Jff F 566 .B89 Copy 1 SPEECHES MESSRS. BUCHANAN AND BENTON, BILL TO .\DMIT THE STATE OF MICHIGAN INTO THE UNION. <,'\ Delivered in the Senate, January 3, 1837. Mr. BUCHANAN rose and said- Mr. President: Judg'ing trom the remarks of the Senuiorfrcm South Carol. na, (Mi-. Calhoun,) this would seem tube a question big with the fate of the constitution and the country. According to him, the adoption of tiie preamble to the bill ad- mitting Mcliigan into the Union, as it was report- ed by the Commiltee on the Judiciary, would en- tail upon us evils as numeious and . is deadly as those c<)niained«in Pandora's box, whilst hops would not even remain. After depicting in me- lancholy colors the crtiel destiny of our country, should this precedent be established, he conchides by saying that in such an event, this Government would become "one of the most odious and despo- tic Goveriuiients that ever e.'dsted on the face of the earth " I presume it is attributable to my colder tempe- fam^nt that 1 feel none of these terrors. In my opinio • they spring altogether .^rom the Senator's ardent imaginution and creative genius. Since I came in o public liff, 1 liave known t!:e country to be ruined at least twenty t'nii's, in the opinion of gen'Um n; yet it would s^eem that the more we are thuii iu:i.' d, the more we fiourish. Experi- ence has ;ai:ght me to pay little attention to these doleful p: edict ions. Thebesta.swer which can be given to the Se- ' iiator is to come at once t>) the question. To state it, in its pi iln and simple character, will at once dissipate tvery fear, lis decision will be at- tended with but little difficulty, because it in- volves no new principles; and as to its importance as a precedent, we shall probably never hear of it ag;ain, after the admission of Michigan into the Union. What then is the question? Onthissuhjeclour inenRorics would setm to be strangely iii fault. "We cannot recollect from one session to the other. I wish to recall the attention of Senators to the fact. It was deemed of great importarine at the last session to obtain the consent of Miciiigan to the settlement of the boundary between iicr and Ohio. To accomplish this purpose was then of so much consequonce, in our opinion, that we offered to Michigan a large territory on her noithein boundary, as a compensation for what she should yield to Ohio on the south ; ^nd we m^de her ac- ceptance Of' this oflT'^r a Condition precedent of her a'Jmission into the Union. We then believed, and I still believe, that this was the only mode of set- tling for ever the disputed boundary between Ohio and Michiijan, which has already involved us in so many difficulties, threatening bloodshed and civil war on that frontier. ! his was then deemed the only mode of obtaining an absolute relinqn'sh- ment of all claim, on the part of the people of Michigan, to the territory in dispu'e with Ohio, [t became my duty at the last session to investigate this subject thorougidy? and I had many confe- rences upon it with the then chairman of the Judi- ciary Committee, (Mr Clayton) — a man of as clear a head, and w^ honest a heart, as ever adorned this chamber. 1 am happy to state, that, alihongh we concurred in opinion that Michigan had no right to this territory, under the compact of J 787, yet we also believed that the onh mode of putting the question at rest for ever, was to obtain her own solemn recognition of the right of Oh o. For this very purpose, the third section was inserted in the act of the last session, dedari'sg, " 1 jiat as ?. compliance with the fundamental condition of admiss-ion" into the Union, the boundaries of the Sta'c of Michigan, as we then estubiished tl-iem, '•shall receive the assent of a convention of dele- gates elected by the people of faid State, for the sole piH'pose of giving the afsent herein required.'* Shall we now, after Michigan has given this a??''ent, in the terms prescribed, release her from his obligation? Shall we now strike out the preamble, by which we recognifie the validity and bin^i np effect of the assent given by the last con- venti )n of delegates; and tliiis throw the boun'lary question again open? Shall ue undo all v/e litve done w ilh so nnuch cm-e at the* last session, and admit MieiugHn into tiif- Union, as thongli we had never recptired from her any assent to this ccnditoi ? 1 irust not. And here permit me to express my a.'tonishment that the Senators frctn Oiiio should both advocate this course. I have no right to jndge for them; but it does feem to rnQthey are w iUing to aban.'on the only security which r, e h.'ive ai^'idnst a repetition of the scenes whicli wfi have already witnessed on the frontiers of Ohio ;uid Michigan. To show that my fears are not vain, let me pre- sent the state in which t!;is question will be placed, in case wft do not adopt the preamble. I think I may assert, with perfect safety, that there are ninety-nine citizens of Michigan out of every hundred, who firmly believe th;it the ordinance of 1787, fixes iirevorably tiie southern boundarv of th-it S^ate. If this were ita correct construc- tion, it will not be denied by any, that no human po^.er can change it, without the consent of the people of Michigan. This ordinance, which is confirmed by the constitution of the United States, to use its oun 1 Miguage, is a compact between the 'original States and the people and States in the said territory, and must forever remain unalteralde, unless by common consent. Hence the vast im- portance of" obtaining tiie consent of Michigan to the proposed change in her boundaiy. The lan- guage ottie ordinance under which she ckims the disputed ten itory ia as follows: "provided, how- ever, and it is further undar.«itood and declared, thnt the boundaries of these three States (Ohio, Jndiana, and Uhnois) shall be subject so far to be f.KTred, that, if Ccmgre^s shall hereaft-r find it expedient, ihey shall have unthorili/ lo fiirni nne. or hco States in that part of the said territory which iuH north of an aast and west line drawn through the southerly benrf or extreme of Lake Michii^an." Michigan cntends lh;it Congress, hiving deter- mined to form two Slates north of this line, the ordinance makes it ine.vocab'y her southei'n boundary. Some of the most distinguished men in the country, we know, are of this opinion. Can any Senat(;r, therefore, b' lieve for a moment that if we now leave tliis question unsettled, that it will ntvrr be tried by Mic'-igan? Can we believe that she will acquiesce in a decision of Congress, which a vast majority of her people believe to haxe bei n unjosl' Release her from the assent which she has given to the sd then it rem lins as open as it ever was. The poiiif, tlien, to be decided, is, whether the crdiiiaiice does fi.\ h< r soiitharn boundary or not Adinllti g it did, it is manifest that the act of Con- gress repealing it, and giving (he territory in dis- pute to Ohio, would he a violation of its provi- sions, and l!;us become a dead letter. \ es, sir, the c.>:is lit of iiichigan is al! important to ti)e peace asid (juiet of the Union; and now when we have obtained it, shall we cast it away by n jecting this p!t amble? That is the question which I shall (\\-,\v pr.;ceed to dis"u?s. Wh-v then, .siu^uld we reject this preamble, which will for ever terminate the dispute between these two States.' Because, says the Senator from South Carolina, (Mr. Cafioun,) this convention of delegates f lecled by the people o!' Michg^p, was not authorized by a previous act oftluir Suito Le- j^isL'.turc; and, the;-efore, their pr(jce<.dii gs are a ntdl.iy. It is rcvoiutinnavy — it is dangerous in itself to our rights and liberties; atil s;ill mar« dai'gerous as a precedent for luture cases If this be true, the people of Michigan are ai a mo.st un- fortunate position. At the last session ofCon- gicss, if we had attempted to insert in ihe bill a provision to make a previous act (;f the legisla- ture neccfisary, it would then have been c-pposed as n '-evolutionary nieasuri.-. It would \.^.\'e Leen drrnonstrated by Senators that the Legislature of Michigan was an unauthorised assembly, povsessing no Ici-vitimate powers; that it was a body which we had never recognised; and therefore, w:; could re- fer nothins-^to it* decision. In m:tking tiic:"=e asser- tions, I speak from the record. It appears from the j jurnals, that on the 25tii January 1 ist, thes Vice ''resident communicated to the Senat;^ "the memorial of the Senate and House of Ifeprtsenta- tives of the State of Michig'an," on tiie subject of their right to be admitted into the Union. On the motion of Mr. Hendricks, this memorial was refer- red, accompsnied by a declaration "that the Senate regard the same in no other light tiiun as the volun- tary act of private individuals." Mr. Uugglea m(Aed to strike out this declaration; and on the aye?, and noes, his motion was rejected by a vote of 30 to 12. Thus the Senate then soK n:n!y de- termined that the Leg slature of .Michigao was a m^ere assemb'y of private individu-i's, an ! yet novY we arc told by the Senator from Soudi (Jarolina (Mr. Calhoun) that because th s very Legia- latnre did not pass an act to authorize the holding of the Convention, all its [>raceed- iiigs are void and r volutionary. How will he re- concile this inconsistency. Truly tiie people of Michigan ate in a deplorable condition. They cannot avoid the whirlpool of Scyll a without being engulfed in Charybdis. At the List ses- sion their Legislature was a mere lav/ less assembly; but now t'; ey are so omnipotent that the sovereign people of the State cannot elect delegates to a convention without their {irevioiisauth;rity. Let us proceed one step farther with our evidence from the record. The bill for ti:e ainnssion of Michigan into the Union, when first i-eported by the comtTiittee, provided that the assei.t to the boundaries of tlie State, required by the third sec- tion, should be given by their Senator.s and llepre- sentatives in Congress, and by ;1k- Legii.h «re of the St:ite. I spi^ak from memory, but I feel con- fident I am correct. It would have heeii i vain task toattempt to support this provision in ilie face of the \ ote of the Senat- to wjiich I h^ive re.crred. What, s r, ref-r to a body whom we had solemnly declared was composed merely of private individu- als, the question of assent to a condition tor the purpose of bindintj the sove tigo peoj)lo of Michi- gan! This would have been as absiir;! as it was inconsistent. We should th'n'fiave he- a t ddthat there e-asno luyde of escaping tiiis -iit m:)ve.'l to strike out the provisi":) to which I have referred, and lo insert in its stead, liiat the asiient required should be given (jy " a Convention of Delej^ates elected by the people of liie said State, for the sole purpose of giving- the assent herein requiret;ga-n with the people of Michigan. It presupposes a perfect equality, in this respect, •between t 'e partes. They h.id the same right to refuse hit we had to ofler. They may vol. in- tarily co;i^^•i,t to your terms, ;is they have done in this cas , and lb n it becomes a contract which cannot at erward:* be violated: but if tl'.ey had dlsstntcd, J:e n.goti.ition '>ou!dhave been at an end. This is what the Senator den >mina!es a convention cdlcd by Oongres-s v, itiun tlit; limits of the St;it > ot Michigan. S.irely no further a;-- gument, cs this point of the casf, can be n ces- sary. Cong-es-; might hrtve prop.osed to Michi.fan that the que.:r:',)n should b.- dscivU d at th-.« polls, by a vote of lisr: peo()le. It v/a^ b tier, ho.vever, to submit it to a convention of delegates, because they could deliberate. This was, emphatically, to be the act of the people in their sovereign capa- city. It w;is a q lestion whether they should be receiver! as a member into our gre '.t family of na- tions, upon the terms which we hud proposed. It was to be t"«,e e.*tabiis!n"neiit of new political rela- tions oC the most iin-yortanl character, affecting them and their chi!di\.n 'or many c;f::.eiatioi s. It was a que'-tion over which, un'ici- thel" own con- >titution, their servant.--, the iv'.crubers of th.e Le- gislature, had no control. To what oth'-r t)-ibu- nal could we so proper'y have referred thu ques- tion, jiS to that of a convention of delegates elected by the people^ There can, then, be no objection to the net of Congress, unless it be thai J^the people are not competent, in the very nature of things, to give the assent required, wi'hout the intervention of the Lesrisliitnre. But this would be to condemn the conduct < f our ancestors. It would be at war with tlie most gioriou.s events of our own liLstory. Besidi s, th;; very conduct of «^he people of Michi- g-.n, upon this occasion, disprovt-s ih^ position. J'here was no tumidtuous and hwless ris n.t^ up of the people against a settled form of G wt rnmint, as one m'ght suppose, judging fi-om the argu- ments upoii this fl ;or. '1 hey conducted ttie elec- tions v.'ith regularity and order, accordir.g to the established laws and usages of the State. Hear what General VViUiams, the President of the Con- ventio'.i, says upon this subject, in his official communicsttion to the President of the U- States. " The Convention, says he, originated through primary meetings of the citizens of the .seve- r.d counties, in ample time to -.iflTord notice to the whole State. Pursuant thereto, elections kept open for two d!" Can .any Senator upon this Sooi- question it ^ H.is there been a singl - memorial, or ev.?n a single private letter [ivo.luced callin;,' it in qties'ion. N-*y more, has a sifiijie voice been raised in .Mich'gau against entering the Union on tlie terms proposed .' Not one to our knowledg-. If it wer;-' necessary to plicv the f !:i m-s of Mi- cldgan uponotJier ground-, it mig'it be d(me witii great force. Suppose we were to admit t ha'- their proceeding-shad been irregular, ought that to ex ■ elude her from the Union? On this fuhject, we ought t'ia;t like statesmen ai~quaii)'ed wi'h the hii.tory of cnw own country. We ougi»l not to ap- ply the lii^i 1 rules of ab-tract poh'icd scien-^e too rigorous'y to such cases It !ia>> !)eeu our pv.ic- tice h-retof ae to trtat our infan* Ten-itories witii p irental c-tre, to nur^e th.ern wi*J) kindncs>-, and when they had attained the age of nrii! iiood to admit them into the H'-mily v.-itii-'jot requi^iv.g from them a rigid adheresice to f-rrrns. 'I'he (;<'eiit questions to be flecided are, do they contain a siif- fieient pcpiilatmn' have they adopted a l:e- piiblicaii Con'-tiliitioi)? and are they willing to enter the Union upon the terms ^vhich we prspose? If so, all the preliminary proceed- ings have been considered but mere f( rms which v.e have waived ik repea'ed instances. They are but the scafTnlUirg of the building-, which i-: of no furtiier use after tlse ee'ifice is complete. We have pursued tlis course in regard to Tf nnrsoee, to Arkansas, and even to Michigan. No Senator will pretend (hat llieir Tenitoria! Legislatures hsd any rij^Kt whatever to pass laws enabling the peo- ple to elect delegfttfs to a convention for the pur- pose of forming a State constiluiion. It was an act of usurpation on their part. And yet we have in all these instances waived this objection, and ap- proved the consii'u'ions thus formed. We have admitted Tennessee and Arkansas into the Union noi withstanding this obj. ction; and I trust we sliall pursue a similar course tow^n's Michigan e pe- cially as tl ere can be no donbt but what her peo- pie have assented to onr terms of admission. The cas.e of Mishouri was a very strong one. Congress tgiced to admit her into the Union upon the coi dition th;it her Legislature shoidd substan- tially change 3 provision in herconstiiution touchirig .t very delicate subject. IJnd- r her constitutic n t!ie Legislatun- 1 ad no po-ver lo make this cbange; nor colli i it have beeii i fifected witliout r. long and troublesome pi cccss. But Congress cut the gor- dian knot at once, and agrei d to accept the en- gagement of the Legislature as die voice of tiic people. We have never had any occasion to re- grtt this disregard of f.rms. The Senator from Ohio (Mr. Ewing) hss con- ienden. ~. [Mr EWING fiwA, he had asked whether if the first convention had assented to tiie condition pro- rosed by the act of Corigress, there would have been any objection to this assent, because it had been c;J'cd by virtue of an act of the Legislature?] Wr. BUCHANAN said certainly not. It never C'uid fare been cor.'ended that tliis act of the Le- gisl.Muiehad vitiated the subs' quent proceedings of trie convent'on. Although it was not necessary to give tliem validity, }et it would not destroj- thtm. It could neither make the case better nor woise I am confident it ni^jLt he demonstrated fh»t t!)c people of Michigan, under the act ol Congress, had the power to make a second tri«I, upon a failure of the first; but as this point lius not been contested iiy the Senator, 1 shall not now enter upen its discussion. I now come, Mr. Fre^^ len', »o .•■peak npon .-ub- jects ctmcerning wh'ci) 1 should gladly lie silent. The interuid conce!ns of the States shoidd never be introduced upon ihii Coor when it can be avoided; but the Senators from South Carolina (N!r. Calhoun) and Ohio (Mr. Morris) have thought difTerently, and have rendered it necessary forme to m-tke some observations in reply. First, then, I would a'^k what po'sib'e connec- tion can be ima/'^ined between the con.iuct of the Senatorial ekctcr3 of f-^arylani', who rtfused to execute a trust for which they were el.cted, and that of the people of Michigfin, who cho.se dele- gates lo a corvcnttcn upon the eTiprts.s invitation of an act of Congress? The Mai;y!ani! electors rerti'el to perform their duty under the Siate con- s. If I were to admit thatt'iiey did no' p"sses3 this power, still the Senator i^ as much ofa revohitioni^' ;t-, m^'self He admits tli.it if the Legi-latnre of ..I"-!iigan had* passrd a law author'zirg this convei tioUj and fix- ing the time and place of its meeting, th-M its pro- ceedings Honhl h?-.ve been regular and valid. But who gave the L-gislature of MicMg.inthis authori- ty? Is it coutfJ.neu in the constitution of the State? That is not pretfnded- Whence, then, shall we derive it' How does the Sen.tcr escape from this difficulty? Upon his own [.riuciples it would h&ve b?cn a legislative usurpati ;n; and yet he scys, if the L*='g'is!:iture had 3Cttd fi.s', the con- vention would have been htld und-r : ompetent auth >rity. Now, for my own part, I shei'.ld not have ob- jected to their action. It might have b en conve- nient, it might have been proper, for tiiem to have recommended a particular dry foi" holding the ejection of delegate.s and for the m.eetlng of the convention- Rut it is manifest that as a sourca of power to ti)e, convention, legislative action would have been absurd. The constitution of Michigan fixes the boundaries of the State. For this pur- pose it refers to the act cf Congress nf the 11th. of .Tanuary, 1 805, estiblishirg the Ten itory. How rnuVl t!!e.«ie boundarie'! be changed? If in no other manner than that presci-ibed by (he consti- tution of Michig^in, it would have icen H tedious and a troublesome process, and would have de- layed, for at least two years, the adi^iis-rion of the State into the Union. First, such an amendment must h;ive keen sanctioned b)- a t.f:riji,ilty of the Senate and House of T?epres( ntatixcM- Then it most have bee"! ^lublishpd for tluee months. Afterwards it must have r< ceived the aj probation of two thirds of both houjcs of a Legislature sub- sequently ilec'ed. Anrl, a'ter.-dl tiie.sf; r.rereqni- 'ites, it must b.ave be^ n snl'mitted to a v('te of the people for tlieir latif-caU.n. It was to avoid fliese very (lifiiculties that ll'.e Senate, at their hit session, adopted, by an unii.imo'is vote, t!ie mea- sure whicii Ue Seuatoi- now calls revGlu!ioi)ai-y, mnd referred t!>e deciMon of th*? question diiectly to the sovereign people of Michigan in their pri- mary capacity. Then was the appropriate mo- ment for f^c Senator to have objected to this course . That was the occasion on which to con- vince us that this was an unconstitutional and lawless proceeding. He bufTered thf precious moment to escape; and it is now too late to tell the ptoide of .Michigan thnt they shfdi be punislied by an exclusion from tlie Union, be- cause they thought proper to take us at our word. That would hav'.ve been published thrnughout the whole coun- try, without the coi'te.xt: and innurner.ililc fkl^ com Tientaries have attributed to hini sentiments and opinior.s-vhoUy at war witii its general tenor, [n speaking upon "his subject, lam fully sen.sible how liable I am myself to misrcjjresentation; but I shall end', avor so plainly and so clearly to pre- .s^iU my views th^t ai le:-.st they cannot be misun- derstood by any person present. l:i the first place, then, Mr. Dallas never did as- sert that thft conve.ntion about to be held in Penn- sylvania will po.sesi any power to violat" the con- st'tutio:^ ofthe United Sta.es. He nev- r did main- tain 'he proposition thut this convention would be the fintd judge, and cou-d decide, in the last re- sort, that its own decrees were no violation of that Stored instrument. Why, .sir, such propositions would be rank nnlfmcation; and althovigh I have never had the pleasure of being on intima'e terms with Mr. Dallas, I can venture to assert thut he, in common with the p-nple of Pennsylvania, i* op- posed to thi=« political Iieresy. For my own part, I can ^ay, th»t however much 1 may admire the apostles of this new faith, theit- doctrines have never found a!iy favor in my eyes. No, sir; Mr. Dallas has expressly referred to the Suprem • Court of the United Sta'es as the tribunal which must finslly decide whether the cnnvention posscs-es the power to repeal tli=^ B uik charter. From v,'hat. we have heard on this floor, it is manifest that vubiic opir.iou is greatly in error as to the pri iciples of ihe anti bank jiarfy in Penn- sylvania. I profess to be a member of th?.t parly; and I now propose briefly to st-ile their princi- ples. If I should err in presenting theirs, I slul^ at least place my own beyond contradiction. The constitution of the United States declare* that "no State shill pass any law impairing the obligation of contracts." This is a nio^t wice snd salutary provision; mny it be perpetual! It se- cures the frivate rights of every citizen, and ren- ders priv;ite contracts inviolable. It impait.s a sa- cred character to our titles to real estate, stnd it plicc'Sthe senl ofabioUite security upon the rii^hts of private prcperty. Still tl'.e question remains, is a privilege granted by a St^le Legislature to a corporation for bunk- ing purpo.s: .s a contract, wilh.in the spirit and in- ttn'ioii of the constiluticn of the Uiited States? In otlier words, is tlie autiioriiy, whicli the Legis lature of P. nt)sy!vani« !::iS given to the Bani< of the United Stt.irs to create and circulate a paper currencj' (if tliirfy-five irill'^frs rf (^r.llar", irrt-voen- l.le by ury lumfr.n power shuit of an amen'ims.s.t to tl":e (eriera! coistitutiotj? My own convictions aie (.It?.!' thai .'uch an sot of 'egitlation is not a contract ur.dtr the constitotioM. U is true that lli's iii^imn Mit sf ctks of "c;;ntia' ts" in g:=reTa! ttrn ^; h'.it there is no lulf oJ coni-truct;<.n better .settled than ihai of re!;n a contrary supposition, the legislative power might destroy itself, and transfer its most important func- tions for ever to corportt'ons. In the?c general princ'p'i s I feci hsppy that I am sustained by the high autiiority of the late Chief Justice Marshall, in tlie celebrated Daitnonth co'(rpo!;-tion cre:.ted by a Stite Legislature *' he a g,-rant of polit'cal power; if ii create a civil institu'iop. to be empiuyed in the admir:iv.r.ation of the Government," th.en the charter may be altered or repealed at plfa^rre by the State I.ei;is!ature. The distinct principle, clearly deduci ic i'romthis opinion, as well as fro:v. the nature of o:ir Govern- ment, is, that contracts made by a State Legisla- ture, whether with corporations or individuals, •.vliich triUK'er political puwer, and d;r-ct!y sfFect tl'.e general admit. i^-.tiation of Govtrnrntnt, are not such contracts as the constitution isite; ded to ren- der inviolable. In other word-;, alth ugh these contracts n-ay be within its general v/ords, they are rot within its intent and meaiiing. To declare that they were, would be to .say that the people had surrendered their dearest righ-ts into the l.-efping of the Legidatiuv, t) be bartered away for ever at th.; pleas'^re of their own servants. '!'his wovihd be a d>ctrine utterly .subversive of Stat'- rights and State sovereignty. 1/ t me now iltu.strite these principles by a few examples. The judges of the Supreme Court of several of the States held their offices under the State con- stitu'r.ons. They have abandcneel the practice of a lucrative profession, and the State has enter- eel into a Rol'jmn contract with them, th it they shall hold their offices during good behavior, and receive a fixed annual compensation, vihich shall not b .• diminished during their tcim. of office. Here is a solemn co;. tract, founded on 'i valuable consideration; a;id yet in all the charg s which have m^ide in the constitutions of tit; different States, it has never, to my knowK dge, been seri- ously contended, that judges, under such circum- stances, might not b(r removed, or have the tenure or srdary of their office entireiy changed. This has been dr-ne in repeated instances. And why? IBecause, although this be a contract, it is one not of a privat-", but of a public nature. It relates 'o the administration of juv;i ice, v/hich is one of the mo9l important concerns of Government; and the interest of the individual judge must yield to that of the whole community. It is therefore not a coiitrr.ct within the meaning of the constitution of tht- Uiiited States Again, s.ppose the L» gisktiire of a St-sfe should create iijiint stock company, with ac:ipital of thirty- five mi ions ifd; ll'.rs, anrl grant them the exc'usive privilege of purchasing and vending all llie cot- ton, thefl;(jr, ti:e iron, Uie coal, or any ot the other grtat staples of \he State whicli mj'.ht >-eek a market in their commercial metioi)oli •. VA ill any Senator contend that sucli a charter wonlil be irrevocuhi;;? Mur.t the greut a.i;ricul!unl and m:i- nufacttiriug interests of thw State, which may have thus been sacrificed by t!ie I.egislulin-e, remam palsied by such an odious monopoly' Certainly not. The nxt Legislature might refeal tho ob- noxioas l;iv.; because it conccned not private in- teres's and private properly merely, but those great and l.faciing interests vvhi h vitally aff'. c' the wh(,le people of the State. N^i one can suppose thtt the <:on'-tituti ;n of the United States ever in- tended to consecnte such a chrirte;* Aga'n, if the Legislature of a State s,hould trans- fer to a corporation, or to an ind.v idnal, for a pe- riod ofy-.-ars, the power of collecting Sta'e taxes, and thus constitute fai-mers s^eneral of the reve- nue, ?..< h ,s b^ en done in other countries, vvould not this ioe a contract, in the language of Ciiief Justice' XSaishaU, crtating "a civil institution to be eniphyed in t!ie adminiit 'a'ion of the Govern- ment," a; d Iherefore a "subject in which the Legislature of the State m*y act accord;:ig to its own jud:,-inent, unrestrained by anv iimi'ation ■{ its po-.vt r imposed by the Constiiutlou of the United Siites?' Let us pr.-ceed a step furiher. One o!' the most essentia- flowers and dutits ofany mov6 yielded up all ctmtrol over it; and if the dwc'.rine now on- tended fir be correct, these banks cannot be dis- turbed in the ext rcise of this at'iibute of sove- reign pr.wer by :iny ham .n a .thority Tliey hold it under t'lf sacred sheW of the corsiitutioa of tlic United States It is now deemed a ma.ter of immense iioiiortarce to rcsirain the issue of small notes and nibstitute a specie; cir< ulation in their stead. Bvit the bar.ks can ly.ugh you to scorn. The whole power of CongL-ess, and that of all tl,e Legislatures of all the twenty-six States of this vast Ui.ion. carmot prohibit the circulation of not' s of a less denomination than five dolUis If this bt,- the case, did ever so great an abs.udty exist, upon the face- of the earth under the Government of any people-.i' Cong; ess have, by some m. an.s or other, lost the control over the piper C'lrrer.cy of the country. The States to wh'.>rfi it belongs have granttd It to a thousand banking corporations : aad aIthoui;,h the people of the Sta es may change and modify their fu:idamc-.nid iastinaioi.s at piea- iure, yet this hanking pov.'er remains unhurt amidst the gener.d wrtck. If this b;^ true the peo- ple of the Uniied States are completely at the mercy of these institutions, i he citaiure will give laws to the creator. Bsit here the great and wi^e j'Jdj:;e and expounder of the Con-.t.itutioii in- terposes for our relief. He declare s that, "if die act of incor[ior;ition be a grant of p;>htical power, tile subject is one in which the Legiiliture ofvbe S'tate riiay act according to its own judgment, un- restrained by any iiniitation oS' j's power imposed by Lhe Constitution of the United Suit. s." Wis!) doubts out what the power to r> gul tie the paper currency of a country is in its very nat'jre a politicid power .' From what I have said, the Senite will perceive, thit tiieie i-! no louiidation vshalever for the panic which has been exci ed iti.t the Stute iright resume its gra'its cf land, inight violate the rights of pri- vate pnpert}', cr take what he'ongs to one man and give it to another. The prohibition cont dned in the Constitution <;f the United States cie:.a!y « e;nbracts lh.se ca>.es It i« not my intention here to discu.ss either t!ie merii.s or demeris of th Bank of he UHitedSiates asrechaitefcd by I'tnnsylvania. In my opinion, a iar.;e majority ot'the people of that State, and ray- ^ St if among the number, believe tkat tiie creation of this vast moneyed monop .ly, wiiht!;e priv lege of issuing bank paper ^> ihe amotml of thirty-five mil!io!is of dollars, is dangerous to osr liberties, and to our d-jareat interests. We de.sire to try the question before tiie supreme judlci.ai tribunal oftlic- hud, vihetiier its charter is protect-d by the Constitution of the Ur-ited States. It will be ad- mhted by all, that a more important qicstioii has never been pi'esented ibr adjudication before any court. By wh;it means, then, en we raisrf this question fordeci-ion? We r.siwt submit in sitence, o- tiie chuter must be repealed either by the Le- giilature ov the approaching convention. I'here is no other alttr.nalive. Anel because we are an\ ous to h-.ive ll is (juestio'; '(iecdcd, by the only means in our power, a deafei/mg clamor has been raised against us, that we arc revolutionists, raui- culs, vi to the people. 1 need sc.i'cely add, that no citizen of Pennsylva- nia with whom I have ever conversed upon tlie subject, entertains a doubt ol the propriety and justice of r^'funding the bonus vhirh the bank may have paid, with interest and damages suffi- cient to place it in the very same situation it was when it received its charter. This might prf>per- ly be made a constituent part of the question to be submitted to the people These desirable objects could not be secured by me»ns of a repeal by tlie Legislature. So many questions both of ' a political and local character influ: nee the election of its members, that the friends of the b ink might complain that the people h^ri not sanctioned ih^ repeal. I would, there- fore, be iorry if necessity should compel us to adopt this alternative as the only means left of tr^ ing the question. As.^ain, should the bank appeal from the decision of the people of Pennsylvania in their sovreign ca- p:icity, to the Supreme Court of the United States, the question will be presented before that tribunal in a more solemn and imposing form than if the repeid should be accomplished by finions of the fathers of therepMbl.c, and from the approved acti >n of State Legislatures. In this fortn he held liimself excusable in tendering his aid, and should Imit InmseT almost endrely to the productiiiu of tlie authorities to which he had reference. Put before he dif citizens or parties in tliose St ites He joined the Senator fiom Pennsylvania (Mr. Buchanun) in i]\e expression of his d&cp reget at this conrai ; a- d, like him, should avoid recrimina- tion, iitid should limit himself to defensive obst rva- tioriH in favwr of those who were assailed, without impugning the conduct or motives of their adver- sarie.sin their own Siates. Mr. 13. did not consider the Senate of the United States as a suitable place for the denunciation of the citizens of the States, nor for the discussion of State measures, State parties, or State politics. The high privileges of debate secured to us by th« constitution, and the latitude of disciiSMOr, allowed by our rules, were intended to protect us in the oiscussion of national measures, and in the investi- gation of those subjects and matters whicLi regu- larly came before us, and necessarily required our actioji. Acting on this conception of his duty, he sh'Aild follow the example of the Sen^'or from Peensylvania, (.Mr Buchanan.) He should abstain from all animadversion, or even expression of ad- verse opinion, upon the measures which as;itnte the States of Pcr.nsjlvaiiia and Maryland, lie should, limit himself to some defence of thos ■ who were so unexfiectedly dragged into this debate yester- day, and should endeavor to get rid of the whole subject as soon as possible. For one, he should endeavor to fini.sh at th-s sitlin;^, in order that it should not be known in Pein.sylv;'pendent banks ,in this Common- wealth,' and an act supplemental thereto." Ap- proved, February 10, 1820 *'PuEAMBLE. — Whereas, in ths tenth article of the constitution of Kentucky, it is declared: First, That all freemen, when they form a social com- pact, are equal; and tli.'Ht no man, or set of men, are entitled to exclusive, separate, public emolu- ments or privileges from the community, but in consifleration of pt:blic services: And secondly, that all power is inherent in thep?i;pl;; and all free Governments are founded on their authority, i\i)d instituted for their peace, safely, and hippi- iiesJ. And whereas, it is self-evident, according to those fundamental principles of govenunent, that all laws which grant to a few the power to oppress the many, are tyrannical in their nature, and adverse to the primitive rights of the people; and, therefore, repealable by the supreme au« _ 10 thorily. To say that a sale of the primitive rights of the people, by the Legislature, is to be per- petual, !.nd up.aUerable, because there is a contract in the c;ise, is to deciare that error, and abuse of power, may conseci'tiie themselves. Fraud vi- tiates all roiitviicts. To efTtct the intention of the parties, is the object of fill laws regulatin;? c-n- tracts. That a privilege granted shall be used for the destruction, or even to the disadvantage, of those who granted, never covdd be the inten ion of the parties. Ali legislative power is dtsrivative, procecdi from the people, and is to be used for their prcs;>f rity and happiness only ; cons; quent- ly, all laws of a contrary tendency violate the in- tention of the social compact, and arc subject, upon fiist principles, to t!ic condition cf being re- pealer), whether the evil springs 'rom the naurs I of the piivikge granted, or contract entered into, ! or from ilie lihuse of either. A bank charter, I from its nature, extends and'recessarily confines ' the po'A ers and privileges granted to a few, to the | exclusl: :i of 'he m:iny". It th.ercfore fjllows, as I an unavoidiible conclusion, that if the p;)wer and j privileges granted in a bank charter operate against the pub'ic good, the people, by their ! LegishMire, have the primitive riglit to revoke : si?ch a charter. Toihetnd, therefore, that the | good people oi' this State be delivered in future | from the baneful efFects of the power and privi- \ le£,es granted by the lav-' establishing itidependent ; banks, vhirh hare hefn exercised in many in- I stances, -n the pler^itt-de of tyramiy, oppression, I and abi,;,-, to the gi\at injury of the £>;ood people ■ of this State." 5 p 1 When the Secretary had read to the end of the preamble, he i;aused and iitqoired whether 1 the reading of the act itself was desired? Mr. I B. .answ' r-d, by all means. The preamble is j good, £i..l ihe act is better. It shows hov/ the re- i pubHcHf.d tlie act: I " Sf.c . 1st.— iJtf if e.nodul by f/,e Gemral Jlisfm- I % fj ihe Coinmonive Ith of Kentncl^y, That all 1 pov/er, righ% or privilejr-?-, granted to the corpora- j tions e.stP.*di&!Kxl by an act enticed '« An act es'ab- | lishing independent hanks in thisComionwe.dth," I approvfd J: Huary 26th, 1818, and an act en'.itled '•Anae! si!p;)lemental to the act establi'ld'^g in i dependeit banks in th's Conr,monv.'eal'h," ap- j proved February 3 J, 1818, to deal and trade in I discoun's bills of Gxrhange, or current money, or to issue n.ites or bills of credit, payable to bearer or othetwise, shall he, and the same are her^-by re- pealed and revoked, from and after the fir»t day of May next; and all other power, rights, and pri- vileges granted to said cirporatiois in said recited acts, are hereby repealed and revoked from and after the first day of January, 1823. " SsG. 2d. — Be it further enacted. That any per- son or persons who may act as a president, direct- or, or any otl'.er cfHcer of any independent bank in this State, cootrary to the provisions of this act, shall be subject to .nil the penalties, fines, and for- feitures, imposed by ati act entitled " An act to suppress private associations for the pucpoje of banking," approved February 8th, 1812; which per.alties, fines and forfeitures maj', and s-hall be, imposed, recovered, collected, and distributed, ac- cording to the provisions of the said last recited act. Sic. "d—Be it further enacted. That the bonus required from t!ie independent liar.ks for the pri- vilege of banking for the je.".r 1820, shall \>s, and the same is hereby remitted. " Sec 4th — Be it further enacte/f, That so much of the act to incorporate Saunders's Manufacturing Company, whifdi passed the 31st of January, 1818, and the supplemrntal act thereto, approved February 3d, 1818; which gives the s^id company banking privileges, shall be, and the same is hereby repeided; and the second secllon of this act i-s hereby made applicable to the perj;o.ns who may hwe tiie management of the said manufacturing institution." Mr. B. saidj^that t!)is preamble and act taken togetlier were both the declaration and the action of the Legislature of one of the principd States \n the Union; a State fertile in mauy ways, and ia none more so than in the proeluction of able and patriotic men. A Legislature of tliat State, in our own day, and in our own time, and composed of many ]5ersons now living and acting, swe[)t ofl^ a litter 'if banks at one- blow, v ith the ba 'iking privi- leges of Lewis Saunders's cotton bagg'ng factory to boot, even after they hid been two years ia operation, maugre all their cries about the bonus and the contract; and did so, not by virtue of re- served powers in charters, but by virtue of in- herent an;! unalienable rights in the body politic- M. B. said, he was cotemporary with tliis great act — this magna charta of the Kentucky Legisla. ture. He remembered its passage, and the satis- faction wd;ich it gave to tiie State, and to the sur- rour.ding Stages, and t» tiie whole Union. He re- membered more*, and that was the applause then bestowed upon this act of the Kentucky I>egisla- ture by presses, periodicals, newspapers, and regis- ters, which are now foremost i'l elenouncing citi- zens of Pennsylvana for i rKposin;:; to imitate it in a rase where alien foreigners, more tiian native citizens, are concerned, and where the reasons for acting are many ten thousand timts greater than in the case of the Independent Banks, and Lewis Saunders's banking cotton bagging fac- tubt-, the question of the M>.- ryUn.l Convention is cnnsidere'l a", completely cruslied by th? force which ass lils it here. Be it so, said Mr. B. if the people of sovereign States are willing to^ have their affairs governed by de- nunciation here. It will certainly be a one sided gameon this floor; for it was minifcist that there was one party at least here wh > would not attack the impe.v^ing measure < of any State,, uir aliack "die conaucL or motivv^s of the citizens of any State, in a'^'ing as they pleased on what concerned tliem^elves; there was o■^e party, at least, here who would li.T.it themselvss to the just deftuce of the absent r.nd tlie assailed. The Maryland Conven- tion paKy, then, is ftrrnigned and condemned here fc- proposing to d® v/hat Michigan has done; and the act of Michigan must be stamped widi reproba- tion bv Congress lest it become a preceJent, sanc- tioned by ih.'^ approbation of Congress, for the pi?tificaiion of the Convention party in Maryland. This is the state of the question before us; and .Mr. B. woukl imme Hately proceed to vindicate, r.ot by an argument of his owi\ but by example .authority and preced^^nt,drawn from car early histo- ry, and from the writings of the foumlers of the Republic, and others which claimed re'^pect, the act '^.irich Michii;'an has done, and which a party in Marylanl prop^.fes to do Mr. B. then read and ct)mmentedbrltflly upon several passages from the writings of Mr. Midison, Judge Wilson of Pennsylv.'inia, General Hamilton and .lu'.lge Story in iiis Commentaries on the Constitution. Mr. Mad- dison, speaking (sf the alleged defect of powers in tb" Convention of 1787, which farmed the Fed- eral Const'tution, says : "They, (the members of the convention,) must have reflected, t';at in all great chang.'s of esta- blished Governm ntc, forms ought to give way Xa «ub.tance; that a rigid adher-nc=; in sue i cases to the forni-'r, would Venler nominal uid nugatory the trans-endent and precious right of the people to 'abolish or alter th's Government a.s to them shall seem mos^ likely to effect their safety and riipnm.'ss,' sin^-e it is impossible tor t'se peop.e spnn'aneo'usly and universally to move in concer tov/ard'! their object; audit is therefore essentinl that such changes be instituted by s^m^ informal and ttnaufhonzeilproposi'ion% made by some patrio- ti-, and respectable citiz'-n, or number ot citizens. They must have recollected, that it was by this'ir» rep-ular and assum-d privilege of proposing to the p-ople plans for their safety- and hipr-uiess, that the St>t3s were first united against tiie danger with which they were threstened by their .uicient Go- vernment' that committees and C-ngresses were formed for concentrating their efi'oi'ts, and de- fending their rights, and tliat conventions were eJfxte'lm •he uPwnlSla'es for establisliingthe con- stitutions under which ihey are no-v governed. Nor cnu/d it haoe been fn-;yottm Ihat no little ill- limed scruples, no zeal for adr,enii:>; /•> ordinary fir-m^, ivere any where fce-x, except in those who w'she.d to indids:e, under these maskf, f'>eir secret enmifi/ to the substance cjntmded for."— Federalist, No. 40. Here (said Mr. B.) the authority of the people, in their original sovereign capacliy to abolish, alter, and ct.ange their form of Government, is fully and expres'sly set foith. The w.int of a le- gislative audjority to guide or direct them is direct- ly waived; and some patriotic and respectable citizen or citizens are looked to, to commence the informal and unauthorized propositions which ate Iti to lead to a convention, and to end in the adoption of fundatiienial chanjjes Such citizens are n(jt coiisiciered by Mr. Madison asanarclil-vs disorganizers, disturbeis of the pence, despoilers of propt-rty, &c.; but as public bene- factors, pvuinpted by patriotism lo take the leadin a work of public good and necessity. Mr. B. par- ticularly 111, ted, and lead twice over, the conclud- ing senten'-e in tliia extract from Mr. Madison He said t!)a! Mr. M. was one of tlie mdst careful ZBcn in abstaining irom ptisonali'^^ies and the inn- putation lit liiotives; but here was a keen cut, and a home thru:,t, at the old lories oi'the revolution — King Gctr^;-!" the I'hii-d's men, the co.servalives of fifty years aj^o, who were indulging' their secret enmity to the real rif:C''ts of the people, uwder the misk of zeal for adhering to forms, and con- scientious scruples against acting withoutauihority. Mr. B. c()!itiiiued his readings: Extracts from the works of Junes Wilson of Penn- sylvania, formerly Associate Jitslice of the Supreme Court if the United Sluten. " Permit me to mention one great principle, the mtal priiicple I may well call it, which diffuses animation uud vigor through all the others. Ttie principle i m an is this, that flie supreme or sove- reign power i-f the society resides in the citizens at large; sn-1 ti.at, therefore, tliey always retain the right of abolishing, altering, or amending ihis constitution, at whatever time, and in what- ever maiiiier, they shall deem it expedient." — Vol. 1, pa^e 17. " Wliy should we not teach our children those principles upon which we ourseives have thought and acted? Ought we to iastil into their tender minds a th oiy, especially if unfounded, which is contradict'. ry to our own practice, built on the most sol:d foundution? Why should we reduce them to th-! cruel dilemma of condemning either those principles they have been taught to believe, or those persons whom they have been taught to revere.^" — \'ol. 1, page 20. _" As to the ptople, however, in whom the sove- reign powt r resides: from their authority the constitution originates; for their safety and felicity at is estab'.ishe.l: in their hands it is as clay in the hands of the potter: they have the tight to'mould, to preserve, to improve, to refine, and to finish it as they phase. If so, can it be doubted thai ihey have the right likewise to change it? — Vol, 1, page 418. General Hamilton, vindicating the convention of 1787, v,hich omitted to [irefix to the Federal Constitution a Bill of Rights, says: "It isevide.it, therefore, according to this (Bill of Rights ) primitive signification, they have no application to constitutions professedly founded upon the power of the people, and ex- cuted by their immediate representatives and servants. Here, in srrictness, the people surrender nothing: and as thty retain every thing, they line no need of partic'ilar reservations." — FcdtralisI, No. 84. Judge Stoiy, speaking of the Declaration of In- dependenc ', says: **It was not an act done by the State Govern- ments then organized, r.or by persons chosen by them. It was empliatically the act of the whole peo;)/e of the united colonies, by the instrumentali- ty of their representatives, chosen for that, among I other purposes. It was an act not competent t® the State Governments, or any of them, as orga- nized under their charters, to adopt. Those cliar- ters neither contemplate I the case, nor provided for it. It was an a.~t of original, inhi.rent sove- I reignty by the people themselves; resulting from their right to diange the form of Government, and to institute a new Government, whenever necssa ry for their safely and happiness." — Sloy^a Com- mentaries on the Constitution, vol 1, pai^e 193. Judge Story, commenting on the origin and proceedings of tiie convention which formed the first Gt-neral Government for the Colonies, say-: " In some of the Leg slatures of the Colonies, which were then in session, delegites were ap- point! d by the popular, or represehtaiive branch; and in other cases they were appointed by con ventions of the people in the colonies. Tne con- vt ntion of delegate"* assembled on the 4th of Sep- tember, 1774; and, having chosen oliicers, Hiey adoped certt.in fundamental rules lor their pro- ceedings. *' Thus was organized, under the auspices, and with the consent of the people, aciing directly ia their primary, si>v«Teig'n capacity, and without the intervention of the fimctionarics to whom the ordinarv powers of Government were dehegited in the col«nies, the iitst General or National Govern- ment. "The Congress thus assembled e.Kercised, de facto and de Jure, a sovereign authority ; not as the delegated agents of the Governm; nt de facte of the colonies, but in virtue of originil powers d«- rived from the people " — Stcry's Commentaries on the Constitutio'i, vol. 1, pp. 185, 186. Having read these extracts, Mr. B. forbore to make any comments upon th-^m, barely remarking that they we'e purposely taken from difl'ereiit political schools, to show that those who differed fundamentally on so many point."?, yet agrco-d per- fectly on this most fundamental of all points, namely, the inherent and unalienable right of the people to rv.eet in convention of their own mere will and mction, and chang-^ their form of go- vernment at their pleasure. He would next show that this gre^it right was acted upon in th« formalioM of the present Constitution of the United States, and that this Constitution owes ali iis force t» the voluntary -action of conventions springing from tile people, not under the authority, but merely under the recommend di on of the State Legislatures. Premising', what every person knew, that the deputirs to the federe vote this chamber. In saying this, hi spoke upon a recollection of the past, as well as upon a view grant a constitution to the people o/ t!ie States, merely express their opinion that it ought to be submitted to them; and knowing that the State Legislatures had' no authority to order conven- tions, they merely requested tlii.t tht y would re- r.iimmtnd them; and knowing fnrthf^r, that the sovef-eign power was in the people, they used the wordpeople in preference to that of citizens, quali- ficd voters, fre»"hcider>;, tas paye?jp, or ixuy thing" else which might imply a convention n'lt spring- ing from the sovereign power of the people, but governed by existing laws and constiiiiiions. Mr. B. then traced the mode of acting under this recommendation by the States, and took the con- vention of Virginia as the one which would per- haps be admitted to be of the highest auih >rity in this case. He showed Ih^t the General Assembly ot Virginia first pa sed a 'resoAitjon," by which they " r( commended" the people to hold i coave-u tion, and nfxt passed an act " conceniin/:^'" the con- venion, and providing for its accommodation, but assuming no authirity over it. He then referred to the proceedmgji of the convention, to show that they had met according to t'le recomiuendation of the General Assembly, and that they deci-led the important questions connected with the qualifica- tions and elect ons of the delegates according to what w .s satisfactory to themselves as acting in their sovereign rep^e^entative capacity, and -lot as ac- conilng to the lav/s and constitution of ilie State, as if created by their authority. The history of their proceedings opers thus: "In co'ivention, Monday, the 2d of June, 1788. This being the day rec«ry the Legisla- ture for the meeting of the convent! m, to take into consideration the proposed plan of the Fede- * r.4 Government, a majority of the gentlemen dele- ^ g.hall, James Men rje, James Madison, George Nicholas, I'aul C '.irincton, and others scarcely less dist ngui^hed The business of this comr.;iltee was to pass upon the valid'ty of the elections, and to decide bet« ef n coi'ten.iling par- ties for the sami- seat;and the words i'l which they , mnke thtir reports, t^eevilenca wliich they re- ' eeived in contested cases, and the disr-eard v/ith whit h they passed over Ic^^al and con-t.tntional qualific?.tion^, all prove that the convent:),! judged ror the mselve.^, in their high capacity of r j-.resenta- tives (if the sovereign people, aiul independently of the lawii and constitution of Virginia. The words used with respect to the returns of delo gates are, not that they are found duly elected, ov legally ( leoted, but that they are "satisfac/ory,-** the evid'r-r.co received where certificates of elec- lion were not [rolucd, "'.re stati^meiits of citi- zens vvlio s-ild tlKy \v< le at tie election, and heard the sheriff proclaim such and such cmdidates ejected; and, in tbe ca5e of qual'fication, where a p- tition was prese!:ited to vacate the seat of a ddft- 14 of the present. At the last session of Congress all this denunciation of lawless and revolutionary mobs had been lavished upon the conven- tions, both of Arkansas and Michigan, be- cause, bcins; Territories, they had held con- ▼entions, and fr;inied constitutions, witiiout the authority of Congress. Our answer to these de- nunciations vi'ere the sanio that we give now, namely, 1. Tiiat tliey had a right to do so with out our autliority, and allthat we could require was, that they should send us their constitutions, that we miglit see they were republican; and 2. Thai the ;e Territories had sveral times applied to Congress for an act to regii!.i'e the holding of their conventions, which were always refused by the political party vviiich then held the supremacy to this chamber, and that to refuse them an act to regulate tlie holding of a convention when they asked for it, and tlicn to denounce them for hold- ing a convention without law, was unreasonable and contradictory, and subjected ourselves to the reproacii bo'di of injustice and inconsistency. These were our answers then; and we added, that those who denounced the Arkansas and Michigan convention for lawless and revolutionary mobs, would find themselves unsupported by the vote of t^ie Senate! which turned out to be the fact, for tiie negative vote was exceedingly smatlt and, Mr. B. would add, that the result would be the same now; and that, after all this denuncia- tion of the convention in Michigan, the couventioa party in M.-try'and, and the disorganizini? party in Pennsyivania, the vote would be about as it was .-.t the last, session, exceedingly small, and entirely loo inconsiderable to give any countenance to their denunciations. " Mr. H. concluded by expressing' tiie hope that the Senate would not a Ijourn until it fin- ished tl'.is question. It was due to Pennsylvania ::nd Mar} land that we should stop a debate in which tiuir concerns were improptriy introduced; and it was luiie to Nilicliigan herself that she should he relieved from this .iltendance at our doors. She has been debarred of her rights for years; she is a State, \f not a State of the Confederacy; siie has a light to be admitted, and the admission of a State is a question of that dignity to be entitled, not only to a -speedy decision, but to a preference over all other quei^tions until it was decide;!. lie re- peated, what he had said some days before, th it he had come with his clonk to camp on this i floor until the vote was t»ken; and, that being j his idea of wh it all ought to do, he woulJ not I consume time by speaking. ,LS«RY OF CONGRESS 016 090 612 1 (k LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 016 090 612 1 ^'