Americans, with General Washington at their head, occupied the right side of the road ; the French, with Count Rochambeau, occupied the left. The French troops were in complete and beautiful uniform, and presented a very military and noble appearance. The Americans were not dressed so neatly, but their air was martial, their step lightened, and their countenance animated with joy. Great crowds were collected from the neighboring villages to witness the ceremony. At about two o'clock, the captive army advanced through the lines formed to receive them. It was expected that Lord Cornwallis would be at their head, but he pretended indisposition, and made General O'Hara his substitute. This officer was followed by the conquered troops, with shouldered arms, colors cased, and drums beating a slow and solemn march. Having arrived at the head of the line. General O'Hara advanced 10 Washington, and apologized for the absence of Lord Cornwallis. The commander-in-chief courteously pointed to General Lincoln for directions. WASHINGTON. ^ 45 This officer conducted the British army into a large field, where they were to ground their arms. This was a severe trial for the disciplined and haughty soldiers of England. It was a great mortification to yield to raw continentals, and to the Yankee general whom they had ridiculed in their farces. Some of the platoon officers were weak enough to make no secret of their chagrin and ill temper. After having grounded their arms, and taken off their accoutrements, the captives were reconducted to Yorktown, and put under guard. In his general orders on the next day, Washington expressed his warmest thanks to the soldiers and officers of the combined army for their brave conduct during the siege. Wishing that every heart should share in the general joy, he gave orders that all in confinement or under arrest should be at once pardoned and set at liberty. The troops were immediately employed in embarking the artillery and military stores on board of transports for the North river. Lord Cornwallis and his officers received every civility and attention from the American generals, that it was in their power to bestow. General Washington and Count Rocham- beau frequently invited them to entertainments, and they expressed grateful acknowledgments of their hospitality. On one occasion, when Cornwallis, in the presence of the commander-in-chief, was standing with his head uncovered, Washington politely said to him, " My lord, you had better be covered from the cold." " It matters little, sir," replied Cornwallis, " what becomes of this head now." An anecdote has been told of Washington, which reflects as much credit upon his delicacy of feeling, as the event to which it relates does upon his military skill. After the surrended of the town, when the British soldiers were marching forth from the garrison to deliver up their arms, the commander-in-chief thus addressed the division of the army to which he was attached : " My brave fellows, let no sensation of satisfaction for the triumphs you have gained, induce you to insult your fallen enemy — let no shouting, no clamorous huzzaing increase their mortification. It is sufficient that we witness their humiliation. Posterity will huzza for us." When Congress received the letter from Washington, that announced the surrender of the British army, they determined to go in procession, at two o'clock, to the Dutch Lutheran church, and return thanks to Heaven for the success of the allied forces. They issued a proclamation for observing, throughout the United States, the thirteenth of December as a day of thanksgiving and prayer. They also resolved to erect in Yorktown a marble column adorned with emblems of the alliance between the United States and his most Christian Majesty of France, and inscribed with a brief narrative of the surrender of the British army. Two stands of colors, taken from the enemy at the capitulation, were presented to General Washington by Congress, in the name of the United States. Two pieces of field ordnance, taken at the same time, by a resolve of Congress were presented to Count Rochambeau. On these a few words were engraved, expressing that the gift was made in consideration of the part which this officer had borne in effecting the surrender. After the capture of Cornwallis, Washington, with the greater part of his army, returned to the vicinity of New- York. Though complete succese 46 WASHINGTON. had been attained in Virginia, and great advantages in the Carolinas, the commander-in-chief urged immediate preparations for another campaign. He was afraid that Congress would think the work so nearly done, as to relax their efforts in raising the requisite number of troops. In a letter to General Greene, he observed, " I shall attempt to stimulate Congress to the best improvement of our late success, by taking the most vigorous and effectual measures to be ready for an early and decisive campaign the next year. My greatest fear is, that, viewing this stroke in a point of light which may too much magnify its importance, they may think our work too nearly closed, and fall into a state of languor and relaxation. To prevent this error, I shall employ every means in my power, and, if unhappily we sink into this fatal mistake, no part of the blame shall be mine." The military establishment for 1782 was passed with great celerity, and the attention of Washington was incessantly occupied with the plan of dislodging the British from their strong holds of New- York and Charleston. While he was concerting measures with a view to co-operate with the French for this purpose, intelligence arrived that the discontinuance of the war had been moved and debated in the British parliament. Early in May, Sir Guy Carleton, the successor of Sir Henry Clinton as com- mander-in-chief of the British forces in America, arrived in New- York, and announced in successive communications the increased probability of a speedy peace. The expected approach of peace relaxed the efforts of the states, and it was impossible to procure funds for the pay and subsistence of the troops. In a letter to the Secretary of War, Washington observed — " I cannot help fearing the result of reducing the army, where I see such a number of men, goaded by a thousand stings of reflection on the past, and of anticipation on the future, about to be turned into the world, soured by penury and what they call the ingratitude of the (.public; involved in debts without one farthing of money to carry them home, after having spent the flower of their days and many of them their patrimonies, in establishing the freedom and independence of their country, and having suffered every thing which human nature is capable of enduring on this side of death. I repeat it, when I reflect on these irritable circumstances, I cannot avoid apprehending that a train of evils will follow, of a very serious and distressing nature." These apprehensions were Avell founded ; and when the army retired into winter quarters, Washington remained in the camp to watch and control the discontents of the soldiers, though there was no probability of any military operations to require his presence. During the whole campaign of this year, not a gun had been fired between the two armies. Nothing had been decided by Congress, in respect to the claims of the soldiers, when news arrived, in March, 1783, that Great Britain had acknowledged the independence of the United States in the preceding November. This intelligence spread around an universal joy. The army exulted with the rest of their fellow-citizens, but their gladness was clouded with fears of injustice in their country. They thought their prospect of compensation diminished with the necessity of their services. Petitions had been presented to Congress in respect to the pay of officers, WASHINGTON. 47 but the objects which they solicited were not obtained. Under these circumstances, anonymous addresses were circulated in the army, which produced the most violent excitement. Every indication was given of a storm that would destroy the peace of the country, and its new liberties. A paper had been privately handed about, calling a meeting of the officers on the next day. It was an occasion that demanded all the wisdom and influence of Washington. He accordingly noticed the anonymous summons in general orders, and requested a meeting, nominally for the same purpose, four days later. In the mean time, sending for the officers one after ano- ther, he enlarged upon the fatal consequences that would result from the adoption of any violent measures. His unwearied effijrts were used to quiet the agitation. When the officers assembled, Washington arose to address them. Finding his eyesight fail him, he observed — " My eyes have grown dim in my country's service, but I never doubted of its justice." He then delivered a very interesting and feeling address. After commenting fully upon the anonymous papers that had been circulated in the camp, he entreated the officers to rely on the justice and good faith of Congress. " Let me request you," he observed, " to rely on the plighted faith of your country, and place a full confidence in the purity of the intentions of Congress, that, previous to your dissolution as an army, they will cause all your accounts to be fairly liquidated, as directed in the resolutions which were published to you two days ago ; and that they will adopt the most effectual measures in their power to render ample justice to you for your faithful and meritorious services. And let me conjure you in the name of our common country, as you value your own sacred honor, as you respect the rights of humanity, and as you regard the military and national character of America, to express your utmost horror and detestation of the man who wishes, under any specious pretences, to overtuq^the liberties of our country, and who wickedly attempts to open the floods of civil discord, and deluge our rising empire in blood. By thus determining and thus acting, you will pursue the plain and direct road to the attainment of your wishes ; you will defeat the insidious designs of our enemies, who are compelled to resort from open force to secret artifice. You will give one more distinguished proof of unexampled patriotism and patient virtue, rising superior to the pressure of the most complicated sufferings ; and you will, by the dignity of your conduct, afford occasion for posterity to say, when speaking of the glorious example you have exhibited to mankind, — ' Had this day been wanting, the world had never seen the last stage of perfection to which human nature is capable of attaining.' " Having finished his eloquent and powerful address, his Excellency withdrew, and the convention unanimously resolved to present him their thanks, and assure him " that the officers reciprocate his affectionate expressions with the greatest sincerity of which the human heart is capable." General Knox, Colonel Brooks, and Captain Howard were then appointed a committee, to prepare resolutions expressive of the business of the convention, and to report in half an hour. These reso- lutions professed an undiminished attachment to the liberties of their country, and an unshaken confidence in the justice of Congress. The 48 WASHINGTON. result of these proceedings was communicated, by the commander-in- chief, to Congress, accompanied by an impressive letter. " If the whole army," he observes in the course of it, " have not merited whatever a grateful people can bestow, then have I been beguiled by prejudice, and built opinion on the basis of error. If this country should not in the event perform every thing which has been requested in the late memorials to Congress, then will my belief become vain, and the hope that has been excited, void of foundation. * * * But I am under no such appre- hension. A country rescued by their arms from impending ruin, will never leave unpaid the debt of gratitude." Congress at length came to resolutions, in which they expressed a desire to gratify the reasonable expectations of the officers of the army, and remove all objections which might exist in any part of the United States to the principles of the half pay, which had been pledged to them. They commuted the half pay for life to full pay for the space of five years, at the option of the parties interested. The commander-in-chief thus addressed the army on the cessation of hostilities, in April : " The commander-in-chief orders the cessation of hostilities, between the United States of America and the king of Great Britain, to be publicly proclaimed to-morrow at twelve o'clock, at the New Building; and that the proclamation which will be communicated herewith be read to-morrow evening, at the head of every regiment and corps of the army; after which, the chaplains, with the several brigades, will render thanks to Almighty God for all his mercies, particularly for his overruling the wrath of man to his own glory, and causing the rage of war to cease among the nations." The reduction of the army had been resolved by Congress, but it was a difficult measure, and required deliberation. To avoid the inconvenience of dismissing a great number of soldiers in a body, furloughs weJ% freely granted on the application of individuals, and, after their dispersion, they were not enjoined to return. In this manner a great part of an unpaid army was dispersed over the states, without tumult or disorder. While the troops under the immediate command of Washington mani- fested the utmost good conduct, a mutiny broke out among some new levies stationed at Lancaster, in Pennsylvania. About eighty soldiers, in defiance of their officers, marched to Philadelphia, to seek a redress of their alleged grievances from the executive council of the state. They proceeded to the barracks in the city, where some other soldiers were quartered, who joined them. The whole body amounted to about three hundred. On the following day, the insurgents, with drums beating and fixed bayonets, marched to the State-house, the seat of Congress and of the supreme executive council of Pennsylvania. They placed sentinels at every door, sent in a written message to the president and council, and tlireatened to break in upon them, if their demands were not granted within twenty minutes. No further insult was offered to Congress, but they were confined in this manner for about three hours. Congress resolved that the authority of the United States had been grossly insulted by the armed soldiers, and it was determined that a committee of their body should confer with the executive council, and if it should appear to WASHINGTON. 49 the committee, that the state of Pennsylvania ought not to take measures to support the dignity of the federal government, the president should summon the Congress to meet on Thursday, the twenty-sixth, at Princeton or Trenton. The Secretary of War was also directed to communicate to the commander-in-chief the state and disposition of the mutineers. On receiving information of this disgraceful outrage, Washington im- mediately despatched Major General Howe, with fifteen hundred men, to quell the mutineers, and punish the most guilty of them. Before his arrival, however, they had dispersed without bloodshed. Several were brought to trial, two were condemned to death, and four others to receive corporal punishment. On this occasion, General Washington addressed the president of Congress in very feeling and eloquent language : " While I suffer the most poignant distress in observing that a handful of men, contemptible in rmmbers, and equally so in point of service, if the veteran troops from the southward have not been seduced by their example, and who are not worthy to be called soldiers, should disgrace themselves and their country, as the Pennsylvania mutineers have done, by insulting the sovereign authority of the United States and that of their own; I feel an inexpressible satisfaction, that even this behavior cannot stain the name of the American soldiery. It cannot be imputable to, or reflect dishonor on, the army at large, but, on the contrary, it will, by the striking contrast it exhibits, hold up to public view the other troops in the most advantageous point of light. On taking all the circumstances into consideration, I cannot sufficiently express my surprise and indigna- tion at the arrogance, the folly, and the wickedness of the mutineers; nor can I sufficiently admire the fidelity, the bravery and patriotism which must forever signalize the unsullied character of the other corps of our army. For when we consider that these Pennsylvania levies, who have now mutinied, are recruits, and soldiers of a day, who have not borne the heat and burden of war, and who can have in reality very few hardships to complain of; and when we at the same time recollect that those soldiers, who have lately been furloughed from this army, are the veterans who have patiently endured hunger, nakedness, and coid ; who have suffered and bled without a murmur, and who, with perfect good order, have retired to their homes, without a settlement of their accounts, or a farthing of money in their pockets, — we shall be as much astonish- ed at the virtues of the latter, as we are struck with horror and detes- tation at the proceedings of the former." On the second of November, 1783, General Washington issued his farewell orders to the armies of the United States. After noticing a recent proclamation of Congress, he observed that it only remained to address himself for the last time to the armies of the United States, and to bid them an affectionate farewell. He remarked upon the circum- stances under which the war was begun ; the signal interpositions of Providence in their behalf; and their unparalleled perseverance through eight years of every possible suffering and discouragement. His closing words were — " Your general being now to conclude these his last public orders, to take his ultimate leave, in a short time, of the military charao 7 50 WASHINGTON. ter, and to bid adieu to the armies he has so long had the honor to command, lie can only again offer in their behalf his recommendations to their grateful country, and his prayers to the Grod of armies. May ample justice be done to them here, and may the choicest of Heaven's favors, both here and hereafter, attend those, who, under the divine auspices, have secured innumerable blessings for others ! With these wishes, and this benediction, the commander-in-chief is about to retire from service. The curtain of separation will soon be drawn, and the military scene, to him, will be closed forever." The treaty of peace was signed on the twenty-third of September, and a proclamation was issued by Congress to disband the army. Painful indeed, was the parting. The old soldiers, who had been sharers for seven years in privation and suffering, were to separate under circum- stances of the most distressing character. They were poor, without money or employment, and many with no other prospect than that of painful dependence or miserable penury. Though their whole military life had been a scene of want and wretchedness, it had sometimes been chequered with splendid triumphs, or at any rate had been throughout supported by an anxious excitement. That excitement was now past, for the object of their labors and sacrifices, the liberty of their common country, had been obtained. The glorious hope, that gleamed continual- ly before their eyes in the battles of the revolution, had been changed into a glorious certainty, by the declaration of peace • and now that the wrongs and sufferings of their country had been vindicated, their thoughts were naturally concentrated upon their individual fortunes. There were sorrow and suffering, want and wretchedness, but no tumult, no mutiny, no disorder. They would not end a succession of generous sacrifices by a violation of their faith and their duty; but de- termined to abandon their rights, rather than resort to force to recover them. The British army evacuated New- York in November, and the Ameri- can troops, under General Knox, took possession of the city. Soon after, General Washington and Governor Clinton, with their suite, made their public entry into the city on horseback, followed by a procession of civil and military officers, and a large number of citizens. General festivity reigned throughout the city, and the governor made a public dinner. This was followed, a day or two afterwards, by an elegant entertain- ment, given by the governor to the French ambassador, the Chevalier de la Luzerne. General Washington, the principal officers of New- York state, and of the army, and upwards of a hundred other gentlemen, were present. On Tuesday noon, the fourth of December, the principal officers of the army assembled at Francis's tavern, to take a final leave of their beloved commander-in-chief When Washington entered the room, his emotions were too strong to be repressed or concealed. Filling a glass-, he turned to the surrounding officers and said — "With a heart full of love and gratitude, I now take leave of you. I most devoutly wish that your latter days may be as prosperous and happy as your former ones have been glorious and honorable." Having drank, he added, "I cannot come WASHINGTON. 51 to each of you to take my leave, but shall be obliged to you, if each of you will come and take me by the hand." General Knox, being nearest, turned to him. Washington, in tears, grasped his hand, embraced and kissed him. In the same manner he took leave of each succeeding officer, Lincoln, and Greene, and La Fayette, and the other valiant men with whom he had been connected in hours of peril and darkness, to be rewarded with endless gratitude and glory. Every eye was moistened with tears. Not a word was spoken to inter- rupt the silent solemnity of the parting. Leaving the room, Washington passed through the corps of light infantry, and walked to Whitehall, where a coach was in waiting to receive him. The whole company fol- lowed in mute procession, with sad and dejected countenances. On entering the barge, he turned to his companions, and, waving his hat, bade them a silent farewell. They paid him a similar mark of respect and affection, and, when they could no longer distinguish in the barge the person of their beloved commander, returned, in the same solemn manner, to the place where they had first assembled. On the disbanding of the army, Washington proceeded to Annapolis, then the seat of Congress, to resign his commission. On his way thither, he delivered to the comptroller of accounts, at Philadelphia, an account of his receipts and expenditures of public money. The whole amount that had passed through his hands, was only <£14,479 18s. 9erty you possess, are the work of joint councils, and joint etlbrts — of common danirers, sutVer- ings, and successes." ******'< ^o the eHicacy and i)er- manency of your union, a government for the whole is indispensable WASHINGTON. f>I No alliancos, however strict, between tlie parts, can be an adeqiiate substitute ; they must inevitably experience the infractions and interruf>- tions which all alliances in all times have experienced. Sensible of" this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a constitution of government, better calculated than your former, for an intimate union, and for the efficacious management of your common concerns. This government, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed ; adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation: completely free in its principles; in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy, and containing within itself a provision for its own amendments, has a just claim tx) your confidence and your support. Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true liberty. The basis of our political systems is the right of the people to make and to alter their constitutions of government. But the constitution which at any time exists, until changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power and the right of the people to establish a government, presupposes the duty of every individual to o^jey the established government." * » * * " Though in reviewing the incidents of my administration I am unconscious of intentional error ; lam nevertheless too sensible of my defects, not to think it probable tliat I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope that my country will never cease to view them with indulgence ; and that after forty-five years of my life^ dedicated to its .service, with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as rnyself must soon be to the mansions of rest. '* Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so natural to a man who views in it the native .soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations ; I anticipate with pleasing e.xpectation that retreat, in which I promi.se myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the rnidst of my fellow-citizens, the benign influence of good laws under a free government — the ever favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors, and dangers. " United States, September 17, 1790." This valedictory address was received in every part of the Union with the most unbounded admiration. Shortly after its promulgation, the President met the National Legislature in the senate chamber for the last time. His address on the occasion touched upon the most important topics that were then in agitation. In the course of it he recommended the establishment of national v.orks for rnanufiicturing irnplementsof defence ; of an institution for the improvement of agriculture; and pointed out the advantages of a military academy, of a national university; and the necessity of augmenting the salaries of the officers of the United States. He concluded in the following words : • " The situation in which 1 now stand, for tlie last tune, in the midst of 62 WASHINGTON. the representatives of the people of the United States, naturally recalls the period when the administration of the present form of government commenced ; and I cannot omit the occasion to congratulate you and my country on the success of the experiment, nor to repeat my fervent suppli- cations to the Supreme Ruler of the universe, and Sovereign Arbiter of nations, that his providential care may still be extended to the United States ; that the virtue and happiness of the people may be preserved ; and that the government which they have instituted for the protection of their liberties may be perpetual." On the day preceding the termination of his office, in a letter to General Knox, he compared himself to a weary traveller who sees a resting place, and is bending his body thereon. " Although the prospect of retirement is most grateful to my soul, and I have not a wish to mix again in the great world, or to partake in its politics, yet I am not without regret at parting with (perhaps never more to meet) the few intimates whom I love Among these, be assured, you are one." The numerous calumnies which assailed him never but once drew forth his public notice. A volume had been published by the British, in the year 1776, consisting of letters which they attributed to General Wash- ington. It was the object of this publication to produce impressions unfavorable to the integrity and character of the commander-in-chief. When the first edition of this forgery had been forgotten, it was repub- lished, during his Presidency, by some citizens who differed from him in politics. On the morning of the last day of his office, Washington addressed a letter to the Secretary of State, in which he enumerated the facts and dates connected with the forgery, and declared that he had hitherto thought it unnecessary to take a formal notice of the imposition In this letter he solemnly declared that the correspondence was entirely a base forgery, and that he never saw or heard of it till it appeared in print. He requested that his letter upon the subject should be deposited in the office of the department of state, to be a testimony of the truth to the present generation and to posterity. The time had now come when his own official power was to cease, and that of his successor, John Adams, was to commence. The old and new Presidents walked together to the house of representatives, where the oath of office was administered. Mr. Adams concluded his address upon the occasion, by an impressive allusion to his predecessor, in observing, that though about to retire, " his name may still be a rampart, and the knowledge that he lives a bulwark, against all open or secret enemies of his country." Washington rejoiced that the way was open for his return to the happiness of domestic and private life. After paying his respects to the new President, he immediately set out for Mount Vernon. He was desirous of travelling privately, but it was impossible. Wherever he passed, crowds came out to meet him and testify their respect for him. In his retirement he resumed his agricultural pursuits; and, in the society of his private friends, looked for a quiet ending to an active and anxious life. He still, however, continued interested in public affairs, and heard, with regret, the insults offered to the United States by the Frouch Directory. These injuries at length obliged our government lo adopt WASHINGTON. 63 vigorous measures. Congress authorized the formation of a regular army^ and all eyes were turned upon Washington as its commander. President Adams nominated Washington to the chief command of the armies of the United States, with the rank of lieutenant general. To the letter, sent with the commission to Mount Vernon, Washington replied in a letter which concluded as follows ; " Feeling how incumbent it is upon every person of every description to contribute at all times to his country's welfare, and especially in a moment like the present, when every thing we hold dear and sacred is so seriously threatened, I have finally deter- mined to accept the commission of commander-in-chief of the armies of the United States ; with the reserve only, that I shall not be called into the field until the army is in a situation to require my presence, or it becomes indispensable by the urgency of circumstances. In making this reservation, I beg it to be understood that I do not mean to withhold any assistance to arrange and organize the arra^y, which you may think I can afford. I take the liberty, also, to mention, that I must decline having my acceptance considered as drawmg after it any immediate charge upon the public ; or that I can receive any emoluments annexed to the ap- pointment, before entering into a situation to incur expense." After the receipt of this appointment, Washington divided his time between agricultural pursuits and the organization of the army. He always thought an actual invasion of the country very improbable, but he made arrangements to repel it at the water's edge. No sooner had these warlike preparations been made, than France signified her desire for a peaceful accommodation. Mr. Adams immediately sent three envoys extraordinary to negotiate with the French republic. On repairing to France, they found the Directory overthrown, and the government in the hands of Bonaparte. With him negotiations were immediately com- menced, and terminated in a peaceful arrangement of all difficulties. Washington, however, did not live to participate in the general joy which this event occasioned. On the twelfth of December, 1799, Washington rode out in the morn- ing to his farms. The weather soon became very cold, and there was an alternate fall of rain, hail, and snow. He did not return till past three, when he went to dinner without changing his dress. In the evening he appeared as well as usual. On the next day, there was a heavy fall of snow, which prevented him from riding out as usual. He had taken cold from his exposure the day before, and complained of having a sore throat. His hoarseness increased towards evening, but he took no remedy for it, observmg, as he would never take any thing to carry off a cold, " Let it go as it came." On Saturday morning he was very seri- ously unwell, and a physician was sent for to bleed him. Finding that no relief was obtained from bleeding, and that he was entirely unable to swallow any thing, his attendants bathed his throat externally with sal volatile. A piece of flannel was then put round his neck, and his feet were soaked in warm water. It was impossible to procure any relief. Several physicians were immediately sent for, and various remedies resorted to without effect. Between five and six o'clock in the afternoon, his physicians came to his bedside, and Dr. Craik asked him if he would 64 WASHINGTON. sit up ill the bed. Ho held out his hands, and was raised up, when he said — "I feel myself going; you had better not take any more trouble about me, but let me go off quietly ; I cannot last long." They found what h:id been done was without effect ; he laid down again, and all except Dr. Craik retired. He then said to him, " Doctor, I die hard, but I am not afraid to go; I believed, from my first attack, I should not survive it ; my breath cannot last long." The doctor pressed his hand, but could not utter a word ; he retired from the bedside, and sat by the fire, absorbed in grief About ten o'clock he made several attempts to speak before he could effect it. He at length said, " I am just going. Have me decently buried ; and do not let my body be put in the vault in less than two days after I am dead." His attending physician bowed assent. He looked at him again and said, " Do you understand me ?" The reply was, " Yes, sir." Washington answered, " 'Tis well." About ten minutes before he expired, his breathing became much easier, lie lay ^quietly, and he withdrew his hand from the physician to feel his own pulse. His hand fell from the wrist. Dr. Craik placed his hands over his eyes, and he expired without a struggle or a sigh. While the physicrans and attendants were standing fi.xed in silent grief, Mrs. Washington asked, in a firm and collected voice, " Is he gone V When intelligence of the death of Washington reached Congress, they immediately adjourned until the next day. Mr. John Marshall, since chief justice of the United States, then delivered a short and impressive speech to the house of representatives ; and the senate addressed a letter to the President. To this letter Mr. Adams returned an answer, which concluded in the following words : " The life of our Washington cannot suffer by a comparison with those of other countries who have been most celebrated and exalted by fame. The attributes and decorations of royalty could only have served to eclipse the majesty of those virtues which made him, from being a modest citizen, a more resplendent luminary. Misfortune, had he lived, could hereafter have sullied his glory only with those superficial minds who, believing that character and actions are marked by success alone, rarely deserve to enjoy it. " Malice could never blast his honor, and envy made him a singular exception to her universal rule. For himself, he had lived long enough to life and to glory ; for his fellow-citizens, if their prayers could have been answered, he would have been immortal ; for me, his departure is at a most unfortunate moment. Trusting, however, in the wise and righteous dominion of Providence over the passions of men and the results of their actions, as well as over their lives, nothing remains for me but humble resignation. " His example is now complete and it will teach wisdom and virtue to magistrates, citizens, and men, not only in the present age, but in future generations, as long as our history shall be read. If a Trajan found a Pliny, a Marcus Aurelius can never want biographers, eulogists, or historians." Congress passed a series of resolutions, in which it was determined that a marble monument should be erected by the United States, at the WASHINGTON. 65 capitol of the city of Washinaton, to commemorate the great events of the military and political life of the late President. It was also deter- mined that there should he a funeral oration and procession, and that it should be recommended to the people of the United States to wear crape on their left arm, as mourning, for thirty days. When the resolution of Congress that she should be requested to permit the remains of her husband to be deposited under a marble monument, to be erected at the capitol, was communicated to Mrs. Washington, she replied in the following language : " Taught by the great example which I have so long had before me, never to oppose my private wishes to the public will. I must consent to the request made by Congress, which you have had the goodness to transmit to me ; and in doing this, I need not, I cannot say, what a sacrifice of individual feeling I make to a sense of public duty." Information of the death of Washington was received in every part of the states with expressions of regret, and called forth sentiments of the highest veneration for his memory. Legislative bodies, civil corporations, colleges, and all other societies of importance formed funeral processions and attended upon prayers, eulogies and orations in his honor. The resolution of Congress respecting the monument has not been carried into execution. An appropriation for this purpose was opposed, as an improper use of the public money; the reason assigned for objecting to the measure was that the only fit monument of Washington was in the gratitude and veneration of his countrymen. It has been difficult to interrupt the narrative of public and important matters, by the introduction of those apparently unimportant anecdotes, which sometimes, more than any thing else, make us familiar with the character of a great man. Those which follow have been collected from a variety of sources, and we believe to be generally well authenticated. When General Washington had closed his career in the French and Indian war, and had become a member of the House of Burgesses, the Speaker, Robinson, was directed, by a vote of the house, to return their thanks to that gentleman, on behalf of the colony, for the distinguished military services which he had rendered to his country. As soon as Washington took his seat, Mr. Robinson, in obedience to his order, and following the impulse of his own generous and grateful heart, discharged this duty with great dignity ; but with such warmth of coloring and strength of expression, as entirely confounded the young hero. He rose to express his acknowledgments for the honor ; but such was his trepida- tion and confusion, that he could not give distinct utterance to a single syllable. He blushed, stammered, and trembled, for a second ; when the Speaker relieved him, by a stroke of address, that would have done honor to Louis XIV. in his proudest and happiest moments. " Sit down, Mr. Washington," said he, with a conciliating smile ; " your modesty is equal to your valor; and that surpasses the power of any language that I possess." In the town of , in Connecticut, where the roads were extremely rough, Washington was overtaken by night, on Saturday, not being able to reach the village where he designed to rest on the Sabbath. Next morning, about sunrise, his coach was harnessed, and he wai" 9 66 WASHINGTON. proceodijiiT forward to an inn, near the place of worship, which he pro- posed to attend. A |)hun man, who was an informing oflicer, came from a cottage, and inquired of the coachman whether there was any urgent reasons for his travelling on the Lord's day. The General, instead of resenting this as an impertinent rudeness, ordered the coachman to stop, and with great civility explained the circumstances to the officer, couimending him for his fidelity; and assured him that nothing was farther from his intention, than to treat with disrespect the laws and usages oi' Connecticut, relative to the Sabbath, which met with his mos. cordial approbation. Washington accomplished the most of his great work with a\y parent ease, by a rigid observance of punctuality. It is known that whenever he assigned to meet Congress at noon, he never failed to be passmg the door of the hall when the clock struck twelve. His dining hour was four, when he always sat down to his table, only allowing five minutes for the variation of timepieces, whether his guests were present or not. It was frequently the case with new members of Congress, that they did not arrive until dinner was nearly half over, and he would re- mark, "Gentlemen, we are punctual here; my cook never asks whether the company has arrived, but whether the hour has." When he visited Boston in 1789, he appointed eight o'clock in the morning as the hour when he sliould set out for Salem, and while the Old South clock was striking eight, he was crossing his saddle. The company of cavalry which volunteered to escort him, not anticipating this strict punctuality, were parading in Tremont-street, after his departure ; and it \vas not until the President liad reached Ch.arles river bridge, where he stopped a few minutes, that the troop of horse overtook him. On passing the corps, the President with perfect good nature said : — " Major , I thought you had been too long in my family, not to know when it was eight o'clock." The following anecdote was related by Captain Pease, the father of the stage establishment in the United States. He had purchased a beautiful pair of horses, which he wished to dispose of to the President, who he knew was an excellent judge of horses. The President appointed five o'clock in the morning to examine them at his stable. The captain thinking the hour was too early for so great a man to be stirring, did not arrive with the horses until a quarter after five, when he was told by the groom that the President was there at five, and was then fulfilling other engagements. Pease was much mortified, and called on Major Jackson, the Secretary, to apologize for his delay, and to request the President to appoint some new time ; and he added that he found the President's time was wholly preoccupied for several days, and that he was compelled to stay a v/(;('k in Philadelphia before the examination took place, merely for delaying the first quarter of an hour. Major Ferguson, who commanded a rifle corps a day or two previous to the battle of Brandywine, was the hero of a very singular accident, which he thus describes in a letter to a friend. It illustrates, in a most forcible manner, the overruling hand of Providence in directing the operations of a man's mind, in moments when he is least aware of it. WASHINGTON. 67 " We had not lain long, when a rebel officer, remarkable by a hussar dress, pressed toward our army, within a hundred yards of my right flank, not perceiving us. He was followed by another, dressed in dark green and blue, mounted on a bay horse, with a remarkable high cocked hat. I ordered three good shots to steal near and fire at them ; but the, idea disgusting me, I recalled the order. The hussar, in returning, made a circuit, but the other passed within a hundred yards of us ; upon which, I advanced from the woods towards him. Upon my calling, he stopped ; but after looking at me, proceeded. I again drew his attention, and made signs to him to stop, levelling my piece at him ; but he slowly cantered away. By quick firing, I could have lodged half a dozen balls in, or about him, before he was out of my reach. I had only to deter- mine ; but it was not pleasant to fire at the back of an unoffending individual, who was very coolly acquitting himself of his duty ; so I let him alone. " The next day the surgeon told me that the wounded rebel officers informed him that General Washington was all the morning with the light troops, and only .attended by a French officer in a hussar dress, he himself dressed and mounted as I have above described. I am not sorry that I did not know who it was at the time." It is now settled as a fact beyond dispute, that General Gates was connected with General Lee in a conspiracy to supersede the illustrious Washington. The commander-in-chief was well aware of the means they used to deprive him of the affiictions of the army, and the confidence of the people. How he sought revenge, is shown in the following anecdote : " I found General Gates traversing the apartment under the influence of high excitement. His agitation was excessive — every feature of his countenance, every gesture, betrayed it. He had been charged with unskilful management at the battle of Camden, and he had just received official despatches, informing him that the command was transferred to General Greene. His countenance betrayed no resentment, however ; it was sensibility alone that caused his emotion. He held an open letter in his hand, which he often raised to his lips, and kissed with devotion, while he repeatedly exclaimed — ' Great man ! Noble, generous proce- dure!' When the tumult of his mind had a little subsided, with strong expressions of feeling, he said, 'I have this day received a communica- tion from the commander-in-chief, which has conveyed more consolation to my bosom, more ineffable delight to my heart, than I believed it possible for it ever to have felt again. With affectionate tenderness, he sympathizes with me in my domestic misfortunes, and condoles with me on the loss I have sustained in the recent death of my only son ; and then, with peculiar delicacy, lamenting my misfortune in buttle, assures me that his confidence in my zeal and capacity is so little impaired, that the command of the right wing of the army will be bestowed on me, as soon as I can make it convenient to join him.' " Washington entertained a very deep respect and friendship for General Knox, and always kept him near his own person. After the defeat of Gates' army, at Camden, General Greene was offered the arduous 68 WASHINGTON. command of the southern department. The qiiaker General, with his usual modesty, replied, " Knox is the man for that difficult undertaking; oil obstacles vanish before him ; his resources are infinite." " True," answered Washington, " and therefore I cannot part with him." While the American army, under the command of Washington, lay encamped in the environs of Morristown, New-Jersey, it occurred that the service of the communion (there observed semi-annually only,) was to be administered in the Presbyterian Church of the village. In a morning of the previous week, the General, after his accustomed inspec- tion of the camp, visited the house of the Rev. Dr. Jones, then pastor of that church, and after the usual preliminaries, thus accosted him. " Doctor, I understand that the Lord's supper is to be celebrated with you next Sunday; I would learn if it accords with the canons of your church to admit communicants of another denomination V The Doctor rejoined — " Most certainly : ours is not the Presbyterian table. General, but the Lord's table ; and we hence give the Lord's invitation to all his followers, of whatever name." The General replied, " I am glad of it : that is as it ought to be ; but as I was not quite sure of the fact, I thought I would ascertain it from yourself, as I propose to join with you on that occasion. Though a member of the Church of England, I have no exclusive partialities." The Doctor reassured him of a cordial welcome, and the General was found seated with the communicants the next Sabbath. Shortly after his election to the Presidency of the United States, General Washington, his lady, .and secretary. Major Jackson, on their way from the seat of government to Mount Vernon, stopped for the night at Chester. The President had scarcely arrived, and expressed a wish not to be disturbed, when a message was brought that an old gentleman, once honored with his favor and protection, requested permission to pay his respects, adding, that his name was Lydick. " Let him enter, by all means," said the President ; " he is the man, Major Jackson, who, at the hazard of his life, entered New- York, while in possession of the enemy, for the purpose of distributing among the German troops, proclamations, inviting them to our standard ; and who, afterwards, superintended, for many years, our baking establishment with zeal and diligence." As the old man entered, the General, taking him kindly by the hand, said — " My worthy friend, I am rejoiced to see you, and truly happy to express my thanks to a man to whom I feel myself under great obligation. You ever served your country with exemplary fidelity, and her warmest gratitude is richly your due " " Such praise from my beloved commander," replied Lydick, " is high reward. I shall now go to my grave in peace, since it has been my happiness once again to meet and pay my duty to your Excellency." The person of Washington was unusually tall, erect, and well propor- tioned. His muscular strength was very great. His features were of a beautiful symmetry. He commanded respect without any appearance of haughtiness, and n'as ever serious without being sullen or dull. " It is natural," says Dr. Tbacher, " to view with keen attention the countenance of an illustrious man, with a secret hope of discovering in his features iiorae peculiar traces of the excellence which distinguishes him from and WASHINGTON. elevates him above his fellow mortals. These expectations are realized, in a peculiar manner, in viewing the person of General Washington. His tail and noble stature and just proportions, his fine, cheerful, open coun- tenance, simple and modest deportment, are all calculated to interest every beholder in his favor, and to command veneration and respect. He is feared even when silent, and beloved even while we are unconscious of the motive." Of the character of Washington it is impossible to speak but in terms of the highest respect and admiration. The more that we see of the operations of our government, and the more deeply we feel the difficulty of uniting all opinions in a common interest, the more highly we must estimate the force of the talent and character which have been able to challenge the reverence of all parties, and principles^ and nations, and to win a fame as extended as the limit of the globe, and which we cannot but believe will be as lasting as the existence of man. JOHN ADAMS. John Adams was born at duincy, in Massachusetts, on the nineteenth day of October, (Old Style,) 1735, of John and Susannah Boylston Adams. He was the fourth in descent from Henry Adams, who, to quote the inscription upon his tombstone, " took his flight from the dragon perse- cution, in Devonshire, England, and alighted with eight sons near Mount Wollaston." He early gave proof of superior abilities, and he enjoyed the best advantages for their cultivation, which the country afforded. He entered Harvard College in 1751, and was graduated in four years after- wards. His course in the University was creditable to his character and talents, and after completing it, he, like most of the distinguished men in New-England, from the earliest times to the present day, engaged for a time in the employment of teaching. He instructed in the grammar school in Worcester, and at the same time studied law with Mr. Putnam, a lawyer of considerable eminence in that town. In 1758, he was ad- mitted to the bar, and commenced tlie practice of his profession in Brain- tree, his native town, and his success was soon made certain by the ability with which he argued a criminal cause before a jury in Plymouth. In 1759, he was admitted into the bar of Suffolk, at the request of Jeremy Gridley, the Attorney General of the province, and of the highest emi- nence in his profession. Mr. Gridley was the active friend and patron of Adams, and had also been the instructer in law of the celebrated James Otis ; and, proud of these highly promising young men, he was wont to say, " that he had raised two young eagles, who were, one day or other, to peck out his eyes." In compliance with his advice, Mr. Adams applied himself diligently to the study of the civil law, which was not much known to the lawyers at that time. In 17G1, he was admitted to the de- gree of barrister of law, and succeeded, by the death of his father, to a small landed estate. The same year was made memorable by an event, preg- nant with the most important results to the country, and which awakened the most enthusiastic flame of patriotism in the breast of Mr. Adams. For many years the feelings between the mother country and the colonies, particularly tliat of Massachusetts, had been any other than those of good-will and mutual confidence. The Parliament viewed with a jealous eye their rapidly increasing wealth and population, and began to interfere with their external and internal relations, in a manner that roused the old puritan .spirit of resi.stance. The colonies regarded them- selves as under the immediate protection and patronage of the King, and denied the power of the Parliament, a body in which tliey were not repre- sented, to violate their charters, or to impos*?- any restraints upon the employment of their industry and capital. These feelings of ill-will, 72 ADAMS. .hough apparent to all sagacious observers, did not lead to any overt ac. of resistance till 1761. An order of council had been passed in Great Britain, ordering the officers of the customs in Massachusetts Bay, to execute the acts of trade. The custom-house officers, in order that they might fully perform this duty, petitioned the Supreme Court, to grant "writs of assistance,' according to the usage of the Court of Exchequer in England, which authorized those who held them to enter houses, ^c. in search of goods liable to duty. This created a great excitement, and the right to grant them was strenuously denied. Its legality was made the subject of a trial. Mr. Gridley, the King's Attorney General, argued in support of the power of the court, and he was opposed by the celebrated James Otis, a man of splendid abilities and ardent patriotism, at that time, in the prime of life, and the full blaze of his reputation. His speech was a magni- ficent display of eloquence, argument, and learning. And Mr. Adams, who heard it, has recorded his impressions of it, in his glowing and peculiar language. "Otis," says he, "was a flame of fire! With a promptitude of classical allusion, a depth of research, a rapid summary of historical events and dales, a profusion of legal authorities, a prophetic glance of his ej'es into futurity, a rapid torrent of impetuous eloquence, he hurried away all before him. American Independence was then and there born ; every man of an immensely crowded audience, appeared to me to go away ready to take up arms against writs of assistance." On another occasion, he says of the same speech, " that James Otis, then and there, breathed into this nation the breath of life." The court decided against the legality of the writs, but it is generally supposed that they were issued clandestinely. Jn 1764, Mr. Adams married Abigail, daughter of the Rev. William Smith, of Weymouth, and few men have been so fortunate in their choice, or so happy in their domestic relations. Mrs. Adams was a woman of great personal beauty, and strength of character, with a highly cultivated mind, and the most feminine sweetness of disposition. She sympathized witli her husband, in his patriotic enthusiasm, was the con- fidant of all his pians and feelings ; cheered and supported him in his hours of trial, and submitted, witliout repining, to the long separations, which his di.ty to the public rendered necessary. In 1765, the British ntinistry, with what now seems a providential mfatuation, passed the memorable stamp act, by which stamped paper was required to be used in all legal instruments, and imposing a tax upon it, by whicn a large amount was to be raised in the colonies. A flame of opposition blazed out immediately throughout the whole country. The right of Parliament to lay the tax was denied, pamphlets were written against it, the newspapers contested it, town-meetings were held, and the most spirited resolutions passed. The men who took the lead in the opposition, were Patrick Henry, of Virginia, and James Otis, who was powerfully supported by Mr. Adams. These two last gentlemen, together with Mr. Gridley, appeared before the Governor and Council, and argued that the courts should administer justice without stamped paper. About this time he gave to the world, his first printed performance. ADAMS. 73 his " Dissertation on the Canon and Feudal Law." The object of this work, was to show the absurdity and tyranny of the ujonarchical and aristocratic institutions of the old world, and, in particular, the mischie- vous principles of the canon and feudal law. He contends that the New-England settlers had been induced to cross the ocean to escape the tyratiny of church and state, and that they had laid the foundations of their government in reason, justice, and a respect for the rights of humanity. It exhorts his countrymen not to fall short of these noble sentiments of their fathers, and to sacrifice any thing rather than liberty and honor. " The whole tone of the essay is so raised and bold," says Mr. Wirt, "that it sounds like a trumpet-call to arms." It was much read and admired in America and Europe, and was pronounced by Mr Hollis, of London, to be the best American work which had crossed the Atlantic. In 176C, he removed his residence to Boston, to reap the more abun- dant harvest of professional honor and emolument which the capital afforded, but still continued his attendance on the neighboring circuits. The stamp act was opposed throughout the colonies, with such spirit and unanimity, that on the tenth of March, 1766, it was repealed ; but still the British cabinet, notwithstanding the eloquent remonstrances of Burke and Chatham, would not give up the idea of raising a revenue in Ame- rica, and the repeal act was accompanied by a declaratory act, in which it was asserted, "that the Parliament had, and of right ought to have, power to bind the colonies in all cases whatsoever." In the next year, a law was passed, laying duties in the British colonies, on glass, paper, pamters' colors, and tea. These proceedings, coupled with the declara- tion above-mentioned, raised a new storm in the colonies, who were determined to resist the tax, and to extort from the British ministry the acknowledgment that they had no right to tax them. The town of Bos- ton had, also, its peculiar sources of irritation and dislike to the mother country. It had always been considered as taking the lead in the opposition, and in order to overawe the inhabitants, some armed vessels were stationed in the harbor, and two regiments of foot were quartered in the town. During these troubled times, Mr. Adams was zealous and unremitting in asserting the rights of his country. The value and importance of his services in behalf of liberty, may be estimated by the fact that the crown officers thought him worthy of being purchased by a high price. They offered to him the place of Advocate General in the Court of Admiralty, a very lucrative office at that time, and a steppingstone to still higher ones. But as he could not accept it, without abandoning his friends and princi- ples, he declined it, as he himself says, " decidedly and peremptorily, though respectfully." In 1769, he was the chairman of a committee, consisting of himself, Richard Dana and Joseph Warren, chosen by the citizens of Boston, to prepare instructions to their representatives to resist the encroachments of the British government. These were conceived in a bold tone of spirited remonstrance, and particularly urged the removal of the troops from Boston. 10 74 ADAMS. But tlie soldiers still continued in town, and this crave rise to an inci- dent, which was highly honorabfc to the professional firmness and mora courage ot Mr. Adams. The inhabitants looked with an evil eye upon the soldiers. Squabbles were perpetually taking place between them and on the fifth of March, 1770, a bloody affray occurred in State-street' in which five citizens were killed and many others wounded This is commonly called the Boston massacre, about which it is almost impossible to learn the exact truth, even at this day, or to settle the amount of blame which ought to be attached to both parties. The town was thrown into a most violent ferment, as may well be supposed, and nothing but the most active exertions of the leading men prevented the popuTace from nsing en 7r,assc, and putting to death every man who wore a red coat 1 he inhabitants^ assembled in town-meeting and chose a committee, of wliicli Samuel Adams was the chairman, to present a remonstrance to the Governor, with a demand that the regular troops should be removed fronithetovvn. The state of popular feeling is well described in the words ofJohn Adams himself. "Not only the immense assemblies of the people from day to day, but military arrangements from night to ni-rht were necessary to keep the people and the soldiers from getfin--- Kiiii , uiey beni agents amonw them to asportnin tu ■ and to persuade them to the adontion of thl; '^^certam their views, these was a plan for a general ron ""^ ^^f'' ^.^" sentiments. Among solving them But he found ^it T ^l'' '^^'"^'^^y ^^th a message dis- admission. Thf ecrefa^v b^ theT ''^'l' '"^.^'^^ ^^^«^"t«'>^ ••^''"^^d of the room, and read T, J^JZ^' ^. ^7^'-"!^'- ^ ^^^^^rs, came to the door was the clos'e of the powe of E ^3 u! '^'f ^'^'"f/^e assembly. This that moment she was^ to all intents nn """"' JVI<-i«sachusetts. From An interesting incident is reT-^ted 1 T'^'^^'t' '" "^dependent state. at this time, and whh^ht v ,. I if ' n '""^ happened to Mr. Adams Soon after he was Se^a delel't^ i lu«trating the state of his feelings. Attorney General, Tabored eSv lo d" ?,^S^''- ?'^'^^ ^^^ Kmg's appointment. H^ told hhn <"f hn V / p"'*^' ^''™ ^'^"' accepting the system; 1-r power wtir^istib \,fdTo,ldT"i "'' determined on her those who shouhJ persevere in onnositl^ be destructive to him and all plied to him, " I know Gre^^E n r ^ ."" "^^''^r'' ^'- ^^ams re- that very de^ermina "on det' n^mes mel „ ™'"'^ T ^'' 'y^'^^^' ""^ constant and uniform in oppo Sn^^,^^^^ jou know I have been cast. I have passed the RuWcon S nk ""'''"r''' ^'^" ^'" '' "°^ perish with my country is mvZlt n ""/ '''™' ^''^ ""' *^'^' «"r^ive or The delea Jps frlm IVT "'>^ ""^'^erable determination." took tLlr'sir mrnlr^L^S'd"'^ f'^ ^^^^P^'«" ^^^^^ «-^^o-> ongress, the fi rst day of its meeting, September fifth, OtLX'xr ^"' '"*"^^^^"»" ^•^^-^^ «f »'- transaction, see Tudor's Life of Jame, ADAMS. 77 1774, in Philadelphia. The proceedings of the first Congress are too well known to be minutely detailed. They form one of the noblest chapters in the history, not only of our country, but of the world ; and they have left to every American citizen a heritage of glory, before which all the fabled splendor which tradition has thrown around the origin of older nations, fades into insignificance. The public papers issued by them drew from Lord Chatham the compliment " that he had studied and admired the free states of antiquity, the master-spirits of the world ; but that, for solidity of reasoning, force of sagacity, and wisdom of con- clusion, no body of men could stand in preference to this Congress." The first session continued eight weeks, during which Mr. Adams was in active and constant attendance. He was a member of some of the most important committees, such as that which drew up a statement of the rights of the colonies, and that which prepared the address to the King. Mr. Adams and his colleagues, being inhabitants of the colony which had been the most oppressed and insulted, and in which the most deter- mined spirit of opposition had been roused, were convinced of the entire impracticability of any reconciliation, and that it would be necessary to throw off the allegiance of the mother country, and to act as an indepen- dent nation. But these were by no means the sentiments and feelings of the inhabitants generally, and they were highly unpopular among them. Mr. Adams, in particular, from his ardent temperament and enthusiastic character, was an object of particular suspicion and dislike. He was charged not to make public the idea of a dissolution of the connexion, as it was as unpopular as the stamp act itself He was even pointed at in the streets as the visionary advocate of the most desperate measures. His own views, and those of some of his most distinguished colleagues, may be learned from an extract from one of his own letters. " When Congress had finished their business, as they thought, in the autumn of 1774, I had with Mr. Henry, before we took leave of each other, some familiar conversation, in which I expressed a full conviction that our resolves, declarations of rights, enumeration of wrongs, petitions, remonstrances, and addresses, associations, and nonimportation agreements, however they might be expected in America, and however necessary to cement the union of the colonies, would be but waste water in England. Mr. Henry said they might make some impression among the people of England, but agreed with me that they would be totally lost upon the government. I had but just received a short and hasty letter, written to me by Major Joseph Hawley, of Northampton, containing a ' few broken hints,' as he called them, of what he thought was proper to be done, and concluding with these words, ' After all, we must fight.' This letter I read to Mr. Henry, who listened with great attention ; and as soon as I had pronounced the words, ' After all, we must fight,' he raised his head, and, with an energy and vehemence that I can never forget, broke out with ' By God, I am of that man's mind.' I put the letter into his hand, and when he had read it he returned it to me, with an equally solemn asseveration, that he agreed entirely in opinion with the writer. " The other delegates from Virginia returned to their state in full 78 ADAMS. confidence that all our grievances would be redressed. The last words that Mr. Richard Henry Lee said to me, when we parted, were, * We shall infallibly carry all our points ; you will be completely relieved ; all the offensive acts will be repealed ; the army and fleet will be recalled ; and Britain will give up her foolish project.' Washington only was in doubt. He never spoke in public. In private he joined with those who advocated a nonexportation, as well as a nonimportation agreement. With both he thought we should prevail ; without either he thought it doubtful. Henry was clear in one opinion, Richard Henry Lee in an opposite opinion, and Washington doubted between the two." The sentiments of Mr. Lee, were those of the great majority of the nation. They were strongly attached to the mother country, and believed that the feeling was mutual. They felt confident both of her justice and generosity. But these fond anticipations were destined not to be realized. The ministers of England, at that time, were deficient in high, magnani- mous, and statesman-like views, and were resolved to use no arguments but those of force. They, as well as the whole people, were ignorant, to a ludicrous degree, of the condition, extent, population, geography, and resources of the colonies. Even the Prime Minister talks of the " island" of Virginia. The Congress adjourned in November, and Mr. Adams returned to his family. At this time, his literary talents were again called into exertion for the service of his country. His friend, Mr. Sewall, the Attorney General, had been publishing a series of able essays, under the name of Massachusettensis, contending for the supreme authority of the Parliament and against the revolutionary spirit of the country. Mr. Adams wrote a series of papers, under the name of Novanglus, in defence of the doctrines and conduct of the whigs. These are written with strength and ability, and are remarkable, as showing the extent of the author's general read- ing, and, in particular, his acquaintance with colonial history. This last merit, even his adversary was compelled to acknowledge. " Novanglus," he says, " strives to hide the inconsistencies of his hypothesis under a huge pile of learning." In writing these papers, Mr. Adams was em- barrassed with peculiar difiiculties. He was obliged to defend the principles of natural liberty and equality, to deny the authority of Parlia ment, but, at the same time, to acknowledge the rightfid power of the King. To the monarch himself the people were so much attached, that even after the battle of Lexington, which, one would think, would have severed every tie which bound them to Great Britain, the militia that ha. been engaged in actual battle with the royal iorces, were called th( " King's troops," and the regular soldiers were termed " Bute's men," ih allusion to Lord Bute, who was highly unpopular, and was supposed to exercise a pernicious influence over the young King's mind. Mr. Adams and his colleagues were reelected members of the Conti- nental Congress, John Hancock being chosen in the place of Mr. Bowdoin. It assembled in Philadelpliia, on the tenth of May, 1775. In the month of April of that year, the first blood of the revolution had been shed at Lexington and Concord, and Congress were obliged to take measures for active resistance. Still, the minds of men were not ripe for ADAMS. 79 independence, and they clung to the hope that their grievances would be redressed. They took up arms in self-defence merely. It was necessary to select some one for the post of commander-in-chief of the forces raised, and to be raised. A short history of this transaction will afford proof of Mr. Adams' disinterested patriotism, and sacrifice of sectional prejudice to the common good. The only thing like an army at that time in the country, was a hand- ful of New-England militia, hastily assembled at Boston, in consequence of the skirmishes at Lexington and Concord. These were under the command of General Artemas Ward, whom the New-England delegation were desirous of having made commander-in-chief; but Mr. Adams urged them to lay aside all local partialities, and appoint Colonel George Washington, of Virginia, who had given proof of uncommon military talents in the French war. Hi" colleagues were extremely averse to this plan. They thought it disrespectful to their own friends, to appoint a stranger, who had no higher rank than that of colonel, over the heads of generals, at the head of brigades and divisions. Mr. Adams persisted in his own views, and in the determmation that Washington should be ap- pointed. He was accordingly nominated the next day, by Governor Johnson, of Maryland, at the instigation of Mr. Adams, and seconded by him, to the great surprise of many of the members, and none more so, than of Washington himself, who was present as a member, and who, with characteristic modesty, immediately rose and left the house. It is needless to remark how honorable this selection was, not only to Mr. Adams' patriotism, but to his sagacity. It is impossible to say how large a part of the success of any undertaking is to be ascribed to the agency of any one individual, but it seems to us, that our revolutionary struggle, if it had been successful at all, must have been protracted many years longer, and have cost much more blood and treasure, if any other man than Wasliington had been at the head of our armies. Soon after the appointment of General Washington, Mr. Jefferson took his seat in Congress from Virginia, having been cho.sen in the place of Mr. Peyton Randolph, who had retired on account of ill health. Between him and Mr. Adams, a warm intimacy, arising from congeniality of feeling and agreement on the great points which agitated the minds of men, com- menced, which continued, with some unfortunate interruptions, as long as they lived. The Congress assembled again in the spring of 1776. At this time the feelings of the people had undergone a material ch;inge. The battle of Bunker Hill had been fought, and the British army had evacuated Boston. The Parliament had declared the provinces in a state of rebellion, and it was voted to raise and equip a force of twenty-eight thousand seamen and fifty-five thousand land troops. The indignation of the people was raised to the highest pitch, by learning that Lord North had engaged sixteen thousand German mercenaries, to assist in subduing them. To cherish the hope of an amicable adjustment of their differences, was little short of madness. The time hud come for them to draw the sword and tlirow away the scabbard ; to assume the erect attitude and bold tone of inde- pendence, ^i/ch had been Mr. Adams' opinions from the first com- 80 ADAMS. mencement of the difficukies ; and the time had now come, when it was no longer dangerous or inexpedient to express them. Accordingly, on the sixth of May, 1776, he moved in Congress a resolution, which was in fact a declaration of independence, recommending to the colonies "to adopt such a government as would, in the opinion of the representatives of tlie people, hest conduce to the happiness and safety of their constitu- ents and of America." This proposition was adopted on the tenth. On the same day, the Massachusetts House of Representatives voted a resollition, that if the Congress should think proper to declare independence, they were ready to support it with their lives and fortunes. Five days afterwards, Mr. Adams reported and advocated a preamble to the resolutions already passed, which, after reciting the insults and aggressions of the British government, and that they had called in the assistance of foreign mercenaries, proceeded in the following terms; " Whereas it appears absolutely irreconcilable to reason and good con- science, for the people of these colonies now to take the oaths and affirmations necessary for the support of any government under the crown of Great Britain, and it is necessary that the exercise of every kind of authority under the said crown should be totally suppressed, and fill the powers of government exerted under the authority of the people of (he colonies, for the preservation ofmternal peace, virtue, and good order, ^s well as for the defence of their lives, liberties, and properties, against the hostile invasions and cruel depredations of their enemies." This pieamble was adopted, after an animated discussion. It was published for the consideration of the colonies. They all expressed a wish for independence; North Carolina being the first, and Pennsylvania the last, to make it publicly known. It now remamed to issue a formal Declaration of Independence, in the name of the United Colonies. Virginia being the leading state, it was thought proper that the motion should proceed from oncof her delegation. Richard Henry Lee, being chosen by his colleagues, offered, on the seventh of June, the glorious and immortal resolution, " that these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent states ; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown ; and that all political connexion between them and the state of Great Britain is, and of right ought to be, totally dissolved." This motion was seconded by Mr. Adams, and was debated with great warmth till the tenth, when the further discussion of it was postponed till the first of July. At the same time, it was voted, that a committee be appointed to prepare a draft of a declaration, to be submitted to Congress for its consideration. This committee was chosen by ballot, and consisted of Thomas Jefferson, John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, Roger Sherman, and Robert R. Livingston ; being arranged in order, according to the number of votes which each had received. Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Adams, being at the head of the committee, were requested by the other members to act as a subcom- mittee, to prepare the draft ; and Mr. Jefferson, at Mr. Adams' earnest request, drew up the paper. The declaration was reported to Congress by the committee, on the ADAMS. 81 first day of July. Mr. Lee's original resolution was passed on the second, and on the fourth, the Declaration of Independence, after having under gone a kw changes, was adopted in the committee of the whole. It was not engrossed and signed, however, till the second of August. We omit to make any remarks on the Declaration itself, as they more properly belong to the life of Jefferson. During all the discussions that preceded this important measure, and they were long and animated, Mr. Adams took the lead. Mr. Jefferson has said, " that tlie great pillar of support to the Declaration of Indepen- dence, and its ablest advocate and champion on the floor of the house, was John Adams." On another occasion, he said of him, " He was our Colossus on the floor. Not graceful, not elegant, not always fluent in his public addresses, he yet came out with a power, both of thought and expression, which moved us from our seats." The Congress of the Revolution debated with closed doors, and their discussions arc preserved only by memory and tradition. The late Go- vernor M'Kean, of Pennsylvania, said, on this point, " I do not recollect any formal speeches, such as are made in the British Parliament, and our late Congress, to have been made in the Revolutionary Congress ; we had no time to hear such speeches, little for deliberation ; action was the order of the day." The eloquence of Mr. Adams was precisely adapted to the state of the times. It was manly and energetic, warmed and animated by his ardent temperament, and bold, independent character. He has indeed, without being conscious of it, drawn the character of his own eloquence : " Oratory, as it consists in expressions of the countenance, graces of attitude and motion, and intonation of voice, although it is altogether superficial and ornamental, will always command admiration ; yet it deserves little veneration. Flashes of wit, coruscations of imagination, and gay pictures, what are they 1 Strict truth, rapid reason, and pure integrity, are the only ingredients in sound oratory. I flatter myself that Demosthenes, by his ' action ! action ! action !' meant to express the same opinion." On the day after the Declaration of Independence was passed, while his soul was yet warm with the glow of excited feeling, he wrote a letter to his wife, which, as we read it now, seems to have been dictated by the spirit of prophecy. " Yesterday," he says, " the greatest question was decided that ever was debated in America ; and greater, perhaps, never was or will be decided among men. A resolution .was passed, without one dissenting colony, ' that these United States are, and of right ought to be, free and independent states.' The day is passed. The fourth of July, 1776, will be a memorable epoch in the history of America. I am apt to believe it will be celebrated, by succeeding generations, as the great anniversary festival. It ought to be commemorated as the day of deliverance, by solemn acts of devotion to Almighty God. It ought to be solemnized with pomps, shows, games, sports, guns, bells, bonfires, and illuminations, from one end of the continent to the other, from this time forward for ever. You will think me transported with entliusiasm, but I am not. I am well aware of the toil, and blood, and treasure, that 11 82 ADAMS. it will cost to maintain this declaration, and support and defend these states ; yet, through all the gloom, I can see the rays of light and glory. I can see that the end is worth more than all the means ; and that poste- rity will triumph, although you and I may rue, which I hope we shall not." On his return to Massachusetts, he was chosen a member of the Coun- cil of Massachusetts, which occupied the place formerly held by the Governor's Council. He accepted the appointment, and assisted in their deliberations, but declined the office of Chief Justice, which they urged upon him, since it would interfere with his duties in Congress. In August, 1776, the American army on Long Island were attacked and defeated by the forces under Lord Howe, who, supposing this a favorable moment for negotiation, requested an interview with some of the members of Congress. Mr. Adams opposed the plan, as likely to produce no favorable result ; but he was overruled, and a committee appointed to treat with the British General, consisting of himself, Dr. Franklin, and Edward Rutledge. They were received with much polite- ness by General Howe, but he was not willing to treat with them as a committee of Congress, and they were not willing to be considered in any other capacity. " You may view me in any light you please," said Mr. Adams, " except in that of a British subject." The only terms on which peace was offered, were, that the colonies should return to the allegiance and government of Great Britain, and these, the commissioners stated to him, were entirely out of the question ; and thus, as Mr. Adams had predicted, the negotiation was entirely fruitless. During the remainder of the year 177G, and throughout 1777, Mr. Adams was assiduous in his attendance upon Congress, and in attention to public affairs. He was a member of ninety committees, a greater number than any other member, and twice as many as any, except R. H. Lee and Samuel Adams. Of these he was the chairman of twenty-five, and in particular, of the laborious and important board of war. Fnom these arduous duties he was relieved by being appointed, in November, 1777, a commissioner to France, in the place of Silas Deane, who was recalled. The other members were Dr. Franklin and Arthur Lee. The object of the mission was, to obtain assistance, in arms and money, from the French government. Mr. Adams accepted the appointment without hesitation, though it separated him from his family, and obliged him to cross the ocean in the depth of winter, and when it was swarming with ships of the enemy, and he knew that he should be treated with the utmost rigor if captured. He embarked on board the frigate Boston, in the month of February, 1778, from the shores of his native town. An incident occurred on the voyage, which proved that Mr. Adams' courage was not exclusively moral. Captain Tucker, the commander of the Boston, saw a large English ship, showing a tier of guns, and asked Mr. Adams' consent to engage her. This was readily granted. Upon hailing her, she answered by a broadside. Mr. Adams had been requested to retire to the cockpit ; but Tucker, looking forward, observed him among the marines, with a musket in his hands, having privately applied to the officer of the marines for a gun, and taken his station among them. At this sight Captain Tucker became alarmed ; ADAMS. 8S and, walking up to the ambassador, desired to know how he came there? Upon which the other smiled, gave up his gun, and went immediately below. The treaty of alliance and commerce with France had been signed, before Mr. Adams arrived in Europe; and on the appointment of Dr. Franklin as Minister Plenipotentiary, Mr. Adams asked and received permission to return home, which he accordingly did, in the summer of 1779. On his return to America, he was chosen a member of the Convention which was called to prepare a constitution for the state of Massachusetts. He was placed on the subcommittee chosen to draft the plan of the constitution ; and much of its character and spirit is due to his exertions. Soon after this. Congress determined to send a Minister Plenipotentiary to negotiate a peace with Great Britain. Mr. Adams and Mr. Jay, at that time President of Congress, were put in nomination, and received an equal number of votes. On the next day, it being proposed to send a Minister to Spain, Mr. Jay was almost unanimously elected, and Mr. Adams received the appointment of Minister to England. He received instructions, by which he was to be guided ; among which were, that the United States should be treated with as a free and independent state, and that the right to the fisheries should be insisted on. His salary was fixed at twenty-five hundred pounds sterling. He embarked in the French frigate La Sensible, November 17, 1779, and was obliged to land at Corunna, in Spain, from which place he travelled over the mountains to Paris, where he arrived in February, 1780. He communicated the objects of his mission immediately, to Dr. Franklin, the American Envoy at Paris, and the Count de Vergennes, the French Prime Minister. The latter was very pressing to learn the nature of Mr. Adams' instructions, but they were not communicated to him. Mr. Adams soon became con- vinced, that a peace with Great Britain on the terms required, was quite impracticable, and that it would be needless for him to go to that country. The French government, also, were averse to the negotiation. He accordingly remained in Paris for some time. In August, 1780, he repaired to Holland, and a vote of approbation was passed upon his conduct. Congress, upon hearing of the captivity of Mr. Laurens, who had gone out as Minister to Holland, appointed Mr. Adams in his place, to negotiate a loan ; and in December he was invested with full powers to conclude a treaty of amity and commerce with that country. Mr. Adams had great difficulties to contend with in Holland. He was thrown among capitalists and money brokers, with the details of whose business he was unacquainted, and with whom he had often no language in common. He was opposed by the whole strength of the British in- fluence. The Dutch people were extremely ignorant of the resources and wealth of the United States, and of course, their moneyed men were unwilling to advance their property, without knowing what security they had to depend upon. Mr. Adams commenced the writing of a series of papers, in answer to a set of queries proposed to him by Mr. Kalkcen, an eminent jurist of Amsterdam, containing an account of the rise and progreas of the disputes between the colonies and the mother country ; 84 ADAMS. and of the resources and prospects of the United States. These papers were circulated by newspapers, all over Holland, and had a good deal of effect upon public opinion. We will leave, for a moment, the order of dates, and state that this portion of Mr. Adams' labors was concluded by the negotiation of a loan, in September, 1782, of eight millions of gilders, upon reasonably favorable terms. In July, 1781, while residing at Holland, he was summoned to Paris, for the purpose of consulting upon a plan of mediation, proposed by the Courts of Austria and Russia, which was not accepted, as the mediating powers would not acknowledge the independence of America, without the consent of Great Britain. During these negotiations, Mr. Adams was much annoyed, and the interests of his country much injured, by the selfish and intriguing conduct of the Count de Vergennes. He seems to have taken a dislike to the straight forward, manly character of the American minister. It was the policy of France, also, that the ..Americans should be debarred from some of the advantages which they insisted upon as indispensable preliminaries of a pacification with Great Britain. It was not desirable for France, that the Britjsh Parliament should be aware of Mr. Adams' powers, respecting a treaty of commerce, beciuse it was her intention, as the more important country, in settling the conditions of peace, to secure to herself the lion's share of the com- mercial privileges, which England might be disposed to yield to her colonies. But Mr. Adams had too much skill, and too much indepen- dence to be either the dupe or the tool of the Count de Vergennes. Early in the year 1781, a message was transmitted to Congress, through the French Minister, at Philadelphia, complaining somewhat of the con- duct of the Plenipotentiary, and requesting them, " to be impressed with the necessity of prescribing to their Plenipotentiary, a perfect and open confidence in the French Ministers, and a thorough reliance on the King ; and would direct him to take no step without the approbation of his Majesty ; and after giving him, in his instructions, the principal and most important outlines for his conduct, they would order him, with respect to the manner of carrying them into execution, to receive his directions from the Count de Vergennes, or from the person who might be charged with the negotiations, in the name of the King." Congress instructed their Minister to repose the utmost confidence in the Ministers of the King of France, and to undertake nothing in the negotiation for peace or truce without their knowledge and concurrence But, as we have stated, the negotiation was broken off, and Mr. Adams returned to Holland. In 1783, Congress appointed Mr. Adams, Dr. Franklin, Mr. Jay, Mr. Henry Laurens, and Mr. Jefferson, commissioners for negotiating a peace ; and, in a spirit of unworthy concession to the French government, added to their instructions that " they should govern themselves by the advice and opinion of the Ministers of the King of France." This placed them almost entirely under the control of the Count de Vergennes. The com- missioners were displeased at finding themselves thus shackled, and strangers appointed to act upon the most vital interests of their country. They determined, therefore, to disobey the rash orders of Congress, and ADAMS. 85 to secure for their country much better terms than fell in with the views of the French Ministry. The treaty of peace was signed November 30, 1782, and ratified January 14, 1784; and its honorable and favorable terms are mainly due to the firmness and ability of the commissioners. A full account of Mr. Adarns' labors and services, from his first arrival in Europe to the peace, belongs to the diplomatic history of the country, and not to a sketch of his own life. The works which can be advanta- geously consulted on this subject, are Lyman's Diplomatic History of the United States, and Sparks' Diplomatic Correspondence of the Revolution. In January, 1785, Congress resolved to appoint a Minister Plenipoten- tiary at the Court of Great Britain, and Mr. Adams was chosen for this important and delicate office. A letter was written by him, to Mr. Jay, giving a graphic and interesting account of the circumstances of his public reception, which we will quote. " During my interview with the Marquis of Carmarthen, he told me it was customary for every foreign Minister, at his first presentation to the King, to make his Majesty some compliments conformable to the spirit of his credentials ; and when Sir Clement Cottrel Dormer, the master of the ceremonies, came to inform me that he should accompany me to the Secretary of State and to court, he said that every foreign minister whom he had attended to the Q.ueen, had always made an harangue to her Majesty, and he understood, though he had not been present, that they always harangued the King. On Tuesday evening the Baron de Lynden (Dutch ambassador) called upon me, and said he came from the Baron de Nolkin, (Swedish envoy,) and had been convers- ing upon the singular situation I was in, and they agreed in opinion that it was indispensable that I should make a speech, and that it should be as complimentary as possible. All this was parallel to the advice lately given by the Count de Vergennes to Mr. Jefferson. So that finding it was a custom established at both these great courts, that this court and the foreign ministers expected it, I thought I could not avoid it, although my first thoi^ht and inclination had been to deliver my credentials silently and retire. At one, on Wednesday, the first of June, the master of ceremonies called at my house, and went with me to the Secretary of State's office, in Cleveland Row. where the Marquis of Carmarthen received me, and introduced me to Mr. Frazier, his under secretary, who had been, as his lordship said, uninterruptedly in that office, through all the changes in administration for thirty years, having first been appointed by the Earl of Holderness. After a short conversation upon the subject of importing my effects from Holland and France free of duty, which Mr Frazier himself introduced. Lord Car- marthen invited me to go with him in his coach to court. When we arrived in the antichamber, the OEil de Bceuf of St. James, the master of the ceremonies met me and attended me while the Secretary of State went to take the commands of the King. While I stood m this place, where it seems all ministers stand upon such occasions, always attended by the master of ceremonies, the room very full of ministers of state, bishops, and all other sorts of courtiers, as well as the next room, which is the King's bedchamber, you may well suppose that I was the focus of all eyes. I 86' ADAMS. was relieved, however, from the embarrassment of it, by the Swedish and Dutch ministers, who came to me and entertained me in a very agreeable conversation during the whole time. Some other gentlemen whom I had seen before, came to make their compliments too ; until the Marquis of Carmarthen returned and desired me to go with him to his Majesty ! I went with his lordship through the levee room into the King's closet. The door was shut, and I was left with his Majesty and the Secretary of State alone. I made the three reverences ; one at the door, another about halfway, and the third before the presence, according to the usage established at this and all the northern courts of Europe, and then addressed myself to his Majesty in the following words : ' Sir, the United States of America have appointed me their Minister Plenipotentiary to your Majesty, and have directed me to deliver to your Majesty this letter, which contains the evidence of it. It is in obedience to their express commands, that I have the honor to assure your Majesty of their unani- mous disposition and desire to cultivate the most friendly and liberal intercourse between your Majesty's subjects and their citizens, and of their best wishes for your Majesty's health and happiness, and for that of your royal family. " ' The appointment of a Minister from the United States to your Majesty's court, will form an epoch in the history of England and America. I think myself more fortunate than all my fellow-citizens, in having the distinguished honor to be the first to stand in your Majesty's royal presence, in a diplomatic character ; and I shall esteem myself the happiest of men, if I can be instrumental in recommending my country more and more to your Majesty's royal benevolence, and of restoring an entire esteem, confidence, and affection, or in better words, "the old good nature, and the old good harmony," between people, who, though separated by an ocean, and under different governments, have the same language, a similar religion, and kindred blood. I beg your Majesty's permission to add, that although I have sometimes before been intrusted by my country, it was never in my whole life, in a manner so agreeable to myself The King listened to every word I said, with dignity, it is true, but with apparent emotion. Whether it was the nature of the interview, or whether it was my visible agitation, for I felt more than I did or could express, that touched him, I cannot say, but he was much affected, and answered me with more tremor than I had spoken with, and said, ' Sir — The circumstances of this audience are so extraordinary, the language you have now held is so extremely proper, and the feelings you have discovered, so justly adapted to the occasion, that I must say, that I not only receive with pleasure the assurances of the friendly disposi- tion of the people of the United States, but that I am very glad the choice has fallen upon you to be their Minister. I wish you. Sir, to believe, and that it may be understood in America, that I have done nothing in the late contest, but what I thought myself indispensably bound to do, by the duty which I owed to my people. I will be frank with you. I was the last to conform to the separation : but the separation having been made, and having become inevitable, I have always said, as I say now, that I would be the first to meet the friendship of the United States, as ADAMS. 87 an independent power. The moment I see such sentiments and language as yours prevail, and a disposition to give this country the preference, that moment I shall say, let the circumstances of language, religion, and blood, have their natural and full effect.' " I dare not say that these were the King's precise words, and it is even possible that I may have, in some particular, mistaken his meaning; for although his pronunciation is as distinct as I ever heard, he hesi- tated sometimes between his periods, and between the members of the same period. He was indeed much affected, and I was not less so, and therefore I cannot be certain that I was so attentive, heard so clearly, and understood so perfectly, as to be confident of all his words or sense ; this I do say, that the foregoing is his Majesty's meaning, as I then understood it, and his own words as nearly as I can recollect them. " The King then asked me, whether I came last from France ? and upon my answering in the affirmative, he put on an air of familiarity, and smiling, or rather laughing, said, ' there is an opinion among some people, that you are not the most attached of all your countrymen to the manners of France.' I was surprised at this, because I thought it an indiscretion, and a descent from his dignity. I was a little embarrassed, but determined not to deny the truth on one hand, nor leave him to infe- from it any attachment to England on the other. I threw off as much gravity as I could, and assumed an air of gaiety and a tone of decision, as far as it was decent, and said ' That opinion. Sir, is not mistaken. I must avow to your Majesty I have no attachment but to my own country.' The King replied as quick as lightning, ' An honest man will never have any other.' " The King then said a word or two to the Secretary of State, which, being between them, I did not hear ; and then turned round and bowed to me, as is customary with all kings and princes, when they give the signal to retire. I retreated, stepping backwards, as is the etiquette, and making my last reverence at the door of the chamber, I went my way ; the master of ceremonies joined me at the moment of my coming out of the King's closet, and accompanied me through all the apartments down to my carriage. Several stages of servants, gentlemen porters, and under porters, roared out like thunder as I went along, ' Mr. Adams' servants. Mr. Adams' carriage,' " &/C. Notwithstanding this courteous reception at the British court, the feelings of the Ministry were soon discovered to be unfriendly towards the United States. The irritations produced by the long strife were not yet allayed, and the parent had not quite magnanimity enough to forgive her rebellious child. They refused to listen to any proposals for entering into a commercial treaty. While Mr. Adams was residing in London, he was enabled to render his country material service by the exercise of his literary talents. The new states of America were of course objects of great interest to the philosophers and statesmen of Europe, and a variety of opinions were held upon their policy and prospects. Among those who expressed themselves as dissatisfied with their political organization, were Mons. Turgot, th^ Abbe de Mably, and Dr. Price. M. Turgot, in a letter to 88 ADAMS. ♦ Dr. Price, observes, " The Americans have established three bodies, viz. a Governor, Council, and House of Representatives, merely because there is in England a King, a House of Lords, and a House of Commons ; as if this equilibrium, which, in England, may be a necessary check to the enormous influence of royalty, could be of any use in republics founded upon the equality of all the citizens." M. Turgot recommends the concentration of the whole power upon one representative assembly. These opinions derived weight from the high character of their author. This was a dark period in our history — the federal government was not yet formed — our credit was low — and the minds of men desponding and disposed to regard any state of things as better than that which actually existed. To counteract these impressions, Mr. Adams wrote and published in London, his Defence of the American Constitutions, in three volumes. It is a work of learning and ability, though bearing marks of the haste with which it was written. It did much service to his country, not only in correcting the influence of the above-mentioned writings at home, but in rendering the American cause respectable abroad. Mr. Adams moved in the most enlightened circles of English society, and occupied himself n gathermg information which might be useful to his own country. In 1787, he asked, and received permission to return home, and had the happiness to join his family and friends, after an absence of between eight and nine years. Congress at the same time, passed a resolution of thanks to be presented to him, fpr his able and faithful discharge of the various and important commissions with which he had been entrusted while abroad. In 1788, he was elected Vice President of the United States, and re- elected in 1792. In 1796, General Washington retired from public life, and Mr. Adams was elected President of the United States, though not without a good deal of opposition. After serving in this oflice four years, he was succeeded, as is well known, by Mr. Jefferson. To trace the history of Mr. Adams' administration, and to show the causes of his unpopularity, would fall within the province of general history, rather than of biography. But a slight sketch of his motives and principles, is due both to his own character and to the expectations of those who wish to obtain correct views of it. The French Revolution was the point upon which he was at issue with the majority of his countrymen. That tremendous political con- vulsion shook the whole earth to its centre, and created the most frantic excitement throughout the civilized world. The young and the enthu- siastic, hailed it as the dawn of a brighter day, not only for France, but for Europe, and pardoned its sanguinary excesses, regarding them as the natural results of that wild transport which would take possession of an uneducated population, at the sudden change from the most galling despotism to entire freedom. In this country, in particular, just begin- ning to enjoy the republican institutions which we had so dearly purchas- ed, there was an almost universal expression of admiration and sympathy. But there were not wanting many, even in our own country, who viewed the French Revolution with alarm and disgust. They abhorred its ADAMS. ' 89 atrocities, regarded with suspicion and dislike the characters of its leaders, and dreaded the influence of its principles, as tending to over- throw the whole social fabric, and introduce the most visionary schemes of polity in the place of the governments, whose excellence had stood the test of ages. To this latter class, Mr. Adams and his party belong- ed. He had imbibed a strong, and, in truth, an unreasonable prejudice against the French people, while he resided in Europe ; and he viewed them, and their conduct, through its distorting medium. At the very commencement of his administration he found the country involved in a dispute with France, and one of his earliest communications to Con- gress complained, in dignified and elegant language, of an insult offered to the ambassador of the United States, by the government of that coun- try. So strong, however, was the partiality to the French, that many believed that the first provocation had been given hy us, and that it was our duty to tender an apology, and not demand satisfaction. Mr. Adams persisted, however, in the course which he deemed required by a regard for the honor of his country. He sent a commission, consisting of three envoys, Messrs. Pinckney, Marshall, and Gerry, to France, who were treated with insolence and contumely by the French Directory. In these transactions, it was Mr. Adams' misfortune to please neither one of the great parties, which then divided the country. The demo- cratic party considered them as too strong, and actuated by too great an hostility towards France, while the federalists thought a more high- spirited conduct and more dignified attitude were required by the cir- cumstances of the case. The bitterness with which this party strife was carried on, is probably fresh in the recollections of many of our readers. It was actively foment- ed by a most licentious press, which violated all the confidences of private life, and indulged in the most unwarrantable personal allusions and reflections. Mr. Adams was accused of favoring monarchical insti- tutions, though his whole life had been spent in resisting them. It is curious to observe how the malice of his enemies warped and perverted the best acts of his life. His Defence of the American Constitution, which favors the plan of having an executive and two houses of legisla- tion, was quoted as a proof of his prepossessions in favor of a king, lords, and commons ; and his noble, moral courage, at the beginning of his career, in defending Captain Preston and his soldiers, was brought up at this late day, as giving evidence of his being under British influence. It is but doing justice to Mr. Jefferson, the leader of the opposing and tri- umphant party, to state, that he always retained the highest personal respect for Mr. Adams, though, in political opinions, he differed so wide- ly from him. When some young politicians were, in his presence, accus- ing Mr. Adams of designs hostile to republican institutions, he remarked, " Gentlemen, you do not know that man ; there is not upon this earth a more perfectly honest man than John Adams. Concealment is no part of his character. It is not in his nature to meditate any thing that he would not publish to the world. The measures of the general govern ment, are a fair subject for differences of opinion, but do not found your opinion on the notion that there is the smallest spice of dishonesty, moral 12 90 ADAMS. or political, in the character of John Adams, for I know him well, and 1 repeat, that a man more perfectly honest never issued from the hands of his Creator." Mr. Adams was also firm in his conviction of the importance of a naval establishment, and he deserves the title of Father of the American Navy. Time has confirmed the justness of his views on this subject, but they were not popular at the time. His own manners and bearing were not dignified or conciliating, and, in this respect, he was decidedly inferior to Mr. Jefferson. The warmth of his temperament, and the ardor of his feelings, often betrayed him into intemperate expressions and rash actions, which no one would re- gret more than he, in his cool moments. In March, 1801, in the sixty-seventh year of his age, he retired to his quiet home, at Q,uincy, where he passed the remainder of his days. He amused himself with agricultural pursuits, and still retained a lively interest in the politics and literature of the day. He had an extensive correspondence, to fill up his leisure hours, and a large circle of friends, to whom he devoted much of his time. He was invited to become a candi- date for the office of Governor of Massachusetts, but declined. He de- fended the policy of Mr. Jefferson's administration towards England; and when the dispute terminated in war, he advocated its expediency and ne» cessity, in opposition to the views and sentiments of the majority of the people of Massachusetts. He published a series of letters on this subject, in one of the Boston papers, and when a loan was opened by the General Government, to meet the expenses of the war, he immediately took up a portion of the stock. In 1815, he had the pleasure of seeing his son at the head of the commission which signed the treaty of peace with Great Britain. He also renewed that friendship with Mr. JeffersOn, which had been interrupted by party strife, and some beautiful and characteristic letters passed between them, many of which have been printed. In 1816, he was chosen a member of the college of electors, which voted for Mr. Monroe for President. In 1818 he was called upon to sustain the severest affliction that had ever befallen him, by the death of his beloved wife, who had been for so many years his guide, solace, and friend, and who had shared his patriotic enthusiasm, and borne without a murmur, all the sacrifices which duty to their country had required them both to make. On this occasion he received the following beautiful letter from Mr. Jefferson. " Monticello, November 13, 1818. ** The public papers, my dear friend, announce the fatal event of which your letter, of October twentieth, had given me ominous foreboding. Tried myself in the school of affliction, by the loss of every form of connexion which can rive the human heart, I know well, and feel, what you have lost — what you have suffered — are suffering — and have yet to endure. The same trials have taught me, that, for ills so immeasurable, time and silence are the only medicines. I will not, therefore, by useless condolences, open afresh the sluices of your grief, nor, although mingling sincerely my tears with yours, will I say a word more where words are ADAMS. 91 vain, but that it is of some comfort to us both, that the term is not very distant, at which we are to deposit, in the same cerement, our sorrows and suffering bodies ; and to ascend, in essence, to an ecstatic meeting with the friends we have loved and lost, and whom we shall still love and never lose again. God bless you and support you under your heavy afflictions. Thomas Jefferson." In 1820, a Convention of the people of Massachusetts was called, for the purpose of revising their State Constitution, and Mr. Adams was elected a member from Q,uincy. The Convention testified their sense of his services to his country, and their respect for his character, by electing him unanimously to the office of President, passing at the same time the following highly flattering resolution. " In Convention, November 15, 1820. " Whereas, the Honorable John Adams, a member of this Convention, and elected the President thereof, has, for more than half a century, devoted the great powers of his mind and his profound wisdom and learning to the service of his country and mankind: " In fearlessly vindicating the rights of the North American provinces against the usurpations and encroachments of the superintendant govern- ihent : " In diffusing a knowledge of the principles of civil liberty among his fellow subjects, and exciting them to a firm and resolute defence of the privileges of freemen : "In early conceiving, asserting,' and maintaining the justice'and practi- cability of establishing the independence of the United States of America: "In giving the powerful aid of his political knowledge in the formation of the Constitution of this his native state, which Constitution became, in a great measure, the model of those which were subsequently formed : " In conciliating the favor of foreign powers, and obtaining their coun- tenance and support in the arduous struggle for independence : " In negotiating the treaty of peace, which secured forever the sove- reignty of the United States, and in defeating all attempts to prevent it, and especially in preserving in that treaty the vital interest of the New- England States . " In demonstrating to the world, in his Defence of the Constitutions of the several United States, the contested principle, since admitted as an axiom, that checks and balances, in legislative power, are essential to true liberty : " In devoting his time and talents to the service of the nation, in the high and important trusts of Vice-President and President of the United States : " And, lastly, in passing an honorable old age in dignified retirement, in the practice of all the domestic virtues; thus exhibiting to his country- men and to posterity an example of true greatness of mind and of genuine patriotism : " Therefore, Resolved, That the members of this Convention, repre- senting the people of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, do joyfully avail themselves of this opportunity to testify their respect and gratitude 92 ADAMS. to this eminent patriot and statesman, for the great services rendered :>y him to his country, and their high gratification that, at this late periou of life, he is permitted, by divine Providence, to assist them witii his counsel in revising the Constitution, which, ibrty years ago, liis wisdom and pru- dence assisted to form. '* Resolved, That a committee of twelve be appointed by the chair, to communicate this proceeding to the Honorable Jolm Adams, to inform him of his election to preside in this body, and to introduce him to the chair of this Convention." This station he declined on account of his advanced age, being then eighty-five years old, but he was able to attend upon the Convention and fulfil ids duties as a member. The world lias hardly ever seen a spectacle of more moral beauty and grandeur, than was presented by the old age of Mr. Adams. The violence of party feeling had died away, and he had begun to receive that just appreciation which, to most men, is not accorded till after death. He had been always happy in his domestic relations, and he had a large circle of friends and acquaintances, who looked up to him with aflectionate admiration. He was also an object of great interest to intelligent stringers from all parts of tlie world, all of vvliom were desirous of seeing a man who done so much for tlie glory and happiness of his country. No one could look uj)on his venerable form, and think of what he had done and sufiered, and how he had given up all the prime and strength of his life to the pul)lic good, without the deepest emotions of gratitude and respect. It was his peculiar good fortune, to witness the complete success of the institutions which he had been so active in creating and supporting. He saw, every day, the intluences of the revolution widening and extending, and the genial liglit of freedom continually adding increase to the wealth, intelligence, and happiness of his country- men. He could look around upon the thriving towns, the smiling villages, the busy factories, the crowded warehouses of his country, and exclaim, " Behold the work of my hands, the fruits of my labors, the result of my toils, dangers, and sacrifices." It was his privilege also to preserve his mind unclouded to the last. He always retained his enjoy- ment of books, conversation, and reflection. In 1824, his cup of happi- ness was filled to the brim, by seeing his son elevated to the highest station in the gill of the people. The fourth of July, 182(5, which completed the half century since the signing of the Declaration of Independence, arrived, and tlicre were but three of the signers of that innnortal instrument loll upon earth, to hail its morning light. And, as it is well known, on that day two of these finished their earthly pilgrimage, a coincidence so remarkable, as to seem miraculous. For a few days before, Mr. Adams had been rapidly fail- ing, and on the morning of the fourth, he found himself too weak to rise from his bed. On being recptestcd to name a toast for the customary celebration of the day, he exclaimed, " iNOErr.NDi-.Ncr, foukvkr." When tlie day was ushered in, by the ringing of bells, and the firing of cannon, he was asked by one of his attendants, if he knew what day it ADAMS. 93 was? He replied, " O yes ; it is the glorious fourth of July — God bless it — God bless you all." In the course of the day he said, " It is a great and glorious day." The last words he uttered were, " Jefferson survives." But he had, at one o'clock, resigned his spirit into the hands of his God. When the news was spread throughout the country that these two men, who had been associated together in so many important labors, and whose names were identified with the glory and prosperity of their country, had botli died on the same day, and on that which completed the half century since they signed the Declaration of Independence, of which one was the author, and the other the most powerful advocate and defender ; the effect was solemn and thrilling in the highest degree. It seemed a direct and special manifestation of God's power. The general feeling was, (to borrow the beautiful words of one of their eulogists,) " that had the prophet lent his ' chariot of fire,' and his * horses of fire,' their ascent could hardly have been more glorious." In all parts of the country a day was set apart, by the large towns, for the solemn commemoration of their death, and men of the most distinguished talents were invited to pronounce their eulogies. All political prejudices were forgotten in the general burst of feeling ; nothing was recollected but their long lives of devoted patriotism, and the sublime circumstances which attended their close. The character of Mr. Adams harn- ing of Paris, he often sighed for the retirement of Monticello. In a letter to the Baron Geismer, dated at Paris, September sixth, 1785, he says, " The character in which 1 am here, at present, confines me to this place, and will confine me as long as I continue in Europe. IIow long this will he, I cannot tell. I am now of an age, which does not easily accommodate itself to new manners and new modes of living, and I am 15 114 JEFFERSON. savage enough to prefer the woods, the wilds, and the independence of Monticello, to all the brilliant pleasures of this gay capital. I shall therefore rejoin myself to my native country, with new attachments, and with exaggerated esteem for its advantages ; for though there is less wealth there, there is more freedom, more ease, and less misery." Mr. Jefferson was naturally led, during his residence in Europe, to com- pare the state of the French people, their advancement in morals, in science, and the arts of life, with his own countrymen. As a citizen of a new republic, where perfect freedom of religious opinions existed, and where the only end of government was to improve the people, and deeply anxious as to the result of the great experiment which was then on trial, Whether the people could rule themselves ? — he was constantly watching the effects of the government, and the long established institutions of France, on the character and happiness of the people, and instituting comparisons between the inhabitants of that and of his own land ; and although America was even then suffering all the evils which a long and bloody war, carried on in the midst of her own territories, had inflicted on her. the result of his observations was uniformly in her favor. In a letter to Mr. Bellini, dated Paris, 1785, he thus expresses himself — " Be- hold me at length on the vaunted scene of Europe ! It is not necessary for your information, that I should enter into details concerning it. But you are, perhaps, curious to know how this new scene has struck a sa- vage of the mountains of America. Not advantageously, I assure you. I find the general fate of humanity here most deplorable. The truth of Voltaire's observation offers itself perpetually, that every man here must be either the hammer or the anvil. While the great mass of the people are thus suffering under physical and moral oppression, I have endeavor- ed to examine more nearly the condition of the great, to appreciate the true value of the circumstances in their situation, which dazzle the bulk of spectators, and, especially, to compare it with that degree of happiness which is enjoyed in America by every class of people. Intrigues of love occupy the younger, and those of ambition the elder part of the great. Conjugal love having no existence among them, domestic happiness, of which that is the basis, is utterly unknown. In lieu of this, are substitut- ed pursuits which nourish and invigorate all our bad passions, and which offer only moments of ecstacy, amidst days and months of restlessness and torment. Much, very much inferior, this, to the tranquil, perma- nent felicity, with which domestic society in America blesses most of its inhabitants ; leaving them to follow steadily those pursuits which health and reason approve, and rendering truly delicious the intervals of those pursuits. " In science the mass of the people is two centuries behind ours ; their literati, half a dozen years before us. With respect to what are termed polite manners, without sacrificing too much the sincerity of language, I would wish my countrymen to adopt just so much of European politeness, as to be ready to make all those little sacrifices of self, which really ren- der European manners amiable, and relieve society from the disagreeable scenes to which rudeness often subjects it. Here, it seems that a man jnight pass a life without encountering a single rudeness. In the plea- JEFFERSON. 115 sures of the table they are far before us, because with good taste they unite temperance. They do not terminate the most sociable meals by trans- forming themselves into brutes. I have never yet seen a man drunk in France, even among the lowest of the people. Were I to proceed to tell you how much I enjoy their architecture, sculpture, painting, music, I should want words. It is in these acts they shine. The last of them, particu- larly, is an enjoyment, the deprivation of which with us cannot be calcu- lated. I am almost ready to say, it is the only thing which from my heart I envy them, and which, in spite of all the authority of the Deca- logue, I do covet." In another letter to Mr. Wythe, dated Paris, August, 178G, when speaking of the revision of the laws in which the Assembly of Virginia had been engaged, he writes — " I think, by far the most important bill in our whole code, is that for the diffusion of knowledge among the peo- ple. No other sure foundation can be devised for the preservation of freedom and happiness. If any body thinks that kings, nobles, or priests, are good conservators of the public happiness, send him here. It is the best school in the universe, to cure him of that folly. He will see here with his own eyes, that these descriptions of men are an abandoned confederacy against the happiness of the mass of the people. The om- nipotence of their effect cannot be better proved, than in this country particularly, where notwithstanding the finest soil upon earth, the finest climate under heaven, and a people of the most benevolent, the most gay and amiable character, of which the human form is susceptible; where such a people, I say, surrounded by so many blessings from nature, are loaded with misery by kings, nobles, and priests, and by them alone. Preach, my dear Sir, a crusade against ignorance ; establish and im- prove the law for educating the common people. Let our countrymen know, that the people alone can protect us against these evils, and that the tax which will be paid for this purpose, is not more than the thou- sandth part of what will be paid to kings, priests, and nobles, who will rise up among us if we leave the people in ignorance." During Mr. Jefferson's residence in Europe, his official duties demand- ed so much of his attention, and confined him so closely to Paris, that he had few opportunities for visiting the other parts of the continent. We have already mentioned, that soon after his appointment, at the request of Mr. Adams, and in the hope of effecting a con)mercial treaty with England, he visited London. He also went to the Hague at a later period, to meet Mr. Adams, for the purpose of negotiating a loan to Con- gress, and returned thence along the banks of the Rhine. In the early part of 1787, having suffered much from a dislocated wrist, he was in duced to try the warm mineral springs of Aix, in Provence, in the hope that tiiey would prove beneficial, but not finding them of the service he had expecte^!), Mr. Jefferson having obtained from government the permission he had long solicited, to return home for a short time, em- barked at Havre for the United States. It was not his intention, at that time, to resign liis station at the Court of Versailles. France, ever a de- sirable residence lo him, was at this time an object of the strongest inte- rest. The flame of revolution which had been kindled in America had already touched the shores of Eurojie, and the spirit of republicanism was rapidly spreading tlirougli all classes of people in France. To Mr. Jef- ferson, to the citizen of a country, itself just emancipated, just escaped from servitude, the struggle which was now rapidly approaching between the people and the throne, between liberty and long established oppres- sion, was one of peculiar interest, desirous as he must have been to see the rights and principles for which he had so successfully contended in America, transplanted and flourishing in the soil of Europe. It was therefore his intention, after a short visit to his native country, to return and resume his oflice. Immediately, however, upon his arrival at Nor- folk, in the latter part of November, he was met by a letter from General Washington, containing an appointment to be Secretary of State. To this Mr. Jefferson replied, stating his desire to return to France, but at JEFFERSON. 121 the same time assuring the President of his willingness to remain, could his services be more beneficial to his country at home. A second letter from the President, expressing the same wish as the former, but giving him the choice of the two situations, induced him to forego his own in- clinations, and accept the appointment. During Mr. Jefferson's long absence, great changes had taken place in the United States. The country which he had left five years before, just emerging from a pro- tracted and exhausting war, without a government, and in almost as great danger from the internal dissensions, which were naturally to be expected among a people so peculiarly situated, as she had previously been, from external enemies, he now beheld flourishing, and happy, and rapidly increasing in wealth and population. During that interval, the Federal Constitution had been adopted, a government organized, and at its head the gratitude of a free people had placed that man, who had so successfully conducted her armies, and who, as the first President of the Western Republic, proved himself as wise in counsel, as he had before shown himself victorious in war. Mr. Jefferson immediately entered upon the duties of his station, and during his continuance in office, he ever discharged them with the greatest zeal and ability. We can here, of course, speak only in general terms : to enter into a detail of the whole course of his administration "^A'ould be impossible, without at the same time writing the political histo- ry of the country. The duties assumed by him were of the most arduous and responsible nature, embracing the superintendance. both of domestic affairs, and of foreign relations : and they were at that time more difficult from the infancy both of the office and the government. Nevertheless, our intercourse with foreign nations, for the management of which, Mr. Jefferson was eminently qualified by his former diplomatic experience, was so conducted, that the interests and rights of the citizen were pro- tected, and the honor and dignity of the nation supported, without any infringement of the rights of others ; and in the home department, the numerous reports and state papers on subjects of the highest impor- tance, which from time to time he laid before Congress, furnish abun- dant proof of his talents and industry. At the close of the year 1793, Mr. Jefferson, finding himself one of an administration, from a majority of whose members he differed in views, which were every day becoming of more and more importance, and that he could not consistently act with them, in the measures which would be adopted, especially in regard to our foreign relations, retired from the office of Secretary of State. Party spirit, never long asleep in any coun- try, and least of all in a republic, had already risen high in America, and the whole body of the people, from the first statesman in the cabinet, down to the merest village alehouse politician, were ranged under the banners of one or the other of the contending parties. To that one of these parties, known by the name of Democratic, Mr. Jefferson found himself strongly drawn by the whole course of his previous habits and opinions. The other members of the cabinet, however, were attached to the opposite party ; and Mr. Jefferson, therefore, thought himself call- ed upon to withdraw. 16 122 JEFFERSON. For a time, therefore, Mr. JefTerson retired from public life, and de- voted himself to the cultivation of his estate, and to those literary and scientific pursuits of vvliich he was so fond ; and at Monticello, in the bosom of ills family, and undisturbed by the calls of ollice, he experienced, for a few years, the domestic happiness and quiet, he was so well fitted to enjoy. He was about this time, too, chosen President of the American Philosophical Society, as successor to Rittenhousc, and, for the long period that lie filled the chair, was active in promoting, in every way '\r\ his power, the prosperity of the institution. Mr. Jefferson, however, was not long permitted to remain a private citizen. In September, 1790, General Washington, the only person who could unite the ail'ections of the whole j)eople, in his Farewell Address to the people of the United States, declined being any longer considered a candidate for the ollice of Chief Magistrate. Tiie two great parties, into which the nation was divided, therefore, immediately brought forward their candidates. Mr. Adams was nominated by the one, and Mr. Jefferson by the other; and at the election which took place in the fall of that year, Mr. Adams was chosen President, and Mr. Jeffer.son Vice-President, for the four years next ensuing. As the jjrincipal duty of tiie Vice-President, unless in case of the death of the President, is mer(;Iy to preside in tlie Senate, inucii of these four years, except during the sessions of Congress, was spent by Mr. Jefferson in tiie tranquillity of Monticello. In 181)1, Mr. Jefferson, who had again been nominated as a candidate, in opposition to Mr. Adams, received a majority of the votes of the j)eo- ple. But as the number of votes given for Mr. Jefferson and for Mr. Burr, who had been nominated by tlie democratic party lor Vice-Presi- dent, were equal, and the constitution did not require that the votes should specify the ollice to which each one was respectively elected, neither iiaving such a majority as was necessary to a choice, the election devolved upon the House of Re})resentatives. When the election came on, tiie opponents of Mr. Jefferson tlircw their votes for Mr. Burr, and it was not until after thirty-five unsuccessful ballots, that Mr. Jctferson was elected President, and Mr. Burr became, of course, Vice-President. On the fourth of Marcli, 1801, Mr. Jeffeison took tlie oatli of office, and delivered iiis inaugural addrt^ss in presence of botli houses of Con- gress. After declaring his diffidence and distrust of his own powers, in the conduct of the affairs of so vast a nation, he thus ex])resses the iiope that all parties would unite in tlie support of the government and tlie union. " Let us then, fellow-citizens, unite witli one heart and one mind ; let us restore to social intercourse that harmony and affection, witiiout wliicli liberty, and even lile itself, are but drivuy things. And let us reflect tliat, having banished from our land that religious intolerance under which mankind so long bled and suffered, we have yet gained little, if we countenance a political intolerance, as despotic, as wicked, and capable of as bitter and bloody persecutions. During the throes and convulsions of the ancient world, during tlie agonizing spasms of infiiri- ated man, seeking tlirough blood and "slaugiiter liis long lost liberty, it was not wonderful that the agitation of tiie billows should reach even tiiis distant and peaceful shore ; that this should be more felt and feared by JEFFERSON. 123 some, and less by others; and should divide opinions as to measures of safety ; but every difference of opinion is not a difference of principle. We have called by different names brethren of the same principle. We are all republicans; we are all federalists. If there be any among us who would wish to dissolve this union, or to change its republican form, let them stand undisturbed as monuments of the safety with which error of opinion may be tolerated, where reason is left free to combat it. 1 know, indeed, that some honest men fear that a republican government cannot be strong ; that this government is not strong enough. IJut would the honest patriot, in the full tide of successful experiment, abandon a govern- ment which has so far kept us free and ffrm, on the theoretic and vision- ary fear, that this government, the world's best hope, may, by possibility, want energy to preserve itself? I trust not. I believe this, on the con- trary, the strongest government on earth. I believe it the only one, where every man, at the call of the law, would ffy to the standard of the law, and would meet invasionsof the public order as his own personal concern. Sometimes it is said that man cannot be trusted with the government of himself Can he then be trusted with the government of others 'I Or have we found angels, in the form of kings, to govern him ? Let history answer this question." He then proceeds to give, in the following summary manner, a brief statement of the principles which were to be the rule of his administra- tion. " About to enter, fellow-citizens, on the exercise of duties which comprehend every thing dear and valuable to you, it is proper you should understand what I deem the essential principles of our government, and, consequently, those which ought to shape its administration. 1 will com- press them within the narrowest compass they will bear, stating the general principle, but not all its limitations. Equal and exact justice to all men, of whatever state or persuasion, religious or political ; — peace, commerce, and honest friendship with all nations, entangling alliances with none ; — the support of the state governments in all their rights, as the most competent administrations for our dome.stic concerns, and the surest bulwarks against anti-republican tendencies ; — the preservation of the general government in its whole constitutional vigor, as the sheet anchor of our peace at home, and safety abroad ; — a jealous care of the rights of election by the people, a mild and safe corrective of abu.ses which are lopped by the sword of revolution, wherj; peaceable remedies are un- provided ; — absolute accjuiesccnce in the decisions of the majority, the vital principle of republics, from which is no appeal but to force, the vital principle and immediate parent of despotism ; — a well disciplined militia, our best reliance in peace, and for the first moments of war, till regulars may relieve them ; — the supremacy of the civil over the military authority ; — economy in the public expense, that labor may be lightly burdened ; — the honest payment of our debts, and sacred preservation of tlu; public faitli ; — encouragement of agriculture, and of commerce as its handmaid; — the diffusion of information, and arraignment of all abuses at the bar of till! j)ul)lic reason ; — freedom of religion, fretulom of the press, and freedom of person, under the protection of the habeas corjjus, and trials by juries impartially selected. These principles form the bright constel- 124 JEFFERSON. lation which has gone before us, and guided our stops through an age of revolution and reformation. The wisdom of our sages and blood of our heroes have been devoted to their attainment ; they should be the creed of our political faith, the text of civic instruction, the touchstone by which to try the services of those we trust ; — and should we wander from them in moments of error or of alarm, let us hasten to retrace our steps, and to regain the road which alone leads to peace, liberty, and safety." The democratic party having now gained the ascendency in the national councils, the policy of the country underwent considerable changes. Of the merits of the different measures sanctioned and pur- sued by the respective administrations, it is not necessary here to speak ; the distinctions which then prevailed, and led to so much bitterness and hostility, are passed away, and the measures of government are now to be adjudged wise or unwise, beneficial or injurious, without reference to the party from which they emanated. The policy of Mr. Jefferson's ad- ministration, however, at that time, was so far approved, that in 1805, at the expiration of the term for which he had been chosen, he was reelect- ed to the chief magistracy by a large majority, notwithstanding all the exertions of the federal party. There can be no doubt that many of the acts of Mr. Jefferson were beneficial, and probably would be allowed to be so now, by those who, in the excitement of party, believed them to be destructive of the best interests of the country. Of this character is the purchase of Louisiana, and the annexation of all that fertile country to the United States, thereby giving us not only a vast extent of valuable territory, but what was also of the greatest importance, the undisputed navigation of the Mississippi, the great outlet of the west. Of others, as of the embargo of 1807, the expediency, to say the least, may be doubt- ful. Since the adoption of the Federal Constitution, perhaps no act of the government, at any period, has ever been more warmly supported by its friends, or more violently and unsparingly attacked by the opposition. The deep and continued aggressions of the two great belligerent powers of Europe, England and France, upon the neutral commerce of the country, after negotiation and remonstrance had been tried in vain, call- ed for more efficient measures for protection on the part of the govern- ment. These aggressions, by the injuries offered to our trade, especially with the British colonies, by the impressment of seamen and the numerous depredations on our coasts, had become so annoying, that, in December of 1805, Mr. Jefferson thus calls the attention of Congress to the subject. " Our coasts have been infested, and our harbors watched, by private armed vessels, some of them without commissions, some with illegal com- mis^sions, others with those of legal form, but committing piratical acts beyond the authority of their commissions. They have captured in the very entrance of our harbors, as well as on the high seas, not only the vessels of our friends coming to trade with us, but our own also. They have carried them off under pretence of legal adjudication, but, not daring to approach a court of justice, they have plundered and sunk them by the way, or in obscure places, where no evidence could arise against them, maltreated the crews, and abandoned them in boats in the open sea, or JEFFERSON. 125 on desert shores, without food or covering. The same system of hovering on our coasts and harbors, under color of seeking enemies, has been also carried on by public armed ships, to the great annoyance and oppression of our commerce. Nevt^ principles, too, have been interpolated into the law of nations, founded neither in justice nor the usage or acknowledg- ment of nations. According to these, a belligerent takes to itself a com- merce with its own enemy, which it denies to a neutral, on the ground of its aiding that enemy in the war. But reason revolts at such an incon- sistency ; and the neutral having equal rights with the belligerent to decide the question, the interests of our constituents, and the duty of maintaining the authority of reason, the only umpire between just nations, impose on us the obligation of providing an effectual and determined opposition to a doctrine so injurious to the rights of peaceable nations. In consequence of these suggestions of the Executive, the first measures taken by Congress were the preparations for the defence of our coast in case of a war, and the non-importation act, passed in the early part of 1806. Commissioners were also appointed at the several foreign courts, to make some adjustment of the existing difhculties, and prevent a repe- tition of such injuries. While these negotiations were pending, a most flagrant outrage, com- mitted by the British frigate Leopard upon the frigate Chesapeake, in our very waters, and almost in sight of our coast, produced the proclamation of the President of July second, 1807, requiring all British armed vessels, then within the waters of the United States, to depart, and forbidding them to enter. Scarcely, however, was this injury disavowed and offers of reparation made, when the British Orders in Council, of November of the same year, appeared. By these the British government prohibited all commerce between the United States and the ports of his enemies in Europe, unless the articles had been first landed in England, and the duties paid for their re-exportation. Under these circumstances, more decided measures were called for on the part of our government. Sub- mission was not for a moment thought of; and the only alternative was between open war, or such measures as should take us completely out of the power of our enemies and the operation of these orders. In the opinion of Mr. Jefferson, the country was not then in a situation to hazard a war ; and, therefore, the only means left to prevent the entire destruction of our commerce, was a prohibition of all intercourse, which it was supposed would have the desired effect, not only by keeping our own shipping in port, out of the way of the enemy, but by depriving them of the benefit of our commerce, thereby inducing them to come to some terms. Consequently, an embargo was laid on all our vessels, prohibiting their de- parture from any port of the United States, by an act of Congress, passed December twenty-second, 1807. The consideration, whether this mea- sure was expedient, or the best one which could be adopted, belongs to the political historian. The early part of Mr. Jefferson's second administration, was disturbed by an event, which thrciatened the tranquillity and peace of the union ; this was the conspiracy of Aaron Burr. Defeated in the late election to the Vice-Presidency, and led on by an unprincipled ambition, this 126 JEFFERSON. extraordinary man formed the plan of a military expedition into the Spanish territories, on our southwestern frontier, for the purpose of form- ing there a new republic. This, however, as has been generally suppos- ed, was a mere pretext; and although it has never been accurately known what his real plans were, there is no doubt that they were of a far more dangerous character. The opinion generally received, is, that his object was to bring about a separation of the states west of the Allegha- nies from the general government, and form them into an independent state. The plan, however, whatever it might have been, was never ma- tured, for no sooner were the government apprized that bodies of men were organizing, and arming themselves for the avowed purpose of an attack upon a neighbormg government, then at peace with us, without the authority of Congress, than measures were taken to disperse those ^\'ho had assembled, to seize their arms and stores, and to arrest the ringleaders. Immediately upon the discovery of the plan. Colonel Burr fled, but was soon overtaken, and brought back to Richmond, Virginia. Here he was examined before Chief Justice Marshall, upon a charge of high misdemeanor, in preparing, within the limits of the United States, an expedition against tlie Spanish provinces, and also on a charge of treason, and bound over for trial on the former, there not being suflicent evidence to justify a commitment on the latter, and upon the trial for the misde- meanor, in August, 1807, he was also acquitted for a like want of evi- dence. In 1809, at the expiration of the second term for which Mr. Jefferson had lieen elected, he determined to retire forever from political life. For a period of nearly forty years, he had been continually before the public, and all that time; had l)een employed in offices of the greatest trust and responsibility. Having thus devoted the best part of his life to the ser- vice of liis country, he now felt desirous of that rest whicli his declining years required, and upon the organization of the new government, in March, 1809, he bid forever farewell to public life, and retired to Monti- cello, there to enjoy all " Tliat wliich sfiould accompany old age, As honor, love, obedience, troops of" friends." From this time, Mr. Jefferson never took any part in politics; but to one like him, even old age had its duties, and in the cultivation of his estate, in study, and in the exercise of a boundless hosi)itality, he found full employment for liistimc. But the object which most interested him during his later years, was the establislnncnt of a system of general education in Virginia, and especially the superintendance of the new university of Virginia, which was founded in 1818, through his instru- mentality. Of tliis institution, which was located at Charlottesville, a town at the foot of tlie mountain on which the estate of Monticello was situated, Mr. Jefferson was chosen rector at the time of its foundation, and contiimed in that ofhce during the remainder of his life, devoting liimself unremittingly to tlie interests and advancement of this child of his old age. There was one circumstance, however, which contributed in some JEFFERSON. 127 degree to disturb the happiness of the last years of his life. As the greater part of his life had been spent in the service of his country, and in public stations, to the support of which the small salary, which the more than Spartan economy of a republic allowed, was by no means equal, the estate of Mr. Jefterson, though originally large, had been con- stantly diminishing, and in 1825, he found himself obliged to apply to the Legislature of Virginia, for leave to dispose of his estate of Monticello by lottery, to prevent its being sacrificed, and in order to raise money sufficient to discharge his debts. This indeed was granted, but the days of the patriot were numbered, the time was fast approaching when his earthly wants were to cease, and the name of Jefferson must ever remain another instance of the tardy gratitude of republics. The fourth of July, 182G, being the fiftieth anniversary of the Declara- tion of American Independence, great preparations were made, in every partof the Union for its celebration, as the nation's jubilee, and the citizens of Washington, to add to the solemnity of the occasion, invited Mr. Jefferson, as tiie framor, and one of the few surviving signers, of the Declaration, to participate in their festivities. But an illness, which liad been of several weeks' duration, and had been continually increasing, compelled him to decline the invitation. In his reply, on the twenty- fourth of June, he gives evidence, that although his eartidy frame was fast perishing, his mind was still the same ; still animated with the same ardent love of liberty, still eager for the universal emancipation of man. " It adds sensibly," lie writes, " to the sufferings of sickness, to be de- prived by it of a personal participation in the rejoicings of that day ; but acquiescence under circumstances, is a duty not placed among those we are permitted to control. I should, indeed, with peculiar deliglit, have met and exchanged there congratulations, personally, with the small band, the remnant of the host of worthies who joined with us, on that day, in the bold and doubtful election we were to make for our country, between submission and the sword ; and to have enjoyed with them the consola- tory fact, that our fellow-citizens, after half a century of experience and prosperity, continue to approve the choice we made. May it be to the world, what I believe it will be, (to some parts sooner, to others later, but finally to all,) the signal of arousing men to burst the chains, under which monkish ignorance and superstition had persuaded them to bind ♦ themselves, and to assume the blessings and security of self government. The form which we have substituted, restores the free right to the un- bounded exercise of reason and freedom of opinion. All eyes are opened, or opening, to the rights of man. The general spread of the lights of science has already laid open, to every view, the palpable truth, that the mass of mankind has not been born with saddles on their backs, nor a favored few, booted and spurred, ready to ride them legitimately, by the grace of God. These are gromids of hope for others; for ourselves, let the annual return of this day forever refresh our recollections of these rights, and an undiminished devotion to them." Soon after this letter was written, the illness, which before had not been considered at all dangerous, increased rapidly, and on the twe.ity- eixth, he was obliged to confine himself to his bed. On the second of 128 JEFFERSON. July, the disease, under which he was laboring, left him, but in such a reduced state, that his medical attendants entertained no hope of his recovery. From this time he himself was perfectly sensible, that his last hour was at hand, and with the utmost calmness he conversed with the different members of his family, and gave directions concerning his coffin, and his funeral, which he was desirous should be at Monticello, and without any display or parade. On the next day, which was Monday, he asked of those around him, the day of the month, and on being told it was the third of July, he expressed the earnest wish that he might be permitted to breathe the air of the fiftieth anniversary. His prayer was heard — that day, whose dawn was hailed with such rapture through our land, burst upon his eyes, and then they were closed forever. And what a noble consummation of a noble life ! To die on that day, — the birthday of a nation, — the day which his own name and his own act had rendered glorious; to die amidst the rejoicings and festivities of a whole nation, who looked up to him, as the author, under God, of their greatest bles- sings, was all tiiat was wanting to fill up the record of his life. Fifty summers had rolled over his head, since the day when the Congress of '76 declared America independent ; fifty years he had watched over her like a parent over his child : and he had been permitted to see that country, whose cause in her hour of darkness he had so nobly maintain- ed, prosperous and happy. He had prayed that he might see that day ; and on that day, amidst the acclamations of twelve millions of freemen, in the hour within which, fifty years before, he had signed the Magna Charta of American Freedom, his spirit was freed from the bondage of earth. Happy in his life, more happy in his death, of him it may truly be said, that " Nothing in his life. Became him like the leaving it." And almost at the same hour, the kindred spirit of the venerable Adams, as if to bear him company, left the scene of his earthly honors. Hand in hand they had stood forth, the champions of freedom ; hand in hand, during the dark and desperate struggle of the revolution, they had cheered and animated their desponding countrymen ; for half a century they had labored together for the good of their country ; and now hand in hand they departed. In their lives they had been united in the same great cause of liberty, and in their deaths they were not divided. At the time of his deaths Mr. Jefferson had attained the age of eighty- three years and a few months. In January, 1772, he was married to Martha, widow of Bathurst Skelton, and daughter of John Wayles, a lawyer of considerable eminence in the then colony of Virginia. Their union, however, was of short duration ; she died in September, 1782, leaving three daughters, one of whom died young, the other two were married, one to Thomas M. Randolph, afterwards Governor of Virginia, the other to Mr. Eppes. In person Mr. Jefferson was tall and thin, rather above six feet in height, but well formed ; his eyes were light, his hair, originally red, in after life became white and silvery ; his complexion was fair, his forehead broad, and his whole countenance intelligent and thoughtful. He pos- JEFFERSON. 129 scsscd great fortitude of mind as well as personal courage ; and his com- mand of temper was such, that his oldest and most intimate friends never recollected to have seen him in a passion. His manners, though dignified, were simple and unaffected, and his hospitality was so unbounded, thai all found at his house a ready welcome. In conversation he was fluent, eloquent, and enthusiastic ; and his language was remarkably pure and correct. He was a finished classical scholar, and in his writings is discernible the care with which he formed his style upon the best models of antiquity. His style is pleasing and attractive, seeking rather to per- suade by the beauty and refinement of manner, than to convince by the mere force of argument. Of Mr. Jefferson's Notes on Virginia, we have already spoken ; another work published by him, while he was Vice-Presi- dent, and, consequently, presiding officer of the Senate, was a Manual of Parliamentary Practice, which has since been a standard work on that subject, and probably contains the best collection of rules for forensic debate in existence. But for Mr. Jefferson's most numerous and most important productions, we must go to the archives of the government, and there in the state papers, and reports made by him, we shall find the evidence of his talents, industry, and learning. His correspondence was very extensive, embracing not only the great men of his own country, but also the most distinguished philosophers and statesmen of France. Since his death, four volumes of his writings, edited by his grandson, Thomas Jefi'erson Randolph, have been published, containing a short memoir of his life, to the time of his appointment to be Secretary of State, written by himself, in 1821, and also a large collection of his letters, to various persons, and on various subjects. It is neither our intention or wish, to speak of the religious opinions of Mr. Jefferson. Discarding as we do, all political prejudices, we have heretofore been enabled to speak of him in terms of approbation, and that too, as we trust, without any sacrifice of truth. This could not be the case, however, should we now enter upon the consideration of his religious sentiments. As a mere moralist, he must ever be esteemed for opinions and doctrines, which would have done honor to the purest sages of Greece and Rome, and which certainly far surpassed the theories and the practice of his masters in religion, the sceptics of the French school. But little now remains to be said of Mr. Jefferson ; his whole life was passed before the public eye, and his actions speak his character better than any words can express them. Whatever may be the judgment of posterity, in regard to Mr. Jefferson's administration, it is as the bold and fearless patriot of the revolution, — as the framer of the Declaration of > ..^American Independence, that he will be best known. Posterity may be if^fdivided, as the present age has been, concerning the wisdom and the expediency of his measures, while he occupied the chair of the Chief Magistrate, for those measures were of such doubtful tendency, that the best and wisest might differ concerning them ; but as one of the Congress of '76, as one of the firmest opposers of British aggressions, as one of the most able statesmen of the revolution, his conduct has been stamped by the approbation of a whole nation, and a judgment rendered, that no future age will ever reverse. The latter part of Mr. Jefferson's life also 17 130 JEFFERSON. presents a most pleasing picture. It is delightful to see a man of such vast acquisitions, and such varied powers, after a life spent in the service of his country, and in the fulfilment of the highest duties, calmly retire from public stations, to spend his declining years, not in inactivity and lethargy, but in untiring exertions for the advancement of the Imman race ; and instead of sinking into a second childhood, by constant exercise maintaining all the faculties of his mind unimpaired to the last. We hardly know which is the more interesting object — Thomas Jefferson, as the young and ardent patriot of '7C, or as the silver haired philosopher of Monticello. Or if the former is the more interesting, surely the latter is the more pleasing. When we look upon the former, while we admire his noble spirit, and his holy daring, we yet tremble for his safety, as we think of the rocks and quicksands by which he is sur- rounded, and of which the least may make shipwreck of him forever. But when we contemplate the latter, in all the serenity of an honored old age, resting from his labors, and seeking in the cultivation of philosophy the highest pleasures of the intellect, and the means still to benefit man- kind — we feel an emotion of thankfulness rising in our hearts, at the thought that all those dangers we so much dreaded have been passed ; that the course so prosperously commenced, has been gloriously pursued, and the long wished for haven at last obtained. The admiration we involuntarily feel for the former, is more than equalled by the veneration Ave willingly offer to the latter. JAMES MADISON. Materials for the biography of a public man are to be found, for the most part, in the history of the great events in which he was an actor. In our own country this is particularly the case. It is, perhaps, hardly to be regretted that the private life of our distinguished men is in some mea- sure sacred from the otTensive notoriety which is the lot and the penalty of eminence in other countries. The numerous dependants on the peri' odical press of Great Britain deem themselves privileged to annoy men of any reputation, by what they term sketches of their lives. They pick up garbled and inaccurate stories, invent one or two leading incidents, and, to complete the biography, fasten upon its unfortunate subject a few of the most popular anecdotes that have been current for the last century. These accounts circulate for the truth, and a man is obliged to see himself the hero of battles which he never fought, and an actor upon boards which he never trod. But there is some satisfaction in reading even an incorrect, but well written account of a great man's life, for the same reason that there is pleasure in looking on an indifferent likeness, which is well painted and handsomely framed. Taste is pleased, if curiosity is not satisfied. A void is filled ; we have learned something, and if that something is not accurate, we still have high authority for believing that all history is little better than fable. Of the early life of Mr. Madison we have been able to collect no au- thentic anecdotes. His later years were passed in the most entire seclusion, as he lived in the strictest privacy at his seat in Montpclier, Virginia. He was born in the year 1750, and took an early and efficient interest in the affairs of our infant republic. Sound principles on subjects of public and political interest seem to have been instilled into him from his birth. To state what little we know of his private life, before commencing the narra- tion of that part of his career which is the property of his country, Mr. Madison, in 1794, was married to Mrs. Todd, in Philadelphia, widow of John Todd, Esq. a practitioner of the Pennsylvania bar. Her maiden name was Paine, and her father, who was of the Society of Friends, emigrated from Virginia to Philadelphia. She was eighteen years of age at the time of her first marriage, and as her husband died in less than three years afterwards, she was still quite young when she became the wife of Mr. Madison, Her manners were agreeable, her deportment mild and dignified, and her conversation fascinating. With the wish to please, and a wiUingness to be pleased, she was popular in her circle of associates ; and when her second husband was called to his high office, she discharged, with a dignified affability, those polite attentions which were so constantly rec[uired of her. She exerted a woman's tender influ- 132 MADISON. ence to soften the political asperities of the time by the amenities of social life ; and strove to hide the thorns of public controversy under the roses of private cheerfulness. It has been said, to her great praise, that in her highest fortune she never neglected her early friends, but extended to all who ap])roached her, those attentions which please the exalted and inspire the humble with confidence. The first knowledge that we have of Mr. Madison finds him, at an early age, a very active member of the Continental Congress. To him, more than to any one living, the people of the United States are indebted for the constitution under which they live. He was a leader in the con- vention that framed the Federal Constitution, and the most influential of its supporters in the Virginia Convention which adopted it. He wrote the greatest part of the Federalist; was the author of the Virginia Resolu- tions of 1798, and the Virginia Report of 1799, and for sixteen years was charged with the administration of the government, as the incumbent suc- cessively of the second and first offices in the Executive. The first subject that pressed upon the attention of Congress, at the close of the revolution, was the debt incurred during the war, and which it was imperative upon them either to fund or pay. The national com- merce had been annihilated. To revive it was the first step towards reviving prosperity. But as a preliminary to any commercial arrange- ments or treaties with foreign powers, a settlement of their own debt was indispensable. In this first step, however, Congress immediately felt its litter inefficiency, its incapability of even moving with its actual powers. To the impost laid on during the war, divers states had refased acquies- cence. How was that or any tax to be now enforced? Nevertheless a committee was appointed. It drew up a report, which was soon issued, as an address to the several states, praying them to make provision for the national creditors. The address was received with the same spirit which had endangered the commonwealth so lately, by holding out against the claims of the veterans of the war ; and as Congress had resolved not to raise money from one state till all had consented to the measure, each waited for its neighbor to commence, and each excused itself by its neighbor's backwardness. At the same time Congress felt its want of authority marring the national interests upon another point. Envoys had been despatched to Europe for the purpose of concluding commercial treaties. England, the first applied to, held off, declaring that Congress had not power to conclude one. In vain did Mr. Jefferson argue that the American government had in reality suffi- cient authority. If it had, it was certainly not very clear ; and the Bri- tish ministry, well pleased at an opportunity to disappoint the United States envoys, and to flout the inexperience of their government, held firm in its denial. The states were in the mean time dispensed from coming to a determi- nation respecting raising a general fund, as the envoys of Congress had tbund it necessary to meet pressing demands by a loan. Individuals still smarting from the losses of a war were very willing to throw forward, as it were, the burden of taxes to a future and more prosperous time They were disappointed in these selfish calculations. Prosperity came MADISON. 138 not, nor promised to come. Commerce was not restored. England still kept up her prohibitions or high duties upon all the great exports of America; nor could France consent to receive them, notwithstanding her own inclination, and all tiie efforts of Jefferson. To England, and to some relaxation in that country's rigid prohibition, they were obliged to look ; and this alone produced the consolidation of the Federal Govern- ment. England had changed her policy. She had laid aside the sword ; but she still carried on, what, to America, was as destructive, — a commercial war. She monopolized the fisheries, shut out the American ships from her West Indies, and essayed to take to herself the whole carrying trade of her late colonies. Jefferson and Adams labored in Europe to open markets for their countrymen. They concluded treaties with Portugal, witii Sweden, witii divers European powers. But shut out from the Medi- terranean by the Barbary corsairs ; from France, notwithstanding the amity of the countries, by the monopoly of tobacco and other causes ; the only alternative left to America was to force England to be equitable. This, however, could not be done by the state legislatures ; for if one ad- mitted British ships, wliilst the other excluded them, the union of the com- monwealth was not only destroyed, but the object of exclusion defeated. Congress, in 1784, therefore, demanded powers to exclude generally the vessels of all countries not having treaties of commerce with America. Most of the states acceded to this request ; but delays and difficulties intervened; some could not be brought to understand it. Ere it was ac- cepted, the necessity of powers more extended and minute were felt, so that Congress made a fresh demand of being permitted to regulate the entire commerce of the republic. To these commercial difficulties were added political causes of quarrel between England and America. JVotwithstanding the express stipulation of the treaty, the British creditors remained still unpaid; and the ministry refused, in consequence, to evacuate tlie military posts within the north- western frontier of the United States. The fault lay with divers states of the Union, who resisted carrying into effect the honest stipulation of Con- gress. The progress of the United States was thus effectually arrested. It was in vain that Congress or its leading members discussed or passed votes for forming treaties, raising funds, or regulating commerce. It was vain to devise remedies without the ])ower of applying them. Every American of eminence and experience saw the necessity of giving more authority to Congress, of forming a federal head, and giving, in fact, an efficient go- vernment to the country. The foremost in their opinions were the Virginians. Seeing the weak- ness of Congress, this state had early united with Maryland in a prohibi- tory system. Proving the good effect of this, they had besought the other states to send commissioners to agree upon making it general. This proposition, made by Mr. Madison, produced what was called a conven- tion, or a meeting of delegates from five states, at Annapolis, in Septem- ber, 178G. The assembly soon perceived that unity upon commercial regulations must depend upon the political and fundamental unity of the 134 MADISON. state, and that the only possibilitj^ of agreeing as to a common tariff, was to frame an efficient constitution. For this important task the delegates at Annapolis were not prepared. They declared, however, the necessity of taking such a measure into consideration, and, ere they separated, agreed as to the expediency of calling a more general and solemn meet- ing of delegates from all the states, to meet in the following year at Philadelphia. At this period broke forth that political schism, that separation of the Americans into two parties, which had been brooding and preparing since the peace. The war had been a struggle between whig and tory ; the supporters of independence on one side, the favorers of monarchy and British connexion on the other. By the destruction of the latter, the independents were left alone to split into new parties, as the nature of every political society requires. Those which were formed on the present occasion, have ever since endured, and the flags which each then hoisted long continued to float with their ancient principles inscribed. But the jealousy of certain states in the preservation of their own local rights and interests was likely to operate fatally in marring the project of a constitution, and rendering any innovation for the purpose impracticable; since the dissentient states were resolved not to choose delegates, or accede to the desire of Virginia. At length, however, the majority of the state legislatures was brought to coincide with the views of the federal statesmen. Convinced by late experience of the necessity of an established and general government, even for purposes of domestic security, the hitherto refractory states nam- ed, without hesitation, their delegates to the appointed convention for forming a constitution.* Accordingly, in the month of May, 1787, the delegates of twelve states met at Philadelphia. Washington, who had reluctantly consented to attend, was chosen president. The discussion and arrangement of the several articles were carried on with closed doors, and lasted four months. And at length, on the 17th of September, the proposed consti- tution was made public. It was presented to Congress, and by that body was submitted to the several. states for acceptance. t The following interesting sunmiary of Mr. Madison's opinions on the subject of confederation is from a paper in the hand-writing of Gene- ral Washington, and presents the substance of a letter received by him a * The state of Rhode Island alone refused. t A history of this convention has never been written. The causes which led to it may be easily ascertained and traced out, but the opinions and private movements of the great political leaders of the day, the precise share of merit due to each for the part he acted in enlightening the public mind, and preparing it for the issue of events, the previous interchange of thoughts and sentiments, the exposition of mo- tives, the ultimate hopes, and above all, the proceedings of the convention itself, the views, arguments, and designs of individuals, and the general voice of their con- stituents, as expressed by them ; all these topics and numerous others are yet in the dark, and must remain so, till the papers left by the departed actors in the scene, and such as are still held by the few venerable worthies that remain of that dignified assembly, shall come under the eye of the faithful historian, and receive a patient inspection and a discriminating award. — N. A. Review. MADISON 135 short time previous to the holding of the Convention at Philadelphia. For this valuable docunient we are indebted to the twenty-fifth volume of the North American Review. " Mr. Madison thinks an individual independence of the states utterly ir- reconcilable with their aggregate sovereignty, and that a consolidaiion of the whole into one simple republic would be as inexpedient as it is unat- tainable. He therefore proposes a middle ground, which may at once support a due supremacy of the national authority, and not exclude the lo- cal authorities whenever they can be subordinately useful. " As the groundwork, he proposes that a change be made in the prin- ciple of representation, and thinks there would be no great difficulty in effecting it. " Next, that, in addition to the present federal powers, the national go- vernment should be armed with positive and complete authority in all cases which require uniformity ; such as the regulation of trade, including the right of taxing both exports and imports, the fixing the terms and forms of naturalization, Slc. " Over and above this positive power, a negative in all cases whatever on .the legislative acts of the states, as heretofore exercised by the kingly prerogative, appears to him absolutely necessary, and to be the least pos- sible encroachment on the state jurisdictions. Without this defensive power he conceives that every positive [law ?] which can be given on paper, will be evaded. " This control over the laws would prevent the internal vicissitudes of state policy, and the aggressions of interested majorities. " The national supremacy ought also to be extended, he thinks, to the judiciary departments ; the oaths of the judges should at least include a fidelity to the general as well as local constitution; and that an appeal should be to some national tribunals in all cases, to which foreigners or in- habitants of other states may be parties. The admiralty jurisdictions to fall entirely within the purview of the national government. " The national supremacy in the executive departments is liable to some difficulty, unless the officers administering them could be made apn pointable by the supreme government. The militia ought entirely to be placed in some form or other under the authority which is interested with the general protection and defence. " A government composed of such extensive powers should be well or ganized and balanced. " The legislative department might be divided into two branches, one of them chosen every years by the people at large, or by the legisla- tures ; the other to consist of fewer members, to hold their places for a longer term, and to go out in such rotation as always to leave in office a large majority of old members. " Perhaps the negative on the laws might be most conveniently exer cised by this branch. " As a further check, a council of revision, including the great minisie rial officers, might be superadded. " A national executive must also be provided. He has scarcely ventured as yet to form his own opinion, either of the manner of which it ought to be constituted, or of the authorities with which it ought to be clothed. 136 MADISON. " An article should be inserted, expressly guarantying the tranquillity of the states against internal as well as external dangers. " In like manner, the right of coercion should be expressly declared. With the resources of commerce in hand, the national administration micrht always find means of exerting it either by sea or land ; but the dif- ficulty and awkwardness of operating by force on the collective will of a state, render it particularly desirable that the necessity of it might be precluded. Perhaps the negative on the laws might create such a mutual dependence between the general and particular authorities as to answer ; or perhaps some defined objects of taxation might be submitted along with commerce to the general authority. " To give a new system its proper validity and energy, a ratification must be obtained from the people, and not merely from the ordinary au- thority of the legislature. This will be the more essential, as inroads on the existing constitutions of the states will be unavoidable." Although the party, designated as democratic, had givfen up a con- siderable portion of its hostility to a united government, still it was far from wanting representatives in the convention. We are informed, in- deed, that, in the most important questions, votes were so nicely balanced, that it was impossible to foretell any decision. During the discussions the leading men opposed to the democrats published their opinions in a series of letters, signed the Federalist, a name which henceforward seemed to designate the party. Mr. Madison and Mr. Jay were writers ; but the principal one, as well as the most esteemed in his opinions, was Colonel or General Hamilton. This gentleman went the length of propos- ing that the president and each senator should hold his office, as our judges do, during their good behavior. The anti-federalists, on the other hand, of whom the future leader, JeflTerson, was, however, as yet in France, supported the principle of rotation, or frequent change in the person wielding the executive of the country. The federalists' side was most powerful in talent, and being supported by the authority of Wash- ington, their opinions mainly prevailed. The constitution no sooner appeared, than it was attacked with a host of objections. One party exclaimed that it had melted the states into one government, without fencing the people by any declarations of rights ,- that a standing army was not renounced, and the liberty of the press not secured ; that Congress reserved to itself the power of suspending trial by jury in civil cases ; that rotation in office was abandoned ; that the president might be re-elected from four years to four years, so as to ren- der him a king for life, like a king of Poland ; and that the check or aid of a council had not been given him. Notwithstanding these objections, the constitution obtained the assent of all the states, save two — Rhode Island and North Carolina. New- York was said to have acceded, chiefly, from fear of being excluded from the union ; and, in consenting, she had demanded a new convention to make amendments in the act. Even Vir- ginia thought it necessary to propose alterations. She required a decla- ration of rights, and the limitation that the President should be but once re-elected. These discussions occupied the year 1788, after which the constitution was generally accepted, and the grand point of a federal union achieved. MADISON. 137 The month of March, 1789, was the epoch appointed for the com- mencement of the new government. So wanting, however, were many of the states, or their representatives, in zeal, that three weeks elapsed ere a full meeting of both Houses could be procured. Their first neces- sary step was to elect a President ; and George Washington was unani- mously chosen to the office. With unfeigned reluctance, occasioned both by love of retirement and tenderness for his reputation, did that great man accept the first office of the commonwealth. The sacrifice was de- manded of him, as, in the words of Hamilton, the success of the great experiment, viz. the working and existence of the new government, alto- gether depended upon the moral force which the name and character of Washington would bring to its chief office. Washington's progress from his seat of Mount Vernon to Philadelphia was a triumphant procession, such as few conquerors have known. The ceremony of his inauguration took place on the 30th of April, and the new President addressed Congress in a noble and touching discourse. He could not have evinced a stronger conviction of the importance of his own duties, as well as of those whom he addressed, than is conveyed in the following words : — " The preservation of the sacred fire of liberty, nd the destiny of the republican form of government, are justly cnnsi- ered as deeply, perhaps as finally, staked on the experiment intrusted to the hands of the American people." No sooner was the federal government thus completed by the inaugu- ration of its chief, than Congress proceeded at once to the considera- tion of what most pressed upon its attention — the revenue. But as every thing had hitherto remained unsettled, the discussion on this point involv- ed the question of foreign policy and preference ; and, leading to a warm debate, occasioned a collision between parties at the very outset of their legislative career. Mr. Madison proposed a tax upon imported goods and tonnage. This, in principle, was objected to by none ; but as the tonnage duty, pressing upon foreign vessels exclusively, was intended to act in favor of domestic, and at the expense of foreign shipping, it excited opposition. Some urged that America had few ships of her own, and needed the use of those which this duty might drive away. But Madison pointed out, in answer, the necessity of fostering the infant navy of the country, as the only defensive force that would be required or available in a future war. This argument overcame the objections. But another part of Mr. Madison's plan, — that which favored the commerce of France rather than that cf Great Britain, — called forth greater heat and opposition. France had contributed largely by her aid and alliance to the cause of American independence, from selfish reasons, no doubt, rather than from any love either for America or freedom ; but this latter country was not called upon to scrutinize her motives. In addition to the claims of gratitude on this account, the envoys of the United States had been received as foes in Great Britain, as friends in France. The correspondence of Franklin and Jeflferson, more especially the latter, exists, to attest how the sullen pride of merely English manner might have the effect of exciting ran- cor in a statesman, .and by consequence in his country. 138 MADISON. A provision being mndc for raising a revenue and answering the jusl debts of the states, Congress proceeded to the completion of the machine of government by the institution of ministerial offices, according to the usage of the monarchies of Europe. Departments were erected, of the treasury, of war, and of state, — the latter including foreign and domestic relations. Tliis last important office attracted particular attention. The bill for establishing it intrusted the President with the power of removing the minister from office. It was moved, by way of amendment, that the President should not have the power of dismissing the minister without the assent of Congress. This assent or co-operation, it was argued, hav- ing been considered requisite to the appointment, why sliould it not be indispensable, to the act of dismissal ? The government party op- posed strenuously this attempt to nullify the presidential office, which, indeed, if shorn of this authority, would have been reduced to a level with that of its secretary. Nay, they were not content with voting this power at present, but contended that the rule should have been a funda- mental part of the constitution. It was now declared to be so by a vote, the derogatory amendment having been previously negatived ; and the wholv-jsome prerogative of the President was effectually secured. _ The several ministerial departments were now filled up. Colonel Ham^ ilton, the friend of Washington, and he who had chiefly induced him to accept the guidance of the new government, was appointed to the treasury. General Knox, who had been the war minister under Congress, was now re-appointed ; whilst Jefferson, envoy in France, but then on his return to the United States, was named secretary of the state department, including foreign and home affliirs. At the head of the law was placed Mr. Jay, as chief justice, one of the most estimable characters of the time. Mr. Randolph was named attorney-general. Mr. Adams had been elected Vice-President : the only name of eminence omitted in the arrangements was that of Madison. A ])articular view of the successive administrations is given in the life of each of the Presidents. With a short account, therefore, of Mr. Madi- son's celebrated commercial resolutions offered to Congress m January, 1794, we shall pass to the period and to the most striking affairs of his presidency. When Congress assembled in the month of December, 1793, a variety of iujportant and interesting topics were pressing upon the public atten- tion. The British government had declared France to be in a state of blockade, by issuing orders to stop all neutral ships laden with provisions bound to her ports. Corn at that time formed the chief export of the United States, and to prohibit them from shipping it at all, for the new regulation amounted in fact to this, was a grievance to which the most pacific neutral could scarcely submit. Another continually recurring source of complaint on the part of the United States against England was the pressing of their seamen, which circumstances rendered of frequent occurrence and tardy rectification. In reference to this state of affairs, Mr. Madison early in January, 1794, submitted to the House his commercial resolutions. The substance of the . first of these resolutions was, that the interest of the United States would MADISON. 139 be promoted by further restrictions and higher duties in certain cases, on the manufactures and navioration of foreign nations. TIic additional du- ties were to be laid on certain articles manufactured by those European nations which had no commercial treaties with the United States. These resolutions required reciprocity in navigation, except with respect to the West India trade. The last of the resolutions declared that provision ought to be made, for ascertaining the losses sustained by American citi- zens, from the operation of particular regulations of any country contra- vening the law of nations ; and that these losses be reimbursed, in the first instance, out of the additional duties on the manufactures and vessels of nations establishing such regulations. The debates on these resolu- tions were long and animated. On the 3d of February the first was adopted by a majority of five only.* On the 4l]i of March, 1809, Mr. Madison, who had been Secretary of State under the preceding administration, was inducted into the office of President of the United States. At this time the situation of our affairs was in many respects gloomy. France and England were still at war, and were continuing to array against each other the most violent commercial edicts, that exhibited but little deference to the rights and interests of neutral nations. Previously to the adjournment of tlic Inst Congress under Mr. Jefferson, an act had been passed which repealed the then existing em- bargo, and interdicted commercial intercourse with France and Great Britain. Should either of these powers, however, revoke their edicts, the President was authorized to renew their intercourse. Mr. Madison's in- augural address was as follows : " Unwilling to depart from examples of the most revered authority, I avail myself of the occasion now presented, to express the profound im- pression made on me, by the call of my country to the station, to the duties of which I am about to pledge myself, by the most solemn of sanc- tions. So distinguished a mark of confidence, proceeding from the deliberate and trancpiil suffrage of a free and virtuous nation, would, under any circumstances, have commanded my gratitude and devotion, as well as filled me with an awful sense of the trust to be assumed. Under the various circumstances which give peculiar solemnity to the existing period, I feel that both the honor and the responsibility allotted to me, are inexpressibly enhanced. The present situation of the world is indeed without a parallel ; and that of our country full of difficulties. The pressure of these, too, is more severely felt, because they have fallen upon us at a moment when the national prosperity being at a height not before attained, the contrast resulting from the change has been rendered the more striking. Under tlie benign influence of our republican insti- tutions, and the maintenance of peace with all nations, while so many of them were engaged in bloody and wasteful wars, the fruits of a just poli- cy were enjoyed, in an unrivalled growth of our faculties and resources. Proofs of this were seen in the improvements of agriculture, in the suc- cessful enterprises of commerce, in the progress of manufactures and * Pitkin. 140 MADISON. useful arts ; in the increase of the public revenue, and the use made of it in reducing the public debt, and in the valuable works and establish- ments, every where multiplying over the face of our land. It is a pre- cious reflection that the transition from this prosperous condition of our country to the scene which has for some time been distressing us, is not chargeable on any unwarrantable views, nor, as I trust, on any involun- tary errors in the public councils. Indulging no passions which trespass on the rights or the repose of other nations, it has been the true glory of the United States to cultivate peace by observing justice ; and to entitle themselves to the respect of the nations at war, by fulfilling their neutral obligations with the most scrupulous impartiality. If there be candor in the world, the truth of these assertions will not be questioned. Posterity at least will do justice to them. This unexceptionable course could not avail against the injustice and violence of the belligerent powers. In their rage against each other, or impelled by more direct motives, principles of retaliation have been introduced, equally contrary to universal reason and acknowledged law. How long their arbitrary edicts will be continu- ed, in spite of the demonstrations that not even a pretext for them has been given by the United States, and of the fair and liberal attempts to induce a revocation of them, cannot be anticipated. Assuring myself that, under every vicissitude, the determined spirit and united councils of the nation will be safeguards to its honor and its essential interests, I repair to the post assigned me, with no other discouragements than what spring from my own inadequacy to its high duties. If I do not sink un- der the weight of this deep conviction, it is because I find support in a consciousness of the purposes and a confidence in the principles which I bring with me into this arduous service. To cherish peace and friendly intercourse with all nations having correspondent dispositions; to maintain sincere neutrality towards belligerent nations; to prefer, in all cases, amicable discussion and reasonable accommodation of differen- ces to a decision of them by an appeal to arms ; to exclude foreign intrigues and foreign partialities, so degrading to all countries, and so baneful to free ones ; to foster a spirit of independence, too just to invade the rights of others, too proud to surrender our own, too liberal to indulge unworthy prejudices ourselves, and too elevated not to look down upon them in others ; to hold the union of the states as the basis of their peace and happiness ; to support the constitution, which is the cement of the union, as well in its limitations as in its authorities ; to respect the rights and authorities reserved to the states and to the people, as equally incorporated with, and essential to the success of, the general system ; to avoid the slightest interference with the rights of conscience, or the func- tions of religion, so wisely exempted from civil jurisdiction ; to preserve in their full energy the other salutary provisions in behalf of private and personal rights, and of the freedom of the press ; to observe economy in public expenditures ; to liberate the public resources by an honorable dis- charge of public debts ; to keep within the requisite limits a standing military force, always remembering that an armed and trained militia force is the firmest bulwark of republics ; that without standing armies their liberty can never be in danger, nor, with large ones, safe; to promote by 1 MADISON. 141 authorized means improvements friendly to agriculture, to manufactures, and to external as well as internal commerce ; to favor in like manner the advancement of science and the diffusion of information, as the best aliment to true liberty ; to carry on benevolent plans, which have been so meritoriously applied to the conversion of our aboriginal neighbors from the degradation and wretchedness of savage life, to a participation of the improvements of which the human mind and manners are susceptible in a civilized state. As far as sentiments and intentions such as these can aid the fulfilment of my duty, they will be a resource which cannot fail me. It is my good fortune, moreover, to have the path in which I am to tread, lighted by examples of illustrious services successfully rendered, in the most trying difficulties by those who have marched before me. Of those of my immediate predecessor, it might least become me here to speak. I may, however, be pardoned for not suppressing the sympathy with which my heart is full, in the rich reward he enjoys in the benedictions of a beloved country, gratefully bestowed for exalted talents zealously de- voted, through a long career, to the advancement of its highest interest and happiness. But the source to which I look for the aid which alone can supply my deficiencies, is in the well tried intelligence and virtue of my fellow citizens, and in the councils of those representing them in the other departments associated in the care of the national interest. In these, my confidence will, under every difficulty, be best placed ; next to that which we have all been encouraged to feel in the guardianship and guidance of that Almiglity Being, whose power regulates the destiny of nations, whose blessings have been so conspicuously dispensed to this rising republic, and to whom we are bound to address our devout gratitude for the past, as well as our fervent supplications and best hopes for the future." A new administration generally commences with fair promises on one side, and hopes on the other, of a change. It is a period of congratula- tion and politeness. Mr. Madison was declared to want the inveterate republicanism and anti-British feeling of his predecessor. He had been the first to propose the federal union, and his political career since had not been marked as that of a partizan. These considerations raised the hopes of the English minister in America, that some arrangement might be made. The repeal of the embargo, and the substitution of a less ob- noxious act, offered a fit and favorable pretext for renewing negotiations ; more especially as a clause was inserted in the later act, to the purpose, that if either of the belilgerents should recall its hostile edicts, a procla- mation of the executive should suffice to suspend the non-intercourse with respect to that belligerent. Mr. Erskine, accordingly, received from Mr. Canning, the English secretary of state, powers to treat, together with instructions as to the points to be insisted on. He was to consent to withdraw the orders in council on the essential points, on certain preliminary conditions, such as the prohibition against English ships appearing in American waters being repealed, and the abandonment of the right claimed by the United States to trade with such of the enemy's colonies as she was not permitted to trade with in peace. Overlooking these altogether, Mr. Erskine consi- 142 MADISON. dorod the Riipon.sion of tlio noii-int,(!rcourso as a fair oqnivalont for that of th(i orders in romicil, aiid did not hositato to .stipulate, accordiiiirly, that th(>s(' should ccasc! to lu! in force at a certain epocli. The I'rcsi(U)nt, accordini^ly, siispcnchMl th(! non-intercourse. But tidiui:fs no sooner reached lOu^hind of th(! ohsecpiious liaste of Mr. Erskine, tlian he was disavowcMl. 'The orck^rs in council vv(!re suspended only so far as not to endauirer those vessels which had sailed from Anierica on the faith of Mr. I'irskine's declaration. The President, in consequence, declared the non-intercour.se act as still in force, and the silent war of prohibitory edicts contiiUKMl on its old fooling. These l)lund(us in diplomacy were singularly unfortunate, since they had the elfect of irritating and giving rise to hateful suspicions. The Americans believed th.it Mr. Erskine had acted in conse(piencc of his instructions, and that tlie disavowal was an act of capricious hostility on th(! i);irt of th(! IJritish minister. The parlinuuMitary op|)()sition in ICn- ghuid took the same view ; and a parti.il production of the corres]>on- di:uce accredited (lu! beliid', which afterwards, however, was proved to l)e erroneous. Jiut the ellect was tnutaiuount. Erskine was recalhid, and Mr. .lackson s(Mit in his place. The latt(>r was as ill-chosen as the former ; siuci; there! was some cause which iender(Ml him particularly ob- noxious to the Americans, lie was receiv(>(l with studied coldness, and made to wait ev(>n for his recognition for a long time. His endeavors to renew the broken negotiation were m(>t by the remark of the inutility of such an attempt, and by an allusion to tli(! duplicity of the British govern- ment in tli(! allair of I'askine. .lackson retorted with warmth. His ob- servations were considered as insidts; and, on tiiis ])lea, further counnu- nication with him was declined, and his recall demanded of the minister in London. Frauc(> having been again applied to by America at this time, the em- peror rt>plied, that his decre^es were but retaliation; and that if England recalled her blockade; and her orders in council, he would suffer his de- crees to be considered null. INlr. Madison took advantage of this appa- rent fairn(>ss on tin; part of the French ruler, and obtained from t]i<> ma- jority of ('ongross divers resolutions, a|)i)roviug of the high and defiant tone of jJolicy observed by him towards ICngland. The state of Massa- chusetts alone protested. J'reparalious for war continued with activity; and the peoi)le already began to turn their attention and ca|)ital to tlie l1y. The alicuations and mutual injury thus worked by conunercial prohibitions were, perhaps, greater tlian could have; couie of actual war. The conduct of Mr. Madison and the American gov(>nunent to the British envoy showed such signs of a loaning towards France, and, in- deed, such an imitation of Napoleon's own behavior on similar occasions, that the emperor becanu; more obsequious. The non-intercourse act expir- ing in 1810, the Americans again summoned the two powers to remove tlieir restrictions. This was asked with the manifest purpose of declaring MADTSON. 143 war ; the latter .^eing the only ahernative, if the restrictions were not removed ; since the Americans couki not consent to abandon the sea altogetlier. To tliis Bonaparte replied by an amicable advance, intimat- ing, through his minister, that his decrees should be suspended. It was understood by him, of course, that America should no longer submit to the orders in council if unrepealed. To the English ministry an ap])eal was now made to follow the example of France. Unfortunately tliey hesitated, chicaned as to the supposed insincerity of the French declara- tion, or the informality of its announcement ; and feeling that the demand was accompanied by menace, they held out more from pique than policy. No conduct could have been more ill-judged ; it served all the purpo- ses of tlie anti-British in America, and flung the United States completely into the arms of France, whose vessels were now admitted to the ports of the former, whilst the interdict against the English was renewed. The British minister seems to have inferred that the French emperor could not be sincere in his declarations to consider his decrees no longer in force ; since such would have broken through that continental system, which was known to be his most fixed principle. In vain did the Ameri- can envoy otfer proof of his assertion in this respect. Reply was evaded ; and at length, Mr. Pinkney demanded his audience of leave, determined to put an end to a mission that was hopeless. In this doubtful state of connexion between America and England, an accidental collision took place between vessels of the respective countries, tending much to inflame and widen the existing diflerences. An English sloop of war, the Little Belt, commanded by captain Bing- ham, descried a ship olF the American coast, and made sail to come up with it ; but finding it a frigate and dubious of its nation, he retired. The other, which proved to be American, the President, under captain Rogers, pursued in turn. Both captains hailed nearly together ; and both, instead of replying, hailed again ; and from words, as it were, came to blows, without explanation. Captain Bingham lost upwards of thirty men, and his ship sutfered severely. A court of inquiry was ordered on the conduct of captain Rogers, which decided that it had been satisfac- torily proved to the court tliat captain Rogers hailed the Little Belt first, that his hail was not satisfactorily answered, that the Little Belt fired the first gun, and that it was without previous provocation or justifiable cause Tlie Americans continued making every preparation for war. Forti- fications were carried on at New- York and New Orleans. This latter position was, indeed, the vulnerable part of the confederacy. It was so felt, and divers plans were proposed ; one for a kind of miliiary colony ; that is, to grant lands to a body of men, on the condition of their being trained, and ready to take arms, should an enemy appear off the coast. But this plan, so little in accordance with the spirit of a free government. Was not adopted. West Florida was, however, taken possession of, to cut the Gordian knot of difference on the subject with Spain. The moment was such as allowed the ungenerous advantage to be taken ; Spain herself being occupied by the French, whilst her colonies were torn by civil wars. This formed another item of complaint and remon- strance on the part of the British. 144 MADISON. In the spring of 1811, Mr. Foster was sent out plenipotentiary from England, to make another attempt at negotiation. But, as he had nc power for stipulating the repeal of the orders in council, his mission was illusive : it was merely productive of argument and diplomatic pleading between him and Mr. Monroe. The British envoy contended, that it was France, not England, which commenced the blockade, prohibiting neu- trals ; and that the repeal of her decrees was merely nominal. The American replied tliat the wrongs of France against his nation, afforded no plea for the wrongs of England to be wreaked on it also : he more- over said, that France was sincere. Such arguments were of little avail. Mr. Foster returned without having effected any thing. In the November following. Congress was called together ; and Presi- dent Madison addressed it fully respecting the points and consequences of the still widening difference. It was hoped, he said, at the close of last session, that the successive confirmation of the extinction of the French decrees would have induced the government of Great Britain to repeal its orders in council : on the contrary, however, they had been put into more rigorous execution, and fresh outrages had been committed on the American coasts. "Notwithstanding the scrupulous justice, the protracted moderation, and the multiplied efforts on the part of the Unit- ed States to substitute for the accumulating dangers to the peace of the two countries, all the nuitual advantages of re-established friendship and confidence, we have seen that the British cabinet perseveres, not only in withholding a remedy for other wrongs, so long and so loudly calling for it, but in the execution, brought home to the threshold of our terriiory, of measures which, under existing circumstances, have the character, as well as the effect, of war on our law fid commerce. With this evidence of hostile inflexibility, in trampling on rights which no independent na- tion can relinquish. Congress will feel the duty of putting the United States into an armor and an attitude demanded by the crisis, and corres- ponding with the national spirit and expectations." This was followed up by demands of increase in the army, the navy, and all military stores and establishments. In this address, the President took occasion to allude to a new spirit of hostility displayed amongst the north-western Indians. Party attributed this to British gold and interference. The cause was evident, however, in the appearance of an Indian prophet, a reformer, who preached to his red brethren, that all their disasters had been owing to their having for- saken the wise and simple habits of their ancestors ; and that he had been prompted by the Great Spirit to warn them from mingling with the whites, from eating hogs and bullocks, in lieu of the game that used to give them the warrior's and the hunter's spiril, and, above all, from the use of ardent spirits. This last salutary injunction gave force and truth to all that the savage prophet uttered. This fanatic advice, however salutary in one respect, necessarily produced hatred towards the whites, and outrages upon them. General Harrison was despatched against the Indians in the autumn of 1811. The savages, at first, appeared friendly : but it was only to cover the purpose of a night assault, which proved almost fatal to the American force : it lost considerable numbers, but suc- ceeded in repulsing the enemy. MALISON. 145 The winter of 1811 — 12 passed in preparations for immediate war, as the British government, then for the first time elated with military success, showed no signs of yielding. However, the friends of peace and of America exerted themselves in parliament to deter the ministry from the rash act of adding the United States to the number of its enemies ; and this, for the support of commercial prohibition warranted neither by just pride nor wise policy. The marquis of Lansdowne, in the House of Lords, and Mr. Brougham, in the Commons, moved for a committee to take into consideration the orders in council. " If," said the former statesman, "at the time of the revolution in America, any one could have foreseen that the whole conunerce of continental Europe would have fallen under the iron grasp and dominion of France, they would have looked to the establishment of an indejicndent state on the other side of the Atlantic, out of the reach of French power, to become the carrier of our commerce and the purchaser of our manufactures, as the greatest boon that could have been given us. Such an event has occurred, as if provi- dentially : yet this great and inestimable advantage has been destroyed by the orders in council." A majority in both houses voted for going into committee. Petitions from the manufacturing towns of England poured in against the orders ; and when the report of the committee was brought up, the general voice of the country and of parliament compelled the abandonment by the lories of their obnoxious orders. It was too late, however. The elo- quence of Brougham, — and never was greater shown both with tongue and pen, — prevailed, but prevailed in vain. On the arrival of a ship from England, bringing no satisfactory tidings, the President sent a mes- sage to Congress, recapitulating all the causes of complaint against Bri- tain, (amongst which the stirring up of the Indians on t,lie Wabash was not forgotten,) and recommended a formal declaration of war. Congress acceded to the proposal ; and, notwithstanding the energetic protest of the federals in opposition, war was declared against Great Britain on the I8th of June, 1812. The talk of Mr. Madison to the Indians, in 1812, at the commence- ment of the war, contains sentiments so honorable to himself and hia country, and so appropriately and beautifully expressed, that we shall copy a part of this very interesting document. It may be considered as the manifesto of the American government, establishing the principles of its intercourse with its aboriginal neighbors, in the critical circumstances, which imposed new duties upon both. And* the contrast between this course, and that pursued by tlie British government, must awaken reflec- tions here and elsewhere, which although tardy may yet be useful. " The red people who live on the same great island with the white peo- ple of the eigliteen fires, are made by the same Spirit, out of the same earth, from parts of it differing in color only. My regard for all niy red children has made me desirous that the bloody tomahawk should l)e buri- ed between the Osages, the Cherokees, and the Choctaws. I wish also that the hands of the Shawnese and the Osage should be joined in my presence, as a pledge to cherish and observe the peace made at St. Louis, 19 146 MADISON. This wns a jjooil poaco for botli. It is a cliaiii tliat onojht (o hold them fast in IVioiulship. Neither blood nor rnst should ever be upon it. " I am coucornod that the war has so loujj been kopt up by the Sacs and Foxos against tho Osagos ; and that lattcMly a bloody war is carried on botwoon th(> Osagos and the Toways. 1 now tell my red chil- dren here i)resent, that this is bad for both parties. They nuist jnit nnder my feet their evil intentions against each otiuT, and henceforward live in peace and good will ; each hunting on their lands and working their own soil. A father ought to give good advice to his children, and it is the dnty of his children to hearken to it. The people composing the eighteen fires are a great people. Yon have travelletl through their country. You sec they cover the land, as the stars till the sky ; and arc as thick as the trees in your forests. Notwithstanding their great power, the IJritish King has attacktul lliem on tht* grt\it wat»M- beyond wiiich lie lives. He has rol)bed them of their ships, and carried away the people belonging to them. Some of tiiem he mur(U>red. He has an old grudge against the eighteen fires, because when he tried to make them dig and plant for his people beyond tiu> great water, not for themselves, they sent out warriors who beat his warriors; they carried off the bad cliit>fs he had sent among them, and set np good chiefs of their own. The eighteen fires did this when they had not tiie strengtli they now have. Their blows will now be mncli heavier, and will soon make him do them justice. It hai)pened wlien the thirteen fires, now increased to eighteen, forced the l?ritish King to treat them as an independent nation, one little fire did not join them. This he has held ever since. It is tiiere that his agents and traders plot quarrels and wars between the eighteen fires and their brethren, and between one red tribe and another. Maliien is the place where all the bad birds have their nests. There they are fed with false tales against the eighteen fires, and are sent ont with bloody belts in their bills to drop among the red peojile who would otherwise remain at peace. It is good for all the red people as well as all the people of the eighteen fires, that a stop should be put to this misclii«>f 'IMieir warriors can do it. They are gone and are going to t^anada lor this purpose. They want no help from their red brethren. They are strong enough without it. The British, who are weak, are doing all they can. by their bad birds, to decoy the red people into war on their side. 1 warn all the red ptH)ple to avoid the ruin this must bring upon them. And 1 say to you, my children, your lather does not ask you to join his warriors. Sit still on your seats ; and be witnesses that they are able to IhnU their enemies, and protect their red friends. This is the fatherly advice I give you. " I have a fiirther advice for my red children. Yon see how the coun- try of the eighteen fires is filled with people. They increase like the corn they put into the ground. They all have good hou.ses to shelter them from all weathers ; good clothes snitable to all seasons ; and as for food of all sorts, you see they have enough and to spare. No man, wo- man, or child of the eighteen fires ever perished of hunger. Compare all this with the condition of the red people. They are scattered here and MADISON 147 there in handfuls. Tlieir lodges ;irc cold, leaky, and smoky. They have liard faro, and often not enouirji of it. "Why (his mighty diirorenco ? The reason, my red children, is plain: the wiiite peojjle breed cattle and sheep. They plongh the earth, and make it give them every thing they want. They spin and weave. Their heads and their hands make all the elements and productions of nature useful to them. Above all, the people of the eighteen fires live in con- stant peace and friendship. No tomahawk has ever been raised by one against the other. Not a drop of blood has ever touched the chain that holds them together as one family. All their belts are white belts. It is in your power to be like them. The ground iliat feeds one lodge; by hunting would feed a great band by tlie plough and hoe. Tiie CJreat Sj)irit lias given you, like your white brethren, good heads to contrive, strong arms, and active bodies. Use them like your white brethren, not all at once, which is diilicult, but by little and little, which is easy. Es- pecially, live in peace with one another, like your white brethren of the eighteen fires; you will be well fed, well clothed; dwell in good houses, and enjoy the happiness for which you, like them, were created. The Great Spirit is the friend of men of all colors, lie made them to be friends of one another. The more they are so, the more he will be their friend. These are the words of your father to his red children. The Great Spirit, who is father of us all, approves them. Let them i)ass through the ear into the heart. Carry them home to your people. And as long as you remember this visit to your father of the eighteen fires, remember tiiese are his last and best words to you." Certain states, that of Massachusetts especially, have been represented as most averse to hostilities with England, and to those measures by which the existing government of the Union tended to that end. The federals in this region not only protested, but meditated the preservation of a state of neutrality, if that were possible without dissolving the Union. In fact, Massachusetts did not like to be dragged into war against ila consent. To take advantage of this strong dissent and disunion, the governor of Canada had, it seems, sent an agent to New-lOngland. It was, indeed, an unwarrantable stej) ; and so criminal was the design, that even the federals denounced it. Jeircrson owns that he first learned it through the younger Adams, as early as the time of the embargo. In- stead of making any preliminary complaint or communication to the British government, Mr. Madison brought it forward in Congress; and it tended considerably to indame the American mind against j'-iigland, and to screw it up to that pitch requisite to set aside the consideration of the risk and great expenses of the war. This step was undertaken also for the purpose, no doubt, of intimidat- ing th(! anti-war party of the eastern states. This party was still con- siderable : it counted a minority on the decisive vote of forty-nine to seventy-nine ; and even since it continued to protest and petition. At Boston, the capital of Massachusetts, — that town which, one may say, had commenced the war of independence, — the Hags of tlie shipping were hoisted half-mast high, in token of mourning for the war of ISV2. The southern states were as violent in siipport oi' the contrary opinion ; and 148 MADISON. Baltimore was more especially signalized for its anti-English zeal. A federal paper here dared to hrave the prevalent opinion. A mob was ex- cited to attack the establishment, which was defended against them ; a^d force arriving, the defenders, not the offenders, were taken to prison. But this did not secure them. The prison doors were broken open next day, and many of the federals massacred ; among whom were two veteran generals, friends of Washington. Except rencontres between single ships, the only theatre of war in the United States was the Canadian position ; and thither, accordingly, their efforts were turned. Attempts to call out the militia in Upper Canada had been productive of disturbances, in whicli the troops and the inhabi- tants had mutually fired upon each other. This encouraged the Ameri- cans to an invasion, and an army was collected for that purpose in the north. General Dearborn was created commander-in-chief; Pinkney, Major-Gencral Wilkinson, Hampton, Hull, were the other names on the list of conunanding officers. General Hull was Governor of the Michigan Territory. Not much more than a fortnight after the declaration of war, he collected a body of upwards of two thousand troops of the line and militia, and pushed over the frontier, as if he intended to attack Montreal, publishing, at the same time, an arrogant proclamation. His subsequent movements were as dilatory as his previous haste ; and upon hearing that the Indians had invaded his province upon another point, and that the English general, Brock, was at the head of a respectable force, Hull retreated. He was pursued by Brock, who besieged him in Fort Detroit, and was about ^o try the fortune of an assault, when the American commander, panic- struck, hoisted the white flag, and surrendered, with his fort and army, to the surprise and indignation of the Americans. This signal defeat took place in August. As the blame was thrown upon the pusillanimity of the commanders, in little more than a month an American force was again collected upon the same position. On this occasion it was thought advisable not to risk an invasion, the aim being rather to master some neighboring post, which might make amends lor the loss of Detroit. Queenstown, on tlie Niagara, was fixed on as the object of attack. An American division, under Colonel Van Rennselaer, crossed with the view of mastering it. They stormed it gallantly ; but General Brock arrived at the moment of success, and drove the Ameri- cans back. Whilst reinforcements arrived to the British, the American militia refused to cross the river to reinforce their party , and, in short, shrunk from the tight. The English, therefore, remained complete vic- tors, capturing all wlio had crossed to the assault. It was, however, with the loss of the gallant Brock, who was shot whilst cheering on his men. during the doubtful period of tlie conflict. Thus, upon land, the advantages of this first campaign rested altoge- ther with the British. It was at sea, on tlie element where tliey felt most secure, that their superiority was seriously disputed. About the very time thai General Hull surrendered in Detroit, Captain Hull, commanding the Constitution frigate, fell in with the British frigate the Guerriere. An engagement ensued ; when, in half an hour, the latter was so totally MADISON. 149 disabled, as not only to be obliged to surrender, but to be burned by her captors. On the 17th of October, another naval victory was achieved over an enemy decidedly superior in force, and under circumstances the most favorable to him. This was the capture of the brig Frolick, of twenty- two guns, by the sloop of \\ar Wasp. Captain Jones had returned from France two weeks after the declara- tion of war, and on the 13th of October, again put to sea. On the 17th, he fell in with six merchant ships, under convoy of a brig and two ships, armed with sixteen guns each. The brig, which proved to be the Frolick, Captain Whinyatcs, dropped behind, while the others made sail. At half past eleven, the action began by the enemy's cannon and musketry. In five minutes the main-top-mast was shot away, and falling down with the main-top-sail yard across the larboard fore and fore-top-sail, rendered her head yards unmanageable during the rest of the action. In two minutes more, her gaff and mizen-top-gallant-mast were shot away. The sea being exceedingly rough, the muzzles of the Wasp's guns were sometimes under water. The English fired as their vessel rose, so that their shot was either thrown away, or touched only the rigging of the Americans ; the Wasp, on the contrary, fired as she sunk, and every time struck the hull of her antagonist. The fire of the Frolick was soon slackened, and Captain Jones determined to board her. As the crew leaped on board the ene- my's vessel, their surprise can scarcely be imagined, as they found no person on deck except three ofiicers and the seaman at the wheel. The deck was slippery with blood, and presented a scene of havoc and ruin. The officers now threw down their swords in submission, and lieutenant Biddle, of the Wasp, leaped into the rigging to haul down the colors, which were still flying. Thus, in forty-three minutes, ended one of the most bloody conflicts recorded in naval history. Tlic loss on board the Frolick, was thirty killed and fifty wounded ; on board the Wasp, five were killed, and five slightly wounded. The Wasp and Frolick were both captured the same day, by a British seventy-four, the Poictiers, Cap- tain Beresford. The above splendid achievement of Captain Jones was followed on the 25th of October by a combat between the frigates, the United States, commanded by Commodore Decatur, and the Macedonian. The latter, after having suffered dreadfully and unaccountably in men and vessel, was obliged to surrender. These encounters, and the arguments they gave rise to, strongly sharpened the animosities on both sides, and cheer- ed the American war-party for the disappointments which they experi- enced by land. In November, Congress met ; and the President addressed it by mes- sage, in which he frankly stated the defeats experienced on the Canadian position, and complained much of the employment of the Indians by the British, thus bringing the horrors of savage warfare upon the land. He also complained of the conduct of Massachusetts and Connecticut in re- fusing their contingent of militia. The victories of American ships were cited with just pride ; and Congress was begged to extend some- 150 MADISON. what their allowance to the army. So sparing had this been, that neither soldiers could be recruited nor general officers appointed, nor was there such a thing as a military staff. December 20th, a second naval victory was achieved by the Constitu- tion, then commanded by Commodore Bainbridge, over the Java, a British frigate of .thirty-eight guns, but carrying forty-nine, with four hundred men, commanded by Captain Lambert, who was mortally wounded. This action was fought off St. Salvador, and continued nearly two hours, when the Java struck, having lost sixty killed and one hundred and twenty wounded. The Constitution had nine men killed and twenty- five wounded. On the 1st of January, the commander, finding his prize incapable of being brought in, was obliged to burn her. During the winter, an engagement took place between the Hornet, Captain James Lawrence, and the British sloop of war Peacock, Captain William Peake, off South America. This action lasted but fifteen minutes, when the Peacock struck. On her surrendering, a signal of distress was discovered on board the Peacock. She had been so much damaged, that, already, she had six feet of water in her hold, and was sinking fast. Boats were immediately despatched for the wounded, and every measure taken, which was practi- cable, to keep her afloat until the crew could be removed. Her guns were thrown overboard, the shot holes were plugged, and a part of the Hornet's crew, at the imminent hazard of their lives, labored incessantly to rescue the vanquished. The utmost efforts of these generous men were, however, vain ; the conquered vessel sunk in the midst of them, carrying down nine of her own crew, and three of the Americans. With a generosity becoming them, the crew of the Hornet divided their clothing with the prisoners, who were left; destitute by the sinking ship. In the action the Hornet received but a slight injury. The killed and wounded, on board the Peacock, were supposed to exceed fifty. However considerable was the opposition to Mr. Madison's policy and administration in the eastern states, still the southern, increased by the number of the newly created states in the western territory, were enabled to out-vote their rivals on the grand presidential question. Mr. Madison was, without difficulty, re-elected to his second term of office ; whilst Mr. Gerry became Vice-President in the room of Clinton. The same pre- ponderance he was enabled to exercise in Congress, where a majority passed resolutions approving of the President's refusal to make peace, except upon the removal of the possibility of the English impressing or searching for American seamen. The British government, on its side, placed the principal ports and rivers of America at once in a state of blockade. In order, however, to favor such states as displayed aversion to the war, a system of licenses was adopted, in order to enable ships from their ports to enjoy a trade with the West Indies. The President was indignant at this tenderness shown by foreign for domestic foes, and he denounced it with great heat to the legislature. Winter had, in the mean time, brought no respite to war, even in those inclement countries. In January, 1813, the Americans, under General Winchester, marched to the recapture of Detroit. They were anticipated MADISON. 151 by Colonel Procter, the British oflicer commanding in the conquered province ; who, with a body of reirular troops and Indians, coniplotoly defeated the Americans, took their loader and the jTreater number priso- ners. Of these, a great number fell sacrifices to the cruelty of the sa- vage Indians. Harrison himself was soon after besieged by the British in a fort which he had erected. Disaster in (his frontier, however, always brought the American side a reinforcement of spirited volunteers ; and the Kentucky men marched to take tlieir revenge upon Colonel Procter, and, in their first onset, dispossessed him of position and batteries. But the British returned to the charge, and, in their turn, routed the Ameri- cans fmally. The events of the war had by this time taught the Americans to reverse an opinion previously formed. They knew themselves far superior in force to the British in Canada, where tlie Indians alone restored propor- tion to the respective numbers. On land, therefore, they had reckoned to be victors ; whilst at .sea their numerical inferiority seemed to promise defeat : events had turned out directly contrary to this ; their soldiers had been beaten shamefully, their sailors were mostly victorious. The advantage was, therefore, seen, of converting, as far as it was po.ssible, the military operations on the side of Canada into naval ones. The nature of the position, passing through the great lakes, — seas in depth and e.vtent, — rendered this possible. Their first endeavors were directed to the fitting out of a squadron upon Lake Ontario, which should master its waters, and be able to con- vey to the several points upon it, possessed by the British, such force as Would be irresistible. Sackett's Harbor was the name of the chief American port upon the lake. Here a fleet was fitted out witii great activity and zeal, and, by the end of April, was ready to transport a small army. Upwards of two thousand men embarked, commanded by the American General, Pike. Tliese were wafted to the vicinity of York, the capital of Upper Canada, where the British had only a garrison of six hundred strong. This small force ollered every possible resistance. During the combat. General Pike was slain ; but his troops were too nu- merous for the enemy, and tlie British were obliged to surrender York Other expeditions were undertaken by the Americans upon dill'erent points, always with success, unless when, not content with getting pos- session of the place or tort attacked, they thought fit to pursue the retreating British. On one of these occasions, tlie Americans had two of their generals captured. Ujuin another, a detachment of eight hundred men, commanded by Colonel Boerstler, was surrounded and made pri- soners. The British, in the mean time, exerted themselves to rival their enemy upon the lakes. An attack, gallantly made, on Sackett's Harbor was repulsed ; but in a little time. Sir James Yeo was enabled to take the command of a flotilla, equal or superior to the Americans, which turned the advantage upon Lake Ontario against them. On Lake Champlain, also, the British had taken the start of their foes, and destroyed the American establishment of Plattsburg, in revenge for the affair of York, which had been twice captured and plundered. 152 MADISON. It was upon Lake Erie, however, that the fiercest struorgle took place ; and it ended completely in favor of the Americans. The vessels equip- ped on both sides were mostly from fifty to sixty guns. The advantage of force was on the side of Perry, the American Commodore, who had nine of these vessels. Barclay, his antagonist, numbered six; these six, however, bearing more cannon than an equal number of their antagonists. The naval battle fought by these squadrons for the mastery of Lake Erie, was the most important which had yet occurred in the war. Perry, rush- ing headlong with his vessel into action, was at first disabled, and obliged to shift his flag ; but when all his force came up, the Canadian squadron was beaten in the fight, most of the officers killed, the ships disabled, and obliged to surrender.* " This was a source of great exultation to the Americans, whom it com- pensated for all previous losses. Nor were its consequences less important ; as the British forces were compelled to abandon the advantages and posi- tion which they previously won. Detroit, the first conquest of the war, was now given up ; and the retreat was not conducted with that skill and spirit which had marked previous operations. The Americans, under General Harrison, came up with Sir George Prevost, near the Moravian villages, on the Thames, and defeated him, with signal loss on the part of the British. Amongst the slain was the fiimous Indian chief, Tecum- seh,t brother of the Wabash prophet ; by which loss, as well as by the reverses of the war, these savage allies were much disheartened. * During the battle of Erie, the Lawrence, which Commodore Perry was on board of, was so shattered as to be entirely unmanageable, and only nine of her large crew remained. In this dilemma, Perry resolved to hoist the American flag on board a more fortunate vessel. For this purpose he entered an open boat, to pass over to the ship Niagara ; and though broadsides M'ere levelled at him, and showers of musketry from three of the enemy's ships, he remained standing in the stern of the boat, until alisohUely pulled down by the crew. The Americans watched him vnih breathless anxiety, as he passed through this scene of peril, and w\\\\ a transport of joy they saw his (lag hoisted at the mast head of the Niagara. Soon after he enter- ed that ship, a captain of one of the guns, having had all his men shot down, ap- proached him, and laying his hand on his shoulder, exclaimed, " For God's sake, sir, give me some more men." When all sense of personal danger was thus swallowed up in eagerness for victory, it is not surprising that Commodore Perry was able to write his strikingly laconic letter : " Dear Sir, We have met the enemy, and they are ours." t This Indian warrior was not only an accomplished miUtary commander, but also a great natural statesman and orator. Among the many strange, and some strongly characteristic events of his life, the council vvhich the American General, Harrison, held with the Indians at Vincennes, in 1811, affords an admirable instance of the sublimity which sometimes distinguished his eloquence. The chiefs of some tribes had come to complain of a purchase of lands which had been made from the Kickafoos. The council effected nothing, but broke up in confusion, in consequence of Tecumseh having called General Harrison " a liar.^' During the long talks wiiich took place in the conference, Tecumseh, having finished one of his speeches, looked round, and seeing every one seated, while no seat was prepared for him, a momentary frown passed over his countenance. Instantly General Harrison order- ed that a chair should be given him. Some person presented one, and bowing, said to him, '• Warrior, your father. General Harrison, offers you a seat." Tecumseh's dark eye flashed. " My father !" he exclaimed indignaatly, extending his arnw MADISON. 153 The result of the operations of the north-west, and the victory on Lake Erie, prepared the way to attempt a more effectual invasion of Canada. General Wilkinson was now commanding the American forces in the north. General Dearborn having some time before retired on account of indisposition. The force destined for the contemplated invasion of Cana- da, amounted to twelve thousand men, — eight thousand of whom were stationed at Niagara, and four thousand at Plattsburg, under the command of General Hampton. In addition to these forces, those under General Harrison were expected to arrive in season to furnish important assis- tance. The outline of the plan which had been adopted, was to descend the St. Lawrence, passing the British forts above, and, after a junction with General Hampton, at some designated point on the river, to proceed to the Island of Montreal. Une.xpected difficulties, however, occurred, which prevented the execution of this plan, and the American forces retired into winter quarters at St. Regis. General Wilkinson concentrated his forces at Grenadier's Island, be- tween Sackett's Harbor and Kingston, one hundred and eighty miles from Montreal, by the way of the river. This place the army left, on the 25th of October, on board the fleet, and descended the St. Lawrence, sanguine in the expectation of subduing Montreal. On the arrival of the flotilla at Williamsburg, November 9th, one thou- sand five hundred men, of General Boyd's brigade, were landed with a view to cover the boats in their passage through the rapids. On the 11th an engagement took place, which continued two hours, between this de- tachment of the American army, and a detachment of the British under Lieutenant Colonel Morrison. Both parties claimed the victory, but it vvas, properly, a drawn battle, the British retiring to their encampments, and the Americans to their boats. The loss of the British is not ascer- tained ; that of the Americans, in killed and wounded, was three hundred and thirty-nine. Among the latter was General Carrington, who died of his wounds. A few days previous to this battle, as General Harrison had not arrived. General Wilkinson despatched orders to General Hampton to meet him at St. Regis. To these orders, General Hampton replied, that it was impracticable to comply with them. On the receipt of this communica- tion, a council of officers was called, which advised to abandon the pro- ject and to retire. Accordingly, General Wilkinson ordered a retreat, and selected French Mills, as the winter quarters of his army. The troops of General Hampton soon followed this example. Thus ended a campaign which gave rise to dissatisfaction, proportion- ed to the high expectations that had been indulged of its success. Pub- lic opinion was much divided as to the causes of its failure, and as to the parties to whom the blame was properly to be attached. In the south-west a furious war was, at the same time, carried on be- towards heaven ; " the sun is my father, and the earth is my mother ; she gives me nourishment, and I repose upon her bosom." As he ended, he suddenly sealed him» , self on the ground. 20 154 MADISON. tween the Creek Indians and the Americans. The savages, never com- pletely pacified or reconciled to the Americans, had been roused by a visit from Tecumseh ; who, in the name of the great prophet, told them to arise and whet their tomahawks. On the last day of August, they surprised a fort on the Georgian frontier, and massacred all within, wo- men and children not excepted. General Jackson undertook to seek vengeance for this sanguinary outrage, and marched with a large body of militia into the wilds tenanted by the Creeks. These were not slow to meet their enemies ; and a series of bloody encounters ensued, in all of which, the Indians, though outnumbered, fought with their native desperation, and perished to a man. Jackson earned his renown by the martial spirit he displayed in these wars. The Indians had learned the art of entrenching themselves to advantage. Though beaten at Talla- poosa, they had caused the whites great loss. They made another stand at Tohopeka ; where a thousand chiefs withstood triple their force, and perished valiantly. At last, when the bravest and best of them had been carried off, they submitted. One of the remaining chiefs addressed Jack- son : — " Once I could animate my warriors ; but I cannot animate the dead. They can no longer hear my voice. Their bows are at Emuch- faw and Tohopeka. While a chance remained, I asked not for peace : but I now ask it for my nation and myself" At sea, the Americans this year had not so much cause for triumph, although their acknowledged character for equality with British skill and courage was well supported. In the month of February, the United States sloop Hornet, commanded by Captain Lawrence, was attacked by the Peacock, of about equal force. After twenty minutes' combat, the British crew were not only defeated, but their vessel sinking. There was not even time for saving the vanquished; the sloop going down with twelve persons, of whom three were American sailors, engaged in rescu- ing their foes. For this feat. Captain Lawrence, on his return to Boston, was promoted to the command of the frigate Chesapeake, of old famous. A British frigate, the Shannon, was soon off the harbor ; its commander. Captain Broke, was most desirous of wiping off some of the recent stains on the navy of his country ; and, with a view to effect this, he paid that severe attention to discipline and exercise which long superiority had taught the English to neglect. The Shannon stood in to Boston light-house, to challenge the Chesapeake. Captain Lawrence, with a crew chiefly en- listed for the occasion, accepted the defiance, and sailed out to meet the foe. The Chesapeake and Shannon joined ; when, afier fifteen minutes' firing, the British boarded, and carried the American ship. The gallant Lawrence, mortally wounded, refused to allow the colors to be struck, and died, while issuing the heroic order, " Don't give up the ship !" There needs no stronger proof of the equal valor of two brave nations, sprung from a common stock, than these alternate triumphs of that side which happened to be superior in discipline. A less noble species of warfare was earned on along the coasts of the sea and the great gulphs, by frequent landings from British vessels, to molest and plunder the inhabitants and ravage the country. Sometimes an un- MADISON. 155 oflbnding village was cannonadotl. These exploits, intended to make the war uii])opular in America, had the contrary effect. The British, in judg- ing what their own feelings would be if similarly injured, might have adopted otiier measures of hostility towards an enemy of which so large a minority was averse to the war. Congress still supported the policy of Mr. Madison, however onerous and unusual the expense. The summer session was almost exclusively consumed in voting additional taxes; which, now that commerce was paralyzed, were necessarily, some of them, internal. Duties were levied upon wine, spirits, sugar, salt ; and a loan of upwards of seven millions of dollars was authorized. A still further demand of supply was made in January, 1814 ; a loan, treble the former amount, was raised, besides other modes having been devised of procuring funds. During the course of the year, the Emperor of Russia had offered his mediation between England and America. This latter country, always anxious to preserve amity with Russia, sent commissioners immediately to St. Petersburgh. Great Britain declined the mediation ; but professed herself willing to appoint on her side negotiators to treat, either in London, or in some neu- tral port. Gottenberg was selected for this purpose. At both extremities of the Lake Ontario, the war was continued, by desultory expeditions of either army, during the commencement of 1814. The British stormed and took Fort Niagara, and afterwards that of Os- wego. Li July, an encounter took place at Chippewa, between an American invading force under General Brown, and the British and Canadians under General Iliall. The latter attacked, but were repulsed, and, after a severe loss, were obliged to retreat. This gave confidence to the Americans. General Drummond soon after joined the Canadian army with reinforcements, and took the command. This rendering the contending forces more nearly equal, both parties marched to renew the contest. The battle took place near the celebrated falls of Niagara ; the Americans commencing the attack about the hour of sunset. It lasted till late in the night ; the work of slaughter being carried on by the light of the moon. Though bravely charging, the Americans could make no im- pression on the British ; while they themselves suffered dreadfully from the English guns, which played from an eminence in the centre of the field. Their efforts were accordingly directed against this battery ; and Colonel Miller led the American troops several times to its assault, gain- ing and losing possession alternately of the disputed point : he even brought up American cannon to support the attack, which presented the novel appearance of gun charging gun. On one occasion, cannons were actually exchanged in the confusion. As the night advanced, the conflict ceased, both parties claiming the victory. The Americans retained pos- session of the field. General Riall, severely wounded, was made priso- ner. The American Generals, Brown and Scott, were also, from their wounds, obliged to quit the field. The siege of Fort Erie was carried on for more than a month, marked by a daring attempt at taking it by storm, on the part of the British, and an equally gallant sortie made by the Americans. Both attempts were repulsed. But, in the end, a large American force marching to the 15|) MADISON. relief of the fort, the besiegers drew off, whilst the besieged evacuated it; and the Americans finally retreated to their own side of the Niagara; the war in tliis quarter having given birth to many gallant achievements, but no conquest. Eastward of the great lakes, the Governor General of Canada resolved on an expedition, which, if it succeeded, would counterbalance the equal issue of operations on the Niagara. With a flotilla on Lake Champlain, and an army along its brink, he advanced to the attack of Plattsburgh. The fortune of the enterprise was decided in a naval engagement on the lake, between Commodore M'Donough and Captain Downie. The latter was slain early in the fight, and his vessel disabled, so that the British flotilla was completely defeated and taken by the enemy. Sir George Prevost was obliged, accordingly, to retreat ; having proved himself here, as in most instances where he personally commanded, to have been sin- gularly unfortunate. As the war in Europe was now over, the British ministry seemed determined to make the Americans, especially the more inveterate ene- mies of the southern provinces, feel more fully, than they had yet done, the inconvenience of having provoked the hostility of England. A squadron, under Sir Alexander Cochrane, having on board an army under General Ross, sailed up the Chesapeake in the month of August. From the open gulph it turned its course up the Patuxent, apparently in search of the American flotilla, which, under Commodore Barney, had taken shelter there. As the ships of war could not follow the flotilla up the river, tl)e army was disembarked at St. Benedict's to pursue it by 'land. Its force was estimated at four thousand five hundred. At first no resistance was offered : for it appears that the American secretary of war could not bring himself to credit any serious intention of the English to- land.* General Ross, therefore, reached Marlborough, where the flotilla was destroyed, to prevent its falling into his power. But here the ultimate object of the disembarkation became evident, when the British columns, instead of returning, continued their march in the direction of Washington. The American commander. Winder, resolved, in consequence, to make a stand against the invaders; and, for this purpose, he chose a strong position at Bladensburg, covered by a branch of the Potomac. His force was much greater than that of the British, with whom, however, being the veterans of the peninsula, the raw militia of Virginia and Maryland could scarcely be expected to cope. The chief approach to Bladens- burg lay over a bridge, which was, of course, commanded by the Ameri- can artillery, and served by the seamen of the flotilla. These did their duty skilfully and bravely. The first company of the British that advanced upon the bridge (for General Ross did not tarry for a ford) was * " The force designated by the President was the double of what was necessary ; but failed, as is the general opinion, through the insubordination of Armstrong (who could never believe the attack intended until it was actually maae) and the sluggish- ness of Winder before the occasion, and his indecision during it." — Jefferson's Cat' respondence, vol. iv. p. 256. MADISON. #57 swept away ; and it was not until the attacking army had crossed in force that the artillery could be mastered. The first regiments that crossed were rash in pushing the Americans, who retired ; they were accordingly severely handled, and repulsed at first. But after three hours' fighting, Bladensburg was abandoned by its defenders, who dispersed among the woods. The British soon after entered Washington. Their general wished to lay the city under contribution ; but his proposal not being hearkened to, orders were given to destroy all the public buildings. This barbarous order, which no plea can excuse, and which certainly was as impolitic for the future as unprofitable for the present, was executed with rigor. The docks, the shipping, the magazines, were, of course, fired : these were lawful objects of devastation. But the dooming of the senate- house, the President's palace, the library, to the same fate, was a piece of vandalism that covered the expedition with disgrace.* On the invasion of the capital, the President retired into Virginia, and on the first of September issued the following proclamation : " Whereas the enemy, by a sudden incursion, have succeeded in invad- ing the capital of the nation, defended at the moment by troops less numerous than their own, and almost entirely of the militia; during their possession of which, though for a single day only, they wantonly destroy- ed the public edifices having no relation in their structure to operations of war, nor used at the time for mi'itary annoyance ; some of these edi- fices being also costly monuments of taste and of the arts ; and others, depositories of the public archives, not only precious to the nation as the memorials of its origin and its early transactions, but interesting to all nations, as contributions to the general stock of historical instruction and political science : " And whereas advantage has been taken of the loss of a fort, more *After the retreat of the troops called to the defence of the capital, the enemy took possession of the battle ground, and many of them actually sunk to the ground with fatigue. They rested on their knapsacks, and were so exhausted by their rapid march, that they were unable to follow up their advantages by the pursuit of our army. The force that marched to the city two hours after the skirmish at Bladens- burg, consisted of about fifteen hundred men, who were not engaged in the action. They proceeded slowly and Avith great caution, as they apprehended an ambuscade, and believed that the battle was yet to be fought to decide the fate of the city. Ar- rived at the entrance of the town, opposite the residence of Mr. Gallatin, General Ross halted with his troops, expecting that the city would propose terms of capitu- lation. While ii^ this situation, a shot from Mr. Gallatin's house killed the horse on which General Ross rode. The house was instantly set on fire, and orders were at once given to burn the capitol. Admiral Cockburn was with the army, and, after the capitol was destroyed, he rode through the city on horseback. He met a gentleman in the street, and inquired for the printing office of tlie National IntelUgencer, observing " that he must visit that office, as his friend Gales had honored him with many hard rubs'." When he reached the office, two ladies from the adjoining houses came out, and begged him not to burn the buildings, as their houses woiTld inevitably share the same fate. The admiral very complacently replied, that for their sakes the office should not be burnt; and added with great politeness, " Be tranquil, ladies, you shall be as safely pro- tected under my administration as under that of Mr. Madison." He then sent a file of soldiers, to convey the types and other printing utensils from the office. 158 MADISON. immediately jjiiarding the neighboring town of Alexandria, to place that town within the range of a naval force, too long and too nuich in the habit of abnsing its superiority wherever it can be applied, to require, as the al- ternative of a general conflagration, an undisturbed plunder of private property, which has been executed in a manner peculiarly distressing to the inhabitants, who had, inconsiderately, cast themselves on the gene- rosity of the victor : " And whereas it now appears, by a direct communication from the British naval commander on the American station, to be his avowed pur- pose to employ the force under his direction * in destroying and laying waste such towns and districts upon the coast as may be found assaila- ble ;' adding to this declaration the insulting pretext, that it is in retali- ation for the wanton destruction committed by the army of the United States in Upper Canada, when it is notorious that no destruction has been committed, wliich, notwithstanding the multiplied outrages previously committed by the enemy, was not unauthorized, and promptly shewn to be so ; and that the United States have been as constant in their endea- vors to reclaim the enemy from such outrages, by the contrast of their own example, as they have been ready to terminate, on reasonable con- ditions, the war itself: " And whereas these proceedings and declared purposes, which exhibit a disregard of the principles of humanity and the rules of civilized war- fare, and which nuist give to the existing war a character of extended devastation and barbarism, at the very moment of negotiations for peace invited by the enemy himself, leave no prospect of safety to any thing within the reach of his predatory and incendiary operations, but in a mauly and universal deteiniination to chastise and expel the invader : *' Now, therefore, I, James Madison, President of the United States, do issue this my proclamation, exhorting all the good people thereof to unite their hearts and hands in giving eilect to tlie ample means possess- ed tor that purpose. I enjoin it on all ollicers, civil and military, to exert themselves in executing the duties with wliich they are respectively charged. And more especially, I require the ollicers, counnanding the respective military districts, to be vigilant and alert in providing for the defence thereof; for the more eflbctual accomplishment of which, they are authorized to call to the defence of exposed and threatened places, portions of the militia most convenient thereto, whether they be or be not parts of the quotas detached lor tiie service of the United States under requisitions of the General Government. " On an occasion which apjieals so ibrcibly to the proud feeling and pa- triotic devotion of the American people, none will forget what they owe to themselves ; what they owe to their country and the high destinies which await it ; what to the glory acquired by their fathers, in establish- mg the independence which is now to be maintained by their sons, with the augmented strength and resources with which time and Heaven have blessed them." As the operations of the enemy, at this period of the war, created a general excitement throughout the country, their progress is amply illus- trated by contemporary descriptions. However willing we might be to MADISON. 159 drop a ve.. over this scene in our history, the concealment of truth, and the tender treatment of misconduct, though the not inappropriate re- sources of eulogy, are unbecoming the just chronich^r of the actions of the great. If no discrimination be made between their good deeds and their errors, and tlie whole be enveloped in the language of general applause, posterity are deceived and the purposes of history are violated. It need not be concealed, that while the most bitter indignation existed towards the enemy, for their contem|)t of all tlie rules of honorable war- fare, in the destruction of the public buildings at Washiugiou, equal indignation was excited in respect to those wliose duty it was to have provided in the most suflicient manner for the defence of the capital, and to have perished beneath its ruins rather than have surrendered it ignominiously to a bloodless conquest. We present below the account of the capture, which is least discreditable to the parties interested. It is taken from a letter addressed to the editors of the Baltimore Patriot, and bearing date August 2(ith, 1814. " I arrived at Washington on Sunday, 21st instant. At that time the oflicers of government and the citizens were very ai)|U(diensive of an attack from the British, who had landed a force on the Patuxent. Their numbers had not been ascertained, but reports were various, stating them from one thousand to sixteen thousand. General Winder was stationed near the Wood Yard, with about two thousand men, hourly expecting large reinforcements from every quarter, particularly from Baltimore, three thousand men having been or«lered to march immediately from that place. On Sunday, the public officers were all engaged in jjacking off their books, and citizens their furniture. On Monday, this business was continued with great industry, and many families left the city. The specie was removed from all the banks in the District. Reports were very current, that Winder had received large reinforcements ; so that it was believed by many well informed persons, that he would have ten thousand men embodied in the course of the week. In the expectation that there was a very considerable force collected, the President, accom- panied by the Secretary of War, and of the Navy, left the city for tlie camp. They arrived there late that night ; and the next morning, find- ing but three thousand men, and learning that the Baltimore troops were encamped at Bladensburg, they returncHl to the city on Tuesday to make fiirther arrangements. AH the books and papers were sent off, and the citizens generally left the place. " In the course of that day, a scouting party from General Winder's army had a skirmish with the British advanced guard, and returned to camp with such tidings as induced General Winder to retire to the city, with his army, which he accomplished by nine o'clock in the evening, burnt the old bridge which crossed the Potomac, and encamped on the hill, directly above the other bridge, about one mile and a half from the n.avy yard, and prepared to defend that passage. In the event of the British lacing too strong, the bridge was to be blown up, for which he had every thing prepared. At this post he remained the whole night, expect- ing the enemy's forces. On Wednesday morning, I walked through the army, and remained at the bridge until ten o'clock, when advice was 160 MADISON. received, that the enemy had taken the Bladensburg road. The troops vftre immediately put into motion, and by twelve o'clock the whole were on their march, in the hope of forming a junction with the Baltimore troops, before the enemy reached Bladensburg. This was only partially accomplished, when the battle commenced, and was contested by th^ Baltimore troops and the men from the flotilla, with great spirit and gal- lantry, until it appeared useless for so small a force, very badly supported, to stand against six thousand regulars, all picked men and ircll suijjilicd. A retreat was ordered, when the President, who had been on horseback with the army the whole day, retired from the mortifying scene, and left the city on horseback, accompanied by General Mason and Mr. Carroll. At Georgetown, the President met his hdy, she having left the city only a half hour before him, having remained with great firmness and compo- sure at the President's house, until a messenger brought her the tidings, that the British were within a few miles of the city, and that our army were retreating, without any chance of being rallied so as to check their march. " The President and Secretary of State went to Virginia with their families — the other oflicers of government went to Fredericktown, where the government is to be formed, and where the President intends to meet his secretaries next week. I remained at the President's house, until all our army had passed, and ninety-nine hundredths of the citizens gone, leaving nothing but empty walls. I fell into the trail of the army, and marched about four miles on the Frederick road. Being much fatigued, 1 turned off into a wood, and found good quarters in a farmhouse, on the hill back of Pearce's. Soon after reaching there, at nine o'clock on Wednesday evening, a signal gun was discharged, and the President's house, the capitol, and many other public buildings, were at the same mo- ment in a blaze, which continued nearly all night. " On Thursday morning I proceeded on with the army to Montgomery court-house, where General Winder's head-quarters were established. I had some conversation with him. He appeared to regret very much that he had not been enabled to have made a greater resistance, although he was perfectly satisfied that a successful resistance could not have been made, with the force in the neighborhood of Washington, since, if it had all been brought togetlier before the action, it would not have been so large as that opposed to him, and our force was principally militia, and that of the enemy, all regulars and picked men. " The uncertainty on which road the enemy intended to attack the city, compelled him to keep his forces divided, and their being divided occa- sioned frequent marches and counter-marches, which at this hot season was quite too much for our militia." The work of destruction achieved, the British retreated without loss of time to their ships, and, re-embarking, sailed to menace and to ravage other points. Alexandria was captured, but ransomed all, save its stores and shipping. Baltimore was the next town devoted by the British to their vengeance. It was the most obnoxious and anti-federal, as well as important ; and was, consequently, considered a proper object of attack. General Ross landed about fifi^een miles from the city, at the head of MADISON. 161 about five thousand men, on the 12th of September. The disaster of Washington, however j had inspired more Strenuous measures of defence ; and the Americans on this point were far better prepared. They occu- pied a strong position in advance of Bahiniore. In the first skirmish that occurred, the British commander was shot by a rifleman ; which damped the hopes, as well as deranged the projects, of the expedition. The English,, however, marched to the attack, and routed the Americans. However, there was still a stronger position behind, capable of a better defence. The co-operation of the fleet had been reckoned on to facilitate tlie carrying of this, which was, in fact, the heights above Baltimore. Admiral Cochrane, however, had found this impracticable from the shal- lowness of the harbor, as well as from the vessels sunk at its mouth. Those in command of the expedition accordingly abandoned its further prosecution ; the army retreated and again embarked. Afi^er some further cruises and menaces in the Chesapeake, the English fleet aban- doned it for a more remote enterprise. The following account of the attack on Baltimore is from the lettef of an eye-witness, bearing date Septembe'r 17, 1814 : '** " I will give you an account of the approach of the enemy before this place, so far as it came under niy own observation. On Saturday last, and the day previous, we had correct intelligence that the enemy had collected all his force, to the amount of forty-seven sail, and were pro- ceeding down the bay, consequently we were ledHo hope wtf should have a little rest fi'om our incessant labors, in preparing to resist them. On Satur- day noon. Major Armistead, the commander of Fort M'Henry, permitted Chief Justice Nicholson, who commands our volunteer corps of eighty men, to march to town, holding oifrselves in readiness to return the mo- ment he thought prudent to call. As it turned out, while we were marching to town, the enemy tacked about, and just at dusk were seen under a press of sail, with a fair wind, approaching the town. Their movements were closely watched at the fort, and at half past nine o'clock, Judge Nieholson received orders to repair to the fort with his men. We were all immediately rallied, and arrive'd at the fort before twelve, although the rain poured down in torrents. On oiw arrival, we found the matches burning, the furnaces heated and vomiting red-hot shot, and every thing ready for a gallant defence. At this time tlie enemy had arrived as far up as North Point, twelve miles l>clow the fort. We remained at our posts till daylight, at which time the enemy remained at the same place, some at anchor and others under eas^ sail, lying oflf and on. " They cdfitinued this kind of movement all day on Sunday. During the succeeding night and the forepart of Monday, they were busily employ- ed in landing their troops, but all was quiet on the part of the naval ope- ration against the fort, till Tuesday morning, at which time they had advanced to within two and a half miles of the fort, arranged in most elegant order, all at anchor, forming a half circle, with four bomb-vessels una a rocket ship, stretched from right to left, in the advance. The action commenced on their part by the discharge of a few rockets, which were harmless indeed. These, I am sure, were not intended as an 21 162 MADISON. attack upon us, but fired as a signal to inform their land troops of their readiness for co-operation. " Iniiiiedialely after these discharges, two of the headmost frigates opened upon us, hut finding their shot not reaching us, they ceased and ad- vanced up a little nearer. The moment tlicy had taken their position, Mi'jor Arinistcad mounted the parapet, and ordered a battery of twenty-four pounders to he opened upon them ; inunediately after a battery of forty- twos followed, and then the whole fort let drive at them. We could see the shot strike the frigates in several instances, when every heart was gladdened, and we gave three cheers, the music playing Yankee Doodle. Upon tiiis the frigates stood off, and, in five minutes, all lay just out of reach of our shot. The bomb-vessels advanced a little, and commenced a tremendous bombardment, which lasted all day and all night, with hardly a moment's intermission. " Finding our shot would not rcn-ch them, the cannonading, which was sublime and enlivening, was ordered to be closed. We then resorted to our mortars, and fired six or eight, but, sorrowful to relate, they, like our shot, fell short, owing to their chambers not being so deep as those of the enemy. Here then we were again foiled, and were reduced to the dread ful alternative of facing by far the most tremendous bombardment ever known in tliis country, without any means of resisting it — upwards of one tliousand five inindrcd bombs having fallen in and about the fort. Fortunately but little damage was done. In our company we had six severely wounded, and two killed. Sergeant Clemni, a young man of most amiable character, gentlemanly manners, and real courage, was killed by my side ; a bomb bursting overhead, a piece of the size of a dollar, two inches thick, passed through his body in a diagonal direction from his navel, and went into the ground upwards of two feet It was dug up immediately after, and is preserved by his friends. Instantly before this, a bomb struck the bastion, then in charge of Lieutenant Claggett, our third, which killed him upon the spot, wounded four men, dis- mounted a twenty- four pounder, broke the carriage wheel, and did con- siderable other damage. This happened on my right, about twenty-five paces distant. In the whole we had seven killed in the fort, and fifteen wounded. " From twelve to one o'clock in the night, the enemy slackened a little; during which time, a picked party of mariners towed up in a silent manner, a bomb-vessel, which got almost in rear of our fort, unobserved by the look-outs, on account of the extreme darkness of the night. After choosing her position, she began on our right, in high style. Cap- tains Evans and Nicholson were instantly ordered to open their batteries of twenty-fours with grape and canister, which was immediately followed by Fort Covington, a tight little place one and a half miles above us. The enemy likewise poured in their canister and grape, but in less than five minutes was silenced, and we heard no more of them from that quarter, but the bombardment was kept up from their old position, with increased fury, till dawn of day, when they appeared to be disposed to decline the unprofitable contest. At this time our morning gun was fired, the flag hoisted, Yankee Doodle played, and we all appeared in full v'xcw MADISON. 168 of a formidable and mortified enemy, who calculated upon our surren- der in twenty minutes after the commencement of the action." On the nineteenth of September, the day assigned for the meeting of Congress, tlie members assembled at Washington in rooms hastily fitted up for their reception. The roll of the Senate was called, and it appear- ed that nineteen members only were present. Tlie Vice-President not having arrived, the Hon. John Gaillard, of South Carolina, took the chair as President pro tempore of the Senate. In the House, the Speaker, Hon. Laiigdon Cheevcs, took the chair, at twelve o'clock, and ninety-four mem- bers appeared in their seats. As there was not a quorum present, the House separated by special consent till five o'clock in the evening. A sufficient numl)er having then been formed, a committee was appointed to join the committee of the Senate, to wait on the President, and inform liim they were ready to receive any communication he might intend to offer. On the following day, tlie President transmitted the usual Mes- sage to Congress by Mr. Edward Cole, his secretary. This document we copy almost entire. The view which it takes of our military affairs, and of our existing relation towards the enemy, renders it valuable and interesting. " In the events of the present campaign, the enemy, with all his aug- mented means and wanton use of them, has little ground for exultation, unless he can feel it in the success of his recent enterprises against this metropolis and the neighboring town of Alexandria ; from both of which his retreats were as precipitate as his attempts were bold and fortu- nate. In his other incursions on our Atlantic frontiers, his progress, often checked and chastised by the martial spirit of the neighboring citizens, has had more effect in distressing individuals, and in dishonor- ing his arms, than in promoting any object of legitimate warfare. And in the two instances mentioned, however deeply to be regretted on our part, he will find in his transient success, which interrupted for a mo- ment only the ordinary public business at the seat of government, no compensation for the loss of character with tlie world by this violation of private property, and by his destruction of public edifices, protected as monuments of the arts by the laws of civilized warfare. " On our side, we can appeal to a series of achievements, which have given new lustre to the American arms. Besides the brilliant incidents in the minor operations of the campaign, the splendid victories gained on the Canadian side of the Niagara, by the American forces under Major General Brown, and Brigadiers Scott and Gaines, have gained for these heroes and their emidating companions, the most unfading laurels; and having triumphantly tested the progressive discipline of the American soldiery, have taught the enemy that the longer he protracts liis hostile efforts, the more certain and decisive will be his final discomfiture. " On the southern border, victory has continued also to follow the American standard. The bold and skilful operations of Major-General Jackson, conducting troops drawn from the militia of the states least dis- tant, particularly of Tennessee, have subdued the principal tribes of hostile savages, and by establishing a peace with them preceded by recent and exemplary chastisement, has best guarded against the mischief of their co-operation with the British enterprises which may be planned against 164 MADISON. that, quarter of our country. Important tribes of Indians on our north- western frontier have also acceded to stipulations, wliicli bind them to the interests of the United States, and to consiser our enemy as theirs also. " In the recent attempt of the en(>my on (lie city of Baltimore, defend- ed by militia and volunteers, aided by a small body of regulars and sea- men, he was received with a spirit which produced a rapid retreat to the ships, whilst a concurrent attack by a large fleet was successfully re- sisteil by the steady and well directed fire of the fort and batteries oppos- ed to it. " In another recent attack by a powerfid force on our troops at Platts- burg, of which regulars made a part only, the enemy, after a perseve- rance for many hours, was finally compelled to seek safety in a hasty retreat, with our gallant bands pressing upon him. " On the lakes, so much contested throughout the war, the great exertions for the connuaud made on our part have been well repaid. On Lake Ontario, our sijuadron is now, and has been for some time, in a con- dition to confuie that of the enemy to his own port; and to lavor the operations of our land forces on that frontier. " A part of the squadron on Lake Erie has been extended to Lake Huron, and has produced the advantage of displaying our conuuand of that lake also. One object of the expedition was the reduction of Macki- naw, wiiich failed, with the loss of a few brave men, among whom was an oflicer justlv distinguished for his gallant exploits. The ex])edition, ably conducted by both the land ami naval cununanders, was otherwise valuable in its eflects. " On Lake Clunuplain, where our superiority had for some time been undisputed, the British squadron lately came into action with the Ame- rican, conunanded by Captain M'Donongh. It issued in the capture of the whole of the enemy's ships. The best praise of this oflicer and his intre- pid comrades is in the likeness of his triumph to the illustrious victory, wliich inuuortali/ed another oflicer, and established, at a critical moment, our command of another lake. " On the ocean, the pride of our naval arms has been amply support- ed. A .seooiul frigate has indeed fallen into the hands of the enemy, but the loss is hidden in the blaze of heroism with which she was defend- ed. Captain Porter, who commanded her, and whose previous career had been distinguished by daring enterprise and by fertility of genius, maintained a sanguinary contest against two ships, one of them superior to his own, and other severe disadvantages, till humanity tore down the colors which valor had nailed to the mast. This oflicer and his brave comrades have added much to the rising glory of the American flag, and have merited all the efl'usions of gratitude which their country is ever ready to bestow on the champions of its rights and of its safety. " Two smaller vessels of war have also become prizes to the enemy, but by a superiority of force which sufliciently vindicates the reputation of their couuuanders ; whilst two others, one commanded by Captain Warrington, the other by Captain Rlakely, have captured British ships of the same class, with a gallantry and good conduct, which entitled them and their companions to a just share in the praise of their country. MADISON. 165 " In spite of the naval force of the enemy accumulated on our coasts, our private cruisers also liave not ceased to annoy his commerce, and to bring their rich prizes into our ports ; coutributintr thus, with other proofs, to demonstrate the incompetency and the illegality of a blockade, the proclamation of which is made the pretext for vexing and discouraging the connnerce of neutral powers with the United States. " To meet the extended and diversified warfare adopted by the enemy, great bodies of militia have been taken into service for the public defence, and great expenses incurred. That the defence every where may be botli more convenient and more economical, Congress will see the neces- sity of innnediate measures for tilling the ranks of the regular army ; and of enlarging the provisions for special corps, mounted and unmounted, to be engaged for longer periods of service than are due from the militia. I earnestly renew, at the same time, a recommendation of such changes in the system of the militia, as, by classing and disciplining for tlie most prompt and active service the portions most capable of it, will give to that great resource for the public safety, all the requisite energy and etli- ciency. " The monies received into the Treasury, during the nine months ending on the UUli day of June last, amounted to thirty-two millions of dollars, of which eleven millions were the proceeds of the public revenue, and the remainder derived from loans. The disbursements for public expendi- tures, during the same period, exceeded thirty-four millions of dollars, and letl in the Treasury on the 1st of July, near live millions of dollars The demands during the remainder of the present year, already autho- rized by Congress, and the expenses incident to an extension of the opera- tions of the war, will render it necessary that large sums should be pro- vided to meet them. " From this view of the national affairs. Congress will be urged to take up without delay, as well the subject of pecuniary supplies as that of mili- tary force, and on a scale connnensurate with the extent and character which the war has assumed. " It is not to be disguised, that the situation of our country calls for its greatest elTorts. Our enemy is powerful in men and money ; on the land and on the water. Availing himself of fortuitous advantages, he is aim- ing, with an undivided force, a deadly blow at our growing prosperity, perhaps at our national existence. lie has avowed his purpose of tramp- ling on the usages of civilized warfare, and given earnests of it in the plunder and wanton destruction of private property. In his pride of maritime dominion, and in his thirst of commercial monopoly, he strikes with peculiar animosity at the progress of our navigation and of our ma- nufactures. His barbarous policy has not even spared those monuments of the arts, and models of taste, with which our country had enriched and embellished its infant metropolis. From such an adversary, hostility in its greatest force and worst fl)rms may be looked for. The American people will face it with the undaunted spirit which, in their revolutionary struggle, defeated his unrighteous projects. His threats and his barbari- ties, instead of dismay, will kindle in every bosom an indignation not to bo extinguished but in the disaster and expulsion of such cruel invaders. 166 MA-DISON. In providing the means necessary, the National Legislature will not distrust the heroic and enlightened patriotism of its constituents. They will cheerfully and proudly bear every burden of every kind, which the safety and honor of the nation demand. We have seen them every where paying their taxes, direct and indirect, with the greatest prompt- ness and alacrity. We see them rushing with enthusiasm to scenes where danger and duty call. In offering their blood, they give the surest pledge that no olher tribute will be withheld. " Having forborne to declare war until to other aggressions had been added the capture of nearly a thousand American vessels, and the im- pressment of thousands of American seafaring citizens, and until a final declaration had been made by the government of Great Britain, that her hostile orders against our commerce would not be revoked but on condi- tions as impossible as unjust; whilst it was known that these orders would not otherwise cease, but with a war which had lasted nearly twenty years, and which, according to appearances at that time, might last as many more; having manifested, on every occasion and in every proper mode, a sincere desire to arrest the effusion of blood, and meet our enemy on the ground of justice and reconciliation, our beloved country, in still opposing to his persevering hostility all its energies, with an undi- minished disposition towards peace and friendship on honorable terras, must carry with it the good wishes of the impartial world, and the best hopes of support from an omnipotent and kind Providence." In the north-eastern parts of the Union, scenes were now enacting, similar to those which had disgraced the British on the southern coasts. At Hampden, in Maine, the destruction of private property by the British squadron was very great. It appears to have proceeded, however, from the lawless spirit of the soldiers, and not to have been directly authorized by the commanding officers, as the destruction of the shipping was stopped by order of Sir John Sherbrooke, and several sailors were arrested for pillaging dwelling-houses. Castine was taken, and the British soldiers were kept continually employed in erecting fortifications there. Most of the trees in the place were cut down, and a considerable distance in the vicinity was cleared to prevent the unexpected approach of an enemy. Between fifty and an hundred pieces of cannon were mounted, and a canal was commenced from Castine river to the Penobscot, to separate the town from the main. Four large, and several smaller forts were built, and the whole town was put in a posture of complete defence.* * Among the other exploits which did honor to the British arms, was one of SirG. Collier, who commanded the ship Leander, and made his appearance off a small cove, below Sandy Bay, Cape Ann, and manned three barges which stood for the cove. About fifty men collected from the vicinity, and with a six pounder and musketry, exchanged several fires with the barges, when they returned to the ship. A fiag was immediately despatched from the Leander, bearing the following note from the commander : " Leander, 1, P. M., TuEsr ay. " Sir George Collier believes the boat, on shore, a fisherman. He desires to examine her without recourse to arms, and if objected to, he will land and destroy every house within two miles of the cove. This the inhabitants may rely upon. G. Collier." MADISON. 167 The commissioners of both nations had, in the mean time, met, not, as had been first arranged, at Gottenberg, but at Ghent. The triumph of the British/over Bonaparte had naturally increased the arrogance of their tone, whilst the ravaging expeditions on the American coast, con- trasted with the state of the war in Canada, confirmed the Americans in their proud determination not to yield. The English demanded that no fiirther acquisition of territory should be made at the expense of the In- dians. To this and other demands the American commissioners objected; and the first attempts at an accommodation altogether failed. Ill the mean time the exasperation of the federalists — more properly of the parly averse to war in the New-England states — grew to a height that almost menaced a revolution. Mr. Strong, the Governor of Massa- chusetts, was at the head of this party ; and his addresses to the legisla- ture of his state vied with those of the President to Congress in strength and bitterness, but with sentiments directly opposite. " The lovers of peace," said he, " are accused of being under British influence. Those of war are as much instigated by French influence." Distress was at the bottom of this discontent ; for Massachusetts had not only traded in British manufactures, but, from the long credit given by the merchants of that country, literally traded upon the capital of the latter. Of these great advantages war deprived them. To alleviate this distress somewhat, the rigor of the laws prohibiting both imports and exports was relaxed; and as the enemy's. fleet had hitherto confined their blockade to the southern ports, it was hoped that Boston and New- York might enjoy a circuitous or indirect trade, which would reconcile them to the war. Great Britain, however, about this time, freed from the necessity of keep- ing her cruisers around the shores of Europe, despatched them to Ameri- ca, and enforced her blockade all along the coast, in order to protect her trade more effectually from the privateers of her foe. The New-Englanders not only felt this, but they saw Britain so victo- rious in her European struggle, that it seemed madness to resist her. The destruction of Washington, the ravage of the banks of the Chesa- peake, showed what was to be expected from a continuance of hostilities. Towards the close of the year they, consequently, attacked the govern- ment more virulently than ever, accusing it of first exciting the war gra- tuitously, persevering in it obstinately, yet taking none of the requisite measures for preserving the country from insult or conquest. To remedy this crying evil, by which one section of states were sacrificed to the interests of another, they proposed a convention of delegates from the different sections of the Union to be summoned to meet at Hartford, in order to take into consideration the changes to be made in the Constitu- tioo- This was the most serious schism that had as yet menaced the integrity of the Federal Union. The Hartford Convention met, though attended merely by the delegates of the anti-war, or north-eastern states. Their discussions were kept secret, and they separated for the time, after merely venting their grievances in a public address. This dangerous spirit, as well as the distresses of the government, be- coming most formidable in a financial point of view, were arrested by the tidings, that peace at length had been signed at Ghent, in December. 168 ••MADISON. These tidings, however, did not arrive until the army, victorious at Washington, had received a check, which terminated the war in a man- ner glorious to the nation, and much to the support of the political party in power. We refer, of course, to the battle of New Orleans, a detailed account of which has been given in another part of ti.o volume. The capture of the President, an American frigate, by the Endymion, which took place about the same time, off New- York, after a sharp con- test, was no counterpoise to this disaster ; nor yet the taking of Fort Mobile by the army that had retreated from New-Orleans. The news of peace came to America amidst the rejoicings for the vic- tory of New-Orleans. It was doubly welcome, because so gloriously terminated. Great Britain made no demands ; and when the Americans desisted from theirs, — which, indeed, the cessation of war left no room for, since impressment and the right of search were applicable merely to war, — (here seemed scarcely a stipulation necessary. All that England insisted on was the abolition of the slave trade. The settlement of the boundary line on the side of Canada was left to commissioners of both nations. On the 17th of February, 1815, the President and Senate rati- fied the treaty of Ghent ; and North-America breathed, with Europe, free from the horrors of war. In the good humor of the moment, the ruling party seems to have lost much of its anti-British rancor. A commercial treaty was concluded upon fair terms between the countries. The Americans were permitted by England to trade with the East and the West-Indies ; on the condition, however, of transferring the produce directly to their own ports. For some time, the old illiljeral policy towards England was allowed to lie dormant. A stite of hostility, however, gives to a numerous class of persons certain occupations and interests necessarily arising out of, and depending on war. Such persons, although they dared not abet such a proposal as eternal war, still wished for a state, as far as commerce and manufactures were concerned, tantamount to it. Whilst shut out from England, the Americans had begun to fabricate divers articles of neces- sity for themselves ; of course, at a dearer rate, and with less skill, than those excluded. Peace brought back the cheap and the good commodity from England. The American could not stand the competition ; and exclaimed against the want of patriotism in sacrificing him to foreigners. The infant manufactures of the country, argued the manufacturers, ought to be supported. Petitions and addresses to this effect soon crowded the table of Congress ; and as the consumer was not so early alive to his interests as the manufacturer, the complaint of the former made impres- sion and won favor by its plausibility. Mr. Madison, himself, jealous of the decline of manufactures, and still more of shipping, owing to J;he rivalry of the British, felt his old prejudices revive ; and his messages to Congress soon came to recommend prohibitory measures and conservative duties. The summer of 1816 passed away without being marked by any events of peculiar moment. The country appeared to be gradually recovering from Ihe embarrassments induced by the war, and that^sperity of feeling, which had agitated the different political parties in the United States, was MADISON. 169 visibly wearing away. Congress met in December. In the conclusion of his message at the opening of the session, Mr. Madison, anticipating the speedy arrival of the day, when he should retire from the presidency, took occasion to express his attachment for his country, and his wishes for her future peace and prosperity : " I can indulge the proud reflection," said he, " that the American people have reached in safety and success, iheir fortieth year, as an independent nation ; that for nearly an entire generation, they have had experience of their present Constitution, the offspring of their undisturbed deliberations and of their free choice ; that they have found it to bear the trials of adverse as well as prosperous circumstances, to contain in its combina- tion of the federate and elective principles, a reconcilement of public strength with individual liberty, of national power for the defence of national rights, with a security against wars of injustice, of ambition, or of vain glory, in the fundamental provision which subjects all questions of war to the will of the nation itself, which is to pay its costs, and feel its calamities. Nor is it less a peculiar felicity of this Constitution, so dear to us all, that it is found to be capable, without losing its vital ener- gies, of expanding itself over a spacious territory, with the increase and expansion of the community, for whose benefit it was established." On leaving the Presidential chair, Mr. Madison passed the remainder of his life in a dignified and honorable retirement. Without mingling in the petty and distracting discussions of the day, he has always been ready to express his opinions on the great constitutional questions in re- gard to which he has been consulted. No man perhaps was so familiar with the history of the Constitution, so thoroughly understood it, or spec- ulated with so much clearness and felicity on its principles, as Mr. Madi- son. The letter which he wrote in August, 1830, on the agitating topic of nullification, is so admirable and conclusive that we shall insert entire. This letter paper was addressed to Mr. Edward Everett, now governor of Massachusetts, and first appeared in the North American Review. With the farewell address of the father of his country — that immortal compendj of reflective wisdom and patriotic counsel — it should be imprinted on the mind and the heart of every citizen. To all who love their country, it cannot but be a source of regret that such an oracle has been silenced. " MoNTPELiER, August, 1830. " Dear Sir: " I have duly received your letter, in which you refer to the ' nulli- fying doctrine,' advocated as a constitutional right by some of our dis- tinguished fellow-citizens ; and to the proceedings of the Virginia Legis- lature in '98 and '99, as appealed to in behalf of that doctrine ; and you express a wish for my ideas on those subjects. " I am aware of the delicacy of the task in some respects, and the difficulty, in every respect, of doing full justice to it. But having, in more than one instance, complied with a like request from other friendly quarters, I do not decline a sketch of the views which I have been led to take of the doctrine in question, as well as some others connected with them ; and of the grounds from which it appears that the proceedings of 22 no MADISON. Virginia have been misconceived by those who have appealed to tlicni. In ortU'v to undc^rsland the true chtiractor of the Constitution of the United States, tlu; error, not uncommon, must be avoided, of viewing it through the medium, either of a Consolidated Government, or of a Fede- rated Government, whilst it is neither the one nor the other ; but a mix- ture of both. And having, in no model, the similitudes and analogies applicable to other systems of government, it must, more than any other, be its own interpreter, according to its text and the facts of the case. " From these it will be seen that the characteristic peculiarities of the Constitution are, 1, the mode of its formation ; 2, the division of the su- preme powers of government between the states in their united capacity, and the states in tlieir individual capacities. " 1. It was formed, not by the governments of the component states, as the Federal Governn)ent, for which it was substituted, was formed. Nor was it formed by a majority of tlie people of the United States, as a single connnunity, in tiie manner of a Consolidated Government. " It was formed by the states, that is, by the people in each of the states, acting in their highest sovereign capacity ; and formed conse- quently, by the same authority which formed the State Constitutions. " Being tluis derived from the same source as the constitutions of the states, it has, within each state, the same authority as the constitution of the state : and is as much a constitution, in the strict sense of the term, within its prescribed sphere, as the constitutions of the states are, within their respective spheres ; but with this obvious and essential diP- ference, that being a compact among the states in their highest sovereign capacity, and constituting the people thereof one people for certain pur- poses, it cannot be altered or annulled at the will of the states individu- ally, as the constitution of a state may be at its individual wdl. "2. And that it divides the supreme powers of govennnent, between the government of the United States, and the governments of the indi- vidual states, is stamped on the face of the instrument ; the powers of war and of taxation, of conmierce and of treaties, and other enumerated powers vested in the Government of the United States, being of as high and sovereign a character as any of the powers reserved to the state governments. "Nor is the Government of the United States, created by the Consti- tution, less a government in tlie strict sense of the term, within the sphere of its powers, than the governments created by the constitutions of the states are, within their several spheres. It is, like them, organized into Legislative, Executive, and Judiciary departments. It operates, like them, directly on persons and things. And, like them, it has at connnand a physical force for executing the powers committed to it. The concur- rent operation in certain cases, is one of the features marking the pecu- liarity of the system. " Between these different constitutional governments, the one operating in all the states, the others operating separately in each, with the aggre- gate powers of government divided between them, it could not escape attention, that controversies would arise concerning the boundaries of jurisdiction ; and that some provision ought to be made for such occur- MADISON. 171 fences. A political system that does not provide for a peaceable and au- thoritative termination of occurrin<^ controversies, would not be more than the shadow of a government; the object and end of a real government being the substitution of law .and order, for uncertainty, confusion, and violence. " That to have left a final decision, in such cases, to each of tlio states, then thirteen, and already twenty-four, could not fail to make the Consti- tution and Laws of the United States different in different states, was obvious ; and not less obvious, that this diversity of independent decisions must altogether distract the Government of the Union, and speedily put an end to the Union itself A uniform authority of the Laws is in itself ,a vital principle. Some of the most important laws could not be partially executed. They must be executed in all the states, or they could be duly executed in none. An impost, or an excise, for example, if not in force in some states, would be defeated in others. It is well known that this was among the lessons of experience which had a primary influence in bringing about the existing constitution. A loss of its general authori- ty would moreover revive the exasperating questions between the states holding ports for foreign commerce, and the adjoining states without them ; to which are now added all the inland states, necessarily carrying on their foreign commerce through other states. " To have made the decisions under the authority of the individual states, co-ordinate, in all cases, with decisions under the authority of the United States, would unavoidably produce collisions incompatible with the peace of society, and with that regular and efficient administration, which is of the essence of free governments. Scenes could not be avoid- ed, in which a ministerial officer of the United States, and the correspon- dent officer of an individual state, would have rencounters in executing conflicting decrees ; the result of which would depend on the compara- tive three of the local posses attending them; and that, a casualty depend- ing on the political opinions and party feelings in different states. " To have referred every clashing decision, under the two authorities for a final decision to the states as parties to the constitution, would be attended with delays, with inconveniences, and with expenses, amounting to a prohibition of the expedient ; not to mention its tendency to impair the salutary veneration for a system requiring such frequent interpositions, nor the delicate questions which miglit present themselves as to the form of stating the appeal, and as to the quorum for deciding it. " To have trusted to negotiation for adjusting disputes between the Government of the United States and the State Governments, as between independent and separate sovereignties, would have lost sight altogether of a Constitution and Government for the Union, and opened a direct road from a failure of that resort, to the ultima ratio between nations wholly independent of and alien to each other. If the idea had its origin in the process of adjustment, between separate branches of the same govern- ment, the analogy entirely fails. In the case of disputes between inde- pendent parts of the same government, neither part being able to consum- mate its will, nor the government to proceed without a concurrence of the parts, necessity brings about an accommodation. In disputes between a 172 MADISON. State Government, and the Government of the United States, the case is practically as well as theoretically different; each party possessing all the departments of an organized government, Legislative, Executive, and Judiciary, and having each a physical force to support its pretensions Although tlic issue of negotiation niiglit sometimes avoid this extremity, how often would it happen, among so many states, that an unaccommo- dating spirit in some, would render that resource unavailing 1 A contrary supposition would not accord with a knowledge of lumian nature, or the evidence of our own political history. " The Constitution, not relying on any of the preceding modifications, for its safe and successful operation, has expressly declared, on the one hand, 1, 'that the Constitution, and the laws made in pursuance thereof, and all treaties made under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land ; 2, that the Judges of every state shall be bound thereby, any thing in the constitution and laws of any state to the contrary notwithstanding ; 3, that the judicial power of the United States shall extend to all cases in law and equity arising under the con- stitution, the laws of the United States, and treaties made under their authority, &.C.' "On the other hand, as a security of the rights and powers of the states in their individual capacities, against an undue preponderance of the powers granted to the government over them in their united ca- pacity, the Constitution has relied on, 1, the responsibility of the Sena- tors and Representatives in the Legislature of the United States to the Legislatures and people of the states ; 2, the responsibility of the Presi- dent to the people of the United States; and, 3, the liability of the Executive and Judicial functionaries of the United States to impeach- ment by the Representatives of the people of the states, in one branch of the Legislature of the United States, and trial by the Representatives of the states, in the other branch : the state functionaries. Legislative, Executive, and Judicial, being, at the same time, in their appointment and responsibility, altogether independent of the agency or authority of the United States. " How far this structure of the Government of the United States is adequate and safe for its objects, time alone can absolutely determine. Experience seems to have shown that whatever may grow out of future stages of our national career, there is, as yet, a suflicient control, in the popular will, over the Executive and Legislative Departments of the government. When the Alien and Sedition Laws were passed in contravention to the opinions and feelings of the community, the first elections that ensued put an end to them. And whatever may have been the character of other acts, in the judgment of many of us, it is but true, that they have generally accorded with the views of a majority of the states and of the people. At the present day it seems well under- stood that the laws which have created the most dissatisfaction, have had a like sanction without doors ; and that whether continued, varied, or repealed, a like proof will be given of the sympathy and responsibility of the representative body to the constituent body. Indeed, the great MADISON. 173 complaint now is against the results of this sympathy and responsibility in the legislative policy of the nation. " With respect to the judicial power of the United States, and the authority of the Supreme Court in relation to the boundary of jurisdiction between the Federal and State Governments, I may be permitted to refer to the thirty-ninth number of the ' Federalist,'* for the light in which the subject was regarded by its writer, at the pe/ ' --U'^.^ the Constitution was depending ; and it is believed that the s.. e prevailing view then taken of it, that the same view has cc ;o prevail, and that it does so at this time, notwithstanding the it exceptions to it. " But it is perfectly consistent with the concession of this power to tie Supreme Court, in cases falling within the 'course of its functions, to maintain that the power has not always been rightly exercised. To say nothing of the period, happily a short one, when judges in their seats did not abstain from intemperate and party harangues, equally at vari- ance with their duty and their dignity ; there have been occasional decisions from the bench, which have incurred serious and extensive disapprobation. Still it would seem that, with but few exceptions, the course of the Judiciary has been hitherto sustained by the predominant sense of the nation. " Those who have denied or doubted the supremacy of the judicial power of the United States, and denounce at the same time a nullifying power in a state, seem not to have sufficiently adverted to the utter inefficiency of a supremacy in a law of the land, without a supremacy in the exposition and execution of the law ; nor to the destruction of all equipoise between the Federal Government and the State Govern- ments, if, whilst the functionaries of the Federal Government are directly or indirectly elected by and responsible to the states, and the functiona- ries of the states are in tlieir appointment and responsibility wholly inde- pendent of the United States, no constitutional control of any sort belong to the United States over the states. Under such an organiza- tion it is evident that it would be in the power of the states, individually, to pass unauthorized laws, and to carry them into complete effect, any thing in the Constitution and Laws of the United States to the contrary notwithstanding. This would be a nullifying power in its plenary charac- ter ; and whether it had its final effect, through the Legislative, E.xecutive, or Judiciary organ of the state, would be equally fatal to the constituted relation between the two governments. " Should the provisions of the Constitution, as here reviewed, be found * No. 39. 'It is true, that in controversies relating to the boundary between the two jurisdictions, the tribunal which is ultimately to decide, is to be established under the General Government. But this dues not change the prhiciple of the case. The decision is to be impartially made, according to the rules of the Constitution ; and all the usual and most effectual precautions are taken to secure this impartiality. Some such tribunal is clearly essential to prevent an appeal to the sword, and a dissolution of the compact ; and that it ought to be established under the general, rather than ander the local, govermnents ; or, to speak more properly, that it could be safely established under the first aloue, is a position not likely to be combated.' 174 MADISON. not to secure the government and rights of the states against usurpations and abuses on the part of the United States, the final resort within the purview of the Constitution, lies in an amendment of the Constitution, according to a process applicable by the states. " And in the event of a failure of every constitutional resort, and an accunmlation of usurpations and abuses, rendering .passive obedience and non-resistance a greater evil than resistance and revolution, there can remain but one resort, the last of all — an appeal from the cancelled obligations of the constitutional compact, to original rights and the law of self-preservation. This is the ultima ratio under all governments, whether consolidated, confederated, or a compound of both ; and it can- not be doubted, that a single member of the Union, in the extremity sup- posed, but in that only, woTild have a right, as an extra and ultra-constitu- tional right, to make the appeal. " This brings us to the expedient lately advanced, which claims for a single state a right to appeal against an exercise of power by the govern- ment of the United States decided by the states to be unconstitutional, to the parties to the constitutional compact ; the decision of the state to have the effect of nullifying the act of the Government of the United States, unless the decision of the state be reversed by three fourths of the parties. " The distinguished names and high authorities which appear to have asserted and given a practical scope to this doctrine, entitle it to a respect which it might be difficult otherwise to feel for it. "If the doctrine were to be understood as requiring the three fourths of the states to sustain, instead of that proportion to reverse, the decision of the appealing state, the decision to be without effect during the appeal, it would be sufficient to remark, that this extra-constitutional course might well give way to that marked out by the Constitution, which autliorizes two thirds of the states to institute, and three fourths to effec- tuate, an amendment of the Constitution, establishing a permanent rule of the highest authority, in place of an irregular precedent of construc- tion only. "But it is understood that the nullifying doctrine imports that the deci- sion of the state is to be presumed valid, and that it overrules the law of the United States, unless overruled by three fourths of the states. " Can more be necessary to demonstrate the inadmissibility of such a doctrine, than that it puts it in the power of the smallest fraction over one fourth of the United States, that is, of seven states out of twenty-four, to give the law and even the Constitution to seventeen states, each of the seventeen having, as parties to the Constitution, an equal right with each of the seven, to expound it, and to insist on the exposition 1 That the seven might, in particular instances, be right, and the seventeen wrong, is more than possible. But to establish a positive and permanent rule giving such a power, to such a minority, over such a majority, would overturn the first principle of free government, and in practice necessarily overturn the government itself " It is to be recollected that the Constitution was proposed to the peo- ple of the states as a whole, and unanimously adopted by the states as MADISON. 175 a wJwIe, it being a part of the Constitution that not less than three fourths of the states should be competent to make any alterations in what had been unanimously agreed to. So great is the caution on this point, that in two cases where peculiar interests were at stake, a proportion even of three fourths is distrusted, and unanimity required to make an alteration. " When the Constitution was adopted as a whole, it is certain that there were many parts, which, if separately proposed, would have been promptly rejected. It is far from impossible that every part of a Constitution might be rejected by a majority, and yet, taken together as a whole, be unanimously accepted. Free Constitutions will rarely, if ever, be formed, without reciprocal concessions; without articles con- ditioned on and balancing each other. Is there a Constitution of a single state out of the twenty-four, that would bear the experiment of having its component parts submitted to the people and separately decided on? " What the fate of the Constitution of the United States would be, if a small proportion of the states could expunge parts of it particularly valued by a large majority, it can have but one answer. " The difficulty is not removed by limiting the doctrine to cases of construction. How many cases of that sort, involving cardinal provi- sions of the Constitution have occurred ? How many now exist ? How many may hereafter spring up ? How many might be ingeniously created, if entitled to the privilege of a decision in the mode proposed ? " It is certain that the principle of that mode would not reach further than is contemplated. If a single state can of right require three fourths of its co-states to overrule its exposition of the Constitution, because that proportion is authorized to amend it, would the plea be less plausible that, as the Constitution was unanimously established, it ought to be unani- mously expounded ? " The reply to all such suggestions seems to be unavoidable and irre- sistible ; that the Constitution is a compact, that its text is to be expound- ed according to the provisions for expounding it — making a part of the compact ; and that none of the parties can rightfully renounce the ex- pounding provision more than any other part. When such a right ac- crues, as may accrue, it must grow out of abuses of the compact releasing the sufferers from their fealty to it. " In favor of the nullifying claim for the states, individually, it ap- pears, as you observe, that the proceedings of the Legislature of Vir- ginia, in '98 and '99, against the Alien and Sedition Acts, are much dwelt upon. " It may often happen, as experience proves, that erroneous construc- tions, not anticipated, may not be sufficiently guarded against, in the language used ; and it is due to the distinguished individuals, who have misconceived the intention of those proceedings, to suppose that the meaning of the Legislature, thougji well comprehended' at the time, ma.v not now be obvious to those unacquainted with the contemporary indica- ions and impressions. " But it is believed that by keeping in view the distinction between 176 MADISON. * the governments of the states, and the states m which they were parties to the Constitution ; between the rights of the parties, in their concurrent and in their individual capacities ; between the several modes and objects of interposition against the abuses of power, and especially between in- terpositions within the purview of the Constitution, and interpositions appealing from the Constitution to the rights of niiture paramount to all constitutions ; with an attention, always of explanatory use, to the views and arguments which were combated, the Resolutions of Virginia, as vindicated in the Report on them, will be found entitled to an exposition, showing a consistency in their parts, and an inconsistency of the whole, with the doctrine under consideration. " That the Legislature could not have intended to sanction such a doc- trine, is to be inferred from the debates in the House of Delegates, and from the address of the two Houses to their constituents, on the subject of the Resolutions. The tenor of the debates, which were ably conduct- ed, and are understood to have been revised for the press by most, if not all, of the speakers, discloses no reference whatever to a constitutional right in an individual state, to arrest by force the operation of a law of the United States. Concert among the states for redress against the Alien and Sedition Laws, as acts of usurped power, was a leading sentiment ; and the attainment of a concert, the immediate object of the course adopted by the legislature, which was that of inviting the other states ' to concur in declaring the acts to be unconstitutional, and to co-opcratc by the necessary and proper measures in maintaining unimpaired the authori- ties, rights, and liberties reserved to the states respectively, and to the peo- ple.' That by the necessary and proper measures to be concurrently and co-opcrativcly taken, were meant measures known to the Constitution, particularly, the ordinary control of the people and legislatures of the states, over the Government of the United States, cannot be doubted ; and the interposition of this control, as the event showed, was equal to the occasion. " It is worthy of remark, and explanatory of the intentions of ihe Legislature, tliat the words ' not law, but utterly null, void, and of no forJe or effect,' which had followed, in one of the resolutions, the word ' unconstitutional,' were struck out by common consent. Though the words were in fact but synonymous with ' unconstitutional ;' yet to guard against a misunderstanding of this phrase as more than declaratory of opinion, the word ' unconstitutional' alone was retained, as not liable to that danger. " The published Address of the Legislature to the people, their consti- tuents, affords another conclusive evidence of its views. The address warns them against the encroaching spirit of the General Government, argues the unconstitutionality of the Alien and Sedition Acts, points to other instances in which the constitutional limits had been overleaped ; dwells upon the dangerous mode of deriving power by implication ; and in general presses the necessity of watching over the consolidating ten- dency of the Federal policy. But nothing is said that can be understood to look to means of maintaining the rights of the states, beyond the regu- lar ones, within the forms of the Constitution. MADISON. 177 " If any further lights on the subject could be needed, a very strong one is reflected in the answers to the resolutions, by the States which protested against them. The main objection of these, beyond a few general com- plaints of the inflammatory tendency of the resolutions, was directed against the assumed authority of a State Legislature to declare a law of the United States unconstitutional, which they pronounced an unwarranta- ble interference with the exclusive jurisdiction of the Supreme Court of the United States. Had the resolutions been regarded as avowing and maintaining a right, in an individual State, to arrest, by force, the execu- tion of a law of the United States, it must be presumed that it would have been a conspicuous object of their denunciation. " With cordial salutations, "James Madison." During the latter part of his life, Mr. Madison was associated with Mr. Jefferson in the institution of the University of Virginia, and after his decease was placed at its head with the title of Rector. He was also the president of an agricultural society in the county of his residence, and in that capacity delivered an " address, which the practical farmer and the classical scliolar may read with equal profit and delight." " In the midst of these occupations the declining days of the philosopher, the statesman and the patriot were passed, until the 21st day of June, 1836, the anniversary of the day on which the ratification of the conven- tion of Virginia, in 1 788, had affixed the seal of James Madison as the father of the Constitution of the United States, when his earthly part sunk without a struggle into the grave, and a spirit bright as the seraphim that surround the throne of Omnipotence ascended to the bosom of his God " 23 JAMES MONROE. The early years of the life of James Monkoe, fifth President of the United States, were passed at the place of his nativity, on the banks of the Potomac, in the county of Westmoreland, in what was, at that period, called the colony of Virginia. It is somewhat remarkable that this state, where the traveller thinks that he beholds the feudal splendor of a former age, and is entertained with a magnificent hospitality, to be found in no other part of the union, and where, in the language of the British Spy, " hero and there a stately aristocratic palace strikes the view, while all around, for many miles, no other buildings are to be seen but the little smoky huts and log cabins of poor, laborious, ignorant tenants," should have produced four of the chief magistrates of this republic, Old Vir- ginia, besides the crown of her glory, Washington — her Jefferson, her Madison, and her Monroe — enrols upon her archives the name of another illustrious and venerable patriarch of freedom, which is a consecrated word upon the lips of every lover of his country. Who would not write with me, on the scroll which American liberty displays to the world, under the name of General Washington, that of his biographer? Vene- rated by all men, of all parties, is the present Chief Justice, John Marshall. Jaaies Monroe was born in September, 1759. Plis ancestors had for many years resided in the province in which he was born, and one of them was among the first patentees of that province. That this ancestor possessed some of those noble and generous qualities of the heart which distinguished his descendant, will be apparent from the following anecdote. At some warmly contested election, when Madison and Monroe were opposing candidates, the friends of both parties used the most strenuous e.\crtious to bring every voter to the polls. When, by reasons of poverty, old age, or bodily infirmities, any voters were unable to be present, they were sent f<)r and brought in carts and wagons, to the place o' the elec- tion. The friends of Mr. Madison had succeeded in transpoi <; ,ng irom a considerable distance a very aged man. He was set down at the building in whicli the votes were to be cast, and soon began to hear some conver- sation about the candidates. The name of James Monroe at last struck his ear, and lie iutjuired of the speaker if the man whom he had mentioned was the son of that Monroe who lived and died in the province many years before. Upon being informed that James was a grandson of that indi- vidual, the old man instantly exclaimed, " Then I will vote for James Monroe. His grandfather befriended me when I first came into the country, fed me, and clothed me, and I lived in his house. 1 do not know James Madison. I will vote for James Monroe !" So Mr. Monroe MONROE. 179 received the old man's suffrage, though Mr. Madison's supporters had borne the trouble and expense of a long journey. The same noble spirit of benevolence, which prompted the grandfather to receive within his door a helpless stranger, may be traced in the actions of his illustrious de- scendant, who pledged the whole of his property for the credit of the nation, and was untiring in his efforts to reward revolutionary patriots. Mr. Monroe was, at seventeen years of age, in the process of complet- ing his classical education at the College of William and Mary, when the colonial delegates assembled at Philadelphia, to deliberate upon the unjust and manifold oppressions of Great Britain, declared the separation of the colonies, and promulgated the declaration of Independence. Had he been born ten years before, it is highly probable, that, instead of reading about the rise and fall of the Grecian republics, he would have been one of tlie signers of that celebrated instrument. His youth precluded him from taking any part in the controversies, which had agitated the country from the first promulgation of the stamp act. Indeed, his birth may be said to have been simultaneous with the faint dawn of American freedom; for he was only in his fifth year, when, upon the publication of that odious paper, the fires of resistance flashed, like beacons, from mountain to mountain. The British government continued to add new fuel to the flame, till on tlie fourth of Jidy, 1770, the conflagration became universal. Upon the first formation of the American army, young Monroe — at that period eighteen years of age — left his college, and, repairing to General Wasiiington's headquarters at New- York, enrolled himself in the army as a cadet in the regiment cominanded by Colonel Mercer. He joined the army when every thing looked hopeless and gloomy. The number of deserters increased from day to day. The invading armies came pouring in ; and the tories, a numerous class, now entirely extinct among us, not only favored the cause of the mother country, but disheartened the new recruits, who were sufiiciently terrified at the prospect of contending with an enemy whom they had been taught to deem invincible. The besiegers con- tinued to receive new accessions, while the besieged were almost reduced to the necessity of a dissolution. To such brave spirits as James Monroe, who went right onward undismayed through difiiculty and danger, tiie United States owe their political emancipation. The young cadet joined the ranks, and espoused the cause of his injured country, with a firm deter- mination to live or die with her strife for liberty. The fortitude of such a determination will be appreciated by those who reflect that our country, like the infant Hercules, was to strangle the serpents, or perish in the attempt. Mr. Monroe shared all the defeats and privations which attended the footsteps of the army of Washington, througii the disastrous battles of Flat Bush, Haerlem Heights, and White Plains. He was present at the suc- ceeding evacuation of New- York and Long Island, at the surrender of Fort Washington, and the retreat through the Jerseys ; " till," in tlie elo- quent language of his great eulogist, " on the day devoted to celebrate the birth of the Savior of mankind, of the same year on which indepen- dence was proclaimed, Washington, with the houseless heads and unshod feet of three thousand new and undisciplined levies, stood on the western 180 MONROE. bank of the Delaware, to contend in arms with the British lion, and to baffle the skill and energy of the chosen champions of Britain, with ten times the number of his shivering and emaciate host ; the stream of the Delaware forming the only barrier between the proud array of thirty thousand veteran Britons and the scanty remnant of his dissolving bands." Mr. Monroe, after having participated in the adversities of the gallant defenders of their country, now rejoiced with them in their great and unanticipated success. At the battle of Trenton he led the vanguard, and, in the act of charging upon the enemy, he received a wound in his left shoulder. This wound, the scar of which remained till his death, was inflicted in the same battle where the life-blood of many a noble soldier streamed. The commander of his regiment. Colonel Mercer, fell. Haselet, and Porter, and Neal, and Fleming, and Shippen, were also, upon that memorable day, martyrs to the holy cause of freedom. As a reward for his bravery, Mr. Monroe was promoted a captain of infantry ; and, having recovered from his wound, he rejoined the army. He, however, receded from the line of promotion, by becoming an officer in the staff of Lord Sterling. During the campaigns of 1777 and 1778, in the actions of Brandywine, Germantown, and Monmouth, he continued aid-de-camp ; but, becoming desirous to regain his position in the army, he exerted himself to collect a regiment for the Virginia line. This scheme, which was recommended by General Washington to the legisla- ture of Virginia, by whom Captain Monroe was commissioned to act, failed, owing to the exhausted condition of the state. Upon this failure, he entered the office of Mr. Jefferson, at that period Governor, and pur- sued, with considerable ardor, the study of the common law. He did not, however, entirely lay aside the knapsack for the green bag ; but, in the invasions of the enemy, served as a volunteer, during the two years of his legal pursuits. Afler the fall of Charleston, in 1780, he was appointed by Governor Jefferson a military commissioner, to examine into the con- dition of the southern army under De Kalb, as well as the situation of the states, and to determine, from the result of his observation, the probability of rescuing them from the enemy. Upon his return, the Governor and Executive Council were well pleased with his execution of such an important trust. The time at length arrived, when, having endured the burden and heat of the day as a soldier, he was to enter upon a different field of action, as the supporter of a system of laws, in a government which he had fought and bled to establish. In 1782, he was elected from King George county a member of the legislature of Virginia, and by that body he was elevated to a seat in the Executive Council. He was thus honored with the con- fidence of his fellow-citizens at twenty-three years of age ; and, having at this early period, displayed some of that ability and aptitude for legisla- tion, which were afterwards employed with unremitting energy for the public good, he was, in the succeeding year, chosen a member of the Congress of the United States, on the ninth of June, 1783. On the thirteenth of December, he took his seat in the continental Congress, assembled at Annapolis, and on that day saw the illustrious leader of the victorious revolutionary aimy resign his commission into the hands of MONROE. 181 those bold patriots by whom it had been conferred. From this year, 1783, to 1786, INIr. Monroe was a useful member of the confederate Congress. During this period, he had frequent opportunities of observing the utter inefficiency of the articles of confederation ; and introduced a series of resolutions, to give Congress the power of regulating trade, and of laying an impost duty of five per cent. He was chairman of the committee who reported on these resolutions ; and in this report, certain alterations in the existing form of government were so strongly urged, that it was soon de- bated whether there should not be some formal revision. The result was the partial convention of delegates at Annapolis, and finally the celebrated Federal Convention, and the formation and adoption of that Constitution, under which the country has so long enjoyed prosperity and happiness. Mr. Monroe also proposed a plan for the just disposition of the public lands. In 1784, there arose a controversy between the states of Massachu- setts and New- York, upon some question of boundary and jurisdiction. It v.'as one of the few powers of the confederated Congress, to constitute a Court of Commissioners to determine all such disputes, to be chosen, however, by the parties to the controversy. The agents of the two states, in December, agreed upon nine persons, among whom was James Monroe. This choice of so young a man indicates the high esteem in which he was generally held. In March, 18"25, he signified to Congress his acceptance of the appointment. But in a year from that time, owing to the resigna- tion of some of the members of the court, the necessity of appointing others, and the difficulties and delays in hearing from all the Judges, the controversy was not yet decided. On the fifteenth of May, Mr. Monroe declined his appointment, stating, in his letter to Congress, " some cir- cumstances will put out of my power to act as a Judge for the decision of the controversy between Massachusetts and New- York, and therefore I present my resignation to Congress." What these circumstances were, may be easily conjectured from what had transpired since the election of the Judges. Spain had always pursued towards the United States a system of mean and narrow policy, in regard to the navigation of the waters of the Mississippi. She finally sent a sort of diplomatic agent to negotiate with our government, who had received instruction absolutely to resist our right to sail through the mouth of that important river. The Secretary for Foreign Affairs, Mr. Jay, was told by Congress, to confer with the Spanish Encargardo, but to enter injo no negotiation until its terms should first be approved by Congress. The Secretary, not being able to effect any arrangement, recommended, in a personal address, some compromis';' with Spain, by proposing a treaty, in which, if she would give comn.ercial advantages equivalent to our yielding the right to navigate the Mississippi, we should forbear to exercise that right for twenty or thirty years, to which the duration of the treaty should be limited. Many and angry were the debates upon this proposition. The seven northern states were warmly in favor of it, and the five southern states (Delaware not being represented) as warmly opposed. It is to be feared that, witli this useless discussion, commenced those sectional prejudices and animosities, which have, from time to time, pro- duced harsh discord in the national harmony, and may, by and by, shatter 182 MONROE. the order and stability of the union. Could these good and great men, who were heated beyond discretion, in that controversy, have but foreseen, for a moment, that they were casting on the winds the seeds of future contention, every tongue, in its tide of hasty utterance, would have been hushed, and every right arm, lifted in vehement gesticulation, would have fallen nerveless. Perhaps there never lived purer patriots than R,ufus King and James Monroe ; yet they were both, as leaders of opposing parties, greatly distinguished in this debate. The latter, with much clearness and strength, at a subsequent period in the Virginia Convention, which met to deliberate on the adoption of the Federal Constitution, explained and defended the course he had taken ; stating, in conclusion, " I thought it my duty to use every effort in Congress for the interest of the southern states. But so far as depended on me, with my official character it ceased. With many of those gentlemen, to whom I always considered it as my particular misfortune to be opposed, I am now in habits of correspondence and friendship ; and I am concerned for the necessity which has given birth to this relation." After the quarrel about the treaty, which, not being sanctioned by nine states, was not arranged, he was conscious that, by his opposition to their measures, he had lost the confidence of the states by whom he had been chosen a Judge, and, influenced by the most honorable motives, he resigned his commission. As, by the articles of confederation, no delegate could serve more than three years in six, Mr. Monroe left Congress in the fall of 1786, on the expiration of his term. While Congress was in session at New- York, he had formed a matrimonial connexion with Miss Kortwright, of that city. This lady had, in London and Paris, been celebrated for her beauty and her powers of conversation. Her external accomplishments did not sur- pass those of her mind ; and to the elegance of her manners were added all those endearing qualities of the heart, which cheer the gloom of existence. In 1787, Mr. Monroe, with the intention of pursuing the practice of the law, established himself in Fredericksburg ; but he was soon elected to the legislature of the state. In the following year he was chosen a member of that Virginia Convention, which met to decide upon the Federal Constitution, and in which there was an array of such power and talent, as we may never see again in one body of men. Among other names which reflect honor on the land of their birth, are those of Grayson, Henry, Mason, Lee, Madison, Marshall, and Randolph. James Monroe was of that number who opposed the adoptio of the Federal Constitution, in the form in which it had been submitted to the Conven- tion. His opposition was not greater than that of a large majority of the whole people of the country, nor of many other illustrious statesmen who enjoyed the highest public confidence. He presented certain amend- ments, and, in his first speech to the Convention, very clearly displayed the reasons of his opposition. To those who, at the present day, enjoy the blessings conferred by the constitution, it will appear strange that it was opposed by such men as James Monroe, George Mason, and Patrick Henry ; that it was finally adopted, with reluctance, by those who con- MONROE. 183 sidered it the only alternative to a dissolution of the union ; and that its most warm and determined supporters never, even in imagination, antici- pated, or in hope conceived, the " extent of the contrast in the condition of the North American people, under that new social compact, with what it had been under the Confederation which it was to supersede." The same writer, from whom we have just quoted, happily calls the final adoption and establishment of the present constitution " the greatest triumph of pure and peaceful intellect recorded in the annals of the human race." The course pursued by Mr. Monroe, in the Convention, did not shake the high esteem in which he was held by the citizens of his native state ; for, upon the death of the Honorable William Grayson, in December, 1789, he was chosen to supply the vacancy thereby occasioned in the Senate of the United States. He continued in the Senate till May, 1794, a period of nearly five years, during which the two great political parties became more distinctly marked. He belonged to that which favored the objects of the French revolution ; and when the President issued his proclama- tion of neutrality, he was among its most violent opposers. This measure, which the event proved to have been dictated by the soundest policy, created a violent fermentation, and the governlnent was accused of in- gratitude to France. Mr. Gouverneur Morris, who had been Minister Plenipotentiary to the new republic, was in favor of observing the strictest neutrality. He was recalled, at the request of the French government, and in May, 1794, Mr. Monroe was appointed his successor. This judicious appointment of a strong anti-federalist was made to allay the jealousies which then existed. He went to France, instructed by the government to express, in the warmest terms, the friendship of the United States. He was received, as one who strongly favored the revolution, with splendid cere- mony, by the National Convention ; and he there declared the strong attachment of his country to the cause of France. Differing, as he did, from the Executive, in his views concerning the policy of the American administration, and believing that the French government justly com- plained of that policy, it must have been an arduous duty for him to have obeyed, with strictness, the instructions from home on his ministerial conduct. At the close of Washington's administration he was recalled, and his place supplied by Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, Esq. Mr. Monroe, upon his return to the United States, published a work in explanation of his own opinions and proceedings, entitled, " A View of the Conduct of the Executive in the Foreign Affairs of the United States, connected witlj the Mission to the French Republic, during the years 1794, 5, and 6." This book, which he " illustrated by his instructions and correspondence, and other authentic documents," is an octavo volume of four hundred and seven pjvges ; but though it lies before us, it will be impossible, in our circumscribed limits, to notice, even cur- sorily, the strength of its positions, or the power of its arguments. The circumstances, which elicited the work, are now regarded by all parties in the same light ; and no one pretends to doubt the enlightened policy of Washington towards the B^rench Republic. Many honest and honora- 184 MONROE. ble men were, however, at that time, of a different opinion, and among them was the subject of this memoir. At a subsequent period, with the true nobility of a mind, which disdains to cherish preconceived opinions in opposition to the convictions of better judgment, and for the sake of a false consistency, he cast off all remembrance of past animosity and unkind feeling, and harmonized with his countrymen in their entire and perfect v'cneration for the character of Washington. The mission of Mr. Monroe in France was contemporaneous with that of Mr. Jay in Great Britain. The latter, in obedience to his instructions, concluded with Lord Grenville a treaty, by which, this government was firmly bound to observe towards Great Britain the strict neutrality which had already been proclaimed. Upon the publication of this treaty, it became the chief subject of contention, and created the most bitter ani- mosity between the two parties, of each of which Mr. Monroe and Mr. Jay may be said to have maintained the different political opinions. There were no two individuals more resolutely and unremittingly op- posed to each other ; and yet, in the same generous spirit which we have just commended, James Monroe, with the causes of their contention, forgot the angry feelings which they had occasioned, and left " recorded, with his own hand, a warm and unqualified testimonial to the pure pat- riotism, the preeminent ability, and the spotless integrity of John Jay." The treaty, which had been concluded by Mr. Jay, proved afterwards extremely beneficial to this country ; though it excited much hostile feel- ing towards us in France. That Mr. Monroe's opposition to this and other measures of the existing government did not impair the confidence of his fellow-citizens, is made manifest by his election, on his return, to the legislature of his native state, and, shortly afterwards, to the office of Governor of Virginia, in which he served for three years, the period limit- ed by the constitution. While Mr. Monroe was thus employed in the honorable discharge of the executive duties in his native state, his attention, as well as that of every votary of freedom, was forcibly turned to the wonderful events which transpired in the countries of the old world. A soldier's sword had severed the knot of the old dynasties of the European states ; the hand that wielded it, had pointed to the cloud-capped summits of the Alps, and they had melted away and parted, like the Red Sea, beneath the patriarch's wand, leaving a passage through their stupendous barriers for the armies of the republic ; the same hand had torn the imperial crown from the brows of the Roman Pontiff, and the same sword had been laid, after having again waved those armies homeward, over the same snow- crowned ramparts, at the feet of the French Directory. But it had been laid there in mockery, soon to be resumed, to flash in angry splendor before the gaze of the astonished world. Wherever that hand had waved that sword, the sceptres of kings had fallen from their iron grasp, and the plumes and the banners of unconquered legions had been trailed in the dust. The rulers, who had imparted such strength to that hand, and who had rejoiced to see the scathing and desolation which followed that sword, little dreamed that it would soon be seen in the very capitol of their republic ; and, in a short time, be cast aside to give place to the MONROE. 185 rod and to the sceptre. The world had beheld a soldier, distinguished for skill and prowess in arms ; a successful general, crowned with the laurels of fifty battles ; a First Consul, a Dictator, and at last an Emperor and a King, in one man, whose name was Napoleon Buonaparte. And how had the nations of Europe borne the blaze of this splendid luminary ? In the glowing eloquence of Fisher Ames, " they seemed to have been destined like comets to a contact with the sun ; not to thrust him from his orb, but to supply his waste of elemental fire." Americans, till now, had witnessed the progress of this wonderful meteor from afar ; but what must have been the terror and anxiety, in learning that, through the miserable imbecility of Spain, it was to be brought fearfully near to their own country. In the year 1800, Spain, in the treaty of St. Ildefonso, had secretly ceded Louisiana to France ; but, though in reality concluded in that year, it was not promulgated till 1802. The greatest consternation followed the bold disclosure of this treaty ; and nothing less than a war with France was anticipated. The plan to take possession of this ceded territory was as magnificent as the other projects of its devisor ; for, doubtless, with the intention of recovering all their old dominions, from New Orleans to Canada, twenty thousand veterans were banded and ready to set sail for Louisiana, when the current of events suddenly took a new direction, and caused Buonaparte to relinquish his premedi- tated crusade against the United States. On the eleventh of January, 1803, Mr. Monroe was appointed Envoy Extraordinary, and joined with that eminent patriot, Robert R. Living- ston, then Resident Minister Plenipotentiary, from the United States, in France, in the Commission Extraordinary, to negotiate a purchase of the island of New Orleans, and the Spanish territory east of the Missis- sippi. He was also appointed, jointly, with Charles Pinckney, then Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States at Madrid, to an Extraor- dinary Mission, to negotiate, if necessary, the same purchase with Spain, who still held possession of Louisiana. Several months before Mr. Monroe's arrival in Paris, Mr. Livingston had presented to the French government, " a very able memorial, shew- ing, by conclusive arguments, that the cession of the province to the United States would be a measure of wise and sound policy; conducive not less to the true interests of France, than to those of the Federal Union." It did not, however, suit the stupendous views of the Emperor, to listen at that time to any such proposition : but Mr. Monroe had hardly arrived, before his Imperial Majesty discovered that the large sum of money, which he might obtain for the province, would be extremely con- venient in the war which he had just excited between France and Great Britain. The sum which he proposed was lather astounding, but the American Ministers, although it surpassed their powers, and their availa- ble funds, hesitated not to promise to pay the French government fifteen, millions of dollars, for the territory of Louisiana. The immense benefits resulting to the Union, from the annexation of this extensive and beau tiful territory, cannot be duly appreciated, unless we contrast the real with the probable condition of the Federal Union, had such an annexatioD 24 186 MONROE. never been made If the French had been allowed to take peaceful possession of the banks of the Mississippi, and to become masters of the outlets of the Gulf of Mexico, we should soon have lost all the blessings of om- neutrality. With the En^ish, who are in possession of the northern lakes, and of the St. Lawrence, they would have waged harass- ing and perpetual warfare. We should have been enclosed on all sides, except that of the Atlantic Ocean, (and perhaps even there by the oppos- ing navies,) by two of the most powerful nations of Europe, deadly hostile to each other. With one or the other we must have been allied : our national existence would have been constantly endangered ; and, con- fined within our original limits, we should have seen the rich valleys of the west desolated by that enmity, which had destroyed towns and villages in Europe ; instead of beholding, as we now behold, our empire extended over the Rocky Mountains, and stretching from the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean, perpetuated and blest under the glorious advantages of peace and civilization. After this most important treaty had been ratified, and an adjustment of certain claims of American citizens upon France had been made, in a convention, which was held at Paris, in April, 1803, Mr. Monroe, in the same month, proceeded to England, where he was appointed Minister Plenipotentiary, to succeed Rufus King; who, after having laithfully discharged his mission for seven years, was, at his own request, returning to his own country. With the revival of the war with France, England •jegan anew to exercise those odious impressments and unprovoked out- rages upon the persons and vessels of neutral powers, which, prior to the treaty concluded by Mr. Jay, had brought us to the verge of war : but which had not been exercised since that time. It seems to us that the measures proposed by President Jefferson to obtain from the British government a convention for the protection of our seamen, and for the observance of neutral rights, were both feeble and impolitic. Our Minis- ter should not have been instructed to solicit what lie had the right most imperiously to demand, viz. a total cessation of the rapine and plunder, committed on our ships, and a full remuneration for the wrongs which had already been inflicted. If such a peaceful remedy had been extended to the British Minister in one hand, with a declaration of war in the other, it is highly probable that, harassed as he was with the new French war, the former would have been accepted. The convention having fiiiled, in which the British government abandoned the right to impress seamen, by a captious exception for the narrow seas, made by the head of the admiralty, Mr. Monroe, in the same conciliatory spirit with Mr. King, was endeavoring to adjust these difficulties, when he was summoned to discharge his extraordinary mission to Spain. When Buonaparte ceded Louisiana to this country, he took care to use, in his grant to us, the very words in which it had been conveyed to him by Spain. He was not particular to have the exact boundaries spe- cified by Spain ; but intended to set his own landmarks wherever he pleased. But, when Louisiana passed from his possession, he very con- veniently forgot that he intended to comprehend all the country, from the Perdido east, to the Rio Bravo west, of the Mississippi ; but discovered MONROE. 18 that West Florida formed no part of the ceded territory ; that the district of Mobile was not to be included ; and agreed with Spain in reducing the province of Louisiana to little more than the island of New Orleans. For the purpose of settling this disputed question of boundary, and to purchase the remnant of Spain's title to the territory of Florida, Mr. Monroe was called upon to join Mr. Charles Pinckney at Madrid. On his way thither he remained at Paris a short time to remind the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Talleyrand, of a promise, which had been made at the time of the cession of Louisiana, that France would exert her influ- ence with Spain in a negotiation for the acquisition of Florida by the United States. The answer from that ever-changing Minister was not satisfactory : and after having seen the self-anointed Emperor place with his own hands upon his own brows the imperial diadem of France, in the presence of the venerable Roman Pontiff, and surrounded by the congregated magnificence of the European courts, Mr. Monroe proceeded to Madrid. Here he remained, with his colleague, Mr. Pinckney, for the space of five months, and made constant and vigorous, but unavailing efforts, to establish the claims of his country. The state papers, which passed at this stage of our controversy with Spain, and which, after having for many years been buried in the archives of government, were at last published at Washington, are ranked by a writer, who is emi- nently qualified to judge, in the highest order; and concerning them he remarks that " they deserve the close and scrutinizing attention of every American statesman, and will remain solid, however unornamented, monuments of intellectual power, applied to national claims of right, in the land of our fathers and the age which has now passed away." In the mean while, affairs in Great Britain had assumed such a menac ing aspect towards this country, that Mr. Monroe, on his return thither, in June, 1805, )iad to contend with great difficulties. Mr. Pitt was at the head of the British government ; and pursued the interested and base policy of destroying the commerce of neutrals with France and Spain, to compel its enemies to trafhc with the subjects of Great Britain. To effect this, tlie British cruisers seized many of our vessels, and pro- cured their condemnation in the courts of .admiralty. There seems to be no excuse for this gross violation of the law of nations. During the space of two years, the commerce and navigation of this country had been unmolested, and, upon the rekindling of war in Europe, were still pursuing their course of success, never suspecting that their right to trade with neutral ports would be disputed, when suddenly our enterpris- ing mariners were astonished at the seizure and confiscation of their ships and cargoes by the British. Mr. Monroe, upon being informed of these acts of injustice, remonstrated with the Earl of Mulgrave, then Minister for Foreign Affairs, but received only an equivocal answer. The death of Mr. Pitt, which happened at this time, brought in a new minis- try, at the head of which was Charles James Fox. This liberal and high-minilod, but prejudiced man, instantly countermanded the order for the capture of neutral vessels, and released those which had already been captured, but could not make any compensation to the owners of those vessels which had been detained and condemned by Sir William 188 MONROE. Scott.* Wlien these facts became known in this conntry, the excite- ment was ahnoj^t terrific. War ! War ! War ! was the cry. Petition upon petition, complaint upon comphiint, remonstrance after remon- strance, were presented to Congress by phuuiered merchants and ruined ship-owners. To still the dark and angry waters of commotion, and to obtain some redress for such flagrant injuries, Mr. William Pinckney, the most eloquent orator in the United States, was sent as Minister Plenipo- tentiary and Extraordinary to join Mr. Monroe in London. On Mr. Pinckney's arrival, negotiations were immediately commenced, and a treaty was made, by which, with proper modifications on our part, peace and harmony might have been restored ; but upon its transmission to President Jetlerson, he reviewed and returned it with the design that some securer provisions might be added with regard to the impressment of seamen. But the British Ministry had undergone another change. George Canning had succeeded to Fox as Prime Minister, and, with his daring and unyielding temper, ret'iised to negotiate further on the ratifi- cation of tlie treaty; the mission tlierefore of Monroe and Pickney was at an eiul. The tbrmer, had some time previous 6btained permission to return home. At\er having suffered some short detention in consequence of the unparalleled outrage of Admiral Berkley on the Chesapeake, he returned at the close of the year ISOT. From this period Mr. Monroe never went abroad ; but was employed till the expiration of his Presidential term, in otlices of the highest im- portance and trust in his own country. In the cursory view which we have taken of the incidents of his event- ful life, we have thus far beheld him, first appear upon the stage of public action, as a private soldier, fighting the battles of freedom and wounded in her cause ; following the glorious leader of the revolutionary armies through disheartening misfortunes and elevating success, and, afler con- tiuiiing tor a time to serve in the staff of a valiant general, still volun- teering to repel the invaders of his native land. We have next belield him, while resolutely pursuing the study of the laws, under the direction of the illustrious Jefferson, appointed a military conuuissioner to the south- ern army ; then upon his return home elected to the legislature of Virginia, and to the Congress of the United States ; then a member of that celebrated convention of his native state, which met to deliberate upon the Federal Constitution : and then chosen a Senator of the United States. We have next beheld the commencement of his diplomatic career as Minister Plenipotentiary to France under the administration of President Washington. By his conscientious and sincere, though impolitic and unadvised, conduct in the discharge of the duties of tJiis mission, having given such displeasure to the general government as 10 produce his recall, we have seen him, once more in his native state, elected to the legislature, and then to the exalted office of Governor of * In what treatise of inteniutioiial law. Sir W. Scott found precedents tor his cqitita- blf adjudications, it remains tor the curious to investigate ; but tlie British government has been wonderfully successful, with the stubborn exception of Lord CoUe and siuue Others, iu pouring light iuto the uiiuds of its learned and incorruptible juilges. MONROE. 189 Virginia, in the full enjoyment of the unimpaired confidence and high respect of his fellow-citizens. After the expiration of his constitutional term as governor, we have witnessed, in 1803, his appointment by Mr. Jetlorson, as Minister Plenipotentiary and Extraordinary, both to France and Spain, and shortly atltorwards to Great Britain : and, during his four years' residence in these countries, his employment in the most interest- ing and important diplomatic negotiations, in which the United States had been engaged since the revolution. Wo are now to regard him again receiving the highest honors of Vir- ginia, and about to enter upon a loftier and broader field of action. We have mentioned his return home in 1807. For a few months, he was permitted to rest from his labor, and to enjoy that quiet happiness, which always blooms under the shade of private, domestic tranquillity. He was now forty-eight years of age, — that period when the intellect has arrived at its noblest strength and perfect stature, and when, aided by wisdom and long experience, it becomes able to exert its powers, witli the greatest effect, to enter upon magnificent enterprises, and to overthrow, as with the arm of a giant, the obstacles which may arise in its path. With a consciousness of having faithfidly performed tlie tasks which had been allotted to him, and surrounded by all those home-blessings, which give a value to existence — an affectionate wife and beloved children — Mr. Monroe was enjoying that otiiiiu ciiiii dignitafr, which is so delight- ful to a great mind after great exertions, when he was once more sum- moned to appear in the legislative chambers of his own Virginia ; and was again re-elected to the executive chair. Mr. Monroe acted as go- vernor one more term, and in the spring of 1811, he was appointed by President Madison, Secretary of State. But, before entering upon the consideration of his faithlul performance of the duties of the high offices, to which he was successively elevated, let us pause to consider the condi- tion of these United States at this eventful period. The war, which soon broke out between Great Britain and this conn try, was resting, like a dark cloud, over the brightest prospects of the laud. British depredations upon American commerce had been continued to such an extent, and our demands for reparation and restitution had been so unheeded, that to have tamely submitted in silence would have been the height of pusillanimity. There were many different opinions, however, about the expediency of declaring war ; and many distracting dissensions took place, which have not been healed even at this distance of time. The voice of one part of the country was heard shouting, in angry accents, for war, instant and desolating war — while the thoughts of another part were turned on the consideration of some method of proce- dure, by which we could still enjoy tlie blessings of peace. It was indeed an awful and an important crisis. The Federal Constitution, though nearly established in the affections of tlie people, by its excellent adaptation to the state of their country, and to the perpetuity of the union, had never be- fore been subjected to the ordeal of a formidable foreign war. It was now to undergo this test : and great indeed nmst have been the weight of the responsibility, which was thrown upon those, who were intrusted with the protection of this sacred charter of American rights, and who 190 MONROE. were to conduct the vessel of state, in safety, through the many rocks and quicksands by which she was surrounded. Yet, with the star banner of liberty nailed to her mast, and by the guidance of the sacred charter of the constitution, that noble ship was at last skilfully and manfully rescued from her threatening dangers, and even rode proudly on the top of the wave, with every rag of her canvas given to the gale. Mr. Monroe came on board just before the vessel plunged into the midst of her perils. As he had been among the first of those gallant men, who joined the army of the revolution, when disasters and difficulties frowned on every side ; so was he called to the councils of government when they were harassed and distracted by the impending necessity of a second war, which it was in vain to attempt to avoid, and which, though not so hope- less as that of the revolution, wanted the spirit and unanimity which inspired our first great contest, for its prosecution and support. Appointed Secretary of State by President Madison, in the spring of 1811, Mr. Monroe discharged the high duties of that important station in the cabinet with zeal and fidelity. In the ensuing year, on the nineteenth of June, war was publicly proclaimed against Great Britain. A kw days previous, the President laid before Congress the correspondence which had been carried on between Mr. Monroe, as Secretary of State, and the Ministry of Great Britain. These letters plainly demonstrated the im- possibility of effecting an adjustment concerning the two principal points of contention — the orders in council, and the subject of impressment. We have already alluded to the differing opinions which prevailed in the country concerning the war. On the issuing of the proclamation of the nineteenth of June, it was received with any thing but demonstrations of joy in the New England States. Indeed, the opposition of this section of the union was strenuously persevered in, till the perpetration of shame- ful outrages by the British troops, and more particularly the disgraceful capture of Washington, kindled the blaze of vindictive resentment in every bosom, and created a unanimity of sentiment in favor of active hostilities, which caused the war to be prosecuted with vigor, and finally terminated with success. As this subject has been fully treated in our life of President Madison, and as the events of this war, previous to the sacking of Washington, were not directly connected with Mr. Monroe's part in the administration, we shall make no further mention of them. After this melancholy event, which at first exasperated the feelings of the people against the government, and afterwards so drew down the whole weight of popular indignation on the Secretary of War, as to cause his voluntary resignation, the history of Mr. Monroe, until the end of the war, becomes intimately involved with its important circumstances. At the request of Mr. Madison, without resigning his office as Secretary of State, he discharged all the duties of the War Department ; and with such effectual vigilance and judicious foresight, as to give general satisfaction, and produce the most fortunate results. Indeed, a great politician has hazarded the conjecture, that had his appointment to the Department of War preceded, by six months, its actual date, the heaviest disaster of the war — heaviest, because its remembrance must be coupled with a blush of shame — would have been spared, as a blotted page, in the annals of our union. MONROE. 191 '' This disaster, to wit, the conflagration of Washington, was heralded by a letter from the British Admiral Cochrane to the Secretary of State, dated the day previous to debarkation, though not delivered until subse- quent to the literal fulfilment of his barbarous commands ; stating, that, "having been called upon by the Governor-General of the Canadas, to aid him in carrying into effect measures of retaliation against the inhabitants of the United States, for the wanton destruction committed by the army in Upper Canada, it became imperiously his duty, conformably with the notice of the Governor-General's application, to issue to the naval force under his command, an order to destroy and lay waste such towns and districts upon the coast, as might be found assailable." To these accusations, so grossly false, the Secretary of State could only reply, in the simple language of truth, that " in no instance had the United States authorized a deviation from the known usages of war : that, in the few cases in which there had been even a charge against them, the government had formally disavowed the acts of its officers, at the same time subjecting the conduct of such officers to punishment or reproba- tion : that amongst those few, the charge of burning the parliament-house in Upper Canada was now, for the first time, brought forward : until now, such an accusation had not been made against the Americans ; on the contrary, one of the most respectable civil functionaries, at that place, had addressed a letter of thanks to General Dearborn, for the good conduct of his troops; and, moreover, that when Sir George Prevost, six months afterwards, proceeded to measures of retaliation, the affair of the brick house was not mentioned.' But though Admiral Cochrane succeeded in overcoming the feeble force with which the capital of the country was ineffectually guarded, and in spreading desolation among splendid mansions, both public and private, to revenge the enormous crime of which the American army had been guilty in burning a brick house, hired for the temporary occupation of the provincial legislature, the measures of retaliation adopted by the British were not so successful upon other places which they invaded. The plan of operations necessary fojr defence, pursued by the Department of War, was far more vigorous and effective ; and the invading armies, both on the water and on the land, met with such a determined resist- ance and total defeat at Baltimore, as to cool their retaliatory vengeance, and to spread a glow of joy over the whole country. The victory at Plattsburgh soon followed, to reanimate and excite to nobler exertion the spirit of every American citizen. The duties which Mr. Monroe had to perform, at this time, were extremely difficult and arduous. Being appointed Secretary of War, towards the close of the campaign of ]814, his first care was to marii out a general plan of military operations for the ensuing year. Louisiana was threatened with a formidable invasion. The war in which Great Britain had been engaged with the conqueror of Europe had been crowned with the most brilliant success. During the commencement of our war, the strength of her armies was concentrated against Napoleon ; but at this period " her numerous victorious veteran legions, flushed with the glory, and stung with the ambition, of long-contested, hard-earned success, were 192 MONROE. turned back upon her hands, without occupation for their enterprise, eager for new fields of battle, and new rewards of achievement." From these veterans ten thousand were sejected, and having been placed under the command of an approved and brave officer, whose subsequent untimely fate all parties lamented, they were sent to attack New Orleans, and to acquire possession of the shores and waters of the Mississippi. To meet this emergency, and to raise the necessary funds for the defence of New Orleans, and for the repulsion of these dreaded invaders, became the task of James Monroe. From the peculiar circumstances of the times, this task was difficult in the extreme. The state of our financial concerns was deplorable. There had al- ways been a deficiency of funds for the vigorous prosecution of the war, and the national credit had been progressively degraded. When the war began, the rivalry of opposing interests and political prejudice had pre- vented the renewal of the charter of the first bank of the United States, and the most dismal consequences ensued. The public credit was almost ruined, and the currency of the country fallen into frightful disorder " Banks with fictitious capital," says an able financier, " swarmed throughout the land, and spunged the purse of the people, often for the use of their own money, with more than usurious extortion. The solid banks were unable to maintain their integrity, only by contracting their operations to an extent ruinous to their debtors and to themselves. A balance of trade, operating like universal fraud, vitiated the channels of intercourse between north and south ; and the treasury of the union was replenished only with millions of silken tatters, and unavailable funds ; chartered corporations, bankrupt, under the gentle name of suspended specie payments, and without a dollar of capital to pay their debts, sold, at enormous discounts, the very evidence of those debts ; and passed off upon the government of the country, at par, their rags, purchasable, i" open market, at depreciations of thirty and forty per cent." At this period when, from the low state of the national credit, and fror the exhausted condition of the treasury, it was impossible to raise fund to meet the pressing necessity of the preparations for the defence of Nev Orleans, then it was that the subject of this memoir, with a noble gene- rosity of soul and a patriotic devotedness to the cause of his country, which was worthy of the brightest epoch of Grecian renown, performed an act, which, if it stood solitary and alone, should embalm his name in the grateful remembrance of every votary of freedom. As subsidiary to the credit of the nation, he pledged his own individual credit. It is to be deeply regretted, as we shall soon have occasion to show, that the conduct of our Congress, after Mr. Monroe's retirement into private life, was such as to strengthen the impression, which has long and falsely prevailed, and which the friends of arbitrary power have endeavor- ed to keep alive, concerning the ingratitude of republics. In making so great a personal sacrifice, the Secretary probably believed that there could arise, in future, no hesitation in recognising his claim of remuneration ; but we feel convinced, upon considering other noble and disinterested actions of his life, that he would have performed the same generous deed, even if he had anticipated the pecuniary difficulties which it was, conse- MONROE. 193 quently, his lot to encounter. Besides offering up his private interests on the shrine of his country's freedom, he did not hesitate to relinquish that which must have been far dearer to him, the prospects of a reasonable and praiseworthy ambition. The acts of Congress had already authorized an army which numbered sixty thousand men. The first proposition of Mr. Monroe was to raise forty thousand more, and his plan was to levy upon the whole mass of the people. If this had been carried into effect, there would, probably, have been no bounds to the resentment of the people against its projector. He would have lost, by one severe though necessary measure, all that de- served popularity, which he had been so long acquiring ; for it v/as a resort, seemingly opposed to the genius of our institutions, and assimi- lated, in the minds of the people, to the conscriptions of the French government. Our sturdy yeomanry would have deemed such a course an encroachment on their rights as freemen ; and, though many were willing to volunteer, few would have submitted tamely to be dragooned into service by the forcible arguments of a recruiting officer. Such an officer would, doubtless, have been authorized, as in foreign countries, to take the farmer from his plough, the weaver from his loom, the mechanic from his shop, and the clerk from his desk, as well as to intrude, unquestioned and unforbidden, upon the retirement of the scholar, and into the halls of the wealthy. Mr. Monroe was conscious of those consequences which would attend the prosecution of such a plan ; and he determined, in his own wind, to withdraw his name from the presidential canvass, as the friends of the opposing candidates would doubtless seize upon this event to make his name unpopular. To two or three individuals, in his confi- dence, he disclosed his feelings upon the subject, and had authorized them to publish his intention of declining his nomination, as chief magistrate of the union, when the conclusion of peace rendered the increase of the army unnecessary, and therefore removed the objections which would have influenced such a resignation. On the return of peace, Mr. Monroe, having relinquished his office in the Department of War, reassumed those of the Department of State, which he continued to discharge till the close of Mr. Madison's adminis- tration. Indeed, Mr. Monroe has been justly said to have performed the duties of these high stations with untiring assiduity, with universally acknowledged ability, and with a zeal of patriotism, which counted health, fortune, and life itself, nothing in the ardor of self-devotion to the cause of his country. Until the expiration of President Madison's term of office, Mr. Monroe warmly co-operated with him in those measures which were necessary to restore the harmony of the government and to extricate the affairs of the country from the confusion into which they had been thrown by the misfortunes of the war. On the 5th of March, 1SI7, Mr. Monroe was inaugurated as President of the United States. The President and Vice-President were escorted by a large cavalcade of citizens, to Congress Hall, where the Ex-Presi- dent, the Judges of the Supreme Court, and the Senate were assembled ; by whom the incumbent was attended to the portico, where he delivered a speech from which we have selected the most prominent and striking 25 194 MONROE. passages. After expressing his high sense of the confidence which his fellow citizens had shown towards him, and of the feeling of deep respon- sibility with which he entered upon the discharge of his arduous duties, he took a rapid and general view of the prosperous condition of the Re- public under the wise provisions of its venerated Constitution. " Other considerations of the highest importance admonish us to cher- ish our Union, and to cling to the Government which supports it. For- tunate as we are in our political institutions, we have not been less so in other circumstances, on which our prosperity and happiness essentially depend. Situated within the temperate zone, and extending through many degrees of latitude along the Atlantic, the United States enjoy all the varieties of climate, and every production incident to thai portion of the globe. Penetrating, internally, to the great lakes, and beyond the sources of the great rivers which communicate through our whole interior, no coun- try was ever happier with respect to its domain. Blessed, too, with a fertile soil, our produce has always been very abundant, leaving, even in years the least favorable, a surplus for the wants of our fellow men in other countries. Such is our peculiar felicity, that there is not a part of our Union that is not particularly interested in preserving it. The great agri- cultural interest of the nation prospers under its protection. Local inte- rests are not less fostered by it. Our fellow citizens of the north, engag- ed in navigation, find great encouragement in being made the favored carriers of the vast productions of the other portions of the United States, while the inhabitants of these are amply recompensed, in their turn, by the nursery for seamen and naval force, thus formed and reared up for the support of our common rights. Our manufactures find a generous encouragement by the policy which patronizes domestic industry ; and the surplus of our produce, a steady and profitable market by local wants, in less favored parts at home. " Such, then, being the highly favored condition of our country, it is the interest of every citizen to maintain it. What are the dangers which menace us 1 If any exist, they ought to be ascertained and guarded against. " In explaining my sentiments on this subject, it may be asked, what raised us to the present happy state ? How did we accomplish the revo- lution ? How remedy the defects of the first instrument of our Union, by infusing into the national government sufficient power for national pur- poses, without impairing the just rights of the States, or affecting those of individuals ? How sustain, and pass with glory through the late war ? The government has been in the hands of Uie people. To the people, therefore, and to the faithful and able depositories of their trust, is the credit due. Had the people of the United States been educated in diffe- rent principles ; had they been less intelligent, less independent, or less virtuous ; can it be believed that we should have maintained the same steady and consistent career, or been blessed with the same success? While then the constituent body retains its present sound and healthful state, every thing will be safe. They will choose competent and faithful representatives for every department. It is only when people become ignorant and corrupt ; when they degenerate into a populace, that they MONROE. 195 are incapable of exercising the sovereignty. Usurpation is then an easy attainment, and an usurper soon found. The people themselves become the willing instruments of their own debasement and ruin. Let us then look to the great cause, and endeavor to preserve it in full force. Let us, by all wise and constitutional measures, promote intelligence among the people, as the best means of preserving our liberties. " Dangers from abroad are no less deserving of attention. Experienc- ing the fortune of other nations, the United States may be again involved in war, and it may, in that event, be the object of the adverse party to overset our government, to break our union, and demolish us as a nation. Our distance from Europe, and the just, moderate and pacific policy of our government, may form some security against these dangers, but they ought to be anticipated and guarded against. Many of our citizens are engaged in commerce and navigation, and all of them are in a certain degree dependent on their prosperous state. Many are engaged in the fisheries. These interests are exposed to invasion in the war between other powers, and we should disregard the faithful admonition of experi- ence, if we did not expect it. We must support our rights or lose our character, and with it perhaps our liberties. A people who fail to do it, can scarcely be said to hold a place among independent nations. National honor is national property of the highest value. The sentiment in the mind of every citizen is national strength. It ought, therefore, to be cherished. " To secure us against these dangers, our coast and inland frontiers should be fortified, our army and navy regulated upon just principles as to the force of each, be kept in perfect order, and our militia be placed on the best practicable footing. To put our extensive coast in such a state of defence as to secure our cities and interior from invasion, will be attended with expense, but the work, when finished, will be permanent ; and it is fair to presume, that a single campaign of invasion by a naval force superior to our own, aided by a few thousand land troops, would expose us to greater expense, without taking into the estimate the loss of property and distress of our citizens, than would be sufficient for this great work. " Our land and naval forces should be moderate, but adequate to the necessary purposes. The former to garrison and preserve our fortifica- tions, and to meet the first invasions of a foreign foe ; and, while consti- tuting the elements of a greater force, to preserve the science, as well as all the necessary implements of war, in a state to be brought into activity in the event of war. The latter, retained within the limits proper in a state of peace, might aid in maintaining the neutrality of the United States with dignity in the wars of other powers, and in saving the pro- perty of their citizens from spoliation. In time of war, with the enlargement of which the great naval resources of the country render it susceptible, and which should be duly fostered in time of peace, it would contribute essentially, both as an auxiliary of defence, and as a powerful engine of annoyance, to diminish the calamities of war, and to bring the war to a speedy and honorable termination. " But it ought always to be held prominently in view, that the safety of 196 MONROE. these states, and of every thing dear to a free people, must depend, in an eminent degree, on the militia. Invasions may be made, too formidable to be resisted by any land and naval force, which it would comport, either with the principles of our Government, or the circumstances of the United States, to maintain. In such cases, recourse must be had to the great body of the people, and in a manner to produce the best effect. It is of the highest importance, therefore, that they be so organized and trained, as to be prepared for any emergency. The arrangement should be such, as to put at the command of the Government the ardent patriotism and youthful vigor of the country. If formed on equal and just principles, it cannot be oppressive. It is the crisis which makes the pressure, and not the laws which provide a remedy for it. This arrangement should be formed too, in time of peace, to be better prepared for war. With such an organization of such a people, the United States have nothing to dread from foreign invasion. At its approach, an over- whelming force of gallant men might always be put in motion. " Other interests, of high importance, will claim attention, among which the improvement of our country by roads and canals, proceeding always with a constitutional sanction, holds a distinguished place. By thus facilitating the intercourse between the States, we shall add much to the convenience and comfort of our fellow citizens ; much to the orna- ment of the country ; and, what is of greater importance, we shall shorten distances, and by making each part more accessible to, and dependent on the other, we shall bind the Union more closely together. Nature has done so much for us, by intersecting the country with so many great rivers, bays, and lakes, approaching from distant points so near to each other, that the inducement to complete the work seems to be peculiarly strong. A more interesting spectacle was, perhaps, never seen, than is exhibited within the limits of the United States ; a territory so vast, and advantageously situated, containing objects so grand, so useful, so happily connected in all their parts. " Our manufactures will likewise require the systematic and fostering care of the government. Possessing, as we do, all the raw materials, the fruit of our own soil and industry, we ought not to depend, in the degree we have done, on supplies from other countries. While we are thus dependent, the sudden event of war, unsought and unexpected, can- not fail to plunge us into the most serious difficulties. It is important, too, that the capital, which nourishes our manufactures, should be domestic, as its influence in that case, instead of exlxausting, as it may do in foreign hands, would be felt advantageously on agriculture, and every other branch of industry. Equally important is it to provide at home a market for our raw materials, as, by extending the competition, it will enhance the price, and protect the cultivator against the casualties incident to foreign markets. " With the Indian tribes it is our duty to cultivate friendly relations, and to act with kindness and liberality in all our transactions. Equally proper is it to persevere in our efforts to extend to them the advantages of civilization. " The great amount of our revenue, and the flourishing state of the MONROE. 197 treasury, are a full proof of the competency of the national resources, for any emergency, as they are of the willingness of our fellow citizens to bear the burdens, which the public necessities require. The vast amount of vacant lands, the value of Avhich daily augments, forms an additional resource of great extent and duration. These resources, be- sides accomplishing every other necessary purpose, put it completely in the power of the United States to discharge the national debt at an enriy period. Peace is the best time for improvement and preparation of every kind ; it is in peace that our commerce flourishes most ; that taxes are most easily paid, and that the revenue is most productive." He then remarked on the necessity of a faithful disbursement of the public money, and expressed his determination to do all in his power to secure the utmost economy and fidelity in this important branch of the administration. The absence of all foreign hostilities, and the return of domestic harmony, formed other gratifying topics of reflection. The speech concludes with a few observations on the instructive and useful examples presented by the administrations of his illustrious predecessors, and with the fervent hope that the Almighty would graciously continue that protection to the Republic, which He had already displayed so con- spicuously in its favor. On the conclusion of his address, the oath of ofRce was administered to the President by the Chief Justice of the United States. A signal gun having been fired, salutes were given from the navy yard, the bat- tery. Fort Warburton, and from a corps of artillery. The day was delightful, and the crowd of spectators, including numerous American and foreign functionaries, was estimated at from six to eight thousand. Among the early appointments of President Monroe, was that of Mr. John Quincy Adams as Secretary for the department of State ; of Mr. William H. Crawford for the department of the Treasury; and Mr. Isaac Shelby,* of Kentucky, for the department of War. Mr. Calhoun was afterwards appointed to the War department, and Mr. B. W. Crowninshield to the Navy. About the first of June, the President left Washington to commence his tour through the States; Avhich gave occasion to so many speculations among newspaper politicians, and which elicited a most general expression of kindness, respect, and courtesy. The President arrived at Baltimore on Sunday, the 1st of June, visited the field where the British general Ross received his fatal wound, reviewed a brigade of militia, visited various public works, received and answered a congratulatory address from the Mayor and City Council, and on Tuesday continued his journey as far as New-Castle. His reply to the Mayor and City Council of Baltimore was in the following words : " Fellow Citizens, — The sentiments which you have communicated, have afforded me very great satisfaction. They are just, as to the objects adverted to, and to me they are generous and kind. " It was impossible for me to approach Baltimore, without recollecting, ♦ Mr. Shelby did not accept the apointment. 19B MONROE. with deep interest, the gallant conduct of her citizens, in the late war, and the lui])j)y results attending their exertions. Tlie glorious victory which was achieved by her, and in which her citizens bore so distin- guished a part, at a very important epoch, not only protected this patri- otic city, but shed a great lustre on the American name. " Experience has shown our dangers, and admonished us as to the means of averting them. Congress has appropriated large sums of money, for the fortification of our coast, and inland frontier, and for the establishment of naval dock-yards, and building a navy. It is proper that those works should be executed with judgment, fidelity, and economy. Much depends, in the execution, on the Executive, to whom extensive power is given, as to the general arrangement ; and to whom the superintendence usually belongs. You do me justice in believing, that it is to enable me to discharge these duties, with the best advantage to my country, that I have undertaken this tour. " From the increased harmony of public opinion, founded on the successful career of a government, which has never been equalled, and Avhich promises, by a further developement of its faculties, to augment, in an eminent degree, the blessings of this favored people, I unite with you in all the anticipations which you have so justly suggested. " In performing services, honestly and zealously intended for the benefit of my fellow citizens, I shall never entertain a doubt of their generous and firm support. Incapable of any feelings distinct from those of a citizen, I can assume no style, in regard to them, different from that character ; and it is a source of peculiar delight to me, to know that, while the Chief Magistrate of the United States acts fully up to this principle, he will require no other guard than what may be derived from their confidence and aflbction."* On Wednesday the President proceeded up the Delaware, and arrived at the navy-yard in Philadelptiia between three and four o'clock on Thursday, in the barge of the Franklin seventy-four, in which Commo- dore Murray and Captain Stuart had gone down to Wilmington to receive him. Every respectful attention was paid to him in this city. * In the previous address of the Mayor was a passage which afforded the editor of the New- York Post an opportunity for the follomng pleasant sally. "Among othrr topics," says the Post, "of which this famous speech was composed, the following pompons and important passage presents itself: " ' That a city which bore so conspicuous a part in the national defence should lirst be honored with the presence of the Chief Magistrate of the Union, is as llattering as it is nntural? " We cannot but iiccedc to the truth of the observation, that it was natural that the rrcsiiicnt in his journey to the eastward, should visit Baltimore before he did Philadelphia, situated a hundred miles further on his route, nor enough admire the mgenuity that conlil turn such a circumstance into a flattering complimeiU to the former city. We should not have been surprised if the President, when lie heard this, had cut Mr. Stiles as short, by expressing his entire satisfaction, as Henry IV. ciU the French mayor, wiio came out to meet him on a similar occasion, and bci^^an a speeeh wliich he had prepared, containing ten reasons why they had not saluted his Majesty's approach with the discharge of cannon, the fu'st oi which was that they had no cannon, when the King interrupted him, and told him he might spare himself the trouble of giving the other nine." MONROE. 199 While here the members of the Pennsylvania Society of the Cincinnati paid their respects to him and presented the following address : " Sir — Embracing the occasion which your attention, as Chief Magis- trate, to the military defence of the United States has afforded, it is with peculiar pleasure that the members of the Pennsylvania Society of the Cincinnati, a portion of the surviving few who were your associates in arms during the war of the revolution, approach to renew their per- sonal intercourse, and to assure you of their cordial support to the firm and impartial administration of the government, which, by combining in its measures domestic tranquillity with the respect of foreign nations, they confidently anticipate, will promote the best interests of the United States, and insure to our citizens the advantages of social harmony and individual happiness. " That you may participate those blessings, and enjoy the grateful esteem of a happy people, is the sincere wish of " Your faithful friends, and respectful fellow citizens." To which the President made the following reply : " Fellow Citizens — In attending to the military and naval defence of the United States, nothing can be more gratifying to me than to meet the surviving members of my associates in arms, who distinguished tliemselves in our revolutionary contest. I can never forget the dangers of that great epoch, nor be indifferent to the merit of those who partook in them. " To promote tranquillity at home, and respect abroad, by a firm and impartial administration, are among the highest duties of the Chief Magistrate of the United States. To acquit myself in the discharge of these duties with advantage to my fellow citizens, will be the imdovjat- ing object of my zealous exertions. Their approbation will be the highest recompense which I can receive." It is the province of biography and memoir writing to record matters too trifling for the dignity of history. With this impression we scatter through our pages descriptions of manners and ceremonies, too unim- portant, apparently, to warrant any minute details, but yet interesting, as depicting those every-day fashions and changes, about which we are all naturally curious. With these observations we would preface the fol- loAving account of the President's costume, and the extracts in the note^ * "Mrs. Monroe is an elegant, accomplished woman. She possesses a charming mind, and dignity of manners, which peculiarly fit her for her elevated station. Her retired domestic habits will be much annoyed by what is called here sucicti/, if she does not totally change the etiquette (if it may be called so) established by Mrs. Washington, Adams, and Madison — a routine which her feeble constitntion will not permit her to encounter; to go through it, she must become a perfect slave to the sacrifice of her health. The president, secretanes, senators, members, fiireign ministers, consuls, comptrollers, auditors, accountants, officers of the navy and army of every grade, farmers, merchants, parsons, priests, lawyers, judges, notaries, auctioneers, ofl[ice-hunters, brokers, clerks, stay-tape and buckram gentry, sjiccula- tors, and nothin ^arinns — all with their wives, and some with their gawking otlspring — crowd to the President's every Wednesday evening — some in shoes, most in boots, and many in spurs — some snuffing, others chewing, and many longing for their cigar and whiskey punch left at home — some with powdered heads, others frizzled and 200 MONROE. from a letter from Washington, dated previously to the inauguration of Mr. Monroe in his new office. The barge fitted up for the reception of the President at Philadelphia, was lined and trimmed with crimson velvet, and rowed by sixteen oarsmen, dressed in scarlet vests, white sleeves and trowsers. The President was dressed in a dark blue coat, buff vest, doe-skin buff-colored breeches and top boots ; he wore a military cocked hat of the fashion of the revolution, and a black bowed ribbon of the same fashion as a cockade. On Thursday, the 12th of June, the President visited the fortifications and navy-yard at New-York, amidst salutes of cannon. On the follow- ing day he was publicly initiated as a member of the Literary and Phi- losophical Society of New-York, when the President of the Association, Mr. De Witt Clinton, delivered an address. The reply of President Monroe to the address of the Mayor, Aldermen, and Commonalty of the city of New-York, is one of the happiest specimens of the parade day oratory required for such an occasion. It is concise, vigorous, and eloquent : "Fellow Citizens — In performing a duty enjoined on me by the con- stitution and laws of the United States, I cannot express the satisfaction which I derive froni the intercourse to which it leads Avith so many of my fellow citizens ; and from the opportunity it affords, to behold in per- son the blessings which an all gracious Providence has extended to them. In executing the laws which Congress have wisely adopted for the national defence, the Atlantic and inland frontiers of this State, by their exposed situation, are entitled to particular attention. I am aware, too, that this oiled, Avith some whose heads a comb has never touched, half hid by dirty collars, reaching above their ears, as stifl" as pasteboard. ' IMrs. President, this is my wife' — 'Ma'am, this is my daughter' — 'Mr. President, this is my Dick, a hopeful youth, "just freoil from college rules," and light as the vapor he pnOs from Havana's best.' "llow distressing to every man who feels for tlie honor and dignity of his govern- ment. Mrs. Madison feels all this, while she is harassed to death by these boobies. She must feel greatly relieved by her prospect of retirement. She is justly adored by all parlies. This estimable M'oman, in ' stooping to conquer,' has carried her amiability and aflability as far as to return the visits of all those who have called on her. It ought not to be expected that the wife of the President should return visits. Our nation is increasing so fast, and there is such an influx of foreigners here (parliculiirly at this season of the year) that a stop ought to be put to it, and some rules adopted for the presentation of strangers to the Chief Magistrate and his family; otherwise his valuable time will be absorbed in ridiculous visits from the idle and curious. In the drawing-room no one ought, in my opinion, to be admitted, Avithout a previous introduction to the President by some respectable member of the government ; and if those members were not discreet in the characters and nuvibers of these introductions, they ought to be told of it. All judicious, sensible persons see now the necessity of such arrangements. " Tliese foreign ministers and agents, too, are far too intimate at the President's, and with the dillerent branches of the government. ToAvards them the same eti- quette ought to be adoptetl, as is known to exist at their own courts. This they w(nild not complain of. There is a respect due to our sachems, which this vulgar state of things diminishes. We allow our generals and commanders of ships to establish formalities at their posts, and on their quarter-decks ; and will you not allow the President to form certain rules for the government of his house and the distribution of his time ?" MONROE. 201 populous and flourishing city presents, in time of war, a strong temptation to the cupidity of an invading foe. It is in the spirit of the laws which I am called to execute, it is in the spirit of the people whom I represent, to provide amply for the security of every part, according to the danger to Avliich it is exposed. In performing this duty, I shall endeavor to be their faithful organ. "The present prosperous condition of our country is, as you justly observe, the best proof of the excellence of our institutions, and of the wisdom with which they have been administered. " It affords, too, a solid ground on which to indulge the most favorable anticipations as to the future. An enlightened people, educated in the principles of liberty, and blessed with a free government — bold, vigorous, and enterprising in the pursuit of every just and honorable attainment^ united by the strong ties of a common origin, of interest, and affection — possessed of a vast and fertile territory — improving in agriculture, in the arts and manufactures — extending their commerce to every sea — already powerful, and rapidly increasing in population — have every inducement and every means whereby to perpetuate these blessings to the latest pos- terity. "The honorable termination of the late war, whereby the rights of the nation loere vindicated, should not lull us into repose — the events attend- ing it show our vulnerable points ; and it is in time of peace that we ought to provide by strong works for their defence. " The gallantry and good conduct of our army, navy, and militia, and the patriotism of our citizens, generally, so conspicuously displayed in that war, may always be relied on. Aided by such works, our frontiers will be impregnable. " Devoted to the principles of our government from my earliest youth, and satisfied that the great blessings which we enjoy are, under Divine Providence, imputable to that great cause, it will be the object of my con- stant and zealous efforts to give to those principles their best effect Should I, by these efforts, contribute in any degree to the happiness of my fellow citizens, I shall derive from it the highest gratification of which my mind is susceptible." "While in New York the President was elected a member of the So- ciety for the encouragement of American Manufactures ; he attended a meeting of that Society, and avowed his desire to promote the object of their institution. John Adams, Thomas Jefferson, and James Madison were elected members at the same time. The President was received in a similar style of respectful hospitality, at New Haven, Hartford, Middletown, Springfield, and Boston. On reaching the southern entrance of Boston, he was met by the Committee of Arrangements, and received with a few words of welcome from the Honorable Mr. Otis : " Sir — You are now arrived within the limits of Boston, and these gentlemen are a Committee appointed to welcome your approach, and escort you to your lodgings. Upon your arrival there, they will avail themselves of your permission, to express to you in a more formal and respectful manner than can be done here, the assurances of the unfeigned satisfaction which the citizens of Boston realize in the honor 26 202 MONROE. you have been pleased to confer upon tliem by this visit." A procession •was ihtni forniecl, unci the President was escorted through the principal streets of the city to the rooms provided for his reception in the Exchange CoU'ee-Ilouse. During the march of the cavalcade, salutes were fired from Dorchester heiglits, from the common, Fort Independence, and the navy-yard. State-street, through which the procession passed, was fancifully decorated with the flags of the United States, and the numerous merchant ships in the hiu-bor made a brilliant display of their stars afid stripes. The crowd of spectators which surrounded the procession was immense, greater than any which had been witnessed since the visit of Washington. Shortly after the arrival of the President at his rooms, he accompanied the Committee to the second gallery of the old Exchange, where the Chairman of the Connnittee of Arrangements made an address in behalf of the inhabitants of Boston. He remained in Boston for seve- ral days, and was received with the greatest kindness and respect by all its citizens without distinction of party. ^ The President continued his journey, and was received with similar tokens of honor at the principal towns on his northern route. Much disappoimment was expressed at the manner in which the President was * The niinuteiu'ss with which the movements of the President are chronicled in the newspapers of the tiine, ahnost reininils us of the similar details of the British jour- nals in respect to the various niovenieiUs of their nobility. The following is the account of iiis visit to Charlesiown : "On Saturday mormng the President visited the nav)'-ynrd in Charlcstown, con- ducted by Commodore Hull, the Commissioner. He inspected, with much minuteness, but with rapidity, the numerous branches of this important antl extensive establish- ment ; antl which tlie Conunissioner has ornamented with numerous improvements. After inspecting tlie arsenal, warehouses, depots of ordnance and naval stores, and the various (quarters and barracks, the President went on boaril the ships in ordinary — the Consliliition, Java, JMaeedoiiinn, and Ciuerriere. He took [)articular interest in examining 'Old Iron-Sides,' which vessel, we understood, he said, 'ougiit not to be again sent to sea, but be preserveil as a monumeiU of national glory.' The marine garrison, under Captain VVainwright, did tiie guard of honor iluties n])on the oceasitm, and exhibited a state of exact discipline. On his entrance and departure from the navy-Vivi'd, the President was saluted with nineteen guns from the water battery of the yard. Al\er the examination of the whole establishment, the President partook of a sumptuous and elegant (Icjcii/r' with Mrs. Hull, the lady of lite Coumiissioner. Of the guests were nearly two hundred })ersonages, embracing His Excellency the Governor, His Honor the Lieutenant-Governor, Counsellors, Senators and Ke]iresen- tatives of the State, Members of Congress, Judges and Magistrates, Conunotlore Bainbridge, and numerous naval otHcers, General Miller, and numerous otliccrs of the army, and many strangers of eminence. The breakfast table was ornamented with the superb vases and services of plate presented to the Commodore by the citi- zens of rhiladel]ilua and Charleston. The ['resident was on the right, and Governor Brooks on the left of Mrs. Hull ; and the sjilendor of the martial insignia, united with the lustre of beauty and accomplishment, heighteneil the ensemble of a bantjuet which displayed the taste of the fair hostess, and the nuuiificence of the gallant Com- toodore. " Among the persons introduced to the President, on Bunker Hill, were Mr. Thomas Miller. Timothy Thompson, anil John Kettel, the only surviving iidiabilaiUs of Charles- town, who were ui the memorable battle that conunenced the war of Indeiiemleiice, twt llio very spot they then trod upon. The President received them with much utTar bility, and was evidently aflected with the scene."' MONKOE. 203 received la New Hampshire. During- the whole of his tour, he had re- ceived the pcM-yoiml attention of all the executives of the States on enter- ing their limits, until he reached New Hamnshire. Being then left by the Massachusetts escort, he was obliged to trust himself to stagedrivers and guideposts, until he arrived at Greenland. Here he was received by a large number of the citizens of Portsmouth, and conducted to the metropolis. The neglect of the Governor in not waiting upon the Presi- dent, nor providing him an escort, was the subject of much witticism at the time among the journals of both parties. " How Governor Plumer," observed one paper, "will excuse his conduct upon this occasion, we are unable to say. The eastern doctors disagree upon this subject. One editor says, he did not order out the militia because he had not the power. Another says, he possessed the power, but not the disposition. A third observes, that, being tenacious of the honor of the State, his Excellency wisely concluded that his non-appearance in public would be attended with the least disgrace to his constituents. A fourth says, it is owing to an art passed by the Legislature a few weeks since, offering a bounty for killing crows ; which makes it extremely hazardous for his Excellency to ajipeiir in jiublic. But, after all, we suspect these gentlemen do not understand the business. The expenses of a parade must necessarily be considerable; and the probability is, that the Governor, having gene- rously relinquished a very considerable portion of his salary for the pur- cliase of popularity, could not well aflbrd it. This we suspect is the true secret; and if so, the censures passed upon the Governor are very unjust and wicked." His Excellency afterwards addressed an apologetical let- ter to Mr. Moru'oe, explaining his personal non-attendance by his ill health, and stating that by the jealousy of the State Constitution on the subject of the militia, he was not authorized to call them out, except for cer- tain known objects particularly designated. We hope that the conscien- tious scruples of the worthy Governor will find numerous examples of imitation on more important subjects. It is not necessary to follow the President particularly in his northern and western progress. On leaving Portsmouth, he directed his course westward to rlaitsburg, in the state of New York. In his route thitlier, he visited Dover, Concord, and Hanover, in New Hampshire, and Wind- sor and Burlington, in Vermont. The important post at Plattsburg occupied his attention for several days. From this place he continued westward to Ogdcnsburg, Sackett's Harbor, and Detroit. He reached Washington, on his return, on the 19th of September. Here he was re- ceived with honors similar to those which had been paid to him else- where, and returned the following answer to the address of the Mayor and Aldermen of Washington : " 1 cannot express in sufficiently strong terms the gratification which I feel in returning to the seat of government, after the long and very inte- resting tour in which I have been engaged ; and I beg you to be assured that nothing can contribute more to dissipate the fatigue to which I have been exposed, than the very cordial reception which has been given me by my fellow citizens and neighbors, of the city and district. "I shall always look back to the important incidents of my late tour, 204 MONROE. with peculiar sa .isfaction. 1 flatter myself that I have derived from it information, which will be very useful in the discharge of the duties of the high trust confided to me ; and, in other respects, it has afforded me the highest gratification. In all that portion of our country through which I have passed, I have seen, with delight, proofs the most conclu- sive of the devotion of our fellow citizens to the principles of our free republican government, and to our happy union. The spontaneous and independent manner in which these sentiments were declared, by the great body of the people, with other marked circumstances attending them, satisfied me that they came from the heart. United firmly in the support of these great, these vital interests, we may fairly presume that ull difficulty on minor questions will disappear. " In returning to the city of Washington, I rejoice to find the public building, intended for the accommodation of the Chief Magistrate, in a state to receive me, and to admit within it this friendly interview with you." Thus terminated the felicitous tour of President Monroe, which could not fail to prove of lasting benefit to the states, by bringing the Execu- tive in such close connexion with all over whom its power was exerted, by conciliating sectional prejudices, and giving birth to a generous mu- tuality of confidence between the people and their Chief Magistrate. Op the first of ^December, in pursuance of constitutional provisions, the members of the new Congress assembled at the Capitol, when each house organized itself, and adopted the usual preliminaries of business. Mr. Gaillard of South Carolina took the chair of the Senate as President pro tern ; twenty-three members were present. A committee was then appointed to join one from the House, to wait on the President of the United States, and inform him that they were ready to receive his com- munications. The members of the House were called to order by their old clerk, Mr. Dougherty, and they proceeded immediately to the choice of a Speaker, when Mr. Henry Clay received one hundred and forty from one hundred forty-seven votes, and was declared to be elected. Be- ing conducted to the chair, and the oath having been administered, Mr. Clay delivered the following address : " If we consider, gentlemen, the free and illustrious origin of this as- sembly ; the extent and magnitude of the interests committed to its charge ; and tho brilliant prospects of the rising confederacy, whose destiny may be mnterially affected by the legislation of Congress ; the House of Repre- sentatives justly ranks among the most eminent deliberative bodies that have existed. To be appointed to preside at its deliberations is an ex- alted honor of which I entertain the highest sense. And I pray you to accept, for the flattering manner in which you have conferred it, my pro- found acknowledgments. " If I bring into the chair, gentlemen, the advantage of some experi- ence of its duties, /ar from inspiring me with undue confidence, that ex- perience serves only to fill me with distrust of my own capacity. I have been taught by it how arduous those duties are, and how unavailing would be any efforts of mine to discharge them, without the liberal sup- port and cheering countenance of the House, I shall anxiously seek, MONROE. 205 gentlemen, to merit that support and countenance by an undeviating aim at impartiality, and at the preservation of that decorum, without the ob- servance of which the public business must be illy transacted, and the dignity and the character of the House seriously impaired." On the following day Mr. Monroe transmitted to both Houses of Con- gress the customary message. He opened with a few remarks on the happy and prosperous condition of our country, the establishment of pub- lic credit and the fortunate dissipation of local prejudices. Among the principal topics of the message were the arrangement between Great Britain and the United States for the reduction of the naval force upon the lakes ; the report of the commissioners on the island in Passama- quoddy Bay; the negociation with Spain for spoliations on our com- merce, and the settlement of boundaries ; and our relations with the various powers of Europe. The view of our internal aflairs was repre- sented as very gratifying ; and the revenue was described as in a very productive state. It promised ability to redeem the whole of the Loui- siana debt, and to discharge the Mississippi stock by the year 1819. The militia force of the several States was estimated at eight hundred thousand men, and an improvement in their organization and discipline was recommended to the unremitted attention of Congress. Purchases from the Indian tribes on the borders of Lake Erie, and the other public lands of the Union, form other subjects of consideration. The most im- portant part of the message is that which has reference to the subject of internal improve/nents, in which the President expresses his opinion of the constitutionality of the interference of Congress. This is embraced in the portion of the message extracted below. " When we consider the vast extent of territory within the United States, the great amount and value of its productions ; the connexion of its parts, and other circumstances, on which their prosperity and happi- ness depend, we cannot fail to entertain a high sense of the advantage to be derived from the facility which may be afforded in the intercourse between them, by means of good roads and canals. Never did a country of such vast extent offer equal inducements to improvements of this kind, nor ever were consequences of such magnitude involved in them. As this subject was acted on by Congress at the last session, and there may be a disposition to revive it at the present, I have brought it into view, for the purpose of communicating my sentiments on a very important circumstance connected with it, with that freedom and candor which a regard for the public interest, and a proper respect for Congress, require. A difference of opinion has existed, from the first formation of our con- stitution to the present time, among our most enlightened and virtuous citizens, respecting the right of Congress to establish such a system of improvement. Taking into view the trust with which I am now honored, it would be improper, after what has passed, that the discussion should be revived, with an uncertainty of my opinion respecting the right. Disregarding early impressions, I have bestowed on the subject all the deliberation which its great importance, and a just sense of my duty, required — and the result is, a settled conviction in my mind, that Congress do not possess the right. It is not contained in any of the specified powers 206 MONROE. granted to Congress ; nor can I consider it incidental to, or a necessary mean, viewed on the most liberal scale, for carrying into effect any of the powers which are specifically granted. In communicating this result, I cannot resist the obligation which I feel to suggest to Congress the pro- priety of recommending to the States the adoption of an amendment to the Constitution, which shall give to Congress the right in question. In cases of doubtful construction, especially of such vital interest, it comports with the nature and origin of our institutions, and will contribute much to preserve them, to apply to our constituents for an explicit grant of the power. We may confidently rely, that if it appears to their satisfaction, that the power is necessary, it will always be granted. In this case I am happy to observe, that experience has afforded the most ample proof of its utility, and that the benign spirit of conciliation and harmony which now manifests itself throughout our Union, promises to such a recom- mendation the most prompt and favorable result. I think proper to sug- gest, also, in case this measure is adopted, that it be recommended to the States to include, in the amendment, a right in Congress to institute, likewise, seminaries of learning, for the all-important purpose of diffusing knowledge among our feUow citizens throughout the United States. •' Our mamifactories will require the continued attention of Congress. The capital employed in them is considerable, and the knowledge acquired in the machinery and fabric of nil the most useful manufactures is of great value. Their preservation, which depends on due encourage- ment, is connected with the high interests of the nation. " Ahhough the progress of the public buildings has been as favorable as circumstances have permitted, it is to be regretted that the Capitol is not yet in a state to receive you. There is good cause to presume that the two wings, the only part as yet commenced, will be prepared for that purpose at the next session. Tlie time seems now to have arrived, when this subject may be deemed worthy the attention of Congress, on a scale adequate to national purposes. The completion of tin? middle building will be necessary to the convenient accommodation of Congress, of the committees, and various offices belonging to it. It is evident that the other public buildings are altogether insuflicient for the accommodation of the several executive departments, some of whom are much crowded, and even subjected to the necessity of obtaining it in private buildings, at some distance from the head of the department, and with inconve- nience to the management of the public business. Most nations have taken an interest and a pride in the improvement and ornament of their metropolis, and none were more conspicuous in that respect than the ancient republics. The policy which dictated the establishment of a permanent residence for the national govermnent, and the spirit in which it was commenced ai\d has been prosecuted, show that such inqirovements were thought worthy the attention of this nation. Its central position, between the northern and southern extremes of our union, and its ap- proach to the west, at the head of a great navigable river, which inter- locks with the western waters, prove the «visdom of the councils which established it. Nothing appears to be more reasonable and proper, than that convenient accommodations should be provided, on n well digested MONROE. aw plan, for the heads of the several departments, and for the Attorney General ; and it is believed ihat the public ground in the city, applied to tbose objects, will be found amply sufficient. I submit this subject to the consideration of Congress, that such further provision may be made in it, as to them may seem proper. " In contemplating the happy situation of the United States, our atten- tion is drawn, with peculiar interest, to the surviving officers and soldiers of our revolvxtionary army, who so eminently contributed, by their services, to lay its foundation. Most of those very meritorious citizens have paid the debt of nature, and gone to repose. It is believed that among the survivors there are some not provided for by existing laws, who are re- duced to indigence, and even to real distress. These men have a claim on the gratitude of their country, and it will do honor to their country to provide for them. The lapse of a few years more, and the opportunity will be forever lost : indeed, so long already has been the interval, that the number to be benefited by any provision which may be made, will not be great. " It appearing in a satisfactory manner that the revenue arising from imposts and tonnage, and from the sale of the public lands, will be fully adequate to the support of the civil government, of the present military and naval establishments, including the annual augmentation of the latter, to the extent provided for ; to the payment of the interest on the public debt, and to the extinguishment of it at the times authorized, without the aid of the internal taxes ; I consider it my duty to recommend to Con- gress their repeal. To impose taxes, when the public exigencies require them, is an obligation of the most sacred character, especially with a free people. The faithful fulfilment of it is among the highest proofs of their virtue and capacity for self-government. To dispense with taxes, when it may be done with perfect safety, is equally the duty of their representatives. In this instance we have the satisfaction to know that they were imposed when the demand was imperious, and have been sus- tained with exemplary fidelity. I have to add, that however gratifying it may be to me, regarding the prosperous and happy condition of our country, to recommend the repeal of these taxes at this time, I shall nevertheless be attentive to events, and, should any future emergency occur, be not less prompt to suggest such measures and burthens as may then be requisite and proper." On the eleventh of December, the State of Mississippi was acknow- ledged by Congress as sovereign and independent, and was admitted to the Union. In the course of the same month, an expedition which had been set on foot by a number of adventurers from different countries, against East and West Florida, was terminated by the troops of the United States. They had formed an establishment at Amelia Island, at that time the subject of negociation between Spain and our government, and their direct objects being imdoubtedly piratical, the law of nations and the stipulations of various treaties required of the United Slates to suppress it. A similar establishment had been previously formed at Gal- Vf'zton, a small island on the coast of Texas, and it was subsequently in a like nmnner sappressed. 208 MONROE. Several important measures were adopted by Congress during ihe session 1817 — 18 ; among which were the bill fixing the compensation of members of Congress at eight dollars a day ; a second, in acquiescence with the suggestion of the President, to abolish internal duties ; and a third, providing, upon the same recommendation, for the indigent officers and soldiers of the revolutionary army. In April, 1818, Illinoi."* adopted a State constitution, and in December following was admitted ais a mem- ber of the Union. Soon after the conclusion of this session of Congress, the President, in pursuance of his determination to visit those parts of the United States most exposed to the enemy, prepared to survey the Chesapeake bay, and the country lying on its extensive shores. In the month of May, he left Washington, accompanied by the Secretary of War, the Secretary of the Navy, and>other gentlemen of distinction. On his arrival at Annapolis, the President and his suite made a minute examination of the contiguous waters, in reference to their fitness for a naval depot. After making a farther examination of the coast, he proceeded to Norfolk. Having at length accomplished the principal object of his tour, he returned to Washington on the seventeenth of June, through the interior of Virginia The same demonstrations of respect and affection that were extended t ported with equal zeal and eloquence by nearly equal numbers. Mr. Rufus King, and Mr. John Sergeant, took the lead in this debate in favor of restriction ; Mr. Clay and Mr. Pinckney were the champions of the opposite party. This questioft gave rise to great warmth of feeling, and seemed at one time to threaten the dissolution of the Union. "^ In the * In the debate in the Senate on this subject, Mr. Lowrie, of Maryland, observed — "Before I sit down, permit me to advert to some expressions which have fallen from gentlemen in this debate. The gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Barbour) the other day told us, that this subject will be an ignited spark, which, communicated to an immense mass of combustion, will produce an explosion that vn\[ shake this Union to its centre. The gentleman from Georgia (Mr. "Walker) tells us, that he thinks he hears the thunders roll, he sees the father arrayed against the son, and the brother drawing the bloody sword from the bosom of the brother ! Mr. President, I will not now detain the Senate, by inquirmg in which of the States these combustible mate- rials are, or by pointing out the field on which the battle will be fought. Before that bill leaves your table, if no other gentleman takes up this part of the subject, I may perhaps take the liberty of looking at it a little more in detail ; not, sir, as a member from a single state, but as one of the representatives of the whole United States. At present, however, I will only observe, that I also believe, with those gentlemen, that we are drawing to a very serious crisis ; to save us from which, all the wisdom of the present Congress, as well as the blessings of the Almighty, will be necessary. But, sir, if the alternative be, as gentlemen thus broadly intimate, a dissolution of the Union, or the extension of slavery over this whole western country, I, for one, will choose the former. I do not say this lightly ; I am aware that the idea is a dreadful one. The choice is a dreadful one. Either side of the alternative fills my mind with horror. I have not however yet despaired of the republic. And, unless the melancholy result convinces me to the contrary, I must still believe, that we are able to dispose of this distracting question so as to satisfy the reasonable expeo tations of the people of the United States." A New York paper remarks, " We have no fear as to the result of this war o*" words. Mr. liang, were he left to struggle single-handed, would, on this subject, 27 210 MONROE. view of the subject taken by Mr. King, he confined himself chiefly to the power of Congress to lay this restriction, implied in the general authority to admit new States, and to the nature of state sovereignty. The concluding portion of his speech was devoted to a very high and momentous consideration: that by the law of nature, and the eternal rule of justice, there can be no such thing as a right in a fellow creature to hold him and his posterity in bondage ; that treaties and constitutions ought to be construed in the sense of this great paramount law; and that the toleration of slavery in the original States and those fornaed from the original States, a toleration acknowledged to have grown out of necessity, could furnish no ground for originating this unjust institution, where such necessity does not exist. In a subsequent speech he alluded to the injustice of placing freemen on the footing of slaves; and to the sense of injury which the inhabitants of the free States must and ought to feel at finding themselves outvoted by an union of freemen and slaves, in any ratio whatever. He stated and repeated that the slave ratio in the representation of the old States, and those formed out of the old States, was a matter of deliberate and sacred compact. But he main- tained that to force upon the non-slave-holding States new parties to this compact, and to continue to extend the slave ratio over the vast tract of country groAving up into new States, was an injustice most flagrant in its nature, and ruinous in its necessary consequences. In the progress of this discussion an attempt was made to annex the Missouri bill to the Maine bill ; it was proposed in the Senate, and rejected by the House. The course taken in the final decision of the question of restriction was not a little remarkable. On the last day of February, 1820, after one of the longest and ablest debates ever held in Congress, the House of Kepresentatives voted, by a majority of eight, to adopt an amendment to the Missouri bill restricting slavery ; and on the first day of March, they voted, by a majority of four, to reject the amend- ment, to which they had so deliberately agreed.* On the third of March, an act was passed, admitting Maine into the Union on an equal footing with the original States. One of the most unfortunate incidents of a public nature that mark this period of our history, is the death of Commodore Decatur. He fell in a duel fought on the twenty-first of March with Commodore Barron. The course pursued by the House of Representatives on this occasion triumph over the combined battery of senatorial combatants for the extension of slavery. He will, however, be powerfully supported by Otis, Mellen, Roberts, and others ; who, in point of talents, rank high in our national senate." *The Missouri question is at length decided. The fatal die is cast, by -which a new woimd is inflicted on the honor of our country, and the curse of slavery is extended over a tract of country nearly equal to the five original slave-holding States of the Union. This has been done by means of the votes of men in both houses of Congress, whose constituents have unequivocally expressed their disappro- bation of the measure. The veto was decided in both houses by men who acted in opposition to the expressed instructions of their State Legislatures ; the decision in the House of Representatives by the votes of two men from our own State ; one of them even from our own tovm, and almost the only man belonging to the town who did not anxiously wish for a contrary decision. — Boston Repertory. MONROE. 211 was highly dignified and honorable. Eminent as had been the public services of the deceased, they refused to take the usual notice of such an event by adjournment, because he had fallen in violation of the laws of God and of his country. His funeral took place at Washington on the twenty-fifth of the month. An immense assemblage of citizens was collected on the melancholy occasion. His remains were attended to the vault at Kalorama, in which they were deposited, by a great part of the male population of the city and adjacent country, by the President of the United States, and nearly all the officers of government, members of Congress, and representatives of foreign governments at that time resi- dent in Washington. Due military honors were rendered on the occasion by the marine corps under the command of Major Miller, and minute guns were fired from the navy-yard during the procession and funeral service. On the twenty-seventh of March, the President transmitted to Congress an extract of a letter from the Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States at St. Petersburgh, bearing date the preceding first of November, on the subject of our relations with Spain ; indicating the sentiments of the Emperor of Russia, respecting the non-ratification, by his Catholic Majesty, of the treaty recently concluded between the United States and Spain, and the strong interest taken by his majesty in promoting the ratifi- cation of that treaty. He also transmitted an extract of a letter from our Minister at Madrid, of a later date than those previously communicated, by which it appears, that at the instance of the Charge des Affaires of the Russian Emperor, a new pledge had been given by the Spanish government that the Minister who had been lately appointed to the United States, should :>; -set out on his mission without delay, with full power to settle all differences ,*'/■, in a manner satisfactory to the parties. The President further communi- "' -'"cated that the governments of France and Russia had expressed an earnest desire that the United States would take no immediate step on the principle of reprisal, which might tend to disturb the peace between the States and Spain. Under these circumstances, he submitted to Congress the pro- priety of. postponing a decision on the questions then depending with Spain, until the next session. On the tenth of May, the President communicated to Congress another message on the same subject. The minister sent from Spain had received no authority to surrender the territory in dispute, and the treaty with Spain still remained unratified by his Catholic Majesty. The object of his misfeion was merely to make complaints, and demand explanations respecting an imputed system of hostility on the part of citizens of the United States, against the subjects and dominions of Spain, and an unfriendly policy in their government, and to obtain new stipulations against these alleged injuries, as the condition on which the treaty should be ratified. One proposition of the minister was, that the United States should abandon the right to recognise the revolutionary colonies in South America, or to form new relations with them. In short, the treaty Avas declared to be of no obli"^ation whatever ; and its ratification was made to depend, not on the considerations which led to its adoption, and the con- ditions which it contained, but on a new article unconnected vriih it, 212 MONROE. respecting wliicli a new negocialion was to be opened, of indefinite dura- tion, and doublfiil issue. The concluding^ passage of this message is highly honorable to the feelings which prompted it. " llnder this view of the subject, the course to be pursued would appear to be direct and obvious, if the affairs of Spain had remained in the state in which they were when this minister sailed. But it is known that an im])orlant change has since taken place in the government of that country, which c:umot fail to be sensibly fell, in its intercourse with other nations. The Minister of Spain has essentially declared his inability to act, in consequence of that change. With him, however, under his present powers, nothing could be done. The attitude of the United States must now be assumed, on full consideration of what is due to their rights, their interest, and honor, without regard to the powers or incidents of the late mission. We may, at pleasure, occupy the territory, which was intended and provided by the late treaty as an indemnity for losses so long since sustained by our citizens, but still nothing could be settled delinitely, without a treaty between the two nations. Is this the time to make the pressure ? If the United States were governed by views of ambition and aggrandizement, many strong reasons might be given in its favor. But they have no objects of that kind to accomplish ; none which are not founded in justice, and which can be injured by forbearance. Great hope is entertained that this change will promote the happiness of the Spanish nation. The good order, moderation, and humanity, which have characterized the movement, are the best guarantees of its success. The United Stales would not be justified in their own estimation, should they take any sU-p to disturb its harmony. When the Spanish govern- ment is completely organized on the principles of this change, as it is expected it soon will be, there is just ground to presume that our diffe* rences with Spain will be speedily and satisfactorily settled. With these remarks, I submit it to the wisdom of Congress, whether it will not still be advisable to postpone any decision on this subject until the next session." On the thirteenth of November, 1820, Congress reassembled at Wash- mgton. Mr. Gaillard took the chair of the Senate as President p7'o tem- pore ; and a committee was appointed to wait on the President of the United States, to inform him of the organization of the Senate, and of its readiness to receive and act upon such comn\unication as he might think proper to make. In the House of Representatives, on calling over the roll, it appeared that there were present a sufficient number of members to constitute a quorum. This being ascertained, the clerk informed the House that he had received a letter from the Honorable Henry Clay, late Speaker of the House, in which Mr. Clay begged leave to resign the oliice of Speaker, as imperious circumstances would prevent him from attending to its duties till after the Christn-as holidays. This was ordered to lie on the table, and to be inserted in the journals of the House. The House then proceeded to ballot for a new Speaker, and no choice having been made after seven successive trials, an adjournment took place without i^lection. It was evident, from an inspection of the ballotings, that the old distinctions of paity had been broken down on the occasion, and that the MONROE. 213 voles did not indicate the strength of any party before known in the country. The whole of the following day was spent by the House in an inefTec- tual attempt to choose a Speaker. Nineteen ballots took place, without the intervention of any circumstances, either from the accession of mem- bers, or a disposition to effect an union, to show whether or not a Speaker wns to be chosen. The favorite candidates were Mr. Lowndes, of South Carolina, Mr. J. W. Taylor, of New York, and Mr. Smith, of Maryland. On this day's bnlloling the former had a plurality of votes four times, Mr. Taylor five times, and Mr. Smith three times. On the second day of the session, a communication was made to the Senate by the President, accompanied with a copy of the Constitution as adopted for the government of the State of Missouri. This communica- tion having been read, it was resolved that a committee sJiould be appointed to inquire whether any, and if any, what legislative measures may be necessary for admitting the State of Missouri into the Union. On the following day, the choice of Speaker of the House was cfTected, and Mr. John W. Taylor, of New York, took the chair. The President's message was this day received and read. It commenced with an expression of much satisfaction at the state of public affairs, and of the general felicity of our situation. Nothing explicit was communicated in respect to our relations with Spain ; and no change had occurred in our relations with Great Britain. An attempt had been made to regulate our commerce with France, on the principle of reciprocity and equality, and the French minister was soon expected at Washington to attempt an arrangement of these important interests. The contest between Spain and her colonies was declared to be main- tained by the latter with most success. "In looking to the internal concerns of the country," continued the message, "you will, lam persuaded, derive much satisfaction from a view of the several objects to which, in the discharge of your official duties, your attention will be drawn. Among these, none holds a more iinpor- tant place than the public revenue, from the direct operation of the power by which it is raised, on the people, and by its influence in giving effect to every other power of the government. The revenue depends on the resources of the country, and the facility by which the amount required is raised, is a strong proof of the extent of the resources, and of the efficiency of the government. A few prominent facts will place this great interest in a just light before you. On the thirtieth of September, 1815, the funded :ind floating debt of the United States was one hundred and nineteen millions six hundred and thirty-five thousand five hundred and fifty-eight dollars. If to this sum be added the amount of five per cent, stock, subscribed to the Bank of the United States, the amount of Mississippi stock, and of the stock which was issued subsequently to that date, the balances ascertained to be due to certain States, for military services, and to individuals, for supplies furnished, and services rendered, during the late war, the public debt may be estimated as amounting at that date, and as afterwards liquidated, to one hundred and fifty-eight millions seven hundred and thirteen thousand forty-nine dollars. On 214 MONROE. the thirtieth of September, 1S20, it amounted to ninety-one millions nine hundred and ninety-three thousijnd eight hundred and eighty-three dol- lars, having been reduced in that interval, by payments, sixty-six millions eight hundred and seventy-nine thousand one hundred and sixty-five dollars. During this term, the expenses of the government of the United States were likewise defrayed, in every branch of the civil, military, and naval establishments ; the public edifices in this city have been rebuilt, with considerable additions ; extensive fortifications have been commenced, and are in a train of execution ; permanent arsenals and magazines have been erected in various parts of the Union ; our navy has been conside- rably augmented, and the ordnance, munitions of war, and stores, of the army and navy, which were much exhausted during the war, have been replenished. " By the discharge of so large a proportion of the public debt, and the execution of such extensive and important operations, in so short a time, a just estimate may be formed of the great extent of our national resour- ces. The demonstration is the more complete and gratifying, when it is recollected that the direct tax and excise were repealed soon after the termination of the late war, and that the revenue applied to these purposes has been derived almost wholly from other sources. " The receipts into the Treasury from every source, to the thirtieth of September last, have amounted to sixteen millions seven hundred and ninety-four thousand one hundred and seven dollars and sixty-six cents ; whilst the public expenditures, to the same period, amounted to sixteen millions eight hundred and seventy-one thousand five hundred and thirty- four dollars and seventy-two cents: leaving in the Treasury, on that day, a sum estimated at one million nine hundred and fifty thousand dollars. " With the Indians peace has been preserved, and a progress made in carrying into effect the act of Congress, making an appropriation for their civilization, with the prospect of favorable results. As connected equally Avith both these objects, our trade with those tribes is thought to merit the attention of Congress. In their original state, game is their sustenance, and war their occupation ; and, if they find no employment from civilized powers, they destroy each other. Left to themselves, their extirpation i.