at^' I % 7 (o Book_^C_^l /^' THE CAMPAIGN ll\ SOL'TH CAROLINA V if The "Mississippi" Tadics as Weed in Sootti Carolina^"- LETTER OF GOT. CHAMBERLAIN TO THE CHAIRMAN' OF THE STATE DEMOCRATIC EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE Republican Reform Vindicated and Democratic Violence Arraigned /I FREE BALLOT SHALL BE SECURED Colonel Haskell to Governor Cbam- berlain. EooMS State Democratic Executivk Committke, Columbia, S. C, September '2S, 1876. To his Excellency Daniel H. Chamberlain, Columbia, 8. C. Sir: I begleavt to tender you, in behalf of General Wade Hampton and the other nominees upon the state democratic ticket, and in pursuance of the spirit manifested in the card issued on 23d August by the state democratic executive committee, an invitation to attend the democratic mass meetings which are being held in succi^ssion in each county in the state. The order in which they follow, together with the dates, ajipears in nearly all of the papers in the state. Tou are invited to be present and join in the discus- sion. Tou are aware that the canvass is a warm one, and that your party and your own official course are charged with having inflicted great wrongs upon the people whose interests it is your duty to promote. That is the nature of political discussion under such circumstances; hut you are at the same time well aware that the peojile you are invited to address are, by nature and by habit, quiet and law-abiding, and that, so far from rudeness or violence, you will per- sonally receive nothing but courteous treatment, however bitterly yoiu- political and official course may be assailed. Tou will call to mind that on the ISth instant I gave this invitation to you verbally, and your reply ■was that you appreciated the attention, but your policy foi the camiiaign had not been fi.xed; that per- sonal mattes required you to go north; that your ab- sence would be lor probably eight days, and vou could not give your posiUve answer until after your return. I learned yesterday that you had returned, and I beg leave, as I said, to formally extend to you this invita- tion, assuring you that if you accept It your appear- ance before the democracy throughout this state will be to yourself as governor a most pleasin;^ refutation of the slanderous charges which constantly are pub- lished aeainst our pnrtv in some newRpapers wnlch ciH 1(1 to i.e jfoi.r pn il;cal •agwic, .ui ! ols^i iu iin- northern papers, backed by the name of Senator Pat- terson or some other person, who claims to be your political friend and exponent. We deem it due to you and to ourselves that these charges be either contra- dicted by your denial of them or looked into by your going in person to ascertain the truth. You do not hold the position of candidate only, you are also gov- ernor of this state; and while as a mere candidate vou may not be bound to correct charges which your fol- lowers make against your opponents, though you know them to be false, you are as governor and can- didate bound by your gubernatorial pledge and honor to prevent your follovvers using the sanction of your official silence to sustain these charges against your opponents when the charges allege the overthrow of the peace and dignity of the state which you are sworn to defend. As instances of the class of slanders to which I refer, I beg leave to cite the following: Washington, September 6. It is reported here, upon what is deemed good authority, that parties in New York have agreed to ship Chamberlain 20,000 stand of arms to arm the blacks in South Carolina. This is one of Chamber- lain's tricks to curry favor with the blacks and be re- nominated. The arms will be landed in Charleston on the 11th instant, the day before the meeting of the republican state convention. Whilo here. Chamber- lain was very bitter in his denunciation of the South Carolina whites, calling them ka klux, scoundrels, &c. — New York Sun. Washington, September 6. Governor Chamberlain, of South Carolina, has just returned from another visit to this city to confer with the authorities upon sending troops to that state. The governor was noisy in his denunciations of such men as Haskell, Hampton, Gary, ex-Governor Perry and others, whom lie charges are on the eve of pre- cipitating another rebellion. lie makes the idle boast that he has proof that Butler and Hampton were at the head of thu Hamburg riot, and h« expects in less than two months to have them tried. The governor declared to a prominent South Carolina politician last night that hs w«r done with reform talk, and hereaf- td .li.' ,< ^'slutiiic .toiiM li.d I. oil. I' t' II, i.tui. I'tie < governor lias made arrangements to have 20.000 stand of arms Si'nt down to arm the blacks. The arms will be landed in Charleston on the lllli instant, the day previous to the meeting ef the radical convention. [New York World. "Washington, September 20. Senator Patterson arrived here this morning from South Carolina to ai)pl.v for more hidp to protect the voters and prevent the terrorism which extends over the whole slate, trovereor Chamberlain and United States Marshal Wallace and others will arrive to-mor- row morning. An old resident of Columbia told ihe senator last week that he could not speak to him on the street if he met him. The excitemeni and feeling is far worse than it was in 1S60 and the days of seces- sion, and it is dangerous to even sfteak to a radical. Judge Cooke, who has .acted for years with the repub- licans, made a speech not long since advocating the election of Wade Hampton and Governor Tilden, and e.Kciised himself by saying that he was forced to do so to save his projierty and perhaps his life. The whole white mule democratic population is said 10 be comjiletely armed, and larae consiirnments of rifles, revolvers and knives are received constantly. Yet no dealer will sell a republican even a knife. The very boys are armed, and the boys of the military school at Columbia openly w-ear their revolvers belted around them. The senator says that fully 30,000 men, armed and mounted, are thoroughly patrolling the whole state under the direction and command of LJut- ler, of Hamburg fume, and these forces are not only ai-med, but completely organized and drilled. The peo|de are reported as expressing themselves openly in favor of a fight, and as saying they don't care a for the United States, the troops, or the north, but that they are ready and anxious to cl'-ar out all the troops that General Grant can send. They say that if they do have anv trouble Governor Tilden will carry Indiana and Ohio in October, and N«w York in November, which ensures his election; they are bound to elect Hampton or destroy the state. ■Senator Patterson says that unless they have imme- diate help no colored man will dure to move or talk, mucn Irss to vote, and if Indiana goes democratic that South Carolina, North Carolina and Florida will follow, and there will be an outbreak which will almost be .one of extermination of republicars. Murders are done every day of which not a whisper reaches the north.— New York Tribune. It is not my meaning that you should take the pains to deny every error that may appear in campaign speeches or papers, but I do mean that when state- ments appear as conling from yiuirself, or from others who are robed with the dignity of office, which ought to attach importance and a credibility to what they say, and when these utterances, as in the instiinces above cited, are totally 'false and affect the character of the state, it is the duty, I respectfully submit, of the governor to deny them. And if he (the governor) believes them to be true, it is his duty to restore peace and order; and to do so it is his sworn duty to call upon the citizens to sustain him and enforce the law. All these assaults are made against the demo- eiatio party. Whatever may be our political error, in your estimation, in belonging to that party, we are none the less citizens of this state, and as such we have the right to ask of you that protection which, in your official position, you alone can give. li there be terrorism and violence in the state, call upon us to suppress it, and do not let the name of the sl^te be perverted to dishonorable political purposes. You, and no one better, know that the white peoi)lc of South Carolina are struggling as few people ever have done to cast off a burthen of corruption and wrong such as yet fewer people have ever borne so long. In your own words, speaking of your own party : *-iteform, if it was not of itself right, has become absolutely necessary, or the state will sink." "The party has ever been going into campaigns promising retrenchment and reform and never per- forming it." "Matters cannot run for sis years to come as they have for the past six years." '•Those figures" (speaking of legislative expenses) "I may say are unparalleled in the history of Ameri- can legislation. It is stealing pure and simple." And, referring to the election of two judges— elected, I may say, by the leading man now on the ticket with you, "their election has sent a thrill of horror tliroughout the siate. * * * j jo^k to their election as a horrible disaster." "The civiliza- tion of the puritan and the cavalier, of the roundhead and the Huguenot, is in peril. Courage, determina- tion, union, victory, must be our watchwords." "No party can rule this state that supports Whip- per and Moses. * * * * There is but one way to e ave the republican party in South Carolina, and th»t way is to unload Whlpper and Moses and all who go with them. » » * » Neither the administration at Washington, with all its appliances— civil and mili- tary — nor all the denunciations of the world he.iped upon toe, can save the republican jiarty here from overwhelming defeat during this year, unles'S we can persuade the people of this state that such things as these judicial elections will be undone .lud never by possibility repeated." Yon know that the men who were the leaders, who conducted that election, and who perpetrated the wrongs of which it was a feeble expivssioti, are the same men who control the ticket upon which your name stands, who devised your partv plillunn.'and are to-day your political exjioncnts. You know that it is against all this that our unfortut ate people are struggling; and yet you know full well that their ef- lorts, although in the warmth of canvass, are orderly and within the law. Your manhood compels you to approve our course, but we do not call upon you for that. As a candidate you are entitled to ".all benefits which can accrue from the measures which your fol- lowers (or, if you would perinit me, I would say your party leaders, for your independent course was very different,) have ad->pted. Kut as the governor of the state you are called upon to either contradict the as- sertion that the law is overthrown and that terroiism prevails, or to suppress this lawlessness; and it is our right that you call upon us before you tcppeal to the governmiiit of the United States. Our services are at your coiumand, and whatever is our duty we are ready to do. To recur. I beg leave again to extend to you the Invitation, and ask of you to communicate it to the candidates upon your ticket, as it is meant for them as well as for yourself. It is the wish of the demo- cratic party that you accept it, for we are earnestly desirous to remove the bitterness of race feeling, which we attribute to the prtjudices and erroneous views which have been instilled into the colored race. And we honestly desire "peaceful and unir.amraeled discussion, that the people may become enlightened on the issues of the day." Your early reply will be deemed a favtu-, and if such be your wish, preparation will be made to re- ceive you at the first meeting that it shall be your pleasure to indicate. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, A. C. Haskkli,. Chairman state democratic executive committee. Governor Chamberlain''^ Reply. Columbia, S. C, October 4, ]876. A. C. Haskell, Esq., Chairinan Democratic State Executive Committee, Coliimbia, S. C. Sir: I have received j-oiir commtiiiicatioii of the 28lh ultimo, covering several matters connected with the political canvass now in progress in this state and the general condi- tion of our public affairs. You fir.st invite me and the nominees upon the republican state ticket "to attend the deniocratic mass meetings which are being held in succession in each county in the stale." This part of your communication would have been ad- dressed more naturally — and I trust you will permit me to add, more properly — to the chairman of t!ie republican state committee, whose function it is. as the organ of that committee, to consider and determine the methods and order of the canvass on the part of the republican party. In answer, there- fore, to your invitation, I am unable to say more than that I have informed ilie chairman of the republican state committee that as soon as the duties of my office, which now impera- tively require my presence at the capital, shall permit it, I shall be ready to meet General Hampton at any suitable pomls in the state, not in "democratic mass meetings," but in mass meetmgs to be called by both parties for the purpose of joint discussions, upon terms of perfect equality in all respects of the po- litical issues now before our people. You will doubtless receive at an early day a proposi- tion of such a nature from the republican state committee, with such suggestions regarding details as will commend themselves to your sense oF fairness and 5«ecnretlie objects which ynu profess to seek in your invitation — tlie removal of "the bitterness of race feeUus?, ^ which we (you) attribute to the prejudices ^ and erroneous views whicli have been in- - stilled into the colored race," and a "peaceful ■ and niitrarameled discussion, tliat the people ' may become eniiplitened on the issues of llio day." In saying this, I am confident I faith- fully represent also the wishes and purposes of all my associates ou the republican state ticket. The remainder of your communication is occupied with statements of what you claim to lie the spirit and conduct and purposes of the democratic part}' in the state, with a spe- cial call upoii me "as governor and candidate," to contradict certain alleged statements re- specting the present condition of the state and the action of men who belong to the demo- cratic part}', which you call " slanderous charges," or to 'iook into ihem by going in person to ascertain the truth." You say that "my appearance before the democracy through out the state will be to me as governor a most pleasing refutation ot the slanderous charges which constantly are published against your party in some newspapers which claim to be my political oi'gans, and also in the northern papers, backed by the name of Senator Pat- terson or some otlier person who claims to be my political friend and exponent." You say that I am "as governor and candidate, bound by my gubernatorial pledge and honor, to prevent my followers using the sanction of my official sileuce to sustain these charges against my opponents, when these charges allege the overthrow of the peace and dignity of the state which I am sworn to defend." You present three examples of the charges to which you refer, are taken from the Washington correspondence, respectively, of the New York Sun, New York World and New York Tribune. You say that "these utterances, in the instances above cited, are totally false, and aifsct the character of the state," and that if I "believe them to be true it is my duty to restore peace and order, and to do so it is my sworn duty to call upon the citizens to sustain me and enforce the law." You proceed further to say that "I, and no one better, know that the white people of South Carolina are struggling as few people ever have done to cast off a burthen of cor- ruption and wrong, such as yet fewer people have ever borne so long," and you proceed to make extended quotations from former re- marks of mine respecting our public affairs, and to say that the men who committed the wrongs which I denounced "are the same men who control the ticket upon which my name stands, who devised my party platform and are to-day my political exponents." You say that I "know that it is against all this that our unfortunate people are struggling, and yet that I know full well that their efforts, although in the warmth of canvass, are order- ly and within the law." You say that my "manhood compels me to approve your course," and finally you declare that "as governor of the state i am called upon to either contradict the assertion that the law is overthrown, and that terrorism prevails, or to suppress this lawlessness," and that "it is your right that I call upon you before I ap- peal to the goTcrnraent of the United States." I am pleased to observe and acknowledge the respectful terms in which your statements and charges arc framed, so far as they affect me. These statements and charges cover in substance the whole field of our present politi- cal controversy, together with the matters growing out of that controversy, and affect- ing the public peace and the common civil rights of our citizens. In addition to j'our direct call upon me, in your character as the official representative of the democratic parry, to express my views upon the matters pre- sented by you, the nature of your communi- cation and the statements and charges which you make seem to compel me to speak. I do this with profound reluctance. Not only will the expression of my views disclose how widely you and I stand apart upon all the questions involved, but it will, in my sober iudgment, disclose to the world a condition of things inexpressibly disgraceful to the good name of our state. Though General Hamp- ton is reported to have said .inbstantiallj-, in recent public speeches, that I could not, by reason of my nativity, feel such an interest and pride in the fame of South Carolina as becomes her governor, and, though you may sha.-e in this opinion, I still venture to say to you that I have regretted deeply the receipt of your communication, because it forces me, while I hold my present high office, to present views and convictions which, if correct, reflect in- fiuite discredit upon a large portion of the people of this state. It is, however, as por- tions of your communication show, no new experience to me to find myself compelled by a sense of duty to pursue a course which has subjected me, not only as in the present in- stance, to the increased hostility of political opponents, but to the suspicion and denuncia- tion of political friends. But I profess to put my duty to the state above all other present considerations, and that dut}', as I understand It, requires me to reply to your communica- tion fully, plainly and fearlessly. SLANDEROUS CHARGES. "With respect to the specific instances of "slanderous charges," which you cite from the New York papers, let me first say that the statements respecting me made in the Sun and the World are wholly untrue and un- founded. Nothing remotely resembling what is there slated was ever said or done by me. The extract from the Tribune professes to give the views and statements of Senator Patterson, for which I am not responsible. How far my views coincide with or differ from those attributed to Senator Patterson will best appear in what I sliall hereafter saj. I shall now proceed to present my views upon the several matters relating to our pres- ent political condition which are covered by your communication. THE ISSUE STATED. Your claim in substance is that I am the head of a party and ticket which represents and is responsible for a burden of corruption and wrongs grievously oppressive to the state; that the success of that party and ticket would be disastrous to the interests of the state; that my position upon that ticket is inconsistent with my public record; that the democracy, on the other hand, are engaged in a political struggle with the sole aim ol free- ing ili(! st:,te frura thi-: burden <-} .ojmp.ii.;! tnd wrongs, and that all your methods and jictions are peaceful and vvitliin the law. lu support of your view of my present position, you refer to my pulilic denunciations of past acts of tlie republican paity or its members. You tlms challenge not only my political in- tegrity and honor, but ray personal consistency as a public man. In order properly to meet your challenge, especially as to my personal consistency, I must refer to the course of events m tliis slate during the last two years. REVIEW OF LAST TWO YEARS. I was nominated and elected in 1874 as the candidate of the republican party, under pledges, both personal and party, to reform the abuses which then existed. In ray inaug- ural address I developed in detail my plans of reform — plans which met the earnest approval of the general public of the state without regard to party. That I pursued tire course there marked out earnestly and faithfully is a claim which cannot be successfully or even plausibly disputed. I found a considerable part of my own party opposed to my course, and thus my tidelily to my pledges and to the cause of reform, as I understood it, was put to severe and unexpected tests. It is not egotism but truth which leads me to affirna that I bore those tests in a manner which commanded the praise of the friends of reform throughout the state. The press of this state, the pul>lic utterances of its leading citizens, every organ of public opinion, will lurnish the proof of this assertion. My record as gov- ernor was elaborately reviewed in July last by the Charleston News and Courier — beyond comparison the ablest, and, in a normal con- dition of affairs, the most liberal, dem.ocratic newspaper in this state or in the south — in a series of editorial articles founded on official and iudispulable records. From the closhig article of this series, entitled "The Record of Governor (Chamberlain — A Summary," I make the followiug extracts: "We have scrutiiiiz(?d, one by one, the most Impor- t.ant pledces and recoiniuendations contaiiu d in thv; ad.lresses and unessa;;c-s since his election, and we now briefly sum up the result of the investigation we have nuvdu." * «* * * ♦ * ♦ "The abuse of the pardoning power has been cor- rected. "The character of the officers of the g"V^rnment, appointed by the e.xecutive has been improved, and the sureties upon the bonri.i of public ofllcers have been required to make affidavits of their ability to meet the liability they assume. "The settlement of the public debt has been main taiued unchanged, and faith with the public oredit'ir so far as dependent on executive and legislative ac- tion has been fully kept. "The effort to place the whole of the public funds in two b.nks of small capital was frustrated, and the state so saved from the danger of far greater loss than was sustained by the failure of the Bolomon bank. "The floating indebtedness of the state has been provided for in such a way that tho rejecting of llaiiduleut claims is assured; the recognized and valid claims are scaled one-half the amount, and their pay- ment is distributed over a term of four years, result- ing in a saving to the state of at least $400,000. "The tax laws have been amended so as to secure substantial unanimity and equality in the assessment of property for taxation. "The contingent funds of the executive department have been so reduced in amount that the saving in two years, upon the basis of the average of six previ- ous years, is $101,200. "Legislative expenses, in like manner, and upon a similar basis, have been eo reduced as to save the people in two years $350,810. "Legislative contingent expenses in the same way liave been so reduced as to save the state $355,000. "In the expenditure of contingent funds accounta- bility and publicity have been secured. '■■The cost of public printing has been reduced from .an annufil average of $:W6,209'to $50,000, saving in twcr years $512,418 The salaries of public officers have been reduced $30,01)0 a year. "The tax levy for the curren t year for stale pur- poses has been reduccil from 13i mills to II mills, a saving to the people this year of $800,000. "The deficieuciea (including the los.ses by the Solo- mon bank) .are, for the vear lST-1-75, $308,872. which ia *'?91,024 less than the deficiencies of 1S72-T3, and $233,315 less than the deficiencies of 1873-7-i. "Under the several heads the savings that have ac- tually been made are: In the bonanza bill $400,000 In the executive contingent fund 101.260 In legislative expenses.' 350,81 1> In contingent expenses 355.000 In public printing 512,413 Totrd $1,719,485 'To realize this amount would require a tax of nearly one and a half per cent. Had the appropria- tions of the past two years has been as inordinate as the average of the appropriaiion.s and expenditures of the preceeding ye.ars, the stat- taxes of the past two ye.irs would have been tbrse-quarter per cent, a year uiiire than the outrageous rate actually levied. "This is the record of Governor Chambcarlain aa shown by hard figures and unmistakable facts. 'We have strained or exaggerated nothing. The plain truth as we know it has been faithfully given. And we maintain that the record us it sfamis is one of which Governor Chamberlain has cause to be proud, that It justifies the support which has been given him, and is a complete answer to those of our friends whO' think that no act of Governor Chamberlain deserves^ public commendation but his refusal to issue the coitiinissions to Whipper and Moses That bold act applauded oveiywhcre in Sonth Carolina has not been mentioned in these ;M'ticlcs." * * * No act or word of mine since the publica- tion of those articles, and up to my renomi- nation as governor during the past month, can be pointed to which is iucoosistent with the record thus presented. I was a candidate tor renominalion by the republican party upon my record as a republican reformer. Every man and every newspaper speaking for me or representing me, placed liis advocacy of my renomination upon the distinct ground of my fideliiy and success in the work of reform in this state. I myself during the months of July and August last made an extensive cauvassof the state, addressing mass meetings in over twenty counties, and on every occasion when I addressed the people without hindrance or restraint, (the exceptional occasions I shall refer to hereafter,) I announced in clear and aggressive terms my determination to push forward the work of reform, declared tliat I stood upon ray record as governor, and had become again a candidate solely for the pur- pose of completing the \^ork I had already begun. The issue involved in my candidacy for reBoniination was everywhere proclaimed by my friends and admitted by my enemies to be the endorsement or rejection, by tlie repub- lican party, of my work and policy of reform. Upon the assembling of the republican nomi- nating convention during the past mouth it appeared that fully two-thirds ol its members were immovably determined upon my renomi- nation. I have never heard of a suspicion or hint that any motives were presented to any members of that convention to inHuence their action, except the single consideration of my merits or demerits as presented in my record of the past two years. My renomination was earnesily, not to say violently, opposed by a minority of the convention, but this opposi- tion was placed whollv upon charges of my want of fidelity to strictly partisan interests of the republican party or a failure to suffici- ently regard the interests and wishes of some members of the party. THE REPUBLICAN PLATFORM. In preparing the plntform of our party I was invited by the coraraittee liaviug tlie wofk in charge to meet the committee and to pre- sent my views. I accepted this invitation, and I liere present those portions of tlie platform adopted by the convention to vvhicli my ef- forts were especially directed. '•4 That ill presenting to the people of South Carolina our nominees lor tlie higli of- fices of the state for the coming two years, we believe we should make plain and nnmis- takable tiie aims and principles to vvhicli we stand pledged^ in the event oi' their election; -iiot in glittering generaliiif-sof reform, but in specilic and substantial anieles. "G. We jiledge ourselves 10 thorough re- form in all departments of the state govern- ment where abuses shall be found to e.xist, and, as an earnest of the same, declare our purpose of submitting to the qualified voters of the state the following specific reforms as amendments to the state constitution : 1. That the present adjustment of the bon(le(iuii.able distrii'Utjon ■of taxes and by the in.aiauration of a sysLeiii of licenses fixed upon f ,ir pi-ineiples. G. That no public funds shall ever be usevl for the «n[,)port «f sectarian inslitutionr'. T. That the enormous evil of local and special let'is- liitioii bhall be prohibited whenever [u-ivaie interests •can be pnitf cted uniier srenerai laws. 8. And inasmuch as tiie system of free schools was <;reated in the stale by the repubJic:in l)arly, and fitiould be especially fostered ami protected by it, we pledire ourselves to tlio sujiport of the !,-nieudtuent to the state constitution, now belore the people, estab- Jishinif a permanei.t rax for the support of tree ■schools, and preventing the i-inioval of school funds from the counties where rai.sed. 7. We pledge ourselves and the nominees of the republican party of the state to the securing of the fellowiug purposes by legisla- tive enactment 1. The further and lowest refl action of ss! iries of all public servants, consistent with the necessities of government. 2. The reduction of fees au costs, especially of at- torneys in civil cases, and tlie amendment ot the laws jroverning the Si ttleiiient of es a'cs in such m.inner as *o secure a more economical administration »nd set- tlciiient of small esta-tes. 3. file immediate repeal of the agricultural lien law. 4. Public printing to be reduced at least one-third •of t'le present appi«prianoii. 5. Convict lab. r to iie utilired tinder such laws as shall i-ecure hnman« Ireatm nt and the support of -Convicts without neeuless expense to t'he state. •<. The annual apiii-Mpriations for public institutions to lic econornically Made and properly ejipendcd. 7. The immbt-r of trial justices to be reduce I throughout tlie state, and each justice to lie assianed to specific territory, iv'tli moderate salniK'S to ciTer costs of crifiiinal tjusine.ss, adjusted in proportion to populations. S. liecoiinlzinsr the enormous ex[iense of fencing farms and the scarcity of riuiber in swine sections of the stat<', we leel jt to be iieci'ssary that (inictical re- lief be afforded to the piople oi' the state, and we jdi-dge ourselves to secure such 1. gislution upon the cubjert as will giv.- to the e'ectai-s of each county the riglit tii) regulate tbis questiwn for thcuiseices. I make no comment on this platform further than to invite its comparison with the plat- form of the democratic party, and its eicamiua- tion as a statement of the practical reforms and changes now demanded by the best in- terests of the state. RESULTS ACCOMPLISHED. Two results accomplished by the republican convention have now been preseiated. Eirst, my renomination by more than a two-thirds vote upon the sole and distinct issue of my reform record; second, the adoption by the convention of a platform which binds the re[)ublican parly to retorm in general, and to reform in detail — a platform which must meet the approval of every man who is laraihar wiih the present practical wants of the state. I now present these two resulisas a complete refutation of j-oiir charge of personal incon- sistency on my part in accepting my present position on the republican ticket, as well as a vindication and proof of the determination of the republican party to carry forward and complete the work of reform. So far as these two results are concerned, I do not know how my policy and record as governor — which has coinmanded, as I have shown, in its relations to relor/n, the cordial prai.se and approval of almost every man in your party — could have received a more signal or satisfactory endorse- ment by my own party. Looking to these re- sults my position is one of complete, fairly- earned, honorable triumph. It is far better than that — it is an ample and remarkable tritimph of the great cause of governmental reform in this state. NOJIINATION" OP MR. ELLIOTT. But there are expressions in your communi- cation which indicate tliat in your view the alleged inconsistency and dislionor of my present position lie in my association upon the republican ticket with certain other nomi- nees, and especially with Mr. Klliott, the nomi- nee for altorney-general. Of my associates upon the state ticket, other than Mr. Elliott, I know of no alleged public cause of complaint or dissatisfaction, except that two of them have disapproved of my course as governor on certain party grounds, while I ought not to omit to add that in the renomination of Mr. Cardozo as treasurer, a gentleman who has been my conspicuous and devoted friend and supporter in every feature of my admmistra- tiou, the cause of reform has achieved an- other most notable triumph. "With reference to the nomination of Mr. Elliott, I am charged with individual inconsistenay and want of fidelity to reform because Mr. Elliott has op- posed my course as governor in some impor- tant features and was strenuously opposed to my renomination. It is true that Mr. lOlliolt has differed from me widely in some instances, atid particularly in respect to the election of Whipper as circuit judge and my refusal to sign his commission. If it l>e inconsistent and dishonorable for me to remain upon the ticket for this cause I think I can point you to similar instances of dishonor among those who still commtiud your support. DEMOCRATIC •' DISIIOXOU." Governor Tildeii was nominated by tlie democratic party as a professed hard money candidate on a professed hard money plat- form. He is associated on the same ticket with Governor Hendricks, his most prominent opponent for the nouiination of president, and the leading champion of soft money and in- flation. No more pronounced antagonism of views upon the leading political issue, prior to their Dominations, could iiave existed; yet we now see Governor Tilden and Governor Hen- dricks adjusting themselves, with a skill and success greatly satisfactory to your parly at least, upon the same ticket and the same plat- form, and I hear no charge of inconsistency or dishonor against Governor Tildeu from the democratic party. But 1 do not choose to answer your charge with this retort alone. While it is true — and I think it due to myself to state the fact — that I did not approve of or aid in or consent to the nomination of Mr. Elliott, it is also true that Mr. Elliott, at the time of his nomination and since, has declared his full and cordial acceptance of the work of the convention in renominating me and in adopting the platform which pledges the party and its nominees to thorough and specific re- forms. The causes of his nominauon were not liis opposition to me or to reform, but his admitted ability for the position, his bong re- cord of political service to his party and a de- sire, as in tlie case of Governor Hendricks, to conciliate an element of the party which had been defeated in my renomiuation. I am, therefore, in no sense compromised or dishon- ored in my character as a reformer by my as- sociation upon the same ticket with Mr. El- liott. On the contrary, I am entitled to all the confidence ever bestowed upon me in that respect, so far as mv individual or personal position is concerned, and I am entitled to all the increase of confidence which comes from my success in bringing my own party to en- dorse me and the entire policy of reform which I have inaugurated and carried on, and the consequent increase of ray ability to serve that cause. Whenever you or others present the record of my denunciations of past wrongs done by the republican party in this state, you present that portion of my record of which I am most proud; for, while it is very easy to tloat with the tide of party sentiment and action, it is some test of one's fidelity to duty to denounce the actions of one's party associates and defy their opposition and hatred. I stand by every ■word and syllable of that record. I wish the record were longer and louder, though, as it stands, I challenge its comparison with that of any man in this stats who now opposes me. M'lIIPPER AND MOSES. Tour communication lays special emphasis, as supporting your position, upon the election of Whipper and Moses, and you quote con- spicuously my denunciations ot those elec- tions. I reaffirm every wurd you quote, and I further declare that what I then asserted to be the only path of duty or safety I'or the republi- can party has been done. Whipper and Moses and all who go with them have beeu repudi- ated and ''unloaded." Their elections have been defeated and their threatened elevation to the bench of South Carolina has been pre- vented. Moses has resigned, and Whipper has been compelled to seek tne courts, wherein ninety-nine out of every hundred of the law- yers of this state regard his claim as destined xo sure defeat. And tliis has been accom- plished by the republican party; for whatever I have done is chargeable to the credit of the jepubliciin party, which has now endor.^etl and renominated me. "i.'ourage, determina- tion, union, victory," have been "our watch- words," and in that sign we have conquered. Such, sir, is my answer to your charge of personal inconsistency and dishonor in accept- ing my present position on the republican stute ticket, and to your further charge that the success of that ticket would be disastrous to the iwterests ot our people. I occupy indi- vidually to-day a greatly advanced position on the line of the great battle of reform, and I liave behind me, following roy lead, the united republican party of this state. DEMOCKATiC CLAIMS. I must now examme your claim that the democratic party is engaged in the present canvass in a simple struggle to throw off the burden of misgoverument, and that all your methods and agencies are legitimate and peaceful. THE " COXSERVATIVE " POLICY. You are aware that the present policy of the democratic party in this state was earnest- ly opposed and its adoption deeply deplored by a portion of that party amotuiliug to near- ly a majority, and I am aware that that policy is still deeply deplored by many of the metn- bers of that party. The opponents of that policy embraced the leading and only widely- circulated newspaper in the state, tlie Charles- ton News and Courier, as well as a great num- ber of our most honored and experienced: citizens, in all ranks and occupations of our society. If I were to call the roll of those names I think it woul-d be found to embrace and represent a vast preponderance t the talent, property, political experience and breadth of sentiment and view in our state. The grounds of their opposition to the polic\-, popularly called the '•straight-out" policy,, were clearly defined, and had exclusive re- ference to the advai!cement of the cause of practical reform in the state. They knew and recognized the fact that the republican party embraced a raaiority of at least twenty- five thousand of the voters of the stale. They knew and recognized the fact that the colored race, who constitute the larger part of the republican voters, were attuched to that party by ties the strongest wliich ever govern men's political actions — tlie proi&und convic- tion, whether mistaken or not, that the great boons so recently conferred on them — free- dom and suffrage — were safe only, in their full breadth and beneficence under the pro- tection of the party which had conferred them. They believed upon evidence too clear to leave room for doubt that lor this cause no number of these voters, sufficient to change the rela- tions of our parlies, coula be detached from the republicau party by argument or legitim.ite persuasion or otli' r lawful methods of influenc- ing their political action. They recognized in me one whose republicanism was orig-inal and radical, but whose course in the practical con- duct of public affairs guve assurance that I had the true interests of tdl the people of the stale as my guiding principle in public life. Upon these grounds tlie men to whom I refer counselled a policy which subordinated the interests of party to the good of the state. Their policy contemplated, first, the acquies- cence of the democratic party in my nomina- tion by the republicau party, if that should take place, and «uch other of the nominees upon the republican state ticket as should be unexceptionable; and, second, an effort by all conciliatory and legitimate means to secure a large minority of representation lor the deuio- cratic party in both houses of the legislature, anil in all local or county offices. In the May convention of the democratic party this policy apparently received the snpport of a majority of the convention. Tljat, it offered the only prospect of the removal of the present race and party lines, and the establishment of rela- tions of confidence and co-operation in public afl'airs between the two races, was clear then and is clearer now. THE " STRAIGHT-OUT " POLICY. Opposed to this policy was tiie "straiglit- oni" policy — tiie nomination of entire demo- cratic state and county ticicets and the inau- guration of a purely party struggle. This policy was advocated by a class of men, the most conspicuous of whom are well known as men of extreme views, with strong proclivities towards violent methods and measures. It was openly advocated as the "Mississippi plan," and at the convention which adopted it General Ferguson, of Mississippi, appeared as an honored guest and filled the office of drill- master in the Mississippi tactics. This policy is properly termed in this state the "Edge- field" policy, and was also called by the editor of the Charleston News and Courier tlie ''shot guu" policy. Of the practical details of this policy I shall speak hereafter. This policy was adopted in the democratic state couventiou in August, and was followed by the nomination of a full democratic state ticket. It was adopted under influences and auspices, it was advocnted by arguments, it has been carried out by methods and measures so exclusively and entirely partisan as to de- prive the present democratic canvass of all just claims to be what you claim lor it — "the struggle of the white people of South Carolina to cast off a liurthen of corruption and wrong;" and to warrant me in declaring it to be a struggle by the deiaocratic party of South Ca- rolina to gain political control of the state for the sake of partisan power and advantage. The men who looked exclusively to reform, the arguments whicii promised the attainment of practical reform, the methods wliich are warranted by a desire for the public good, all were opposed tc 'his policy. In saying this I am regarding the laets of the case without any reference to myself. The democratic party of South Carolina were under no polit- ical obligation to me, but if they wish to have their present claim respected — that they are -moved by non-partisan motives in their present course — they v.-ere under obligation to adopt a policy which did not, as does their present policy, array race against race and party against party in a fierce struggle for political mastery. DEMOCRATIC "peaceful" AGENCIES. I come now to your claim that in the pres- ent canvass all the methods and agencie- em- ployed by the democratic party are peace- ful, orderly and within the law. In your communication you especially assure me that if I accept your invitation '-my appearance be- fore the democracy throughout the state will be to me :;s governor a most pleasing refuta- tion of the slanderous charges which are con- stantly publisheil against your party." My knowledge of the serious cast of your char- acter forbids me lo think that you are indulg- ing in conscious satire or badinage in giving me this assurance. Without expressing any doubt cf the good faith of your present assur- ance, I fear that your experience in attending republican meetings lias been widely different from mine in republican meetings where your party have attended and demanded an equal hearing. I shall, therefore, first call your at- tention to my personal experience in this re- spect. As I have already stated, during the months of July and August I made a can- vass of a number of the counties of the staie. The object of this canvass, which was con- ducted almost wholly under my own auspices, was, first, the advocacy of the election of Hayes and Wheeler, and, second, and more especially, a defense of my own course as governor and an appeal to the republican party to stand by the cause of reform in the coming- state convention. It waS not a general party canvass under parly auspices. The meetings were called at my request or suggestion and for the purpose of hearing me upon the ques- tion chiefly of reform in the state. MEKTING AT EDGEFIELD. Under these circumstances I weot, on the 12th ot' August, to address a republican meet- ing at Edgefield court honse.*This meeting liad been called by the chairman of the republi- can party of tliat county, at my instance, and as rumors had repeatedly reached me that the meeting was to be in some way interrupted by the democrats, I invited one or two republican speakers to accompany me. Hon. Robert Smalls, member of congress from that district, also accompanied me. We reached the court house at 9 o'clock in tlie forenoon. Almost immediately upon my arrival I found the town rapidly filling with mounted white men, who signaliaed tlieir arrival in town by riding rapidly through the streets and uttering almost continuously ihe siinut or cry which you must pardon me for describing by its familiar name, as the "'rebel yell" — a sound to whicli my ears were well accustomed in Virginia twelve years ago. By 11 o'clock this crowd of mounted white men numbered, 1 judged, five or six hundred at least. Commanii of ihese men was appareutlj^ formally assumed at the public square by General M. C. Butler and General M. "W. Gary, and they proceeded to the grove where a stand had been erected by the repub- hcan committee for the speakers. I should mention that at about 10 o'clock several white gentlemen had calk-d at my hotel and asked that democratic spf akers should be heard at our meeting. I answered that we had several republican speakers present who would re- quire the whole day if lliey all spoke, but I suggested that these gentlemen should see the republican county chairman, and stated thiit 1 would personally consent to any arrange- ment they might make with him. T'je chair- man being engaged in preparations for the meeting did not meet these gentlemen and uo arrangement was made. At 11 o'clock I left the hotel and proceeded . to the grove. On arriving I found the mounted " white men who had assembled in lowu, with a large nniuber of other white men, occupj-- iug one entire half of the space around the stand, and one end of the stand already broken down l)y the white men who had 1 crowded upon it. I stepped upon the stand in company with Judge Mackey and Senator Cain, the republican county chairman. Simul- taneously General Butler and General Gary mounted the stand with a number of their followers. The white men vociferously cheered General Butler and General Gary as they ap- peared upon the stand, and the speaking was actually opened by General Butler, who re- turned his tlianks to his followers for their presence and their tribute to him. He was followed, in response to deafening calls from his party, by General Gary, wlio announced in emphatic and plain terms that they — he and liis party — had come there to be heard, and that they should be heard; that the radical leaders had failed to make any arrangement for a division of the time in speaking, but that he and his friends should be heai'd, with or without our consent, and he added, with great signiticance of toue and manner, that "if any trouble took place in consequence the respon- sibility aud consequences would be upon the radical leaders." During aU this time no re- publican had been allowed to speak. A glance at the crowd of white men who by this time covered the stand and swarmed around nearly three sides of it, besides climbing into the trees above our heads, all. so far as I could observe, heavily armed with pistols, displayed in many instances ou the front of their per- sons, aud even iield in their hands, convinced me that any attempt to refuse the demaud made, or even to abandon the meeting, would result in collision and bloodshed between tlie parties. I therefore advised Senator Cain that we had no alternative but to yield to the demand, and after a moment's consultation I announced that we would divide (he time, giving a half hour each to three speakers from each party. Senator Cain then proposed to call tlie meeting to order and to aunounce the speaker.?, but General Gary declared that they wanted no chairman, and accordingly 1 stepped forward, under these circumstances, to address the meeting. From the beginning to the end of my half hour I was interrupted by the crowd of white meu with jeers and insults of every kind. Twice during my re- marks the confusion and interruption was so complete that after vainly appealing to the crowd to allow me to be heard, General But- ler had tlie decency to come forward and so far restore order as to barely permit me to resume my remarks. Of the whole'lTalf hour allotted to me I certainlj' was not per- mitted to occupy oyer twentj'- minutes with any remarks such as I should naturally have made on such an occasion. In iruth I spoke under great constraint and a consciousness that any word miglit precipitate a bloody col- lision, which I I'.ad no means of preventingor controlling. I was denounced by voices from the crowd as a companion thief with Mc- Devitt; was told I would never come to Edge- field again; was charged with getting up the Hamburg riot to kill the while people, excite the north and get United States troops tocarry the election, and with a variety of other crimes of which these are but specimens. I was followed by (General Butler, who oc- cupied his time without iuterruption. His speech was exceedingly violent and bitterly personal towards me, on account principally of my report of the Hamburg massacre. Judge Mackey followed General Butler and he in turn was Ibllowed by General Gary. Nearly the whole of General Gary's speech was directed agaiust me. In bitterness and violence of personal abuse, I have certainly never heard or known its parallel. Nothing short of a verbatim report could give an idea of its charac- ter. His attacks were not confined to m}' of- ficial character, but extended to my personal life and affairs, with frequent threats against me personally in various contingencies. Judge Mackey next occupied about fifteen or twenty minutes in replying to some of Gen- eral Garjf's personal charges against me, and he was followed by General Butler. What I have now described occupied the time from a little after eleven rmtil half-past 3 — a fact which will give an idea of the time consumed by the interruptions of which I have spoken. At half-past 3 I left the grove in order to reach the Columbia train, at Pine House, the same evening, amidst a torrent of jeers and yells which continued to reach my ears without cessation until I had passed be- yond the limits of the town. The meeting, though called and arranged for in every par- ticular by the republicans, was at no time and in no sense under our control; only two of the six republican speakers from abroad who were present were permitted to speak at all, and under the pressure of the white men who crowded upon it the entire platform was brought to the ground before I left the .scene. At this meeting the republicans were told in the most emphatic terms that the democrats had made up their minds to carry Edgefield county and that they would carry it; thai their leaders would be held to account personally; that the white people must and should rule the county. The whole meeting may be justly described as a torrent of abuse of me person- ally, and an exhibition of force and threats designed to intimidate the colored voters and their leaders. After we had reached the. train, at the several railroad stations in Edg-efield county, a number of the armed and mounted men who had attended the meeting at tlie court house entered the car in which we sat, and, with rude and threatening manners, ad- dressed their jeers and insults to General Smalls and myself, especiallj', warning us not tocome to Edgefield again. I will add that the foregoing account of the meeting at l*]dgefield has been made from written memoranda made by fne while on my way to Columbia and after my arrival at home the same evening. Nothing has been over- stated, though much that was disgraceful has necessarily been omitted in this description. MEETING AT NEWBERUT. On the 18th of August I visited Newberry court house, to address a republican mass meeting, called for the same purposes and un- der the same circumstances as the meeting at Edgefield courthouse, which I have de.scribed. I was accompanied by two republican speak- ers, Hon. S. L. Hoge, member of congress for that district, and Mon. J. K. Jillson, superin- tendent of education. On our arrival at the depot at Newberry, we were met by the re- publican county committee who informed us that the democrats were assembled in large force, mounted and armed m the lidgefield fashion, and liad called fora ''division of time" at our meeting. I conlerred with the republi- can committee who were firmly convinced that if we refused the demand our meeting would be attended and probably interrupted by the democrats, with imminent danger of blood- shed if any misadventure should occur. As the republicans were wholly tmorganized for any purpose of resistance to pliysicMl airgres- sion, we deemed it our duly either to abandon our meeting or cousL'ut to a division of time. We chose the lal'er alternative and proceeded to the jV.ace of meeting. At the stand we found the republicans occupj-ing mainly the space iu front and at one side nearest the platform, while the mounted white men de- ployed themselves iu a continuous line, com- pletely enveloping the republicans and the platform on all sides. The usual accompani- ment of -yells was not omitted. I addressed the meeting for an hour, and was followed by Colonel J. N. Lipscomb. His speech was bit- terly person.il iu its character toward me and my friends who were present, and offensive in matter and manner. He constantly alluded aud pointed to me and my friends as we sat upon the platform as "yon fellows," or ''them fel'ows;" declared in violent tones that we white leaders were to be individiutlly held re- spoL!S]ble hereafter, and, by way of illustra- tion of his meaning, referred to the lynching of six colored men in Mny Inst, charged witii tlie murder of the Harmons in Pldgcficld count}', and declared tliat, "'if he liad been present, he would have taken Dr. Barker, the white coro- ner, and Mr. Richardson, the white sheriff, tied them between the niggers and given them the same fate." Judge Hoge spoke next, and was followed by Cohinel D. Wyatt Aiken, the democratic candidate for congress in that district. I did not hear Colonel Aiken's speech, but all the reports of it which I received agreed in stating that it was of a similar tone to that of Colonel Lipscomb, though exceed- ing it in violence of personal denunciation and threats. I left the ground at 3 o'clock, iu or- der to take the Columbia train, and T ma}' mention, as my last experience at this meet- ing, that as I left the stand and readied the outer margin of the crowd I met a cordon of mounted white men, so closely "dressed," in military phrase, in ranks of two or three deep, that I was forced to request to be allowed to pass through and to wait initil the ranks could be broken for my exit. Every mounted white man whom I observed was armed with one or two pistols. JIEETlNa AT ABBSVILLE. At the date of the Newberry meeting I was under engagement to address a similar repub- lican meeting at Abbeville court house on the 22d of August. On the return of Judge Hoge and Mr. Jillson from Newberry on the 19th of August, they strongly advised the abandonment of the meeting at Abbeville in view of their experience at Newberry, and especially on account of a violent and threat- ening harangue made at the depot at Newberry on the morning of the 19th, to a band of his partisans, by Colonel D. Wyatt Aiken. I re- plied that 1 should keep my engagement at Abbeville from a sense of imperative duty to mj republican friends there. U willing to allow me to so alone, these gentlemen gallant- ly consented to accompany me on the 21st to .A.bbeville court hon&e. On arriving at Abbe- ville, I found our republican friends, as at Newberry, firmly convinced that if we held our meeting prudence would compel us to allow the democrats to occupy lialf the time, and even then they were greatlv apprehensive of trouble. An arransrement was accordingly entered into by which three s})eakers from each party were to take part in tlie meeting. At tlie hour appointed we proceeded to the place of meeting where we found the republi- cans assembled, after the manner of ordinary political meetings. As soon, however, as the republicans were assembled, companies of mounted wliite men, marching in martial order, and under the command of officers or person's who gave orders which were obeyed, began-to • pour over the hill in -front of the stand and to take their places at the meeting. At this time I sat beside General McGowan, and we agreed in our estimate that there were from eight hundred to one thousand mounted white men ■ present. They came, as I know from Edge- field county, and as I was informed, frum Newberry, Anderson and Laurens counties, as well as from Abbeville county. When fully assembled they covered more than one-half the space around the stand, besides entirely encircling the whole meeting with mounted men. I spoke first. In the course of my speech, in response to loud and repeated cries from the white men, "how about ilanibnrg"? "Tell us about Hamburg," I replied, "ves, T will tell you about Hamburg," whereupon I saw a sudden crowding towards the stand by the mounted white men on ray right, and heard distinctly the click of a considerable number of pistols. I was followed by Colonel D. Wyatt Aiken in a speech tilled to overflow- ing with the spirit of intolerance and violence. With his thousand mounted and armed par- tisans cheering him on, he shouted t« the tivo or six hundred colored republicans "if you want war you can have it — yes, xVar to the knife, and the knife to the hilt." With a thousand armed while men drinking in his words, he singled out one colored man in the ciowd for special personal denunciation. Turning to me he charged me personally with complicity in sending arms clandestinely to Newberry to "arm lb- blacks against the whites, with absolute falsehoods in relation to the Hamburg massacre aud the calling for TTniied States troops, and declared over and over that the white leaders must be held per- sonally responsible for all future misgovern- ment by the republican party. Later in the day Mr. Jillson while speaking was so greatly interrupted by the wliite men that he was un- able to make a connected speech or to pursue his intended line of argument. After the meeting was closed, and while the colored re- publicans were carrying a Uniied States flag past the public square in the village, an eftbrt was made by a parly of mounted white men to snatch it from them, fifteen or twenty [lis- tols were discharged in the air. and a general riot was thereby made imminent. MEETIXG AT MIDWAY. I attended a similar meeting at Midway, in Barnwell county, on the 24th of August, called by republicans, but attended by a large body of while democrats, who marched into the villatre on horseback, but who, on this occasion, dismounted before they reached the place of meeting. This meeting was addressed by two democratic speakers, both of whom alluded to and described me and the other re- publican speakers present as "buzzards," 10 "plunderers," '•adventurers," and "carrion crows." Major G. D. Tillman, the democratic candidate for congress in that district, made a speech rivalling in some respects the s-'peech of General Gary at Edgefield, He charged that I shared the plunder with McDevitt; that I sought to shield liim from arrest h^' giving information to him of the fact that I had issued requisitions for his return from Florida and Louisiana; that I pardoned Walker because I had sliared with him in legislative "steals," and finally sssured his friends tli.'it within a few mouths I would cither be "a fugitive from justice or wearinir ihe strijied suit of a convict in the penitentiary." These are but a few specimens from his speech. During the speech of Judge Hoge, who spoke later in the day, in consequence of a retort by the speaker to a white man who had repeatedly inter- rupted all the republican speakers with in- suUinij: remarks and questions, several pistols were drawn, violent threats were made against Judge Hoge.and a trial justice who was present rushed upon the stand to inform me that he could no longer restrain the ivliite men, and for full twenty minutes the speaking was com- pletely interrupted. JIEETIXG AT LAkCASTER. I went on the 30th of August to Lancaster cocrt house to address a republican meeting similai in all respects to those I have already named. The same scene was repeated, several hundreds of mounted and armed white men. their leaders having previously demanded and been granted a division of the time for speak- ing, snrrMunding the entire republican au- dience. A'ter two republican and two demo- cratic speakers had been heard Hon. A. S. Wallace, member of congress from that dis- trict, took the platform, but after vainly en- deavoring to obtain a hearing he was obliged to leave the stand without making a speech. Nearly every fact and incident staled in the foregoing account of tliese meetings fell within Diy own personal knowledge. I have omitted many ficts vouched for by perfectly trustwor- thy eye-wituesses,sucli as the repeated drawing of pistols on me behind my back and the threats against my life uttered by persons at too great a distance to be heard b^- me. At none of these meetings did I witness or know of a single disorderly act on the part of anj' republican, nor did I hear a word spoken by a republican speaker personally disrespectful to a democratic speaker. At each of these nieet- iugs the coolest and best 'nformed republicans fell that tae only alternatives were to abandon the meeting or to yield to the demands made by the democrats, unless we were willing to run the imminent hazards of violence and bloodshed. These meelmgs were, moreover, as you have observed, held at points widely asunder in our state and thus were evidently the result of a matured and well understood plan. I now present these to you as an answer to your claim that all the methods of the demo- cratic canvass are peaceful, orderly and within the law. I pronounce such a course of con- duct as I have now described as an outrage upon free discussion, a mocking travesty of free speech, and a plain, palpable, systematic attempt to deter republicans from canvassing the state, and to overawe and put in physical fear peaceful citizens assembled to discuss political questions; and I submit the justness of this verdict to the candid judgment of all who respect individual rights or public order and peace. DE.MOCK.iTlC "BREAD AND BUTTER" PRO- SCRIPTION. I now proceed to present another phase of the democratic canvass which bears upon your claim that all your methods are legiti- mate and within tlie law. I propose to pre- sent evidence of an authentic character to es- tablish the fact that the democratic party has adopted and is carrying out a systematic plan of social and political proscription, with the set and avowed purpose of forcing men to vole contrary to their convictions and wishes. ^s specimens of what may be called social proscription for political ends, I present the ^ following language used by Colonel J. S. Cothran, of Alibeville, in the democratic con- vention in May last, as reported in the Charleston News and Courier of May 8, 1876. Colonel Cothran said: •'Many li.ive joiueil that (the republican) party to thfir eternal fiisKnce, and they will never recover frdiTi it; no. sir. nor tUeir children nor their children's children. [Crieers.J Tine very fact of their deserting their friends and tiicir race is the best proof of their dishonesty. Fidelity is the best proof of honesty of soul, and lie who lias it not to his state and to his peo- ple is altogether dishonest." In a democratic speech made at Walhalla, on the 4th of September, and reported in the Greenville Enterprise, of September 16, e.x- Governor B. F. Perrj^ used the following lan- guage: ".\nd here I would appeal to my democratic friends all over the stale lo stop all sucial intei'course with any man who is base enough to be a radical. Let him feel by your conduct tosvard him that the brand of infamy is on him and his eliildren. This is tlie only way you can reach his black heart. Let him see that there is a moral pestilence around him which prevents all Social contact with honorable men, and leaves him for patronaao and society to his own chosen rogues and plunderers." The Lancaster Ledger, of August 30, gives a report of a democratic meeting at Lancaster court house, at which the following resolution was "unanimously adopted;" "Whereas several white citizens of Lancaster vil- lage and county have associated themselves with the negro radical party, and thereby turned .against their owu race and rendered themselves unworthy of social recognition by the Anglo-Sa.xon race; be it '"Kesolved. That we, the democratic citizens of Lancaster village, pledge ourselves not to countenance fcem except only in business transactions, and that we also request our young men and boys in the village and county to carry out this resolve." As another phase of the same system of political coeicion I present the following from the editorial columns of the Charleston News and Courier of September: •'Preferenc*', X«t Proscription." "The mechanics and working men of Charleston are true as steel, and will follow the standard of Hamp- ton wherever it shall lead tlicm. They have an or- ganization of their own, known as the Workingmi-n's Democratic association, and are, with the ward club.s doing good service in the canvass. At a meeting of the association, held on Thursday ni^ht, the following resolutions were unanimously adopted: Kesolved, That we, the members of the Working- men's Democratic association, do hereby endorse the resolutions adopted at the last meeting of the si.xth ward, and further, that we insist that democrats shouhl no longer patronize republicans in trade or re- tain them in employment. •■Ilesolved, That we make it known to the public that we have in the workingmen'a democratic asso- ciation good, true, capable, able-bodied and willing- 11 hearted men, who are ready to answer to the calls of tile executive committee to fill places of labor or trust. "Ilesolvert, That many of these men have been compelled for months to remain unemployed, and are ready and anxious to earn honestly the necessaries of Hie, and can and will, if the chance is ottered, fill po- sitions snch as teamsters, truckmen, warehousemen, porters, shipping clerks, cotton sami)lers, railroad j-ard men, wharf and vessel men, laborers in factories, •fee, &c., and in fact any position requiring muscle and brain. "Kesolved, That we believe that these men amongst us, with a fair education, are better caiiacitated to fill these situations than most of the republicans now thus occupied. ' "Similar action has already been taken by ward clubs and by the Butler Guards. The claim is just. How shall we obtain and retain friends, in a campaign where every vote is impome should be left, behind to mark the contrast between the reputable and well- to-do supporters of Haoipton and the !SicelJOIders." "Any citizen of Charleston who now becomes a bondsman for a radical ofiicial is a worse foe to the cause of good government than if he boldly vot-d the rase illy radical ticket at every election. In voting with the radicals he would do no more than any negro who will pass muster as of lull age can do equally well, and more frequently; but, in becomirg, in these days, a surety upon the official bond of a radical ap- pointee, the responsible citizen brings proi)etry and positiim to the rescue of such fellows as Berni-y, anil gives to the public enemy the means of securing office- holders who will faithfully do their dirty work aut' hinder the success of the democracy. ***** '•The opponents of tlie democratic party are the ad- veniuri-rs who live by stealing — whether their steal- ing takes the form of discounts and commissions, of bribes, or of exorbitant pay of worthless services. These adventurers req\iire the aid of evory office- holder in the state, and when they find one who will noL be as unscrupulous as they are, or who will not use his ofiicial influiBce and patronage to cause the foul bird of radical victory to perch on their black banners, they require his removal and procure the ap- pointment of some serviceable Berney who will be to them as clay in the hands of the potter. Straw bonds find scant favor in Washington. The Berney's and their kidney cannot qualify unless property holders will be their sureties, and such sureties, with rare ex- ceptions, can be found among democrats alone. It is a patent truth, therelore, that the democrat who now becomes the bondsman of a radical official lends him- self to the basest uses of radical wire-pullers of the Patterson-Bowen stamp, and throws the whole weighi ol his influence and means on the side of public de- bauchery and vice. ***** "For those who thoughtlessly agreed to become the bondsmen of Berney, and have since seen their error and withdrawn their names, we have no harsh words; but there will be neither grace nor mercy for those who, knowing the character of the crisis, become the instruments of the brutal kn.aves whose aim is that perpetual power whose cornerstone is .\ferican domin- ion over the good people of the state." And the following from tlie Chester Re- porter of a recent date : "Oflice-Holrters." "There is some excitement in Charleston on account of a statement recent'y made in one of the papers of that city ihat several demcicrats had become sureties on the ofliciid bond of one Berney, who has been selected by Hon. John Patterson for the office of postmaster of Charleston, in place of Boseinon. the present incumbent, who is a republican, but not zeal- ous enough in the great work of "five years good stealing." This subject of becoming sureties plies, such as pro- visicms, tarm implements, stock, &c., except so far as contracts for the present year are concerned. '•3. That we will not purchase any thins any radi- cal leader or any member of his family may oflfer for sale, or sell any such leader or any member of his family anything whatever. "4. That the names of such peisons, who may be considered leaders, be furnished to this club at the earliest date, and that a list of the same be furnished each member of the club. '"5. That whenever any person or persons who shall be denominated radical leaders by a vote of this club eh.all cease as such, these res lutions shall become null and void so far as such leader or leaders, or any member of his or their families, are concerned. '■G. That we will protect all persons in the right to vote for the candidates of their choice. "7. That these resolutions be published, and that all the democratic club.s in lh« county and throughottt the stale are hereby requested to adopt them." The followiiif? resolutions, published in the Columbia Register, of September 28, were "imanimously adopted" by the democratic club of ward 3 in the city of Columbia, and I notice that the same meeting- of the club was addressed, among others, by yourself: "Resolved, Thi.t it is the sense of this club that the time has come when we must distinguish our friends froui our foes; that we must manfully show our pre- ferences in the employment of and in the trading with those who sufiport the strand movement of reform and honest government to those who are endeav ring to foi.si upon us the same corrupt and dishonest admin- istration that for eight years has had no object but the degradation of the name of South Carolina and the ticrsonal nggrandizement of the carpet-baggers and a few renegades. "Resolved, That rumors being current in the city that certain merchants in this ward are going to show their pref 'rence tor the present administration on the 7th ot November next, that the president ot this elub do appoint a committee of three or five, the duty of this committee being to present the roll to every man in the ward for sisnatures, thereby giving to each one the opportunity ol vindicating liimseU, and at the same time enabling the honest laborers for reform lo disciiminatc between friends and foes, and that they report at the earliest possible time. "Resolved, That this resolution shall apply equally forcilile to porters about stMres and offices, carpenters, mechanics, barbt rs, butchers, hack drivers, and, in fjct, to every one wtio receives wages from the honest citizens of this ward." lu the Charleston News and Courier, of August 7, in an account of the county demo- cratic convention of Ail