f I M I in -^f/ /A**< r M^' MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. I7 possessed some mathematical knowledge and under- stood surveying thoroughly. As he reached his fif- teenth year, he desired to enter the British navy. It was a time of war. The tears of his mother, it is said, prevented this step when every preparation had been made ready for his embarkation. Thus it will be seen, that filial love and reverence for a widowed mother were the means used by a superintending Prov- idence to save him from a step that might have led him far away from the brilliant destiny and useful ca- reer that awaited him. CHAPTER III. , There's a divinity that shapes our ends, Rough hew them as we will. At sixteen years of age we find Washington a visitor at the house of his brother Lawrence. His brother lived at Mount Vernon, on the Potomac. Lawrence Washington had been a member of the ro3^al navy, and had accompanied Admiral Vernon to South America, in the unsuccessful expedition against Carthagena, in 1740. While on this expedition Captain Lawrence Washington formed intimate personal relations with Vernon, and at the close of the war, after he retired to his home, named the plantation he had inherited from his father after the Admiral under whom he had served. The meager records which have been spared us of the early youth of Washington, enable us to form some idea of the direction of his mind and the early development of that thoughtful consider- ation for others, and that watchfulness over himself, that so characterized his later years. When about l8 memoir of WASHINGTON. thirteen years of age, he kept a blank book for the reception of such rules and maxims as he thought useful and instructive. About forty rules are found copied in this manuscript for the government of his life, manners, and conversation. We will copy for our young readers three of the rules selected from his code : " When you speak of God or his attributes be seriously reverent. Let your recreations be man- ful^ not sinful. Labor to keep alive in your breast that little spark of celestial fire called conscience." While George was a visitor at his brother's house, he formed the acquaintance of Lord Fairfax, a near neighbor of his brother. This British nobleman, from some disappointment in love, had been induced to abandon the gay world, and had come to Virginia in 1739, ^o look after the large estates he had inherited from his mother. His mother was the daughter of Lord Culpepper, who had been the Governor of the province of Virginia between the years 1680 and 1683. His estates comprised more than five millions of- acres lyingbetween the Rappahannock and Potomac, on both sides of tiie Blue Ridge, including a great portion of the Shenandoah Valley. Lord Fairfax was so pleased with the physical and social aspects of the country that he determined to spend the remainder of his life in Virginia. He erected a beautiful seat called Bel- voir, near Mount Vernon. In 1748 he became ac- quainted with George Washington, a boy of sixteen years of age, but so mature did this boy appear to Lord Fairfax, that he intrusted to him the work of surveying his lands west of the Blue Ridge. Wash- ington faithfully executed the business committed to him, undergoing many privations and hardships in MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. I9 traversing the wild and then almost uninhabited coun- try. This pursuit was continued for three years. This was the commencement of an intimacy between Fairfax and Washington, which lasted through all po- litical changes and differences of opinion, until Fair- fax closed, at an advanced age, his earthly career. So favorable was the report given by Washington of the lands surveyed, that Fairfax determined to remove to the fertile and beautiful valley of Virginia, where, at a place called Greenway Court, he lived for many years in a state of baronial hospitality. Some of the manuscripts of Washington when a boy have come down to us, written with much accuracy and method, and testify that he had thoroughly improved all the edu- cational advantages he had possessed. How few boys in our vaunted days of progress and school facilities would be qualified at sixteen to do extensive and reliable work as a surveyor. Mr. Irving, in his Life of Wash- ington, speaks of the remarkable neatness and pre- cision of his accounts and papers when a youth, and of his skill in the construction of tables and drawing of plans. Specimens of these from his school-boy days yet remain. He acquired, too, at an early age, among his companions and contemporaries, a character for justice, veracity, and sterling honor, that he main- tained to the latest day of his life. In his intervals of toil he seemed always to be attracted to the best men and to be cherished by them. Fairfax, his employer, an Oxford scholar, became his devoted friend. He read with close attention. His papers show that he gained the power of writing and expressing himself with clearness and directness. His literary culture, as we have already hinted, was not equal to some of 20 MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. those with whom he was afterward destined to act on the great theater of national affairs ; but no man ever appeared to be, or ever was, from his youth up- ward and from his first actions, more set apart for his future Hfe and for the cause whose success he was afterward to insure. He early showed a mili- tary taste, as was proved by his desire to enter the navy in a time of war. He had great skill in horsemanship. His robust constitution' was invigorated by his early life in the wilderness and by his rigid temperance, so that few equaled him in strength of arm or power of endurance. In writing to Gov. Dinwiddie, Washing- ton says: "I can answer that I have a constitution hardy enough to encounter and undergo the most se- vere trials, and I flatter myself, resolution to face what any man dares, as shall be proved when it comes to the test." In 1754, George II. was listening to a dispatch from the Governor of Virginia, in which young Major Wash- ington concluded an account of the first skirmish with these words : " I heard the bullets whistle, and, believe me, there is something charming in the sound." The king remarked, " He would not say so if he had heard many." Washington was afterward of the king's opinion ; for when the major of the Virginia militia had become commander-in-chief of the armies of the United States, he replied to some one who asked him if he had ever expressed himself thus, " If I ever said so, it was when I was very young." This story, taken from Walpole's Memoirs of George 11. , is of very doubtful authority. George 11. was the last monarch of England who appeared MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. 21 personally on a field of battle. He had heard many- bullets whistle in the Thirty Years war. Voltaire re- cords as a fact that the reckless Charles XII. of Sweden said, that no music was so sweet to him as the whistling of bullets, but a feeling like this ill comports with the serious and serene ardor of Wash- ington. His youthful ardor bore the authority of ma- turer years. CHAPTER IV. I hear the tread of pioneers, Of nations yet to be, The first low wash of waves, where soon Shall roll a human sea. An eventful period now approached, when all the military taste and skill that Washington possessed were to be developed. The boundaries between the British and French possessions in America had been for many years a subject of dispute. The treaty of Aix la Chapelle, in 1748, left those boundaries still undefined. The English based their pretensions to the territories they claimed, on the discoveries of the Cabots. John Cabot, with his son Sebastian, had been sent out by Henry VII. of England on a voyage of discovery. These men were the first to discover the continent of America, in 1497- Columbus discovered the mainland of South America in 1498, at the mouth of the Orinoco. Sebastian Cabot, in a second voyage, took possession, in the name of his sovereign, of all the coast from Labrador to Chesapeake Bay. In 1524, a Florentine navigator, sailing in the service of France, explored the coast from the Carolinas to New- 22 MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. foundland. Ten years afterward, Cartier discovered the St. Lawrence river and took possession in the name of the king of France, and all the country north of it. The French, however, made no permanent settlement on the St. Lawrence until one was made at Quebec, in 1608. The English claimed all the coast from Newfoundland to Florida. The French claimed all the interior portion adjacent to the St. Lawrence, and the Mississippi and its tributaries, on the ground that they had explored it ; and in order to make good their claims they had erected forts in vari- ous places in this region. The Spaniards and Portu- guese had taken possession of all South America, and the former power had made settlements in Florida. Thus you see the powers of Europe, the white men, claimed all the immense territories of the red •men. It must ever be thus : ignorance and barbarity must yield to knowledge and civilization. The history of the red men, or Indians, is full of painful and tragic interest. There have been occasionally revealed among these untaught children of the wilderness the most noble traits of character — gleams and flashes of nobility that prove they were created by the Great Spirit, whom they profess to worship. Think of the heroic conduct of the Indian Virginian maiden Poca- hontas, who risked her own life to save another's, and of her kindness and generosity manifested to the infant colony at Jamestown. Where did she learn mercy?* Not from her cruel father or treacherous *Some historians now affect to disbelieve the story of the inter- position of tlie Indian maiden to save Smith. The elements of probability in this incident challenge our belief. Some persons are unbelievers in all heroism. " When a man is infected," says Dr. Ar- nold, "with anti-romance, he has lost the finest part of his nature." MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. 23 countrymen. No ; they considered it a virtue to tor- ture their enemies. Her virtues were instincts kindled in her breast by the Holy Spirit. There were, too, bold brave spirits among them ; such as Philip in the early days of Indian warfare (in New England), and Pontiac in the Northwest, and Tecumseh, half a cen- tury ago, who would have driven the white man from their borders, but the odds against them were too fear- fully great. A short time before the Revolutionary war com- menced (in October, 1774), the Shawanese Indians waged fearful strife in western and southwestern Vir- ginia. Some of the bloodiest and best contested battles in the annals of forest warfare were then fought. Of all the western Indians, the Shawanese were the fiercest. It was in this Indian war that "Logan" satisfied his revenge for injuries he had received previously, from a cruel white man. Logan made a speech in defense of his conduct that has made liis name famous, showing the cruel wrongs he had received. In their early history especially, many of their speeches to the white men were full of eloquence and truth. Some of our statesmen and historians have taken much pains and pleasure to present in their pages the burning words and forcible remonstrances of the poor Indian — but, alas ! they could avail nothing. It was the plan of a wise Providence that the more enlightened white man should possess this great country. It was the plan of God that the religion of Christ should in this land have full scope and extension. Retribution doubt- less has come, and will come, upon the oppressors of this poor savage people. The Great Spirit has heard and will hear their cry. Heaven's unerring arm will 24 MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. certainly fall upon those who wantonly have done or are doinsf them wrong. The historical memories of this strange people are embalmed in the grand na- tional features of our country. To future generations, the names of our lakes, rivers, and mountains wall bear the most certain testimony of the existence and residence of this peculiar people. CHAPTER V. Come, bright improvement! on the car of Time, And rule the spacious world from clime to clime; Thy handmaid arts shall every wild explore, Trace every wave, and culture every shore. On Erie's banks, where tigers steal along And the dread Indian chants a dismal song. Each wandering genius of the lonely glen Shall start to view the glittering haunts of men. We now return to the historical events of which we were speaking. In consequence of the conflicting claims between England and France a war ensued, called the French and Indian war. It was a contest for territory and dominion in America. An organiza- tion known as the Ohio Company had obtained from the king of England a grant of land on and near the Ohio river, for the purpose of settling the country and carrying on the fur trade with the Indians. The plan formed by France, of uniting Canada with Louisiana by a line of forts, now began to be de- veloped. They began to make aggressive acts on the land claimed by the Ohio Compan}'-, and within the province of Virginia. A line of posts was com- menced from the lakes to the Ohio. The attention of Mr. Dinwiddle, then Governor of Virginia, was at- MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. 25 tracted to the encroachments of the French. He there- fore deemed it his duty, in the name of the king of England, his master, to protest against the violation of treaties between the two crowns. The envoy se- lected to carry the remonstrance of the Governor of Virginia to the French commandant was George Wash- ington, not then twenty-two years of age. Fame waited on him from his youth. Washington seems to have accepted this arduous mission with alacrity, ex- tending perhaps his view, with prophetic foresight, to the future scenes that would be enacted in that coun- try. Washington set out on his mission on the last day of October, 1753, from Williamsburg, then the capital of Virginia. He was sent to a council of Indian chiefs on the Ohio, and to meet French offi- cers near Lake Erie. A poet speaks of a man in solitude, or on a desolate island, as being denied the greatest of human pleasures, " the sweet music of speech." It must have been a great embarrassment to Washington to be compelled to transact "business with men when both the savage and civilized man must speak to him in an unknown tongue. He took with him a French interpreter and several Indian traders. He had before him a difficult journey of four hundred miles, through a wilderness inhabited by hostile In- dians. When he reached the spot where the Alle- ghany and Monongahela rivers unite to form the Ohio, he examines the spot with the eye of an engi- neer, and recommends in his journal that the Ohio Company should build a fort at this place. A short time subsequent to Washington's visit, the French seized this place, after the Ohio Company had begun 26 MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. a fortification. They erected a fort, and called it Fort Du Quesne, alterthe French governor of Canada. Washington met in this vicinity several Indian chiefs. He gives a graphic account of an interview with the king of the Delawares, whose residence or wigwam was in the immediate vicinity of the present city of Pittsburgh. Washington was conducted by his guides to Fort Venango, on the Alleghany river, and from thence to Fort Le Boeuf, on French creek, where he found the French commandant, St. Pierre. On his return he encountered many hardships from storms and floods and hostile Indians. He reached Wil- liamsburg in eleven weeks from the time he had left it, and delivered to Dinwiddie, St. Pierre's letter in re- ply. St. Pierre said he was acting under the orders of Du Quesne, his governor, and that he should not leave the territory. The English now understood that it was time to prepare for a struggle with the French, if they would hold and secure their territory on the Ohio river. This expedition of Washington may seem to the young people of this day a small affair, but remember, it required much bravery of heart and bodily exposure to accomplish it. The perseverance with which Washington surmounted difficulties on this occasion, and the judgment dis- played in his intercourse with the Indians, greatly raised him in public estimation. The country over which this young man now traveled was a wilderness. There were savages to encounter — sometimes friendly, but more frequently inimical ; there were great rivers to cross, whose waters had never been disturbed ex- cept by the Indian's canoe, and almost inaccessible mountain fastnesses to traverse. On one occasion MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. 27 his dusky guide proved treacherous. Turning suddenly around, he sped an arrow in the direction of Wash- ington and his companion, Mr. Gist. It fell harmless at their feet : then Mr. Gist would have killed the In- dian, deeming an Indian's life of little worth, but Washington stayed his hand. There was mercy in his Christian heart toward this stealthy foe. Now, all that region that was then so rugged in its wild- ness is clothed with beauty. The mountains still frown in their magnificence, the primeval forests still wave upon their summits, but man has made himself smooth roads around their sides and can travel over them with almost lightning speed, scarcely conscious of ascent or descent. The place that Washington sur- veyed as an excellent site for a fort, is now encom- passed by a large prosperous city. In our country, smil- ing landscapes, fruitful fields, the busy hum of cities, meet us on every hand. Have my young readers ever reflected upon these grand, glorious things? By whom were they purchased? How much danger is to be encountered, how many privations endured, how much toil, how many tears, how much blood, does it cost to build up a nation or an empire? Washington was the leader, the pioneer who opened the way for improvement. He was assisted by a band of noble coadjutors, who laid the foundation of the multiform and wondrous structures which we now glorify. All nations have extolled their founders. The ancient Romans made their apotheosis, i.e.^ they erected sta- tues to those men who had suffered much in procur- ing blessings for their countrymen, and then placed the statues in the temples of their gods. We must not deiiy our fathers, but we must venerate and emu- 28 MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. late their self-denial, their industry, their independ- ence, and patriotism. Why are the deeds of virtu- ous ancestors and of the benefactors of states so praiseworthy ? It is because their work was not so much for themselves as for those who came after them. Life is often too short for the fruition of glori- ous deeds, but the works follow them. Let the foot- prints of the wise and good encourage you to follow, treading firmly the paths of truth and right, though the way be rough, and though thorns rise up to prick and sting you. CHAPTER VL But we will combat for our father's land, And we will drain the life-blood where we stand, To save our children; fight ye side by side, And serried close, ye men of youthful pride. St. Pierre's letter and the report made by Wash- ington of the warlike preparation he had witnessed, induced the Virginia assembly to authorize their gov- ernor to raise a regiment. A regiment of three hun- dred men was soon collected. Mr. Fry, a gentleman well acquai4ited with the western country, was made commander or colonel, and JNIajor Washington made lieutenant-colonel. Washington seemed to con- sider it important to enter into active service imme- diately. He therefore requested that he might march in advance with two companies. He accordingly set out m the beginning of April, 1754, ^^ ^ place on the Monongahela river called " Great Meadows." As soon as ht^ arrived, he was informed by some friendly Indians that the French had dispossessed the work- men employed by the Ohio Company to erect a fort MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. 29 at the confluence of the Alleghany and Monongahela rivers, and were themselves completing the fort called Fort Du Quesne. They further told them that a de- tachment from that place was on its march to the " Great Meadows." The Indians offering themselves as guides, Col. Washington set out on a dark rainy night. He surrounded the French encampment and completely surprised it. It was a few miles west of the " Great Meadows." At daybreak, Washington's troops fired and rushed upon the French, who immediately surrendered. One man only escaped. There was. but one man killed, but he was a person of distinction : it was Mr. Jumonville, the commanding officer. It is s^id, we believe on the authority of Chateaubriand (a famous Frenchman), that the death of Jumonville was greatly deplored in the salons of Paris, and the young man Washington execrated. So you see that even at this early day the eyes of the intelligent and fashionable in the Old World were cast with interest on the rising fortunes of the New. The residue of the regiment was now on its way to join Washington's detachment. Col. Fry died at Patter- son's creek, on his way thither. The command then devolved on Col. Washington. Their junction took place at the Great Meadows, soon after which two in- dependent companies arrived — one from South Caro- lina, the other from New York. The Virginia regi- ment was not complete ; there were in all less than four hundred effective men. Fort Necessity was erected at the Great Meadows for the purpose of se- curing the provisions and the horses. The troops then commenced to march to Fort Du Quesne, to dispossess the French. When they reached Laurel Hill, about 30 MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. fourteen miles from Fort Necessity, they were met by friendly Indians, who told them that the French were advancing in numbers "like the pigeons in the woods." A trustworthy chief informed them that the French were eight hundred in number, and the Indians about four hundred. The situation of Washington and his troops was truly hazardous. They had been without bread for six days. The army marching against them could approach within five miles of the fort where they had left their provisions, and cut oft' their supplies. A council of war determined to fall back to the fort at the Great Meadows. In pursuance of this advice. Col. Washington began to ditch around the fort. Before they had proceeded far with their work, the enemy, amounting to fifteen hundred men, under De Villiers, appeared and commenced a furious at- tack upon the fort. The Americans met them with intrepidity, fighting partly within the fort and in the ditch half-filled with water. Col. Washington, it is said, fought the whole day on the outside of the fort. The enemy fought under cover of the trees and high grass. The engagement lasted from ten in the morning until dark, when Monsieur De Villiers of- fered terms of capitulation. The fort was surrendered on condition that the garrison -be permitted to retire unmolested, with the honors of war, and be permitted to retain arms and baggage. Great credit was accorded by his countrymen to CoL Washington for his intre- pidity, and a vote of thanks was rendered to him and the officers under his command. Soon after this time, September, 1754, ^^^^ Virginia regiment was reduced to independent companies. In the winter following, orders were received from Eng- MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. 3I land settling the rank of his majesty's forces when serving with the provincial forces in North America. All officers commissioned by the king were to take rank of all^officers commissioned by the governors of their respective provinces. The field officers of the provincial troops should have no rank, when serving with the officers of the crown. Captains of the royal troops were to take rank of provincial officers of the same grade having senior commissions. Notwith- standing Washington's love for a military life, he de- termined to retire from the army, since he could not hold the rank that was justly his due. And, when pressed by letters, begging him to continue to hpld his commission, he replied he would serve with pleas- ure whenever he could do so without dishonor. Such were the punctilious feelings of this heroic soldier. CHAPTER VII. Wisdom's self oft seeks retired solitude, Where, with her best nurse, contemplation, She plumes her feathers, and lets go her wings. His eldest brother, Mr. Lawrence Washington, had lately died and had left him his paternal estate on the Potomac, Mount Vernon. To this place he now retired, but he was not long permitted to enjoy inglorious ease. General Braddock hearing of his merit, and the mo- tives which had induced him to decline military serv- ice, now invited him to become his aid. This invita- tion was accepted, with the stipulation that when the campaign was over he might be permitted to retire to his private affairs. Col. Washington accompanied 32 MEMOIR OF -WASHINGTON. Braddock to Will's creek, afterward Fort Cumberland (now the city of Cumberland, in northwestern Mary- land). It is at the eastern base of the Alleghany Mountains. Here the army was detained,. waiting for ■wagons to take their provisions. Washington advised that they should use pack-horses, instead of wagons^ on account of the bad roads. His advice v\as rejected at first, but afterward adopted. This army of Braddock's consisted of two British regiments and a few corps of provincials. Washington was taken ill on the road and compelled to stop. He urged Braddock to take as little baggage as possible, and to choose a select corps in order to press on to Fort Du Quesne before the whole body of the French army expected at that place could arrive. Braddock adopted this advice. He selected twelve hundred men, to be commanded in person by Braddock, accompanied by Sir Peter Halket as a brigadier ; Dunbar and Chapman were to remain with the residue of the regiments and the heavy baggage. Washington was disappointed that there was not more celerity used. He writes to his brother, that this army had occupied four days in reaching the crossing of the Youghiogheny, a distance of only nineteen miles. "They stop," complained Washington, " to level every mole-hill and throw bridges over every brook." The day before the action on the Monongahela, Washington rejoined the army. Washington, knowing the habits of the Indians, begged that a party of scouts should be sent in front to examine the ground and watch the Indians. This all- important suggestion was disregarded. The army soon fell into an ambush of French and Indians. In a short time after this action commenced, Washington MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. 33 was the only aid who remained alive and unwounded. Upon him, therefore, devolved the whole duty of car- rying the orders of the commander-in-chief. He had two horses killed under him, and four bullets passed through his coat. Dr. Craik, his surgeon and friend, was an eye-witness of this bloody affair, and expected every moment to see him fall, lie said, in relating the incidents of this tragedy. The action lasted three hours. The brave Braddock, after having three horses killed under him, received a mortal wound. He died four days after the battle. The superintend- ing providence of God saved Washington unhurt. As there was no chaplain present, Washington him- self read the funeral service over the body of his com- mander. Braddock's troops, when their leader was killed, were seized with a panic and fled in all direc- tions. Washington, with pious care, superintended the removal and burial of the body. In writing to Gov. Dinwiddie, Washington says the officers of Braddock behaved with great bravery, but the con- duct of the regular troops (so-called) was dastardly ; they ran as sheep before hounds. The Virginia com- panies acted nobly and died like soldiers ; for out of three companies on the ground that day, only thirty men remained alive ! Washington's conduct in this battle has been greatly extolled, and it is believed by his countrymen that if Washington's advice had been followed, the terrible disasters of that day would have been avoided. "Braddock's defeat brought great suf- ferings on the back settlements of Virginia. The Indians were encouraged to make extensive depredations on the valley of Virginia. Many fami- 34 MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. lies fled from their homes, terrified by the incursions of ruthless savages. The Virginia legislature deter- mined to raise sixteen companies to defend the settle- ments in the valley from these wily, treacherous foes. The command of this regiment was given to Col. Washington. He was designated as the commander in-chief of the forces that were raised and of all that might be raised. A task like unto the labors of Her- cules was now imposed upon him. The frontier to be. protected was three hundred and fifty miles in extent. The militia system was very defective, and the num- ber of troops in the regular establishment was totally insufficient to protect so extensive a frontier. Maraud- ing parties of French and Indians were constantly attacking the small forts, and had frequent skirmishes with the scouting parties sent out against them. The people lived in continual alarm. "The suppli- cating tears of the women, and the moving petidons of the men, meet me wath such deadly sorrow, that I could offer myself as a sacrifice if it would contribute to the people's ease." Large bodies of savages were in the service of France, and in 1757 they spread desolation and rapine over the whole country west of the Blue Ridge. The exertions of the Vir- ginia regiments to protect the inhabitants were inef- fectual. Washington had for a long time been anxious to adopt offensive measures, but some time elapsed before his views were adopted. He desired to attack Fort Du Quesne and take it from the French. In 1758, his desire _w^as gratified. The fort w^ns taken without loss of life or the shedding of blood. While Washington and his men were advancing to the fort with painful steps, expecting a severe con- MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. 35 flict, the French, pressed by famine, escaped down the Ohio river, deserting forever the place they had seemed so anxious to retain. Tliis fort, so all im- portant to the southern and middle provinces, had been surrendered by the Fre;:ch on account of the in- terceptini^ of their supplies and re-enforcements by a British fleet ; also by the success of th'e English and Americans in the North, which rendered it impossible for the French any longer to support this fort. The fort was now repaired, and a new name was given to it. It was called Fort Pitt (now Pittsburgh), after England's great minister, who now with much vigor and talent governed the nation. Col. Wasiiington, leaving two hundred men at Fort Pitt, returned to Winchester, from which place he soon after set out for the capital, to attend the House of Burgesses, of which he had been elected a member by the county of Frederick, Va. In consequence of the removal of the French from the Ohio, there was a cessation of the hostilities of the Indians. As the country was now relieved from danger, Washington determined to re- tire from military service. His health was impaired by his recent warfare and exposure. He resigned his commission as colonel of the First Virginia regiment and as commander of the colonial troops. 36 MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. CHAPTER VIII. Domestic Happiness, thou only bliss Of Paradise, that has survived the fall ! Thou art not known where pleasure is adored, That reeling goddess with the zoneless waist. The troops that Washington had commanded in his late campaign made him an affectionate address, ex- pressive of the high opinion they entertained both of his military and private character. Soon after his res- ignation he was married to Mrs. Custis, a young widow. This lady had one child, a son — ^John Parke Custis. As an evidence of Washington's apprecia- tion of his wife, we must tell you that on the death of this son, in 1781, Washington adopted two of his chil- dren, G. W. Custis and Eleanor Parke Custis. The portraits of Mrs. Martha Washington that have come down to us, reveal a face and form of much beauty. She is said to have possessed the qualities which make a happy home. Washington's life and domestic record were as unspotted and pure as were the archives of his military and civil career. The inter- val of years between the marriage of Washington and his appointment as commander-in-chief of the armies of the " Thirteen Colonies" was passed chiefly at Mount Vernon. His attention was much occupied and interested in the improvement of his estate, ex- cept when public affairs called him hence. The win- ter months during this time were usually spent in the capital of his native state, representing the inter- ests of his county in the legislature. He took an early and decided part in the opposition made to the prin- ciple of taxation asserted by the British Parliament. MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. 37 What is it we are contending against? Is it against paying threepence more for a pound of tea? Has it become burdensome? No; it is the right that we have always disputed. For years previous to the declaration of hostilities, there were continual alter- cations between the mother country, England, and her colonies, chiefly on account of taxation. Parlia- ment declared the right to tax the colonies, inasmuch as much expense of treasure had been incurred dur- ing the French and Indian war, which war they al- leged was for the protection and benefit of the colo- nies. The colonies claimed that they had borne their full share in the expenses of that war, both in blood and treasure. The two states, Virginia and Massachusetts, were foremost in declaring that there could be no taxation without representation. The meaning of this is that, as our country was not repre- sented in the British Parliament, that body had no right to levy taxes upon a people who had no voice or votes in the matter. " It is the glory of England," says Guizot, " that she implanted beside the cradle of her colonies the germ of their freedom. The}^ were endowed with charters, which conferred upon them the liberties of the mother country." One of the first measures that roused open resistance in America was the Stamp Act. This was a tax levied in the shape of a stamp on all records and deeds and public documents. My young readers will recollect that they see constantly, nozv, stamps affixed to many articles that they purchase, also to all receipts of money, except very small sums. This is a favorite mode which governments adopt to obtain a revenue ; but they must understand that our present stamp acts MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. are the result of laws passed b}- our own state legisla- tures or by Congress. So intense was the indignation produced through all the American colonies by the passage of the Stamp Act, in 1765, that Parliament deemed it most prudent to repeal it the next 3'ear. Patrick Henry, in the legislature of Virginia, distin- guished himself by his bold eloquence in opposition to this act. The colonial Congress, held in New York, representing nine colonies, adopted a declara- tion of their rights. They sent a petition to the king and a memorial to Parliament. No officials were bold enough when the day of action came to carry this ob- noxious law into execution. The colonial merchants refused to import goods until the law was repealed. One year after the repeal of the Stamp Act, a tax was levied on glass, painters' colors, paper, and tea. The duties on all these were soon repealed, except the duty on tea. The tax was threepence per pound. The tea brought to New York and Philadelphia was sent back ; that brought to Charleston, South Caro- lina, was stored in damp cellars, and consequently perished. The ship-loads brought to Boston produced the greatest commotions. Men disguised as Indians cast many chests -of the precious article into the sea. As a punishment to Boston for this act and other meas- ures, the Boston port-bill was passed, which prohib- ited intercourse with Boston by water. Two regi- ments of soldiers were sent from Halifax to Boston to overawe the transgressors. In September, i774» the first Continental Congress met at Philadelphia ; Peyton Randolph was its president. This Congress recommended a suspension of commercial intercourse with Great Britain. Able state papers were sent to MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. 39 the king and the people of England, but they thought not yet of separation. Washington was a member of this Congress. He said, in October, 1774, that he was convinced that not one thinking man in all North America desired independence. He earnestly de- sired to restore tranquillity on constitutional grounds, but his indignation at the wrongs of Boston could only be appeased by redress. " It is not the wish of that colon}^ or of any of our colonies, to set up for independ- ence, but none of them will consent to the loss of rights, without which, life, liberty, and property are rendered insecure." Independence was not the premeditated design of the colonies, nor at first the object of their wishes. CHAPTER IX. Now I will unclasp a secret book, And to your quick conceiving discontents I'll read jou matter deep and dangerous; As full of peril and adventurous spirit As to o'erwalk a current roaring loud," On the unsteadfast footing of a spear ! To break off the established order of government, and to undertake the establishment of a new state, to begin an insurrection, is an act of most solemn import for such men as these were, or for any men of sense and virtue. The most far-sighted can never measure its whole extent ; the most resolute would quail if they knew the entire danger. The greatest minds of England opposed, with all the argumentative elo- quence they could use, the extreme measures of the king and his ministry. Chatham and his son Will- iam Pitt, Burke, Camden, Shelburne, Fox, and others 40 MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. exerted themselves for conciliation. "It is not re- pealing a piece of parchment," said Lord Chatham, " that can restore America to our bosom ; you must re- peal her fears and her resentments, and you may then hope for her love and gratitude. When your lordships look at the papers transmitted to us from America, when you consider their decenc}^ firmness, and wisdom, you can not but respect their cause and wish to make it your own. For myself, I must avow that in all my reading, and I have read Thucydides, and have studied and admired the master states of the world, but for solidity of reasoning, force of sagac- ity, and wisdom of conclusion under a complication of difficult circumstances, no nation or body of men can stand in preference to the general Congress assembled at Philadelphia. Throw down the weapons in your hands, remove the troops from Boston." Thus spoke the wise Lord Chatham. How beautiful the compli- ment he paid to the written protests of our forefathers ! Notwithstanding the eloquence of Chatham and the close reasoning of Camden, the motion was rejected by a vote of sixty-eight to eighteen. The Duke of Cumberland, one of the king's brothers, voted with the minority. The hearts of that majority, like Pharaoh, were hardened. "The debates of that day," says Ban- croft, " prove that the inevitable war was made with the ministry, and not with the British people." Dr. Franklin was then resident in London. He had heard with great admiration Lord Chatham's speech. He was now environed by danger. Some of the ministry affected to consider him the cause of the troubles of the colonies. Gage was his accuser from Boston, and Hutchinson, the former governor of Massachusetts, MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. 4I then in London, his determined enemy. He knew himself to be in danger of arrest, yet he remained, hoping that his presence near the throne and ministry at this momentous time might be productive of good to his beloved country. The friends of the colonies en- treated him to stay, as there was some glimmering of hope that the manufacturers and merchants of England would successfully interpose their mediating influence. But the day of Revolution was at hand. No man, or set of men, could resist the tide of events that surged over the land. The opposition of Boston to the ar- bitrary measures that had been imposed upon her was bold and heroic. Indeed, the whole country was agitated and roused to a spirit of resistance by the wrongs of Boston. Virginia looked to Washington as her adviser in military affairs. In December, i774» the Maryland Convention, resting the security of free governments on a well-regulated militia, had recom- mended to the inhabitants of the province to form themselves into companies, under officers of their own choice, and had apportioned among the several counties ten thousand pounds in currency, to be raised by voluntary offerings, for the purchase of arms. This measure took the sword out of the hands of the gov- ernor, and directed the people to choose their own officers. The Virginians of the Fairfax county com- mittee adopted almost the very words of these reso- lutions, and Washington, as the chairman of this Fairfax committee, published the Fairfax resolves, as they were called, under the sanction of his name. Every county in Virginia glowed with zeal to form its militia, yet Virginia loved to consider herself an integral part of the British empire. " England, with 42 MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. all thv faults, I love thee still," was the feeling of many of her people. Though quick to resent aogression, they abhorred the experiment of changing the form of government, without some absolute necessity. Of all the colonies, it was the most open to attack. The bay of the Chesapeake, and the deep waters of the York, the James, and the Potomac, bared it to in- vasions from the sea. Virginia was now almost des- titute of mihtary stores, except a little powder in a magazine near Williamsburg. She had no military defenses. The late war with the Shawanese Indians had drained Virginia of her military resources, and left her largely in debt. Yet she met the coming storm with wonderful determination. On the 20th of March, i775» ^^^^ second convention assembled at Richmond, at St. John's Church. It was then and there that Patrick Henry made his famous speech, reported by Mr. Wirt in his Life of Henry. He offered the resolution "that this colony be put in a posture of defense, and that the committee prepare a plan for the embodying, arming, and dis- ciplining such a number of men as may be sufficient for that purpose." His speech was electrical, and pro- duced a conflict of feelings and opinions in every breast. The thought of an actual conflict with the mother country was new and startling. " What," said Henry, "has there been in the conduct of Britain, for the last ten years, to justify a hope of reconciliation? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, that it must be pur- chased at the price of chains and slavery ? Forbid it, Almighty God ! I know not what others may do, but, as for me, ' Give me liberty, or give me death I' " He was supported by Richard Henry Lee, who made an MEJ^OIR OF WASHINGTON. 43 estimate of the force which Great Britain would em- ploy against the colonies, and, after comparing it with their means of resistance, proclaimed that the auspices were good, adding, " Thrice is he armed who hath his quarrel just." The resolutions were adopted to put the colony in a state of defense, and a committee appointed to give them effect. Henry, Lee, Jeffer- son, Washington, and others were members of this committee. Before dissolving this convention, she appointed members to Congress in the following May. Before this Congress met, war was declared by the shedding of blood in Massachusetts. Dunmore was at this time colonial governor of Virginia. He seized the pow- der in the magazine at Williamsburg on the night of the 20th of April. As soon as it was discovered, the people sounded the alarm, and he was compelled to restore it. On the 29th of April, six hundred well-armed men assembled in Fredericksburg, Virginia, pledging their lives and fortunes to resist all invasions of the rights of Virginia or of any of her sister colonies. This was the immediate consequence of Dunmore's violent acts. Washington and Peyton Randolph persuaded these men to disperse. A message from Massachusetts was already on the wing to apprise them that the battles of Lexingrton and Concord had been fought ; that war had actually commenced. (You of my young readers, who remember the actual beginning and announcement of the war in 1861, can form a definite idea of the horror produced by such a message.) It was on the 19th of April, I775> that Gen. Gage, Governor of Massachusetts, sent 44 MEMOIR OF WASHINGTpN. soldiers to Concoid to seize upon stores of ammuni- tion collected in that place. Messengers had been sent in different directions by the patriots of Boston to inform the people on the road to Concord of the de- signs of the British general. When the regiment of eight hundred men, sent by Gage, reached Lexing- ton, they found a party of minute-men on the common to intercept their progress. There were about sev- enty men, young and old, under the command of John Parker. He ordered his men to take care not to be the first to fire. Their guns were loaded with pow- der and ball. Major Pitcairn, who commanded the British regiment, cried out, a few rods distant, " Dis- perse, ye rebels; lay down your arms!" The coun- trymen, too few to resist, yet too brave to flee, stood motionless in the ranks. Pitcairn, seeing their de- termined stand, discharged a pistol, and then cried, "7^/r^/" The order was at first obeyed by a few guns, and afterward by a heavy discharge of mus- ketry. Parker, seeing it was a field of slaughter rather than of battle, ordered his men to retire. Seven of the men of Lexington were killed and nine were wounded. The British troops halted less than thirty minutes on the village green, which they stained with blood, then marched on to Concord. The command- ing officer had before dispatched six companies of in- fantry to take possession of the bridges which lay at some distance beyond the town. While the main de- tachment was employed in destroying the stores at Concord, minute-men and militia were assembling from the town and from all the country around. The king's troops were attacked on all sides — the hills seemed to swarm with rebels. Skirmish after skir- MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. 45 mish ensued. When the retreating party reached Lexington, Lord Perc}' met them with a re-enforcement. This re-enforcement kept the provincials at a distance for a time, by Xh^ir Jield-pieces, but as soon as the march recommenced, the attack of the provincials was redoubled. A galling fire was kept up from behind the stone fences until they reached Charleston, about sunset. In this action, or in the many skirmishes of that day (the 19th of April), the British are said to have lost two hundred and seventy-three men in killed and wounded. When we think of the immense masses of men that have been ranged in deadly strife against each other within the last ten years, both in our own beloved country and in Europe, the struggle of the 19th of April, 1775, niay seem a trivial affair, but how important and sublime have been the conse- quences of the events of that day. It was the begin- ning of independence to this vast commonwealth. " C'est le premier pas qui coute," says the French proverb. This first blow, or step, was now made, and all the people (with the exception of some thou- sands of loyalists) from Maine to Georgia felt that there was no retreating, unless, indeed, the mother country offered ample conciliation for the past. 46 MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. CHAPTER X. " His life was gentle; and the elements So mixed in him, that nature might stand up And saj to all the world, This is a man !" Lord North, the Premier of England, offered measures which he deemed conciliatory, but they were rejected. Ticonderoga and Crown Point soon after surrendered to a small army under the command of Col. Ethan Allen and the famous Benedict Arnold. Military stores of considerable value fell into their hands. Arnold also obtained command of the lakes, by seizing a sloop of war lying at St. Johns. Dun- more, the royal governor of Virginia, alarmed by the ferment produced by his seizure of the powder, went on board the Fowey man-of-war, then lying in York river, a few miles below Williamsburg. He never returned to the seat of government, and thus ended forever the royal government of Virginia. In revenge for a defeat he received from a body of Virginians, whom he had attacked with a force of tories and ne- groes, he, on the first day of the new year, i^^6, re- duced the town of Norfolk to ashes. On the very day of the capture of Ticonderoga, May loth, the second Con- tinental Congress convened at Philadelphia. Wash- ington was a member of this Congress, and was placed on all the committees whose duty it was to make arrangements for defense. His military experience in early life, the solidity of his judgment, the steady firmness of his temper, the dignity of his deportment, his integrity and patriotism, together with his inde- pendent circumstances, seemed to designate Washing- ton as the person to whom the destinies of his country MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. 47 should be confided. He was unanimously appointed commander-in-chief of all the troops raised in the united colonies and all that should be raised. An army of twenty thousand men was ordered to be raised. Washington modestly consented to accept the momentous responsibilities incposed upon him. He .declined all compensation for his services, but said he would keep an exact account of his expenses, ex- pecting Congress to discharge the debts thus incurred. The appointment of Washington as commander-in- chief was made on the 15th of June, 1775. Con- gress made a solemn declaration to adhere to him through all the trying hours of the coming contest, pledging their lives and fortunes for the maintenance and preservation of American liberty. " Two things," says Guizot, " alike arduous and great, are part of the duty, and may constitute the glory of man : the one is to endure misfortune with resignation ; the other to trust in a good cause with persevering con- fidence." Washington was, at the time of his appoint- ment, forty-three years of age. In stature he rather exceeded six feet ; his limbs were sinewy and well- proportioned ; his chest broad ; his figure stately, blending dignity of presence with ease. His com- plexion was florid ; his hair dark-brown ; his head in its shape was perfectly round. His dark-blue eyes, which were deeply set, had an appearance of resig- nation and an earnestness that was almost sadness. Whether Washingtonwas a man of genius or a man of great military capacity, like Caesar or Napoleon, has not been unfrequently agitated. No comparison can be drawn between characters so differently situ- ated. Washington was compelled to be not only the 48 MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. commander of an army, but the creator or organizer of it. Every detail was necessarily made under his inspection. There was no commissariat and no money in the treasury when he reached the army at Cam- bridge. From his early youth, he evinced more mili- tary capacity than his associates. The neglect of his advice cost Braddock his life, in 1755. The skill and energy visible in the .operations of Forbes, by which the valley of the Ohio was recovered, has always been attributed to him. He could not trace with the pencil of the painter the glowing landscape, nor mold as a sculptor the marble. He was not a musician, nor was he an orator like Henry or Rutledge ; but, by a wonderful combination of qualities of mind and heart, he created a nation. He had " an eye like Mars, to threaten and command." He was the father of his country. He was equal to all the trying emergencies that met him, not only as a general, but as a president. " What a relief," says Lord Brougham (after contem- plating the character of Napoleon), " does the friend of mankind, the lover of virtue, experience when, turn- ing from the contemplation of such a character, his eye rests upon the greatest man of any age — the only one upon whom the epithet so thoughtlessly lavished by men can be innocently and justly bestowed." Washington has been sometimes called the American Fabius, from an opinion that the art of avoiding gen- eral engagements, of deceiving the enem}'^ by tem- porizing, was his peculiar taste and talent. (Fabius, my young readers must remember, was a wise, pru- dent Roman general, whose adversary was the greatest general of his age — the renowned Hannibal of Carthage. Fabius generally preferred to harass MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. 49 and deceive his foes, than to rneet them in a pitched battle. The battles of Trenton and Princeton show, that whenever it was practicable or possible Washing- ton was anxious to assume the offensive. Bancroft says, in speaking of the religious feelings of Wash- ington, he was profoundly impressed with confidence in God's Providence, and exemplary in his respect for the forms of public worship. No philosopher of the eighteenth century was more firm in the support of the freedom of religious opinions — none more re- mote from bigotr}'- ; but belief in God and trust in His overruling power formed the essence of his char- acter. " He was a man of action, not of words; his creed appears in his life, not in his professions, which rarely burst from him except in those great moments of crisis, when earth and heaven seemed to meet, and his emotions became too intense for suppression ; but his whole being was one continued act of faith in the eternal, intelligent, moral order of the universe." Integrity was so completely the law of his nature, that a planet would sooner have shot from its sphere than he have wandered from the path of uprightness, which was so constant that it seemed almost imper- sonal. This is very eloquent and very just, yet Washington's religion did not dwell in cold abstrac- tions. He doubtless felt the need of all those helps which the church has provided for the sustenance and spiritual growth of her children. He was a man of prayer. It is said upon excellent authority, that he never went into battle without retiring first for seci-et prayer, when time and opportunity permitted. He obeyed the command of our Lord, " Do this in remem- brance of me." He was a communicant of the Episcopal 50 MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. Cliurch, in which he had been educated. He was a regular attendant of the church in his neighborhood, when at home. When President of the United States, he was a member of the congregation which wor- shiped at Christ Church, Philadelphia, Bishop White being at that time the rector. CHAPTER XI. What constitutes a state? Not high raised battlements or labored mound, Thick walls or moated gates, Not cities proud with spires and turrets crowned, Not bays and broad armed ports, Where laughing at the storm rich navies ride. No! men, high-minded men. Men who their duties know. Who know their rights, and knowing dare maintain. Upon the arrival of re-enforcements from England, under Generals Howe, Burgoyne, and Sir Henry Clinton, Gage issued a proclamation about the last of May, 1775, declaring all Americans in arms rebels and traitors, but offering pardon to those who should at once return to their allegiance. John Hancock and Samuel Adams were excepted from this offer. It was now evident that the British meditated offen- sive operattons. The Provincial Congress now re- commended the defense of Dorchester Neck and the occupation of a high piece of ground just within the peninsula, on which Charlestown stands. A detach- ment of one thousand men was sent under Col. Pres- cott to take possession, but Breed's Hill was marked out instead of Bunker's Hill for the proposed intrench- ments. This party, by diligent work, threw up in one MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. 5 1 night a square redoubt forty yards on each side. The ships ■ of war stationed in the river near by, knew nothing of the fortification in progress. When day- light revealed the work done, a heavy cannonade was commenced. Gen. Gage tliought it necessary to drive the provincials from this eminence, as it over- looked Boston. He sent Major-General Howe, with Pigot, at the head of ten companies of grenadiers and the same number of light infantry. They perceived the Americans stood their ground with firmness. They therefore awaited a re-enforcement from Boston in order to render the enterprise secure. During this interval, the Americans received re-enforcements un- der Generals Warren and Pomeroy ; they also used this delay in pulling up post and rail fences, and ar- ranging them in two parallel lines a small distance apart — the space was filled with hay, so as to form a cover from the musketry of the enemy. The British troops were formed in two lines. Being re-enforced, they advanced slowly under cover of a heavy dis- charge of cannon, frequently stopping to allow their artillery to destroy the works. While they were ad- vancing, orders were given to set fire to Charlestown, a pretty village, which flanked their line of march. The scene of action was in full view of the heights of Boston and its neighborhood, which were covered with spectators taking deep and opposite interests in the awful spectacle before them. Twice the British ascended the hill within a few rods of the redoubt, and were each time repulsed with heavy loss. The third time they ascended, the Americans were forced to retreat for want of ammunition. The British lost in this action of Bunker Hill (as it is called) a thou- 52 MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. sand men in killed and wounded. The Americans are said to have lost four hundred and fifty men. Among the killed was Dr» Warren, a man greatly be- loved. About three thousand of the British were en- gaged in this battle of Bunker Hill. The colonial force was stated through the country to have amounted to fifteen hundred men, though some say the Amer- ican force was larger. The British considered it a victory, but it was dearly bought and fruitless. Nine- teen commissioned British officers were among the killed and seventy among the wounded. The Ameri- cans retreated to Cambridge. Although the ground was lost, the Americans gained confidence in them- selves and were greatl}' encouraged by the deter- mined valor and intrepidity of their raw troops at Bunker Hill. Two armies were sent to Canada, to prevent the country being used as a place of rendez- vous and supply for the British. Arnold commanded one division and Schuyler the other. Schuyler, how- ever, soon declined on account of sickness. His place was filled by Montgomery, an officer much beloved. Arnold, after a most tedious march through the wil- derness of Maine, reached Quebec. Quebec was be- sieged for three weeks, but the attempt to take it was unsuccessful. On the last day of 1775 » the Ameri- can army assailed the city in four columns. Mont- gomery fell and Arnold was severely wounded. Ar- nold effected a retreat and remained some time longer in Canada. By the middle of June, 1776, Canada was entirely evacuated by the Americans. Had Ar- nold fallen with Montgomery at the siege of Quebec, the darkest chapter in American history would never have been written. His character would have come MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. 53 down to US as a brave man, full of talent and energy, and whose best efforts, amid great privations, had been used for the good of his country. To the memor}'' of the heroic Richard Montgomery, a monument was raised in Philadelphia. In the British Parliament, the great defenders of liberty vied with each other in his praise. Barre, Burke, and Fox pronounced an affecting requiem in bewailing his fate. But for Ar- nold, the brave participator in the siege of Quebec, a traitor's grave was reserved, and a name consigned to infamy. CHAPTER XII. See what a grace was seated on his brow: A combination and a form, indeed, Where every god did seem to set his seal, To give the world assurance of a man. On the 3d day of July, 1775, Washington as- sumed the command of the Continental army. His headquarters were at Cambridge. When Washing- ton reconnoitered the enemy from Prospect Hill, he saw that they were strongly posted on Bunker's Hill, From this hill he took an extended view of Boston and Charlestown. Of the latter, nothing was to be seen but chimneys and rubbish. The main body of the British army was under the immediate command of Gen. Howe. Their sentries extended ong hundred and fifty yards beyond Charlestown Neck. On Breed's Hill there was a redoubt ; three floating bat- teries lay in Mystic river. A battery was planted on Copps' Hill, and a twenty-gun ship was anchored be- low the Charlestown Ferry. Boston w^as in the pos- 54 MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. session of the British. There were nearly seven thousand Americans in the city, many of them pin- ing with sorrow, exposed to many restrictions, and subjected to the mahce of the soldiers. There were some royalists among the inhabitants. There were more than ten thousand in the British army at Boston ; yet the commanding officer had never more than seven thousand effective men, in consequence of sick- ness, desertion, and other causes. But these soldiers were thoroughly trained, and well furnished with ma- terials for war. The American army lay in a semi- circle, from the west end of Dorchester to Maiden, a distance of nine miles. This army lay on both sides of the Charles river. The commander disposed and organized the army in three divisions. The right wing was under the command of Maj. Gen. Ward, the left under Maj. Gen. Lee, and the center was un- der the immediate command of Washington. The American army presented a motley spectacle. The camp contained a people in arms rather than an army. The soldiers had enlisted under different agreements, and for periods indefinite, but short. No one could tell precisely its numbers, or the state of its stores. Each colony had its rules of military organ- ization. There was little uniformity in dress or weap- ons, but their hearts were stout and brave. The American rolls promised seventeen thousand men, but not more than fourteen thousand men were fit for dut}'. Washington quickly saw the want of subordination, and the stupid confidence of inexperience, which per- vaded not only the privates, but the inferior officers. Washington was alarmed to discover that a great mistake had been made with regard to the quantit}'^ of MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. 55 powder they possessed. The greatest exertions were necessary to relieve this pressing w^ant. Congress and all the colonial" governments were called upon to supply their needo CHAPTER XIII. Man's love is but a thing apart; 'T is woman's whole existence. Man may range The court, the camp, church, vessel, and the mart. Men have all these resources. We but one ! Soon after Washington assumed the command of the army at Cambridge, he invited Mrs. Washington to join him in the camp. Lord Dunmore had estab- lished martial law in Virginia, and it was feared by some that the favorite home of the rebel commander- in-chief would be marked out for hostility. The enemy might land from their ships in the Potomac, and lay it waste. Washington does not seem to have participated in this fear, yet he felt for his wife's loneliness, and wished her to be near him. Mr. Irving has given us a very graphic description of her equipage and of her journey to the camp near Boston. " Mrs Washington was accompanied by her son and his wife." She traveled by very easy stages, partly on account of the badness of the roads, and also out of regard to the horses, of which Washington was always very careful. Escorts of honor attended her from place to place. At Philadelphia she received the devoted attentions of the inhabitants. Her arrival at Cambridge was a glad event. The equipage in which she appeared was a chariot and four, with black postilions in black and scarlet liveries. It has been suggested that this was an English style of 56 MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. equipage which the Washingtons derived from their neighbors, the Fairfaxes. But in truth it was a style quite prevalent in Virginia at that day, especially when a long journey was to be made. Some of the families in eastern or lower Virginia lived in much elegance and luxury previous to the Revolutionary war. There was some gaiety and entertainment at Cambridge, and in the vicinity, during Mrs. Wash- ington's sojourn, although the stern realities of war were around them. There are some letters of Mrs. John Adams still extant, which relate with much naivete the festivities of that, period. We will now give you an extract of a letter from Wash- ington, written about this time, to his agent at Mount Vernon : " Let the hospitality of my house be kept up in our absence. With regard to the poor, let no one go hungry awa}^. If any poor should be in want of corn, supply their necessities. I have no objection to your giving away when it can be well bestowed charity, to the amount of forty or fifty pounds. What I mean by having no objection, is that it is 7}iy de- sire that it should be done." Such traits as these can never be dimmed by the dust of ages. Little did our great and good Washington think, when he wrote this simple letter to his agent, that he was adding another gem to the crown of his fame, of soft, but enduring luster. We must now resume the thread of warlike events. Washington saw the necessity of driving the British from Boston. Several months passed away before the council of war consented to make the at- tempt. The first military maneuver of Washington, in the spring campaign of 17176, evinced his abilities. As soon as his army was recruited, he made a move- MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. 57 ment as if intending to attack Boston. The attempt was merely a feint, and the garrison of the town discov- ered, to their astonishment, that in one night the whole chain of Dorchester Heights had been fortified. To frustrate every attempt at regaining them, hogs- heads filled with stones had been chained together, to roll down upon the heads of assailants. In conse- quence of this fortification, Boston and its harbor be- came untenable. Howe, who had succeeded Gage, determined quickly to evacuate the cit3^ The Americans did not molest the retreating foe, on condition that the British should not burn Boston. The British left Boston on the 17th of March, 1776. They were accompanied by several hundred families of royalists. They sailed for Halifax. Washington entered the town in triumph, and right joyful ^NQx& the people that Boston was delivered from its enemies. Howe remained but a short time at Halifax. He believed that New York presented su- perior advantages as a station for his arm}'. His views were directed to Long Island, as he knew the countiy was fertile, and would afibrd supplies to his army. As had been foreseen by Washington, the great effort was now to be made on the Hudson. Lord Howe, brother of Gen. Howe, arrived at Halifax just after his brother had left it. He lost no time in joining him at Staten Island, of which island Gen. Howe had taken possession. These generals determined to use every effort to possess themselves of the Hudson river. This river would open com- munication with Canada, and enable them, in a great degree, to prevent intercourse between the Eastern and Southern States. Georgia had some time before en- 58 MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON". tered into the confederation. They were now the " Thirteen United Colonies." Gen. Washington ^r^- ceded the Howes to New York. He left at Boston a small detachment, under Gen. Ward. On the day of the battle of Bunker Hill, Congress had elected four major-generals — Ward, Lee, Schujder, and Putnam. Artemas Ward was an old man. When Ward re- ceived his appointment, he said, " I have been always ready to serve my country, and am still ready, not- withstanding my infirmities." Charles Lee, the son of an English officer, was for a time a great favorite with the American army. He was invested by them, in their generous confidence, with virtues which sub- sequent events prove he did not possess. Lee claimed to be versed in the science of war — a soldier of con- summate ability, who had joined tlie American cause from the purest impulses of a generous nature. Gen. Charles Lee, the Englishman, must not be confounded with the family of Lee in Virginia, many members of which were so distinguished during the war, both in the cabinet and in the field. Charles Lee was re- garded by the English as a deserter from their serv- ice. No position was too high for his conceit. Claim- ing to have passed through high military ranks, and to be a major-general of five years' standing, it is said lie waited upon Congress with the hope of being made •' commander-in-chief." Both Congress and the army seem to have been imposed upon by his assumptions, for several 3^ears. Ward's early resignation placed Lee next in command to Washington. The third major-general was Philip Schuyler, of New York. " He had little genius to control undisciplined men, or to penetrate the wiles of a crafty foe ; he was MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. 59 therefore destitute of qualities which largely con- tribute to form a great military character, but he pos- sessed personal integrity, social consideration, and ardent patriotism. He willingly used his credit and influence and wide connections to bring out the re- sources of his native province." The fourth major- general was Israel Putnam, of Connecticut. His fame rested chiefly on deeds of personal prowess. He was brave, but had not the combination of quali- ties necessary in a general. His patriotism was ardent and his heart honest. Next to these came Horatio Gates, an adjutant- general, with the rank of brigadier. His experience qualified him for the organization of an army, but he was shallow in natural endowments and in military culture. He gained much celebrity from the victory of Saratoga, and the surrender of Burgoyne to him ; but the brilliancy of his reputation was afterward much tarnished by his conduct during the Southern campaign. " There was onl}' one general officer," says Bancroft, " when the continent took up arms, who drew to himself the love and trust of the coun- try. Of the five generals next beJow Washington, not one was fit to succeed to his place." 6o MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. CHAPTER XIV. "There is a kind of character in tliy life, That to the observer doth thj history Fully unfold : Thyself and thy belongings Are not thine own so proper, as to waste Thyself upon thy virtues, them on thee. Heaven doth with us as we with torches do, Not light them for themselves; Spirits are not finely touched, but to fine issues." Congress appointed, on the 21st of June, 1775. eight brigadiers. Pomeroy, who received the first appointment, retired from the camp on account of his age before he received his commission. The second brigadier was Richard Montgomery — seventh from Washington in rank, but next to him in merit. He was followed by David Wooster ; then came William Heath ; next to him was Joseph Spencer ; then John ' Thomas, of Massachusetts, a good general officer ; John Sullivan, of New Hampshire, not free from de- fects and foibles, but enterprising, able, and spirited ; the last was Nathaniel Greene, of Rhode Island, who, after Washington, had no superior in natural resources, unless it were Montgomery. These were the men who led our armies in the Revolutionary struirele. Officers of inferior rank but of great merit soon became conspicuous. Morgan, the colonel of the Virginia riflemen, was a daring and most efficient' officer ; and Mercer, also of Virginia, who fell at Princeton, and Moultrie, Sumpter, and Marion, of South Carolina, acted most nobly and heroically. Gen. Knox, too, was a man of much military information and a good artillery officer. In 1777, Henry Lee, of Virginia, makes his appearance. His adventurous ex- MEiMOIR OF WASHINGTON. 6l ploits and gallantry gained him the appellation of " Light Horse Harry," He was a great favorite with Washington throughout the war. The fame of the American struggle for independence brought foreign officers as candidates for admission into the patriot army. How and where to place these men, some of them of great merit, caused much embarrassment to the commander-in-chief. Their ignorance of our language was a great obstacle to their full efficiency. Washington was compelled to use much prudence in promoting the foreign officers, lest he should disgust our own men, who had already borne much privation and suffering. The most beloved of all the foreign- ers by Americans was the young Marquis de La Fayette. It was at a public dinner in Philadelphia, w here a number of members of Congress were pres- ent, that Washington first saw La Fayette. The latter said that he immediately knew Washington, surrounded as he was by officers, from his command- ing air and person. The marquis was not yet twenty years of age, but had already been married two 3'ears, to a lady of rank and fortune. Subsequent events proved this lady to be a model of conjugal devotion, and adorned with every pious and virtuous trait that makes woman estimable and lovely. The marquis, full of the romance of liberty, had torn him- self from his youthful bride ; he had turned away from the gaieties and splendors of a court, and in de- fiance of many impediments had made his way to America. La Fayette sent to Congress the following note : " After the sacrifices I have made, I have the right to ask two favors : one is to serve at my own expense ; the other, to commence by serving as a vol- 62 - MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. unteer." 'His simple appeal induced Congress at once to make him major-general in the army of the United States. Among the officers who came with La Fayette was the Baron De Kalb. He also Avas made major-general. Colonel Conway, a native of Ireland, was another foreign officer^ who desired an appointment iri the American army. He had served, he said, thirty years in the armies of France. Con- way received the appointment of brigadier-general, of which he afterward proved himself unworthy. He was boastful and jtresumptuous, and became noted for his intrigues and for a cabal against the com- mander-in-chief.. This conspiracy was entitled "Conway's Cabal." He afterward expressed great regret at his conduct^ and wrote, when he considered himself dying, a penitent and apologetic letter to Washington. A candidate of a different stamp was the generous, gallant Kosciusko. He was a Pole, of an ancient family, and had been educated at the mil- itary school of Warsaw. He came to Washington with a letter from Dr. Franklin. " What do you seek here ?" inquired the commander-in-chief. " To fight for American independence." " What can you do?" "Try me." Washington was pleased with his curt reply and with his chivalrous air and spirit, and at once re- ceived him into his family as aide-de-camp. Con- gress afterward appointed him an engineer, with the rank of colonel. He proved a valuable officer throughout the Revolution, and won an honorable name in our country. If my young readers are familiar with the poetry of Thomas Campbell, they will re- member a pretty couplet in connection with Kos- MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. 6^ ciusko. In speaking of a disastrous battle in Poland, the poet says : " Hope, for a season, bade the world /a re^veli, And'freedom shrieked when Kosciusko fell." Another officer of distinguished merit, also a Pole, was Count Pulaski. He was recommended by Dr. Franklin as an officer whose bravery and conduct in defense of the liberties of his own country against Russia,. Austria, and Prussia was celebrated through- out Europe. Pulaski afterward fell at the siege of Savannah. In 1778, Baron Steuben, through the per- suasion of the French Minister of War, came to America and offered his services. The French were preparing to befriend the American cause, and they were anxious to secure the services of a thorough dis- ciplinarian for American armies. Steuben, by Wash- ington's direction, proceeded to Congress. His letters procured him a distinguished reception from the President of Congress. He offered his services as a volunteer, making no condition for rank or pay. His services were accepted by a committee appointed by Congress, with a vote of thanks for his disinterested- ness, and he was ordered to go to Valley Forge. The army, in its squalid quarters and ragged condition, pre- sented a miserable aspect to one who had been accus- tomed to the order and appointments of European camps. But the liberal mind of Steuben made every allowance, and Washington found him a consummate soldier. He was made inspector-general. The whole army was brought under drill. What proved a difficulty to the aide-de-camp of the great Frederick, was his ignorance of our language. Assistant inspectors were appointed, who were Frenchmen, understanding botli 64 MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. French and English, who acted as interpreters for him. The army gradually acquired, says Irving, a proper organization, and Washington found in the baron a disinterested, truthful coadjutor, well worth}^ of the badge he wore, as a knight of the Order of Fidelity. CHAPTER XV. Fear not each sudden sound and shock. 'T is of the wave, and not the rock; 'T is but the flapping of the sail, And not a rent made by the gale. In spite of rock and tempest's roar. In spite of false lights on the shore, Sail on, nor fear to breast the sea; Our hearts, our hopes, are all with thee. We have now attempted to give you in the last few pages, not only a portrait of the master who laid the keel of our ship of state, but also sketches of many of his noble coadjutors. Washington quickly per- ceived the difficulties of his situation at New York. All the means in his power were employed in defend- ing the city against the enemy but all his efforts were powerless against an enemy whose fleet commanded the sea. In order to prevent the enemy from ascend- ing the Hudson, or penetrating the East river, hulks were sunk. Fortifications were thrown up on both sides of the Hudson, also the narrow passage be- tween the islands, but all these precautions ultimately failed. While the war was thus boldly and vigorously carried on at the North, the Southern Colonies were not unemployed. Lord Dunmore was giving Vir- ginia much trouble. He had collected a considerable naval force, and with the assistance of negroes, whom MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. 65 he had induced to leave their masters, and any other forces he could procure, he commenced a predatory war. On New Year's day, 1776, Norfolk was laid in ashes by the royal governor, and Hampton v\'as threatened. He was soon repulsed, however, by the bravery of the people, who forced him to flee to his ships. The Virginia forces, who repulsed Dunmore and his men, were under the command of Col. Wood- ford, assisted by John Marshall, as lieutenant, after- ward Chief Justice of the United States. The first gun fired in Virginia against the British, was fired by George Nicholas, who commanded a party of Vir- ginians, at one of the tenders sent by Dunmore to de- stroy Hampton. About the same time. Gen. Clin- ton, having been foiled in an attempt to take the city of New York, proceeded with a large force to Charleston, South Carolina. He was accompanied by Lord Cornwallis and Sir Peter Parker. The people of Charleston, anxious to save their city, determined to make a great effort to protect it. They erected a fort on Sullivan's Island of palmetto wood. This island commanded the channel leading to the city. The garrison consisted of five hundred men, under Col. Moultrie. The fleet approached the island, and after a conflict of nine hours, the ships, much shattered, drew off and sailed to the North. Atone time during this conflict, Charles Lee, who had been sent to Charleston a short time previous with a few thousand men,'crossedoverto the island in a boat, to see if it would be best to withdraw or retreat. He found Moultrie and Motte so fearless and determined that he desisted from any counsel of this sort. When William Jasper, a sergeant, perceived that the flag had been cut down ()(> MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. by a ball from the enemy, and had fallen over the ramparts, "Colonel," said he to Moultrie, " do n't let us fight without a flag." "What can you do?" asked Moultrie. " The staff is broken off." " I'll fix it to a halberd," said Jasper. Leaping through an embrasure, and braving the thickest fire from the ship, he took up the flag, returned with it safely, and planted it on the summit of the merlon. Victory crowned the ef- forts of these noble men at the close of the day. Of the four hundred and thirty-five Americans in the fort, who took part in this action, all but eleven remained alive, and but twenty-six were wounded. With tliis small cost of life had Charleston been defended and a province saved. The whole loss of the British fleet, in killed and wounded, was two hundred and five. The royal governors of the Carolinas, as well as Clinton and Cornwallis, and seven regiments, were witnesses of the defeat. The British commodore and General Clinton long indulged in reciprocal criminations. There had been no harmony between them from the beginning. South Carolina decreed that the fort on Sullivan's Island should be known as Fort Moultrie, This victory was gained on the 28th of June, 1776* Rutledge was appointed to return thanks to the defenders. He and Gadsden had sus- tained Moultrie throughout his trials, the former send- ing Moultrie during the siege, from Charleston, five hundred pounds of powder. To Jasper, a lieuten- ant's commission was offered, but he modestly de- clined, accepting only a sword. The tidings of the victory at Fort Moultrie were received at the North with great joy. But it was followed a few weeks after by a most serious disaster, at Long Island, New MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. 67 York. In August of this year, 1776, General Howe, assisted by his brother, the Admiral, commenced an attack on Long Island. In three divisions, on three different roads, they advanced toward the American camp at Brooklyn, then under the com- mand of General Putnam. The British army, to- gether with a body of hired troops called Hessians (furnished by the Landgrave of Hesse Cassel), con- sisted of thirty-five thousand men. Washington's army in the vicinity of New York was said to con- tain not more than seventeen thousand men. Major- General Greene, who was considered by his contem- poraries the most able general, except Washington, in the American army, was sick, and his command was necessarily given to Major-General Sullivan. Gen- eral Washington seeing that a battle must be fought, tried to prepare his troops for the emergency. He sought to rouse their valor and patriotism by stirring addresses to the troops. Notwithstanding his vigi- lance and his special directions that certain posts should be guarded and defended, many mistakes were made. As the action became warm, Washington passed over to the camp at Brooklyn, and beheld with anguish the inevitable destruction in which his best troops were involved. The carnage was great. He now directed his efforts to make a retreat, as the only al- ternative to save the remainder of his troops. Favored by a fog which hung over the island, he succeeded in making a safe retreat with his army to New York. This battle of Long Island was very disastrous. Some condemned the commander-in-chief, that he permitted the battle to be fought. The great value of the object to be obtained, the possession and the defense 68 MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. of the city of New York and Long Island, seemed to call for great effort and even risk for its attainment. About two thousand Americans were killed, wounded, or. taken prisoners. Major-General Sullivan was among the prisoners. The British loss was not more than four hundred » Had Washington relinquished Long Island with- out an effort to keep it, the censure would have been moi"e general. There was doubtless a defect in the construction of the army. There was not a body of cavalry present ; there were no videttes to watch the motions of the enemy. Congress, however, and not the commander, must be blamed for these defects. Gen. Washington had often remonstrated with Con- gress with regard to the construction of the army. He insisted on longer enlistments, and declared that, unless the army could be endued with more perma- nency in its organization, their cause would be lost. After the defeat at Long Island, whole regiments of militia left the army. Congress was now convinced that a new plan of military operations must be adopted. A permanent army of eight3'-eight battalions was proposed to be raised by the different states, in pro- portion to their ability. Bounties were offered as in- ducements to enlist. Virginia was expected to furnish fifteen battalions ; Pennsylvania, twelve ; Massachu- setts, fifteen battalions ; New Yorh, Jour ; North Car- olina, nine ; South Carolina, six ; Maryland, eight battalions ; Connecticut, eight ; New Jersey, four ; New Hampshire, three; Rhode Island, 'lzt>o ; Dela- ware, but one battalion ; Georgia, one. How differ- ent would be the quotas of troops in these days, were requisition now to be made ! MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. 69 CHAPTER XVI. Why look you sad ? Be great in act, as you have been in thought : Let not the world see fear and sad distrust — Govern the motion of a kingly eye. Lord Howe, soon after his great victory at Long Island, opened communications with Congress, with the purpose, if possible, of compromising the dispute between Britain and America. Gen. Sullivan, their prisoner, was sent, on parole, to Congress. A com- mittee of three was sent by Congress to confer with Lord Howe. Mr. Rutledge, John Adams, and Ben- jamin Franklin met Lord Howe on Staten Island, opposite to Amboy, on the nth of September, 1776. He received them as private gentlemen, not as a com- mittee of Congress. The negotiation was fruitless. The time had passed by when Americans would con- sent to return to the domination of Britain. On the 4th of July, two months previous, the American Con- gress had declared her independence, and had sent out to the world her famous " Declaration of Inde- pendence," declaring in this instrument the causes which led to the separation, justifying the act to the civilized world by arguments effective and incontro- vertible. After the battle of Long Island, Washington re- treated first to the northern part of New York Island, and then to White Plains. At White Plains an un- successful engagement occurred, and Washington re- treated to North Castle. Lee remained at North Castle, with a detachment; Col. Magaw, at Fort Washington-; Gen. Heath, at Peekskill. Washing- 70 MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. Ion then crossed the Hudson into New Jerse3\ The Americans had two forts on the Hudson — Fort Wash- ington and Fort Lee. Washington had given dis- cretionary power to Gen- Greene as to the policy of holding Fort Washington. Greene thought the fort could be held, but, so formidable was the at- tack made by the British, that it was forced to sur- render. Fort Lee was then evacuated by necessity. Marshall savs : "Among the many valuable traits in the character of Washington was his unyielding firmness, which resisted these accumulated circum- stances of depression, and which supported him under them, undismayed by the dangers that surrounded him. He did not relax his exertions for an instant, nor omit anything which could obstruct the progress of the enemy or meliorate the condition of his army. He would not despair of the public safety, but strug- gled heroically against adverse fortune with the hope of vanquishing difficulties. He appeared before his enfeebled and harassed army with a serene unem- barrassed countenance, betraying no fears in himself, and invigorating and inspiring with confidence the bosoms of others. To this firmness of temper, to this perfect self-possession, is America in a great degree indebted for her independence." We believe that Washington was a chosen instrument in the hands of God to lead his countrymen to independence, or his faith would never have been so unflinching in the dark trying hours through which he was called to pass. His feeble army was pressed upon by the Bridsh army, from place to place, throughout New Jersey. Washington became very anxious about the safety of Philadelphia. His militia were deserting MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. 7 1 him at every opportunity ; his regulars were badly armed, badly clad, without tents or blankets, and des- titute of utensils for preparing their food. In the cold winter of November and December, 1776, Washington found himself at the. head of a small band, dispirited by losses and fatigues, retreating, almost naked and barefooted, before a numerous and well-appointed, victorious army. At this crisis, the British generals sent broadcast through the land offers and proclama- tions of pardon to all who would return to their al- legiance in sixty days. The splendid appearance of the pursuing army, and the beggai'ly aspect of the Americans, made many faint hearts suppose that the contest would soon end. But He "who holds the nations in His hand " had not so determined. The exertions of Gen. Mifflin, who had been commissioned to raise the militia of Pennsylvania, met with some success in Philadelphia. A large proportion of that city, capable of bearing arms, had formed an associa- tion for the defense of their country. Fifteen hun- dred of these joined Washington at Trenton, also a German battalion. Cornwallis was now rapidly ap- proaching him. He therefore crossed the Delaware with as much rapidity as was consistent w^ith saving the tents and breaking down the bridges. As the rear guard of the American army crossed the- river, the van of the British army appeared in sight. 72 MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. CHAPTER XVII. How blind is pride ! What eagles are we still, In matters that belong to other men, What beetles in our own ! His soul, like bark with rudder lost. On passion's changeful tide was tost. Gen. Charles Lee was repeatedly urged by his commander to rejoin him and the main army, but he nevertheless proceeded by slow marches, with an ob- vious disposition to retain a separate command. While marching through Morris county, he indiscreetly quartered his forces, with a small guard, but three miles from the British army. Before Lee had an in- timation of the approach of an enemy, Col. Harcourt, with a body of British cavahy, surrounded him and took him prisoner. This imprisonment of Lee was regarded as a great misfortune by those who still con- sidered him a general of experience and ability. Gen. Washington regretted it on account of his personal feelings and because of the public interest. He was not yet fully aware of Lee's selfish and unscrupulous character. Gen. Sullivan now obeyed with alacrity the orders that had been sent to Lee, as he was next in rank. Gen. Gates joined his commander also on the same da}^ Lord Cornwallis had failed to get boats to transport his army across the Delaware. This, for the time, saved Philadelphia. He now seemed preparing to go into winter-quarters. His troops were distributed at various places, from the Delaware to the Hackensack. Gen. Howe's object, in covering New Jersey with his troops, was to impede recruiting. To counteract this object, three regiments, together with eight hundred MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. 73 New Jersey militia, were ordered to remain at Morris- town. Gen. Maxwell commanded these troops. Gen. Washington, fearing that Gen. Howe would pass the Delaware as soon as it was frozen over, and seize Philadelphia, resolved upon the seeming des- perate expedient of recrossing the Delaware, and at- tacking at the same time all the British posts on the Delaware. To effect this, on the night of the 25th of December, he determined to cross about nine miles above Trenton. Gen. Irvine was to cross at the Trenton Ferry, and Gen. Cadw^allader opposite to Burlington. It was arranged that three divisions were to cross at the same time. Washington, with great difficulty, succeeded in crossing with the men in his division, but the other two divisions failed to exe- cute their part, in consequence of the floating ice and extreme cold. The cold on the night of the 25th was unusually severe, and the rain, hail, and snow fell in great quantities. Washington's army, consisting of twent3'-four hundred men, separated after the crossing, and marched in two divisions to Trenton. Washinpfton commanded the upper division. As soon as he arrived, he heard the firingof his other division, which had come by the river road. A severe action commenced. Capt. Rahl, who commanded at Trenton, was mortally wounded. His men, in much confusion, attempted to escape by the road to Princeton, but Washington threw a detachment in their front, and intercepted them. More than nine hundred prisoners were taken, six lield-pieces, and a thousand stand of arms. About twenty of the enemy were killed. The Amer- ican loss was trifling. This bold, vigorous movement of Washington took the enemy at Trenton by sur- 74 MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. prise, and greatly astonished the whole British arn:y. The exhilaration of the Americans was in proportion to the surprise of the British. The American cause, just previous to the battle of Trenton, had been deemed almost desperate. Washington had been de- serted by all the troops whose period of enlistment had expired. Some were determined, it was reported, not to permit the sixty days to expire before they ac- cepted the pardon- of Lord Howe. Cadwallader crossed the next day, and took post on the Jersey shore. Irvine and Mifflin crossed also, with about fifteen hundred men. Washington, encouraged by his increased force, determined to make an effort to re- cover the whole or a great part of Jersey. He now abandoned the Delaware, and marched by a circuit- ous route to Princeton. They decamped with perfect secrecy in the night, leaving their watch-fires burning and the sentries making their usual rounds. About sunrise, the American army met three British regi- ments. A severe action ensued, in which the gallant Gen. Mercer, of Virginia, was mortally wounded, while endeavoring to rally his troops. The death of Mercer was a great grief to Washington. They had served together in the French and Indian wars. The main body of the army under Washington came up opportunely in the rear, and changed the fortune of the day. Another victory was gained ! He was well supported by the troops who had a few days previous saved their country at Trenton. The British gave way, and Washington pressed on to Princeton. The regiments at Princeton saved themselves by a* precip- itate retreat to Brunswick. More than one hundred of the enemy were killed and three hundred were MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. 75 taken prisoners. This engagement is called in his- tory the battle of Princeton. The bold and unex- pected attacks made at Trenton and Princeton, had an influence on the fate of the war much more extensive in its consequences than might be supposed from a mere estimate of the killed and of the prisoners. These successes revived the drooping spirits of the American people, and gave a new impulse to the re- cruiting service. Philadelphia was saved for that winter,' 1777, and the State of New Jersey was recovered. Washington commanded an army with some hearts as true and as brave and bold as his own, but on him rested the tremendous responsibility of the leader of an army without discipline or permanency, without proper arms or sufficient y>^;/^5. He was en- couraged and sustained by the hope that by self-sac7'i- Jice, he might accomplish a grand, glorious work. The dignity of his position gave to his undertaking a sublime interest. Dr. Franklin, Deane, and Arthur Lee were sent to France to solicit aid, early in 1776. The government of France hesitated, but the gener- ous La Fayette, as we have before said, fitted out a ship in December, 1776, at his own expense. He was accompanied by De Kalb and twelve French offi- cers. How remarkable was the destiny of La Fay- ette. He figured conspicuously in the grandest and most varied dramas of political history. He tried to act as a pacificator in the terrible revolution of his own country, in 1789. The jealousy of tyrants con- signed him to a prison for two years, in Olmutz, Austria. In 1824, he revisited the United States, the land tor which he had shed his blood in his 3^outh. No Roman consul was ever received or followed by 76 MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. more rejoicing triumphant processions than was this great, good man. In 1830, the people of France asked him to select a ruler for them. He advised them to make Louis PhiHppe their king. To return to our history. In April, 1777, an expedition was planned by the British against Danbury, where there were valuable stores and tents. The detachment con- sisted of about eighteen hundred men. The invading party were soon obliged to retire by a different route, as the people in the neighborhood were in motion. They retreated hastily, like the expedition to Concord, in 1775. By a quick march, Arnold and Silliman confronted them at Ridgefield with four hundred men, while two hundred men under Wooster hung on their rear. Wooster, then in his sixty-eighth year, fell at the head of his men mortally wounded, but not until he had taken a considerable number of prisoners. Ar- nold's horse was killed under him. A British soldier, seeing him alone and entangled, advanced on him with fixed bayonet. Arnold drew a pistol, shot the soldier, and retired unhurt. Tiie British were sorely pressed in their retreat b}^ Lamb's battalion of artillery, and by Silliman and Arnold. For three days and nights they (the British) had little rest, until they reached their ships and embarked, protected by an able British detachment commanded by Erskine. The killed and wounded of the British are said to have amounted to two hundred, the Americans losing about half as many. Arnold, in braving the enemy's musketry and grape-shot a second time, had another horse killed under him. Congress, who at Washington's ad- vicehad elected Arnold a major-general, now voted him a horse caparisoned as a token of tiicir apjirobalion of MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. 77 his gallant conduct, but they refused to restore him to his former relative rank ; therefore, a sense of wrong rankled in his breast. Congress voted a monument to Wooster, who lingered a few days, ending a long and honorable life. About the same time, the Amer- icans, under Col. Meigs, destroyed some British stores at Sag Harbor, and Col. Benton captured Gen. Pres- cott, in Rhode Island. CHAPTER XVHI. I see them on their winding way, About their ranks the moonbeams play. Their lofty deeds and daring high Blend with the notes of victory ; And waving arms and banners bright Are glancing in the mellow light. Ini777' the arm}' was encamped atMorristown, New Jersey. ■ In the spring, it was removed to Middle- brook. Howe, after withdrawing his troops from New Jersey, established himself on Staten Island. Eighteen thousand men were now embarked on board the fleet of Lord Howe, who sailed up the Chesapeake Bay, but had previously landed the troops, who were on their march to Philadelphia. Washington hastened to dispute the progress of the British, and, with a large portion of his army, took a position at Chad's Ford^ on Brandy wine creek, where, on the nth of September, 1777, a battle was fought. This bat- tle was fought chiefly for the protection of Philadel- phia, but it was a defeat. The undisciplined raw troops were thrown into confusion, and, while a portion of the army defended themselves with great valor, they were forced to give way. Count Pulaski, the Pole, of 78 MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. whom we have spoken, was in this battle. Washing- ton made vigorous efforts to save Philadelphia. Gen. Wayne was sent with fifteen hundred men to hang upon the rear of Howe's army, but he was defeated at Paoli. On the 26th of September, Howe entered Philadelphia. A large detachment of Howe's army encamped at Germantown. Washington attacked this force, on the 4th of October, but was re- pulsed with the loss of a thousand men. Two forts on the Delaware commanded that river — Fort Mercer and Fort Mifflin. Count Donop, a Hessian officer, at- tacked Fort Mercer. Fort Mifflin was also attacked, but the assailants of both forts were repulsed with heavy loss. Count Donop was mortally wounded ; about five hundred Hessians were killed, and two ships destroyed. A few weeks after, however, both these forts were abandoned by the Americans. During the winter of 1777-78, the Americans were en- camped at Valley Forge, a town in Pennsylvania, on the Schuylkill. This was a time of great suffering to our troops. Some of the officers, in great need, re- signed their command. As the men moved toward their winter resting-place, at Valley Forge, they had not sufficient clothing to cover their nakedness, nor blankets to lie on, nor tents to sleep under. Their marches through frost and snow might be traced by the blood from their feet. " From his life in the woods, Washington could see through the trees a town of log-cabins, in regular streets, aftbrding sufficient shelter to save the army from dispersion. Had it not been for the love of country, for the patriotism of the soldiers, and their devotion to their leader, the army would have dissolved and vanished at this time." MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. 79 Washington's vigilance was unsleeping, to guard his army from surprises. On the 19th of August, 1777, Gates had assumed the command of the Northern army, which lay a few miles above Albany, near the mouth of the Mohawk. He, in conjunction with Arnold and Morgan and a force of nine thousand men, gained a splendid victory over Burgo3'ne, Fraser, and Riedesel, with his Brunswick troops. The battle was fought on the 19th of September, on the Hudson, near Stillwater or Saratoga. Gen. Bur- goyne had formed a plan for penetrating by the lakes to the north of Hudson river, as far as Albany, in order to cut off the communication between the North and South. His army consisted of more than seven thousand men, besides a regiment of Canadians and several tribes of Indians. Before reaching Saratoga, his army began to suffer for provisions. A detach- ment he sent to Bennington, to procure stores, met with a severe defeat from Gen. Stark. After the battle of the 19th of September, the condition of Burgoyne was very perplexing. While the British army declined. Gates was constantly re-enforced. At length, on the 13th of October, Burgoyne surrendered. The num- ber surrendered was nearly six thousand men, together with eighteen hundred prisoners of war abandoned to the Americans. Forty-two pieces of the best brass ordnance fell into their hands. The total loss of the British, in this surrender, was nearly ten thousand men. This great victory is known in history as the bat- tle of Saratoga. In the report of this action, Gates com- mended Arnold^ with Morgan, of Virginia, who com- manded abody of Virginiariflemen,andGen. Dearborn-. Bancroft says ; " On this decisive day, men from the 8o MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. valley of Virginia, from New York, and from New England fought with one spirit for a common cause." We have seen a very life-like, expressive picture, rep- resenting the surrender of Burgoyne to Gates. It is in the rotunda of the Capitol, at Washington. The splendid uniform of the British general finely con- trasts with the plain, somber dress of Gates, Morgan and his men, dressed in hunting-shirts, are looking grandly on without a particle of exultation in their countenances. Wliat a sublime interest must have invested all the American participants in that hour of success ! When the news of the surrender of Burgoj'ne was received in Europe, France acknowledged the inde- pendence of America, and promised immediate as- sistance. Spain, too, united with France. • When the Marquis de La Fayette obtained permission to revisit his native country, he retained, with his rank in the American army, an ardent zeal for her interests. He hastened to the court of Versailles, where he was re- ceived with favor .and distinction. He earnestly sought to impress the cabinet with the importance and policy of granting assistance to the United States. Having succeeded in his favorite object, and finding no proba- bility of active employment in his own countr}', he returned to America with the grateful intelligence that she would soon receive succor from France. He arrived late in April, at Boston, and hastened to headquarters. The intelligence brought by the marquis gave a new impulse both to Congress and the state legislatures. A requisition was now made on all the states, from New Hampshire to Virginia inclusive, for ten millions of dollars. The sums, when raised, were to be sa- MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. 8 1 credly appropriated to bringing an army into the fieldr On the nth of July, 1780, intelligence was brought that a large French fleet had been seen between the capes of Virginia and the Delaware. The French" armament soon after arrived at Newport, in Rhode Jsland. The Count de Rochambeau and the Cheva- lier de Ternay were the officers commanding the land and naval forces of France in Newport. A second division of the army waited at Brest, for transports, and might soon be expected. Warm professions of esteem and confidence passed between the American and French commanders. Gen. Washinoton recommended to his officers, as a symbol of affection and friendship toward their allies^ to engraft on the American cock- ade, which was black, a white relief, this being the color of the French cockade. De Ternay commanded a squadron of seven sail of the line and five smaller armed vessels. This force was superior to that of Admiral Arbuthnot, who lay at New York with only four ships ; but three days after de Ternay reached Newport, Admiral Graves arrived with six ships of the line, which reversed the superiority of the forces. De Ternay looked with anxiety for the re-enforcement Irom Brest. On the first arrival of the Count de Rochambeau, he had been put in possession of all the forts and bat- teries in and about Newport. Arbuthnot, seeing that the French ships and frigates were moored in a line from Rhode Island to the Connecticut shore, so as to act in conjunction with the land forces, concluded to remain at his station off Block Island. Sir Henry Clinton was anxious, meanwhile, to attack Newport, and had made preparations to embark six thousand MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. troops for this purpose ; but Arbuthnot disapproved a combined attack by land and sea. Clinton, therefore, postponed his design, but encamped near the shore, and retained his transports for any enterprise that might be deemed proper. Gen. Washington was at this time near the Passaic, in Jersey. He, understand- ing Clinton's designs, communicated them to Rocham- beau. As it was not practicable for Washington to unite his troops wnth Rochambeau, he determined to attempt a rapid movement against New York, with the view of compelling Sir Henry Clinton to abandon the plans he had formed against Rhode Island. Washington collected an army of ten thousand men, and was in full march toward Kingsbridge, when Clinton suddenly returned, thus disappointing the hopes of Washington that New York was weakly defended. Count D'Estaing arrived in July, in Delaware Bay. Lord Howe had a short time before sailed from this bay. The count had been eighty- seven days crossing the ocean. Had he arrived a few days earlier, he would have inevitably destroyed the British fleet, so decided was the superiority of the French force. On D'Estaing's arrival within the capes of the Delaware, finding his plans disconcerted, he sailed to Rhode Island, intending to attack the English fleet as soon as it appeared oft^ the coast. Lord Howe followed him there, having received re-enforcements. A violent tempest came on , while the hostile fleets made ready for action, which separated and damaged the two fleets so se- verely that an engagement was rendered impracti- cable. Both naval armaments left Rhode Island in order to refit. Gen. Sullivan was greatly discour- MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. 83 aged at the departure of the French fleet; many of his volunteers deserted him, and he was forced to re- treat. Lord Howe, shortly after this time, resigned his commission, and returned to England. Sir Henry Clinton evacuated Philadelphia in June, marching through New Jersey to New York. At Monmouth the two armies met and had a severe conflict. Lee had been exchanged a short time previous to this battle. Lee's division was in retreat when Washing- ton met them. He reproved Lee with some severity and insisted that he should return to the field at Mon- mouth. He obeyed the order and fought well. The advantage in this battle was with the Americans, who slept on their arms, supposing the battle would be re- newed in the morning, but Clinton retreated before dawn. Lee's pride was wounded by the rebuke he received from his commander. He wrote disrespect- ful letters to Washington, for which discourtesy, he was tried by a court-martial, and sentenced to be suspended trom his command for one year. He never rejoined the army. The transaction at Mon- moutli is another proof of the commanding influence of Washington over men, and also evinces that the confidence that Washington had once reposed in Gen. Charles Lee had greatly declined. Sullivan, in August, gained an advantage over Pigot, on the isl- and of Rhode Island. In July of this year, 1779, ^ body of tories and Indians devastated the valley of Wyoming on the Susquehanna river. From the in- cidents connected with this atrocious massacre at Wyoming, Campbell has made a beautiful poem, called " Gertrude of Wyoming." 84 MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. CHAPTER XIX. So do the dark in soul expire, Or live like scorpions girt by fire. So writhes the inind, remorse has riven — Unfit for earth, undoomed for heaven. Arnold took command of the city of Philadelphia, in 1778, after the British had evacuated it. He, during his residence in that city, is said to have con- tracted large debts, and in order to liquidate them had appropriated public funds. Arnold was tried for these alleged misdemeanors, and in conformity with the decision of the court, he was reprimanded by Washington. He never forgave the reproof. He complained that his services in the war had not been duly appreciated. Washington, willing to soothe his feelings, as a soldier of great merit, and remove his disgrace, gave to him the responsible command of West Point. His courage in battle and his patient fortitude under hardships had secured for him a high place in the opinion of the army. He was at this time unfit for active service, in consequence of wounds received in Canada and at Saratoo"a. His claims against the United States were great, but the commissioners to whom his accounts were referred for settlement, reduced them considerably. He there- fore appealed from their decision to Congress. Con- gress, through a committee, reported that the sum al- lowed by the commissioners was more than he was entitled to receive. His trial had lasted from June, 1778, to the 26th of Januar}^ 1779- From the time that the sentence against him was approved, and his general requested to reprimand him, it is probable MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. 85 that his proud, unprincipled spirit revolted from the cause of his country. Thus soured and disjjusted, he commenced his career at West Point. " The preserva- tion of this important post had been the principal ob- ject of more than one campaign, and its loss, it was believed, would enfeeble all the mililary operations. West Point was peculiarly interesting to the State of New York, and in this state, Arnold's reputation as a great captain was particularly high. Washington was solicited by Arnold's friends to give him this post ; also, Arnold himself made a personal appeal to his commander-in-chief. It is stated by Marshall, that Arnold, in a letter to Col. Robinson, previous to his solicitation of this post, intimated a change of prin- ciples, and expressed a wish to regain the favor of his prince by some proof of his repentance. This fact, then, has induced the belief that Arnold desired this fortress as an acquisition which would give value to treason, while its loss would inflict a mortal wound on his countrymen and his form.er friends. To solicit power, that we may abuse it, is surely the climax of human baseness. Revenge, too, is the spirit of a demoniac; it is more tormenting to the possessed than to the victim; it is a poisoned clialice commended to other lips, but the dregs of which are wrung out and _ swallowed by him who offers it. In consequence of the letter to Robinson, who was a tory, a correspond- ence was opened with Sir Henry Clinton, the im- mediate object of which was to arrange the means of putting the important post of West Point into the pos- session of the British general. A personal interview with an intelligent, responsible person became necessary for the maturing of the nefarious plan, and 86 MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. Clinton selected Major Andre, an officer who held a high place in the esteem and affections of his general, for this dangerous mission. Andre became a spy, that he might confer, as he supposed, a great benefit on liis country. In the morals of a war code, de- ception, that can benefit friends and injure foes, is considered right and justifiable. Therefore, the name and fame of this emissary of the British general has come down to us untarnished. History and tradition have invested him with the virtues and accomplish- ments of a hero of romance. There was no romance in his death ; he died like a felon. He begged that he might be shot, but the rigorous prudence of the laws of war refused his request. The sympathetic reader passes rapidly over this dark page of American history, not so mvich on account of the painful, das- tardly fall of Arnold, the traitor, from his high estate, as on account of the deep sympathy felt for the sad death of the young, promising British officer. In our haste to get through this part of our subject, we have unwittingly anticipated the result without first relating the circumstances of the detention and arrest of Andre. The place appointed for the interview between Arnold and Andre was without the American posts. After the plans were all arranged, circumstances rendered it impossible for Andre to return to New York by water. He had ascended the river in the sloop Vulture, but he was compelled to return by land. With a pass or permit given him by Arnold, he had passed without suspicion (he was now dressed in plain clothes) through all the guards and posts on the road, and was proceed- ing to New York, as he deemed with perfect security, when one of three militia-men, who were employed MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. 87 as scouts between the lines of the two armies, sprang suddenly before him and seized the reins of his horse. These young men, whose names were Van Wert, Williams, and Paulding, soon comprehended the im- portance of the capture they had made. Andre of- fered them a purse of gold and his watch, and made many tempting promises of reward and permanent provision from his government, if they would permit him to escape ; but they rejected his offers without hesitation, and manfully resisted the sympathy which sprang up in their hearts for the unfortunate young man. They proceeded to search him. They found concealed in his boots exact returns, in Arnold's hand- writing, of the state of the forces, ordnance, anddefenses at West Point. They conducted Andre to the nearest military post, at North Castle, before Lieut. Col. Jamie- son. This officer, f^iithful himself, rejected the suspicion that Arnold could be a traitor. Andre, still maintain- ing the character and name he had assumed, requested Jamieson to send an express to Arnold, informing him that Anderson had been taken. Arnold at once saw his danger, and, flying from the punishment he mer- ited, took refuge on board the Vulture, and proceeded to New York. When Andre supposed that Arnold had had sufficient time to make his escape, he no longer affected disguise or concealment, but acknowledged himself to be the adjutant-general of the British army. Jamieson, anxious to retrieve any mischief which his incredulity might have caused, now hastened to send to the commander-in-chief the package which con- tained all the papers that had been discovered. Some time elapsed, owing to untoward circumstances, before these papers were received. Meanwhile, MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. Arnold had made sure his escape. Every precaution was now taken for the security of West Point. Sir Henry Clinton, however, undertook no enterprise against it, believing thiit the defection was confined to Arnold himself. A board of general officers, of which Major-Gen. Greene was president, assisted b}' La Fayette and Steuben, was called upon to report the case of the unhappy Andre, and to determine in what character he must be considered, and to what punishment he was liable. The candor and magna- nimity of Andre made a favorable impression upon all with whom he had intercourse. His frankness pre- cluded the necessity of an examination of witnesses. Major Andre was declared a spy by his board of ex- aminers. The execution of the sentence was ordered on the succeeding day to that on which it was rendered. There is a letter extant, written at the time of his ex- ecution by Col. Hamilton, who describes the character of Andre as singularly interesting, embellished by rare attainments and accomplishments. But he could not be saved from his sad fate ! Had the traitor been taken, it is probable Andre's life would have been spared. It was thought necessary that an example must be made. He encountered his fate with fortitude. A hundred years nearly have passed away since this tragical event, yet time has not oblit- erated the vividness of the mournful fact. Great ex- ertions were made by Henry Clinton. Arnold, too, had the hardihood to write to Washincrton in Andre's behalf. His interposition was unnoticed. Washington conveyed Mrs. Arnold to her husband, and transmitted to him his clothes and bajjafage. Arnold was made a brigadier-general in the British arn^iy, bul rank could MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. 89 not rescue him from merited contempt and detestatign. Arnold published an address to the American people, in which he labored to palliate his guilt. He after- ward committed great excesses in ravaging with fire and sword his native state, Connecticut. He also de- vastated.the coast of Virginia. Arnold was the only traitor among American officers through all the hard- ships, privations, and irritations of the American war. The thanks of Congress were voted to the three militia-men, who had rendered the invaluable service of exposing a deep-laid conspiracy. A medal, with a suitable inscription expressive of their fidelity and patriotism, wa^ presented to each. Two hundred dollars per annum were to be paid to each of them in specie. This small sum, for so great a service, proves the poverty of the public treasury at this time. Wash- ington made continuous efforts to obtain a permanent military force. He had opposed short enlistments from the beginning of the war. One portion of Congress seemed to be jealous of the army and apprehensive of its hostility to liberty when -peace should be re- stored. Such persons were unwilling to give stability to the army by increasing the numbers who were to serve during the war. How unjust to the American soldiery, and how unnecessary were such fears, the conclusion of the war proved. These fears were not altogether unreasonable, when it is recollected how dangerous and destructive to liberty great armies have proved under successful generals. But they should have better. understood the honest patriotism of their countrymen, and the self-abnegation of their noble commander-in-chief. 90 MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. CHAPTER XX. " They fought like brave men, long and well." In the latter part of i778> the war had been prose- cuted with great vigor in the Southern States. In the beginning of 1779, ^^^ posts remained in the hands of the Americans. There were, however, many al- ternations of victory and defeat. Col. Pickens de- feated an army of tories and British, at Kettle creek, as he was defeated by the British general, Prevost, at Brier creek. At Stony Ferry, also, the Americans were repulsed. Clinton, at the North, had captured Stony Point and Verplanck's Point. Stony Point was afterward recaptured b}^ Wayne, by a very brilliant exploit. The loss of the enemy in this adventure was six hundred. The Americans lost only fifteen killed and eighty wounded. Major Harry Lee surprised a post at Paulus Hook and took one hundred and fifty prisoners. Sullivan iiad been successful in checking the depredations of the Indians in western New York. He had been sent thither to avenge " the massacre at Wyoming." In the battle of the Chemung, he had destroyed forty villages of the Indians, and a large quantity of corn. Such are the horrid concomitants of war ! In September, 1779, Paul Jones, with a small squadron of American and French vessels, took two British frigates. This action lasted from seven to ten at night. Coimt D'Estaing, in September, 1779, appeared before Savannah. He expected, in co- operation with Gen. Lincoln, to recover Savannah. It was besieged for three weeks, and closed with a disastrous assault. Count Pulaski, so famous for his virtues and misfortunes, received his death-wound at MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. 9I the siege of Savannah. He had been made general of the ■ American cavalry sometime previous. In 1780, the war was chiefly carried on in the Carolinas. Clinton ap- peared before Charleston, and commenced a regular siege. He sent also expeditions into the interior. Battle after battle ensued. An American corps sta- tioned at Monk's Corners were surprised and put to flight by Tarleton. This officer was abhorred by Americans for his alleged cruelties. At Washaw he overtook a body of patriots, and massacred or maimed all who fell into his power. Gen. Lincoln, after an obstinate and heroic defense of forty days, surrendered Charleston. After the surrender. Sir Henry Clinton, supposing that he had conquered South Carolina, proceeded to New York, leaving Cornwallis to carry the war into North Carolina and Virginia. Carolina, however, was not subdued. Gens. Marion and Sumpter kept up an active guerilla warfare, that required the British officers to be on the alert. At King's Mountain, Col. Campbell, with a force hastily raised for the occasion, met Ferguson, who was mortally wounded, and many of his men were wounded and taken prisoners. Gen. Gates, after his brilliant success at Saratoga, had been ap- pointed to the command of the Southern Department. After a terrible conffict, Gen. Gates met with a disas- trous defeat at Camden. So dissatisfied was Congress at his management and conduct in the battle of Cam- den, that it passed a resolution requiring the com- mander-in-chief to order a court of inquiry on the conduct of Major-Gen. Gates, as commander of the Southern army, and to appoint some other officer to that command until such inquiry should be made. MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. The choice of an officer for the Southern Department was submitted lo Gen. Washington. He unhesi- tatingly recommended Major-Gen. Greene for this im- portant field. Major Lee (Light-horse Harr}^ was made lieutenant-colonel of a legion, and ordered to join the Southern army. The brave Baron De Kalb was mortally wounded at Camden. After the British success at Camden, Sumpter was pursued by Tarleton and defeated with considerable loss. As soon as Gen. Greene was appointed to the command of the South, he promptly sent Gen. Morgan to check the course of the British. The battle of the Cowpens was fought January 17, 1781. It was a complete and decisive vic- tory for the Americans. The whole force of Morgan, on this occasion, was about a thousand men. He was ably assisted by Col. Washington and Col. How- ard, of Maryland. The consequences of this victory were very important, as it deprived CornvvalHs of one- fifth of his army. Pvluch embarrassment and perplex- ity were felt, in 1781, on account of the low state of the finances. Robert Morris, who was at this time su- perintendent of the national treasure, by great skill and good management of the finances, enabled Con- gress to prosecute the war. Money is a great desid- eratum in war. Mr. Robert Morris was a representa- tive from the State of Pennsylvania. It became his duty, as treasurer, under the impoverished state of the country, to create funds. He had been very active in establishing a bank in Philadelphia. Mr. Morris pos- sessed a degree of mercantile enterprise and credit seldom equaled in an}^ country. It was due to the financial skill and management of Mr. Morris that the active operations of the campaign of 1781 were MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. 93 not impeded, nay, defeated, by a failure of the means of transporting military stores for the feeding of the army. The unspeakable importance of a well- managed treasur}^ in a time of war, was never more strikingly exhibited than in the late civil war in our country. At Guilford Court-House, in North Caro- lina, Cornwallis came in view of Greene's armv. The action was long and diversified. The Americans finally retreated, but Cornwallis could not pursue. His losses were too great. Cornwallis proceeded, after this battle, on a dreary march of six hundred miles to Wil- mington, North Carolina, and afterward to Petersburg, Virginia. " No battle," says Marshall, " in the course of this war reflects more honor on the courage of the British troops than the battle of Guilford. On no other occasion had the British fought with such inferiority of numbers or disadvantage of ground. Gen. Greene's army (not to count the first line, which relinquished without a struggle its advantageous position) consisted of three thousand two hundred men, and the dispo- sition of his army was skillfully made. The British army on this occasion was about two thousand rank and file. Gen. Greene, after the battle of Guilford, expected to be again attacked ; but the situation of Cornwallis was more desperate than Greene had expected. Cornwallis had proclaimed a victory, but, like some of the victories that Pyrrhus won over the Romans, another such victory would have ruined him. Two of their best officers were killed in this engage- ment. Tiie proclamation of victory was made to in- duce loyal subjects to declare themselves ; but the field of Guilford, yielded by the Americans, was barren of the fruits of conquest. When Greene discovered that 94 MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. Cornwallis had gone on his -long march, he saw the impossibility of attacking him successt'ully at Wil- mington, on account of the British naval force at that place. Greene then adopted the bold resolution of carrying the war into South Carolina, wisely suppos- ing that such a step would either compel Lord Corn- wallis to follow him or sacrifice all the posts held by the British in the upper parts of South Carolina and Georgia. If the army of Cornwallis followed him, it would liberate North Carolina, and enable her to raise ^her quota of troops, or otherwise it would re- store the upper parts of South Carolina and Georgia, and the possessions of the British in the South would be reduced to the seaports of Charleston and Savannah. Lord Cornwallis had left Lord Rawdon in South Carolina. For the firm establishment of the British power in the South, a line of posts had been continued from Charleston, by the way of Camden and Ninety-Six, to Augusta, in Georgia. The most im- portant point of the line was Camden. These posts were slightly fortified, as no formidable enemy was expected. Sumpter and Marion, who respectively commanded a corps of mounted militia, kept up a spirit of resistance in the northwest and northeast. Their celerity of movement protected them in a great measure from the pursuit of Rawdon, who had been unable to form a body of cavalry. Such was the con- dition of the country when Greene formed the bold and seemingly impracticable resolution of re-annexing it to the American Union. Greene's effective Conti- nental infantry amounted at this time to fifteen hun- dred men. To this number the legion of Major Harry Lee and the cavalry of Lieuto Col. Washington MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. 95 amounted to not quite three hundred men. But such men as Lee and Col. Washington were almost equiv- alent to a host. The extensive line of posts kept up by Lord Rawdon presented to Greene, as he thought, some vulnerable points. Li order to make an imme- diate impression on these places, he re-enforced the legion, with a company of infantry, and detached Lee to join Gen. Marion. At the same time Gen. Pickens was requested to assemble the western militia and lay siege to Ninety-Six and Augusta, while Greene en- camped before Camden, about half a mile from the British works. Greene found Rawdon fully prepared for him at Camden, and soon after retreated toHobkirk's Hill, where a severe engagement took place. In this encounter victory at one time seemed to perch upon the American standard. Col. Washington had turned the right flank, charged them in the rear, and the ar- tillery were playing vigorously on the front. Col. Washington had taken from the rear two hundred prisoners, when one of those incidents occurred against which military prudence can make no provision. The First Maryland regiment, which had so distinguished itself at Guilford, and which had gained, with the as- sistance of Col. Washington's cavalry, the battle of Cow- pens, was thrown into disorder, which involved other regiments, and thus the victory was lost. Augusta capitulated to the American legion, on the 5th of June, 1781. The prisoners were three hundred in number. With the hope that this spectacle might in- timidate the garrison of Ninety-Six, the prisoners were marched in full view of the British works, in being conducted to the main army. Ninety-Six was never taken by assault. Many valuable lives were 96 MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. lost in attempting to take it. It was afterward evacu- ated. " The continued e?i;ertions of the whole South- ern army," says Marshall, " were highly meritorious, but the successful activity of one cor^s must attract particular attention'." The legion^ from its structure, was peculiarly adapted to the partisan warfare of the Southern States, and, by being detached against the weaker posts of the enemy, liad opportunities for dis- playing with advantage all the energy and talent it possessed. Ln that extensive sweep which this corps made from the Santee to Augusta, which employed from the 15th of April, 1781, to the 5th of June, act- ing in conjunction first with Marion, afterward with Pickens, sometimes alone, it had constituted the prin- cipal force which carried five British posts, and made more than eleven hundred prisoners. We have said that this army displayed great courage ; their general, too, had manifested firmness, enterprise, and prudence. Though defeated in two battles and repulsed with slaughter in an attempt to storm Ninety-Six, this army had always kept the field, and soon limited the British power in the South to the sea-coast, and to the country be- tween the Santee, Congaree, and Edisto. The inhabit- ants of the country felt all the miseries which are in- flicted by w^ar. Being almost equally divided between the two contending parties, reciprocal injuries sharp- ened their resentments against each otiier, until neigh- bor was armed aijainst neio-hbor. The commanders of the British forces, atler overrunning Georgia and South Carolina, seem to have considered those states as re-annexed to the British empire, and determined to treat those as 7'cbels who had once submitted and had again taken up arms against them. The execu- MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. 97 tion of Col. Haynes took place on the 3d of August, while Lord Rawdon was in Charleston preparing to sail for Europe. The Americans were at this time in possession of the greater part of that country. The execution of Col. Haynes was taken up by Greene, and had nearly produced a system of retaliation. The British officers are said to have executed several of the partisans of the Revolution, who had fallen into their hands. Such was the exasperation produced by these things, that, when Fort Granby surrendered, the militia attached to the legion manifested so strong a disposition to kill the prisoners who were natives of the country, but had made themselves very obnoxious to the patriots, that it called forth a solemn declara- tion from Gen. Greene that he would put any man to death who would be guilty of so atrocious an act. Gen. Greene did all that he could to discourage this exterminating spirit. He was too humane, as well as too judicious, to encourage such a spirit. He saw in it the destruction of the whole country, and sought to appease it by restraining the excesses of those who were attached to the American cause. CHAPTER XXI. Ah ! few shall part where many meet; The snow shall be their winding-sheet, And every turf beneath their feet Shall be a soldier's sepulchre. The battle of Eutaw Springs was fought on the 8th of September, 1781, a short time before the -surrender 98 MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. at Yorktown, but those engaged in this fiercely fought battle dreamed not that the end was near. Lord Rawdon had gone to Europe, and Lieut. Col. Stuart held his place. "Never did men," said Gen. Greene, in giving an- account of the battle of Eutaw Springs to Congress, " offer their blood more willingly in the ser- vice of their country." All the best captains under the command of Greene were present at Eutaw. Marion and Pickens, Sumner of North Carolina, Lieut. Col. Campbell of Virginia, and Major Lee, with his legion, from {he same state. The state troops of South Carolina were commanded by Henderson. The cavalry of Col. Washington and the infantry of Kirkwood were all there, to do their part on this bloody day. For a short time during the course of this battle, the hostile ranks became intermingled and the officers fought hand to hand. In this fearful moment, Lee, who had turned the left flank, charged them in the rear. So fierce a struggle could not long be main- tained. The British line was broken and driven oft' the field. Early in the action, Henderson, who com- manded the state troops of South Carolina, was dis- abled, and his place was taken by Lieut. Col. Hamp- ton. At a critical time of the battle, the British gen- eral ordered Major Sheridan, with a detachment of New Yorkers, to take post in a brick house standing in the rear of the ground on his right, while others placed themselves in a picketed garden. ' With bas- tions like these, great loss of life must accrue to those who would drive them out. Col. Washington was wounded and taken prisoner. With unyielding firmness, the American troops sought to dislodge the Bridsh ; but as the gallantry of the defense w'as equal MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. 99 to that of the attack, their utmost efforts were unsuc- cessful. The loss on both sides bore a large propor- tion to the numbers engaged. The American dead amounted to one hundred and thirty-seven men, and their killed, wounded, and missing to five hundred and fifty-five. Among these were sixty commissioned offi- cers. Their general said, this loss is more griev- ous on account of their value than their numbers. Among the slain was Campbell, whose bold and de- cisive charge with a Virginia brigade had broken the British line. The loss of the British army was stated by themselves at six hundred and ninety-three men, only eight3'-five of whom were killed. If this state- ment be correct, the American dead greatly exceeded that of the adversar}^ This is probable, as the carnage of the Americans, in attempting to dislodge the Brit- ish from the house and garden, was very great. As usual, each party estimated the loss of their foes as greater than their own. Each party claimed the vic- tory. The claim of victory was not unequivocal to either. Gen. Greene's pretensions are supported by the fact, that he drove the British army from the ground on which it was originally drawn up, having pursued them into a house, which he attacked, and having afterward drawn . oft' liis army without being pursued. Lieut. Col. Stuart's pretensions are founded on the fact of his having rallied his broken troops and brought them back into the action, after which his ad- versary gave up the bloody contest and withdrew from the field. The fortunes of the da}^ were obvi- ously nearl}'- balanced. The thanks of Congress were voted to every corps in the army, and a resolution was passed for '* presenting to Major-Gen. Greene, as an lOO MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. honorable testimony of his merit, a British standard and a cfold medal emblematic of the battle and the victory.^'' In less than a month, Cornwallis marched from Wilmington, North Carolina, to Petersburg. Having been re-enforced by nearl}^ two thousand men from Sir Henry Clinton's army, he determined to pursue La Fayette, who was now in Virginia in com- mand of a small force. This gallant nobleman skill- fully eluded pursuit, frequently, however, harassing the outposts of the British. Gen. Washington had at one time entertained the idea of retaking the city of New York. This plan was suggested to his mind while Clinton's army was in the South. With an army of ten thousand men, he had proceeded nearly toKingsbridge, when the sudden return of Sir Henry Clinton disappointed him. He at once relinquished the attempt. Sir Henry Clinton, fortunately for the American cause, supposed that almost every move- ment of Washington was to this end. Clinton bent all his energies to the defense of New York, appre- hending an attack from the combined forces of France and America. Washington, fully understanding the apprehensions of the British general, determined, if possible, to confirm him in them. He therefore wrote letters to some of his officers, declaring that the only way to save Virginia (the coasts of Virginia were at this time attacked by Arnold) was to attack New York. These letters were intercepted by the British, as had been intended. Washington, attended by some of his officers, reconnoitered the island of New York on both sides, from the opposite shore. This tended still further to confirm Clinton in his error. Marshall does not mention the deceptive letters said to have J W.I MEMOIR OF WASHINGTON. lOI been written by the commander-in-chief, but says, that early in August, seeing his inability to carry out his favorite object, /'. " .^ •■ ' "'v '^N«fe-;; -..:■»! -I- ■ •■'• ..► >' i^ltjiSLjC^Mij.'w'. -.c,'*.