ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES, Crattalatrtr* WITH NOTES AND INTRODUCTION. BY OWEN FLINTOFF, ESQ. M.A. VICE-PRESIDENT OF THE INSTITUT d'aFRIQUE OF PARIS J AND BARRISTER AT LAW. LONDON: JOHN RICHARDS AND CO., LAW-BOOKSELLERS, 194. FLEET-STREET. 1840. a*\ 3; ^n> London : Frinteil by A. SrornswooiF., New. Street-Square. PREFACE The following pages are intended to present a view of the celebrated speeches of Demos- thenes in the English language, at the same time forming an accurate and faithful translation so far as the plan extends. It will, perhaps, be seen by the classical scholar, that the true meaning of the text has been, as much as possible, ex- pressed in a corresponding number of English words, and not, as is sometimes the case, ob- scured in a verbose hit at the sense. If the simplicity and accuracy sought for be at all attained, some merit may be conceded to the author. It will also be perceived that the whole of these orations are not here given, the reason of which is, that otherwise the work must have been much more extensive than was proposed. It is, however, anticipated, that the plan pursued will answer the intended purpose, which is, besides presenting to the student and general reader a useful translation, to afford, in particular, to the initiate orator a manual on which he may form a 2 iv PREFACE. his style according to that of the greatest of speakers. In this style will be perceived no exaggeration or redundancy, but every thing arranged with severe precision and with little ornament, like the sculpture of the same classic age ; every sentence forming part of a whole, whose harmony and agreement are to work out the required effect. It can hardly be doubted that the following pages, if executed with a de- gree of ability, must be found beneficial to the public speaker in his early career ; and as they have been written in the midst of professional pursuits, the reader must kindly attribute to this circumstance such deficiencies as he may discover. It may be as well to observe, that the expres- sion 7r6Kis 9 in these orations, means either the Athenian state, or the city of Athens ; for, in fact, the Grecian states were rather cities sur- rounded by land cultivated for their sustenance, than any thing resembling a modern kingdom. : J v>j © • o»*2 « o ss a 3 » •340 M** « d o Hfe« • c+ • tar • <* 5* 1 o ** 00 INTRODUCTION. Demosthenes was born b.c. 382., and died B.C. 322., in the little island of Calauria, in the Sinus Saronicus.(a) He is stated to have delivered sixty-five orations, of which all that he left in writing have probably come down to us. (b) Those extant are distributable into three kinds: viz. 1. The Harangues to the People, or Aywyoploti, including the Philippics, and those Philippics distinguished by the name of Olynthiac : 2. The Ora- tions upon Public Causes, or Aypoo-ioi Xoyoi, including the Speech on the Crown: and 3. The Orations on Private Causes, or 'Idicurixoi Koyoi. It is remarked in a treatise Concerning Oratory (c), .ascribed to Tacitus, that the convulsions of society are the true sources of eloquence. It was Catiline, Verres, Milo, and Mark Antony, says the historian, that spread so much glory around Cicero ; nor did Demosthenes owe his vast reputation to his speeches against his guardians. The truth of this observation seems borne out by experience, and, doubtless, the momentous times in which Demosthenes flourished added greatly to the extraordinary effect of his speeches. At the time when the first Philippic was delivered, the Macedonian power (a) See Clin. Fast. Hell. I. p. 105. 163. (6) See Clin. Fast. HeU. 1 pp. 351. 355. (c) Sec. 37. VI INTRODUCTION. was on the ascendant, and the genius of one man was threatening the liberties of Greece. Philip, who ascended the throne b.c 359., had, in the first instance, defeated the Ulyrians ; and afterwards, in alliance with the Olynthians, he successively captured the important maritime towns of Amphipolis, Pydna, and Potidaea. (a) Whilst, again, the Athenians had been foiled in the Con- federate War, their distinguished general Chabrias falling in the attack on Chios, b.c. 357. (b), Philip had a little later seized upon Pagasae, and commenced the siege of Methone, b.c. 353. (c) In the succeeding year to this the Athenians were in a like untoward manner thwarted in the Thessalian war, when their fleet, under Chares, co-operated with the Phocians under Onomarchus against Philip, but nevertheless the Macedonian gained a com- plete victory, and Thessaly fell by the results of the battle under his dominion, (d) Under such circum- stances, then, Demosthenes spoke his first oration against Philip, being himself a host in the unconquerable zeal with which he opposed himself to him whom he viewed as the intended enslaver of Greece. Shortly after these events, when the Macedonian king had settled the affairs of Thessaly, he occupied himself in extending his dominion and influence, particularly in Thrace and the northern continent, strengthening the Macedonian border, and forming advantageous alliances with his neighbours, (e) But whilst he was in Thrace, he received intelligence that the Athenian party had acquired the ascendancy in Olynthus, and that that state threatened to forsake his alliance. The (a) Mitf. GV. vi. 187—190. (6) Ibid. vi. 216, 217. ; Clin. Fast. Hell. i. 124. (c) Clin. Fast. Hell. i. 1 30. (d) See Mitf. Gr. vi. 320.; Clin. Fast. If, 11. i. 130. 0) See post. p. 3. MUf. Gr. vi. 381. INTRODUCTION. Vll Olynthians had about thirty years previously nearly overwhelmed the Macedonian kingdom, and therefore imagined that when united to the Athenians they would be able to obtain the same position, or, at any rate, to withstand the Macedonians. And thus, the Athenian party at Olynthus managed finally to carry their pro- posal for an union with Athens in her war against Philip, (a) At the same time, an opportunity seemed to offer for engaging all Greece in a league against the threatening ambition of that king ; and accordingly, whilst iEschines was commissioned by the Athenians to proceed to the Peloponnesus in order to gain over the Ar- cadians (in which indeed he failed), to Demosthenes was committed the task of urging on the people at home. In this undertaking the consummate orator produced the orations against Philip, known by the title of Olynthiac. In these Olynthiac orations, one of the principal ob- jects was to persuade the Athenians to give up, for the purposes of the war, the theatrical fund, or that part of the public revenue distributed amongst them for the entertainment of the theatres : and as there was a law in force condemning to death any one who should pro- pose the diversion of any part of this fund to other pur- poses, than that to which it was legally appropriated (b) ; great art was requisite in bringing this proposal before the people. But the eloquence of Demosthenes, the promise of the Olynthian alliance, and the prospect held out of glory and indulgence, produced an extraordinary zeal among the Athenians for the prosecution of the war. (c) Accordingly a force was decreed, amounting to fourteen thousand men, of whom four thousand were (a) Mitf. Gr. vi. 383. (b) See post. p. 24, 25. (c) See Mitf. Gr. vi. 390. Vlll INTRODUCTION. to be Athenian citizens. (a) Soon after this, in the third Attic month, the end of September, or beginning of October, Chares, the Athenian general, set sail with his fleet. To the great disappointment however of the Olyn- thians, his troops consisted only of two thousand middle- armed mercenaries. Alarmed at the smallness of this armament, an em- bassy was sent by the Olynthians to Athens, requesting additional troops, and Demosthenes thereupon delivered his second Olynthiac oration (b), which was followed by Charidemus being ordered to reinforce Olynthus with eighteen triremes, and four thousand men : and these united forces ravaged Pallene and Bottiaea. It was late in the year before Philip could collect his forces ; and when he marched into the Olynthian territory, Chares had already withdrawn with his fleet. As Philip had afforded ready protection to the towns in the Olynthian confederacy friendly to his cause, and it was evident that in the spring, when operations could recommence, he would attack them with a superior force, the Olynthians, in alarm, sent again an embassy to Athens, urging the early supply of forces, formed out of the Athenian citizens themselves, according to the promise made them. In support of their demands Demosthenes spoke his third Olynthiac, and, according to his recommendation, a complement of two thousand heavy-armed troops and three hundred horse, all Athe- nian citizens, was sent to reinforce the army already employed. Such was the occasion of the third Olynthian oration. It is well known that Olynthus was nevertheless shortly (a) Demosth. de leg. p. 426. (6) See Clin. Fast. Hell. i. 135. INTRODUCTION. IX compelled to surrender to Philip, B.C. 347. (a), and the influence of the conqueror extended itself throughout Greece, until the confederacy against him was finally overthrown by the decisive battle of Chaeronea, in which the combined army of the Athenians and Thebans was completely routed (b) ; and the genius of the Macedo- nian thenceforth became predominant. The remainder of the life of Demosthenes was passed in ineffectual endeavours to rescue Greece from Mace- donian domination until the time when, after having been driven into exile by his countrymen, and again re- called in triumph, he finally was compelled to flee to the island of Calauria, and finding his position desperate submitted to a voluntary death. During this latter period, he delivered the famous oration On the Crown. This oration was spoken in defence of his friend Ctesi- phon, against whom the orator iEschines had preferred an accusation for illegal conduct, in having moved a decree for a golden crown to Demosthenes, although the real object was an attack upon Demosthenes himself; and, as Ctesiphon had grounded his decree of honour on that orator's merit towards the republic, it was the object of iEschines to show that Demosthenes was wholly un- worthy, not only of honour, but of any public esteem, (c) That part of the great orator's reply, which is given in this translation, consists in an assertion of his services to his countrymen, and of the goodness of his advice to them ; and in denying that he could be justly charged with the event ; or that noble and great actions were not equally praiseworthy, though accompanied by misfor- tune. The reader is aware that Demosthenes was com- (a) Clin. Fast, Hell, i. 138. (6) Mitf. Gr.vn. 147. (c) See Mitf. Gr. viii. 394. X INTRODUCTION. pletely successful, and that, agreeably to the law, which, to prevent frivolous accusations, subjected to banishment an accuser who did not obtain the votes of one fifth of the court, the rival orator was banished to Rhodes, or, as by some supposed, retired thither of his own accord. It is to be observed that Mr. Mitford, in his History of Greece, endeavours most unfairly to disparage De- mosthenes, for no other reason, apparently, than that he was the foremost man of the democracy, whilst the mo- dern historian had an inbred antipathy to the rude and sometimes licentious freedom of the Grecian states. But he should rather have borne in mind, that Demosthenes was not the creator of the institutions of his country, but only their ardent defender against an encroaching power, and striving with earnest zeal to call into being the principles of patriotism and disinterestedness. And if he found the unworthiness, the unjust aggression, the cowardly retreating, the selfish supineness, inherent in all multitudes unformed by education and discipline, he only met what has been the lot of all patriots, not excepting the great Washington himself. How much, indeed, do the eager calls of Demosthenes upon his countrymen, to make provision for the defence of their country, put us in mind of the difficulties the American patriot had to struggle under, when those for whom he was risking every thing left him almost without means. But the fact is that, although there was much to be admired in the Athenian constitution, providing as it did a sort of House of Lords in the Areopagus, an as- sembly as illustrious for magnanimity and worth in those days as the House of Peers is in British annals, and also a kind of House of Commons in the General Council, which digested and prepared legislative measures ; yet INTRODUCTION. XI there was this fatal error, that all measures had to be referred for ultimate decision not to a class of men supe- rior to others, but to the whole community, which, in the constitution of human nature, then as now, neces- sarily contained a great preponderance of the bad over the good. And how base, yet how natural, do we find the motives actuating the needy yet pleasure-loving mass ! Not only did they appropriate a vast proportion of the revenues of the state to their own amusement at the theatres, but even declared it death for any one to propose the rescinding of this law, a grievance and folly of which Demosthenes complains in the Third Olynthiac. This reference of every thing to the whole mass of the population (the principle of universal suffrage) was, in fact, the ruin of every thing good in the Athenian constitution: for the still small voice of the wise was hardly heard amidst the roar of the ignorant; and whilst the one sought for the ultimate good of their country by denying themselves accustomed luxuries, the other snatched at present enjoyment, careless of destruction until it was at their gates. It may not have been improper or unprofitable to have pointed out this misfortune in the Athenian state, since, even in our own times, men are found who would utterly destroy that constitution which in theory excited the admiration of Tacitus in ancient times, although he never expected it would be exemplified in practice («), by establishing the principle of universal suffrage, i. e. of the predominance of the many, who of necessity are ignorant and often corrupt, over the few, who, by habit and study, by discipline and religion, are enabled to form a just and wise opinion. (a) See Flintoff, Rise and Progress of Laws of Eng. p. 96. CONTENTS. Page FIRST PHILIPPIC - - 1 6 FIRST OLYNTHIAC - - 7 — 18 THIRD OLYNTHIAC - - 19—3*2 ON THE CROWN - - 33 — 39 ORATIONS DEMOSTHENES, FIRST PHILIPPIC, (a) If, indeed, Athenians, concerning any new matter it were proposed to speak, having restrained myself until the greatest part of those who have been so accustomed had declared their mind, if any thing pleased me of the things spoken by them, I should have held my peace ; but, if not, then even I myself would have endeavoured to mention what opinion I hold, (b) But since it hap- pens that we are even now considering matters of which these men have heretofore spoken frequently, I imagine that, though I have stood up first, I shall, with reason, obtain indulgence. For, if in time past these men had advised right measures there would now have been no need for you to be deliberating. First of all, then, Athenians, you must not despair of your present affairs, not even if they seem to be alto- gether in a deplorable state : for that which was the worst point in them in the time gone by, this, in reference to (a) This oration was spoken B.C. 352. ; Clin. Fast. i. 131. 360. (6) In the original yiyvcixnca) or yivuxrKw, to form an opinion. So fierayivcaffKOi), to change an opinion : airoyivdxxKO), to give up an opinion previously held. B 2 FIRST PHILIPPIC. the future, is most encouraging. What, then, is this ? That while, Athenians, you have been in no way doing your duty, your affairs have been unfortunate : but, if things had been thus while you were doing all that became you, there would be no hope that they would become more favourable. In the next place, you must reflect, whether hearing the fact from others, or those who know it of themselves calling it to mind, what great power the Lacedaemonians once possessed, nor is it a long time since ; and how nobly and honourably you acted no part unworthy of the state, but sustained the war against them for the rights of Greece. On account of what, then, do I mention these events? That you may see, Athenians, and behold, that neither, if you are on your guard, is there any thing terrible to you ; nor if you are negligent, such as you would wish : taking as proofs the strength of the Lacedaemonians at that time, which you overcame by giving attention to your affairs, and the present insolence of this man, through which we are turmoiled by paying no regard to what we ought. But if any of you, Athenians, thinks Philip to be a dan- gerous enemy, considering the magnitude of the power possessed by him, and that all these districts are lost to the state, indeed he thinks rightly. However, reflect on this, that when, Athenians, we possessed Pydna (a), and Potidaea (b), and Methone (c), and all that region attached to us all around; and many of the nations now siding with him were independent and free, and were more inclined to adhere to us than to him ; (a) Pydna, a town of Macedonia, on the west shore of the Sinus Ther- maicus or Gulf of Salonica. (b) Potidea, a town of Macedonia, situate on the peninsula of Palleue, on the cast shore of the Gulf of Salonica. (c) Methone, a few miles north of Pydna. FIRST PHILIPPIC. 3 if then, at that time, Philip had held this notion, that it was dangerous to wage war upon the Athenians, pos- sessing so many forts commanding his territory, and he being destitute of allies, not one of those things which he has now effected would he have set about (a) ; nor would he have obtained so great a power. But that man, Athenians, well knew this truth, that all these strongholds are the prizes of war lying in an open field, and naturally there devolves to the present the pro- perty of the absent, and to those who are willing to endure labour and danger the property of the remiss. And, accordingly, having adopted this principle, he has subdued all points, and holds them (b), partly as one having seized might hold them by the right of war, and partly having made them friends and allies. And in- deed all men are willing (c) to ally themselves and pay attention to those whom they see prepared and willing to do what they ought. Wherefore, Athenians, do you also be willing to be of such a mind now, since not heretofore, and let each of you, where need is and he might be able to render himself useful to the state, laying aside all idle excuses, show himself ready to act : he who has wealth to contribute ; he who is of the proper age to serve in the army. And to speak in short compass, if you shall choose to be masters of yourselves, and cease each to hope that he himself shall do nothing, and his neighbour do all things on his account; you will both recover your own possessions, if heaven allow, and will (a) Updrru, to set about a thing ; iroUw, to effect or accomplish it (where these words are distinguished). (6) Demosthenes here alludes to Thrace and the northern continent. (c) OeXft? and 4d4\ tne mane of a horse. See Eurip. Hippol ] 222. (b) Pagass, a maritime town of Magnesia, in Thessaly. It was Beized upon by Philip a. c. :?5:5., who also in this year began to besiege Methone, from which point of time Demosthenes seems to date the hos- tile projects of Philip against Greece, — See Clin. Fait. lldl. i. 130. (r) Magnesia, a country on the east coast of Thessaly. FIRST OLYNTHIAC. 11 manner worthy of the state, and being on the scene of action. For every speech, if facts be wanting, appears idle and empty, and especially that from our city. For, in the same degree that we are thought to employ it most readily, so far do all men the more distrust it. Much change, then, and great alteration must be shown, by your contributing, by marching out, and by doing all things readily, if any one is to pay you observance. And if you shall determine to accomplish all this as it becomes you, and is your duty, not only, Athenians, will the alliances of Philip be found to be in a feeble and trustless state, but also his own rule and power will be detected to be in a bad condition. For certainly, in the way of addition, the Macedonic power and rule is some- thing not inconsiderable, such as it was once proved to you in the time of Timotheus against the Olynthians (a) : and then, again, this when united was found something considerable by the Olynthians against Potidaea (b) : and (a) This alludes to the time b. c. 359., when, in the year of his acces- sion to the Macedonian throne, Philip, having secured his western border by the defeat of the Illyrians, he with an army, and the Athenians with a fleet, under their general Timotheus, laid siege to Olynthus with their joint forces ; but Philip, retiring from the confederacy, in digust at the conduct of the Athenians in aiding Pydna, his only maritime town, to revolt, Timotheus was compelled by the Olynthians to retreat. — See Clin. Fast. Hell. i. 122.; Mitf. Gr. vi. 156. 862. The obvious motive of the Athenians for attacking Olynthus, was, the conquest of a powerful maritime state, according to their favourite policy, which always aimed at the dominion of the sea ; but the design of Philip, in joining in an attempt to establish the power of Athens over the whole Macedonian coast, seems difficult to explain. (6) Although, as we have seen in the preceding note, Timotheus had been obliged to draw off his fleet from before Olynthus, yet the Olynth- ians perceiving the danger of their being eventually subdued, sought an alliance with Philip against Athens, which the Macedonian, disgusted at the treachery of his late allies regarding Pydna, readily entered into. The united forces of the Macedonians and Olynthians marched the same year, 12 FIRST OLYNTHIAC. just now it supported the Tbessalians when in disorder, and discord, and confusion, against the reigning family. (a) And whenever any one, methinks, adds even a b. c. 358., in the first place, against the maritime city of Amphipolis, which had passed from the alliance of Olynthus under the dominion of Athens, and after subduing it, they then marched against Pydna, which, containing numerous adherents of Philip, at once opened its gates on his appearance. Having thus recovered this important maritime station, Philip proceeded to benefit his new allies ; and, with their assistance, besieged and took Potideea, the natural rival of Olynthus, near which it is situated. Potidaea being thus conquered, was made over by Philip to the Olynthians See Clin. Fast. Hell. i. 222. ; Mitf. Gr. vi. 182—190. (a) The Thessalians, divided into several republics, were accustomed to appoint, for extraordinary occasions, a common military commander of the general nation, with the title of Tagus, a word derived from the Teu- tonic toga, a leader, who, in station and appointment, was very similar to the Bretwalda, or military chief of the Ancient Britons. — See Mitf. Gr. v. 100. ; Flintoff, Rise and Prog, of Laws of Engl. pp. 20. 25. The Tagus succeeded to the place of the ancient Thessalian kings, from the necessity, after the abolition of the hereditary royalty, of such a para- mount leader in times of war ; but it would seem that, as was the case amongst the Britons, the office principally fell to some predominant family in the state ; and that, although in fact elected by the general assembly of the several republics or cities, the tagus continued in office for an un- limited time, and hence he is styled by Thucydides (lib. i. c. iii.), by the title of king or fiaaiXevs. The power of the tagus was sometimes ex- tended, sometimes restricted within narrow limits. In the year b. c. 359., Alexander of Fherae, the then Thessalian tagus, was assassinated, and Tisiphonus, a principal in the murder, succeeded to the dignity. Discord and confusion followed upon his accession ; some of the towns obeyed him, whilst others disclaimed his authority ; and resistance was repressed by military executions. — See Mitf. v. 266, 277.; (7/;/. Fast. Hell. i. 122. The tyranny of this ruler had been partially repressed by Alexander, first king of Macedon, the eldest brother of Philip, and son of Amyntas, who had owed liis establishment on the Macedonian throne to the support of the principal Thessalian families. But (luring the ensuing troubles in IMaeedon, his tyranny had increased and extended itself over all the Thessalian towns; and on his assassination, which subsequently took placej his successor Tisiphonus, showing himself equally a tyrant and oppressor, the assistance of Philip was applied for to free the Thessalians from their thraldom. This the Macedonian effected, and to this interference Demosthenes here alludes. Of this action Diodorus (lib. l<;. c xiY.)says, " Philip inarched into Thessalv, defeated the tyrants, and acquiring thus FIRST OLYNTHIAC. 13 small power, in every respect it tells. But alone, of itself, it is feeble and full of many evils. For this man, by all those means in which any one might conceive him to be great, by wars and by expeditions, hath ren- dered it still more perilous for himself than it was by nature. For do not think, Athenians, that the subjects of Philip take pleasure in the same objects that he does. But he covets glory, and on this he hath set his heart and purpose, in acting and meeting danger, if any thing happen to sustain it, having chosen the glory of effecting those objects which no other king of Macedon ever did, in preference to living in security : while they have no share in the distinction arising from these actions, but always harrassed by these expeditions that run up and down, they are grieved and constantly distressed, and neither are allowed to remain at their employments, nor at their own homes, nor are able to dispose of such articles as they produce in any way which they otherwise could do, the markets in the country being blocked up on account of the war. In what way, then, the greater part of the Mace- donians are affected towards Philip any one may, from these facts, form a notion without difficulty. But they who are about him, being foreigners and foot- guards, have the reputation of being admirable soldiers and well drilled in the business of war. But, as I have heard a person say, (one of those who have been in that country itself, a man not at all likely to utter an untruth,) they are in no wise superior to others. But freedom for the cities, he showed a liberality which so attached the Thes- salians, that in all his following wars and political contests, they were his zealous assistants, and remained such to his son." — See Mitf. Gr. vi. 198—200. 14 FIRST OLYNTHTAC. if there be any man amongst them such as is well skilled in war and battles, all such, he said, he puts away through pride and jealousy, wishing that all the actions should appear to be his own : for, again, besides all other things, that the pride also of this man is beyond all bounds. But if any temperate, or otherwise just per- son, not being able to bear the daily intemperance (a) of life, and the drunkenness, and the lewd dances, that such a man is pushed away, and held in no station whatever. That, in fact, the remaining persons around him are buffoons and flatterers, and such like men, who, when drunk, dance such dances as I am now loth to name before you. And it is evident that these things are so. For men whom all drove away from hence as being more profligate than jugglers, Callias, the well- known common slave, and such like men, actors of farces, and composers of base songs, which they make upon those in the company for the sake of laughter — these he loves and keeps about him. But these things, even if any one considers them as trivial, are great proofs, Athenians, of that man's mind and infatua- tion (b), to men of sense. But, methinks, his prosperity now casts a shade over these things. For success has wonderful effect in hiding and covering disgraces of such a kind. But if any thing should go wrong, then all these faults in him will be exactly developed. And it seems, indeed, to me, Athenians, that he will manifest this in no long time, if the Gods please, and you are well inclined. For, as in our bodies, whilst any one is in (a) aKpacia, intemperance in drinking : bxparos, nnmingled : 6.Kpar^s, unable to control. (b) In the original /cafcoSatjuoWa, infatuation of mind ; strictly, from some offended deity. FIRST OLYNTHIAC. 15 strong health, he feels nothing that in any part is un- sound ; but as soon as any ill health befalls him, every evil is thrown into motion, whether it be a fracture, or a sprain, or any other of his bodily functions that is unsound : thus also in the case of cities and kings, whilst they wage war abroad their weaknesses are invisible to the world ; but, when a contiguous war is engaged in, it lays bare every failing. But if any of you, Athenians, beholding Philip for- tunate, on that account believes him dangerous to attack, he adopts the reasoning of a wise man : for for- tune has great sway, or rather is the whole matter in all the affairs of men. Not, however, for my part, if any one would give me the choice, but I should prefer the fortune of our city to that of him, if you were wil- ling to do what is proper, even in a small degree. For I see very many more reasons existing, so as to expect the favour of the Gods in our case than in his. But, methinks, we sit still doing nothing. And it is not right, while a person remains himself inactive, to en- join even his friends to do any thing for him, much less the Gods. It is not to be wondered at, then, if this man, taking the field and labouring himself, and being present in all affairs, and neglecting no crisis of things or season of the year, gain the advantage over us delay- ing, and passing decrees, and inquiring after news. Nor at this do I wonder. For the contrary would be won- derful, if we, who do nothing that is proper for those to do who are engaged in war, should get the better of him who does all that he ought. But, at one thing I do wonder, that ever, Athenians, you withstood the Lace- daemonians on behalf of the rights of Greece, and when it was often in your power to gain privately many 16 FIRST OLYNTHIAC. advantages, you did not choose so to do : but, in order that other parties might obtain their rights, you ex- pended your own property in contributions, and sought the first ranks of danger in the field. But, now, you are loth to march out, and are tardy in contributing in defence of your own possessions : and the other parties you have preserved oftentimes, all of them and each, one by one in turn : whereas now that you have lost your own possessions you sit stock-still. Things such as these I wonder at: and, moreover, besides these things, that not even one of you, Athenians, is capable of considering for what a length of time you have been at war with Philip, and what you have been doing while all this time has elapsed. For, surely you somehow know this ; that while you were delaying, hoping that others would act, accusing one another, bringing parties to trial — again hoping, and nearly doing the same things that you are now doing — all this time has passed away. But are you so foolish, Athenians, as to expect that, from these modes of procedure by which from good the affairs of the city have become bad ; — from these same modes, from bad they should become good ? But this is neither reasonable, nor has it nature with it. For it is much easier in all things when you have to preserve, than to acquire in the first instance. And now, indeed, there is nothing left us, by the war, of our former posses- sions which we may preserve. But it behoves us to obtain. Of your ownselves, then, this is henceforth the duty. Therefore, I affirm, that it is necessary to con- tribute money, to march out yourselves with zeal, and to blame nothing before you shall take affairs into your own hands ; and then, from actions themselves, forming an opinion, to honour those men who are worthy of FIRST OLYNTHIAC. 17 praise, and to punish those who do wrong ; and to re- move all idle excuses and deficiencies on the part of your- selves. For you cannot severely examine into the conduct of others, unless first of all your duty be performed by your ownselves. For on what account, Athenians, do you think that all the generals whom you have sent out, decline this war, and find wars of their own ? (if one may speak any truth about the generals amongst others.) Because, in the one case, the prizes for which the war is waged are yours — (should Amphipolis even be taken, you will immediately get it into your own hands — ) but the dangers are peculiar to the commanders, and pay they have none : whereas there the dangers are less, and the gains are the property of the captains and commanders — Lampsacus, Sigeum, and the ships which they plunder. After that verily, which is profitable to both of them, they severally advance. But you, when you contem- plate your affairs in a bad state, call your commanders to trial : and when, having granted them an oppor- tunity of speaking, you hear these difficult straights, you acquit them. It remains, then, for us to dispute and quarrel with one another, some being convinced of one thing, and some of another : and for public affairs to go all wrong. Formerly, forsooth, Athenians, you contributed your money in classes : but now you form parties in the state by classes ; an orator the leader of each party, and a general under him (a), and those who are to support them, (a) This alludes to the custom of connecting a public orator with a military commander, so that the ability or good favour of the former might serve as a defence of the conduct of his colleague against popular caprice and petulance. And thus, we find Iphicrates, appointed by the voice of the people to a great military command, requesting a colleague, and for that colleague a popular orator, unversed in military command, and not C 18 FIRST OLYNTHIAC. the three hundred : and you, the rest, are dealt out, some to one party, some to another. It behoves you, surely, having dropped these practices, and even now being masters of yourselves, to make common to all the task of speaking, and of counselling, and of acting. But, if to some of you, as in a despotic government, you shall assign to command, and to others to be compelled to fur- nish triremes, to contribute, and to serve in the army ; and to others only to vote about these matters, and to furnish no other labour — none of the necessary measures will be accomplished for you in due season. For the party which, from time to time, has been unjustly used will fall short : so that it will be your lot to punish these parties instead of your enemies. I propose, then, by way of upshot, that all contribute from what each possesses, in fair proportion : that all march out in turn, until all have served a campaign : that you give freedom of speech to all who come for- ward: and that you adopt the best proposals which you may hear, not what such or such a one shall have advised. And if you shall do this, you will not only praise at the time him who has so advised you, but also your ownselves afterwards, when the whole of your affairs are in a more flourishing position. his friend. — See Mitf. Gr. vi. 135. Indeed, when we consider the base manner in which the arbitrary and fickle democracy frequently rewarded the services of their commanders, this seems to have been only a plan of self-de- fence. What a strong example does a practice like this afford of the nature of democratic governments, when the brave soldier, who is spilling his blood for his country, cannot be assured of an escape from banishment and exile, except by the support and countenance ( f some favourite mob- orator ! 19 THIRD OLYNTHIAC. (a) It is not in my power, Athenians, to entertain the same sentiments, when I look to the state of affairs and when I attend to the speeches that I hear. For the speeches I see to turn upon humbling Philip, but our affairs to be arrived at such a pitch, that it is necessary to look out lest we ourselves, in the first instance, suffer damage. Wherefore in nothing else do those who hold such lan- guage seem to me to be in error, than in setting before you, for the subject about which you are deliberating, that which is not the true one. And for my part, that it was once in the power of the state, both to keep its own securely, and to humble Philip, I very exactly know : for in my time, not very long ago, both these things were practicable. But now I am convinced, that (a) This oration was spoken b.c. 349. (see Clin. Fast. Hell. i. 360.), the same year in which the Olynthian war began. See Clin. Fast. i. 136. There were three Olynthian orations delivered by Demosthenes, and, accord- ing to Ulpian, p. 10. 1. ed. Par., each oration was followed by one of the three expeditions. Three embassies were sent successively in the year of Cal- limachus (b. c. 349. ), to Athens, requesting assistance. In answer to the first, from Olynthus, the Athenians sent them a force composed of mercenaries, under Chares. Shortly after this the people of Chalcidice, pressed by the war, sent an embassy, and thereupon Charidemus was sent to their aid, and, in conjunction with the Olynthians, ravaged Pallene and Bottiasa. A third embassy being sent for fresh succours, the Athenians then, agreeably to the urgent advice of Demosthenes in all the three orations, sent an arma- ment composed of Athenian citizens. See Clin. Fast. Hell. i. 136, 7. All these three orations were spoken previously to the sending of the third armament. c 2 20 THIRD OLYNTHIAC. this is enough for us, in the first instance, to make sure of — how we may protect our allies. For if this point he firmly established, then it will be in our power to con- sider also about what method one should take to humble him. But before we have laid the foundation rightly, I deem it quite idle to enter into any discourse about the end. The present crisis then, Athenians, if ever, now forsooth requires much thought and counsel. And for my part I do not consider it the most difficult of matters to give you advice that is right, about our pre- sent affairs ; but there is one thing about which I am perplexed, in what way, Athenians, it is best to speak to you concerning them. For I am convinced, from what I know, being present and hearing, that the greater part of your measures have slipped away from you, from the want of will to take the proper means, not from the want of understanding them. And I call upon you, if I pursue my discourse with boldness, to bear with it, considering this, whether I speak what is true, and to the end that matters may be better hereafter. For you see how, from certain persons having harangued with an eye to popularity, our affairs have arrived at every pitch of wretchedness. But I deem it necessary to remind you, first, of a few of the events that are past. You remember, Athenians, when Philip was reported to you in Thrace, (it is now three or four years ago,) besieging the fortress of Hera?um, at that time it was the fifth month (a) ; and, when many speeches and much tumult arose amongst you, you decreed to launch forty triremes (£), and that men short of five-and-forty years old should («) See Clin. Fast. Hell. i. 396. ef c*f. (6) A trireme was a galley with three banks of oars, one ahove another. THIRD OLYNTHIAC. 21 themselves embark, and to contribute sixty talents of silver. And, after these things, when all that year had gone over (a), and the first, the second, and the third month (b) — scarcely after this month, after the mys- teries (c), did you send out Charidemus with ten ships, ill-manned, and five talents. For when Philip was an- nounced to be sick or dead (for both reports reached us), thinking it to be no longer the season to send rein- forcements, you gave up, Athenians, the expedition ! But this was the very season for it. For if we had then with readiness sent troops thither, as we had decreed, Philip would not now haye troubled us, after having got better at that time. The things, indeed, then done cannot be altered. But now the season of another war is come, on account of which also I made mention of these things, that you may not fall into the same error again. How, then, Athenians, shall we manage this ? For, unless you send reinforcements with your whole strength, to the uttermost of your power, consider in what way you will have con- (a) Subsequently to the archonship of Apseudes, b.c. 433., the Attic year commenced at midsummer, or July, with the month Hecatombseon, the first month. See Clin. Fast. Hell. p. xvi. xxiii. The Attic months thus commencing in July, ran thus: Hecatombaeon ; Metagitnion ; Boedromion ; Pyanepsion ; Maemacterion ; Posideon ; Gamelion ; An- thesterion ; Elaphebolion ; Munychion ; Thargelion ; and Scirophorion. Ibid. i. p. 324. Hence it was in Maemacterion, or the fifth Attic month, that Philip was besieging the fortress of Heraeum, and in Pyanepsion, the fourth Attic month of the next year, very early in the month, the expedi- tion under Charidemus was dispatched. (6) The Olynthian war began after midsummer, b.c. 349., and the first expedition, under Chares, appears to have been concluded in the third Attic month', or September b.c. 349. Ulpian ad Demosth. pp. 26. 42, ed. Par. (c) The mysteries, /xva-r^pia /xeyaAa, or 'EAeu/u.e'a>, stationem habere: dpfi^i, impetVOSUl motus ; dpixdw, incite* THIRD OLYNTHIAC. 23 say something surprising to the greater part of you. Appoint nomothetes (a): and by these nomothetes do not enact any new laws : for there are sufficient for you: but repeal those which at present are injurious to you. And I allude to those about the theatrical fund in this distinct manner, and to those about men who serve in the army, some of them. Of which laws, some of them distribute to those who stay at home the (a) The nomothetes were persons appointed as commissioners, some- times to the number of a thousand, to consider and propose alterations or amendments in the old laws. It may be proper here to mention that the Athenian constitution, as established by Solon, was as follows : — In the first place, the people were divided, according to their property, into four classes — the Centacosimedimni, or those having a yearly income of 500 medimni ; the Equites, who had 400 ; the Zeugita?, who had 300 ; and the Thetes, which included those whose yearly income did not amount to this last sum ; whilst, at the same time, the ancient divisions according to heads, into wards, of which there were four, and according to residence, into hundreds, of which there were 170, were preserved. Every year nine archons were elected, who acted as supreme magistrates at the head of the state. The first of these archons was called iir&vv/Aos, who gave the name to the year ; the second, (2a(Ti\evs, who managed divine ser- vices ; the third, iroKefiapxos, who managed the concerns of war ; and the remaining six were the ^ecr/xoderai. From each of the four wards 100 persons, belonging to the first three classes, were chosen annually, after having passed a rigid examination, and these 400 formed the council or senate, j8oi/\^, and acted in concert with the archons. The archons had to consult with the council on every proposition, and these formed, toge- ther, the legislative body, in which laws were to be first proposed and digested, after which they could be carried down for confirmation to the people at large, consisting of the whole four classes at their iKK\r)aiai, or general assemblies. See Heeren, Anc. Hist. p. 138, 9. ; Mitf. Gr. i. 375. et seq. Besides these departments, there was an order superior to all, and having power to stop the effect of the judicial decrees of the assemblies of the people themselves, viz., the Areopagus, which was revived by Solon, after having fallen into disuse, and consisted of all those who had exercised the office of archon with unimpeached character. This court alone had cognisance in general, of capital crimes, and from its sentence no appeal lay to the people. It decided all issues from the public treasury, and could punish all immoral or disorderly conduct in individuals. Its mem- bers were for life, unlike any other of the Athenian dignitaries. Ibid. c 4 24 THIRD OLYNTHIAC. military fund as theatrical money ; and others render exempt from punishment those who escape serving in the army ; and, in the next place, they render those who are willing to do their duty more disheartened. But when you have repealed these things, and have cleared from danger the path to recommending the best advice, then seek for some one to draw up what you all know to be expedient. But before you have done this, do not inquire what person, in proposing plans most beneficial for you, will seek at your hands his own destruction. (a) For you will not find him. And, especially, since this alone is likely to be the result, that the person who has proposed and drawn these up, shall unjustly suffer some wrong and do no good to the state; whilst, moreover, he will render, for the future, the task of proposing the best measures even more dangerous than it is at pre- sent. Yes, and, Athenians, we ought to call upon those men themselves to repeal the laws, who have even enacted them. For it is not just for that popularity which has injured the whole state to appertain to those men who at that time enacted them ; and that the odium by which we should all fare the better, should prove the ruin of him who has now given the best advice. But, before you have set these things aright, by no means, (a) This alludes to the enactment making it death to propose the rescinding of the law concerning the theatrical fund. An enactment of the celebrated lawgiver, Charondas, compelled any one, proposing to abro- gate an old or enact a new law, to come before the general assembly with a halter round his neck, and if the proposal of such a person was rejected, he subjected himself to capital punishment. This, the ob- ject of which was to prevent rash and ill-concerted schemes from being proposed to the people, who, like all large assemblies, possessed little judgment, and were easily led away by the most presumptuous talker, was certainly carrying to extremes a good principle, that of making a would-be legislator responsible for his proposals, and was afterwards altered by Solon. See Diod. Sic. 1. 12, c 17. ; Miff. Gr. i. THIRD OLYNTHIAC. 25 Athenians, expect any one to be so great amongst you, as infringing upon the laws, not to suffer for it, or so foolish as to plunge himself into ruin before his eyes. Nor, yet of this, does it behove you to be ignorant, Athenians, that a decree is of no worth unless there go along with it a willingness on your part to perform with spirit what is determined on. For if decrees were suf- ficient, either to compel you to act as becomes you, or to effectuate those objects about which they are drawn up, neither would you, passing many decrees, have effected few or rather none of these objects, nor would Philip have acted injuriously so long a time. For, long since, as far as decrees go, he would have suffered dearly. But things are not thus. For, to act, being in order of time posterior to speaking and voting («), is in efficiency prior and superior. This requisite, then, ought to be added, the rest exist already. For, indeed, there are amongst you, Athenians, men able to give the best ad- vice, and you of all persons are quickest to decide upon what is spoken : and you will be able now to carry into execution also, if you will act aright. For what time, or what season, Athenians, do you seek for better than the present ? Or when will you do your duty, if not now ? Has not the man got hold of all our strong- places ? and if he shall become master of this region (b) also, we shall be in a state of all others the most dis- (a) In the original, x el P 0T0Ve w> manum protendo et attollo. When a law was proposed to the general assemblies, the people voted on it by holding up their hands. See Mitf. Gr. i. 379. " The debates being ended, the crier, at the command of the foreman, signified to the people that the business waited their determination. Suffrages were then given by holding up hands. This was the ordinary manner of voting ; but in some extraordinary cases, particularly when the question related to the maladministration of magistrates, votes were given privately, by casting pebbles into vessels prepared by the Pry tanes. " Ibid. (6) That is, Olynthus. 26 THIRD OLYNTHIAC. graceful. Are not those persons, whom if they went to war we promised to protect with zeal, are not they now attacked ? Is he not our enemy ? Has he not hold of our possessions ? Is he not a barbarian ? is he not — what any one may term him ? But, by the Gods ! after having let all these things pass, and having all but helped him to contrive them, shall we then seek for the authors of these evils, who they can be ? For we shall not say, that we ourselves are to blame, that I well know. For neither, in the conflicts of war, does any one of the run- aways accuse himself; but even his general, and his neighbours, and all persons rather. And yet they have been defeated owing to all these runaways, sure enough. For he might have stayed, who now accuses the others ; and if all had done thus, they would have been victorious. And now does any one give not the best advice? Let another rise up and speak; do not accuse him. Does another give better advice ? Act upon that, with God's blessing. But is this not agreeable? That is not the fault of the speaker, excepting if, when he ought to pray to heaven, he neglect that duty. For it is an easy thing, Athenians, to make our prayer, having as- sembled together in a small compass all that a man desires. But to make an election when it is proposed to deliberate about public affairs, is not equally at com- mand ; but it behoves you to take the best precautions instead of the amusements, if you cannot take both. " Yet if any one can both let us have the theatrical money, and point out other funds for the war service, is not this man a better adviser ?" some one may say. Yes, I assent, if there be such a person, Athenians ! But, I wonder, whether to any man it hath ever happened, or ever will happen, if he have expended his present means on ob- THIRD OLYNTHIAC. 27 jects that become him not, to have command over means which are gone, for objects that become him. But, as I think, the inclination of each person is a great matter in speeches of that kind. Wherefore it is the easiest thing in the world for any one to deceive himself. For whatever any one wishes that he always thinks. But human affairs go not often in that way. View then, Athenians, these things in the way that circumstances allow, and you will be able to march out, and you will have pay. For it is not the part of wise or noble-minded men, when failing at all through want of money for carrying on the war, to bear easily with such disgraces ; nor against Corinthians and Megarians, having snatched up their arms, to march ; and to suffer Philip to enslave the cities of Greece, through want of necessary maintenance for the troops. And these things have I not chosen idly to speak that I may incur the hatred of any of you : for I am not so foolish or un- fortunate a person, as to wish to incur your hatred, when I think I can do no good. But I deem it the part of a good citizen to prefer the welfare of our affairs above any popularity of speaking. For I am told, as perhaps you also have heard, that the orators in the times of our ancestors, whom all coming forward praise, but do not at all imitate, followed this principle and method of civic conduct — Aristides the great, Nicias, he who bore my name, and Pericles. But from the time that these rhetoricians have arisen, who ask you, What would you wish? what shall I propose? how must I oblige you ? the interests of the state are compli- mented away (a) to the popularity of the moment ; and (a) Upoirii/oo, to drink away in compliments. So in Pindar, Olymp. Carm. vii. 1. 5. 28 THIRD OLYNTHIAC events of this nature are the consequence : and the affairs of these men all go on well ; but yours disgracefully. Well now, consider, Athenians, what summaries a per- son would be able to relate of the actions done in the time of your ancestors, and of those in your time. And the story shall be brief and intelligible to you : for by following not foreign precedents but those in your own history, Athenians, you may be able to become fortu- nate. Those men, then, whom the speakers did not flatter, nor caressed them, as these now do you, for five- and-forty years, ruled over the Greeks with their own consent, and they brought more than ten thousand ta- lents into the Acropolis : and the king who possessed this country was obedient to them, as it becomes a fo- reigner to be to the Greeks : and many noble trophies, both by land and in sea fight, they erected, serving in their own proper persons : and they alone of men, left the glory of their exploits superior to all who envied them. In the affairs, then, of the Greeks, they were men of such a stamp : and in those within the city itself consider how they acted, as well in public as in private matters. In their public capacity, therefore, they erected for us buildings and decorations of temples, and the offerings in them, such and so many, that to none of those who come after is there left a chance of surpassing them. And, in their private character, they were so virtuous, and so strongly adhering to the principles of the constitution, that if any one of you know the house of Aristides, and that of Miltiades, and of those men at that time illustrious, of what kind it is, he perceives it to be not a whit grander than that of his neighbour. For not with a view to opulence were the affairs of the state transacted by them, but every one thought it his duty THIRD OLYNTHIAC. 29 to advance the common weal. And, from conducting the affairs of the Greeks with fidelity ; and their duties to the Gods piously; and affairs amongst themselves equally, they rightfully obtained great prosperity. In such a condition, then, stood affairs with them, em- ploying as rulers those whom I mentioned. But now how stand affairs with you, under these worthy men of the present day ? Are they in a state at all similar or near it ? And other matters I pass over, although I could have much to say about them. But having met with such an open field as you all perceive, — the Lacedaemonians being subdued, and the Thebans being fully employed, and of the others none being competent (a) to oppose us for the ascendency, — when it was in our power both to keep our own possessions securely, and to arbitrate the rights of others, we have been deprived of our own domain : and more than ten thousand five hundred talents have we expended to no purpose : and those parties whom we gained as allies during the war when peace came these persons have lost them : and we have exercised against our ownselves so great an enemy : or let some one come forward and show me, from what other means, than from ourselves, Philip hath become thus strong. " But," my good friend, " if these things are in a bad way, yet matters in the city itself are now better." But what can any one mention ? The battle- ments which we whitewash ? and the roads which we repair ? and the fountains ? and such like trifles ? Cast your eyes then on those persons who conduct such state proceedings, of whom some, from beggars, have become wealthy, and others from obscurity, high in honour : (a) In the original &|i($xpe»s, from &£ios and XP* WS > a debt, worthy of credit ; and thence, competent, respectable. 30 THIRD OLYNTHIAC. and certain persons have built private houses more splendid than the public edifices : and in the same de- gree that the position of the state has become worse, hath that of these men been advanced. What then is the cause of all these evils? And how came it that all things went well then, and now far from rightly ? Because, in the first place, the people itself having the spirit to serve in the army, was master of the statesmen, and itself lord (a) of all the good things, and every one of the rest was well content to get a share of honour and power, and any good thing, from the people. But now, on the contrary, the statesmen are lords of all the good things, and through their hands all things are transacted : while you, the people, being hamstrung, and stripped of wealth and allies, have fallen into the rank of a servant and appendage ; being content, if these men give you a share of the theatrical money, or send you some paltry oxen : and, what is the meanest of all, you are thankful, besides, for what is your own : while they who shut you up close (b) in the city, train you to this and tame you, making you tractable to their own hands, (c) And it is never possible, methinks, for those engaged in little and mean pursuits to entertain a great and heroic spirit. For, of whatever character the pur- suits of men are, such it is necessary their spirit should be also. As to these things, by the divinity of Ceres ! I should not wonder if greater harm from you should en- sue to me, for having spoken of them, than to those who have caused them to befall. For neither is there at all times liberty of speech on all subjects before you. Nay, (a) AeffTr6rr}s, regards persons ; nvpios, regards property. (b) E'tpyu), to shut in : efp7c«>, to shut out. (c) In the original x^poyQyS) from x 6 V> BMUH1S, and i)9os, ingenium : so in Latin, mansuetus. THIRD OLYNTHIAC. 31 for my part, I wonder that, even just now, it hath been allowed. Wherefore, if even now, at last, having quitted these ways, you shall determine to serve in the army, and to act worthily of yourselves, and shall em- ploy these idle expenses at home, as means to gain advantages abroad, perhaps — perhaps, Athenians, you might obtain some complete and great good, and would forego profits (a) of this kind, which are like cordials given by physicians to the sick. For, of truth, those alleviations neither infuse strength, nor suffer them to die. And these, which you now enjoy, are neither so great as to afford any permanent benefit, nor do they suffer you to reject them, and set about some- thing else. But these are the things that encourage the indolence of each of you. " Do you then speak of serving for hire ? " some one will say. Yes, Athenians, and immediately the same arrangement of all departments : that each, tak- ing his share of the public stock, whatever the state require, may be ready for that. Are we allowed to be at peace? Remaining at home, being released from the necessity of doing any thing base through want, you are better off. Does any occurrence of that kind take place, such as now ? So you are, being yourself a soldier on behalf of your country, out of these same profits, as is but reasonable. Is any one of you beyond the proper age ? What this man now receiving in a disorderly manner, does no good, this let him re- ceive in a regular system, inspecting and administering all things that ought to be done. And, altogether, (a) In the orginal Arjfifia, from \a/j.Sdvca, to take : dis. \r\fia, pur- pose, passion, from Kw, volo. Cf. Eurip. Med. 119. 32 THIRD OLYNTHIAC. having neither taken away, nor added, except a little, having destroyed the disorder, I have brought the city to an orderly state, having established the same system of receiving largesses 3 of serving in the army, of acting on juries, of doing what each, according to his age, may be able, and for which occasion may be. On no occasion did I ever say, that it behoved those who do nothing to enjoy what belongs to those who will act; nor, that we should be idle and dilatory and at a loss ourselves, and about what victories the mercenaries of such or such a one are gaining to make inquiries. For these evils now prevail. And I do not blame him, who executes any good purpose on your behalf. But on your own behalf, I call upon you, of your ownselves, to do those things for which you honour others, and not to give up the point of merit, Athenians, which your ancestors be- queathed to you, having gained it by valour in many noble and great dangers ! I have about spoken what I deem to be fitting ; and may you choose that part which shall prove advantageous to the state, and to you all ! 33 ORATION ON THE CROWN, (a) The counsellor and the malignant being alike in no other matter, in this most of all differ from one an- other. The one gives his opinion before the events, and renders himself responsible to those who have taken his advice, to fortune, to the turns of the times, to any one who chooses : whereas, the other, having remained silent, when he ought to speak, if any thing disagreeable occurs, vexatiously sets upon that. That then was, as I stated, the period (Z>), for the man who was anxious for the good of the state and for honest advice. And I go to so bold a length, as to allow that I am guilty if any one could now show any thing better, or altogether if any other measure were practicable except those I adopted. For if there be any measure which any one hath now seen, that would have been advantageous if then pursued, that I affirm ought not to have been un- known to me. But if there neither is, nor was, nor any one can mention one hitherto or to day, what did it behove the counsellor to do ? Did it not, to choose the best of such measures as were apparent and practicable. This then was what I did, when the herald asked, iEschines ! "who chooses to harangue ?" not who chooses to accuse about things past, nor who to give bond about (a) This oration was spoken B. C. 330. ; Clin. Fast. Hell., i. 360. Part of it only is here giveru (6) When it was in consultation whether Athens should join Thehes against Philip. D 34 ORATION ON THE CROWN. the things to come. But when you, at those times, sat speechless in the assemblies, I came forward and spoke. But if not then, at any rate now, point out to me either what method which I ought to have found out, or ad- vantageous crisis for the state, was neglected by me, and what alliance, what negociation, to which I ought rather to have conducted my countrymen. Besides, moreover, the past is always given up amongst all men, and no one anywhere proposes deliberation about this : but the future or the present demands the office of the coun- sellor. At that time then, some of our dangers, as it seemed, were coming on, and others were already arrived, in which let any one consider the principles of my political conduct, and do not malign the events. For the end of all things takes place as heaven approves : but the pro- posal itself manifests the intention of the counsellor. Do not then put that down as a crime against me, if it was the lot of Philip to come off victorious in the battle: for in the hand of God was the end of that matter, not in me. But that I did not adopt all measures that were practicable according to human calculation, and with honesty and diligence perform these, and with industry beyond my power ; or that I did not pursue a line of conduct honourable and worthy of the state, and at the same time necessary — this do you demonstrate to me, and then, but not till then, accuse me. But if the hur- ricane that befell hath proved too great, not only for us, but also for the whole of Greece, what does it behove us to do ? Just as if, when the captain had done every thing for a safe voyage, and had equipped his ship with all things by which he supposed it would sail in safety, and then had met a storm, and his tackle had suffered or ORATION ON THE CROWN. 35 was utterly rent, then any one should accuse him of the shipwreck. " Bat neither was I pilot of the ship," he might say — as neither was I general of the forces, or master of fortune, but she of all things. But consider one thing, and think of it: if it was destined us thus to fare though fighting along with the Thebans, what must we have expected if we had not had even these as allies, but they had joined Philip, for which purpose that man at that time exerted all his eloquence ? But if, as things are (a), when the battle took place three days' journey from Attica, so great danger and alarm encompassed the state, what was it proper to expect if this same calamity had befallen anywhere in our country ? Do you think that now you still would have stood, have assembled, have recovered your breath ? How much did one, or two, or three days contribute to the preservation of the state ? But in the other case (a), — it is not right to mention, what the kindness of some of the gods did not even allow us to experience, the state also having taken the shield of this alliance which you accuse. And all these arguments of mine, the greater part, are addressed to you, Judges ! and to you who stand around without and listen ; since, in answer to this man himself, the abominable fellow ! a short and distinct account was sufficient for me. For, if the future was beforehand mani- fest to you, iEschines, alone of all others, at the time that the city was deliberating about these things, then ought you to have foretold them : but if you were not aware be- forehand, you are responsible for the like ignorance with the rest. Wherefore, why do you lay this to my charge rather than I to yours ? For so far have I been a better (a) Nw/ and r6re opposed : the former signifies " as things actually took place ;" the latter, " as things would have been in a case supposed." D 2 cJb ORATION ON THE CROWN. citizen in these things concerning which I speak, (and I do not argue about the others), inasmuch as I devoted myself to measures considered by all to be expedient, having declined no private danger, nor taken it into account : whereas, you neither advised other measures better than these, (for else they would not have adopted these) nor in furtherance of these did you render your- self at all useful. But what the most worthless man and the bitterest enemy would do to the state, this, in the event, you are convicted to have done ; and at the same time that at Naxos Aristratus, and at Thasos Aristolaus, downright enemies of the state, bring to trial the friends of the Greeks, you, iEschines, are, at Athens, impeaching Demosthenes ! But the man for whom the misfortunes of the Greeks were reserved as a field to gain distinction on, that man better deserves to die, than to accuse another. And the man who has found his interest in the same turn of the times as the enemies of the state, it cannot be that such a man should be well affected to his country. And you show it, even from the way in which you live and act, and the part you take in the state, and again do not take. Is any measure going on, which is considered for your good ? iEschines is mute. Has anything gone wrong and befallen, such as should not? iEschines is forthcoming. Just as a fracture and a sprain, when any harm befalls the body, are then astir. But since he presses very much upon the events, I am inclined to state something even very sur- prising : and let no one, by Jupiter and the gods! wonder at my boldness, but with candour consider what I say. Wherefore, if the events which were going to happen had been beforehand manifest to all, ORATION ON THE CROWN. 37 and all had known, and you, JEschines, had foretold them, and protested crying out and bawling, you, who did not even open your mouth, not even in this case ought the city to have given up those objects, if she paid any regard either to glory, or to our ancestors, or to the coming age. For, as things are, she is held to have met with disappointment in her aims, which is common to all people, when such is the will of heaven. But in the other case, if, while aspiring to take the lead of all the rest, the city had given up that point, she would have borne the charge of having abandoned all the Greeks to Philip. Wherefore, if without a struggle she had surrendered these things, on account whereof our ancestors sustained every possible danger, who would not contemptuously spit upon you? (For God forbid upon the city, or upon me ! ) But with what eyes, by Jove ! should we have looked at those men who come to visit the city, if affairs had been reduced to the condition in which they now are, and Philip had been chosen the leader and lord of all, and the contest to prevent these ills from happening, other persons had undertaken apart from us ? And this too, when never in the times gone by did the city choose ignoble safety rather than danger for the sake of honour. For what Greek, or what barbarian does not know, that both from the Thebans, and from those who were powerful still earlier than these, the Lacedaemonians, and from the king of the Persians, there would have been gladly granted to the city, with many thanks, the liberty of taking whatever she pleased, and of keeping her own domains, provided she did what was enjoined, and allowed another to be at the head of the Greeks ? But to the Athenians of that day this was not, as it seems, 38 ORATION ON THE CROWN. hereditary, nor tolerable, nor natural ; nor was any one able ever in the whole course of time to prevail upon the city, by joining those who were powerful, but not acting a j ust part, to tolerate a secure slavery : but during all her existence she has remained steadfast in struggling for the first rank, and for honour and glory, through every danger. And this you consider so noble and worthy of your principles, that you praise in the highest degree those of your ancestors who thus acted. For who but must admire the spirit of those men who had the heart to leave their country and their city, having embarked in their ships, that they might not submit to the word of command? when they chose as leader The-, mistocles, who had given them this advice, and stoned to death Crysilus (a), who gave his opinion for sub- mitting to commands, and not only him, but moreover your wives stoned his wife. For the Athenians of that time did not seek an orator and general, by whom they might be enslaved and prosperous : but they did not condescend even to live, unless it should be allowed them to do so with liberty. Wherefore each of them thought, that he was born, not for his father and his mother only, but also for his country. And what is the difference ? That he who thinks that he was born only for his parents, awaits the death of chance and destiny : but he who thinks that he was born also for his country, will be ready to die that he may not see her enslaved, and will deem the insults and disgraces, which in his city, when enslaved, he needs must meet with, more ter- rible than death. If, then, I attempted to say this, that it was I who urged you to entertain sentiments worthy of your (a) See Cicero, De Off. 1. iii. c. xi. ORATION ON THE CROWN. 39 ancestors, there is no one who would not justly con- demn me. But now I demonstrate such principles as these to be your own; and I show that long before my time the state upheld this sentiment. Of the ad- ministration, however, in every part of the measures transacted, I affirm that a share belongs to myself also. But this man accusing the whole of the past, and calling upon you to bear anger against me, as having been the cause of alarms and dangers to the state, is eager indeed to deprive me of honour for the present, but in fact is robbing you of your just encomium for all time to come. For if, on the ground that I have not acted the best part in politics, you shall condemn my friend here («), you will seem to have acted wronglv, and not to have suf- fered what has happened by the cruelty of fortune. But it cannot, it cannot be, that you were wrong, Athenians, in having undertaken a contest which was for the liberty and preservation of all men. No — I swear by those who fought in the first ranks at Marathon ! and by those who took the field at Platsea ! and by those who fought the sea fight at Salamis, and by those off Artemisium ! and many others, brave men, who lie in the public tombs, all of whom equally the city buried, having judged them worthy of the same distinction, iEschi- nes ! not those of them who succeeded, nor those alone who conquered. And justly so. For that which was the work of brave men has been performed by them all : but as to fortune, what Heaven assigned to each, that have they experienced. (a) That is Ctesiphon, against whom iEschines brought the action, and whom Demosthenes is here defending. THE END. By the same Author, THE LAW OF REAL PROPERTY, in 2 vols. Vol. I. containing Real Property, and the rights, injuries, and remedies of the same : vol. II. containing Estates in Real Property, whether purely legal, customary, or equita- ble. Price 21. 5s. 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