Class Book. COPYRIGHT DEPOSIT Latest Light on Abraham Lincoln LINCOLN IN 1S56 From a photograph copy of an ambrotype taken by McMasters at Prince- ton, Ihinois, July 4, 1856. The only picture of Lincoln known to have been taken during that year. Photograph presented the author by Mrs. W. E. McVay, Los Angeles, California. {See page 66) Latest Light on Abraham Lincoln and War-time Memories Including many Heretofore Unpublished Incidents and Historical Facts concerning his Ancestry, Boy- hood, Family, Religion, Public Life, Trials and Triumphs ILLUSTRATED With many Reproductions from Original Paintings, Photographs, etc. / BY ERVIN CHAPMAN, D.D., LL.D. Author of "A Stainless Flag," "Particeps Criminis," "The Czolgosz of Trade and Commerce," etc. WITH INTRODUCTION BY BISHOP JOHN W. HAMILTON New Yoek Chicago Toronto Fleming H. Revell Company London and Edinburgh Copyright, 1917, by ERVIN CHAPMAN JAN 15 iSi8 New York : 1 58 Fifth Avenue Chicago: 17 North Wabash Ave. Toronto : 25 Richmond Street, W. London : 2 1 Paternoster Square Edinburgh : 100 Princes Street <^- )CI.A481411 TO MY WIFE AND OUR FIVE CHILDREN ^latn, jHcab, #Bltiia, "Let American High Schools teach at least one year of Lincoln. Teaching the use of the English language is one of the prime objects of public school instruction. Lincoln was one of the mas- ters of English. His simple, luminous sentences, which go as straight as bullets are models for the pupil which cannot be improved upon. School instruction seeks to form and strengthen a pupil's reasoning powers. To follow Lincoln's mind through his great controversies is an education in reasoning that no classical example can sur- pass. "It is high time he became a staple of American education. His collected writings and speeches not only contain the soul of the American story but are highly worth reading simply as literature —as the picture of a mind slowly evolving out of apparent common-place into supreme greatness, and so leading a people through a great crisis.'* —Judge R. M. Wanamaker. INTRODUCTION By Bishop John W. Hamilton, D.D., LL.D. Chancellor American University, Washi/ngton, D. C, ANOTHER Life of Abraham Lincoln? No, not a biography, but the latest authentic information relative to many features of his life in which the world is deeply interested. Such information is always in demand and at this time it is peculiarly welcome. In our own country Abraham Lincoln is today held in higher esteem than ever before, and public interest in his life and in all for which he is known to have contended, is constantly increasing. In pub- lic schools and institutions of higher education, in organiza- tions for literary culture and pursuits, on the lecture platform and in the pulpit, Lincoln's name is heard more frequently and with greater interest than is that of any other American. And scarcely less interesting or potential is his name in other lands. The world has set its halo about him for what it already knows of him but that only increases the desire to know more. And Doctor Ervin Chapman has responded to that desire by producing a work in which there is a great fund of informa- tion concerning Lincoln never before published. He has been able to do this because of his intimate knowledge of the work- ings of the general government and his close and prolonged acquaintance and association with eminent men during Lin- coln's administration. He is, therefore, able to write with authority and has done so in a manner so illuminating and instructive as to win for himself a well accredited distinction among all who have written about Lincoln and the times in which he lived. Doctor Chapman's eminent service during his long life devoted so fully to the progressive and memorable achieve- ix X INTRODUCTION ments of those historical and turbulent times, gives him superior qualifications to write with deepest sympathy and friendliness. SjTiipathy rules the world, the world of Letters as well as the world of Life. A friend will show himself friendly. A foe cannot conceal his enmity. Other things being equal the friend is more reliable than the foe, more popular surely. There are a hundred readers of Abbott's ''Life of Napoleon" to one who reads the life by Scott. Because of his deep sympathy with all that distinguished the life of Abraham Lincoln the author has here given us a work in the perusal of which one can hear the heart throbs of the writer. Good news can never come too often and this is a book of good news which we will never tire of reading. It tells us what we always believed was true about Lincoln and the proofs are so conclusive that no misleading myths or legends will hereafter be given credence. I commend to every reader the author's impassionate appeal for the aid of the platform, pulpit and press in repeating the entrancing story of the humble but hallowed home and family from which this great servant and messenger of God came to save the nation and to redeem a race. I have known Doctor Chapman for many years and have ever held him in high esteem. I have rejoiced in his great work on the Pacific Coast and throughout the nation, and have often announced my con- viction that of all men I have known he was the best adapted to the work of reform in which he was such an able and successful leader. I rejoice that he has lived to complete the great work on Abraham Lincoln which he has been for so many years engaged in producing. It will undoubtedly prove the crowning work of his remarkable life. He has giren abundant evidence of his fitness to write of the important matters with which he is familiar. He has added a valuable contribution to the political history of the nation and I am pleased to present my venerable friend of many years to my many friends of many lands. J. W. H. FOKEWOKD IT is indeed a special providence that a unique man like Dr. Ervin Chapman should just at this time of great emer- gency give to the world a work on Abraham Lincoln, in the preparation of which he has been engaged for more than half a century. Of "Particeps Criminis," "Bob" Burdette said, "Doctor Chapman is the only man who could write this book," and the same is true of the "Latest Light on Abraham Lincoln and War-time Memories." No one but this "Statesman-Preacher," as he is called, could so successfully have supplemented the three thousand Lincoln publications that have appeared, with a work that is unlike all that has been written concerning Abra- ham Lincoln, From boyhood Doctor Chapman has been engaged in literary pursuits and his writings have always been distinguished for their fascinating originality. His books entitled, "A Stainless Flag," "The Czolgosz of Trade and Commerce," and "Parti- ceps Criminis," have been widely and eagerly read. At sixteen he was on the lecture platform. At eighteen he was active in the organization of the Republican party and took the stump for Fremont, and at twenty-two he made one hundred speeches for the election of Abraham Lincoln as President. When but a lad he could repeat from memory the greater part of the Declar- ation of Independence and of the Constitution of the United States. "Jefferson's Letters," the "Madison Papers," "The Federalist," "Benton's Thirty Years' View," and "Democracy in America," were his delight while still in his teens and those works are yet in his possession with his original annotations. I have been thrilled with interest as I have handled those old, well-worn but well-preserved volumes, in the perusal of which 2 FOREWORD this studious country boy unconsciously prepared for tlie great work he was destined to accomplish. The knowledge of the fundamental principles of civil government acquired by the study of such great books gave strength and imagination to the fervid eloquence of the "Boy Orator," as he was then called. He was brought into close association with the most distinguished men of the nation, and after the election of Lincoln as President he was called to Washington to fill an important position in the Federal government and to be an active participant in many of the decisive movements of those historic times, some of which were not known to the public and are not until now mentioned in history. During his connection with the government at Washington, Doctor Chapman began the accumulation of data which has made possible the production of this great work. His claim that during those fifty years nothing of value respecting Lin- coln has escaped him seems fully justified by the wealth of in- formation he has here given to the public. Without the extra- ordinary opportunities and the thorough personal preparation, which began in boyhood and has continued through an extended life, no author could have written a work of such great and permanent value ; and from a field less extended or less produc- tive such riches could not have been acquired. Momentous measures and movements have passed like a panorama and men have come and gone as in a moving pageant since Doctor Chap- man began his preparation for this work. Not one man is now living who was then prominent in public life. At that time Blaine, Conkling, Grant, and Garfield were just beginning to attract attention. Cleveland, Harrison and McKinley were un- known. John Hay was only a President's private secretary; Roosevelt had seen but seven summers, Taft eight, and Wood- row Wilson was a restless boy of nine years in a Presbyterian manse in Virginia. And while this procession was passing Doctor Chapman, like a toiling miner, was delving in the rock for the gold that enriches the pages of this historical masterpiece. In this he FOREWORD 3 has not been hindered but helped by the ceaseless activities that have made his life so full of notable achievements. As a pastor, platform lecturer, participant in great conventions, and valiant leader in reforms, he has always been the champion of those civic and national ideals which he learned from the great books he studied so diligently in early life, and which with such con- summate skill he has in this work shown to be the mainspring of the marvelous life of Abraham Lincoln. He has been a preacher of great earnestness and power, with pronounced evangelistic gifts and inclinations, but he is most distinguished as an authority on the fundamental principles of civil government, and as a wise and successful leader in reform movements. When the Anti-Saloon League was organized in California there was a unanimous and unyielding demand that Doctor Chapman should become the leader of that new and unique movement, and so incomparable were his achievements in that field that nb one has ever doubted the wisdom of his selection for that difficult work. It was my good fortune to be one of that great assembly in San Francisco that sent Doctor Chapman out into California as superintendent of the Anti- Saloon League. The League was at that time understood to be an experimental movement but Doctor Chapman insisted that while its activities might be in a measure determined by con- ditions, its ideals must be fixed and immovable, and that the liquor traffic must be regarded and dealt with not as a business but as a crime, and that the League must always oppose the adoption of liquor license and any increase of the liquor license tax. He had learned these fundamentals from Lincoln and he adhered to them as tenaciously as the great Emancipator insisted that all rightful opposition to slavery must be based upon the unalterable proposition that slavery is wrong. Dr. Howard H. Russell, founder and first superintendent of the Anti-Saloon League, says : "From the day Doctor Chapman began the study of law in 1856 until 1898 when he became superintendent of the California Anti-Saloon League, every day of his life seems to have been spent in a school of discipline, 4 FOREWORD development and instruction for his state-wide and nation-wi'dc work." And when Doctor Chapman induced the National League to declare that the liquor license tax was ''an entrench- ment for the liquor traffic and the higher the tax the stronger that entrenchment," Doctor Russell said, "Doctor Chapman has convinced us all. I believe this is one of the most important measures we have thus far undertaken." And when a year later the League was led to declare that the liquor traffic is "not a business but a crime," the national superintendent, Dr. P. A. Baker, said to Doctor Chapman, "You have lifted us a notch higher." Upon that high level Doctor Chapman's "Stainless Flag" address was prepared and delivered throughout the length and breadth of this nation under the auspices of the National League. It was my supreme privilege when a pastor in Brooklyn to hear that epochal address in New York City and subsequently to learn of its great influence in creating and maintaining the conviction now so dominant in the nation that civil government cannot rightfully give legal standing to the traffic in strong drink. That address on "A Stainless Flag" is not outranked in power and eloquence by either Neal Dow or John B. Gough. As the doctrines of Abraham Lincoln prepared Doctor Chap- man for his great influence in temperance reform, so his work in that reform contributed very largely to his preparation for this monumental work on Lincoln. Without the least break or delay he passed from the strenuous struggles of the Anti-Saloon League to the work of classifying and arranging the varied and scholarly material he had accumulated. I was closely asso- ciated with him when he turned from all other activities to the happy labor of preparing the manuscript of this work. I ob- served the enthusiasm with which he retired from the public arena of conflict and sought the quiet seclusion in which he could work without interruption. And I have been thrilled with delight as I have seen this work take definite form and ex- pand into such magnificent and masterful proportions. My hopes were high when I first learned of the plan and scope of the pro- ERVIN CHAPMAN, D.D, LL.D. FOREWORD 5 posed volume, and I fully appreciated Doctor Chapman's rare fitness for the task he had undertaken, but I had never imagined that to the thousands of Lincoln ^publications another could be added of such surpassing interest and value. And my greatest astonishment is in finding in this work so much valuable infor- mation which does not appear in any other publication. I am delighted to note the characteristic courage with which the author calmly sets aside as untruthful many harmful statements concerning Lincoln which have been given wide publicity, and the conclusive evidence he produces in support of his declar- ations. It is not a new Lincoln but a true and real, indeed a living Lincoln, which Doctor Chapman gives us in this work, a Lincoln of whose lineage and birth, and personal appearance and re- ligious belief and experience we have every reason to be proud. And it is that incomparably great and gracious Lincoln whom the world must ever hereafter behold, admire and imitate. Doctor Chapman has placed a grateful posterity under ever- lasting obligation to him for this brilliant masterpiece. Charles Edward LockEj Pastor First Methodist Episcopal Church, Los Angeles, Cal. PREFACE THIS work Is the product of more tlian half a century of diligent preparation and labor. It is added to the vast Lincoln library in the belief that it contains fresh and heretofore unpublished information relative to Abraham Lin- coln and men and events of his day. My personal participation in the activities of the national government during Mr. Lincoln's Presidency, and my intimate acquaintance and close official association with many of the most prominent men of that day afforded me the best of facilities for acquiring knowledge of what was then in progress throughout the nation. Therefore, my personal reminiscences of those years, which are published for the first time in this work, contain much valuable informa- tion which other writers seem not to have secured. In addition to this are the accumulations of prolonged and careful research in which nothing of value relative to Lincoln has been overlooked. More than two thousand publications have been carefully examined and made to contribute to the data which makes authentic every statement of this work. From books and other war-time publications, from national and local official records, and from Confederate documents and his- tories, items have been gathered and woven into connected records of events which form important new contributions to authentic history. The disclosures thus made are of great sig- nificance and some of them are so astounding that the validity of the history may at first be doubted. But investigation will establish, beyond question, the truth of every statement and deduction contained herein. I have been greatly favored and aided in all this prolonged and taxing research. Data that had been lost have by diligent search been recovered, and much of which I had never heard came unsought into my possession and has been used to the 7 8 PREFACE great advantage of this work. Many doors have been volun- tarily opened to me, affording admission to unsearched realms abounding in new and exceedingly valuable material. Sym- pathizing friends and strangers, hearing of the nature and purpose of my work, have contributed information that has aided me greatly to enrich these pages with choice Lincolniana in literature and art. I was especially fortunate in the extended research which made possible the preparation of the account of the Jaquess- Gilmore Mission, knowledge of which during its progress was not had even by the President's confidential secretaries, nor by any member of his Cabinet. A great flood of light is by that fascinating story cast upon the character and inner life of Abraham Lincoln, revealing his secret meditations and his un- declared hopes during even the darkest period of his life. Very extensive and unfrequented fields were perseveringly surveyed in securing the information given in that chapter. Each item is fully authenticated by unquestionable records, but here only have they been united so as to tell the thrilling story of that unique and marvelously successful adventure. The chapter devoted to quotations from the diary of Lin- coln's pastor, Rev. P. D. Gurley, D.D., is of special interest and value. The existence of this daily record by the able and distinguished minister who, during Mr. Lincoln's Presidency, was his beloved spiritual adviser and his esteemed and trusted counsellor, has for some time been known to a limited number of persons and has eagerly been sought by writers and pub- lishers, but until the present it has been withheld from publica- tion. I was delighted to secure the manuscript from Doctor Gurley's daughter, Mrs. Emma Gurley Adams of Washington, D. C, and I heartily commend it to the reader. A considerable portion of this work is devoted to the cor- rection of errors. No man in American history is so generally misunderstood as Abraham Lincoln. Erroneous statements and opinions relative to his ancestry, early life, family relations, personal appearance, bearing, habits, attitude to reforms, and PREFACE 9 religious belief and experience have long remained uncorrected to the great detriment of the world's heritage in one of its most important characters. Those misrepresentations and misconceptions have come from conditions existing during Mr. Lincoln's life, and from the malice or inexcusable carelessness of writers since his assassination. Mr. Lincoln was before the nation for only seven years and was known to the people of his own state for but a slightly more extended period. However, during all of that time there was in progress throughout the nation a great moral and civic movement which was characterized by intense bitterness of spirit, and personal animosities. Mr. Lincoln was an active and influential participant in that contest and during its progress he was the target for the most vindictive and cruel personal assaults known to political campaigns. At first the misrepresentations were only such as are usual in heated political contests, for he was always held in high esteem by his partisan antagonists in Illinois. But when his fame became national, and the movement against slavery became dangerous to that institution, the warfare against him sank to a lower level and was prosecuted with less regard for truth and honor. So long as damaging misrepresentations were confined to the campaign statements of his political antagonists their in- fluence was not seriously harmful, but when his former law partner, William H. Herndon, published in his ''Life of Lin- coln" that he was of illegitimate birth and had declared to him that the same was true of his mother, the wicked falsehood was accepted as true, and added immensely to the force of other untruthful statements that were given wide circulation. As is shown in this work Herndon's statement was promptly and indignantly denied and was proved to be without the least foundation. But after that had been done it continued to be reproduced in later works and was given wide publicity. Herndon was a pronounced infidel and in his book states that Lincoln also was an unbeliever. This declaration was 10 PREFACE confirmed by Lamon, another infidel author of a Lincoln biography, and has been repeated by many careless writers and widely proclaimed by enemies of Christianity and of Lincoln until, in spite of his own strong, unequivocal declarations to the contrary, it i8 very widely believed to be true. In like manner many other harmful errors have been published and accepted until the true image of Lincoln is quite generally seen through a mask of unfortunate misconceptions. These conditions should not be permitted to continue. It is due the memory of Lincoln that his image, so admired by the world, should be unmasked and made to appear in public thought in its unmarred purity and beauty. The misleading legendry which has become associated with his name should be cast aside and forgotten, and the truthful history of this greatest product of the new world should be reverently learned in its entirety and faithfully repeated to all the world, and to suc- ceeding generations. To aid in accomplishing this result is the chief purpose of this work. The charming "Stories about Lincoln" which form a chapter are pleasingly illustrative of his unique and delightful personality. Mr. Lincoln's own stories have been given large space in other publications, but brief accounts of events with which he was connected, such as are here given, have had less publicity. They are, however, bright and lovely gems picked up on vast fields of research and are here given their illuminat- ing historical settings. The topical arrangement of Mr. Lincoln's declarations of religious beliefs and experiences constitute a feature peculiar to this work. By this grouping of his own statements it is possible to ascertain, with but little effort, the exact truth relative to this very interesting and important matter. The collecting of this material from the large number of books con- sulted and its arrangement topically has been the most pro- longed and tedious feature of the preparation of this work. But it has been a labor of love and of unspeakable delight Ministers, lecturers, lawyers, teachers and writers are busy O "j —^ ^ •*< l-< . — < i. "v^ ^ '-f ',T '-1 ^' « "^ ^ 33 --» i^- JS ti o ^ PREFACE II people and only a limited number have access to the thousands of publications in which this material may be found and from which it has been patiently collected and classified, as gold is gathered from a mine and cast into form for convenient use. If this shall prove helpful to my busy, burdened fellow workers I shall feel amply rewarded for my tireless labors to that end. Special mention is here made of the efficient services of Miss Glenn Will in the diversified lines of labor by which this book has been produced. She has three times crossed the continent and prosecuted extensive research in public and private libraries and in museums and collections of rare Lincolniana. Too much cannot be said in commendation of her labors and achieve- ments. It is a great pleasure here to acknowledge the valuable assist- ance of Rev. James M. Campbell, D.D., in the preparation of this volume. Doctor Campbell has attained international fame as the author of many books of great worth, and to his ability and learning the character of this book is in no small measure due. In a statement as brief as this must be it is not possible to mention all who have aided me in securing data or in the prej)a- ration of this work. One mind has been constantly alert and watchful for facts and suggestions concerning Lincoln, and by that assistance from my wife this publication has been made possible. With like constancy, though for a less extended period, our children have added to my resources of literature and art, and thus and otherwise have shared in my labors and achievements. Hon. Robert T. Lincoln has with characteristic courtesy responded to all my requests for his counsel and assistance, and in interviews and by correspondence, his encouragement and aid have been exceedingly helpful. Persons in charge of public and private libraries, and of collections of Lincolniana have extended every needed courtesy. In prosecuting that research assistance of special value has been received from D. M. Gau- dier, D.D., Mrs. W. E. McVey, Rev. George W. Wilson, D.D., 12 PREFACE Kev. P. C. L. Harris, Miss Carline Mclllvaine, Howard H. Russell, D.D., LL.D., Miss Laura R. Church and Mr. Douglas Volk. Authors and publishers have with uniform cheerfulness granted permission to reproduce as has been requested. For such courtesies special acknowledgment is here made to Mr. Truman H. Bartlett, Century Company, F. C. Iglehart, D.D., Methodist Book Concern, Robert M. Browne, M.D., Mr. Fred- erick H. Meserve, George P. Putnam's Sons, Miss Ida M. Tar- bell, Mrs. Nellie Blessing Eyster, Mr. J. L. G. Ferris, William J. Johnson, D.D., the Gerlach-Barklow Company, Mrs. Caro- line Hanks Hitchcock, Houghton, Mifflin Company, Colonel A. K. McClure, Francis Grierson, Esq., Scribner's Magazine, Everybody's Magazine, Little, Brown & Company, L. C. Page & Company, Mr. John W. Lincoln, Miss Helen Nicolay, Mr. 0. H. Olroyd, Mr. Harry Roseland, General James F. Rusling, Colonel W. O. Stoddard, Doubleday, Page & Company, and Hon. Henry W. Melvin. From others whose names do not here appear I have received encouragement and aid which I hope ever to remember with appreciation and gratitude. And as I lay aside the pen with which these pages have been written, upon this work believed to have been begun and conducted under the promptings of the Divine Spirit, "I invoke the considerate judgment of mankind and the gracious favor of Almighty God." ERVIN CHAPMAN. Los Angeles, California. CONTENTS Part I CHAPTER PAGE I. Lincoln — Fortune's Favorite 17 11. Lincoln's Personal Appearance 43 III. The Jaquess-Gilmore Mission 83 IV. Lincoln and Temperance 141 V. Lincoln and Slavery — Opposed to Slavery 176 VI. Emancipation Considered 193 VII. Emancipation Proclamation 219 VIII. Constitutional Amendment 249 Part II I. Reminiscences of Lincoln's Second Inaugural. . 277 II. Lincoln's Religious Faith 299 III. Lincoln's Religious Faith — (Continued) 319 IV. Lincoln's Faith in Prayer 364 V. Lincoln's Religious Experience 395 VI. Lincoln and Horace Greeley 441 VII. The Wade-Davis Manifesto 484 VIII. Excerpts from Unpublished Manuscript by Dr. P. D. Gurley 499 Part III I. Short Stories about Lincoln 511 Index 557 "From the union of the Colonists, Puritans and Cavaliers, from the strengthening of their purposes and the crossing of their blood, came he who stands as the first typical American, the first to comprehend within himself all the strength and gentleness, all the majesty and grace of this Re- public, Abraham Lincoln. He was the son of Puritan and Cavalier, for in his ardent nature were fused the virtues of both, and in the depth of his great soul the faults of both were lost. He was greater than Puritan, greater than Cava- lier in that he was American. Let us build with reverent hands to the type of that simple but sublime life in which all types are honored." — Henry W, Grady. ILLUSTRATIONS OFFOSITB PAGE Lincoln in 1856 Title Ervin Chapman, D.D., LL.D 4 The author while making his one hundred speeches for Lincoln's first election as President 10 The badge he wore ia parades during that campaign 10 The ticket he voted four years later 10 Lincoln's mother's bible 30 Cabin in which Abraham Lincoln was born 32 Early pmrsuit of knowledge 32 Stephen A. Douglas 34 Mrs. Mary Todd Lincoln 36 Tablecloth presented by Mrs. Lincoln 40 Lincohi in 1861 46 Lincoln and detective Pinkerton 50 The greatest among the great 52 Lincoln at Cooper Institute. . , 56 Leonard W. Volk and his busts of Lincoln and Douglas 60 Bust of Lincoln, made by Leonard W. Volk, April, 1860 62 Lincohi in 1848 64 First picture as candidate for President 66 Last picture of President Lincoln 66 Abraham Lincoln in 1860, soon after his nomination 68 Lincoln in 1863, a few days before he delivered the Gettysburg address . . 70 Why people thought Lincoln homely 82 Colonel James F. Jaquess 84 Abraham Lincoln in 1847, pledging Cleopas Breckenridge to total absti- nence 150 Howard H. Russell, D.D., LL.D 152 President Lincoln and his Cabinet 228 Facsimile of manuscript by R. M. Devens 230 Lincoln and the contrabands 248 Hon. James M. Ashley of Ohio 258 Memories 274 15 1 6 ILLUSTRATIONS OPPOSITE PAGE President Lincoln during the battle of Gettysburg 276 Chief Justice Salmon Portland Chase 280 Bible on which Lincoln took oath of office 290 Seal of the Supreme Court affixed to the bible on which Lincoln took the oath of office 1861 292 Discoveries and inventions, being facsimile of first pages of the lecture supposed to have been lost 303 Father Charles Chiniquy 328 Hon. James F. Wilson of Iowa 346 N. Bateman 350 General Daniel E. Sickles 386 General James F. Rusling 388 General Rushng's certificate 390 Col. W. O. Stoddard 414 President Lincobi and family 426 Horace Greeley 440 Rev. Phineas D. Gurley, D.D., President Lincoln's pastor, and the New York Avenue Presbyterian Church, Washington, D. C 500 Bouquet of flowers picked and presented by Abraham Lincoln at the White House 502 Deathbed of Lincoln 504 The Village Blacksmith. This engraving hung in the room where Presi- dent Lincoln died 506 Facsimile letter written by Lincoln April 6, 1860 510 As seen and loved abroad. A picture woven in silk in Switzerland in 1865 522 Henry Ward Beecher 536 David R. Locke, author of humorous Nasby writings greatly enjoyed by President Lmcoln 540 VOLUME I "The name of Abraham Lincoln will be cher- ished, so long as we have a history, as one of the wisest, purest and noblest magistrates, as one of the greatest benefactors to the human race, that have ever lived. ... So much firmness with such gentleness of heart, so much logical acuteness with such almost childlike simplicity and ingenuousness of nature, so much candor to weigh the wisdom of others, with so much tenacity to retain his own judgment, were rarely before united in one individual. Never was such vast political power placed in purer hands ; never did a heart remain more humble and unsophisticated after the highest prizes of earthly ambition had been obtained." — ^J. LoTHROP Motley. LINCOLN— FORTUNE'S FAVORITE ABRAHAM LINCOLN was well born, and the aus- picious conditions into which he came at his birth were prophetic of the generous favors of fortune during all his life. Ancestry He was favored in the two lines of lineage which united in his wonderful personality. Both of those ancestral lines were of high-grade and each possessed qualities for which he was distinguished. The Lincoln line of lineage from its earliest history moved conspicuously upon a high plane, never lost, never broken and never joined in any unfavorable alliance. The hardships of pushing back the wooded wilderness and redeeming the virgin soil for the use of man ; the dangers of encounters with hostile savages ; the struggle for daily bread, together with powerful religious influences, served to keep that line of lineage upon a lofty plane. The course which it followed extended from the Atlantic's rocky coast, westward through New England and across the Alleghenies and the mountains of Virginia, to the verdant valleys of Kentucky — Abraham Lincoln's native state. And the dangers and hard- ships through which the rugged heroes of that line were called to pass, were calculated to produce the toughened fibre of Abraham Lincoln's giant frame and his superb moral stamina. Soon after the Lincolns reached Kentucky, Abraham Lincoln — grandfather of the great President — was shot and instantly killed by a hostile Indian. This tragedv was wit- 17 i8 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN nessed by his youngest son, a lad of but six years of age, who was with his father at the time. Two older sons, who had accompanied their father to his work, witnessed the tragedy from a distance, and knowing that the attack indicated that other savages were lurking in the vicinity, fled, one to the nearby cabin for his rifle, and the other to the settlement for help. But the boy kept his faithful vigil close beside his father's lifeless form. The Indian, as he approached his victim, saw the lad; and as he stooped to bear him as a trophy to his fellow savages, a well-aimed bullet from the cabin terminated his life. The boy thus rescued was Thomas Lincoln who became the father of Abraham Lincoln, the honored ruler and saviour of the nation. Under the old English law of primogeniture, which was then in force in Kentucky, the large estate of Thomas Lin- coln's father was inherited by the eldest son; and Thomas became dependent upon his widowed mother who was unable to contribute adequately to his needs. Little is known of his life until he became a man and found employment at day labor in a Kentucky frontier settlement. A typical frontiersman was Thomas Lincoln, of stalwart form, and of fine qualities of heart and mind; as brave and fearless as had been his father ; and as amiable and gentle as was his mother. He was tall and of great width of shoulders, with neck, chest and limbs fitted to grapple with the heavy tasks of the timbered wilderness, and subdue it into beauty and productiveness. By common consent he became the arbiter of difficulties among his neighbors, for he was ever wise and fair in his judgments and fearless and effective in maintaining the ver- dicts he so frequently was called upon to render. These qual- ities were in Thomas Lincoln united with a childlike piety and humble trust in God. He was not learned in scholarship or books, but he was well and widely educated in the lessons of early pioneer experience and in Christian faith and life. LINCOLN— FORTUNE'S FAVORITE 19 Judge H. C Whitney tells us that, "William G. Greene, who spent one day with Thomas Lincoln and felt interested to make a study of him, avers that he was a man of great native reasoning powers and fine social magnetism, reminding him of his illustrious son. He describes him as 'very stoutly built, about five feet ten inches high, and weighing nearly two hundred pounds.' His desire was to be on terms of amity and sociability with every one."^ William Eleroy Curtis has this to say of him: "He must have had good stuff in him, for when he was twenty-five years old he had saved enough from his wages to buy a farm in Hardin county. Local tradition represents him to have been 'an easy going man, slow to anger, but when aroused a formi- dable adversary.' "" Mrs. Caroline Hanks Hitchcock says: "He had been forced from his boyhood to shift for himself in a young and un- developed country. He is known to have been a man who in spite of this wandering life contracted no bad habits. He was temperate and honest, and his name is recorded in more than one place in the records of Kentucky. He was a church- goer, and if tradition may be believed, a stout defender of his peculiar religious views. He held advanced ideas of what was already an important public question in Kentucky, the right to hold Negroes as slaves. One of his old friends has said of him that he was 'just steeped full of notions about the wrongs of slavery and the rights of men, as explained by Thomas Jefferson and Thomas Paine.' These facts show that he must have been a man of some natural intellectual attainment. "Considering the disadvantages under which he labored, he had a very good start in life when he became engaged to Nancy Hanks. He had a trade and owned a farm which he had bought in 1803 in Buffalo, and also owned land in Eliza- bethtown. If all the conditions of his life be taken into con- 1 Lincoln the Citizen, pp. 6-10. 2 The True Abraham Lincoln, p. 18. 20 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN sideration, it is not true, as has been said, that Thomas Lin- coln was at this time a shiftless and purposeless man."^ Indeed in every needed quality Thomas Lincoln was fitted to become the father of the one who, in his day, was both the Moses and the Joshua to deliver an enslaved race from the house of bondage, and to lead them into the land of promise. No excesses of his own, or of his ancestors, mingled weaken- ing poison in the blood which flowed throughout his stalwart frame. He possessed qualities of body and mind that con- stitute the richest heritage which any man can give to pos- terity. And that those noble qualities might, with certainty, be inherited by his offspring, it was provided that when Thomas Lincoln stood at the hymeneal altar, Nancy Hanks should stand beside him, and then and there plight with him her solemn marriage troth. She was his superior in every high quality. In charm of personality, exuberance of spirits, and deep religious experience she was unequalled in all that frontier region. She was of worthy and distinguished ances- try, extending back through brave and brawny pioneers to the famous early heroes of Virginia. "The roots of the husband's ancestral tree reached down to Puritan England, and on the part of the wife, to the days when a King of Britain confronted Imperial Rome." Nicolay and Hay, President Lincoln's private secretaries, in their great work, write of Nancy Hanks as she appeared at the time of her marriage, as follows: "All accounts rep- resent her as a handsome young woman of twenty-three, of appearance and intellect superior to her lowly fortunes. She could read and write, a remarkable accomplishment in her circle, and even taught her husband to form the letters of his "4 name. Noah Brooks says of Nancy Hanks that she "was a woman of great force of character and passionately fond of 3 Nancy Hanks, pp. 56-58. * Abraham Lincoln, A History, Vol. I., p. 24. LINCOLN— FORTUNE'S FAVORITE 21 reading. Every book on which she could lay her hands was eagerly read, and her son said, years afterwards, that his earliest recollection of his mother was of his sitting at her feet with his sister, drinking in the tales and legends that were read or related to them, by the house-mother."^ No man in public life stood closer to President Lincoln than did Hon. Isaac N. Arnold, Member of Congress from Chicago, who has this to say: "Mrs. Lincoln, the mother of the President, is said to have been in her youth, a woman of beauty. She was by nature refined, and of far more than ordinary intellect. Her friends spoke of her as being a per- son of marked and decided character. She was a woman of the most exemplary character, and most tenderly and affec- tionately devoted to her family. Her home indicated a de- gree of taste and a love of beauty exceptional in the wild set- tlement in which she lived. "But in spite of this she had been reared where the very means of existence were to be obtaind by a constant struggle, and she learned to use the rifle and the tools of the backwoods farmer, as well as the distaff, the cards and the spinning wheel. She could not only kill the wild game of the woods, but she could also dress it, make of the skins clothes for her family and prepare the flesh for food. Hers was a strong, self-reliant spirit, which commanded the respect as well as the love of the rugged people among whom she lived."^ Phebe A. Hanaford says: "Abraham Lincoln's mother, noble and blessed woman, was his inspiration. She was deter- mined that her son should at least learn to read his Bible; and, before God called her to dwell with the angels, she had the satisfaction of seeing him read the volume which he never afterwards neglected. Abraham's mother might have said, as did Mary the mother of Jesus, 'From henceforth all genera- tions shall call me blessed'; and while this generation shall revere the name and memory of the mother of George Wash- 5 Works of Abraham Lincoln, Vol. VIII., p. 6. * Abraham Lincoln, p. 19. 22 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN ington, side by side with hers will it write the name of the mother of Abraham Lincoln/" Dr. D. D. Thompson says: "Nancy Hanks is described as tall, dark-haired, comely, dignified and winsome, by her grace and kindness. She seemed at times as if looking far away, seeing what others did not see. She had attended school in Virginia, and stood upon a higher intellectual plane than those around her. The Bible was read morning and evening, and her conduct was in accordance with its precepts. She was on the frontier, where few books were to be had to satisfy her thirst for knowledge, and where there was little intellectual culture. She was wife, mother and teacher. . . . On Sun- days she would gather her children around her, and read to them the wonderful stories in the Bible, and pray with them. After he had become President, Abraham Lincoln, speaking of his mother, said: "I remember her prayers, and they have always followed me. They have clung to me all my life."* Dr. L. P. Brockett says: ''Nancy Hanks was a truly noble woman, as her son's life attested. From her came that deep and abiding reverence for holy things — that profound trust in Providence and faith in the triumph of truth — and that gentleness and amiability of temper, which, in the lofty sta- tion of Chief Magistrate, he displayed so strikingly during years of most appalling responsibility. From her he derived the spirit of humor and the desire to see others happy, which afterwards formed so prominent a trait in his character.''^ Dr. John G. Holland, one of America's most distinguished and esteemed authors, says: "Mrs. Lincoln, the mother, was evidently a woman out of place among those primitive sur- roundings. A great man never drew his infant life from a purer or more womanly bosom than her own ; and Mr. Lincoln always looked back to her with an unspeakable affection."^" Charles Carlton Coffin, an able journalist, says: "Nancy Hanks Lincoln, queenly in personal appearance, imperial in 'Life of Abraham Lincoln, p. 15. "Abraham Lincoln, p. 11. ^Life of Abraham Lincohi, p. 41. i^Life of Abraham Lincoln, p. 23. LINCOLN— FORTUNE'S FAVORITE 23 her aspirations, attends to her wifely duties. The day begins and ends with reUgious service. The cultured wife reads the Bible to the uncultured husband. His lips utter the prayer. The horizon of her life was wider than the walls of her home. . . . Little did this mother know how deeply her lessons of truth and virtue went down into the heart of her listening son; how in the fullness of time the germs would put forth their tender shoots; how her own spirit would re- appear in his, and the beauty of her soul glorify his life."^^ With characteristic tenderness and beauty, Mr. Coffin further says: "Her aspirations were far different from those of her kind-hearted husband. She heard voices which he could not hear. Her discerning eyes beheld what he would never be able to see. The world will never know the greatness of its debt to her for doing what she could in stamping her own lofty conception of duty and obligation upon the hearts and consciences of her children. "There had ever been loving intimacy and sympathy be- tween Mrs. Lincoln and her children. She had discerned what the father had not seen in their boy, a nature rich and rare; kindness of heart, sympathy with suffering, regard for what was right, impatience with wrong. She had watched the un- folding of his intellect. He had asked questions which others of his age did not ask. She knows that her work for this life is ended. Her boy stands by her bedside, " T am going away from you, Abraham, and shall not re- turn. I know that you will be a good boy; that you will be kind to Sarah and to your father. I want you to live as I have taught you, and to love your heavenly Father.' Through life he will hear her last words. In the full vigor of manhood he will not think it unmanly to say with tearful eyes, 'All that I am, all that I hope to be, I owe to my angel mother.' "^^ The veteran author, Francis Fisher Browne, beloved by all who knew him and by all who have read his works, says: "The tender, and reverent spirit of Abraham Lincoln, and the 11 Life of Abraham Lincoln, p. 20. i^Jbij^ pp 27-28. 24 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN pensive melancholy of his disposition, he no doubt inherited from his mother. Amid the toil and struggle of her busy life she found time not only to teach him to read and write but to impress upon him ineffaceably that love of truth and justice, that perfect integrity and reverence for God, for which he was noted all his life. Lincoln always looked upon his mother with unspeakable affection, and never ceased to cherish the memory of her life and teaching."^^ The following excerpts from Mrs. Hitchcock's book are of special interest and value: — "The beautiful Nancy Hanks seems to have been the center and leader in all the merry country parties. Bright, scintil- lating, noted for her keen wit and repartee, she had withal a loving heart."^* "Joseph Hanks, Nancy's brother, was a man of sterling honesty, undoubted courage and high worth. He always spoke of his angel sister Nancy with reverent emotion."^^ "Simple as the home was, and hard as the work no doubt was at times, great as the privations may have been, the pic- ture we have of Nancy Hanks' life at this period is not an un- pleasant one. Her children were vigorous and happy, and evidently eager to learn. She had the joy of helping them and of seeing their growth. She was hospitable, too, and many an old neighbor has left reminiscences of visits to her home, one of whom said: 'The Lincolns' home at Knob Creek was a very happy one. I have lived in this part of the country all my Ufe and knew Nancy Llanks and Thomas Lincoln well. She was a loving and tender wife, adored by her husband and children, as she was by all who knew her.' "^' "Abraham Lincoln was not an exception to the rule that great men require that their mothers should be talented."" The marriage of Thomas Lincoln and Nancy Hanks, as certified by official records, was solemnized by the Rev. Jesse 1' Everyday Life of Abraham Lincoln, p. 5. 1* Nancy Hanks, p. 51. *' Nancy Hanks, pp. 89-90. 15 Ibid., p. 92. " Ibid., p. 78. LINCOLN— FORTUNE'S FAVORITE 25 Head, a minister of the Methodist Episcopal Church, on the 1 2th of June, 1806, at the home of Richard Berry, near Beachland, in Washington County, Kentucky, and on the 12th of February, 1809, Abraham Lincoln, their second child, was born. No one in all that frontier region, if at that time informed that a great leader was soon to arise from among them, would have thought of Thomas and Nancy Lincoln as likely to be his parents. But since the fame of their son has filled the world, critics admit that this robust woodsman and his gifted and spiritually-minded wife possessed just the qualities which shone with splendor in their famous son. Fortune's favorite indeed was Abraham Lincoln to be favored by such parentage. But into this garden of God's own planting, into this Paradise of connubial felicity, the serpent in the guise of lov- ing loyalty entered and cast its breath of scandal upon the stainless names of the most highly favored of American mothers and sons. On the early pages of his biography of Lincoln, Wm. H. Herndon, with seeming indifference states that Lincoln told him that his mother, Nancy Hanks, was of illegitimate birth ; and in the same work Mr. Herndon also states that the same was true of Abraham Lincoln himself. As Herndon had been Lincoln's law partner and claimed to be devoted to his memory, his statements were given unquestioning credence by the pub- lic, and were accepted as true and given wide publicity by many writers. But the relatives and friends of Lincoln in Illinois, and in other portions of the country, at once and with great indignation declared the Herndon story to be utterly un- ' true, and the most diligent research failed to find any founda- tion in fact or justification in reputable opinion for the de- famatory statement. Yet, in 1893, five years after this untruthful scandal was first published, J. J. Morse, Jr., after characterizing Herndon's statement as "more of malice than of faith," repeats it as authentic history, with grewsome details of his own imagining, 26 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN and in terms far more revolting tlian are those employed by Herndon, And in other publications the Herndon story contin- ued to be repeated until it became almost generally accepted as true. In 1899 the whole Herndon fabrication was unmasked and proved to be false by Mrs. Caroline Hanks Hitchcock of Cam- bridge, Mass. Turning aside from the important work in which she was engaged, Mrs. Hitchcock devoted herself with untiring energy to the task of research in all the regions from which the Lincolns and the Hankses came. With un- flagging zeal and enthusiasm she patiently searched the records of counties, churches and families and at length gave to the world her priceless little volume, "Nancy Hanks," in which are published the authentic facts regarding the Hanks lineage, the marriage of Abraham Lincoln's parents and the birth of their children as found in the official public records and documents of unquestionable authenticity. The value of Mrs. Hitch- cock's contribution to the history of American pioneer life and especially to the fascinating story of Abraham Lincoln cannot be overestimated. Proving as it does that the revolting Hern- don story is utterly untrue it should at once and forever silence that harmful fabrication. Notwithstanding this, however, in 1906, seven years after it had thus been proven untrue, that story reappears in an edition of Herndon's work, a copy of which now lies before me. And during that same year Henry Binns, in a well-written volume, tells the true story of the birth of 'Nancy Hanks and of Abraham Lincoln, as shown by Mrs. Hitchcock to be correct, and then in a footnote on the same page refers to the Appendix of his book where the Herndon story is reproduced in full. How mysterious is the fascination which tliat Herndon story has for some people even after they know it is utterly untrue. In an introduction to Mrs. Hitchcock's book. Miss Ida M. Tarbell says: "To no woman whose name is of interest in American history has greater injustice been done by biogra- phers than to Nancy Hanks, the mother of Abraham Lincoln. LINCOLN— FORTUNE'S FAVORITE 27 This injustice has been in repeating or allowing to go un- challenged, traditions of her early life of which there were no proofs." But that cruel "injustice" to the name and memory of the sainted Nancy Hanks has continued, by the credence given to the Herndon story and by its reproduction, until some of the most devoted admirers of Lincoln are even yet in darkness relative to these important matters. There now lies before me a volume which has been the most helpful of all the hundreds of Lincoln books I have read while preparing this work. Its able and learned author in his great work discloses an admira- tion for Lincoln approaching religious adoration. He is awed into reverence as he considers the material and spiritual nature of his hero whom he declares to be "one of the most wonderful beings that has appeared upon the earth." Yet this pure- minded writer speaks of Lincoln as "a weird and mysterious being who came into the world against convention." My heart sank when I realized the meaning and significance of those two words — "against convention" — and understood that, as objects take on the color of the glass through which the sun- shine falls upon them, so the mind of this Lincoln admirer had received the story of his hero's parentage through a medium stained with the Herndon scandal. And I then real- ized, as never before, the magnitude of the task of making amends for the shameful injustice which has been done the memory of our martyred President and his godly mother. A good beginning in that work has been made in Mrs. Hitch- cock's book, already cited. If given publicity by the pulpit, on the platform, in the schoolroom and by the press, as certainly should be the case, the authentic facts as laboriously gathered and published by this talented and cultured woman, will soon banish the Herndon harmful falsehoods to the darkness from which they came and to the oblivion which should be their doom. My own humble part in this work of restitution I have religiously sought to perform by exposing and fittingly charac- 28 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN terizing the Herndon falsehoods, and by telHng the true story as it is recorded in this chapter. I crave and claim the co-oper- ation of all lovers of truth in aiding to give widest possible publicity to the facts herein stated. Prenatal Influence Abraham Lincoln was also favored by prenatal preparation for his great earthly mission. Scientists are just coming to a knowledge of the wondrous part in human procreation which the Book of God for centuries has ascribed to woman. Respecting this subject members of the medical profession are not in perfect accord. Some deny while others affirm the theory of prenatal influence. Dr. George Williamson says: "A child at the period of its first independent existence represents exactly the condition of the maternal parent during the months of nascency."^^ On May 8th, 19 13, in an address given at the University of Kansas, Dr. W. H. Carruth said: 'Tt is plain that pre- natal influences belong at the bottom to the same field as post- natal influences. . . . The temper of a colt or child can be affected by the way the mother is handled before the young is born. All this has not been recognized fully and clearly, but I believe it is undisputed today."^^ In Bible history are many illustrations of prenatal in- fluence. Moses, the greatest of all lawgivers, was born of slave parents in the depths of cruel and degrading bondage, and at a time when by royal edict all male children were ordered to be slain. But his mother by her calm confidence in God during the months immediately preceding his birth suc- ceeded in giving to her son a nature so exalted and purposeful that the attractions of the court of Pharaoh and his adoption into the family of that famous sovereign, did not lure him from his allegiance to Jehovah, nor cause him to be unfaith- 18 Laws of Heredity, p. 219. 19 Eugenics, Twelve University Lectures, p. 283. LINCOLN— FORTUNE'S FAVORITE 29 ful to his chosen people. His forty years' seclusion in the dreary regions of Mount Horeb failed to diminish his fidelity to God or to weaken his faith in His promises. No leader ever was tried more severely than was he and none ever proved more constant and true. Considered in connection with the circumstances of his birth, Moses is a striking illustration of the power of prenatal influence, and a motherhood like that which produced this great man, if environment is not pro- nouncedly unfavorable, will enrich the world by contributions of exalted human qualities in posterity. The marvelous fidelity of Jeremiah during a period of darkness and despair, when kings were false and enemies were victorious, is explained by Jehovah's declaration: "Before thou camest forth out of the womb, I sanctified thee."'" Such prenatal influence can be secured in any age and cannot fail to result as in the case of this great Hebrew prophet. Elizabeth, the mother of John the Baptist, when informed that her devout life was to be crowned with motherhood, re- tired to the seclusion of the hills of Judah, and there for months quietly communed with God and "was filled with the Holy Ghost.""^ Therefore, it is said of her son that he was "filled with the Holy Ghost even from his mother's womb."" Ishmael was a calamitous product of prenatal influence. His father was a man of the most exalted nature, a model for every age, in character, fidelity and faith. But his mother was a hot-blooded Egyptian woman who, by indulging in bitterness of spirit and furious resentment during her period of expectancy gave to this son of Abraham a nature which caused him to be "a wild ass among men" with "his hand against every man and every man's hand against him." In striking contrast with the story of Hagar and Ishmael, so full of solemn warning, is the fascinating story of Hannah and her son Samuel, the most beloved and influential of all the Hebrew priests and prophets. Hannah's eager yearning for motherhood and her fervent prayer in the sacred taber- 20 Jer. 1 : 15. ^^ Luke 1 : 41. 22 Luke i : 15. 30 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN nacle for "a male child" whom she promised to consecrate to the service of God's house, indicate her high plane of woman- hood. And such a woman was Nancy Hanks Lincoln, the "Wilding lady still and true Who gave us Lincoln and never knew." As already shown she was a devout and unusually spirit- ually-minded Christian. During fragments of time snatched from pressing family cares and duties she diligently read the Word of God and kept in close and constant fellowship with Him by devout and earnest prayer. And Mr. Lincoln's acknowledgment of his conscious indebtedness to her for all he was and all he hoped to be was a fitting tribute to the one whom the world is coming to understand and appreciate at her true worth. As were Jochebed, Hannah and Elizabeth, as were count- less other women who became the mothers of noble men, so Nancy Hanks was fitted in body, soul and spirit to become the mother of one endowed with transcendent gifts and exalted character as was Abraham Lincoln, During the months preceding the birth of Abraham Lin- coln his mother's environment was such as an expectant mother should always have. There was no domestic discord in the Lincoln cabin to inflict a contentious spirit upon the coming child. Music and merriment had their rightful place in this pioneer household and the industrious wife, conscious of her high estate, faithfully attended to her daily duties with cheerfulness and joy. Some regard the advent of Abraham Lincoln upon the scene of human action as something "outside the chain of natural cause and effect," and as implying an unfathomable mystery. This, if true, would deprive us of the lessons to be learned from the story of his birth, his character and life. He furnishes a striking illustration of the possibilities of an earthly life at its best, and he stands before the world as the living embodiment of what God can accomplish through His 1 f • is ^4 $ -^^ ' ^ <^ "^ -i- >x ''1, C/2 w o o o 2 •S d o Q li fe S 03 ^3 a o l3 ^ >. ^ ^ LINCOLN— FORTUNE'S FAVORITE 31 children if permitted to have His way. Nowhere in history can there be found the story of a human life which more clearly and effectively illustrates the potency of prenatal in- fluence than does that of Abraham Lincoln and his mother. There never has been, nor will there ever be, another Abraham Lincoln. But there may and will be many others much like him if the lessons taught by his birth and character are learned and duly heeded by those for whom he lived and died. A Fortunate Beginning The conditions into which Abraham Lincoln entered at his birth were in every particular favorable. His parents were poor in worldly goods, but they were rich in the love and loving kindness which they lavishly bestowed upon him. Above all possible estimate it was fortunate for Abraham Lincoln, for the nation, and for all the world that he began life in such an atmosphere of peace as was that which filled the humble habitation of his early days. Between his devoted parents there was an affinity of spirit and a constancy of love and tenderness which in spite of seeming inhospitable con- ditions kept the infant's better nature always in comfort and content. Some, in considering this scene, think only of the earthen floor and the scant rough furniture ; but during those initial hours a higher power was ministering to this child of poverty with a skill which human hands have never known. True, there was physical discomfort in that cabin, but it made for sturdy growth of mind and body, and for the development of trust in things unseen. As the oak is tough- ened and made more fit for service by the cold blasts that beat against it with pitiless severity, so Abraham Lincoln was aided to become staunch and strong by the rigor of his early life. Near the cot on which the infant slept was his mother's Bible with the truths of which she was thoroughly familiar, and his childhood's first lessons from his mother's lips were the teachings of that Book. Thoroughly and well he learned those lessons for they were taught with fervency of soul by 32 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN one who loved the sacred volume, and so effective was her work that before he learned to read the child knew from memory the pages she had read to him. His father heartily en- couraged the mother's efforts to teach her children religious truth, for though he w^as untaught by books and schools, Thomas Lincoln was a devout Christian. Prayer and Bible study were united in this home and the growing lad, under such tuition, grew in moral stature and strength even more rapidly than he gained in physical proportions and agility. Some have claimed that Mr. Lincoln's early life was full of hindering disadvantages in spite of which he achieved greatness by his own supreme and persevering efforts. His biographers, who were his private secretaries during all his Presidency, give the following interesting sidelight in con- nection with their record of his early pursuit of knowledge: "He could not afford to waste paper upon his original com- positions. He would sit by the fire at night and cover the wooden shovel with essays and arithmetical exercises, which he would shave off and then begin again. It is touching to think of this great spirited child battling year after year against his evil star, wasting his ingenuity upon devices and makeshifts, his intelligence starving for want of the simple appliances of education that are now offered gratis to the poorest and most indifferent."^' This passage undoubtedly represents the prevailing thought respecting the hardships in Lincoln's early life. But there was no hiatus in the plans for Abraham Lincoln's development and training. The obstacles he encountered were stepping stones which, when surmounted, raised him to a higher level, and by stimulating to greater efforts, accomplished in him great results in soul expansion and development of mind and body. Mr. Lincoln's poise of character, which has ever been the marvel of the world, was largely the product of his early struggles with the limitations of his lot, and his patient perseverance in turning to his advantage the most stubborn difficulties, 23 Abraham Lincoln, A History, Vol. I., pp. 35-36. —Jt.'-g 'tT X* t -""'"'c^a^' J J«>^'>3ll»--!»a<'j'«i>i'^>a.Jg i ;jfe^ji>■ Si 1 |, J /' .-■ ...i ■■•• ■■■■■ ::, ^i^ y'lJli LINCOLN IN 1863 From a photograph taken in Washington on November 15, 1863, a few days before he delivered the Gettysburg address. LINCOLN'S PERSONAL APPEARANCE 71 shapeless, nor do the hands show any incongruity in mass, Hne, or movement. There is nothing in the hang of the clothes or their lines and folds that indicates anything but a well- shaped form beneath. No monarch ever sat with more natural grace and dignity. "The simple, easy line of the hand on the table, and that made by the foot and leg and the bend of the knee, suggest quite the opposite of clumsy and awkwardly constructed or moving articulations. It is a great portrait, — a great ready- made statue or picture. As such it ranks with the best por- traits in any art, and as far as I know it is absolutely unique ; again, as such, it means that Lincoln's mind and body not only worked together in perfect physical harmony, but exemplified a dignified and gracious ease. He made his own statue. It is his actual presence, the very life of the man. "There are many other significant details in this sitting portrait, of which a few may be mentioned. The legs are kept well together. Every action of legs, arms, hands and feet is decisive, completing its intention, and all in natural harmony. This is a very important and significant fact, so much so that it may be taken as an ample starting point for a full consideration of Lincoln's intellectual construc- tion. So definite is the completion of intention that the right foot is placed fully upon the floor, and the full length of the other foot is also prone upon the floor. The position of these feet shows not only a flexible but a well-formed articulation. This flexibility of ankle joints permits the left foot to fall down, and thus not only saves it from being awkward by point- ing up into the air, as nine hundred and ninety-nine feet in a thousand would do, but makes a fine line in connection with the leg. The size and character of Lincoln's feet, as shown through his boots, are in admirable accord with his body. They are well and forcibly formed, and of noticeable im- portance as a constructive fact. "In none of the sitting views is there any sign of a dis- position to sprawl or spread around, as the majority of men ^2 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN do when sitting. No member, like the hands, for instance, is obtrusive. These facts indicate natural elegance, high style in bodily action, and a concentrative physical economy in ac- cordance with the beauty and character of Lincoln's mind."^^ The best front view of Lincoln is supposed to have been taken on the 9th of March, 1864, the day General Grant re- ceived from him a commission as Lieutenant-General. Dur- ing the afternoon of the day on which that important event occurred it is claimed the President accompanied General Grant to a gallery where each sat for his photograph. The front view picture of Lincoln then taken was not given to the public for many years after his death when the untouched negative w^as accidentally discovered and, as Colonel A. K. McClure states, "copies were printed from it without a single change in the lines or features of Lincoln's face. It therefore presents Lincoln true to life." From the time of its appear- ance it has taken first place among the pictures of Lincoln, receiving the highest praise from most competent judges and being by artists made the basis for engravings and other rep- resentations of the President. Colonel McClure says: "This is the only perfect copy of his face I have ever seen in any picture." Bartlett declares this to be "the best front view of Lin- coln," and "as a whole it is probably the most impressively proportioned picture ever taken of Lincoln. It is all strange. In no respect like any other head. It is a large one, not in inches, but in construction, — a head that will hold its own in space, in the open air. In this rare respect it belongs to the few faces that are inherently decorative. It must be estimated by a standard authorized by itself. No such eyes were ever seen in mortal head, and no such setting was ever given to any other eyes." Portraits of Lincoln, p. 29. All of the great French sculptors whom Mr. Bartlett con- sulted extolled Lincoln's face and features as shown in this picture quite as strongly as they did those which are seen in 31 Portraits of Lincoln, pp. 32, 33. LINCOLN'S PERSONAL APPEARANCE 73 the life-mask. The spell of Lincoln's picture upon great minds is shown in a statement made by George William Cur- tis to Dr. Andrew D. White, during the republican national convention of 1884. Dr. White tells of the incident as fol- lows : "As we came into the convention on the morning of the day fixed for making the nominations, I noticed that the painted portraits of Washington and Lincoln, previously on either side of the president's chair, had been removed. Owing to the tumultuous conduct of the crowd in the galleries, it had been found best to remove things of an ornamental nature from the walls, for some of these ornaments had been thrown down, to the injury of those sitting below. "On my calling Curtis's attention to the removal of the two portraits, he said: 'Yes, I noticed it, and I am glad of it. Those weary eyes of Lincoln have been upon us here during our whole stay, and I am glad that they are not to see the work that is to be done here to-day.' It was a curious exhibition of sentiment, a revelation of the deep poetic feeling which was so essential an element in Curtis's noble character."^^ Other statements relative to Lincoln's harmonious, impres- sive and pleasing physical construction as shown by art from the authors herein quoted, and from other competent judges, could be given indefinitely, but the foregoing are deemed suffi- cient, if duly considered, to accomplish the end sought, and are fittingly followed by the following forcible declaration by Borglum: "Lincoln's face is infinitely nearer an expression of our Christ character than all the conventional pictures of the 'Son of God.' That symbolic head, with its long hair parted in the middle and features that never lived, is the crea- tion of artists, Lincoln's face the triumph of God through man and of men through God. One fancy ; the other, truth at labor, Lincoln, the song of democracy written by God." The foregoing statements relative to Lincoln's appearance as shown by the Hfe-mask, bust and pictures, are fully con- firmed by equally strong declarations of persons who were 32 Autobiography, Vol. I, pp. 203, 204. 74 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN closely associated with him or had occasionally met him. Nicolay says: "Seated and viewed from the chest up, he is fine looking. His forehead is high and full, and swells out grandly. His face even in repose was not unattractive, and when lit up by his open, genial smile, or illuminated in the utterance of a strong or stirring thought, his countenance was positively handsome. "The question of looks depended in Lincoln's case very much upon his moods. The large framework of his features was greatly modified by the emotions which controlled them. In a countenance of strong lines and rugged masses like Lincoln's, the lift of an eyebrow, the curve of a lip, the flash of an eye, the movements of prominent muscles created a much wider facial play than in rounded immobile countenances. Lincoln's features were the despair of every artist who under- took his portrait."^' In speaking of the impression made by Lincoln upon the distinguished men who met him, Nicolay wrote: "The eyes of these men were not upon the tailor's suit of broadcloth, but upon the President and the man, and in such a scrutiny Lincoln outranked any mortal whoever questioned him eye to eye in his long and strange career from New Salem to the Blue Room of the White House."'* F. B. Carpenter, the artist, who spent six months in the White House, while painting the famous picture of Lincoln and his Cabinet, and made a careful and scientific study of the President's features, says: "His eyes were bluish gray in color, — always in deep shadow, however, from the upper lids, which were unusually heavy, and the expression was remarkably pensive and tender, often inexpressibly sad, as if the reservoir of tears lay very near the surface."'^ H. C. Deming states that "Lincoln's eyes were bright, soft, and beautiful," and that his smile was "radiant, capti- vating and winning as was ever given to mortal." 33 Century Magazine, Vol. 20, p. 933. 3* Ibid., p. 937. 8^ Six Months in the White House. LINCOLN'S PERSONAL APPEARANCE 75 James R. Gilmore says: "His was the deepest, saddest, kindliest eye I have ever seen in a human being. I never knew a smile so positively captivating. It transfigured his whole face, making his plain features actually good looking, so that I could agree with Caroline M. Kirkland, who not long before had told me that he was the handsomest man she had ever seen."^^ Andrew D, White, in describing his first meeting with President Lincoln, says: "As he came toward us in a sort of awkward, perfunctory manner his face seemed to me one of the saddest I had ever seen and when he reached us he held out his hand to the first stranger, then to the second, and so on, all with the air of a melancholy automaton. But suddenly, some one in the company said something which amused him, and instantly there came in his face a most marvelous trans- formation. I have never seen anything like it in any other human being. His features were lighted, his eyes radiant."" In connection with the foregoing account of the trans- formation of President Lincoln's countenance. Dr. White continues: "Years afterward, noticing in the rooms of his son, Mr. Robert T, Lincoln, our minister at London, a portrait of his father, and seeing that it had the same melancholy look noticeable in all President Lincoln's portraits, I alluded to this change in his father's features, and asked if any artist had ever caught the happier expression. Mr. Robert Lincoln answered that, so far as he knew, no portrait of his father in this better mood had ever been taken ; that when any attempt was made to photograph him or paint his portrait, he relapsed into his melancholy mood, and that this is what has been transmitted to us by all who have ever attempted to give us his likeness."^® This explains in part one of the reasons for the general impression that Mr. Lincoln's features were exceedingly plain. He was from early life of a deeply melancholy nature and his S8 Personal Recollections, p. "JT. ^"^ Autobiography, Vol. I, p. I2I. 38 Autobiography of Andrew D. White, Vol. i, pp. 121, 122. 76 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN depressing meditations caused his comely features to be some- times shrouded in gloom. Hon. George D. Boutwell says: "There was at all times when he was not engaged in conversa- tion, a sadness of expression in Mr. Lincoln's countenance which was very pathetic."^® Judge Henry C. Whitney says: "The child (Lincoln) was often sad and serious. With the earhest dawn of reason, he began to suffer and endure."*" "No element of Lincoln's character was so marked, obvious and ingrained as his mysterious and profound melancholy. My attention was first drawn to this sad characteristic, which surprised me greatly at the time, in the spring of 1855, at the Bloomington Circuit court. I was sitting with John T. Stuart, while a case was being tried, and our conversation was, at the moment, about Lincoln, when Stuart remarked that he was a hopeless victim of melancholy. I expressed surprise, to which Stuart replied: 'Look at him, now.' I turned a little and there beheld Lincoln sitting alone in the corner of the bar, most remote from any one, wrapped in abstraction and gloom. It was a sad but interesting study for me, and I watched him for some time. It appeared as if he was pursuing in his mind some specific, sad subject, regularly and systematically, through various sinuosities, and his sad face would assume, at times, deeper phases of grief; but no relief came from dark and despairing melancholy till he was roused by the breaking up of court, when he emerged from his cave of gloom and came back, like one awakened from sleep, to the world in which he lived, again."" This natural tendency to sorrowful meditations was strengthened by being indulged as it was by Mr. Lincoln. His efforts for temperance reform so enlisted his sympathies for the drunkard and for those dependent upon him, and so filled him with despair as he contemplated the character and 39 Tributes, p. 68. 40 Life on the Circuit with Lincoln, p. 140. " Ibid., p. 139. LINCOLN'S PERSONAL APPEARANCE ^^ strength of the Hquor traffic that his tendencies to melan- choly became more active and potential in his nature and life. Then came the struggle with Douglas which brought him face to face with the evils of slavery and the governmental and religious aspects of that institution tended greatly to increase his disquietude of heart and mind. To all this was added his all-dominating sense of responsibility when he was called to the Presidency and his unspeakable anguish of soul during the rebellion that followed. Referring to this Mr. Nicolay says: "About two weeks before Mr. Lincoln left Springfield for Washington, a deep-seated melancholy seemed to take pos- session of his soul. . . . The former Mr. Lincoln was no longer visible to me. His face was transformed from mobility into an iron mask."" Carpenter tells of his observations while painting the famous Emancipation picture as follows: "Lines of care plowed his face, the hollows in his cheeks and under his eyes being very marked. Absorbed in his papers, he would be- come unconscious of my presence, while I intently studied every line and shade of expression in that furrowed face. In repose, it was the saddest face I ever knew. There were days when I could scarcely look into it without crying. Dur- ing the first week of the battles of the Wilderness he scarcely slept at all. Passing through the main hall of the domestic apartment on one of these days, I met him, clad in a long morning wrapper, pacing back and forth a narrow passage leading to one of the windows, his hands behind him, great black rings under his eyes, his head bent forward upon his breast, — altogether such a picture of the effects of sorrow, care and anxiety as would have melted the hearts of the worst of his adversaries, who so mistakenly applied to him the epithets of tyrant and usurper. With a sorrow almost divine, he, too, could have said of the rebellious states, 'How often would I have gathered you together, even as a hen gathered her chickens under her wings, and ye would not!' Like another « The Century, Vol. 20, p. 933- 78 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN Jeremiah, he wept over the desolation of the nation; he mourned the slain of the daughters of his people."^^ Carpenter further says: ''All familiar with him will re- member the weary air which became habitual during his last years. This was more of the mind than the body, and no rest and recreation which he allowed himself could relieve it. As he sometimes expressed it, the remedy 'seemed never to reach the tired spot' "^'^ Noah Brooks writes as follows of Lincoln's looks when he received information of the Chancellorsville disaster: "I shall never forget that picture of despair. He held a tele- gram in his hand, and as he closed the door and came forward toward us, I mechanically noticed that his face, usually sallow, was ashen in hue."*' John Hay says of Lincoln's labors and sufferings: "Under this frightful ordeal his demeanor and disposition changed — so gradually that it would be impossible to say when the change began; but he was in mind, body and nerves a very different man at the second inauguration from the one who had taken the oath in 1861. He continued always the same kindly, genial and cordial spirit he had been at first; but the boisterous laughter became less frequent year by year; the eye grew veiled by constant meditation on momentous sub- jects; the air of reserve and detachment from his surround- ings increased. He aged with great rapidity. "The change is shown with startling distinctness by two life-masks — the one made by Leonard W. Volk in Chicago, in April, i860, the other by Clark Mills in Washington, in the spring of 1865. The first is a man of fifty-one, and young for his years. The other is so sad and peaceful in its infinite repose that the famous sculptor, Augustus Saint-Gaudens, insisted, when he first saw it, that it was a death mask. The lines are set, as if the living face, like the copy, had been in bronze; the nose is thin and lengthened by the emaciation of « Six Months in the White House, pp. 30, 31. **Ibid., p. 217. 40 Washington in Lincoln's Day, p. 57. LINCOLN'S PERSONAL APPEARANCE 79 the cheeks; the mouth is fixed like that of an archaic statue; a look as of one on whom sorrow and care had done their worst without victory is on all the features; the whole ex- pression is of unspeakable sadness and all-sufficing strength. Yet the peace is not the dreadful peace of death; it is the peace that passeth understanding."*^ Lincoln's native tendency to melancholy and his terrible experiences of anxiety and sorrow wrote their records very legibly upon his strong, handsome features. They were nearly all surface records which vanished as by magic at the entrance of animation or pleasure, but they remained as characteristic of Lincoln's features in the recollection of persons who saw him and never had the good fortune to see him smile. Many such saw the expression in his face of his heart's unutterable anxiety and anguish and did not discover the beauty of the face itself. The unfortunate impressions this produced have been written into history and have gone into popular belief through the malice of some and the inexcusable carelessness of others. As an illustration of the seeming indifference to truth of some writers I will state that there now lies before me a copy of a widely circulated magazine in which appears a picture of the Volk life-mask, beneath which is printed the following: "Life-mask of Abraham Lincoln, made by Douglas Volk at the White House, in 1863." In that brief sentence there are four distinct and definite statements only one of which is true, and three of which are inexcusably false. The picture is that of the life-mask of Lincoln, but it was not made by Douglas Volk, but by his father Leonard W. Volk. It was not made in the White House but in Chicago, and it was not made in 1863 but in i860. Those errors, while not seriously harmful to the memory of Lincoln, are mislead- ing because they are not true to the facts they assume to state and they are representative of the many slovenly state- ments by which the public has been led to believe that Abraham Lincoln was gawky, homely and awkward. ** Century Magazine, Vol. 19, p. 37. 8o LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN The statements already set forth relative to Lincoln's attire when he delivered the Cooper Institute speech, and similar statements which have appeared in books, pamphlets, maga- zines and newspapers are illustrative of the unfortunate habit of some writers to reproduce in their publications, without verification, disparaging statements which others have made concerning him. We have covered a wide range, and have shown how in- excusable are all disparaging statements relative to Lincoln's personal appearance when reproduced by present-day writers. There was a time when written descriptions were our only source of information as to Lincoln's looks. There was then some excuse for the belief and statement that he was homely, but that excuse no longer exists since the "infallible" testimony of art in sculpture and photography have settled the question of his personal appearance beyond the possibility of error or uncertainty. In the past, many statements by people who had met Lin- coln were published and were unfortunately misleading in their influence upon the thought of the later generations. But now, whoever wishes to know whether Lincoln was fine look- ing or homely has but to consult his life-mask bust or one of his first-class photographs. And the world is now doing that with most satisfactory results. Replicas of that bust are being multiplied and are going into schools, offices and homes, w^hile Lincoln's photographs are becoming plentiful in all the nation and throughout the world. Thus the unfortunate errors of the past are being cor- rected and Lincoln is coming into his own. Persons who knew him well understand why when he was living, he was so gen- erally regarded as homely. He had just one unattractive fea- ture — his lower lip was too thick to be in perfect harmony with his other features. With most people that lip was the first feature seen upon coming into his presence and it usually produced the impression that he was of uncomely visage. My own impressions when I first met him in all prob- LINCOLN'S PERSONAL APPEARANCE 8i ability were similar to those experienced by others when first seeing him at close range. It was at a large gathering and he was receiving the greetings of many admiring friends. As I approached the company there was an opening in the group directly before me and I saw him at full length. Because of the distance between us I could not distinguish his features but his great height and symmetrical proportions together with his massive head, thickly covered with bushy black hair, gave him an imposing and admirable personal appearance. He stood squarely and firmly on both feet which were near together. He was erect and his bearing and move- ments were impressively dignified and graceful. His presence seemed august but very attractive, and I yearned to feel the grasp of his hand and to hear his voice uttering words of greeting. But as I approached him and looked into his face that lower lip attracted and held my attention and instantly produced the unwelcome and depressing impression that he was very homely. At that first view I saw his entire face as he appears in the front view photograph before mentioned, and that one slightly uncomely feature caused all his face to seem to be unattractive and even homely. Had I seen him but that once I would surely have carried away the false impression then produced. But when a few moments later I looked a second time and from a different viewpoint, his lower lip was concealed from view by the heads of people standing near him, and I could see only those features above his mouth as they are seen in the partly covered copy of the famous front view photograph and he appeared most thrill- ingly comely and attractive. After that first meeting with Mr. Lincoln I saw him many times but I never again noticed that lower lip. My view of his face with that feature concealed, as before stated, so transfixed my whole being that from that time whenever I looked upon his face I saw only the comely features. I made no effort, for it required no effort, to have it so. I simply did not see the uncomely feature. I could not see it so entranced 82 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN was I by the vision of the strength and beauty of his face which at first I did not recognize. Upon other occasions I studied his face with the care and dihgence of an enthusiastic young learner, but that hp did not again come under my observation or my thought during the period of my association with him. But the recollection of my impressions when I first met him assure me that his heavy lower lip was responsible for the belief that he was extremely homely. But, as Bartlett says, "It is to be remembered that the right kind of a thick lower lip is a physiognomical mark of sen- sitiveness and tenderness of nature."^^ This statement of the distinguished sculptor is peculiarly applicable to Abraham Lincoln. His habits of profound and prolonged meditation usually resulted in painful melancholy which never failed to be revealed in the expressions of his countenance. And the lower lip was the one feature that most fully and faithfully disclosed the anguish of his soul and it therefore grew into an expressive symbol of the great tenderness of his nature and his deep sympathy with human suffering and sorrow. Had Lincoln's melancholy been accompanied by a spirit of resentment or of self-assertion and defense that lip would have been held firm in its place and kept thin as were the lips of Jackson, who also knew anxiety and sorrow but was never de- spondent nor tenderly sympathetic. Lincoln's depression arose from the kindness of his heart and his deep and tender sympathy and hence "his plainest feature," as Carpenter designates his mouth, was "expressive of much firmness and gentleness." 4^ Portraits of Lincoln, p. 25. o o u 2 o o W O w •? o « > U2 a '^ 'O «. u .a & -c o +-' .s s ^ fa o c ^ o 1-^ ^ CIS S ■^ o O -= 3 g3 -C •5.0 a OJ JJ ■ q; ^ Er Ill THE JAQUESS-GILMORE MISSION * TO the re-election of Abraham Lincoln as President, and the final overthrow of the Rebellion, the Jaquess- Gilmore Embassy of 1863-64 contributed more largely than did any other single effort of individuals, or any one achievement or act of the Government during that period. Having been an active participant in the struggles of that Presidential campaign and having given the history of that mission careful consideration for more than half a century, I have no hesitation in saying that the disclosures secured by that embassy and widely published at the crisis hour of that contest, turned the tide of battle and saved the nation from the ruinous defeat of President Lincoln and the dissolution of the Union. The story of that unique mission and of its decisive influ- ence in the Presidential campaign is here told with painstak- ing fidelity and, to be rightfully appreciated, it should be read in its entirety. The hero of that embassy, Colonel James F. Jaquess, of the 73rd Illinois Volunteers, was a rare man. He lived with his head above the clouds while his feet were on solid ground; he lived in the eternal while he wrought with tre- mendous force in the activities of earth. He was a prominent minister of the Methodist Episcopal Church, and a distin- guished college president before the Rebellion, and in the pulpit he was a Boanerges, a "Son of Thunder," and his *AI1 the quotations in this Chapter which are not otherwise desig- nated, are from "Personal Recollections of Abraham Lincoln and the Civil War," by Mr. James R. Gilmore, and appear in this volume by permission of his publishers, L. C. Page & Company, of Boston, Mass. 83 84 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN gospel messages were like oral proclamations by Jehovah. He seemed to live in constant fellowship with the Most High, and to be an utter stranger to worldly considerations and motives while obeying the commands of God. He was as loving and gentle as a devoted mother in dealing with the weak and erring, but he would dash with fearless fury into battle as if hurled by an invisible catapult against the forces of unrighteousness. To him the entreaties of the gospel, the denunciations of the law, and the violence of war, were alike the agencies of God in the furtherance of His cause. President Lincoln had for more than twenty-five years known Colonel Jaquess as a very successful minister of the gospel, and when in May, 1863, he first learned of the pro- posed Embassy of Peace, he said: "I know Jaquess well. He is remarkably level-headed. I never knew a man more so." He "is cool, deliberate. God-fearing, of exceptional sagacity and worldly wisdom." General W. S. Rosecrans, who at the time was in com- mand of the Army of the Cumberland, with headquarters at Murfreesboro, Tenn., in conversation with Mr. James R. Gil- more, spoke of Colonel Jaquess as "one of my best and bravest officers." "As to his life, he takes the right view about it. He considers it already given to the country. If you had seen him at Stone River you would think so." "He is a hero, John Brown and Chevalier Bayard rolled into one, and polished up with common sense and a knowledge of Greek, Latin and the mathematics."^ Colonel Jaquess as he appeared at the time of making his proposition is described as "a little above the medium height, with gray hair and beard, and high, open forehead, and a thin marked face expressing great earnestness, strength and be- nignity of character." General James A. Garfield, afterwards President, said of Colonel Jaquess: "He is most solemnly in earnest and has great confidence in the result of his mission." 1 James R. Gilraore, "Down in Tennessee," p. 240. COLONEL JAMES F. JAQUESS The hero of the Jaquess-Gilmore Mission. Courtesy L. C. Page & Company, Boston. THE JAQUESS-GILMORE MISSION 85 Colonel Jaquess' Proposition On May 19th, 1863, Colonel Jaquess at Murfreesboro, Tenn., requested permission to visit Richmond, for the purpose, as he said, of securing from Jefferson Davis and those associated with him in the Confederate Government, "terms of peace that the Government will accept." This application was first made to General Garfield, who, at the time, was chief-of-staff to General Rosecrans, in whose army- Colonel Jaquess was serving. General Garfield approved of the proposed mission of peace and submitted Colonel Jaquess' request to General Rosecrans. Of his proposed mission Colonel Jaquess said: "I want to go to them (the Confederates) to offer them the olive branch; to tell them in the name of God and the country that they will be welcomed back. ... I do not know what their views are; it is not my business to ask. I feel that God has laid upon me the duty to go to them and go I must, unless my superiors forbid it. "I propose no compromise with traitors, but their imme- diate return to their allegiance to God and their country. It is no part of my business to discuss the probability or the possibility of the accomplishment of this work." When asked how he would go. Colonel Jaquess said: "Openly, in my uniform as the messenger of God." When told that he might be shot as a spy, he said: "It is not for me to ask what they will do. I have only to go." When told that his life was too valuable to be wasted on such an Embassy he replied: "That is not for you to judge." It will be observed that Colonel Jaquess' proposition was not to go to the Confederate leaders, in the name or by the authority of the Government of the United States, but in the name of the Lord God Almighty, and in His name and by His authority, to demand of those leaders a cessation of hostilities and a submission to the authority of the Government. In all his letters and in his conversation relative to the matter he 86 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN states his motive and purpose in unequivocal and unqualified terms. It is interesting to note what Mr. Lincoln and others who encouraged this mission hoped that it might accomplish. General Rosecrans in introducing this matter to the President said: "After maturely weighing his plans and considering well his character, I am decidedly of the opinion that the public interests will be promoted by permitting him to go as he pro- poses. I do not anticipate the results that he seems to expect ; but I believe that a moral force will be generated by his mission that will more than compensate us for his temporary absence from his regiment." "The terms he will offer may not be accepted, but it will strengthen our moral position to offer them. It will show the world that we do not seek to subjugate the South." During his first interview with Mr. Gilmore relative to this mission, late in May, 1863, President Lincoln said: "Some- thing will come out of it, perhaps not what Jaquess expects, but what will be of service to the right." These preliminary statements respecting Colonel Jaquess and his proposition are here made for the purpose of showing that the hero of this mission was not a religious fanatic, as his strange proposition might seem to indicate, but was a man of such exalted nature and practical common sense as to be held in high esteem by President Lincoln and other prominent men. Mr. James R. Gilmore, who was identified with the Jaquess Mission from the first, who accompanied the Colonel on his second trip to the South, in July, 1864, was with him during the interview with Jef- ferson Davis, and in his excellent work above referred to gives the history of this mission, was a man of exceptional worth and reputation. His ability as a lecturer and author, and his great sacrifices and labors for the Union cause gave him high standing with President Lincoln and with leading THE JAQUESS-GILMORE MISSION 87 men throughout the nation. He was a distinguished magazine writer and pubhsher, and was one of Horace Greeley's most intimate and trusted editorial associates, and at the time of the Jaquess-Gilmore embassy, he was on the editorial staff of the New York Tribune. When this mission was first pro- posed by Colonel Jaquess in May, 1863, Mr. Gilmore was with General Rosecrans at the headquarters of the Army of the Cumberland, at Murfreesboro, Tenn., on an important mission for Mr. Greeley. It is fortunate that two men of such exceptional character and integrity, so utterly unlike and yet forming such a com- bination of rare excellence as did Colonel Jaquess and Mr. Gilmore, were united in this important movement, and that from the one most fitted for that service we have a history of the affair, so trustworthy and complete, and so full of thrill- ing interest and instruction, as is the story of this movement in Mr. Gilmore's "Personal Recollections of Abraham Lin- coln." General Rosecrans was compelled to be at the front dur- ing the day Colonel Jaquess' application of May 19th, 1863, was received, and, therefore, requested Mr. Gilmore to meet the Colonel, who was to call at headquarters that day, to hear his proposition and report his impressions relative to the matter. It was in this way that Mr. Gilmore was brought into this movement. When General Rosecrans returned from the front to his headquarters Mr. Gilmore reported to the General and ex- pressed to him his disapproval of the Jaquess' proposition. But General Rosecrans knew Colonel Jaquess as Mr. Gilmore did not; he had seen him in camp, in counsel, and in battle, and disregarding Mr. Gilmore's unfavorable recommenda- tions. General Rosecrans wired President Lincoln stating in brief Colonel Jaquess' proposition, and requesting for him a furlough and passes to carry out his mission. 88 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN The President's Refusal and Request In response to this request the President at once sent Gen- eral Rosecrans the following telegram:^ Washington, May 21st, 1863, 4: 40 p.m. Major-General Rosecrans: For certain reasons it is thought best for Rev. Dr. Jaquess not to come here. Present my respects to him and ask him to write me fully on the subject he has in contem- plation. A. Lincoln. There is great significance in the above request by Presi- dent Lincoln for fuller information respecting Colonel Jaquess' proposition. He was burdened almost beyond en- durance with cares and duties which he could not put aside, and from which he could not be relieved, and he was con- stantly besieged by persons making requests, to which he could not possibly give attention. Well-meaning people of all classes were persistently commending to him utterly im- practicable schemes for the prosecution of the war or the hastening of peace; and yet in the midst of this avalanche of suggestions and requests, Mr. Lincoln saw in this seem- ingly absurd proposition of Colonel Jaquess something which arrested and held his attention, and so awakened his deep interest as to cause him to ask for full information relative to the matter. This most remarkable request of the busy, burdened and almost distracted President has a double meaning. It bears witness to Mr. Lincoln's constant attitude of religious expec- tancy. With all his heart and soul he believed that God had chosen him to lead the nation at this period of appalling peril and that He would guide him in a work as difficult as ever taxed the efforts and energies of man. And he was constantly alert in listening for the inner voice and in watching for any * Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln, Vol. VIII., p. 280. THE JAQUESS-GILMORE MISSION 89 indications by which the Most High would reveal to him his path of duty. Never could it be more truly said of any human being than could at this time be said of Abraham Lin- coln that his eyes waited upon the Lord "As the eyes of servants look unto the hand of their masters, and as the eyes of a maiden unto the hand of her mistress"^ so that when this Jaquess proposition came to him, like the midnight visit of a heavenly messenger, it found him eager to learn its purport. He believed that he was being led of God, and that the nation with all its interests was also under divine guardian- ship and guidance; but there was great darkness throughout the land. There was probably no period during the war when the outlook in the field was more unpromising than at this time in the early summer of 1863. To his watchful eye there appeared no dawning of a day of glad deliverance; to his lis- tening ear there came no voice of divine assurance or encour- agement. But Mr. Lincoln's faith was based upon the prom- ises of God and he believed that at His own time, and in His own way, the Almighty would interpose and bring deliverance to the nation. Hence, on that 20th day of May, 1863, when he received from General Rosecrans a brief telegraphic state- ment of Colonel Jaquess' proposition, he was hopeful that the Lord had given to this Christian soldier the message for which he was anxiously listening. The subhme religious character of the proposition and the confidence in God which it indicated elicited Mr. Lincoln's deep interest and awakened his ardent sympathy with the proposed movement. But quite as potent to arouse and stimulate the interest of the President as the proposition of Colonel Jaquess was Colonel Jaquess himself. Mr. Lincoln believed thoroughly in his sagacity, courage and faith. He knew with what mas- terly ability, wisdom and resourcefulness he, as pastor, had wrought in Springfield, and he was predisposed to give cre- dence to his claim that God had put upon his heart the prose- cution of this strange embassy of peace. Mr. Lincoln knew 3 Psa. 123 : 2. 90 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN that Colonel Jaquess "walked with God,'' as few men of his acquaintance did, and that his close and constant communion with his Master enabled him to hear His whispered words of confidential counsel and instruction as did the beloved disciple who leaned upon the Saviour's breast. There is more than confidence and esteem, there is strong and tender affection in Mr. Lincoln's request, "Give my re- spects to him." That simple sentence as Mr. Lincoln used it has in it a whole volume of meaning. But Mr. Lincoln was apprehensive that if Colonel Jaquess' proposed embassy of peace received the signet of his approval as President it would have the appearance of an official recognition of the Confederate authorities as a sepa- rate government with which he was conducting negotiations for peace; and even the appearance of such a recognition he was steadfastly and consistently determined to avoid. Because of that determination to which he continuously adhered Mr. Lincoln declined to grant Colonel Jaquess' re- quest for permission to visit Washington. It is significant, however, that while refusing to confer with Colonel Jaquess personally relative to his proposition, he did not refuse to encourage and aid the proposed embassy of peace. In this, as in all of President Lincoln's relations to this movement, there was revealed his double purpose of having Colonel Jaquess visit Richmond as he proposed, but of having him do so without any manifestation of governmental approval. These two purposes so seemingly in conflict, and yet so fully in accord, are seen at every stage of these proceedings. To accomplish these two results Mr. Lincoln made provision in his first telegram to General Rosecrans relative to the matter, by requesting Colonel Jaquess to explain his purposes in writ- ing while declining to permit him to visit Washington in the interest of the movement. When, on May 21st, 1863, General Rosecrans received the telegram from President Lincoln declining to grant Col- onel Jaquess' request, and asking for written information THE JAQUESS-GILMORE MISSION 91 relative to his proposition, he at once forwarded to the Presi- dent Colonel Jaquess' letter of May 19th, and at the same time sent the President's telegram to the Colonel at the head- quarters of his regiment in Murf reesboro. General Rosecrans evidently expected that when Colonel Jaquess confronted Mr. Lincoln's prompt refusal of his re- quest, he would abandon his proposed mission; but he had not yet fully measured the unyielding determination of this consecrated Christian soldier, nor the extent to which his mind and heart were set upon the prosecution of this mission. The determination of Colonel Jaquess to prosecute this mission was like a mountain stream which rises higher and higher until it pours its crystal waters over the dam which is erected to arrest its progress. It was augmented rather than dimin- ished by the President's refusal. Nothing could have been more characteristic of the Colonel than his answer to the General's intimation that because of the President's refusal to grant his request the work could not be prosecuted ; and his insisting that the General's request for the furlough and passes should be renewed and that Mr. Gilmore personally should visit the President and urge him to consent to the movement. This suggestion seemed so preposterous to Mr. Gilmore that according to his own statement he burst into a hearty laugh, by which he intended to indicate his unwillingness to engage in such a mission. But he was instantly sobered by General Rose- crans' prompt reply: "Yes, that is it. You imist go." So, ar- rangements were made for Mr. Gilmore to visit the President at Washington, and personally to hand him a letter addressed to him from Colonel Jaquess, together with the following letter from General Rosecrans: Headquarters Department of the Cumberland, Murf reesboro, Tenn., May 21st, 1863. To his Excellency, the President of the United States: The Rev. Dr. Jaquess, Colonel commanding the 73rd Illinois, a man of character, has submitted to me a letter 92 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN proposing a personal mission to the South. After maturely weighing his plans, and considering well his character, I am decidedly of opinion that the public interests will be promoted by permitting him to go as he proposes. I do not anticipate the results that he seems to expect, but I believe a moral force will be generated by his mission that will more than compensate us for his temporary absence from his regiment. His letter is herein enclosed, and the bearer of this, Mr. Gilmore, can fully explain Colonel Jaquess' plans and purposes. Very respectfully, W. S. RosECRANs, Major-General. This letter to the President was written by General Rose- crans on May 21st, 1863, after he had received Mr. Lincoln's telegram of the same date, and had held a conference with Mr. Gilmore and the Colonel relative to its contents. Colonel Jaquess' letter to the President was dated two days later, and is as follows: Murfreesboro, Tenn., May 23, 1863. Hon. A. Lincoln, President, U. S. A. : My dear Sir — This, with other papers, will be handed to you by Mr. Gilmore, who has been introduced to me by General Rosecrans. Mr. G. will explain to you in full what I propose to do. Meanwhile, should you feel that my propo- sition is too strong, and cannot be realized, I would say, I may not be able to reach the specific object stated in the proposition, but the mission cannot fail to accomplish great good. It is a fact well known to me and others, perhaps to your- self, that much sympathy exists in the minds of many good people, both in this country and England, for the South, on the ground of their professed piety. They say, "Mr. Davis is a praying man," "many of his people are devotedly pious," etc., etc. Now, you will admit that, if they hear me, I have gained a point. On the other hand, if Mr. Davis and his asso- THE JAOUESS-GILMORE MISSION 93 dates m rebellion refuse me, coming to them in the name of the Lord on a mission of peace, the question of their piety is settled at once and forever. Should I be treated with violence, and cast into prison, shot or hanged — which may be part of my mission — then the doom of the Southern Confederacy is sealed on earth and in heaven forever. My dear Mr. Lin- coln will excuse me when I say that I am ready for any emergency, and though not Samson, I should, like him, slay more at my death than in all my life at the head of my regi- ment. No, the mission cannot fail. God's hand is in it. I am not seeking a martyr's crown, but simply to meet the duty that has been laid upon me. I have talked freely with Mr. Gilmore, and he will explain to you more fully, if you desire. To him I would refer you, and with my best wishes and prayers, I am, dear sir, Your obedient servant, James F. Jaquess, Colonel Com'd'g 73d Illinois Infantry. With the foregoing letters from General Rosecrans and from Colonel Jaquess, Mr. Gilmore, at the General's request, proceeded to Washington; but travel in those war times was very difficult and slow, and before he reached that city, Presi- dent Lincoln had received, by mail, Colonel Jaquess' letter of May 19th, and on the 28th had written General Rosecrans say- ing: "Such a mission as he proposes I think promises good if it were free from difficulties, which I fear it cannot be. First he cannot go with any Government authority whatever. This is absolute and imperative. Secondly, if he goes without authority he takes a great deal of personal risk — he may be condemned and executed as a spy. "If for any reason you think fit to give Colonel Jaquess a furlough, and any authority from me for that object is necessary, you hereby have it for any length of time you see f^t." Without any knowledge of the above letter from the Pres- 94 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN ident, Mr. Gilmore on the last of May, gave President Lin coin the foregoing letters from General Rosecrans and Colonel Jaquess, and during the long interview which followed Mr. Lincoln said: "I fear we can come to no adjustment. I fear the war must go on till the North and South have both drunk of the cup to the very dregs, till both have worked out in pain and grief and bitter humiliation the sin of two hundred years. It has seemed to me that God so wills it ; and the first gleam I have had of a hope to the contrary is in this letter of Jaquess. This thing, irregular as it is, may mean that the Higher Powers are about to take a hand in this business and bring about a settlement. *T want peace. I want to stop this terrible waste of life and property, and I know Colonel Jaquess well, and I see that working in the way he proposes he may be able to bring influences to bear upon Davis that he cannot well resist, and thus pave the way for an honorable settlement. ... He proposes here to speak to them in the name of the Lord ; and he says he feels that God's hand is in it, and He has laid the duty upon him. Now, if he feels that he has that kind of authority, he cannot fail to affect the element on which he expects to operate. . . . Such talk in you or me might sound fanatical, but in Jaquess it is simply natural and sincere. And I am not at all sure that he is not right. God selects His own instruments and sometimes they are queer ones, for instance, He chose me to steer the ship through a great crisis. . . . He (Jaquess) can do no more than open the door for further negotiations, which would have to be conducted with me here in a regular way. "Here is a man, cool, deliberate. God-fearing, of excep- tional sagacity and worldly wisdom, who undertakes a project that strikes you and me as utterly chimerical; he attempts to bring about, single-handed and on his own hook, a peace be- tween two great sections. Moreover, he gets it into his head that God has laid this work upon him, and he is willing to THE JAQUESS-GILMORE MISSION 95 stake his life upon that conviction. The impulse on him is overpowering, as it was upon Luther, when he said, 'God help me. I can do no otherwise,' "Can you account for this except on his own supposition that God is in it. And if that be so, something will come out of it, perhaps not what Jaquess expects, but what will be of service to the right. So, though there is risk about it, I shall let him go." The First Embassy And Colonel Jaquess went. Without having seen the President, without any commission or authority from the government, without a convoy or companion, but with unques- tioning confidence in his divine call and commission, early in July, 1863, he courageously entered upon and prosecuted his remarkable mission. That this mission might not have the appearance of a recognition of the Confederate Government, the President insisted that knowledge of the proposition should be limited to, and held in strict confidence by the only persons who had any information respecting it. Those persons were President Lincoln, Generals Rosecrans, Thomas and Garfield, Colonel Jaquess and Mr. Gilmore. Apart from these six persons no one at that time had any knowledge or intimation of the existence of this unique mission. Subsequent events required that two and possibly three army officers, whose co-operation was needed, be informed respecting this affair. But no one in any way connected with the administration, and, apart from the President, no inmate of the White House — not even the President's private secretaries — at that time had any knowl- edge of this Embassy of Peace. Immediately upon Mr. Lincoln's decision to grant the Colonel leave of absence and permission to visit the South, Mr. Gilmore informed General Rosecrans of the President's decision. His letter was answered by Major Frank S. Bond, Senior aide to General Rosecrans, in a communication dated 96 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN June 4th, 1863, in which he said: "On receipt of your letter I sent for Colonel Jaquess and had a talk with him. He says he does not wish to start at once if the Army is to move." The purpose, if possible, to conduct the embassy of peace had become all-dominant in the soul of Colonel Jaquess, but, like a true soldier, he realized that his first obligation at that time was to bear his part in the activities of the army with which he was connected. Hence, though he was yearning to enter upon his mission, he preferred to remain at his post if a battle was likely to occur. But there was no forward move- ment or engagement of the army, and Colonel Jaquess pro- ceeded on his unique and strange mission. Starting from jMurfreesboro he went directly to Baltimore, where General Robert C. Schenck was in command. It was probably because it was Mr. Lincoln's purpose to keep the knowledge of this movement from all who had not been already consulted respecting it, that he permitted Colonel Jaquess to go forth upon this work without a pass and with- out any request that permission to proceed should be given by army commanders at points along his journey. How he could expect Colonel Jaquess to proceed on his mission with- out the permission of leading army officers, and how he should expect such army officers to grant permission to pass through the lines without his request is difficult to understand. The President may have believed that Colonel Jaquess' sublime trust in God would enable him in some proper way to secure the permission which he must have and for which Mr. Lincoln was unwilling to make request. Or more prob- ably, the President had confidential understanding with his army commanders by which he could make known to them his wishes without a direct written statement. During the history of this movement there were several events which go far to justify the conviction that such an undeclared understanding existed between the President and commanders in the Army. At all events, on the 13th of July, 1863, General Schenck sent from Baltimore the following THE JAOUESS-GILMORE MISSION 97 telegram to President Lincoln: "Colonel James F. Jaquess, 73d Illinois Infantry, is here from the Army of the Cum- berland. He desires me to send him to Fort Monroe. Shall I do so? He says you understand." To this telegram the President, on the 14th of July, made the following reply: "Mr. Jaquess is a very worthy gentleman, but I can have nothing to do, directly or indirectly, with the matter he has in view." After such a message from the President, how was it pos- sible for Colonel Jaquess to proceed? To this question there is no known answer, but it is known that he did proceed upon his mission, and by such rightful and proper methods as se- cured him permission to continue on his mission until he entered the Confederate lines. In the whole of human history there are few events which, in thrilling, dramatic interest, compare with the one we are now considering. An ordinary imagination can picture the fascinating scene which it pre- sents. In the bright sunlight of a southern July we see this frontier minister of the gospel, erect in form and clad in the uniform of an army officer, proceeding alone in the direction of the Confederate capital. He is going forth into a hos- tile country with no authority save that of the Almighty, to demand of the proud and haughty leaders of the rebellion a cessation of the warfare they were conducting against the Government, and their full submission to that Government's authority. This demand he proposes to make, not in the name of the Federal Government, but in the name of the Almighty. Who else of all the heroes of ancient or modern history ever proceeded on a similar errand, without authority and without human companionship? And this scene appears the more marvelous when it is remembered that those for whom Colonel Jaquess proposes to make this demand were just at that time in the very depths of darkness and despon- dency. Everywhere in all the field of military conflict results seemed at that time most unfavorable to the Union cause. Mr. Gilmore tells us that he never saw President Lincoln 98 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN seemingly so discouraged and depressed as during the inter- view at wliich he declared his purpose to permit Colonel Jaquess to proceed on his mission. And the picture of this scene takes on its high colors of dramatic interest when it is remembered that just at the time Colonel Jaquess was pro- ceeding as rapidly as possible toward the Confederate capital the great Southern Army, under their able commander — General Robert E. Lee — was moving northward, flushed with their recent victories and unquestioningly confident of imme- diate and ultimate success. Has pen of poet or historian ever given to the world a story more unique and fascinating? It was in consonance with the wonderful presence-power of Colonel Jaquess that though clad in his military uniform, he was everywhere received with kindness by the officers and soldiers of the Confederate Army. His strong person- ality, his evident sincerity, his sublime faith and favor of God, gave him safe conduct at every point. General Long- street, a distinguished Confederate commander, went forth to meet and welcome this volunteer ambassador of God. Respecting his experiences on this mission. Colonel Jaquess says: "I entered upon my mission, passed into the Confederate lines, met a most cordial reception, was received by those to whom my mission was directed as a visitant from the other world, and was strongly urged not to cease my efforts till the end was accomplished." End of First Embassy Learning that he could not proceed further on his mission without additional authority. Colonel Jaquess, after a brief sojourn in the South, returned to Baltimore, and from that city sent a letter to President Lincoln stating that he had valuable information to impart, and requesting an interview for that purpose. The letter in which Colonel Jaquess made this request was never received by President Lincoln. His secretary, to whom at that time was entrusted the opening and sorting of THE JAOUESS-GILMORE MISSION 99 his mail, having no knowledge of this movement, naturally regarded this letter as one of the numberless messages then being received by the President, from the consideration of which he was properly relieved. For two weeks Colonel Jaquess waited anxiously and in vain at Baltimore for word from President Lincoln, and learning that a battle was likely to be fought by the army with which he was connected, he hastened to the front and joined his regiment just in time to participate in the bloody battle of Chattanooga. In this battle two hundred of the men under his command, including nineteen commissioned officers, were killed or wounded, and two horses were shot under him as he was leading his regiment in the battle. Request Renewed At length there was a lull in military movements, and on the 4th of November, 1863, Colonel Jaquess addressed a letter to Mr. Gilmore, giving an account of his proceedings and expressing a desire to re-enter upon his embassy of peace. Up to this time no word had been received by the President or Mr. Gilmore respecting Colonel Jaquess and his move- ments after his departure from Baltimore in the middle of July, 1863. When President Lincoln consented to Colonel Jaquess' entrance upon the work, he said to Mr. Gilmore: "I shall be anxious to hear of him and I wish you would send me the first word you get." But Mr. Gilmore, though frequently seeing the President during those months, had no information to give in answer to inquiries concerning the Colonel. Mr. Gilmore, in response to Colonel Jaquess' letter of November 4th, 1863, making request for an opportunity to renew the prosecution of his mission of peace, mentioned the matter to President Lincoln, and at length, through General James A. Garfield, who knew of this mission from its be- ginning in May, 1863, and a member of Congress at the time this second request of Colonel Jaquess was made, secured 100 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN permission to bring Colonel Jaquess to the White House for an interview with the President. But such were the move- ments of the army, and the interference of other matters, that the Colonel was unable to visit Washington until early in July, 1864, thirteen months after he started on his first embassy to the South. The Second Embassy From the beginning of this movement, as I already have shown, Mr. Lincoln and all who were connected with it were in great uncertainty respecting what it might accomplish. General Rosecrans, on the 21st day of May, 1863, when recommending the proposition to Mr. Lincoln's approval, stated that he did not anticipate the results which Colonel Jaquess expected, but believed that it would result in great good. President Lincoln repeatedly expressed a like convic- tion concerning the achievements of the mission. And even Colonel Jaquess, in his first letter to the President stated that it might not accomplish precisely what he hoped, though it would do much good. But he never deviated from his pur- pose to make demand that there should be an immediate cessation of hostilities, trusting wholly in God for the final issue of the matter. President Lincoln, at the time of his interview with Mr. Gilmore, early in April, 1864, having become convinced that the embassy would be unsuccessful in securing the results at which it aimed, had decided to give it no further countenance or encouragement. But Mr. Gilmore, who was thoroughly informed respecting conditions throughout the country and had become deeply interested in the mission, had come to see in it the possibility of other most desirable results. These he brought to the attention of the President, by reminding him of the danger of his defeat as a candidate for re-election, because of the conviction that was rapidly gaining strength that the Confederate leaders were willing to accept peace upon the single basis of the restoration of the Union. THE JAOUESS-GILMORE MISSION loi Mr. Gilmore expressed to President Lincoln the conviction that Colonel Jaquess, by visiting Jefferson Davis at Richmond, and in the name of God demanding of him submission to the authority of the national Government, could secure from the Confederate chieftain, even if he declined his overtures for peace, a declaration that upon no condition save the indepen- dence of the South would any terms of peace be accepted. Such a declaration from Mr. Davis would silence the clamors for peace by convincing the loyal people that it could be se- cured only by the re-election of President Lincoln and the vigorous and successful prosecution of the war, Mr. Lincoln was a far-seeing politician and instantly recognized the wisdom of Mr. Gilmore's suggestion and the possibility by this mission of securing from Mr. Davis the desired declaration. Therefore, at the conclusion of Mr. Gilmore's explanation, Mr. Lincoln said: "There is something in what you say. But Jaquess could not do it — he could not draw Davis' fire. He is too honest. You are the man for that business." To this statement by the President, Mr. Gilmore replied: "Colonel Jaquess' honesty and sincerity exactly fit him for the business. Davis is astute and wary, but the Colonel's trans- parent honesty would disarm him completely." "Have you suggested this to Jaquess?" said the President. "No," replied Mr. Gilmore. "Well, if you propose it to him he will tell you he won't have anything to do with the business. He feels that he is acting as God's servant and messenger, and he would recoil from anything like political finesse. But if Davis should make the declaration that no peace would be accepted without Southern independence the country should know it, and I can see that coming from him now, when everybody is tired of the war, and so many think some honorable settlement can be made, it might be of vital importance to us. But I tell you that not Jaquess but you are the man for that business." 102 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN This latter statement was a shock of surprise to Mr. Gil- more. Evidently there had not dawned upon his mind a thought of the possibility of his being asked by the President to undertake this mission. His remonstrances, however, were all in vain. The Presi- dent had become deeply interested in the proposition and was insistent that it should be conducted not by Jaquess but by Mr. Gilmore. "This," said Mr. Gilmore, "is a new and unexpected thought to me, Mr. Lincoln. Will you allow me to consider it and talk it over with Mr. Chase and General Garfield?" "Certainly," the President answered, "talk with them and bring them both here with you this evening. I should like to confer with them myself — with Chase particularly. Tell him so." That evening Mr. Gilmore visited the President, accom- panied by Mr. Chase, who had only a few days before retired from the President's Cabinet. General Garfield was not pres- ent because of his absence from the city. When Mr. Lincoln learned that General Garfield could not be present he said to Mr. Chase: "Well, I wanted you particularly. This is a deli- cate and important business and I did not want to start it without your advice." "I know you are sincere In that expression, Mr. Lincoln," said Mr. Chase, "and I feel honored by it." "Well, sit down, both of you," said Mr. Lincoln, "and let us get to business. Now, Mr. Gilmore, you have decided to ask me for a pass into the rebel lines?" "I have, sir," answered Mr. Gilmore, "on the condition that you allow me to make such overtures to Davis as will put him entirely in the wrong if he should reject them." "Well," said Mr. Lincoln, "Mr. Chase and I will talk about that in a moment. But, first, another question: Do you understand that I neither suggest, nor request, nor direct you to take this journey?" "I do," promptly replied Mr. Gilmore. v THE JAOUESS-GILMORE MISSION 103 "And will you say so," asked the President, "if it should seem to me to be necessary?" "I will, whether you ask it of me or not," was the prompt response. "And," said Mr. Lincoln, "if those people should hold on to you, — should give you free lodgings till our election is over, or in any other manner treat you unlike gentlemen, — do you understand that I shall be absolutely powerless to help you?" "I understand that, sir, fully," said Mr. Gilmore. "And you are willing to go?" In answer to this question Mr. Gilmore expressed his willingness, with that understanding, to undertake the mission. For two hours and more President Lincoln and Mr. Chase conferred together respecting the terms of peace which Gil- more and Jaquess would be authorized to state to the Con- federate leaders as those which President Lincoln and the Government would probably be willing to accept. The terms as dictated to Mr. Gilmore by Mr. Lincoln, and approved by Mr. Chase, were as follows: First. The immediate dissolution of the Southern Gov- ernment, and the disbandment of its armies; and the acknowl- edgment by all the States in rebellion of the supremacy of the Union. Second. The total and absolute abolition of slavery in every one of the late Slave States and throughout the Union. This to be perpetual. Third. Full amnesty to all who have been in any way engaged in the rebellion, and their restoration to all the rights of citizenship. Fourth. All acts of secession to be regarded as nullities; and the late rebellious states to be, and be regarded, as if they had never attempted to secede from the Union. Represen- tation in the House from the recent Slave States to be on the basis of their voting population. Fifth. The sum of five hundred millions, in United States 104 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN stock, to be issued and divided between the late Slave States, to be used by them in payment to slave owners, loyal and disloyal, for the slaves emancipated by my proclamation. This sum to be divided among the late slave owners, equally and equitably, at the rate of one-half the value of the slaves in the year i860; and if any surplus remain, it to be returned to the United States Treasury. Sixth. A national convention to be convened as soon as practicable, to ratify this settlement, and make such changes in the Constitution as may be in accord with the new order of things. Seventh. The intent and meaning of all the foregoing is that the Union shall be wholly restored as it was before the Rebellion, with the exception that all slaves within its borders are, and shall forever be, freemen. After the terms upon which they finally agreed had been written out in full, Mr. Chase said: "Mr. Davis is not likely to accept the offer. Mr. Gilmore is confident that he will not accept peace without separation. To get his declaration to that effect is why you send Gilmore?" To this the President replied: "True, but peace may pos- sibly come out of this and I do not want to say a word that is not in good faith. We want to draw Davis' fire, but we must do it fairly. "What I think of most is the risk Gilmore will run. The case is not the same with him as with Jaquess. There is some- thing about that man, a kind of 'thus saith the Lord,' that would protect him anywhere. But Gilmore is not Jaquess. He will go in with my pass, and the rebels won't talk with him five minutes before they ascertain that he is fully pos- sessed of my views. He will say he does not represent me; but they will think they know better. Now, as the thing they want most is our recognition of them, may they not hold on to him, to force me to some step for his protection that shall recognize them? And if they decline the overtures, as they probably will, is it not likely they will refuse to let him out THE JAQUESS-GILMORE MISSION 105 before our election, because of the damage he may do their friends by pubHshing the facts to the country? Now, Mr. Chase, can you see any way by which I can protect him ?" "I cannot," repHed Mr. Chase, "unless you should copy the proposals into a letter addressed to Mr. Gilmore, sign it, and in it request him to read it to Mr. Davis. That would give him a semi-official character, and they would not dare to molest him." "That I can't do," said Mr. Lincoln. "It would be making direct overtures. I don't see, Gilmore, but you will have to trust in the Lord; only be sure to keep your powder dry." Mr. Gilmore then informed the President that Colonel Jaquess had agreed to accompany him, and said: "I should hesitate to go without him, as I should need the help of his cool courage to give me the backbone requisite for the occa- sion." The President then gave Mr. Gilmore the following pass: "Will General Grant allow James R. Gilmore and friend to pass our lines with ordinary baggage and go South. "A. Lincoln. "July 6th, 1864." As he handed Mr. Gilmore this necessary pass the Presi- dent said: "Tell Colonel Jaquess that I omitted his name on account of the talk about his previous trip, and I wish you would explain to him my refusal to see him. I want him to feel kindly to me." No one can read these remarkable words of Mr. Lincoln without realizing that the great President cherished for this peculiar and remarkable soldier not only very high esteem but tender and loving regard. When this prolonged interview between President Lincoln, Mr. Chase and Mr. Gilmore had accomplished its purpose, and his two guests arose to depart, Mr. Lincoln cordially said: "Good night, Mr. Chase," and then taking Mr. Gilmore lov- ingly by the hand he said: "God bless and prosper you. My good wishes will be with you. Good-bye." And then, still io6 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN holding Mr. Gllmore by the hand and with seeming great depth of feehng, he added: "Have you looked squarely in the face that if you get into trouble I can in no way help you. That I shall be obliged to say that while I have given you the terms on which I am personally willing to settle this thing, I have not authorized you to offer these or any terms what- ever?" To this Mr. Gilmore rephed: "I think the object, sir, is worth the risk. I shall tell Davis distinctly that I have no authority and only desire to open the door for official nego- tiations." It should be borne in mind that Colonel Jaquess was not present at this interview and knew nothing of the political features which the movement had taken on. His mind was wholly occupied with his divine call and commission from which he never for a moment allowed his attention to be diverted. It was on the evening of the 6th of July, 1864, that James R. Gilmore, walking beside the magnificent form of Salmon P. Chase, emerged from the presence of Abraham Lincoln and from the White House to go forth on the following day with Colonel Jaquess "into the jaws of death" to endeavor to aid in rescuing the nation from the greatest peril in all its history. The Peace Peril That peril arose from the fact that when those volunteer envoys started on their mission in July, 1864, conditions throughout the country were very different from those which existed in May, 1863, when this mission was first suggested by Colonel Jaquess. There had been a year and a half of experience under the Emancipation Proclamation; the Con- stitutional Amendment abolishing slavery had passed the senate by a very large majority, and though defeated in the House, arrangements had been made for a reconsideration of the vote, and there were strong indications that at the next THE JAQUESS-GILMORE MISSION 107 session that amendment would pass the House, and would beyond all question be approved by the requisite three-fourths of the States. In addition to these advance movements in civil affairs, more than one hundred and fifty thousand colored soldiers had enlisted in the Federal army and were doing excellent military service. The great and important victories at Gettys- bury, and Vicksburg and vicinity, had been won; Lee, with his great army, had been driven back into the South; Grant had been put in command of all the Union forces and was steadily advancing toward the Confederate capital; Sherman was prosecuting his memorable march toward the sea ; Sheri- dan was leading his army forward with uninterrupted success, and an early cessation of hostilities seemed likely soon to be accomplished by military force. But, notwithstanding these auspicious conditions in the field, an appalling peril threatened the life of the nation from the danger of the defeat in November of President Lincoln, who was a candidate for re-election. So unpromising at this time was the military outlook for the Confederates that their only hope of avoiding early and overwhelming defeat de- pended on the movement then being prosecuted with all pos- sible vigor for the election of an opposition President who, for the sake of peace, would consent to national dismember- ment. When General Neal Dow was released from Libby Prison, in which he had spent eight months as a prisoner, and was exchanged for General Fitzhugh Lee, on the journey to his home in Maine he visited Washington and was accorded a magnificent ovation in the national House of Representatives. This was fittingly followed by personal greetings of members of the House which was worthy of the veteran military leader and the champion of civic righteousness. Respecting what occurred upon that occasion. General Dow said: "At that time a strong effort was made in influ- ential quarters to substitute some other candidate than Mr. io8 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN Lincoln for the ensuing Presidential election. The members of the House crowded about me to know what effect such a measure would have at the South. Great was the joy of those surrounding me when I said: The rebels are now exhausted of money and men and hope; their only chance is that Mr. Lincoln may be set aside, as they would regard that as a repudiation of his policy, and nre sure that peace to the Con- federacy, with formal dissolution of the Union, would fol- low.' "' The Confederate leaders were not only deeply interested in the movement for the defeat of President Lincoln, but were endeavoring to accomplish that result by keeping a strong commission of the ablest politicians of the South constantly at Niagara Falls to confer and co-operate with their allies in the North respecting this matter. Those commissioners were for months in frequent and prolonged consultation with leaders of the opposition movement to secure such action of the Chicago Democratic Convention as would accomplish the result for which they were striving. In his "Southern History of the War," E. A. Pollard, an ardent Confederate, says: "No doubt can rest in history, that at the time of the Chicago Convention (which named McClellan) the democratic party in the North had prepared a secret program of operations, the final and inevitable con- clusion of which was the acknowledgment of the Confederate states." In commenting on this declaration of Mr. Pollard, Horace Greeley said: "We have always supposed that there was a general understanding arrived at between the rebel commis- sioners in Canada and their democratic visitors from this side as to what should be said and done at Chicago." Relative to that Confederate Commission at Niagara Falls, and Its purpose. President Lincoln, on July 25th, 1864, in a letter to Abram Wakeman, postmaster of New York City, said: * Abraham Lincoln, Tributes from his Associates, p. 93. THE JAQUESS-GILMORE MISSION 109 "The men of the South recently (and perhaps still) at Niagara Falls tell us distinctly that they are in the confidential employment of the Rebellion; and they tell us as distinctly that they are not empowered to offer terms of peace. Does any one doubt that what they are empowered to do is to assist in selecting and arranging a candidate and a platform for the Chicago convention? . . . Thus the present Presi- dential contest will almost certainly be no other than a contest between a union and a disunion candidate, disunion certainly following the success of the latter. The issue is a mighty one for all people and all times, and whoever aids the right will be appreciated and remembered."^ During all the summer of 1864 those Confederate com- missioners remained at Niagara Falls. They were thus in close touch with their friends, the leaders of the peace party in the loyal states, and their presence at the Falls afforded those leaders seeming justification for the claim that they were there for the purpose of endeavoring to secure peace by negotiation. This utterly untruthful claim was urged by those peace leaders with very great vigor and enthusiasm, and was given a marvelous degree of credence by a constantly increas- ing number of loyal people in the North. The Confederate leaders never had uttered a word that would justify these claims and many times had declared that they would never consider any terms of peace without dis- union and Southern independence. But during this Presiden- tial campaign they had cunningly remained silent respecting this matter, in order to afford their friends in the North seem- ing justification for the claim that they had been sobered by reverses in the field, and were ready to negotiate for peace with "The Constitution as it is and the Union as it was." The Interview with Jefferson Davis Just at this crisis, when the false claims of the opposition were being given such wide credence, and when to those of ^ Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln, Vol. X., pp. 170-171, no LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN us who were active in the work of national preservation, it seemed that the nation was rapidly drifting upon the nearby rocks of national dismemberment, on the /th of July, 1864, the volunteer ambassadors of peace — Jaquess and Gilmore — went forth from Washington, D. C, the one in the name of God, to demand of Jefferson Davis and his associates submission to the authority of the national government; and the other, in case this demand was rejected, to bring back and proclaim throughout the nation declarations which that Confederate leader should make, and which were expected to give the lie to the claims being made respecting the pos- sibility of a peaceable restoration of the Union. Such a decla- ration, if secured and widely published, would stop the mouths of those who were declaring the war a failure, and demanding a dishonorable and destructive peace. On July 9th, the second day after their departure from Washington, Mr. Gilmore and Colonel Jaquess arrived at City Point, and were cordially received by General Grant, who expressed great delight at meeting Colonel Jaquess, with whom he was well acquainted and of whom he had a very high opinion. When informed that they desired to visit Richmond, General Grant was doubtful of his ability to secure for them the permission of the Confederate authorities to do so. But after several days, during which they were guests of General Butler, the permission was received, when an unex- pected and seemingly insurmountable obstacle was encoun- tered in the peremptory refusal of General Grant to permit them to proceed unless he was informed respecting the pur- poses for which they wished to visit Richmond. Mr. Lincoln's written pass given to Mr, Gilmore did not avail to cause General Grant to relent ; but after he had wired the President, at Mr. Gilmore's suggestion, and had received his answer, he not only opened the way for them to proceed on their journey, but gave them an imposing escort to the Confederate lines. General Grant's sudden change of mind and his arrangements THE JAQUESS-GILMORE MISSION iii for the continuance of the journey of these envoys was another illustration of President Lincoln's purpose to see that these two self-appointed ambassadors should have the oppor- tunity to prosecute their mission unhindered by any obstacle within the Union lines. What he said that night in his tele- graphic reply to General Grant is not known, but we are assured that his message was so worded as to cause his hand to be unseen in opening to them the doors which General Grant's military prudence had closed, and in causing them to be provided by General Grant with such a distinguished escort as made upon the Confederate officers a profound and favor- able impression. When Mr. Gilmore and Colonel Jaquess finally reached the Confederate capital they were placed under strict sur- veillance, which continued by day and night until their de- parture for the North. They were, however, treated with marked courtesy and were granted the desired interview with Jefferson Davis and the Hon. Judah P. Benjamin, the Con- federate Secretary of State. At the preliminary interview with Mr. Benjamin, Colonel Jaquess said: "We bring no overtures and have no authority from our Government. We stated that in our note. We would be glad, however, to know what terms would be accept- able to Mr. Davis. If they at all harmonize with Mr. Lin- coln's views we will report them to him, and so open the door for official negotiations." When asked, "Did Mr. Lincoln in any way authorize you to come here?" Colonel Jaquess replied: "No, sir. We come with his pass, but not by his request. We say distinctly we have no official or unofficial authority. We come as men and Christians, not as diplomats, hoping, in a frank talk with Mr. Davis to discover some way by which this war may be stopped." With this frank and unequivocal statement made by Colo- nel Jaquess to Mr. Benjamin, the requested interview with Mr. Davis was secured, and the terms of peace agreed upon 112 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN by President Lincoln and Mr. Chase were submitted. And it was stated that while they had no authority to submit any terms, there was reason for the belief that the terms stated would be acceptable to Mr. Lincoln and the government. At the beginning of the interview Colonel Jaquess said to Mr. Davis: "We have asked this interview in the hope that you may suggest some way by which this war may be stopped. Our people want peace, your people do, and your Congress has recently said that you do. We have come to ask how it can be brought about." To this statement Mr. Davis with characteristic assurance replied: "In a very simple way. Withdraw your armies from our territory and peace will come of itself. . . . Let us alone, and peace will come at once." "But," replied the Colonel, "we cannot let you alone so long as you repudiate the Union; that is the one thing the Northern people will not surrender." "I know," said Mr. Davis. "You would deny to us what you exact for yourselves — the right of self-government. . . . You have shown such bitterness toward the South, you have put such an ocean of blood between the two countries that I despair of seeing any harmony in my time. Our children may forget this war, but we cannot." To this emphatic statement by Mr. Davis, Colonel Jaquess calmly and with dignity replied: "I think the bitterness you speak of, sir, does not really exist. We meet and talk here as friends; our soldiers meet and fraternize with each other, and I feel sure that if the Union were restored a more friendly feeling will arise between us than ever has existed. The war has made us know and respect each other better than before. This is the view of very many Southern men. I have had it from very many of them — your leading citizens." To this loving and persuasive statement by Colonel Jaquess Mr. Davis icily replied: "They are mistaken. They do not understand Southern sentiment. How can we feel anything but bitterness toward men who deny us our rights? If you THE JAQUESS-GILMORE MISSION 113 enter my house and drive me out of it, am I not your natural enemy?" With that marvelous courage and trust in God which kept him always calm and serene, Colonel Jaquess, in reply to this contentious declaration of Mr. Davis, said: "You put the case too strongly, but we cannot fight forever ; the war must end at some time ; we must finally agree upon something ; can we not agree now and stop this frightful carnage?" This brief and manly statement by the Colonel seemed only to irritate the Confederate leader, who with more show of feeling said: "The North was mad and blind; it would not let us govern ourselves and so the war came, and now it must go on till the last man of this generation falls in his tracks, and his children seize his musket and fight our battle, unless you acknowledge our right to self-government. We are not fighting for slavery. We are fighting for independence and that, or extermination, we will have." To this Colonel Jaquess with tenderness replied: "When I have seen your young men dying on the battlefield, and your old men, women and children starving in their homes, I have felt that I could risk my life to save them." To this Mr. Davis answered: "I know your motives, Colo- nel Jaquess, and I honor you for them." Later in the con- versation Mr. Davis said: "At your door lies all the misery and crime of this war, and it is a fearful, fearful account." At this point the spirit of Elijah radiated from the counte- nance of the Colonel, who replied : "Not all of it, Mr. Davis ; I admit a fearful account, but it is not all at our door. The passions of both sides are aroused. Unarmed men are hanged, persons are shot down in cold blood by yourselves. Elements of barbarism are entering the war from both sides that should make us — you and me — as Christian men shudder to think of. In God's name let us stop it! Let us do something, concede something, to bring about peace. You cannot expect, with only four and a half millions, as Mr. Benjamin says you have, to hold out forever against twenty millions." 114 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN The reader should not overlook, nor fail to appreciate the significance of the smile which appeared on Mr. Davis' face as he disclosed the close relationship existing between the Confederates and their northern aUies, when he asked: "Do you suppose there are twenty millions at the North determined to crush us? I do not so read the returns of your recent elections. To my mind they show that fully one-half of your people think we are right and would fight for us if they had the opportunity." Mr. Davis further said: "Slavery is not an element in the contest." "Then," it was replied, "if I understand you, the dispute with your government is now narrowed down to this, union or disunion?" "Yes," said Mr. Davis, "or, to put it in other words, in- dependence or subjugation." Later he said: "We will govern ourselves! We will do it, if we have to see every Southern plantation sacked and every Southern city in flames." When the interview closed Mr. Davis kindly said "Good- bye," and shook hands with Mr. Gilmore, expressing the hope of seeing him again in Richmond in happier times; but, as Mr. Gilmore tells us, "with the Colonel his parting was par- ticularly cordial. Taking his hand in both of his he said: 'Colonel, I respect your character and your motives, and I wish you well — I wish you every good I can wish you con- sistently with the interests of the Confederacy.' " It will be observed that Mr. Davis, during this interview, made precisely the declaration which was expected, the decla- ration that nothing but Southern independence would be for a moment considered. This declaration was in accordance with what Mr. Lincoln and those associated with him fully believed was the purpose of the Confederate chieftain. And it was to afford him the opportunity to consider liberal terms of peace and to secure from him this declaration in case of his refusal to consider those terms, that Mr. Gilmore undertook and prosecuted this second mission. For the same reason THE JAQUESS-GILMORE MISSION 115 Mr. Lincoln favored the mission and provided that it should be carried out. Colonel Jaquess, however, aimed at nothing less than se- curing immediate peace in the name of the Almighty. While regarding it as his only mission to demand a cessation of hostility in the name and by the authority of Jehovah, he was not confident of securing acceptance of the terms offered. He was, however, from first to last unquestioningly confident that God was in the undertaking, and whether its immediate results were or were not such as he sought to accomplish, he firmly believed that in the end it would lead to desirable results. It could not be expected that the purposes and aims of Gilmore and Jaquess would not be discovered by men as able and astute as Davis and Benjamin. The latter, after the departure of their two visitors, freely expressed his convic- tion to Davis that Gilmore and Jaquess should be kept in Richmond until after the Presidential election. He saw in Jaquess only transparent honesty and sincerity. He believed he was seriously seeking peace, but he was fully convinced that the frank statements of Davis would by Gilmore be widely distributed throughout the North, and would contribute very largely to the re-election of President Lincoln. But Mr. Davis, while sharing in the apprehensions of Benjamin, real- ized that to hold these peaceable citizens, who came to them in the name of God, asking only for peace and the restoration of the Union, would injure the Confederate cause in the North and in the South to a far greater extent than would their return to the Union lines. While these matters were being discussed by Davis and Benjamin, Mr. Gilmore and Colonel Jaquess arranged for their departure North early the follow- ing morning. But when the promised escort to the Union lines did not appear at the appointed time, Mr. Gilmore became nervously apprehensive that the delay boded ill for him and his companion. But no such thought seemed to enter the mind of Colonel Jaquess, respecting whose behavior Mr, ii6 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN Gilmore says: "All this while he sat, his spectacles on his nose, and his chair canted against the window sill, absorbed in reading the newspaper. Occasionally he would look up to comment on something he was reading, but not a movement of his face nor a glance of his eye, had betrayed that he was conscious of Judge Ould's delay, or of my extreme restless- ness. As I said, 'Ould (their escort) is more than three hours late, what does it mean?' he took off his spectacles and quietly rubbing the glasses with his handkerchief, replied: Tt looks badly, but — I ask no odds of them. We have tried to serve the country, that is enough. Let them hang us if they like. But if they do, if they ill-treat two men who come to them with the olive branch of peace, their rotten Confed- eracy won't hang together for a fortnight. The civilized world will pray for its destruction.' " At length, being shown through Libby prison, these two volunteer ambassadors were escorted to the Union lines, where Colonel Jaquess, by invitation, remained for several days a guest of General Grant. But Gilmore, without delay, returned to Washington, and arriving there at night, proceeded at once to the White House to report to President Lincoln. Fortu- nately, he found the President in consultation with Charles Sumner, the great Massachusetts senator, who then for the first time learned of this embassy of peace. Mr. Gilmore had carefully prepared a report, which he read to the President in the presence of Mr. Sumner, and it was immediately de- cided to publish a brief summary of the interview with Davis, including his declarations relative to the terms of peace. This, at Mr. Sumner's suggestion, was first to appear in the Boston Evening Transcript, and to be followed by a more extended account in the Atlantic Monthly. As Mr. Gilmore was about to withdraw from the conference at the White House, Mr. Lincoln, with great elation, said: "Jaquess was right. God was in it. This may be worth more to us than half a dozen battles. It is important that Davis' position should be known at once. Get the thing out as soon as you THE JAQUESS-GILMORE MISSION 117 can, but don't forget to send me the proof of what you write for the Atlantic Monthly. Good-bye, God bless you." Peril More Appalling The perils which threatened the nation at the time Jaquess and Gilmore started on the second embassy early in July, 1864, were greatly increased during the weeks of their absence in the South, by the false claims of the peace agitators who were opposing President Lincoln's re-election. And after the return of those volunteer envoys with the defiant decla- rations of Mr. Davis, and their publication, the helpful influ- ence of those disclosures among the masses of the people was not at first recognized by the leaders of the Union party. As the time approached for holding the Presidential elec- tion, Mr. Lincoln's realization of the nation's perils became more and more oppressive. Under a solemn sense of duty he remained continuously at his post, and when on the 15th of August, 1864, he was requested by John T. Mills to ward off a breakdown in his health by taking a few weeks' vaca- tion, he deliberately and with great solemnity replied: "I cannot fly from my thoughts — my solicitude for this great country follows me wherever I go, I do not think it is personal vanity or ambition, though I am not free from these infirmities, but I cannot but feel that the weal or woe of this great nation will be decided in November. There is no program offered by any wing of the democratic party but that must result in the permanent destruction of the Union." When reminded by Mr. Mills that General McClellan would undoubtedly be the democratic candidate for President and that he was "in favor of crushing out this rebellion by force," Mr. Lincoln made the following reply, which should never be forgotten by the American people: "Sir, the slightest knowledge of arithmetic will prove to any man that the rebel armies cannot be destroyed by democratic strategy. It would sacrifice all the white men of the North to do it. There are ii8 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN now in the service of the United States nearly one hundred and fifty thousand able-bodied colored men, most of them under arms, defending and acquiring Union territory. The democratic strategy demands that these forces be disbanded, and that the masters be conciliated by restoring them to slavery. The black men who are now assisting Union prisoners to escape are to be converted into our enemies, in the vain hope of gaining the good will of their masters. We shall have to fight two nations instead of one. **You cannot conciliate the South if you guarantee to them ultimate success; and the experience of the present war proves their success is inevitable if you fling the compulsory labor of millions of black men into their side of the scale. Will you give our enemies such military advantages as insure suc- cess, and then depend on coaxing, flattery and concession to get them back into the Union? Abandon all the posts now garrisoned by black men, take one hundred and fifty thousand men from our side and put them in the battlefield or corn- field against us, and we will be compelled to abandon the war in three weeks. "^ The entire influence of the Confederacy was back of the Niagara Falls Commission, the purpose of which was to secure at the Chicago convention the nomination of a candidate for President, and the adoption of a platform favorable to South- ern independence. That commission succeeded in securing the latter of these two results in the adoption of the resolution written by V^allandigham, which was wholly to their liking. Mr. Vallandigham had been, and was the leader of the extreme Confederate-favoring element of the North. So offensive had his utterances and conduct become that he was exiled from the country, but after a time returned and was permitted to remain. In the Chicago convention he was the recognized champion of the Confederate-favoring element. The Niagara Falls Commission, however, did not secure the nomination of the candidate of their choice; but they were fully aware that ^ Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln, Vol. X., p. 189. THE JAQUESS-GILMORE MISSION 119 if Mr. Lincoln could be defeated no President thus elected could possibly refrain from carrying out the program of peace, even though it required national dismemberment. To judge correctly the purposes of a political party we must not look to the platform or the declarations of its can- didates, but to the obvious animating sentiments of the people composing that party. The animating sentiments of the oppo- sition party in attendance at the Chicago convention of 1864 was indicated by the tumultuous and prolonged applause which greeted the introduction and the adoption of the Vallandigham resolution which declared the war a failure and demanded a cessation of hostilities. In justice to General McClellan, who was the nominee of the Chicago convention, it should be stated that in his letter of acceptance he emphatically avowed his loyalty to the Union and his determination never to consent to its dissolution. But in his criticism of McClellan's' quasi repudiation of the platform on which he was a candidate for election, Val- landigham declared that in the Chicago convention the senti- ments expressed by General McClellan had little or no support, and that the resolution written by him and adopted by the convention, expressed not only the convictions and purposes of that convention, but those of the adherents of the party throughout the nation. In this statement Mr. Vallandigham was undoubtedly correct. It was my privilege to be an active participant in the political movements in the nation at that time. I was almost constantly upon the stump addressing great outdoor political rallies, and smaller but equally enthusi- astic meetings in halls, churches, and schoolhouses, and I was untiring in my attendance upon party conferences, caucuses and conventions. Therefore, I was thoroughly familiar with existing conditions and with all influences which at that time, by open and fair methods, or by cunning and stealth, were engaged in the activities of the political arena; and although military conditions, operations and prospects at that time were so favorable as to justify the hope for an early and satis- 120 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN factory termination of the war, to those of us who, in the political field, were struggling for the re-election of President Lincoln as the only method of securing the preservation of the Union, it was the darkest period of all those stormy years ; for no possible military triumphs could avail to save the Union without a favorable verdict of the people at the polls in November. During that campaign the following circular was widely and plentifully distributed throughout Ohio: A PRAYER FOR PEACE On the Basis of the Integrity of the Union To the President of the LTnited States: We, the women of Ohio, the mothers, wives, daughters and sisters of the soldiers in the field, or who slumber in patriotic graves, petition to the President to grant us peace. We love the union of the states, but above all we love that sacred and holy union composed of our fathers, hus- bands, sons and brothers. Many of our homes are desolate — all are obscured in gloom, and our habiliments of woe are stained with fraternal, with conjugal and with filial blood. Oh, then, let our prayer be heard, and do not doom to death the remaining loved ones whose presence saves us from despair! With prayers for our country and peace, we trust- ingly subscribe our names.^ Other circulars of a similar character were, in like manner, distributed in other states, and their influence was inestimably harmful to the Union cause. Such appeals, whether in circu- lars, newspapers or in public addresses, would have possessed but little if any force without the claim which was persis^ tently presented that "peace could readily be secured without further effusion of blood," if the national Government would only consent to a restoration of the Union without any inter- ference with the institution of slavery. A Political History of Slavery, V^ol. II., p. 192. THE JAQUESS-GILMORE MISSION 121 In its earlier stages the war was prosecuted by the national government for the sole purpose of preserving the Union, but it had come to be regarded as necessary to destroy slavery in order to save the Union. And the movement for the over- throw of slavery had made such progress that the government was irreversibly committed to the extermination of that in- stitution. It was upon that well-understood platform that President Lincoln was a candidate for re-election. There was no doubt as to the purpose of an overwhelming majority of the people in the loyal states never to consent to a dissolution of the Union, but there were many loyal people who were ready to give credence to the utterly false declaration of the opposition leaders that peace could be se- cured by negotiations without further bloodshed. This caused the peril of disunion to loom up as at no other period, and seriously to threaten the nation's life. A consideration of the conditions at that time in the loyal states will show how great and appalling that peril was. At the time of President Lincoln's first election in i860, the voting population of the North was quite evenly divided between those who supported and those who opposed him. A very large per cent of those who voted against him were intensely hostile to all antislavery sentiments and measures. They disliked the colored people and earnestly believed in slavery as an institution which kept that race in its proper place. All such were in hearty sympathy with the South before and during the rebellion. But a large per cent of those who opposed Mr. Lincoln's election in i860 were loyal to the Union, and when the flag was assailed they instantly sprang to the defense of the Government. With them all party ties disappeared, and with all loyal supporters of the Government they united in forming what was known as the "Union Party." Leading democrats like Douglas, Logan and many others of great prominence and influence rallied to the support of the administration and were followed by the loyal people of every party. From this great multitude of Union 122 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN men, irrespective of party affiliations, the Union army was recruited, but those in the loyal states who in heart sym- pathized with the South refused to enlist and remained at home, as a part of the nation's electorate, and in the absence of the loyal voters who were in the army, they constituted a very dangerous element ; yet being in the minority they were unable at elections to aid the Confederate movement to any very considerable extent. Had the Presidential campaign of 1864 been conducted upon the single issue of union or disunion, the opposition would have had no show of success, but by claiming that the South was ripe for a restoration of the Union, without fur- ther war, this thoroughly disloyal element in the loyal states was enabled to win to the support of their efforts for the elec- tion of a peace-favoring candidate many loyal people whom they could induce to believe in their false claims respecting the possibility of peace by official negotiations. The work of winning loyal people to the support of this disloyal peace movement was prosecuted with such vigor and persistence that at midsummer, during the Presidential campaign, there ap- peared little hope of the re-election of President Lincoln. During that campaign Hon. Henry J. Raymond, formerly Lieutenant-Governor of New York, subsequently a distin- guished member of Congress and at that time and for many years the proprietor and very able and influential editor of the New York Times, was chairman of the national committee of the Union party which had nominated and was supporting President Lincoln for re-election. When that Presidential campaign was at its height Mr. Raymond addressed President Lincoln a lengthy and most discouraging letter, dated August 22nd, 1864, in which among other similar statements he said: *'The tide is setting strongly against us. Hon. E. B. Washburne writes that 'were an election to be held now in Illinois we should be beaten.' Mr. Cameron writes that Penn- sylvania is against us. Governor Morton writes that nothing but the most strenuous efforts can carry Indiana. This state, THE JAQUESS-GILMORE MISSION 123 New York, according to the best information I can get, would go fifty thousand against us tomorrow. And so of the rest. "In some way or other the suspicion is widely diffused that we can have peace with Union if we would. It is idle to reason with this belief — still more idle to denounce it. It can only be expelled by some authoritative act, at once bold enough to fix attention and distinct enough to defy incredulity and challenge respect. "Why would it not be wise, under these circumstances, to appoint a commission, in due form, to make distinct proffers of peace to Davis, as the head of the rebel armies, on the sole condition of acknowledging the supremacy of the Constitu- tion — all other questions to be settled in a convention of the people of all the states? "I cannot conceive of any answer which Davis could give to such a proposition which would not strengthen you and the Union cause everywhere. Even your radical friends could not fail to applaud it when they should see the practical strength it would bring to the common cause. "I beg you to excuse the earnestness with which I have pressed this matter upon your attention. It seems to me calculated to do good — and incapable of doing harm. It will turn the tide of public sentiment and avert impending evils of the gravest character. It will arouse and concentrate the loyalty of the country and unless I am greatly mistaken give us an easy and a fruitful victory. Permit me to add that if done at all I think this should be done at once — as your own spontaneous act. In advance of the Chicago convention it might render the action of that body of very little conse- quence."* Bearing the same date as Mr. Raymond's letter the fol- lowing was received by Hon. William H. Seward from Thur- low Weed of Albany, N. Y. : "When, ten days since, I told Mr. Lincoln that his re- 8 Abraham Lincoln, A History, Vol. IX., p. 219. 124 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN election was an impossibility, I also told him that the infor- mation would soon come to him through other channels. It has doubtless ere this reached him. At any rate nobody here doubts it, nor do I see anybody from other states who author- izes the slightest hope of success. Mr. Raymond, who has just left me, says that unless some prompt and bold step be now taken all is lost. The people are wild for peace. They are told that the President will only listen to terms of peace on condition (that) slavery be abandoned. . . .Mr. Ray- mond thinks commissioners should be immediately sent to Richmond offering to treat for peace on the basis of Union. That something should be done and promptly done to give the Administration a chance for its Hfe is certain."^ If President Lincoln had pursued the course here suggested by Mr. Raymond and approved by Mr. Weed, he would in so doing have given to the Confederate government just the recognition the leaders of the Rebellion most ardently desired, and would have caused like recognition promptly to be given the Confederacy by European nations. Only a few days earlier, as stated on a preceding page of this chapter, Mr. Chase dur- ing the conference at the White House with Mr. Gilmore suggested to the President a course of action which Mr. Lincoln immediately saw would result, if taken, in the recog- nition which he always had refused to give the Confederate government. What marvelous sagacity was required to avoid the fatal blunders which such great men were then urging upon him! On the day following the date of these two letters Mr. Lincoln carefully wrote a memorandum, which he sealed, giv- ing instruction that it should not be opened until after the Presidential election. Before sealing the memorandum he secured upon the reverse side of the paper the signatures of the members of his Cabinet without their knowledge of its contents. That memorandum is as follows:^** ^ Abraham Lincoln, A History, Vol. IX., p. 250. 1° Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln, Vol. X., p. 203. THE JAQUESS-GILMORE MISSION 125 "Executive Mansion, August 23rd, 1864. "This morning, as for some days past, it seems exceed- ingly probable that this administration will not be re-elected. Then it will be my duty to so co-operate with the President- elect as to save the Union between the election and the inau- guration ; as he will have to secure his election on such ground that he cannot possibly save it afterward. "A. Lincoln." Why Mr. Lincoln, with his own hand, and without any person's knowledge, should have written this memorandum never has been and never can be explained. But that memo- randum constitutes a milestone on the way of governmental progress. For half a century and more it has touched the hearts of every truly loyal man and woman who has given it a sympathetic perusal. That at such a time his great heart, so true to God, and so faithful to every interest of humanity, should be pierced through and through with the pain that wrung from him that piteous wail of anguish, is cause for tears of tender sympathy. That memorandum, and the two letters from Raymond and Weed, which were probably received by the President the day he wrote it, faithfully disclose the condition of the country at the time as understood by the loyal people of the nation. The Peril Averted In accordance with Mr. Sumner's suggestion, which was approved by the President, Mr. Gilmore prepared a brief news item containing an account of the interview with Mr. Davis and his declaration that the Confederates were not fighting for slavery but for independence, and that they would never consent to a restoration of the Union. This news item was first published in the Boston Evening Transcript of July 22nd, 1864, and was copied by the loyal newspapers throughout the nation. It at once arrested the attention of the nation, and 126 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN prepared the way for the more extended history of the Jaquess-Gilmore embassy, and a full account of the interview with Davis, which was published in the Atlantic Monthly for September, 1864. The proofs of this magazine article were, at his request, furnished President Lincoln and carefully re- vised by him before its publication, and that article is now before me in the copy of the Atlantic Monthly in which it first appeared. Dr. Oliver Wendell Holmes, in a letter to Mr. Gilmore, which is in the library of the Johns Hopkins University, in Baltimore, states that "beyond question that article had a larger number of readers than any magazine article ever written." It was at once reproduced in its entirety by the London Times, Nczvs, and Telegraph, and was republished by the leading newspapers in all the loyal states, and was the theme of strong editorials, political speeches and private con- versations among the people. It was more seriously consid- ered and talked about than any other matter during the Presi- dential campaign. Even the great victories of Sherman and Sheridan did not arouse and hold public attention as did the declarations of Davis which appeared in that magazine article. Those decla- rations of the Confederate leader cleared the political atmos- phere by showing that there was not the slightest foundation in truth for the claim of the opposition peace party that the South would welcome peace upon the terms of the restoration of the Union. The peace movement had attained tremendous strength when those declarations of Davis were made public. It had extended throughout all the loyal states and was rapidly advancing to greater portions. It had become so powerful that, as before stated, the leaders of the Union party had lost all hope of President Lincoln's re-election, and the President himself on the 23rd day of August, 1864, with a sad heart, had written and sealed his now historical memorandum ex- pressing the conviction that he would not be re-elected. THE JAQUESS-GILMORE MISSION 127 There was a measure of plausibility in the claim that the victories at Vicksburg and vicinity, and at Gettysburg, the constant advance of Grant upon Richmond, Sherman's triumphant march to the sea, and the series of Union vic- tories under Sheridan, had caused the Confederate leaders to recognize the certainty of their early overthrow and to be willing to consider overtures for peace. Although we knew those claims were without warrant or justification, until the Davis disunion declarations were published, we could not prove them false to the satisfaction of those who were join- ing the peace movement in the hope that those claims were true. Many times before those declarations were published my pleas at public meetings for the re-election of President Lincoln were interrupted by those claims being thrust for- ward and insisted upon by opposition leaders. And like events were constantly occurring throughout the loyal states to the unavoidable advantage of the peace party. I cannot forget the pathetic and appalling scenes which I witnessed during that Presidential campaign, previous to the publication of the Davis declarations that he would never consent to peace without disunion. It was heartrending to see staunch, loyal unionists joining the Confederate-favoring peace movement under the delusion that the war had accom- plished the purposes for which it had been conducted, and that the Confederate leaders were ready and eager to return to their allegiance to the Government. The toll of the war had been so great; so many had fallen in battle or died of wounds, sickness and hardships; so unspeakable had been the sufferings and sacrifices throughout the loyal states that many true Union men were readily caught in the snare so skillfully constructed by the Confederate leaders and manipulated by their northern allies, and in large and increasing numbers were joining in a movement designed and calculated to accomplish the dismemberment of the nation. It was utterly impossible to arrest and turn this movement back, or retard the desertion of sincere and devoted adherents 128 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN of the Union cause from the ranks of the supporters of Presi- dent Lincoki, and their enHstment under the opposition ban- ner. It was utterly beside the mark to appeal to the spirit of patriotism, inasmuch as they were sincerely loyal to their country, and were willing to make any needed sacrifices in its defense. Their mistake was they had been induced to believe that the further prosecution of the war was not necessary to the preservation of the nation. Like a stampeding herd, those deserters were blindly rush- ing on their way, deaf to reason and remonstrance. While the brave soldiers in the field were winning glorious victories and rapidly marching on to early and complete triumph, many of their relatives and friends in the loyal states were joining in a movement which if successful would have meant the surrender of all the fruits of their years of sacrifice and suf- fering. During all the months of that memorable campaign I was in the midst of the contending movements, aiding in the struggle to stay the tide of desertion from the Union party, and to save the nation by the re-election of President Lin- coln ; and I cannot forget the determination with which people of unquestionable loyalty at that time aided in carrying out the program prepared by the Confederate leaders, under the mad delusion that those leaders were eager for peace and the restoration of the Union. I cannot forget — it lingers with me still like the memory of a frightful dream — the darkness which at that time hung like a storm-cloud over the nation and the cause of human freedom. And I hope ever to remember that day, when like a great light from heaven the disclosures of the Jaquess-Gilmore embassy burst upon the world first in the brief news item in the Boston Transcript and afterwards in the Gilmore maga- zine article, revealing the appalling disaster toward which we were rapidly moving. The scenes which followed that exposure of the fixed determination of the Confederate leaders to destroy the nation, and the utter untruth fulnesss of the claims of their emissaries THE JAOUESS-GILMORE MISSION 129 in the North, Hnger in the memory of those who witnessed them like the pleasing recollections of a loved one's recovery from a seemingly fatal illness. The column of loyal people moving toward the camp of the opposition suddenly halted and began to return to the Union camp, where the starry em- blem of an undivided nation floated in undimmed splendor and glory. That return in its early stages was somewhat hesitating, for the peace delusion had taken fast hold upon its victims, and it required time and effort to dispel the en- chantment of a hoped-for bloodless peace; but the light of truth had begun to shine and each day witnessed an increase in the public realization of the appalling disaster which for months we had been steadily approaching, and it became more and more evident that it could be avoided only by the re- election of President Lincoln; and as that conviction grew there was an increase in the number returning to the Union party, and in the haste and zest with w^hich they resumed their allegiance to the President and his governmental policies. With glad and grateful heart I now recall the occasions when the Confederate-favoring peace delusion was thrust into meetings I was addressing and was speedily and easily proved to be false by a statement of Jefferson Davis' declarations to Jaquess and Gilmore. That gun never missed fire and no peace party champion at whom it was aimed ever failed to fall when it was discharged. Every speaker in the campaign for the re-election of President Lincoln, who was at all fit for that work, was familiar with the Gilmore article and made such effective use of the declarations of Davis as to cause the people to realize the unyielding determination of the Confederate leaders never to consent to peace which did not include Southern independence. And thus was broken the power of the false claims of the peace party and thus were the deserters from the Union party brought back to their allegiance to the Government in such numbers as to save the nation by the re-election of Abraham Lincoln. Horace Greeley was probably better informed than was 130 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN any other man in the Union respecting political conditions and movements, and that great journalist stated in the Tribune that the scheme to secure Southern independence by the defeat of President Lincoln and the election of an opposition Presi- dent "was spoiled by Jefferson Davis' peremptory declaration to Jaquess and Gilmore that he would consent to no peace that did not recognize the Southern Confederacy as henceforth independent. We believe," said Mr. Greeley, "that the visit of Jaquess and Gilmore to Richmond saved the vote of this (New York) state to Lincoln, though Sherman's capture of Atlanta, and Sheridan's victories in the Valley doubtless co- operated with the semi-treasonable follies of the Chicago Convention and Platform, to render the general triumph of Lincoln more complete and overwhelming." Mr. Greeley's statement in the Tribune that the vote of the state of New York was saved to Lincoln by the Jaquess- Gilmore Mission may to some seem extravagant, but a con- sideration of the known facts in the case cannot fail to con- vince the candid reader that it was unquestionably correct. The aggregate popular vote in the state of New York for both Lincoln and McClellan in the election of 1864 was 730,712, of which President Lincoln received a majority of only 6,740, which is less than one per cent of the total vote cast for both candidates. It would, therefore, have required the change of only 3,371 votes from Lincoln to McClellan, or less than one-half of one per cent of the entire vote cast, to have carried the state, with its thirty-three electoral votes, for McClellan. In other words, if in the state of New York, at that election, one voter in two hundred had been by those Davis declarations which appeared in the Gilmore magazine article induced to vote for Lincoln instead of McClellan it saved the state to President Lincoln. And no one at all familiar with conditions as they existed at that time can fail to believe that the Gilmore article exerted an influence many times greater than was required to win President Lincoln one voter in two hundred of those who by THE JAQUESS-GILMORE MISSION 131 the deluding peace pretensions had become inclined to the sup- port of McClellan. The great victories under Sherman and Sheridan kindled the fire of enthusiasm in the prosecution of the war, but the Gihnorc article told the people hozv to vote. Those victories were attended by great loss of life and property, and the people had come to hope that peace might be obtained without having to pay for it such a terrible price. They wer; pained at the thought of the great losses sustained by the enemy in those battles, and their hearts were crushed by the loss of their own loved ones in winning those victories. For these reasons the magnificent victories in the field, while very help- ful to the Union cause, in the Presidential campaign did not so increase the vote for Mr. Lincoln as to have caused his re-election without the Gilmore disclosures. While the vic- tories in the field strengthened and stimulated the hope of the people that the war could soon be brought to a successful issue by military operations, the declarations of Mr. Davis convinced the people that peace could be secured by no other method. It has been customary to regard President Lincoln's triumph at the polls as overwhelming. Of the electoral votes cast Mr. Lincoln received 212, while only 21 were cast for his opponent. I was present in the joint session of the two houses when those electoral votes were counted, and the victory at that time seemed very great. But, even at this late period, it is startling to consider by what a small margin that victory was won. To show how very narrow was our escape at that election, and to indicate what must have been achieved by the disclosures of the Jaquess-Gilmore interview with Jefferson Davis, and their nation-wide pub- licity, the following statistics are commended to the reader's careful consideration: 132 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN Popular Vote of Six States in 1864 States Lincoln McClellan Majority Electors New Hampshire. . . 38,661 33.724 4.937 5 Connecticut 44.693 42,288 2,405 6 New York 368,726 361,986 6,740 33 Pennsylvania 323,101 288,657 34.444 26 Indiana 150,422 130.233 20,189 13 Illinois 189,487 158,349 31.138 16 Total 99 A glance at the third column of the above figures shows how very small were President Lincoln's popular majorities in the six states above mentioned. An examination of those majorities shows ns that a change from Lincoln to McClellan of 2,500 votes in New Hampshire, 1,250 in Connecticut, 3,371 in New York, 17,250 in Pennsylvania, 10,100 in In- diana, and 15,600 in Illinois would have carried all those states with their 99 electoral votes for McClellan. And with the 21 votes he did secure it would have given him 120 elec- toral votes, while only 113 would have been cast for President Lincoln. There are times when contending forces are so nearly equal that a very small accession of power on either side will win a victory. Victor Hugo tells us that the Battle of Waterloo was decided by a shepherd boy shaking his head in answer to a question by Napoleon. So nearly equal were the contending forces in our Presi- dential campaign of 1880 that three words, "Rum, Romanism, and Rebellion," defeated James G. Blaine, and made Grover Cleveland President of the United States. THE JAQUESS-GILMORE MISSION 133 And in 1864 conditions were such in the loyal states of the Union as to cause the disclosures of the Jaquess-Gilmore interview with Davis to exercise a deciding influence in the Presidential campaign then in progress, and to rescue the nation from the calamity of the defeat of President Lincoln, which would surely have been accomplished but for the influ- ence of this divinely ordered and divinely prospered embassy of peace. To achieve that result those two brave and consecrated Christian men voluntarily entered upon and courageously and wisely prosecuted their very dangerous mission, with no other aid or encouragement from the Government than permission to risk all in an effort so seemingly unpromising and full of peril. Confederate Testimony When Mr. Gilmore's article appeared in the Atlantic Monthly it immediately attracted the attention of the world and exerted a tremendous influence upon the attitude of Euro- pean powers to the Confederacy. This fact caused Mr. Ben- jamin to send to Mr. Mason, and to the other diplomatic agents of the Confederacy in Europe, a letter in which he gives his version of the Jaquess-Gilmore interview with Mr. Davis and himself. Mr. Benjamin's statement of the facts in the case are in agreement with the statements in the Gilmore article save only that he states that Gilmore and Jaquess claimed to be acting under the authority of President Lincoln. This claim, however, is contradicted by the letter of the envoys request- ing an interview with Mr. Davis. Mr. Benjamin says: "The President (Jefferson Davis) came to my office at 9 o'clock in the evening, and Colonel Ould came a few moments later with Messrs. Jaquess 'and Gilmore. The President said to them that he had heard, from me, that they came as mes- sengers of peace from Mr. Lincoln; that as such they were welcome ; that the Confederacy had never concealed its desire 134 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN for peace, and that he was ready to hear whatever they had to offer on that subject. . . . The President answered that as these proposals had been prefaced by the remark that the people of the North were a majority, and that a majority ought to govern, the offer was, in effect, a proposal that the Confederate States should surrender at discretion, admit that they had been wrong from the beginning of the contest, sub- mit to the mercy of their enemies, and avow themselves-to be in need of pardon for crimes ; that extermination was prefer- able to such dishonor. . . . That the separation of the states was an accomplished fact ; that he had no authority to receive proposals for negotiations except by virtue of his office as President of an independent Confederacy, and on this basis alone must proposals be made to him."" Jefferson Davis' version in his "Rise and Fall of the Con- federate Government," Vol. II., p. 6io, corroborates both Mr. Gilmore and Mr. Benjamin as to the terms discussed." Errors Corrected Very remarkable indeed was the vigilance with which President Lincoln guarded and kept all knowledge of this movement within the narrowest possible limits. This rigidly maintained secrecy, while necessary to its success, was pro- ductive of one very undesirable result in that the President's private secretaries, because of their lack of knowledge of the embassy and of President Lincoln's interest and part in it, were unable to write its history with the accuracy and faith- fulness that characterizes the monumental record of war-time events of which they had personal knowledge. Those very worthy gentlemen in their great work, "Abra- ham Lincoln, A History," in referring to Colonel Jaquess, say: "With some force of character and practical talent, his piety 11 Benjamin to Mason, August 25th, 1864, Richmond Daily Dispatch, August 26th, 1864. 12 Nicolay and Hay, Abraham Lincoln, A History, Vol. IX., pp. 211-212. THE JAOUESS-GILMORE MISSION 135 and religious enthusiasm touched that point of development which causes men to be classed as fanatics or prophets as success or failure waits on the unusual efforts to which they sometimes dedicate themselves." This classes Colonel Jaquess as a prophet, seeing that his "unusual efforts" were marvelously successful, but as I have shown, and as is admitted in a statement by these same authors in their "History," and copied on a later page of this chapter, such a designation of Colonel Jaquess, though not intended by them, does not seriously conflict with the follow- ing characterization of the Colonel by General Rosecrans: "He is a hero — John Brown and Chevalier Bayard rolled into one, and polished up with common sense and a knowledge of Greek, Latin and the Mathematics."" 1 The same "History" further affirms: "Instead of trusting to Church influence he (Colonel Jaquess) at once addressed himself to the ordinary military channels for communication with the South." Of course he did. Colonel Jaquess never intimated that he had any thought of "trusting to church influence" to enable him to proceed on his journey. When he first asked for permission to engage in this work he said: "God has laid the duty upon me," but like the "remarkably level-headed man" Mr. Lincoln declared him to be, and like the true soldier he was, he said in the same letter: "If He puts it into the hearts of my superiors to allow me to do so I shall be thankful." Colonel Jaquess was an officer in the Army, and never for a moment had he lost sight of the fact that he was subject to military orders. As Ezra and Nehemiah asked permission of the king to obey the call of God to go to Jerusalem to restore the temple and the walls of the city, so Colonel Jaquess applied "to the ordinary military channels" as the only method by which he had any right to proceed with the work to which he was well assured that he had been divinely called. In referring to Colonel Jaquess' letter to President Lin- ^3 Down in Tennessee, p. 240. 136 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN coin from Baltimore, the "History" says: "But Mr. Lincoln did not need any further report from Colonel Jaquess. To his quick eye this brief letter told all the writer intended to communicate, and much more which his blinded enthusiasm could not comprehend. . . . The President could not make himself a party to the well meant but dangerous petty intrigue. Colonel Jaquess was left strictly to his own course, and after waiting at Baltimore till his patience was exhausted, he re- turned to his regiment in the West to do better service as a soldier than as a diplomat."^* These very uncomplimentary and disparaging references to Colonel Jaquess and his return to his regiment should be read in connection with the statement that Colonel Jaquess, at that time, reached his regiment just in time for the bloodiest battle of the war — the Battle of Chattanooga, In which he per- formed as heroic and signal service as marked the record of any leader of a thousand men, in any battle of the war. The intimation in the "History" that the President's failure to answer Colonel Jaquess' letter from Baltimore was due to his lack of interest in the movement and his wish not to hear further from the Colonel relative to that matter, is answered by the statement that when on the ist of April, 1864, Mr. Lincoln was asked why he did not answer Colonel Jaquess' letter sent him from Baltimore, he promptly and with manifest surprise said: "I never received his letter." This fully explains why Colonel Jaquess did not receive a reply to the letter sent the President after his return from his first mission. That letter, as will be seen, was withheld from the President by his secretary, who, at that time, was in charge of his mail. It was natural and prudent, as I have already stated, for that secretary, knowing nothing of the Jaquess matter, to regard this letter as one which should not be given to the President; but the facts as here set forth explain the matter fully and show Mr. Lincoln's great Interest In the mission and the difficulties which he encountered in giving it 1* Abraham Lincoln, A History, Vol. IX., pp. 204-205. THE JAQUESS-GILMORE MISSION 137 encouragement and aid without giving embarrassing recog- nition of the Confederacy. When President Lincoln read Colonel Jaquess' letter to Mr. Gilmore, in which he referred to his letter sent the Presi- dent frorn Baltimore, Mr. Lincoln very earnestly said: "He has got something worth hearing. What a pity it is that they did not give me that letter." Concerning Colonel Jaquess' proposition said "History" says: "President Lincoln saw clearly enough the futility of all such projected negotiations." But President Lincoln, as before stated, when this matter was first considered by him, declared that the proposition was "the first gleam" of hope he had obtained, and "that the higher powers were about to take a hand in this business and bring about a settlement." And as shown by his attitude toward this enterprise from the first, it elicited and held his interest and secured from him all the encouragement and assistance he could wisely give to it. That it was understood by those who were associated with Mr. Lincoln in this enterprise that the President gave it his approval is shown by the following statement of General Garfield in a letter dated June 17th, 1863: "Colonel Jaquess has gone on his mission. The President approved it, though, of course, he did not make it an official matter." In the "History," the plan which Jaquess and Gilmore submitted to Jefferson Davis is spoken of as "the plan of ad- justment which their imagination had devised and which was as visionary as might be expected from the joint effort of a preacher and a novelist. . . . Mr. Lincoln had not thought of nor hinted at any such scheme to Mr. Gilmore, and he would not and could not have accepted it even if it had been agreed to or offered by the rebels. "^^ Fully to correct this serious error it is only necessary to remember that on the preceding pages of this chapter it is shown that the plan thus characterized by the authors of the "History" was carefully prepared by President Lincoln him- 15 Abraham Lincoln, A History, Vol. IX., p. 209. 138 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN self at a conference held by him with Hon. Salmon P. Chase and that it had the approval of that distinguished statesman. "Visionary" indeed must have been the plan thus prepared and approved ! The report of the interview with Davis, which in the above quoted paragraph is spoken of so disparagingly, was published at the suggestion of the President and Senator Charles Sumner, who was with Mr. Lincoln at the White House when that report was presented by Mr. Gilmore. And at Mr. Lincoln's request the proof pages of that report were submitted to him for revision before publication. "History" speaks slightingly of Mr. Gilmore as a "novel- ist." True, Mr. Gilmore wrote some very attractive and in- structive books of fiction, but he was none the less a great statesman. So did John Hay; but John Hay was none the less a very efficient private secretary for President Lincoln, and became a great historian and one of the ablest and most effective diplomats in the history of the nation. It should be remembered that when on the 6th day of July, 1864, Mr. Lincoln decided to permit the embassy to go to Richmond to seek to "draw Davis' fire," he realized that it would require great ability and adaptability, together with wide political experience, to accomplish that result. He therefore insisted that Mr. Gilmore should be the man to whom that difficult work should be entrusted. This ought to be a sufficient testimonial to Mr. Gilmore's measurements and to his high standing in the President's estimation. On the 25th of July, 1864, only a few days after the return of Jaquess and Gilmore, just after the declarations of Davis had been given nation-wide publicity. President Lin- coln in a letter to Abram Wakeman, Postmaster of the city of New York, referred to the Confederate Commissioners at Niagara Falls as follows: "Who could have given them this confidential employment but he who only a week since declared to Jaquess and Gilmore that he had no terms of peace but the independence of the South — the dissolution of the Union."^' i« Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln, Vol. X., p. 171. THE JAQUESS-GILMORE MISSION 139 This reference by Mr. Lincoln to the Davis declarations indicates his full confidence in the disclosures made in Gil- more's report of the interview with the Confederate chieftain. Furthermore, the authors of "History," in the chapter of that work devoted to the Jaquess-Gilmore mission in showing Mr. Lincoln's views of the Niagara Falls commission, quoted the foregoing passage from his letter to Abram Wakeman. How those authors, knowing President Lincoln's confidence in the disclosures of that mission, could have written as they did respecting this matter must forever remain a mystery. *'History" says: "The President would not even give the Colonel a personal interview." It was, as the reader under- stands, only to avoid publicity that Mr. Lincoln refused to have Colonel Jaquess call at the White House. But when he sent these two volunteer envoys out upon their dangerous trip he said to Mr. Gilmore: "Tell Colonel Jaquess that I omit his name from the pass on account of the talk about his previous trip; and I wish you would explain to him my refusal to see him. I want him to feel kindly to me." A Conclusive Confession At the close of the chapter devoted to the Jaquess-Gilmore mission, "History" says: "On the whole this volunteer embassy was of service to the Union. In the pending Presidential campaign the mouths of the peace factionists were to a great extent stopped by the renewed declaration of the chief rebel that he would fight ior separation to the bitter end."" And that is precisely the purpose for which Mr. Gilmore joined this embassy, and it was to accomplish that result that President Lincoln gave these envoys the permission and as- sistance which enabled them to pass the army lines and visit Richmond. This was fully stated and understood at the time Mr. Lincoln, on July 6th, 1864, consented to the mission and insisted that Gilmore and not Jaquess was the one to get 1^ Abraham Lincoln, A History, Vol. IX., p. 213. 140 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN from Davis the declarations that would stop the mouths of those who were claiming that the Confederates were willing to accept peace without disunion. When that declaration was secured by this mission all that was hoped for by President Lincoln and Mr. Gilmore was accomplished. The admission in "History" that "on the whole this volunteer embassy was of service to the Union," by silencing the clamors of the advocates of a Confederate- favoring peace is unwittingly a confession that the mission was a success and is a testimonial to the wisdom and courage of the men who conducted it. I regret the necessity of correcting as I have the unfor- tunate errors which from lack of full information were pub- lished in the inestimable Nicolay and Hay biography of Abraham Lincoln, but I have endeavored to do so in a spirit and manner consistent with the high esteem I cherish for that great work and for its able and worthy authors. All the facts stated in this history of the Jaquess-Gilmore Mission are matters of authentic record and prove conclu- sively that under God the disclosures of that Mission respect- ing the purposes of the Confederate leaders accomplished the re-election of President Lincoln and the preservation of the Federal Union. And to the two God-fearing men — Colonel James F. Jaquess and James R. Gilmore — who with such manifest wisdom and skill conducted that mission to its suc- cessful issue, the nation owes a debt of gratitude which can only be fittingly paid by a true appreciation of their motives, efforts and achievements. No event in our nation's history more clearly shows the special favor of God, and Abraham Lincoln's transcendent ability and religious faith than does this wonderful embassy of peace. IV LINCOLN AND TEMPERANCE IN Mr, Lincoln's thought slavery and intemperance were closely associated. He frequently referred to these two great evils, and his attitude to intemperance, like his attitude to slavery, is worthy of universal imitation. As the hand that wrote the Emancipation Proclamation never held title to a slave, so the lips that pleaded eloquently for total ^ abstinence were never polluted by any alcoholic beverage. No feature of Mr. Lincoln's Hfe is more wonderful than His Lifelong Abstinence from the use of strong drink. During the early years of his life habitual liquor-drinking was almost universal on the frontier where he lived. Conditions as they existed are thus described by him in his address at Springfield, Illinois, under the auspices of the Washingtonian Society, February 22nd, 1842: "When all such of us, as have now reached the years of maturity, first opened our eyes upon the stage of existence, we found intoxicating liquor, recognized by everybody, used by everybody, and repudiated by nobody. It commonly en- tered into the first draught of the infant, and the last draught of the dying man. From the sideboard of the parson, down to the ragged pocket of the houseless loafer, it was con- stantly found. Physicians prescribed it in this, that, and the other disease. Government provided it for its soldiers and sailors; and to have a rolling or raising, a husking or hoe- down anywhere without it was positively insufferable. "So, too, it was everywhere a respectable article of manu- facture and of merchandise. The making of it was regarded I4J 142 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN as an honorable livelihood ; and he who could make most was the most enterprising and respectable. Large and small man- ufactories of it were everywhere created, in which all the earthly goods of their owners were invested. Wagons drew it from town to town — boats bore it from clime to clime, and the winds wafted it from nation to nation; and merchants bought and sold it, by wholesale and by retail, with precisely the same feelings, on the part of seller, buyer, and bystander, as are felt at the selling and buying of flour, beef, bacon, or any other of the real necessaries of life. Universal public opinion not only tolerated, but recognized and adopted its use. "It is true, that even then, it was known and acknowledged that many were greatly injured by it; but none seemed to think that the injury arose from the use of a bad thing, but from the abuse of a very good thing. The victims to it were pitied, and compassionated, just as now are, heirs of consumption, and other hereditary diseases. Their failing was treated as a misfortune, and not as a crime, or even as a disgrace." Not only was strict sobriety almost unknown among those early pioneers with whom Mr. Lincoln's lot was cast, but to abstain from the use of liquor was to attract attention and invite severe criticism, if not ridicule. Sometimes the ab- stainer was subjected to insults and violence; and such indig- nities were not confined to the frontier sections. Rev. A. Bristol, a man of exceptional worth and one of the most beloved ministers upon the Pacific Coast, in "The Pioneer Preacher," gives a graphic account of the violence with which he was treated by his fellow students in Oberlin College because of his total abstinence convictions and habits. And there was little effort to create a better state of public senti- ment concerning the use of intoxicants. Many ministers and leading church people were habitual drinkers, and the attitude of the church towards intemperance was not such as to create a vigorous protest against the prevailing drinking customs. Yet, even in childhood, Abraham Lincoln espoused the cause of total abstinence, and never deviated a hair's breadth LINCOLN AND TEMPERANCE 143 from its principles. He not only refused to drink when invited to do so, but, when only a small boy, he delivered temperance lectures to his playmates which gave promise of his later achievements as a public speaker. That he continued ever faithful to the cause of total abstinence is settled beyond all honest doubt by his declarations to Leonard Swett that he "never drank nor tasted a drop of alcoholic liquor of any kind."' And it is very significant that this declaration of Mr. Lincoln made to one of his personal friends during his Presidency and given to the world by Mr. Swett in a care- fully written statement, has never been weakened by any counter testimony. In 1847, while a member of Congress, he was remonstrated with by a fellow member for declining to partake of some rare wines which had been provided by their host, when he replied that he meant no disrespect, but he had made a solemn promise to his mother only a few days before her death that he would never use as a beverage anything intoxicating, and 'T con- sider that pledge," said he, "as binding today as it was the day I gave it." When the specious argument was used that conditions in his mature manhood and in a home of refinement were unlike those under which he made that promise in childhood, Mr. Lincoln stated: "But a promise is a promise forever and when made to a mother it is doubly binding." It required a great degree of courage, and an unyielding purpose, for an ambitious young member of Congress thus to disregard the requirements of fashionable society at Washington, and be true to his total abstinence convictions and covenants. Mr. Murat Halstead, an able and distinguished journalist, states that when on September 17th, 1859, Mr. Lincoln spoke in Cincinnati, Ohio, a number of young republicans called upon him at his rooms in the Burnett House, and during the interview one of their number ordered cigars and liquor for 1 Reminiscences of Abraham Lincoln, p. 463. 144 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN the company, which, by oversight, were charged to Mr. Lin- coln's account with the hotel. "This displeased him very much," and in letters which Mr. Halstead saw and character- izes as "well written and extremely to the point," Mr. Lin- coln expressed to the young gentlemen his disapproval of what had been done. He knew nothing of the affair until he saw the item in his hotel bill and he felt he could not permit the matter to pass unnoticed, nor allow himself to be held re- sponsible for something which he had not authorized and of which he strongly disapproved.^ The Supreme Test of Mr. Lincoln's loyalty to his total abstinence principles occurred at the time he received the notification of nomination as a candidate for the Presidency in i860. As it was an occasion of unusual importance, Mr. Lincoln's friends at Springfield kindly offered to provide liquors for what they regarded as fitting hospitality to the distinguished members of the notification committee. When Mr. Lincoln learned of their purpose, he expressed his appreciation of their well- meant offer, and said: "I have never been in the habit of entertaining my friends in that way and I cannot permit my friends to do for me what I will not myself do. I shall pro- vide cold water — nothing else." Mr. Lincoln's Springfield friends feared that his proposed strict adherence to total abstinence would make an unfavorable impression upon his distinguished visitors, yet no one attempted to dissuade him from his declared purpose; and when the notification cere- monies were concluded he extended the hospitalities of his home to all present by inviting them to partake of what he designated as "pure Adam's ale, the most healthy beverage God has given to men and the only beverage I have ever used or allowed my family to use." This charming little speech made a favorable impression upon his visitors, who seemed to enjoy the disclosure to them of their candidate's 2 Tributes from Lincoln's Associates, p. 58. LINCOLN AND TEMPERANCE 145 sobriety and strong moral stamina. The incident at once attracted nation-wide attention, but was soon forgotten in the interest and excitement of the great campaign and the events that followed. The press of the nation made very little comment on the affair and the interest it at first awakened disappeared so speedily that none of Mr. Lincoln's early biographers mention the occurrence. Mr. Lincoln, however, gave his personal tes- timonial to its correctness, but expressed his wish that the incident be not given large publicity lest it should divert public attention from the far greater questions then before the nation. But the event was very significant, as it not only bore witness to Mr. Lincoln's habitual abstinence from the use of alcoholic beverages, but also furnished a landmark along the path of progress toward temperance reform. On September 29th, 1863, in response to an address from the Sons of Temperance, President Lincoln said: *Tf I were better known than I am, you would not need to be told that in the advocacy of the cause of temperance you have a friend and sympathizer in me. When I was a young man — long ago — before the Sons of Temperance as an organization had an existence, I, in a humble way, made temperance speeches, and I think I may say that to this day I have never, by my example, belied what I then said."^ In 1865, when on the River Queen going to City Point to visit General Grant, President Lincoln was offered some champagne as a remedy for seasickness, from which he was suffering. "No, no, my young friend," was his prompt and emphatic answer, *T have seen many a man in my time sea- sick ashore from drinking that very article."* Mr. Lincoln did not needlessly parade his total abstinence convictions and habits before the public, but in his personal conduct, though reserved and quiet, he was as unyielding as adamant. 3 Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln, Vol. IX., p. 144. * Charles Coffin, Life of Lincoln, p. 489. 146 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN A Temperance Lecturer Mr. Lincoln was not only a lifelong and consistent tee- totaler, but he was a zealous champion of the cause of tem- perance. From childhood until his voice was hushed in death he was heard pleading with all classes to refrain from the use of strong drink. He gave his hearty approval of every organ- ization and movement for the promotion of temperance, and in his home city of Springfield he was for a time an active member of the Sons of Temperance. Previous to that, even "before the Sons of Temperance as an organization had an existence," as stated by him in an address to a delegation of that Society, he "made temperance speeches" and was actively engaged in advocating and promoting total abstinence. From that early period, the date of which Mr. Lincoln does not in that address definitely designate, he was active in temper- ance work until 1856, at which time he began to devote him- self with great energy to the movement against the extension of slavery. During the period of his temperance work his efforts were chiefly against the drink habit, although he fre- quently referred very significantly to the drink traffic, and was for a time, as hereinafter shown, very active in promoting prohibition. His Famous Temperance Speech was delivered in the Presbyterian Church of Springfield, Illinois, on the 22nd of February, 1842. It was a masterly effort, one of the best temperance addresses ever published, and the first of Mr. Lincoln's great speeches to appear in print. It was published in full in the Sangamon Journal at Springfield, March 26th, 1842, and is in Volume I. of the Nicolay and Hay Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln, and has been many times reproduced in periodicals, pamphlets and bound volumes. It is such a complete and characteristic statement of Mr. Lincoln's views on temperance that when his son, Hon. Robert T. Lincoln, was asked by the Rev. F. LINCOLN AND TEMPERANCE 147 P. Miller for his father's views on that subject, he replied by sending him a copy of that address. At the time when that address was delivered, Mr. Lincoln had just passed his thirty-third birthday and was near the close of his eighth and last year as a member of the Illinois legislature. He was at the beginning of his high political aspirations, yet in no part of that speech is there the least disclosure of timidity or of that caution which frequently is manifest in discussion of the great reform questions by ambitious politicians. His arraignment of the liquor traffic, while dominated by a spirit of charity, is as vigorous, and his demands for the support of all good citizens in temper- ance reform as unequivocal and imperative as those of the most advanced advocate of today. Every note throughout the address rings clear and true, and every argument and appeal is fully up to date, although the address was delivered nearly three-quarters of a century ago, and early in the his- tory of our first great nation-wide temperance movement. Although delivered at the celebration of the birthday of George Washington, Mr. Lincoln's famous temperance lec- ture was not produced by that occasion. It was the product of many years of deep meditation and of a large experience in efforts to promote sobriety by inducing people to sign a temperance pledge. It stands out as a conspicuous and sig- nificant landmark along the way by which he reached his great distinction. It was given at the high-noon of his life, and will forever remain a revelation of what he had attained and a prophecy of what he was to become. Every glimpse we have of his attitude to the cause of temperance in the years that followed is in harmony with that address. During the summer of 1847 a temperance meeting was held by Mr. Lincoln at the South Forks Schoolhouse in Sangamon County, Illinois, about sixteen miles from Springfield. He had been invited to conduct that meeting 148 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN by Preston Breckenridge, one of the prominent farmers of that vicinity. The meeting was held in a grove near the schoolhouse, which had recently been erected, and was at- tended by the country people, who remained standing dur- ing the exercises, or found seats upon logs, "stumps and branches of trees fallen to secure material from which to erect the new schoolhouse. Mr. Lincoln was A Member of Congress at the time he conducted that meeting, and the reputation he had gained as a public speaker attracted a large audience to hear his address; and in the solemn hush produced by his superb personality and the fervor of his eloquence, the bril- liant young statesman pointed out the evils of intemperance and earnestly pleaded with old and young to sign the following total abstinence pledge: "Whereas, The use of intoxicating liquors as a beverage is productive of pauperism, degradation and crime: and be- lieving it is our duty to discourage that which produces more evil than good, we therefore pledge ourselves to abstain from the use of intoxicating liquors as a beverage." This pledge had been prepared and signed by Mr. Lincoln, and on that day received the signatures of nearly all who were present. Moses Martin, a farmer's son, nineteen years of age, attended that meeting and was so impressed by Mr. Lincoln's address that he memorized the pledge which he signed, and at the launching of the Lincoln-Legion* at Oberlin, Ohio, in 1904 — fifty-seven years after the South Forks meeting, and when he was seventy-six years old — he led that great audience in repeating verbatim, with uplifted hands, the solemn covenant written, signed and advocated by Abraham Lincoln. ♦The name of this organization has since been changed to Lincoln- Lee Legion, to commemorate the total abstinence principles and habits of General Robert E. Lee. LINCOLN AND TEMPERANCE 149 Cleopas Breckenridge, a ten-year-old lad, son of Preston Breckenridge, before referred to, was also present at that meeting in the grove and was so deeply moved by the per- suasive address to which he listened that when Mr. Lincoln said to him, "Sonny, don't you want your name on this pledge?" he promptly and eagerly answered in the affirma- tive ; but being unable to write, his name was written for him upon the pledge by the hand that wrote the Emancipation Proclamation, thus binding him to the cause of temperance by bonds stronger than triple steel. And when far advanced in life, at the launching of the Lincoln-Legion movement at Oberlin, already referred to, he declared that he had kept that pledge inviolate. Few scenes which mark the career of Abraham Lincoln are more expressive and significant than that which repre- sents him as standing at a typical frontier gathering beneath the leafy branches of a beautiful grove, with his hand upon the head of this ten-year-old lad whose name he had just written upon a total abstinence pledge, and to whom he is saying in tones of never-to-be-forgotten tenderness, "Now, sonny, you keep that pledge and it will be the best act of your life." Dr. Howard H. Russell, founder and first superintendent of the Anti-Saloon League of America, and founder and superintendent of the Lincoln-Legion, was instrumental in securing and making public information relative to the South Forks temperance meeting. While in Springfield, in 1900, he visited a drug store kept by Mr. Roland Diller, for the pur- pose of seeing the desk used by Abraham Lincoln while he was a member of the Illinois legislature. During the conver- sation with Mr. Diller, Doctor Russell, for the first. time, heard the name of Cleopas Breckenridge, and learned that he was then living about sixteen miles from Springfield. With characteristic zeal, he prosecuted his search, and having some time later secured an interview with Mr. Breckenridge at Springfield, he received from him an account of the South 150 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN Forks temperance meeting. To the facts he then learned, further information was added until the fascinating story was obtained in its entirety. And it is worthy of note that this story contributed largely to the organization of the Lin- coln-Legion branch of the Anti-Saloon League, and to the choice of the name by which that total abstinence movement is known. In August, 1903, I was present at the conference of Anti- Saloon League superintendents, held at Winona Lake, when Doctor Russell read a written statement of his interview with Mr. Breckenridge, and asked the conference to approve of the proposed Lincoln-Legion movement, which was done with unanimity and great enthusiasm. Subsequently, when it was decided to launch the new movement at Oberlin, Ohio, where the Anti-Saloon League was born, Doctor Russell secured the presence of Moses Martin and Cleopas Breckenridge at that meeting, where they publicly gave an account of Lincoln's temperance work at the South Forks schoolhouse and at other places in Central Illinois. To the alertness and un- tiring perseverance of Doctor Russell we are indebted for the priceless information he secured concerning Abraham Lin- coln's active and successful participation in the promotion of the pledge-signing feature of temperance reform. It adds immensely to the unique character and significance of this story to remember, as I have already stated, that at the time of the South Forks meeting Mr. Lincoln was a very energetic member of the national House of Representatives at Washington, and a promising young statesman. Major Mervvin's Work Mr. Lincoln's great interest in total abstinence was never more significantly manifested than by his action as President in furthering the temperance work of Major J. B. Merwin among the soldiers in the Union Army. Major Merwin was a rare man. With his pleasing and impressive personality were united superior intellectual endowments and ripe scholarship. ABRAHAM LINCOLN IN 1847 Pledging Cleopas Breckenridge to total abstinence. From a drawing by Arthur I. Keller. Courtesy of Dr. Howard H. Russell. (See page I4q) LINCOLN AND TEMPERANCE 151 He was the founder of the American Journal of Education at St. Louis, Missouri, and was widely known as a lecturer and writer of commanding ability. In 1854 he first met Abraham Lincoln at Springfield, Illinois, and was for a time associated with him in a work, fuller mention of which will be given in the latter portion of this chapter. Mr. Lincoln became so strongly attached to this refined and cultured reformer that early in his Presi- dency he embraced with great delight the opportunity pre- sented of securing his services in religious and temperance work in connection with the army. The opportunity came on July 17th, 1861, when there was presented to President Lincoln a request, signed by prominent men, asking that Major Merwin be assigned to the work of ') inducing officers and soldiers of the Union Army to abstain from the use of alcoholic liquors as a beverage. As Mr. Lincoln knew that the Major was admirably fitted for that work the request met with his hearty response. Knowing Major Merwin since 1854, and regarding him as one of the ablest and most successful temperance workers he ever had known, he at once, and very gladly, assured him of his hearty approval of the work he proposed to do, and of his official co-operation with him in prosecuting it. To make this assur- ance of practical value. President Lincoln wrote upon the request presented to him the following endorsement: "If it be ascertained at the War Department that the President has legal authority to make an appointment such as is asked within, and Gen. Scott is of opinion it will be avail- able for good, then let it be done. "July 17th, 1861. "A. Lincoln.'' To this endorsement by the President were soon added the following: "I esteem the mission of Mr. Merwin to this army a happy circumstance, and request all commanders to give him free 152 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN access to all our camps and posts, and also to multiply occa- sions to enable him to address our officers and men. "July 24, 1861. "WiNFiELD Scott, "Department of Virginia." "The mission of Mr. Merwin will be of great benefit to the troops, and I will furnish him with every facility to address the troops under my command. I hope the Gen'l commanding the army will give him such official position as Mr. Merwin may desire to carry out his object. "August 8, 1861. "B. F. Butler, "Maj.-Gen. Com'd'g." These endorsements indicate the esteem in which Major Merwin was held by men of high rank and give great weight to his testimony respecting Mr. Lincoln's temperance views and activities. During the Major's work in Washington he frequently addressed gatherings of soldiers from the President's carriage, the use of which was given him by Mr. Lincoln for that purpose. General Scott was very enthusiastic in his approval and encouragement of this work, and after hearing the Major address the soldiers several times, he remarked to President Lincoln: "A man of such force and moral power to inspire courage, patriotism, faith and obedience among the troops is worth more than a half dozen regiments of raw recruits." The President watched Major Merwin's work in the army with keen interest, for he believed in total abstinence, he had confidence in the devout. Christian man who was conducting that work, and being desirous of affording him every facility for prosecuting it, issued the following very remarkable order: "Surgeon General will send Mr. Merwin wherever he may think the public service may require. "July 24, 1862. "A. Lincoln.'' HOWARD H. RUSSELL, D.D., LL.D. Founder and first superintendent of the Anti-Saloon League and of the Lincoln-Lee Legion. LINCOLN AND TEMPERANCE 153 When in November, 19 13, Major Merwin addressed a great Anti-Saloon League convention at Columbus, Ohio, a solemn and impressive silence fell upon the assembly when the venerable educator and reformer took from his pocket an old Daguerreotype of Abraham Lincoln, in which was enclosed the above order in President Lincoln's handwriting; and, trembling with weakness and emotion, deliberately and distinctly read its fifteen words with the date and signature. This little missive spoke volumes respecting Abraham Lincoln's profound interest in temperance work, which seemed of suf- ficient importance to call forth the hearty and unqualified written commendation of more than one hundred of the most prominent senators, representatives, governors and leading citizens of the nation. Refused to Sell Liquor Hon. Leonard Swett, to whom we are indebted for the information here given, was one of Mr. Lincoln's staunch and constant friends. He was a man of unquestioned and un- questionable integrity and a very learned and distinguished lawyer. Any word from him respecting Abraham Lincoln may well be accepted as trustworthy. He was personally familiar with all the events in Mr. Lincoln's early life, and in an article prepared by him for a monumental work, pub- lished in 1888 by the North American Review, and edited by Allan Thorndyke Rice, editor of that magazine, Mr. Swett states that when, in 1833, Mr. Lincoln's business partner proposed to add liquors to their articles of merchandise, Mr. Lincoln strenuously objected, and carried his opposition to the extent of withdrawing from the partnership. The fol- lowing is Mr. Swett's statement in the article mentioned: "A difference, however, soon arose between him and the old proprietor, the present partner of Lincoln, in reference to the introduction of whiskey into the establishment. The partner insisted that, on the principle that honey catches flies, a barrel of whiskey in the store would invite custom, and 154 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN their sales would increase, while Lincoln, who never liked liquor, opposed this innovation. He told me, not more than a year before he was elected President, that he had never tasted liquor in his life. 'What!' I said, 'do you mean to say you never tasted it?' 'Yes, I never tasted it.' The result was that a bargain was made by which Lincoln should retire from his partnership in the store. He was to step out as he stepped in. He had nothing when he stepped in, and he had nothing when he stepped out. But the partner took all the goods, and agreed to pay all the debts, for a part of which Mr. Lincoln had become jointly liable." In 1908, twenty years after this statement was first pub- lished, the German-American Alliance, a liquor-favoring or- ganization, in its zeal to connect the name of Lincoln with the liquor traffic, with a great flourish of trumpets, published a facsimile of the liquor license which Berry, Lincoln's part- ner, secured. The license "ordered that William F. Berry, in the name of Berry & Lincoln, have a license to keep a tavern in New Salem," where Lincoln then resided. The wording of this license shows that it was given to William F. Berry, and though "in the name of Berry & Lin- coln," Mr, Swett's statement shows that Lincoln peremptorily refused to have anything to do with it. Other evidence of his determination, even at that early day, not to be in any way connected with, or responsible- for the sale of alcoholic liquors is seen in his refusal to sign the bond which the Alli- ance published in connection with the license. To the bond was attached the names of Abraham Lincoln, William F. Berry and Bowling Greene. But the fascimile reproduction of that bond as published by the Alliance shows that Lincoln's name was not written by himself, but was probably written by Berry. The world owes an immense debt of gratitude to the American-German Alliance for its publication of a facsimile reproduction of that historic liquor seller's bond. Before that publication, the reading public had learned from authentic LINCOLN AND TEMPERANCE 155 history the truth, as I have here stated it, about the tavern license, and Miss Ida M. Tarbell, who saw the bond in the official records, had declared that Lincoln's name was not attached to it by his own hand. But it is exceedingly gratify- ing to have her statement confirmed by the facsimile of Lin- coln's name attached to that bond unquestionably by some other hand. This is a very significant event in the early life of Abra- ham Lincoln and should not fail to receive the reader's care- ful consideration. At the time these events occurred he was an unmarried man, only twenty-four years of age, with a very limited education, without means, without occupation apart from the unprofitable business in which he was then engaged, having never held any public office, with no family standing or personal reputation to sustain, without any thought of future prominence that might make it especially desirable for his life to be as faultless as possible at that period ; with no active temperance sentiment in the community where he lived, and without an associate to suggest or approve his decision. And yet, he promptly arose to heroic proportions of purposeful manhood, and stubbornly refused to have any participation or part in the traffic in strong drink. Viewed in connection with conditions and known influences his course in this matter seems to have been the result of special divine interposition. The attempts which have been made to connect him with the liquor traffic through those early business affairs have only caused his name to shine with a brighter luster and his conduct to appear as revealing marvelous wisdom and fidelity. It is a very defective and misleading history of Abraham Lincoln that does not contain the information that he was An Ardent Prohibitionist There are three classes of temperance workers, those who favor the promotion of total abstinence by inducing people, young and old, to sign a total abstinence pledge; those who 156 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN believe in restriction and "regulation" of the liquor traffic by license tax and kindred methods ; and those who believe in the enactment and enforcement of laws absolutely forbidding the manufacture, importation and sale of all alcoholic liquors for beverage purposes. Mr. Lincoln belonged to the first and third of these classes; he was personally a lifelong teetolater, sought to promote total abstinence by others, and as a means for the promotion of temperance he believed in and advocated "moral suasion for the drunkard and legal suasion for the liquor seller." He was quite as pronounced in his prohibition views and declarations as in his advocacy of total abstinence. Mr. Lincoln never belonged to the Prohibition Party — there was no such party in his day — but long before that party was organized, before any state had a prohibitory law, before any great temperance organization was seeking to secure such a law, he was advocating the theories of government and proclaiming the principles of law that are the immovable foundation upon which the nation-wide prohibition movement of the present time is based. As early as 1842, in his famous Washingtonian speech at Springfield, he said: "Whether or not the world would be vastly benefited by a total and final banishment from it of all intoxicating drinks, seems to me not now to be an open question. Three-fourths of mankind confess the affirmative with their tongues, and, I believe, all the rest acknowledge it in their hearts." This declaration was a message from the total abstinence camp of the temper- ance army calling for governmental re-enforcement in the battle then in progress to save men from the destructive re- sults of the legalized traffic in strong drink. The Historical Setting of this impassioned cry for help reveals its immense signifi- cance. It was a wail of anguish in the heat of an arduous and unsatisfactory struggle against overwhelming odds. The address itself was in the interest and under the auspices of LINCOLN AND TEMPERANCE 157 the Washingtonian Total Abstinence movement, which began in Baltimore two years before, and had made great progress throughout the nation. It began its work among men addicted to the excessive use of strong drink, b.nd its recruits were gathered from that class. Mr/ Lincolil _gladly welcomed this movement and entered enthusiastically into its activities. He was pleased with its dominating spirit and greatly delighted with its achievements. His heart was filled Vith joy when he saw it so successful that, as Senator Blair tells us, "In a few years six hundred thousand drunkards had been re- formed."' But he must have been shocked and saddened when he learned The Appalling Fact that, as the same authority states, "three-fourths of their number soon turned back to their cups and to conditions worse than those from which they had been recruited."^ Confronted with the fact that the great Washingtonian movement, the total abstinence features of which he had with good reason extolled to the skies, was able to hold to lives of sobriety only one hundred and fifty thousand of its six hundred thousand recruits, while the saloons succeeded in luring back into drunkenness four hundred and fifty thousand of their former victims who had signed the total abstinence pledge, Mr. Lincoln's practical mind, with tireless diligence, sought a more efficient remedy for the liquor curse. He placed a high estimate upon the influence for good of the new associations into which these reformed men had come ; but he knew there must be a mighty power somewhere behind the liquor traffic itself, giving it the tremendous strength by which it was enabled to storm the citadels of the reform forces, and drag back to re-enslavement three-fourths of those who with high resolve had taken the total abstinence pledge ' The Temperance Movement, p. 435. « Ibid., p. 435. 158 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN and entered upon a life of sobriety and honor. And he was not long in discovering that the thing which gave the saloon its measureless power for evil was civil government. He also learned to his utter amazement "that many of the most zealous and active promoters of the Washingtonian movement discouraged all resort to the enactment and enforcement of laws against the traffic."^ Senator Blair, commenting on this fact, in his excellent work, says: "And who knows that the demoralization of public sentiment which the Washingtonians created in their opposition to legal restraint was not the principal reason why the cup of temptation and destruction was again put to the lips of the 450,000 who fell and perished in that last state which is worse than the first?"® Mr. Lincoln's patient soul was greatly troubled when he came to realize that state and city governments were arrayed against him in his kindly efforts to rescue his neighbors from intemperance. With great love and tenderness he had prose- cuted that work, and the holy passion which burned in his heart burst into a flame of righteous indignation when he saw many of those who had been rescued cruelly snatched from the embraces of their rescuers and borne away in triumph by the licensed liquor forces. His great heart bled in pity, while his mighty brain diligently sought a remedy for a wrong so monstrous. He had thus been brought face to face with the destruc- tive influence and work of the legalized liquor traffic, and the unspeakable wrong of governmental complicity in that traffic. But he never acted hastily. He always took time to make diligent investigation before entering upon any great work, or announcing any important conviction. He had deliberately reached the conclusion which he repeatedly proclaimed, that intemperance was the greatest curse that ever afflicted the human race; he well knew that the liquor traffic was strong, and very securely entrenched in the commercial interests of ^ The Temperance Movement, p. 435. * Ibid., p. 436. LINCOLN AND TEMPERANCE 159 state and nation, and that it would fight furiously against any and all efforts to reduce its privileges and powers. Therefore, he did not regard it as wise to bring on a general engagement with the enemy before making a most thorough preparation for the battle royal that would follow. He fore- saw a struggle between right and wrong involving the funda- mental principles of law, and the sacred functions of civil government. He knew there would be an immense work of public enlightenment required before a decisive victory could be won. To prepare for aiding that work he gave himself with all diligence to the study of foundation principles as taught by the best authorities. His course of study is re- vealed by his speeches during later years, which show that his basic conception of governmental polity and procedure rested upon the scriptural declaration that the purpose of civil government is "the punishment of evil doers and the praise of them that do well," and Blackstone's declaration that law is "a rule of civil conduct prescribed by the supreme power of a state commanding what is right and prohibiting what is wrong." As Mr. Lincoln prosecuted his studies during the twelve years between 1842 and 1854, he discovered that every rep- utable authority upon law and civil jurisprudence in all civilized history constructed all their theories of government in absolute and perfect accord with the letter and spirit of those two declarations. And his mind became saturated with the conviction that government in all its branches and ac- tivities should be as the scriptures say, "The minister of God to thee for good, an avenger executing wrath upon him that doeth evil." He could not escape the conclusion to which those studies conducted him, and which he repeatedly stated in after years, that no wrong can rightfully be given the sanction and protection of civil government; and that the beverage liquor traf^c, being wrong, must be forbidden and as fully as possible prohibited by civil government. These convictions became such a tremendous working force in Mr. i6o LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN Lincoln's mind and heart that he longed for the opportunity to proclaim them, with conditions favorable to good results. In 1855 the opportunity came. The Maine Prohibitory Law had been enacted, and was proving so effective and satisfac- tory that in other states movements to secure the enactment of a similar law sprang into being and were conducted with great vigor and enthusiasm. In Illinois such a movement was inaugurated, and in 1854 Majoi Merwin, of whose total abstinence work I have already spoken, visited that state to aid in the campaign for prohibition. His first meeting was held in the old State House, in Springfield, and was attended by a notable audience. Mr. Lincoln was present, and at the close of Major Merwin's address, in response to repeated calls he came forward and held all who were present in rapt attention, while he luminously expounded to them the prin- ciples of law and the purposes and functions of government, which he had diligently studied during the twelve preceding years. In that Old State House Address Mr. Lincoln said: "The law of self-protection is the first and primary law of civilized society. Law is for the protection, conservation and extension of right things, of right conduct, not for the protection of evil and wrongdoing. The state must in its legislative action recognize this truth and protect and promote right conditions and right conduct. This it will accomplish not by any toleration of evils, not by attempting to throw around any evil the shield of law ; nor by any attempt to license the evil. This is the first and most important function in the legislation of the modern state. The pro- hibition of the liquor traffic, except for medical and mechanical purposes, thus becomes the new evangel for the safety and redemption of the people from the social, political and moral curse of the saloon." LINCOLN AND TEMPERANCE i6i Campaign for Prohibition The coming of Major Merwin to Illinois for the purpose of aiding in the campaign for state-wide prohibition, and his first meeting, at which the above statements were made by Mr. Lincoln, were exceedingly timely. The campaign for prohibition, of which that was the opening gun, found him well prepared to render yeoman service. His great interest in the cause is seen in the fact that at the close of the meet- ing he invited Major Merwin to be his guest, and devoted nearly the whole night to examining, with him, a copy of the Maine Law, and in commenting upon its provisions. And during the months that followed he engaged actively in the campaign, using in his speeches the same arguments and illus- trations that were so effectively employed by him four years later in his debates with Douglas. At Jacksonville, Bloomington, Decatur, Danville, Carlin- ville, Peoria, and many other important centers of the state he addressed meetings at which Major Merwin also spoke. And sometimes with other speakers, but frequently alone, he continued to advocate with great zeal, and as constantly as his professional work would permit, the cause of prohibition, until the election in the early summer of 1855. With the results of the election Mr. Lincoln was sorely disappointed, especially the defeat of the prohibitory law. Of this he spoke with great sorrow in a letter to Judge Whitney, dated June 7th, 1855. During this campaign Mr. Lincoln frequently made use of the following statements: "This legalized liquor traffic, as carried on in the saloons and grogshops, is the tragedy of civilization. Good citizenship demands and requires that what is right should not only be made known, but be made prevalent; and that what is evil should not only be defeated, but destroyed. The saloon has proved itself to be the greatest foe, the most blighting curse of our modern civilization, and this is why I am a practical prohibitionist. 1 62 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN "We must not be satisfied until the public sentiment of this state, and the individual conscience shall be instructed to look upon the saloonkeeper and the liquor seller, with all the license each can give him, as simply and only a privileged malefactor — a criminal. "The real issue in this controversy, the one pressing upon every mind that gives the subject careful consideration, is that legalizing the manufacture, sale and use of intoxicating liquors as a beverage is a wrong — as all history and every development of the traffic proves it to be — a moral, social, and political wrong." His attitude towards the saloon may be summed up in his striking and laconic expression, "The liquor traffic has de- fenders but no defense." The Hon. Elihu B. Washburne, one of the ablest and most influential men of Illinois during the war period, and long into the eighties, was one of Mr. Lincoln's devoted friends. There is, therefore, peculiar significance in the statement which he makes that "when the whole truth is disclosed of Mr. Lincoln's life during the years 1854-55 it will throw the flood of new light on the character of Mr. Lincoln and will add new luster to his greatness and his patriotism." In this statement Mr. Washburne must have referred to the work for prohibition in Illinois, in which Mr. Lincoln was engaged during those years, for there was nothing else in Mr. Lin- coln's life during that period to justify such a statement. A Dynamic Deliv?:rance was the speech of Mr. Lincoln at Clinton, Illinois, in 1855 in defense of fifteen women of that city who were being prosecuted by a saloonkeeper under an indictment for the destruction of his property. They had entered his saloon together and with axes and hammers had smashed bottles, barrels and demijohns after he had persisted in selling their husbands liquor, in spite of their tearful entreaties that he would cease to do so. Mr. Lincoln, being present, watched LINCOLN AND TEMPERANCE 163 the trial with great interest. He was not employed to defend the accused women, but as their case was not being satis- factorily conducted, he consented to address the court and jury in their defense, in the course of which he said: "In this case I would change the order of the indictment and have it read, The State vs. Mr. Whiskey, instead of The State vs. The Ladies, and touching this question there are three laws: First, the law of self-protection; second, the law of the stat- ute ; third, the law of God. The law of self-protection is the law of necessity, as shown when our fathers threw the tea into the Boston Harbor, and in asserting their right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. This is the defense of these women. The man who has persisted in selling whiskey has had no regard for their well-being or the welfare of their husbands and sons. He has had no fear of God or regard for man; neither has he had any regard for the laws of the statute. No jury can fix any damage or punishment for any violation of the moral law. The course pursued by this liquor dealer has been for the demoralization of society. His groggery has been a nuisance. These women, finding all moral suasion of no avail with this fellow, impervious to all tender appeal, alike regardless of their prayers and tears, in order to protect their households and promote the welfare of the community, united to suppress the nuisance. The good of society demanded its suppression. They accomplished what otherwise could not have been done." In his life of Lincoln, Wm. H. Herndon, Lincoln's law partner, in giving an account of this trial, says: "Lincoln gave some of his own observations on the ruinous effects of whiskey on society."^ Never were the reasons which call for the enactment and enforcement of laws prohibiting the beverage liquor traffic stated with greater clearness than In that speech which was made by Abraham Lincoln three years before his debates with Douglas. Its statements of law, its characterization of the ® Vol. II., pp. 12, 13. i64 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN saloon, its full and fearless enunciation of human rights and duties, and its felicitous and forceful language, place it in a class with Mr. Lincoln's best literary productions. It has stood for more than three score years and will ever stand a sufficient and unanswerable argument against the perpetua- tion of the saloon. It contains nothing that could be wisely omitted, and lacks nothing which the most advanced enlight- enment can supply.* Mr. Lincoln's participation in the campaign for prohibition in Illinois in 1854-55 was inevitable. With his strong altru- istic impulses, his attitude of uncompromising hostility to the liquor traffic, and his thorough knowledge of the divine origin and sacred mission of civil government, he could not have remained silent while such a movement was in progress in his state. His championship of the Maine law was quite unlike that of other speakers. Although I was only seventeen years old at that time, I was upon the platform advocating prohibition in my native Ohio, and, like other speakers, I depicted the harmfulness of the liquor traffic and the beneficent results of anti-liquor legislation; but Mr. Lincoln, in his speeches, went to the foundation of the subject and demanded pro- hibition upon the fundamental principle that as the declared mission and purpose of law was to promote right and prohibit wrong, government could not rightfully sustain to the bever- age liquor traffic any other attitude than that of absolute and unyielding hostility. His participation in that campaign for prohibition in Illinois was the legitimate and logical result of all his previous life, and, as we shall see later in this chapter, was also in perfect accord with the position which he maintained during all the years that followed. There is ample reason for believing that Mr. Lincoln ♦It will be observed that Mr. Lincoln did not attempt to disprove any of the charges made against the women, but assuming they had done as was alleged, he insisted that it was a justifiable act of self-defense, and the court evidently concurred in that opinion, for the saloon smashers were released and nothing more was ever heard of the prosecution. LINCOLN AND TEMPERANCE 165 looked upon his public participation in that campaign for prohibition as the beginning of a work which he would con- tinue to prosecute with diligence during succeeding years. He was not the man to engage in a battle with the intention of turning back before the victory was won. He had been for years anticipating a day of nation-wide, even world-wide, triumph, v/hen there would not be one slave or one drunkard in all the world. He had expressed the hope for the coming of such a day in his famous Washingtonian speech in 1842, and the declaration of that aspiration and hope was more than a lofty flight of eloquence; it was a prophetic vision which he beheld as he wrought untiringly against the two great evils — slavery and intemperance, which were ever as- sociated in his thoughts and purposes. And that his vision of the day of victory was connected with a purpose to aid as he might be able in hastening its coming, is shown by his letter to Pickett, written on the day he delivered that address, in which is found the slogan: "Recruit for victory." The unfolding of a muster-roll for recruits to the antislavery and anti-liquor armies implied that his own name had in his pur- poses been entered in the list of volunteers to serve during the war against the two evils. Everything goes to show that it was at that time his purpose to continue actively in the struggle for prohibition. But he was abruptly turned aside from his purpose by the unexpected entrance into the pro- slavery propaganda of a movement for the extension of slavery. The contest thus suddenly brought on was, in Mr, Lincoln's opinion, foremost and supreme, and he turned from all else — even from his professional work, to resist the aggres- sions of the slave power. Mr. Lincoln's Special Preparation That he entered the arena thoroughly prepared for that battle of giants every one knows; that his special prepara- tion was made during the twelve years between his retirement from public life in 1842 and the introduction by Douglas i66 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill in 1854, which brought on the contest, is also beyond question. But during that period Mr. Lincoln was not engaged either in any warfare against slavery or in preparation for such a warfare. He was always op- posed to slavery, but he was debarred by the national Con- stitution from interfering with it in the states where it existed. And nothing pertaining to slavery was an issue before the people during those years. There was, therefore, no occasion, either actual or prospective, for Mr. Lincoln to be engaged in a preparation for such a contest; but there were many reasons why he should be engaged in making the most ample preparation for a titanic struggle with the traffic in strong drink. And with such strength of intellect; with such absolute and unswerving honesty; with such profound sincerity, and with such patient perseverance did Mr. Lincoln prosecute his studies in preparation for the latter that there came a time when it could truthfully be said that in all the world there was not his superior in a knowledge of fundamental law and .its application to the responsibilities and duties of civil gov- ernment. Douglas had devoted years to preparation for defending his Popular Sovereignty theories, and with all the world in ignorance of his plans for the extension of slavery no one was preparing to answer his arguments in defense of his cherished schemes. He cunningly stole a march on the forces of freedom and took them and the nation by surprise when in 1854 he rushed into the arena with his Kansas-Nebraska Bill, thoroughly prepared to defend it with its slavery-favor- ing repeal of the Missouri Compromise. But to his great surprise and to the amazement of the nation, he was met by Lincoln more fully prepared than himself for the conflict, and able, through his familiarity with the fundamental prin- ciples of law to expose his sophistry and fully answer his arguments. Douglas was the master-mind of his party and was accus- LINCOLN AND TEMPERANCE 167 tomed to encounters with Sumner, Seward, Chase and other scarcely less distinguished associates in the senate of the United States. But when he grappled with Lincoln in discus- sion he declared him to be without a peer in his knowledge of the fundamental principles of government. "You under- stand these questions better than does any other man in the nation," said Douglas to Lincoln after their first encounter in the fifties, and the "Little Giant" asked for and secured a truce with Lincoln during the remainder of the campaign. He could successfully cope with the strongest antislavery champions in the senate, but he felt himself overmastered when he encountered Lincoln. The nation was amazed at Lincoln's wonderful equipment for the struggle with Douglas. But the people of Illinois, who before the debates with Douglas had heard Mr. Lin- coln's speeches for temperance reform, knew that it was by his painstaking and prolonged studies of prohibition that he had attained to the matchless mastery of fundamental truth which made him the foremost champion of freedom in the struggles against the extension of slavery. The thunder- bolts of law and logic with which he demolished the Popular Sovereignty fallacy which Douglas had so skillfully con- structed, were prepared by Lincoln to be used by him in bom- barding the entrenchments which civil government had built around the liquor traffic. It is recorded that a ranchman in Africa, when he dis- covered that a lion was preying upon his herds, went out suitably armed to slay the marauder. As he proceeded in his hunt a huge tiger leaped from the jungle and bore down upon him with the evident purpose of gratifying his man- eating propensities. Promptly the hunter turned upon the tiger the heavily-loaded gun he intended for the lion, and found it quite equal to the unexpected emergency. He killed the tiger with the weapon he had prepared for the slaughter of the lion. By substituting the liquor traffic for the lion and slavery for the tiger in this fragment of history we have i68 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN the story of Lincoln's unconscious preparation for his con- test with Douglas and his successful warfare against slavery. And in his last interview with Major Merwin, on the day of his assassination, he referred to that statement in his speech in 1842, and said: "After reconstruction the next great ques- tion will be the overthrow of the liquor traffic." The declaration of Mr. Lincoln's party in 1856 that polygamy and slavery were "twin relics of barbarism," did not to any great extent absorb his attention, for he had long regarded the liquor traffic as the only wrong sufficiently heinous to be designated as the twin of slavery. Hence, his opposition to the liquor traffic was based upon the same fun- damental principles as was his warfare against slavery. And when he was prepared successfully to advocate prohibition he was fully equipped to oppose slavery; nor can that traffic remain one hour under the protection or by the permission of law without a violation of the sacred obligations of civil government as stated and expounded by Abraham Lincoln in his warfare against slavery. The Republican National Platforms of 1856 and i860 state clearly and unequivocally the prin- ciples upon which the movement for the prohibition of the liquor traffic is based. The platform of 1856 declared "that the Constitution confers upon Congress sovereign power over the Territories of the United States for their government." To that claim the national convention of i860 added the fol- lowing: "We deny the authority of Congress, of a Territorial legislature, or of any individual to give legal existence to slavery in any territory of the United States." Standing upon these two planks of his party's national platforms of principles, Abraham Lincoln, in i860, was tri- umphantly elected President of the United States and neither he nor his party ever receded or deviated from the position taken in those two declarations. LINCOLN AND TEMPERANCE 169 Sovereign right to govern, but not the right to give legal standing to slavery! There must have been some good and sufficient ground for denying the authority of Congress to give legal existence to slavery in the realm over which it had sovereign power to rule. That ground was many times and very clearly stated by Mr. Lincoln to be "the assumption that slavery is wrong." Because it was wrong, and for no other reason, it was 'held that slavery could not be given legal existence in the territories of the nation. For the same reason slavery could not rightfully be admitted in any portion of the national domain where it did not at that time exist. This is implied in the above declaration of tli£ republican party as explained and defended by Abraham Lincoln. And as that declaration of the republican party respecting slavery is based upon fun- damental law, it must be true that no power has the right to give legal existence to any admitted wrong. This was Mr. Lincoln's belief, and he repeatedly applied that rule to the liquor traffic. He regarded that traffic as inherently wrong, and advocated its prohibition upon that ground. In so doing he was simply applying to another evil the fundamental prin- ciples upon which he opposed the extension of slavery. Opposed to License Mr. Lincoln was always opposed to the license method of dealing with the liquor traffic. There is no word from him, either written or spoken, in approval of that system. During his campaign for a prohibitory law in Illinois in 1854-55 he kept it before the people that a license tax could not fail to fasten the liquor traffic more securely upon the community. He was very pronounced in his declarations that such would be the case. It is remarkable that while high license was first suggested and approved by temperance work- ers as a means for promoting temperance reform, and has been advocated by distinguished champions of temperance even in recent years, when the matter was first brought to his atten- I70 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN tion, Mr. Lincoln emphatically declared that every dollar paid by the saloon as a license tax would be an entrenchment for the liquor traffic and make it more difficult ever to suppress it. "Never by licensing an evil can the evil be removed or weak- ened," was his oft-repeated declaration during his efforts to secure the adoption of a prohibitory law by the people of that state in 1855. INIr. Lincoln saw this clearly even at that early date, because of his thorough knowledge of the funda- mental principles of government and the inevitable result of taking tribute of that which is wrong. His whole nature revolted against the thought of the license system, and as a young politician and reformer I learned from his teachings the exceedingly objectionable and harmful nature of the liquor license policy. And if during later years, in my hostility to the license system, I have at times been in advance of some of my associates in the temperance work, it has been because of my unyielding adherence to the teachings of Abra- ham Lincoln. Mr. Lincoln strenuously objected also to the section of The Internal Revenue Measure that placed a tax upon alcoholic liquors for the support of the national government. "That tax," said he, "will tend to perpetuate the liquor traffic and I cannot consent to aid in doing that." "But," said Secretary Chase, the author of that revenue law, "Mr. President, this is a war measure. It is only a tem- porary measure for a present emergency, and cannot fasten the liquor traffic upon the nation, for it will be repealed as soon as the war is ended." While that Internal Revenue bill was under consideration in Congress it was wtII known that President Lincoln, for reasons already stated, was strongly opposed to its liquor license provision and was inclined to veto the measure unless that feature was removed. He did not mince matters, but was very pronounced and outspoken in the expression of his LINCOLN AND TEMPERANCE 171 convictions. This is quite remarkable, in view of the low level of moral purpose in governmental affairs entertained by many leading statesmen of that period. That low level of moral purpose is indicated by the following declarations of Senator Fessenden of Maine, chairman of the Finance Com- mittee of the Senate and subsequently Secretary of the Treas- ury. On the 27th of May, 1862, in his defense of the liquor tax provision of the Internal Revenue bill, Senator Fessenden said: "The United States looking at it as a fact that this busi- ness as a business is carried on, and looking upon the luxuries and the vices of men as the most proper sources of revenue in the world, just lay their hands upon it and say, if you will do these things you shall pay for it ; we lay a tax upon it." The declaration that "the vices of men," as well as their luxuries, "are the most proper sources of revenue in the world," constitutes a very dark background on which appears the illuminated and thrilling picture of President Lincoln's attitude upon that question. And the President was not alone in his hostility to the liquor license tax ; able and distinguished statesmen like Senators Wilson, Pomeroy and Harris, with others scarcely less prominent and influential, very strongly opposed that tax upon alcoholic liquors. On May 27th, 1862, Senator Wilson, who subsequently became Vice-President of the United States, in discussing this feature of the Revenue bill, said: "I do not think any man in this country should have a license from the Federal Government to sell intoxicating liquors. I look upon the liquor trade as grossly immoral, causing more evil than anything else in the country, and I think the Federal Government ought not to derive a revenue from the retail of intoxicating drinks. I think if this section remains in the Bill it will have a most demoralizing influence upon the country, for it will lift into a kind of respectability the retail traffic in liquors. The man who has paid the Fed- eral Government $20.00 for a license to retail ardent spirits 172 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN will feel that he is acting under the authority of the Federal Government and that any regulations, state or municipal, interfering with him are mere temporary and local arrange- ments, that should yield to the authority of the Federal Gov- ernment. Sir, I hope the Congress of the United States is not to put upon the statute books of the country a law by which the tens of thousands of persons in the country who are dealing out ardent spirits to the destruction of the health and life of hundreds of thousands and the morals of the nation, are to be raised to a respectable position by paying the Federal Government $20.00 for a license to do this. . . . "I would as soon have this Government license gambling houses, or houses of ill-fame; and it would be just as credit- able to this Congress. I believe that such a provision sanctions the grossest immorality; that it will have a most deleterious effect upon the prosperity of the nation and the morals of the nation. For the sake of putting a few thousand dollars into the treasury, we, the people of the United States, are to give licenses to sell rum. "The Senator from ]\Iaine (Mr. Fessenden) has told us several times since this Bill was before the Senate that our object is to put money into the treasury. I do not agree to the declaration. That we want to put money into the treasury is true; that the primary object of this Bill is to put money into the treasury is also true; but there is something over and above putting money into the treasury ; and that is so to arrange this mode of putting money into the treasury that it shall not interfere with the business interests of the country, and, above all, that it shall not tend to demoralize this people and dishonor this nation. Every senator knows that this nation has been, and is being, demoralized by the rum traffic. Every man knows that our army of 500,000 or 600,000 men in the field has been greatly demoralized by the sale and use of rum. I saw a letter a day or two ago from one of the most accomplished officers in the service in the State of Ken- tucky, and he said more men in the army of the LTnited States LINCOLN AND TEMPERANCE 173 were slaughtered by whiskey than by the balls of the enemy. Since this war opened we have lost thousands of lives by rum. Sir, with this nation suffering as it is suffering by the sale of ardent spirits, the Congress of the United States proposes to give its sanction to the traffic. I would as soon give my sanction to the traffic of the slave trade as I would to the sale of liquors. This nation comes forward and pro- poses to give a sort of sanction to the liquor traffic by taking $20.00 out of the pockets of the men who by dealing out poisons to the people have wrung them from suffering wives and children. "There is not a rum seller, or a friend of the rum seller, on this continent that will not welcome this tax. It will be hailed from one end of this country to the other by the whole rum-selling interest. If the rum sellers of the country had held a national convention they would have asked you to put precisely such a thing as a license to sell liquors into your Bill. Why, Sir, it has been the struggle of the retailers of rum all over this country for a quarter of a century to adopt this license system and to get licensed. . . . This act will be a source of gratification in every rum shop and low doggery in this section." Mr. Fessenden. "To pay twenty dollars?" Mr. Wilson. "Yes, they will rejoice to pay it. Why? They are under the ban of the moral sentiment of the nation today. Now you come forward and put in the pocket of every liquor seller in the land a license, give him a charter to go forth in the community and deal out his liquors under the authority and sanction of the United States. This Govern- ment license is a certificate of character. The liquor dealer will so regard it, and he will be proud to shake your certificate in the face of an outraged moral sentiment."^^ This speech by Senator Wilson was in harmony with the views of President Lincoln, who, however, finally yielded to the entreaties of the Secretary of the Treasury, Hon. Salmon 1° Congressional Globe, pp. 2376-2377. 174 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN P. Chase, and signed the bill, saying as he did so: "I would rather lose my right hand than to sign a document that will tend to perpetuate the liquor traffic, and as soon as the exigencies pass away I will turn my whole attention to the repeal of that document." I was active in public life when that internal revenue measure was under consideration and when it became a law, and was connected with the government at Washington dur- ing the years that followed and I knew at the time, as did all my official and political associates, that for the reasons here stated Mr. Lincoln objected to the liquor tax provisions of that measure and signed the bill upon the promise that at the close of the war the law should be repealed. His attitude In this matter was a subject of common conversation at the time, and Major Merwin, who in such matters was more closely associated with President Lincoln than was any other man during all the years of the war, stated at a great con- vention held in Columbus, Ohio, November 10-13, 1913, that he had many conversations with the President relative to this matter and that Mr. Lincoln always spoke to him of the liquor tax as a bond to fasten the liquor traffic upon the nation, and avowed his purpose to secure the early repeal of that feature of the revenue law. Lincoln's Last Utterances on the liquor question came leaping from his glad heart on the day of his assassination, and were expressive of exalted purposes and confident expectations. On the after- noon of that day Major Merwin was a dinner guest at the White House. He came by invitation of the President to receive from him instructions respecting a very important mission upon which he was that night to proceed to New York City. After he had received his orders, and as he was about to depart, he was addressed by President Lincoln, who with exuberance of spirits said: "Merwin, we have cleaned up with the help of the people a colossal job. Slavery is abol- LINCOLN AND TEMPERANCE 175 ished. After reconstruction the next great question will be the overthrow and the abolition of the liquor traffic and you know, Merwin, that my head and heart and hand and purse will go into that work. In 1842 — less than a quarter of a century ago — I predicted, under the influences of God's Spirit, that the time would come when there would be neither a slave nor a drunkard in the land. Thank God, I have lived to see one of those prophecies fulfilled. I hope to see the other reahzed." Major Merwin was so impressed by this remarkable state- ment that he said: "Mr. Lincoln, shall I publish this from you?" "Yes," was his prompt and emphatic reply, "publish it as wide as the daylight shines." With those words ringing in his ears and echoing through all his being, "like the music of the spheres," Major Merwin started on his important mis- sion for the President, and the next morning, upon his arrival at New York City, learned that the voice which uttered those words was forever hushed in death. "Lincolnize America" was the inspiring motto of a great celebration of the looth anniversary of the birth of Abraham Lincoln. In the direqtion of that high level the nation is constantly advancing, and its exalted summit will be reached when the people have come to understand and realize, as Lin- coln did, the sacred functions of civil government and have driven from beneath the protection of law the destructive liquor traffic and all other recognized and admitted evils as it was Lincoln's declared purpose to do. All who truly revere the name of Abraham Lincoln will aid that forward movement of the nation. All who hinder or oppose it will by so doing be disloyal to his memory and to the high ideals for which he lived and died. LINCOLN AND SLAVERY— OPPOSED TO SLAVERY ""YT THEN the story of our great antislavery conflict W shall have been written, it will make one of the most ideal chapters in our matchless history." — Hon. James M. Ashley. No work of fiction excels in thrilling interest the history of Abraham Lincoln's relation to slavery. In it are found such contradictions blending into perfect harmony; such ad- vance achieved by stubborn resistance of progressive influ- ences; such painful reluctance in pursuing the pathway lead- ing up to highest service with honor and renown, and such hairbreadth avoidance of disastrous blunders, as equal in in- terest the most fascinating dreams of the imagination. And no portion of history is more charming or more instructive than that which tells of the events in which Lincoln was the chief and unwilling actor in accomplishing the salvation of his country and in becoming the world's most distinguished and beloved champion of human freedom. Seen from the viewpoint of the present time, those events are hard to understand. Slavery is gone and cannot now be seen as it appeared at that time. Conditions in all that region where slavery formerly existed have become so changed that it is impossible, by a retrospective view, to appreciate the violence of the struggle by which it was destroyed. All this, however, is better understood and realized by those who were active participants in the events of those memorable years, and others who were not may perhaps be able to imagi- nation to stand in the midst of the earlier scenes of that period, 176 LINCOLN AND SLAVERY 177 and thereby be able to discern something of the significance of the events connected with Lincoln's relation to slavery as they then appeared. The Essential Character of Slavery which must be considered if one would have a correct under- standing of Lincoln's relation to that institution is nowhere depicted with more impressive force than in the official cor- respondence between the United States and Mexico in the negotiations for the transfer to the United States by Mexico of Texas and other Mexican territory. At that time, as at present, Mexico was regarded as far beneath the United States in point of civilization, enlightenment and moral stand- ing. And yet, when at the close of the war with Mexico, that nation was forced to surrender to the United States a large portion of her territory, the Mexican commissioner re- quested that in the treaty of cession there be a section pro- viding that slavery should never be permitted in any portion of that territory. In making this request the commissioner of that semi-civilized nation said: "If it were proposed to the people of the United States to part with a portion of their territory in order that the Inquisition should be estab- lished there, it would excite no stronger feelings of abhor- rence than those awakened in Mexico by the prospect of the introduction of human slavery in any territory parted with by her."^ By no great statesman or orator, or by any brilliant writer of history or fiction, has the heinous character of slavery been more faithfully portrayed than in this request and protest from Mexico, And the brand of barbarism thus stamped upon slavery was in accord with the mature judgment of all en- lightened people who had no financial or other interest in that institution. Even the decision of the Supreme Court of Great Britain in the Somerset case in declaring that slavery was ^ Letter of Sept. 4th, 1847, to James Buchanan, Secretary of State, from Mr. Trist, U. S. Minister to Mexico. 178 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN so inherently evil that it could not rightfully receive the pro- tection of civil government, coming as it did from a highly civihzed nation, was not as severe a characterization of slavery as was that piteous plea of semi-barbarous Mexico that the territory ceded by her to the United States should be forever safeguarded against that institution. But at the time this plea was made slavery, although thus branded as barbarous, was in such complete control of the United States, and ruled with such rigor, that in giving to Secretary Buchanan the foregoing information, LT. S. Min- ister Trist said he answered the Mexican commissioner as follows: "The bare mention of such a treaty is impossible. No American President would dare present such a treaty to the Senate. I assured him that if it were in their power to offer me the whole territory described in our project, increased tenfold in value, and in addition covered a foot thick with pure gold, on the single condition that slavery should be excluded therefrom, I could not entertain the offer for a moment, nor even think of communicating it to Washington." To the present generation this reads like extravagant fiction. It is difficult to realize that there ever was a time when the United States clung with such tenacity as is shown by this correspondence to an institution so objectionable upon humanitarian grounds to a people like the Mexicans of that period. But the foregoing quotations from official records made little impression upon the public mind, and were soon forgotten. This humiliating record, however, must be charged to the degrading influence of slavery and not to any natural depravity of the people who were identified with that institution. No higher qualities of mind and heart were ever possessed by any people than those which by an honorable ancestry were transmitted to the inhabitants of the slave- holding portions of the United States. The crossing of an- cestral lines, the merging of distinctive and divergent charac- teristics, the mingling of the blood of patrician and puritan, the cultivation of the spirit of chivalry and the development LINCOLN AND SLAVERY 179 of Christian patriotism, combined to produce in that sunny Southland a people naturally high-minded and purposeful. But the head that rested in the lap of the Delilah of ease and luxury was shorn of the locks of its strength, and slavery conspired with the Philistines of avarice and pride to pluck out the eyes of this Samson of the new world. Blinded to the high ideals of their noble forebears those chosen custodians of freedom became the proponents of slavery, and the hand that should have wielded the sword of chivalry in defense of the weak, wielded the lash of the taskmaster and riveted more tightly upon the limbs of men made in the image of God the galling fetters of cruel bondage. The wealth that should have sent the gospel to the heathen was expended in equipping vessels to plow the seas to capture them for slaves. This traffic attained such proportions "that not less than half a million slaves were imported direct from Africa and sold in this country after the slave trade had been declared piracy by law and by treaty with all civilized nations." And to such an extent did the virus of avarice enter into cavalier blood that during all the years of that inhuman piracy "but one slave pirate was ever convicted and hanged in the United States." The record runs that on February 28th, 1862, nearly one year after Lincoln's first inauguration as President, Captain Nathaniel Gordon was executed in New York City, the first and only case of the conviction and punishment of one engaged in the African slave trade. In November, 1853, the Southern Standard remarked: "We can not only preserve domestic servitude, but can defy the power of the world. With firmness and judgment we can open up the African Slave immigration again, and people this noble region of the tropics." In 1857, only three years before Lincoln was elected Pres- ident, DeBeau's Southern Reviezv stated "that forty slavers were annually fitted out in the ports of New York and the east, and that the traffic yielded their owners an annual net profit of seventeen million dollars." This statement shows i8o LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN at once the motive for which slavery and the slave trade were clung to with such tenacity, and the depth of infamy to which a great wrong like slavery will inevitably sink even the best people if they become identified with it. "The New York Evening Post published a list of names of 85 vessels, fitted out in the port of New York between the first of February, 1859, and the 15th of July, i860, for the African Slave trade. "The New York Leader, at that time a Tammany paper, asserted 'that an average of two vessels each week cleared out of our harbor bound for Africa and a human cargo.' "The New York World declared that 'from thirty to sixty thousand slaves a year, under the American flag, are taken from Africa, by vessels from the single port of New York,' "A yacht called the Wanderer ran into a harbor near Brunswick, Georgia, in broad daylight, in December, 1858, and landed a human cargo of some three hundred or more slaves direct from Africa. This fact was duly chronicled at the time in the Southern newspapers, and some of the blacks were dressed up in flaming toggery and driven in carriages through the public streets, as a menace and defiance to the National Government."" Such was the monster which confronted Lincoln at every step, and crouched for deadly combat when he crossed the threshold of the White House. According to his unequivocal declarations, Mr. Lincoln during all his life was Strongly Opposed to Slavery On the 4th of April, 1864, during the fourth year of his Presidency and while his enemies were furiously opposing his renomination, in a letter to A. G. Hodges he stated that he was "naturally antislavery," and that he could not remember 2 Address of Hon. J. AI. Ashley, Toledo, Ohio, June 2nd, 1890, pp. 18-19. LINCOLN AND SLAVERY i8i the time when he did not "think and feel" that slavery was wrong. These statements are in full accord with the record of his life. By no word nor act of which we have any knowledge did he ever contradict or to any degree weaken the meaning or force of those very strong declarations against slavery. His first known utterance upon the subject still quivers like forked lightning upon the horizon of that day in 1 83 1, when he was but twenty-two years old, and stood transfixed by the horrors of a slave auction in the city of New Orleans. On the 3rd of March, 1837, when Lincoln was twenty- eight years old and a member of the Illinois Assembly, he joined with Dan Stone, a fellow member, in a protest against some pro-slavery resolutions which had recently been adopted by that body. In that protest it is declared "that the institu- tion of slavery is founded on injustice and bad policy."^ In the opinion of W. E. Curtis, as stated by Nicolay and Hay, this protest was "the first formal declaration against the system of slavery that was ever made in any legislative body in the United States, at least west of the Hudson River." * This statement by Mr. Curtis is important in that it shows Mr. Lincoln to be a leader rather than one who followed in the wake of others. Slavery was not at that time an issue before the people, and had been forced upon his attention by the action of the Assembly of which he was a member in its denunciation of antislavery organizations and teachings. His sense of honor required him to express his convictions relative to the subject and, notwithstanding his youth and lack of experience, he did so by the unusual method of a written protest entered upon the journal of the Assembly, and thus made a matter of public record. From the hour he stood before the auction block at New Orleans until he delivered his second inaugural address, Mr. Lincoln's opinion of the character of slavery underwent no essential change. 3 Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln, Vol. I., p. 51. 4 Ibid., p. 53. i82 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN There were .many changes in his conviction respecting methods of deahng with slavery, but there was no retreat from the decision that slavery was wrong; and with him that verdict could never be reversed. Wesley's characterization of slavery as "the sum of all villainies" was the keynote of the antislavery movement until Lincoln, in his letter of April 4th, 1864, to A. G. Hodges, said: "If slavery is not wrong nothing is wrong." When that famous aphorism rang out upon the air the thinking world paused and seemed to look up in expectation of behold- ing an angelic figure sweeping through the heavens with a flaming sword ready to execute divine judgments. Instantly hosts of patriots joined in the new inspiring battle-cry and shouted Lincoln's burning words beside the blazing watch- fires of "a hundred circling camps," and throughout all the loyal regions of the nation. By the anxious members of the Union Soldier's family at their evening hour of prayer, by the ministers of God in the sanctuary of worship, in political meetings of the Union party, in caucuses and conventions throughout the loyal states; in lyceum lectures and in the debates in Congress, those words of Lincoln were repeated until they became a new confession of religio-political faith for the nation. My participation in the political struggles of those mo- mentous months enabled me to realize something of the tre- mendous potency of that unequivocal characterization of an institution which at that time was filling the land with anguish and woe. At close range I saw the patriot's eye shine with a brighter luster as he read or listened to those words. I saw the marching legions close their ranks because of the assurance that the period of vacillation and uncertainty was forever passed and that slavery was doomed to swift and certain destruction. I heard "The Battle-cry of Freedom" sung with increased fervor after that declaration of Lincoln was published throughout the nation; a declaration which seemed to have LINCOLN AND SLAVERY 183 been written by a celestial messenger in letters of living light upon the dark clouds that hung above the field of battle. Some writers who were not in touch with the loyal masses during those years, as it was my great privilege constantly to be, have failed to note the tremendous influence upon the people of that very striking statement of President Lincoln respecting the character of slavery ; and I have failed to find in the history of those times any mention of the prominence given to it in the final debates in Congress upon the consti- tutional amendment abolishing slavery. Those debates were of greater strength and spirit than were the discussions of that measure in the senate and house of representatives dur- ing the preceding session of Congress. My own literary work in connection with those final debates began with the critical review of the first speech upon that measure, pre- vious to its delivery in the House. I approached that work with mind alert and nerves at high tension, for I believed, as did the distinguished author of that speech, that on the final vote the amendment would be adopted. As I sat at night alone perusing the manuscript my blood tingled when glanc- ing at the page before me I discovered that the first sentence was President's Lincoln's characterization of slavery; and as I proceeded with the work of examination I discovered that the distinguishing features of that able speech were cast in the mold of that famous saying. On the 6th of January, 1865, after preliminary motions had been acted upon, Speaker Colfax announced that the question before the house was the reconsideration of the vote at the previous session on the constitutional amendment, and that the gentleman from Ohio (Ashley) had the floor. The solemn silence which fell upon the audience was broken by the sound of a strong, clear voice, saying, "Mr. Speaker, 'If slavery is not wrong, nothing is wrong.' Thus simply and truthfully hath spoken our worthy Chief Magistrate." Instantly the mighty struggle against slavery was lifted to a high moral plane upon which it continued to the end. i84 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN In the Hodges letter Mr. Lincoln states that the views of slavery which he expressed in that famous aphorism were such as he had held during his entire life. His speeches and letters in which he refers to that subject bear witness to the correctness of that statement. At the time of the birth of the republican party in Illinois, on the 29th of May, 1856, in the first state convention of that party, Mr. Lincoln said: "The battle of freedom is to be fought out on principle. Slavery is a violation of the eternal right. We have tem- porized with it from the necessities of our condition, but as sure as God reigns and school children read, that black foul lie can never be consecrated into God's hallowed truth. . . . Can we as Christian men, and strong and free our- selves, wield the sledge or hold the iron Vi-hich is to manacle anew an already oppressed race? 'Woe unto them,' it is written, 'that decree unrighteous decrees and that write griev- ousness which they have prescribed.' "Those who deny freedom to others deserve it not them- selves, and, under the rule of a just God, cannot long retain it." ' It was a very unusual expression of his dislike for slavery, coupled with his unwillingness to interfere with it where it constitutionally existed, which led him in the Bloom- ington speech to say: "Let us draw a cordon, so to speak, around the slave states and the hateful institution, like a rep- tile poisoning itself, will perish by its own infamy." Federal Edition, The Works of Abraham Lincoln, Vol. II., p. 273. Similar in character were the declarations of Mr. Lincoln respecting slavery in his debates with Douglas and in his speeches and letters at that time. With characteristic candor he expressed his appreciation of the difficulties encountered by our fathers in dealing with slavery and his sympathy with the people who, by inheritance, came into the possession of property in slaves, but for slavery itself he had no words of s Lincoln, the Citizen, p. 327, and Federal Edition, Works of Abraham Lincoln, Vol. IL, pp. 267-270. LINCOLN AND SLAVERY 185 sympathy or palliation. In language as strong as he could command, upon all suitable occasions, he declared slavery to be morally and unquestionably wrong. Equally pronounced and unyielding was Mr. Lincoln in the zeal and determination with which to the very limit of rightful conservatism He Protected Slavery It was sometimes difficult to reconcile his well-known hostility to slavery with his vigilance in shielding that insti- tution from the assaults of its enemies. But with his intense abhorrence of slavery there was the most profound and con- scientious reverence for civil government and for the consti- tution and laws of the nation. Mr. Lincoln was tempera- mentally conservative and his native gifts of reverence and religious regard for obligation were by his attitudes and activities developed into great strength and firmness. On the 27th of January, 1837, when he was only twenty-eight years old, in a lyceum address at Springfield, Illinois, he said: "Let every American, every lover of liberty, every well- wisher to his posterity swear by the blood of the Revolution never to violate in the least particular the laws of the country, and never to tolerate their violation by others. As the patriots of seventy-six did to the support of the Declaration of Indepen- dence, so to the support of the constitution and laws let every American pledge his life, his property, and his sacred honor — let every man remember that to violate the law is to trample on the blood of his father, and to tear the charter of his own and his children's liberty. Let reverence for the laws be breathed by every American mother to the lisping babe that prattles on her lap; let it be taught in schools, in seminaries, and in colleges ; let it be written in primers, spelling-books, and in al- manacs; let it be preached from the pulpit, proclaimed in legislative halls, and enforced in courts of justice. And, °n short, let it become the political religion of the nation; and i86 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN let the old and the young, the rich and the poor, the grave and the gay of all sexes and tongues and colors and conditions, sacrifice unceasingly upon its altars." * At the time of this address Mr. Lincoln was a member of the Illinois House of Representatives, and only a few days later he caused to be spread upon the journal of that body the famous Lincoln-Stone Protest already referred to, in which he was careful to unite with the declaration against slavery the statement of belief that Congress had under the consti- tution, "no power to interfere with slavery in the different states;" and that the assertion of its power to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia was connected with the proviso that only "at the request of the people of that district" should that power be exercised. Thus very early in his public career did Mr. Lincoln show evidence of that temperamental con- servatism which was so marked a feature of him during his Presidency. During the period of Mr. Lincoln's retirement from public life, from 1848 to 1854, there was great growth of antislavery sentiment throughout the free states, and when the repeal of the Missouri Compromise in 1854 brought him into the arena, hostility to slavery was at a white heat and extreme methods of dealing with that institution were being widely and ably advocated. But Mr. Lincoln remained unyielding in his op- position to any and all interference with slavery in the states where it existed either by the people of other states or by the general government. This is very remarkable in view of the furious battle in which he was at that time engaged to prevent the extension of slavery In territory consecrated forever to freedom by laws as binding, and covenants as sacred as it was possible for man to make. By a wide and plentiful distribution of literature and by stirring appeals from the platform and pulpit, there had been kindled fires of antagonism to slavery which sprang into sweeping flames when the hand of violence was laid upon 8 Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln, Vol. I., pp. 42-3. LINCOLN AND SLAVERY 187 the Missouri Compromise and Kansas and Nebraska were open to the entrance of slavery. It is no wonder that in the wild tumult of that hour some of the champions of freedom advo- cated a resort to extreme measures of resistance and retalia- tion, and it is passing strange that Mr. Lincoln was not swayed in the slightest degree by the fierce storms of excitement and passion that swept over the nation and arose to its greatest violence in Illinois and other states adjacent to the territory into which slavery was seeking to enter. With seeming reluctance, yet without hesitation, Mr. Lin- coln turned away from his coveted and congenial retirement and joined in the movement against the extension of slavery. An unwonted luster shone in his eye and his wonderful voice took on new qualities of strength and expression. With char- acteristic calmness and restraint he confronted Douglas at Chicago, when the latter returned from Washington, and a few days later, on the i6th of October, 1854, at Peoria, he delivered a speech of marvelous power, which immediately placed him at the forefront of the antislavery movement in Illinois and made him one of its leaders in the nation. In that Peoria speech Mr. Lincoln gave the most graphic and realistic picture anywhere to be found of the battles against the extension of slavery during the early autumn months of that memorable year. In reply to the claims of Douglas that there was not perfect agreement among the forces that were opposing him, Mr. Lincoln said: "He (Douglas) should re- member that he took us by surprise — astounded us by this measure. We were thunderstruck and stunned, and we reeled and fell in utter confusion. But we rose, each fighting, grasping whatever he could first reach — a scythe, a pitchfork, a chop- ping ax, or a butcher's cleaver. We struck in the direction of the sound, and we were rapidly closing in upon him. He must not think to divert us from our purpose by showing us that our drill, our dress, and our weapons are not entirely perfect and uniform. When the storm shall be past he shall i88 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN find us still Americans, no less devoted to the continued union and prosperity of the country than heretofore." ^ In all of this startling description of those early battles is seen Mr. Lincoln's rare fitness for leadership in a great moral and civic struggle. Called from his repose as by a fire-bell in the night, and rushing into the fierce conflict he did not, for a moment, lose his mental poise nor turn his eyes from the pole star of national unity and constitutional obli- gation. In the midst of the wild excitement and mingling with the conflicting and confusing calls to action which rang out upon the air, his familiar voice was heard saying: "When they remind us of their constitutional rights, I acknowledge them — not grudgingly, but fully and fairly ; and I would give them any legislation for the reclaiming of their fugitives which should not in its stringency be more likely to carry a free man into slavery than our ordinary criminal laws are to hang an innocent one." ^ At another point in that Peoria speech, after explaining the arrangement by which a white man in a slave state had twice as much influence in the government as did a white man in a free state, he said: "Now all this is manifestly unfair; yet I do not mention it to complain of it, in so far as it is already settled. It is in the Constitution, and I do not for that cause, or any other cause, propose to destroy, or alter, or disregard the Constitution. I stand to it, fairly, fully and firmly." ° On the 24th of August, 1855, in a letter to his close friend, Joshua F. Speed, whose views were not at that time in accord with Mr. Lincoln, he said: "You ought rather to appreciate how much the great body of the Northern people do crucify their feelings, in order to maintain their loyalty to the Con- stitution and the Union." ^° ' Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln, Vol. II., p. 260. 8 Ibid., p. 207. •Ibid., pp. 234-235. 10 Ibid., p. 282. LINCOLN AND SLAVERY 189 On the 29th of May, 1856, in Bloomington, Illinois, at the first republican state convention, Mr. Lincoln delivered one of the ablest and most immediately effective speeches of his life, in which, after denouncing slavery in as strong terms as he ever employed, he said: "Let us revere the Declaration of Independence. Let us continue to obey the Constitution and laws. Let us keep step with the music of the Union. In seeking to attain these results — so indispensable if the liberty which is our pride and boast shall endure — we will be loyal to the Constitution and to the 'Flag of our Union,' no matter what our grievance." ^^ In 1858, in his debates with Douglas, and in all his speeches during that campaign for the senate, Mr. Lincoln constantly maintained the attitude of loyalty to the national govern- ment and obedience to its Constitution and laws. Again and again, and in a great variety of ways, during that year, as at all times, he declared his unyielding opposition to all inter- ference with slavery and his purpose to aid in safeguarding that institution in the states where it then existed. He did this without any retraction or modification of his repeated, un- equivocal declarations that slavery was a great wrong and should be abolished or prohibited "wherever our votes can rightfully reach it." But he never forgot that slavery could not be rightfully reached in states where it existed, by any act of the General Government, nor by the people in other states, and he kept that fact before the people quite as promi- nently as he did his conviction that slavery was wrong. On February 27th, i860, in his Cooper Institute speech, after proving conclusively that "our fathers who framed the government" understood that the Constitution conferred upon Congress full authority and power to prevent the extension of slavery into the territories of the United States, he said: "As those fathers marked it, so let it again be marked, as an evil not to be extended but to be tolerated and protected ^1 Federal Edition, Works of Abraham Lincoln, Vol. II., pp. 273, 274. 275. 190 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN only because and so far as its actual presence among us makes that toleration a necessity. Let all the guarantees those fathers gave it be not grudgingly but fully and fairly maintained. . . . Wrong as we think slavery is we can yet afford to let it alone where it is, because that much is due to the necessity arising from its actual presence in the nation." ^^ On the 6th of March, i860, eight days after the Cooper Institute address was delivered, in a speech at New Haven, Connecticut, he said: "The other policy is one that squares with the idea that slavery is wrong, and it consists in doing everything that we ought to do if it Is wrong. Now, I don't wish to be misunderstood, nor to leave a gap down to be mis- represented, even. I don't mean that we ought to attack it where it exists. To me it seems that if we were to form gov- ernment anew, in view of the actual presence of slavery, we should find it necessary to frame just such a government as our fathers did; giving to the slaveholder the entire control where the system was established, while we possess the power to restrain it from going outside those limits. From the necessities of the case we should be compelled to form just such a government as our blessed fathers gave us ; and surely if they have so made it, that adds another reason why v/e should let slavery alone where it exists," ^^ Thus Mr. Lincoln came to the Presidential office fully and unequivocally committed to the protection of slavery as re- quired by the Constitution of the United States. And into that great office with all its authority and power he carried a fixed purpose to be faithful and true to all the declarations he had made respecting the constitutional rights of slavery. On the 4th of March, 1 861, in 12 Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln, Vol. V., pp. 309-327- 13 Ibid., p. 347. LINCOLN AND SLAVERY 191 His First Inaugural Address, he said: "Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States that by the accession of a repubHcan ad- ministration their property and their peace and personal security are to be endangered. There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension. Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their inspection. It is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you. I do but quote from one of those speeches when I declare that 'I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclina- tion to do so.' Those who have nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that I had made this and many similar declarations, and had never recanted them.' . . . I now reiterate these sentiments; and, in doing so, I only press upon the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is susceptible, that the property, peace and security of no section are to be in any wise endangered by the now incoming administration. . . . "I take the official oath today with no mental reservations, and with no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules. . . . "In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow countrymen, and not In mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. The gov- ernment will not assail you. You can have no conflict with- out being yourselves the aggressors. You have no oath regis- tered in heaven to destroy the government, while I shall have the most solemn one to 'preserve, protect and defend it.' " " In a still more striking and impressive manner did Mr. Lincoln in that Inaugural Address state his conservative views and purposes respecting slavery by approving of the following Constitutional amendment : "No amendment shall be made to ^* Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln, Vol. VI., pp. 169-185. 192 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN the Constitution which will authorize or give to Congress the power to abolish or interfere within any State with the domestic institutions thereof, including that of persons held to labor or service by the laws of said State." ^^ This amendment was prepared and introduced by Hon. Thoi-nas Corwin of Ohio, chairman of the committee of thirty- three, and had passed both houses of Congress by substantial majorities and was signed by President Buchanan. Referring to that constitutional amendment, which at the time required only the approval of three- fourths of the states to become a part of the national Constitution, Mr. Lincoln in his inaugural address said: "Holding such a provision to now be amply Constitutional law, I have no objection to its being made express and irrevocable." Had that amendment become a part of the national Con- stitution it would have made it forever impossible to abolish slavery by peaceable and constitutional methods. Yet, it was approved by President Lincoln and by his administration, through Secretary Seward it was sent out to the several states for their approval, and had it been accepted by the South it would undoubtedly have received the approval of the requisite three-fourths of the states and become a part of the fundamental law of the land. From that dire calamity the nation was saved by the mad assault upon Fort Sumter and the cruel Civil War. 15 Nicolay and Hay, Abraham Lincoln, A History, Vol. X., p. 90. VI EMANCIPATION CONSIDERED THE civilized world has come to recognize Abraham Lincoln as the divinely chosen agent for the destruc- tion of slavery. This he accomplished by the au- thority and power of the Presidential office. But when he assumed the duties of that exalted station he was bound by an imperious sense of duty and by solemn promises not to interfere with that institution in the states where it then existed. That Mr. Lincoln intended faithfully and fully to keep his promises respecting slavery is beyond question. That he hoped to save the nation without interfering with slavery is also certain. That he earnestly and perseveringly en- deavored to accomplish both of these results is now a matter of history. In so doing it became necessary for him to inter- pose his great authority and power as President to protect slavery from the assaults of his subordinates. For a time this did not become necessary. In his call for a special session of Congress to meet on the Fourth of July, 1 86 1, and in his message to that body, he made no ref- erence to slavery and no action of Congress during that ses- sion was at variance with his declared purposes respecting that institution. Both branches of Congress were dominated by a spirit of exalted patriotism, all the acts of the President in the emergency brought on by the rebellion were approved and made legal, and even in excess of his requests provisions for the vigorous prosecution of the war were enthusiastically made. As the location and movements of the Union army were chiefly in the states were slavery existed, it was impos- sible to ignore that institution, but everything proceeded as fully as possible in harmony with the President's well-known policy. This continued without interruption for nearly five 193 194 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN months, when on the 30th of August, 1861, General John C. Fremont, in command of the department of Missouri, startled the nation, and attracted the attention of the world by issuing a proclamation in which he declared martial law and emancipation in all the state of Missouri. To make effect- ive this proclamation. General Fremont convened a military commission to hear evidence and proceeded to issue deeds of manumission to persons held in slavery under the laws of the state. This proclamation produced a profound impression in all the loyal states. General Fremont was held in very high esteem by the rank and file of the republican party throughout the nation. His early achievements in exploring a route for a transcon- tinental railroad and his gallant bearing as the republican candidate for President in 1856, caused him to be greatly admired by those who were proud to march under his banner during that memorable Presidential campaign. His appoint- ment as a Major-General at the beginning of the war and his assignment to an important military command were hailed with a delight which burst into a flame of enthusiasm when his emancipation proclamation was published. But his action in this matter met the prompt and emphatic disapproval of the conservative element among the supporters of the Govern- ment and awakened serious apprehensions respecting its influ- ence in the border states where loyalty to the Union seemed to depend upon the National Government maintaining its atti- tude of non-interference with slavery. Having been of the number of enthusiastic young repub- licans who marched in the Fremont processions in 1856, and being an ardent abolitionist and therefore not fully satisfied with President Lincoln's policy respecting slavery, I hailed the Fremont proclamation with delight as the beginning of the end of slavery. And I am now making this historical record of the events connected with that proclamation by General Fremont as one who at the time was ardently attached to him and fully in sympathy with that movement against slavery. EMANCIPATION CONSIDERED 195 General Fremont's great popularity and the intensity of anti- slavery sentiment in the loyal states combined to make it very difficult for President Lincoln to bring the General's action in this matter into conformity with law and with the policy he was pursuing toward slavery without causing serious division among Union people. Conditions at the time in Gen- eral Fremont's department were far from harmonious and some who had been and were opposed to his course in other matters were not backward in claiming that the proclamation was intended for political rather than military results. The controversy in General Fremont's department became very bitter and, although at first local, it grew to national dimensions and importance, by drawing into its contentions several prominent and distinguished men, including the Blairs, one of whom was a member of President Lincoln's Cabinet. This added to the difficulties and dangers encountered by the President in dealing with General Fremont's interference with slavery. But never did he seem to have been influenced in the least by the danger of incurring popular displeasure in disapproving of General Fremont's course, which he promptly did with that rare wisdom and tact that always characterized his treatment of peculiarly delicate and complicated questions. On the 2nd of September, 1862, he sent to General Fre- mont by special messenger a carefully written letter, fragrant with the spirit of considerate kindness and gentle firmness. Respecting the portion of the proclamation that ordered the shooting of disloyal people found with arms in their hands. President Lincoln said: ''Should you shoot a man, according to the proclamation, the Confederates would very certainly shoot our best men in their hands in retaliation ; and so man for man indefinitely. It is, therefore, my order that you allow no man to be shot under the proclamation without first having my approbation or consent."^ With admirable frankness and candor Mr. Lincoln in that letter to General Fremont expressed his conviction that the 1 Nicolay and Hay, Abraham Lincoln, A History, Vol. IV., p. 418. 196 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN portion of the proclamation that referred "to the confiscation of property and the liberating of slaves" would alarm Southern Union men and turn them against the government. This he feared would ruin the prospect of holding Kentucky loyal to the Union. "Allow me, therefore," he added, "to ask that you will as of your own motion, modify that paragraph so as to conform to the first and fourth sections of the Act of Congress entitled 'An Act to Confiscate property used for insurrectory purposes.' " To this letter of wondrous tact and kindliness General Fremont, on the 8th of September, 1861, replied at length affirming his conviction that his proclamation was wise and would prove effective for the Union cause, and asking the President to assume responsibility for its modification if he still thought such action should be taken. This was a most remarkable attitude for an American General to assume toward the President, the Commander in Chief of the Armies of the nation; but Mr. Lincoln was too great to be disturbed by the affair and "cheerfully," as he said, ordered the proc- lamation to be modified as suggested by him. General Fremont's letter of September 8th to the Presi- dent was by him sent to Mr. Lincoln by the hand of his wife, the brilliant daughter of the great Missouri senator, Thomas H. Benton, and the beloved "Jessie Benton Fremont" — whose name rang out upon the air as a republican battle-cry during the Presidential campaign of 1856, and was afterwards re- peated as a synonym of exalted womanhood and courageous enterprise and adventure. Intent upon her mission to pre- vent the modification of her husband's proclamation, and to strengthen him with the President in the unfortunate contro- versy with his subordinates, she reached Washington at night and sought an immediate interview with the latter, calling him from his bed at midnight and pressing her accusations and demands so vigorously that in his account of the affair Mr. Lincoln said: "She taxed me so violently with many things that I had to exercise all the awkward tact that I have to EMANCIPATION CONSIDERED 197 avoid quarreling with her. . . . She more than once inti- mated that if General Fremont should decide to try conclu- sions with me he could set up for himself."^ This incident illustrates the severity of the storm encoun- tered by President Lincoln in his efforts to modify General Fremont's proclamation and to arrest proceedings under it so as to prevent the harmful results he believed it would cause. The President's apprehensions and his course in this matter are fully justified by conditions as we know them to have existed at that time. The war had then been in progress more than four months and states permitting slavery had joined the rebellion one after another until only the border states were left undecided as to whether they would remain in the Union or unite with the Confederacy. President Lincoln was watching the pro- ceedings with painful solicitude, fully convinced that the fate of the nation depended upon the decision of those border states and that the decision of Kentucky would determine whether the other border states would decide for or against the Union. He was very careful not to declare his convic- tions respecting these matters. He remained outwardly opti- mistic and studiously refrained from disclosing the appalling perils of the nation. But while thus concealing his appre- hensions he was constant and untiring in his efforts to win the loyalty of the border states. He endured severe criticism for this rather than incur the risk of injuring the Union cause by an explanation of his course, even although it might be satisfactory to the watchful and anxious people. But the Fremont affair compelled him to speak, not to the public but to a close personal friend, and his disclosures to that friend leave nothing to be desired either in the course he pursued or the motives by which he was influenced. The intimate friend to whom Mr. Lincoln made those dis- closures was United States Senator O. H. Browning of Illinois, who, on the 17th of September, 1861, had in a letter 2 Nicolay and Hay, Abraham Lincoln, A History, Vol. IV., p. 415. 198 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAIM LINCOLN to President Lincoln severely criticised his disapproval of General Fremont's proclamation. On the 22nd of September, 1 86 1 — just one year previous to the issuing by President Lin- coln of the preliminary Emancipation Proclamation — Mr. Lincoln replied to Senator Browning's criticisms in a letter marked "Private and Confidential," in which he said: "I think to lose Kentucky is nearly the same as to lose the w^hole game. Kentucky gone, we cannot hold Missouri, nor, as I think, Maryland. These all against us, and the job on our hands is too large for us. We would as well consent to sepa- ration at once, including the surrender of this capital."^ To read this disclosure of the nation's peril, even at this distant day, is like witnessing a loved one's hairbreadth escape from seemingly unavoidable disaster. We are filled with dismay, and shrink back as we are made to realize how very near we then came to a catastrophe more dreadful than any the world has ever known. And only in strict confidence and because he deemed it necessary did President Lincoln make knovv^n to his trusted, though at the time misguided friend, the perilous conditions through which the nation was then passing. This letter to Senator Browning was not at the time made public, and not until long after the dangers it revealed had passed did the people learn that at that hour the nation's fate was trembling in the balance. Suddenly the storm broke. While President Lincoln was exerting every influence in his power to cause the Kentucky legislature, then in session, to take action against secession and in favor of the Union, and when the nation's fate de- pended upon the Government maintaining its attitude of non- interference with slavery, the Fremont proclamation of emancipation was issued and made public. We are not left in uncertainty as to the influence of that proclamation in the border states, for President Lincoln in his letter to Senator Browning, from which I have already quoted, in referring to this matter, pathetically writes: "The Kentucky legislature 3 Nicolay and Hay, Abraham Lincoln, A History, Vol. IV., p. 422. EMANCIPATION CONSIDERED 199 would not budge till that proclamation was modified ; and General Anderson telegraphed me that on the news of Gen- eral Fremont having actually issued deeds of manumission, a whole company of our volunteers threw down their arms and disbanded. I was so assured as to think it probable that the very arms we had furnished Kentucky would be turned against us."* Before President Lincoln knew of the unfavorable action of the Kentucky legislature in his private letter to General Fremont, already quoted, he expressed his fears that the proc- lamation would be harmful to the Union cause among "our Southern Union friends" and ruinous to the Union cause in Kentucky. A more unfortunate time for an antislavery movement could not possibly have been chosen than that selected by General Fremont for his proclamation of state-wide martial law and military emancipation. Conditions in the border states were made peculiarly unfavorable to its acceptance be- cause of the tremendous efforts of the Confederate leaders to enlist those states in the rebellion. No less eager was Pres- ident Lincoln to hold Kentucky to her allegiance to the Union than was Jefferson Davis to win that state to the Confederacy. There were certain leading men in Kentucky who, at that time, were believed to be able to control the action of the state respecting the Rebellion. One man — a journalist of excep- tional ability — was. believed to have sufficient influence to swing the state as he might choose to the support of the Federal Government or to the Confederacy. To enlist that great journalist on the side of the rebellion was the chief aim and effort of the Confederate leaders. Fifty thousand dollars in gold was the sum employed to carry out the scheme. Ac- cording to autograph letters now before me, some written by the editor in question, and others by prominent Confed- erates, that sum was invested to purchase the influence which it was believed would cause Kentucky to renounce her alle- ^Nicolay and Hay, Abraham Lincoln, A History, Vol. IV., p. 422. 200 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN giance to the Union and join the Confederacy. The arrange- ments to accomplish that result were consummated and the time fixed for the carrying out of the agreement when coun- teracting influences suddenly and unexpectedly intervened and the whole scheme was brought to a disastrous failure. Ken- tucky declared her loyalty to the Government and aided very materially in the war for the Government's preservation. The correspondence shows that the fifty thousand dollar purchase price, although paid over, was not receipted for nor returned, and the goods were not delivered. Names and dates for all this could be easily given, but it would serve no good purpose. What I have here stated is given as an illustration of con- ditions as they existed at the time the Fremont proclamation was issued. These incidents also aid in explaining Lincoln's anxiety and care not to offend public sentiment in Kentucky, if it could possibly be avoided. To many loyal people his seemingly excessive solicitude to secure and hold the favor of that state was a mystery, and some were uncharitable enough to attribute it to partiality for it as his native state. But his letter to Senator Browning and the incident relating to the Kentucky journalist make it all plain, and show that in President Lincoln's opinion, and in fact, the Fremont proclamation was very inopportune as well as premature. This he states very clearly in the Hodges letter of April 4th, when he says: "When, early in the war, General Fremont attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it an indispensable necessity." Another reason for Mr. Lincoln's disapproval of the Fremont proclamation was his conviction that when emancipation became a necessity, as he thought possibly would sometime be the case, it should be proclaimed and made effective, not by a general in command of a department with his small area of territory and his limited authority and power, but by the President with his nation- wide jurisdiction and his great resources for making it uni- form and successful. This, as we shall soon see, was promi- nent in his thought at a later period and probably had its EMANCIPATION CONSIDERED 201 influence in causing him to disapprove of the Fremont eman- cipation scheme. In addition to these considerations, each and all of which had influence with the President, the Fremont emancipation movement was in itself exceedingly objectionable to President Lincoln. He was careful not to refer to this in his official statements, for he realized that public sentiment against slavery was so strong and intense that a declaration by him against that emancipation movement would be misunderstood and would result in harm to the Union cause. In his letters to General Fremont the President sets forth no reason for his disapproval of the General's emancipation scheme save his apprehension that it would have a harmful influence with the Union people of the South. This was doubtless due to the restraints of ofiicial courtesy and of diplomatic considerations. But in his letter to Senator Browning before cited, he lays aside all reserve and inveighs against the proclamation with intense severity. He declares it to be "purely political and not within the range of military law or necessity. . . . The proclamation in the point in question is simply dictatorship. It assumes that the General may do anything he pleases — confiscate the lands and free the slaves of loyal people as well as of disloyal ones. And going the whole figure, I have no doubt would be more popular with some thoughtless people than that which has been done ! But I cannot assume this reckless position nor allow others to assume it on my responsibility." In reply to the Senator's claim that it was the only means of saving the government, he says: "On the contrary, it is itself the surrender of the government."^ These unusually strong declarations of Mr. Lincoln's ob- jections to General Fremont's attempt at military emancipa- tion reveal the nature of the trials through which he was then passing and the extent to which that affair added to their severity. 5 Nicolay and Hay, Abraham Lincoln, A History, Vol. IV., pp. 421-422. 202 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN The infelicities connected with this affair did not cause the President to take any action unfavorable to General Fre- mont, but on account of the bitter animosities in his depart- ment growing out of other matters, the President, after re- peated efforts to avoid so doing, relieved him of his command and appointed General David Hunter as his successor. In the spirit of a true soldier, General Fremont retired from his command in a manner calculated to be helpful to his successor. But while the harmful influences of his untimely emancipation proclamation were so far overcome as to prevent immediate serious results, the hostilities engendered by it, like avenging bloodhounds, pursued Mr. Lincoln during all the remainder of his weary days. In his plans to prosecute the war and save the nation, in his efforts to destroy slavery and in his candidacy for re-election those hostilities were ever present and added greatly to his difficulties and to the bitterness of the cup constantly pressed to his lips. The loyalty of the border states having been won by a policy of non-interference with slavery, it was found necessary to continue that policy in order to hold their allegiance to the Union. This it became very difficult to do. The progress of the war was constantly producing changes and creating new and difficult complications respecting slavery and the colored people. The white slave masters fled from the ap- proach of the Union army, leaving many thousands of colored slaves to be dealt with by the Government. Those slaves were eager to aid the Union cause as laborers or in any way by which they could be helpful to the Union army and to the Government. Thousands of them were anxious to enlist as soldiers and fight for the Union even against their former masters. How to deal with these loyal people was a problem of constantly increasing magnitude and importance, and as the war continued adherence to President Lincoln's purpose not to interfere with slavery became more and more difficult for all who were connected with the Government. EMANCIPATION CONSIDERED 203 During autumn months of 1861, the Government, while not embarrassed by any attempts at military emancipation, was compelled to take action permitting the loyal slaves of disloyal masters to aid in efforts to save the nation. In the regions where the colored people were the most numerous and the climate was the most inhospitable to the Union soldiers, the demand for such action was most imperative. As time passed the Government was led increasingly to utilize the slaves to the greatest possible extent in overcoming the re- bellion. The first very important movement toward that policy was when arrangements were being made for the expe- ditions under General Sherman into South Carolina, where the colored population was in preponderance. On the 14th of October, 1861, in his instructions to General Sherman, the Secretary of War said among other things: "You will, how- ever, in general, avail yourself of the services of any persons, whether fugitives from labor or not, who may offer them- selves to the national Government. You may employ such persons in such services as they may be fitted for, either as ordinary employees, or, if special circumstances seem to re- quire it, in any other capacity, with such organization in squads, companies or otherwise, as you may deem most bene- ficial to the service. This, however, not to mean a general arming of them for military service." This last sentence was interlined by President Lincoln by his own hand. In the phrase "special circumstances" the word "special" was also added by the President. In making these amendments to the instructions sent to General Sherman by the Secretary of War, President Lincoln was seeking to avoid harmful criti- cisms from those who were ever ready to embarrass the Gov- ernment by stirring up race prejudice and by opposing all movements against slavery. To avoid being accused of the confiscation of the property of loyal people the order read: "You will assure all loyal masters that Congress will provide just compensation to them for the loss of the services of the persons so employed." And as an encouragement to those 204 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN who should thus serve the Government it was added: "And you will assure all persons held to involuntary labor, who may be thus received into the service of the Government, that they will, under no circumstances, be again reduced to their former condition, unless at the expiration of their respective terms of service they freely choose to return to the service of their former masters."** This order marks the beginning of the enrollment of former slaves in the service of the Government, which was continued in force until there were enrolled two hundred and fifty thousand colored soldiers and laborers in the army. At the time this order was made President Lincoln had not reached the point at which he was willing to approve of the general enlistment in the Union army of former colored slaves, but he consented to this order because of the peculiar conditions in the section which the expedition under General Sherman was expected to occupy. The purpose to safeguard slavery against improper interference by the general Govern- ment which caused President Lincoln to disapprove of General Fremont's emancipation movement was still dominant in his mind and caused him to exercise constant supervision over his subordinates in military and civil services; and when pre- paring to submit to Congress in December, 1861, his annual message and the reports of the members of his Cabinet, he was astonished to discover that the annual report of the Sec- retary of War had been printed in pamphlet form without having been submitted to him, and had been sent by mail to the postmasters of the principal cities to be held by them in readiness to be given to the newspapers as soon as the Presi- dent's message was read in the two houses of Congress. The President's surprise at this unusual and irregular pro- ceeding grew into displeasure when he discovered that said report contained recommendations for the general enlistment in the Union Army of colored slaves, and their employment in military activities. This was so widely at variance with the «War Records, Vol. VI., p. 176. EMANCIPATION CONSIDERED 205 position of the President at that time that the pamphlet copies of the report which had been sent out were, by telegraph, immediately ordered to be returned and the report was changed so as to conform with the views of Mr. Lincoln. This affair was well calculated to cause a serious rupture in the President's Cabinet ; the course pursued by the Secretary of War being not only at variance with the rules and customs in such cases, but of such a character as to produce the impression that it was an effort to circumvent the President by committing his administration to a policy of which he was known to disapprove. It was claimed at the time that the report was printed without the President's approval because of the apprehension that he would not approve of the recommendation respecting the enlistment of colored troops, and that it was distributed to the newspapers as it was to make difficult if not impossible its recall. The high standing of Secretary Simon Cameron, who was responsible for this unusual proceeding, added to the embarrassment of President Lincoln and to the difficulties encountered by him in his efforts so to adjust matters as to avoid serious results. General Cameron was by ten years President Lincoln's senior. He had been twice elected to the United States senate from Pennsylvania and had for eight years served in that body with marked distinction. In the Chicago convention that nominated Mr. Lincoln he was a prominent candidate for the Presidency and was the unani- mous choice of the Penns34vania delegation for that office, and when the opportune time arrived he approved of the action by which his support in that convention was given to Mr. Lincoln, and made possible his nomination. He was a man of very superior ability, of strong personality, with a large and enthusiastic following. His pronounced antislavery con- victions and tendencies caused him to be very closely allied with Seward and Chase, the two most prominent and influ- ential members of the Lincoln Cabinet, and there is ample evidence that those three distinguished Cabinet ministers were 2o6 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN in frequent consultation concerning the feature of General Cameron's report to which the President objected. The situation was made more compHcated by the manifest reasonableness of the position assumed by General Cameron and the preponderance of loyal public sentiment in approval of his recommendation. Few men in Mr. Lincoln's position and with his limited experience in public life could have measured up to the requirements of that hour. But Mr. Lincoln was more than equal to the emergency. He remained calm through all of the affair. The storm, though severe, did not disturb the deep waters of his nature and his unyield- ing firmness held him to his declared purposes. My personal recollections of those events are still very vivid. The people did not know of the affair vmtil the dif- ficulties were adjusted, but were soon given the full text of the portion of General Cameron's reports to which the Presi- dent objected as well as the portion written to conform to the President's wishes. This incident was for a time very disturbing in official circles at Washington. It was generally supposed that it would cause the dismissal of Cameron from the Cabinet and possibly the w^thdraw^al of other members from the President's official family. It is quite certain that General Cameron expected to be requested by the President to resign as Secre- tary of War. But Mr. Lincoln disappointed all expectations by not manifesting the least resentment of the indignity nor any displeasure with General Cameron. His official relations with him were not in the least affected, and after a few weeks, when General Cameron had expressed a preference for a posi- tion in foreign service, he was appointed and confirmed as minister to Russia, and Edwin M. Stanton was chosen to suc- ceed him as Secretary of War. General Cameron continued as one of President Lincoln's most devoted and faithful friends and was one of the earliest and most ardent advocates of his re-election. By his magnanimous treatment of General Cameron and the appointment of Mr. Stanton as his successor, EMANCIPATION CONSIDERED 207 In the Cabinet, President Lincoln converted the disintegrating influences of the Cameron affair into elements of strength, binding the members of his administration more closely to each other and to himself. The first regular session of Congress after President Lin- coln's inauguration convened on the 2nd of December, 1861. Mr. Lincoln's nine months of experience as President had to some degree modified his position respecting slavery, but conscious that the trend of events was in the direction of re- lentless warfare against that institution he sounded a note of warning in his first regular message by saying: "The L^nion must be preserved and hence all indispensable means must be employed. We should not be in haste to determine that radical and extreme measures which may reach the loyal as well as the disloyal are indispensable.'"^ In each of the two sentences here quoted the word "in- dispensable" is used, indicating that Mr. Lincoln was antici- pating the coming of conditions that would make it necessary to destroy slavery in order to save the nation. But he could not regard himself as absolved from the meaning of his oath of office and from his solemn promises not to interfere with slavery within state limits until he became fully convinced that by no other method could the nation be saved. Hence, the use of the word "indispensable" in his first regular message to Congress and in other papers before and after that event. But President Lincoln's conscientious scruples about inter- fering with slavery were not shared by all of those to whom that message was addressed. That Congress was made up largely of men fresh from the people and the loyal masses were becoming restless under the policy of safeguarding and protecting the institution which was seeking to destroy the nation. Hence, no counsel, not even from the President, could avail to arrest the movement against slavery. That movement was rapidly gaining in momentum, and the results of the war, whether favorable or otherwise, added to the num- ^ Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln, Vol. VII., p. 52. 2o8 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN ber and strength of the influences that were combining against the institution that all loyal people regarded as responsible for the war. President Lincoln, in his great anxiety to hold the border states in loyalty to the Union, earnestly advised moderation in all measures relating to slavery. But the radical element in Congress was intent on advance in antislavery legislation, and before the close of that first regular session of the thirty- seventh Congress, five important measures respecting slavery were enacted and were given the President's approval. The first and most important of those enactments was the law abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia. The history of that measure cannot be correctly written without taking account of facts which are not matters of public record, such as the action of committees, conferences with the President and with members of his Cabinet, and the work of sub-committees. The movement enlisted the efforts of a large number of the most prominent members of both branches of Congress, some of whom, though active and influential in securing its enactment, had no part in preparing the measure which became a law. Several members of Congress introduced bills upon that subject and if one considers the published official records only there is danger of failing correctly to determine the origin of the bill which was enacted. The complete official record of the proceedings that resulted in placing that important law upon the nation's statute books and the testimony of partici- pants in those proceedings show that the law is not identical with any one of the bills introduced by individual members, but is a composite made up of portions of several bills, together with amendments made by committees and by action of Congress. The bill introduced early in the session by Hon. James M. Ashley of Ohio consisted of only one sentence of twenty words, and provided "that slavery, or involuntary servitude, shall cease in the District of Columbia from and after the EMANCIPATION CONSIDERED 209 passage of this act." The history of this brief bill can be fully traced through all the proceedings that followed to the en- actment of the law, because its author was identified with those proceedings more fully than was any senator or other mem- ber of the House of Representatives. That bill was referred to the committee for the District of Columbia, of which its author, General Ashley, was a member, and of which the Hon. Roscoe Conkling was chairman. In the routine of business the bill when read to the committee was by common consent referred to General Ashley, who, because he had introduced the measure and had it at the time in charge, at once became the target for many indignities from pro-slavery members of the committee and slave-owning residents of the District. Soon after the bill was thus referred to him as a committee of one. General Ashley was invited by Hon. Salmon P. Chase, Secretary of the Treasury, to a conference, during which the latter asked that the bill be amended so as to provide for compensation to loyal slave owners for slaves made free by its enactment. This was a remarkable suggestion, coming as it did from a man who at that time and during the remainder of Mr. Lincoln's administration was considered the leader of the extreme antislavery element in the republican party. But Mr. Chase knew that the President was contemplating an effort to enlist the border states in a scheme for gradual emancipa- tion with compensation by the Government for losses thus sustained. Therefore, it was his conviction that the President would object to the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia unless provision was made for compensation. To this General Ashley was at first strongly opposed, but after a prolonged interview with the President, he came to look upon the suggestion of Mr. Chase as a possible means of securing for the bill some support it might not otherwise have received. At President Lincoln's suggestion General Ashley decided to ask the Senate Committee for the District of Co- lumbia to assign one of its members to confer with him and aid in the preparation of a bill that would be acceptable to 210 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN the President. Fortunately, Senator Lot M. Morrill of Maine was appointed as General Ashley's associate and after repeated and prolonged conferences extending over a period of several weeks, those two gentlemen came to agreement on a bill which, after being approved by President Lincoln and Mr. Chase and by the committees of the two Houses of Congress, was, on the 12th day of March, 1862, reported to the House of Representatives by General Ashley with the recommendation of the committee that it be passed. Along with a like recommendation from the Senate committee for the District of Columbia, the bill was reported to the senate by Senator Morrill, and after extended discussion and amend- ment, on the 3rd of April, 1862, it was passed by a vote of twenty-nine for to fourteen against. On the nth of April the bill as amended by the senate passed the House by a vote of ninety-two for to thirty-eight against, and was approved by the President and became a law on the i6th of April, 1862. The law abolished slavery in the District of Columbia and appropriated one million dollars to compensate loyal slave owners for their slaves at the rate of three hundred dollars for each slave made free by that law, and also appropriated one hundred thousand dollars for expenses of voluntary emi- gration to Hayti or Liberia. General Ashley's objection to the compensation feature of this bill, already mentioned, was on account of his disapproval of such a recognition by the Government of the slave holder's ownership of their slaves, and also because he believed that three-fourths of those who would receive compensation were secessionists at heart and in sympathy with the Rebellion. Many other radical anti slavery members were of the same opinion, but all submitted to that objectionable feature of the bill because of their ardent desire to banish slavery from the national capital and from the Dis- trict in which it was located. President Lincoln, however, was in favor of compensating all loyal slave owners for slaves made free by action of the Government and providing for the cost of voluntary colonization, and he was delighted to have EMANCIPATION CONSIDERED 211 both of these features included in the law making the District of Columbia free. Of the other four antislavery measures adopted during that session of Congress the most important was the law prohibiting slavery from the territories of the United States and from all territory that for any purpose or at any time might be acquired by the nation. The enactment by Congress of that law was peculiarly pleasing to Mr. Lin- coln, as it was in the line of the teachings to which he has devoted so many years. The fundamental doctrine of the re- publican party was that "The Constitution confers upon Con- gress sovereign power over the territories for their govern- ment," and that in the exercise of that power Congress should prohibit slavery in the territories of the United States. The great speeches which made Abraham Lincoln famous and won for him the Presidency were all in defense of that doctrine, and he was never more eloquent and forceful than when insisting that not one foot of free soil should ever be con- taminated by slavery. And when it became his privilege, by his signature, to make valid an enactment embodying the teachings of all his life, the foundation principle of his party and the requirements of civic righteousness, he had reached a height of personal achievement above which very few have ever risen. And in the enactment of that law the long, hard struggle against oppression found a rich reward. Since the glad day in which that law became effective not one inch of free territory in all of our national domain has ever felt the tread of the heel of tyranny. Quite as gratifying to all loyal people as the law granting freedom to the slaves of the disloyal was that other law providing for the enlistment of colored freedmen as soldiers in the Union army. No one act of the Government, save the edict of the Emancipation, wrought as efifectively as did that law in the final overthrow of the Rebellion. The measure of Congress which afforded the human heart greatest relief and gratification was the additional article of war prohibiting the arrest of the fugitive slaves by any officer or person in the 212 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN military or naval service. Apart from slavery itself the most objectionable feature of the reign of slavery was the Fugitive Slave Lav^, by which the freedom-loving people of the free states were required to pursue, capture and return to slavery fugitives from bondage who were fleeing to a land of liberty, and that article of war marked the end of that unspeakably offensive Fugitive Slave Law. The^e five antislavery laws enacted during that first regular session of the thirty-seventh Congress, together with the Con- fiscation Law passed during the special session, marked the great advance being made in the direction of the extinction of slavery. During the time these measures were under con- sideration in Congress, President Lincoln was earnestly en- gaged in efforts to persuade the Border States to adopt a sys- tem of emancipation with compensation by the Government for their slaves thus made free. His pleadings were pathetic, but were all unavailing. His efforts, however, were helpful to the enactment of the antislavery laws before recited and aided in creating the conditions which brought forth the great edict of Emancipation. The trend of events was evi- dently in the direction of a declaration against slavery, but before conditions, in President Lincoln's estimation, seemed to demand such action he was unexpectedly required by his convictions of duty again to interpose his authority and over- rule a movement against slavery by one of his subordinates. On the 9th of May, 1862, General David Hunter, in com- mand of the department of the South, issued an order of mili- tary emancipation which on the 19th of May President Lincoln in a proclamation declared to be without authority from the General Government and therefore void. No im- proper motives could by any one be ascribed to General Hunter for his action in this matter. He was an ofllicer of exceptional ability with no political aspirations or tendencies, and was a devoted personal and political friend of Mr. Lin- coln. His department included the states of South Carolina, Georgia and Florida, having a population which normally EMANCIPATION CONSIDERED 213 consisted of from three to five slaves to one white person. The whites were secessionists and had all fled upon the ap- proach of the Union army. The colored people were all loyal and were eager to aid the Government as laborers or as sol- diers in the army, for which they were at the time organizing. The order of the Secretary of War to General Sherman here- inbefore mentioned and the laws enacted by Congress, which was then in session, together with conditions in his department, seemed to General Hunter to justify his proclamation of free- dom for the slaves. But the issuing of that proclamation by General Hunter was an exercise of authority that President Lincoln regarded as the prerogative of the Chief Executive only, and upon that ground the proclamation was overruled. Secretary Chase in a letter to the President asked him to permit the order to stand, but Mr. Lincoln was clear in his conviction that he could not rightfully do so. Therefore, on the proclamation he wrote, as he also stated in his letter to Chase, "No commanding general should do such a thing upon my responsibility without consulting me."^ In his proclamation of May 19th, 1862, annulling the emancipation portion of General Hunter's order, President Lincoln said: "I further make known that, whether it be competent for me, as commander-in-chief of the army and navy, to declare the slaves of any State or States free, and whether, at any time, in any case, it shall have become a necessity indispensable to the maintenance of the Government to exercise such supposed power, are questions which, under my responsibility, I reserve to myself, and which I cannot feel justified in leaving to the decision of commanders in the field. These are totally different questions from those of police regulations in armies and camps."® By comparing these quotations from the President's proc- 8 Warden's "Life of Salmon P. Chase," p. 434. Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln, Vol. VIL, p. 167. 9 Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln, Vol. VIL, pp. 171-172. 214 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN lamation with his statements nine months before when dis- approving of General Fremont's emancipation scheme, we dis- cover a very great change in his attitude toward slavery. In this proclamation by the President there is no disapproval of emancipation nor any reference to its possible unfavorable influence in the states permitting slavery. The only objection to General Hunter's order which is here stated is based on the General's lack of authority to take such action without con- sulting the President. But very significant is the intimation in this proclamation of the possibility of a future emancipation policy by the President himself. As I now read those hints of such possible action by the President, I am astonished that they were not understood by the people at that time. We had come to look upon Mr. Lincoln as unyieldingly opposed to all avoidable interference with slavery within state limits, and we were not looking for any movement by him against that institution. Therefore, we did not then discover that in over- ruling General Hunter's proclamation because it was issued without due authority, the President encouraged the hope that at an early day he would turn the batteries of the Govern- ment upon slavery. It was doubtless to prepare the public mind for such an event that Mr. Lincoln in this proclamation stated that he reserved to himself the exclusive right to issue an emancipation proclamation, to decide whether such action could rightfully be taken and when it could wisely be done. For a like purpose. President Lincoln in his annual message in December stated that "all indispensable means must be em- ployed" to save the Union. He was feeling the pressure of the antislavery sentiment of the loyal people and was edu- cating the public mind to regard emancipation as indispen- sable to the preservation of the nation. As President Lin- coln saw the coming of emancipation he also saw the utter financial ruin that it would bring upon the portions of the country where it should be made effective. And with all his heart and soul he desired and endeavored to rescue those sec- tions from that calamity by having the General Government EMANCIPATION CONSIDERED 215 compensate slave owners for their financial loss through eman- cipation. As an object lesson teaching the effectiveness of such a plan he secured compensation in connection with the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia. On the 6th of March, 1862, while that District bill was under considera- tion in Congress, the President by special message asked for the adoption of the following joint resolution: "Resolved, That the United States ought to co-operate with any State which may adopt gradual abolishment of slavery, giving to such State pecuniary aid, to be used by such State, in its discretion, to compensate for the inconvenience, public and private, produced by such change of system."^" This resolution was quoted by President Lincoln in his proclamation overruling General Hunter's emancipation proc- lamation. So dominant in his soul was the desire by compen- sation to save the South from the ruinous results of the destruction of slavery which he had come to regard as inevit- able, that he turned aside from the main purpose of his proc- lamation to advocate his favorite proposition of "compensate abolishment" of that institution. Respecting the foregoing joint resolution Mr. Lincoln said: "The resolution, in the language above quoted, was adopted by large majorities in both branches of Congress, and now stands an authentic, definite, and solemn proposal of the nation to the states and people most immediately interested in the subject matter. To the people of those states I now earnestly appeal. I do not argue — I beseech you to make arguments for yourselves. You cannot, if you would, be blind to the signs of the times. I beg of you a calm and enlarged consideration of them, rang- ing, if it may be, far above personal and partisan politics. This proposal makes common cause for a common object, casting no reproaches upon any. It acts not the Pharisee. The change it contemplates would come gently as the dews of heaven, not rending or wrecking anything. Will you not embrace it? So much good has not been done, by one effort, ^•^ Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln, Vol. VII., p. 172, 2i6 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN in all past time, as in the providence of God it is now your high privilege to do. May the vast future not have to lament that you have neglected it."" Early in the war Mr. Lincoln in a private conversation with Robert J. Walker and James R. Gilmore intimated that he was considering a proposition to ofTer financial compensa- tion to slave states that would co-operate with the General Government in accomplishing the gradual abolishment of slavery. He then expressed the conviction that the North and South were jointly and equally responsible for the existence of slavery in the nation, and that any financial loss from its abolishment should be borne by the General Government. To this conviction he steadfastly adhered, even after Congress had submitted to the states the Constitutional Amendment abolishing and forever prohibiting slavery in the nation; but that compensation for financial loss through emancipation was for states co-operating with the Government in abolishing slavery, and in conversation with Governor Walker he said: "If we must fight out this war to a victory there should be no compensation." And when dealing with the Hunter proclamation Mr. Lin- coln realized that slavery was doomed and that only by. the plan suggested in his gradual emancipation message of March 6th could any state permitting slavery escape from dis- astrous financial loss. Hence, his impassioned appeal to the slave states to accept the compensated abolishment proposition which he quoted in the proclamation annulling General Hun- ter's order. Hence, also, his conference on the 12th of July, 1862, with members of Congress from the Border States and his strong appeal to them not to neglect the opportunity afforded them to aid in the early termination of the war and to save their states from the disastrous financial loss by com- mending to their constituents the compensation proposition of the General Government. At the time of that conference with the representatives 11 Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln, Vol. VII., pp. 172-173. EMANCIPATION CONSIDERED 217 of the Border States, President Lincoln had not only decided to issue an Emancipation Proclamation, but the original copy of that great document had been prepared by him and was probably lying in his private drawer within his reach as he was reading to those gentlemen his fervent plea for their assistance in making his compensation abolishment plan suc- cessful. This fact explains the peculiar character of his appeal on the 1 2th of July to those members of Congress from the Border States. His marshaling of facts, cogency of argu- ment, solemn warnings and impassioned appeal resemble the tearful messages of Jeremiah, when in prophetic vision he saw the calamities into which his people were stubbornly advanc- ing. To have pointed those men to the sword of judgment against slavery which even then was lifted up and was ready to fall, would have been to employ a threat to accomplish what he still hoped to achieve by persuasion. In the Hodges letter, from which I have already quoted, referring to his efforts with the Border State men. President Lincoln said: "When in March and May and July, 1862, I made earnest and successive appeals to the Border States to favor compen- sated emancipation, I believed the indispensable necessity for military emancipation and arming the blacks would come unless averted by that measure. They declined the proposition, and I was, in my best judgment, driven to the alternative of either surrendering the Union, and with it the Constitution, or of laying strong hand upon the colored element."" On the 7th of April, 1864, three days after the Hodges letter was written, in a conversation with Mr. George Thomp- son, Mr. Lincoln, referring to the time of which I am writing, said: "The moment came when I felt that slavery must die that the nation might live." That interview with the Border State men on the 12th of July, 1862, was the last of Mr. Lincoln's efforts to avoid or postpone the issuing of a proclamation of freedom. If 12 Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln, Vol. X., p. 67. 2i8 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN those gentlemen upon that occasion had encouraged the Presi- dent to hope that they would aid in making his compensation scheme successful it is quite certain that he would have with- held his proclamation until they could have done so; but by declining his invitation they left him without an alternative, and the next day in a conversation with Seward and Welles he declared his purpose to issue an Emancipation Procla- mation. VII EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION THE Emancipation Proclamation was the product of a severe struggle between the radical and conservative elements of the nation. That struggle continued with constantly increasing vigor during the first year and a half of Mr. Lincoln's Presidency, and ceased when that Proclama- tion was issued on the 22nd of September, 1862. After that date the conservative element with decreased and decreasing severity opposed the Emancipation policy of the administra- tion, but the victory of the radicals was practically won when the preliminary proclamation was issued. President Lincoln became the unwilling captive of the radical element, and with very great and painful reluctance accomplished by the Emancipation Proclamation what he dili- gently sought to avoid. He ardently desired the abolishment of slavery by state action and not by edict of the General Government. After the preliminary Proclamation was issued he stated to Hon. Edwin Stanley, Military Governor of North Carolina, "that he had prayed to the Almighty to save him from this necessity, adopting the very language of our Saviour, Tf it be possible, let this cup pass from me,' but the prayer had not been answered." ^ To the representatives from the Border States, on July 1 2th, 1862, the President said: "I am pressed with a difficulty not yet mentioned — one which threatens division among those who, united, are none too strong." In this President Lincoln referred to the Proclamation of Emancipation which had been issued by General Hunter, and said: "In repudiating it, I gave dissatisfaction, if not offense, to many whose support the 1 Thorndyke Rice, Reminiscences of Abraham Lincoln, p. 533. 219 220 LATEST UGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN country cannot afford to lose. And this is not the end of it. The pressure in this direction is still upon me and is increas- ing."' The next day after that conference, in his conversation with Secretaries Seward and Welles, according to the testi- mony of the latter, Mr. Lincoln declared that Emancipation "was forced upon him as a necessity," "was thrust at him from various quarters," and "had been driven home to him by the conference of the preceding day." The conference to which President Lincoln here refers was the one with the Border State men, and it was their re- jection of his proposition for compensated emancipation that had "driven home to him" the necessity of an Emancipation Proclamation. He realized that a crisis had been reached and that what he designated as "Military Emancipation" had become an indispensable necessity. The struggle by which that decision was evolved began when he became President. The Fremont Emancipation movement was an eruption from the volcano of antislavery sentiment among the loyal masses and the contest which that movement precipitated added to the influences arrayed in hostility to slavery. On the 15th of November, 1861, eight months after Mr. Lincoln's inaugu- ration, Hon. George Bancroft addressed a letter to the Presi- dent in which he said: "Your administration has fallen upon times which will be remembered as long as human events find a record. I sin- cerely wish to you the glory of perfect success. Civil war is the instrument of Divine Providence to root out social slavery. Posterity will not be satisfied with the result unless the conse- quences of the war shall effect an increase of free States. This is the universal expectation and hope of men of all parties." In reply to Mr. Bancroft's letter the President wrote: "The main thought in the closing paragraph of your letter is one which does not escape my attention, and with which I - Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln, Vol. VII., pp. 272-273. EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION 221 must deal in all due caution, and with the best judgment I can bring to it." ^ Mr. Bancroft's high standing in public esteem, his great wisdom and discretion and his large experience in public life, gave much weight to his declaration respecting slavery, and Mr. Lincoln's reply to that portion of his letter is a milestone marking his progress toward the conclusion announced by him eight months later in his conversation with two members of his Cabinet, as already cited. During the months immediately preceding Emancipation Mr. Lincoln's mail was loaded with letters similar to the one received by him from Mr. Bancroft. Many conservative people of prominence in business activities and professional pursuits very earnestly counselled the President as did Mr. Bancroft, not to delay but to hasten the execution of the edict of destiny against slavery. People distinguished for their moderation and for their affiliation with conservative organi- zations and movements were emphatic in their declarations to the President, by letters and otherwise, that slavery should not be permitted to survive the war it had brought upon the nation. Leading democrats like Hon. Robert J. Walker of Mississippi and Gen. Benjamin F. Butler of Massachusetts assured the President of their conviction that, as slavery had drawn the sword it should speedily perish by the sword. People of strong antislavery views were earnest and untiring in their demands that slavery should be slain that it might not slay the nation. All these insisted that as slavery was the Rebellion's main pillar of strength it should be destroyed as a means for suppressing the Rebellion. They would not per- mit the President nor the loyal people to forget, that shortly before the war Representative Ashmore of South Carolina had declared in Congress that "the South can sustain more men in the field than the North can. Here four millions of slaves alone will enable her to support an army of half a million." 3 Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln, Vol. VII., pp. 20-21. 222 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN Similar declarations were made by other prominent South- ern men, and the Southern disloyal press teemed with edi- torials and contributed articles calling attention to the great advantage to the South of having such a vast force of toiling men and women to conduct agricultural and other activities of the South while the white men were at the front fighting against the Union armies. The sentiments of the loyal people who remembered these boasts were faithfully represented by the declaration of Gov- ernor Andrew of Massachusetts to the President in May, 1862, when he said: "The people of Massachusetts have come to feel it a heavy draft on their patriotism to be asked to fight Rebels without being permitted to fire on their magazines." In a like vein, but with greater bitterness, Horace Greeley said: "On the face of this wide earth, Mr. President, there is not one disinterested, determined, intelligent champion of the Union cause who does not feel that all attempts to put down the Rebellion and at the same time uphold its inciting cause are preposterous and futile." While declarations favorable to emancipation were pouring in upon President Lincoln by letters, newspaper articles and interviewers, church gatherings and reform associations were passing strong antislavery resolutions and sending delegations to the White House to declare their loyalty to the Union and to plead for the overthrow of slavery. No delegations from church bodies or from organizations engaged in reform work during those months of agitation and strife asked that slavery be left undisturbed, but all espoused the cause of emancipation. Many loyal people, however, feared that any interference with slavery by the General Government would be harmful to the Union cause and all who were pro-slavery at heart were watchful and vigilant in "safeguarding the peculiar in- stitution." On the 13th of September, 1862, in addressing a delegation from the religious bodies of Chicago, President Lincoln said: "I am approached with the most opposite opinions and advice, and that by religious men who are equally EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION 223 certain that they represent the divine will. . . . The subject is difficult and good men do not agree. . . . You know also that the last session of Congress had a decided majority of antislavery men, yet they could not unite upon this policy. The same is true of the religious people." * The struggles between those contending forces were con- stant and at times very severe ; but as resistlessly as the coming of the day the antislavery movement advanced. Mr. Lincoln recognized the growth of public sentiment in favor of eman- cipation and realized that he was rapidly approaching the time when he would be compelled by his own sense of duty to proclaim freedom to the slaves. A few days before the Eman- cipation Proclamation was issued in an interview with Rev. William Henry Channing and M. D. Conway he said: "Per- haps we may be better able to do something in that direction after awhile than we are now. ... I think the country is growing in this direction daily and I am not without hope that something of the desire of you and your friends may be accomplished. When the hour comes for dealing with slavery I trust I shall be willing to do my duty though it costs my life." While the growth of public sentiment against slavery, to which in the foregoing interview President Lincoln referred, was being accomplished, there were going on in his own mind and heart some very remarkable changes of conviction and purpose. In his letter to Senator Browning, at the time of the Fremont Emancipation movement, already cited, Mr. Lincoln said: "Can it be pretended that it is any longer the Government of the United States — any government of con- stitution and law — where any general or a President may make permanent rules of property by proclamation? I do not say Congress might not, with propriety, pass a law on tiie point, just such as General Fremont proclaimed. I do not say I might not as I may have Congress vote for it. What I object to is that I, as President, shall expressly or * Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln, Vol. VIII., pp. 28-29. 224 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN impliedly, seize the permanent legislative functions of the government." ^ This cannot mean less than a declaration that he did not regard himself as clothed with authority to issue an edict of freedom for those in slavery under the laws of a state. Thirteen months later, on the 9th of May, 1862, in over- ruling General Hunter's emancipation edict, the President intimated that he might reach the conclusion that he had the right to issue such a proclamation of freedom. And only four months after that intimation in his reply to the previously mentioned delegation from Chicago, on the 13th of September, 1862, he stated his conviction relative to that matter in the following unequivocal declaration: *T raise no objection against it on legal or constitutional grounds, for as commander-in-chief of the Army and Navy, in time of war, I suppose I have a right to take any measures which may best subdue the enemy." ^ These quotations are sufficient to show the changes that were taking place in President Lincoln's mind, but they do not disclose the more important changes that were taking place in his intentions. To no person, not even to his closest and most intimate friends, did he during those eighteen months give a hint of any change in his purposes relative to emancipation. And it was his habit when conferring with persons upon matters of importance to argue against a deci- sion he already had made and a course he intended to pursue. He did this not only to conceal his intentions, when he re- garded it necessary to do so, but also and chiefly to draw from others their strongest arguments in favor of the purposes he had formed. Hence, it is matter of authentic record that the strongest arguments against emancipation were those made by the President after the Emancipation Proclamation was written and had been submitted to the Cabinet for con- sideration. It seemed necessary for him to pursue this course 5 Nicolay and Hay, Vol. IV., p. 422. « Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln, Vol. VIII., pp. 31-32. EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION 225 with individuals, committees and delegations which were urging him to adopt and pursue an antislavery policy, but it caused him to be unfortunately misunderstood by many of his true friends during the time he was waiting for such a policy to become "an indispensable necessity." And it also produced the bewildering disagreement found in published statements of the order of events connected with the prepara-' tion and issuing of the Emancipation Proclamation. In "Six Months in the White House," Mr. F. B. Car- penter, the artist who painted the historic picture of Lincoln and his Cabinet, publishes his recollections of President Lin- coln's account to him of the preparation of the Emancipation Proclamation and its consideration by the Cabinet. That portion of Mr. Carpenter's book has been reproduced ver- batim by many authors of works on Lincoln, and has been made the basis by other authors for their histories of those events. But Mr. Carpenter's errors in dates, which have thus been given wide publicity, are all corrected by official records, by diaries kept by Secretaries Chase and Welles of the President's Cabinet, and by persons closely associated with the President. By careful and extended examination of those public and personal records I am able here to present an absolutely correct history of that proclamation from the time it was first written by Mr. Lincoln until it was finally pub- lished as an edict of the Government. On Wednesday, July 9th, 1862, according to the Presi- dent's own statements, while on the steamer returning to Washington from his inspection of the army under General McClellan at Harrison's Landing, he wrote the first rough draft of the Emancipation Proclamation.^ Thursday, July loth. President Lincoln invited his pastor. Rev. P. D. Gurley, D.D., to be the first to learn of his decision to issue an Emancipation Proclamation, and also to afford him the aid of his ability and learning in the preparation of that document. After this conference with his pastor, the rough ^Abraham Lincoln and His Presidency, Vol. II., p. 112. 226 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN draft was carefully rewritten by Mr. Lincoln and included four valuable changes suggested by Dr. Gurley. Friday, July nth, the President invited Vice-President Hamlin to spend a night with him at the Soldiers' Home for a conference, as he said, "about an important matter." After dinner the President said, "Hamlin, you have often urged me to issue an Emancipation Proclamation, and as I have decided to do so, I have asked you to be the first one to see the docu- ment and to confer with me about it." This of course refers to the copy of the proclamation the President prepared after his consultation with Dr. Gurley. Mr. Hamlin heartily ap- proved of the proposition and suggested three changes in the phraseology, two of which Mr. Lincoln accepted. After that evening, as far as known, the proclamation was not again seen save by the President, until it was presented to the Cabi- net for their consideration. Saturday, July 12th, President Lincoln held the repeatedly mentioned conference with the Border States representatives. During that conference he made no reference to the forth- coming announcement of emancipation, but very strongly urged the approval of his compensation policy in view of the manifest trend of affairs in regard to slavery. Sunday, July 13th, while on the way to attend the funeral of Secretary Stanton's child. President Lincoln informed Sec- retaries Seward and Welles that he intended to issue an Eman- cipation Proclamation. Upon no previous occasion had Mr. Lincoln intimated to any member of his Cabinet that he was contemplating any such action. Secretary Welles, in his diary, in a somewhat extended account of the affair, says: "It was a new departure for the President, for until this time in all our previous interviews, whenever the question of eman- cipation or the mitigation of slavery had been in any way alluded to he had been prompt and emphatic in denouncing any interference by the General Government with the subject." * * Diary of Gideon Welles, Vol. II., pp. 70-71. EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION 227 Mr. Lincoln was greatly depressed while making this dis- closure and explaining the processes by which he had reached the conclusion to take this important step. He had come in from the Soldiers' Home to attend the funeral and had invited the two secretaries to accompany him. His long-time, devoted friend, Judge Henry C. Whitney, was in the entrance-hall of the White House when the President came down the stairs to take the carriage standing at the door. Judge Whitney states that Seward, whom he could see sitting in the carriage, "looked at peace with himself and all mankind . . . and appeared perfectly easy and contented." Of Mr. Lincoln's appearance Judge Whitney says: "Oh! how haggard and de- jected he looked. I had not seen him for nine months and the change was frightful to behold. . . . Lincoln spoke to me and shook hands quite mechanically — he was absent- minded, he did not know me at all — he was oblivious of my presence or of any one's presence. ... I knew from the disaster painted on Lincoln's face that some bad news was in the air." " The "bad news" that chiselled agitation on the kindly face of Mr. Lincoln that day was not the destructive raids General Morgan was then making in Kentucky and adjoining states. Disturbing as these were, something far worse was on that 13th of July crushing the heart of the great and good Chief Magistrate. On the preceding day he had failed in his effort by compensation to save the South from the financial ruin of the policy he had decided to pursue for the saving of the nation. It was that failure and its far-reaching consequences, as foreseen by him, that shrouded his soul in gloom on that memorable Sabbath morning. President Lincoln's statement to Mr. Hamlin on the pre- ceding Friday evening and his statement to Seward and Welles on that Sunday morning, when fully understood, are in full accord with his statements to Mr. Carpenter, the artist, that the proclamation was prepared without consultation with ^ On the Circuit with Lincoln, p. 566. 228 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN any member of his Cabinet, for it was fully prepared before that conference with Seward and Welles. July 14th President Lincoln sent to Congress a messa:ge asking for the enactment of a law providing for financial compensation to states that would adopt gradual emancipation. July 22nd the Emancipation Proclamation was for the first time presented to the Cabinet. All the members of that body were present, and after extended discussion. President Lincoln, upon the suggestion of Secretary Seward, withdrew the document to be again presented when conditions in the field were more favorable to the Union cause. During the weeks that followed the proposition was held in absolute con- fidence by every member of the Cabinet. It was the year for the election of members of Congress, and political cam- paigns were being prosecuted during those weeks with very great vigor. I was every day, at that time, engaged in po- litical work and was closely associated with leaders of the Union party, and not one of my associates or acquaintances had the slightest intimation that the President had any thought of issuing an Emancipation Proclamation. Important as was the measure and widespread and deep as was public interest in the subject, there was no "leak" from any member of the President's official family, nor from any one who had been consulted relative to the matter. It is interesting to think of that proclamation being held by President Lincoln during those weeks of battles at the front and struggles in the political arena, in constant readiness to be thrown with resistless force at the most vulnerable point of the Rebellion when the favorable moment should arrive. In his history of those weeks in July and August, given Mr. Carpenter, the artist. President Lincoln says: "I put the draft of the Proclamation aside, as you do your sketch for a picture, waiting for a victory. From time to time I added or changed a line, touching it up here and there, anxiously awaiting the progress of events." The proclamation that had been considered by the Cabinet EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION 229 that day in July was not all laid aside as this statement by Mr. Lincoln seems to indicate. The first portion of that document related to a confiscation act which had been passed by Congress a few days before, and three days later (on July 25th) it was issued as a separate proclamation by the President. The second portion of the paper considered that day by the Cabinet was a declaration by the President of his purpose to ask Congress to enact a law providing for com- pensation to states abolishing slavery, and the third and last portion was the Proclamation of Emancipation. That proc- lamation with the preceding section in relation to the Presi- dent's purpose was laid aside and amended from time to time as stated by President Lincoln to Mr. Carpenter. It was at this meeting of the Cabinet that Secretary Seward suggested an amendment that would pledge the United States to maintain the freedom of those who should be emancipated by the proclamation. Wednesday, September 17th, the battle of Antietam was fought, and not until Saturday, September 20th, was it known with certainty that the result was favorable to the Union cause. When that information reached the President at the Soldiers' Home, he immediately proceeded to the final revision of the preliminary proclamation. Monday, September 22nd, 1862, President Lincoln came in from the Soldiers' Hom.e to the White House, called a miceting of the Cabinet, and for the second time presented to them the Emancipation Proclamation. It was at this meet- ing that he also told the members of his Cabinet that he had "made a solemn vow before God" which he intended now to keep "by the declaration of freedom to the slaves"; that he did not wish their advice about the main matter, for he knew their views, as they had freely and fully expressed them when the subject was before them in July; that he had decided to issue the proclamation and would be glad to consider any suggestions they might wish to make respecting forms of expression or minor matters connected with the document. 230 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN The proclamation read by Mr. Lincoln at this meeting of his Cabinet was quite unlike the paper he submitted to them, and after consideration laid aside two months before. It had been enlarged and strengthened and made much more expressive of its high purpose, and it contained the two words suggested by Seward at the July meeting. Other amend- ments failed to receive the President's approval and the his- torical proclamation, after being signed and given the Gov- ernment's official seal, was published on Tuesday morning, September 23rd, 1862. The foregoing record shows that from July 22nd to Sep- tember 22nd — exactly two months — the preliminary Emanci- pation Proclamation was under consideration by the President and his Cabinet, with no other persons save the Vice-President and the President's pastor having any knowledge of the pur- pose to issue such a document. This fact gives peculiar in- terest to the events that transpired during those two months. Twenty-eight days after that proclamation was first submitted to the Cabinet, and by their advice temporarily laid aside, and while the President was waiting and praying for a victory that would enable him to issue it under auspicious conditions, Horace Greeley, in the Tribune of August 19th, published an editorial entitled, "The Prayer of Twenty Million," in which, with harsh and heartless severity, he denounced the President for not pursuing a more vigorous policy against slavery. That editorial expressed the feelings of the radical antislavery people, who were eager for just such an edict as was the proclamation the President had prepared and was anxiously waiting to announce. The harmful influence of that Greeley editorial was speedily arrested by Mr. Lincoln's reply which, though it made no disclosures of the emancipation policy soon to be adopted, effectively silenced the great editor and quieted the unrest of the reasonable people throughout the nation. There is ample reason for the belief that when Mr. Lincoln prepared that reply to Greeley he was confidently expecting an early victory of the Union Army under General i I ;5 ^? ^ ft I- •$ 5 9 i B a a O c u w I I t 1 1 i 3t 2- 1 J * -§ i I a. "i 4 ? -« i J' I S V r C 00 U =» w O P - 03 .4^ "ft • EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION 231 Pope, which he intended to follow with the proclamation of freedom for the slaves. That expectation seems to appear in his reply and serves to place that production among the mas- terpieces of epistolary literature. Instead of the victory which the President expected there came the second Bull Run disaster, which postponed the issuing of the proclamation to a later date. Less ominous than was the Greeley editorial, but more dramatic, was the visit of the delegation from Chicago and their interview with the President on the 13th of September. Representing a large convention of evangelical churches which had been held in Chicago, that delegation of very able and learned men visited Washington to remonstrate with the Pres- ident against his seeming purpose to protect and preserve slavery. The memorial they presented was claimed by them to be a revelation of the Divine Will respecting the duty of Government concerning slavery, and in language quite as strong as proper courtesy would permit, it demanded that the President issue an edict of freedom for the slaves. And while that impatient demand was being patiently listened to by the overburdened President, there lay only a few feet from the speakers, in the desk by which Mr. Lincoln was then standing, the Emancipation Proclamation which fifty-four days before he had submitted to his Cabinet and was at that moment holding in readiness to be issued as soon as there should be a victory in the jfield that would contribute to its good influence with the loyal people and in all the world. In his reply to that delegation the President could not disclose conditions as they then existed with reference to his intended Emancipation policy. But with the skill of a master of men and measures he replied to his distinguished and patri- otic visitors in a manner that left them all in uncertainty as to his intentions beyond the assurance which he gave that he would be obedient to Divine Will as that will was made known to him. The majesty and might of silence were shown by Presi- 232 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN dent Lincoln's diplomatic concealment of his purposes respect- ing slavery from that delegation and from the watchful and anxious public. By the course he then pursued he held the people in loyalty to the nation and to its Government, and at the same time prepared the way for the wild joy that greeted the Emancipation Proclamation when it was issued only ten days later. Less ominous than was the Greeley episode, less dramatic than was the interview with the Chicago delegation, but far more pathetic than either of those events, was the action of the Massachusetts state convention only a few days before the proclamation was issued emphatically demanding such an edict of the Government and steadily refraining from endors- ing the administration of the President, who stood as it were with the proclamation in his hand anxiously waiting for favor- able conditions to announce it to the world. Oh! those two tragic months from July 22nd to September 22nd, 1862. How vividly their startling events reappear before my mind as I write these personal reminiscences ! As already stated, we were in all the loyal states in the midst of campaigns for the election of members of the lower branch of Congress when that Emancipation Proclamation was issued by the President and published in the newspapers of the world. To the North it was a blessed sunrise, the dawning of a new day. To the South it was a sunset ending in a dark night of faded hopes. It stimulated the enthusiasm of the antislavery element and aroused antagonism in the people of pro-slavery sentiments and tendencies. It divided the loyal forces and kindled to greater activity the forces of partisan agitation and strife. When it was under consideration in the Cabinet, Postmaster General Blair expressed his apprehension that it would be used against the administration at the coming election. To this the President — a wiser and more skillful politician than was any of his Cabinet — promptly replied: "They will use their cudgel on us any way and it will do us more harm not to issue the proclamation than to issue it." EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION 233 The claim that the war was conducted to destroy slavery rather than to save the nation was given increased force by the proclamation, but this was more than offset by the immense increase of enthusiasm of the antislavery people which it produced. That enthusiasm was shared by prominent and distinguished people as well as by the loyal masses, and added largely to the interest and activity of the Congressional cam-' paigns then in progress. One strong antislavery member of Congress of my acquaintance, as he was driving to a railroad station from a country appointment, when informed that the proclamation had been issued, sprang from the carriage in which he was riding, threw his shining beaver hat high into the air and kicked it into worthlessness as it came down, while he shouted like a soldier at charge of bayonet. He was a candidate for re-election and was being opposed by the conservative element of the Union party in his district, who claimed that his pronounced hostility to slavery was objectionable and embarrassing to the President. This claim, which seemed likely to cause his defeat, at once lost its force and it seemed to him as if the President were standing close beside him and silently requesting the people to continue him in Congress, which they gladly did. In some districts, however, the proclamation seemed to cause the defeat of the administration candidates; but in spite of all opposition and occasional reverses it marks the begin- ning of a new epoch in our history from which there has been no turning back. When the proclamation was published the Governors of the loyal states were in convention at Altoona, Penn., and after the adjournment of that gathering, sixteen of their num- ber, including the Governor of the new state of West Vir- ginia, sent the President a written, strong endorsement of his Emancipation Proclamation and policy, and on the 15th of December following, the National House of Representa- tives by a vote of seventy-eight to fifty-one, resolved: 234 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN "That the proclamation of the President of the United States, of the date of 22nd September, 1862, is warranted by the Constitution, and that the poHcy of emancipation, as in- dicated in that proclamation, is well adapted to hasten the restoration of peace, was well chosen as a war measure, and is an exercise of power with proper regards for the rights of the States and the perpetuity of free government." ^" The proclamation of which I have here been writing was not, however, the document that gave freedom to the slaves. It was only the preliminary proclamation which announced that on the first of January following it would be followed by a proclamation of freedom if those who were in rebellion did not within one hundred days return to their allegiance to the Government. That preliminary proclamation did not ac- complish the emancipation of one slave, but it announced the coming of a proclamation that would emancipate millions of slaves, and it was the beginning of the emancipation policy of the administration from which there was never the least deviation by the President or by any branch or department of the national Government. Near the close of the year 1862, President Lincoln with very great care prepared his final Emancipation Proclamation which the preliminary proclamation declared would be issued on the 1st of January, 1863, if the Rebellion was still in progress. Tuesday, December 30th, the Cabinet convened to consider the final proclamation which was to give freedom to the slaves. This was the first and only time that document was before the Cabinet. It was at this meeting that Secretary Chase called the President's attention to the fitness of having in such an important document a suitable recognition of the Deity. This incident is not mentioned in either the Chase or Welles diaries, and statements of the affair in books and other publications either make no mention of the date when that suggestion was made by Mr. Chase, or they indicate that 1° Globe, December 15, 1862, p. 92. EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION 235 the event occurred at a prior meeting. That, however, could not have been the case, for at all meetings of the Cabinet to consider emancipation previous to the meeting of Decem- ber 30th it was the preliminary proclamation that was con- sidered and the Chase amendment was not added to the preliminary proclamation but to the final document that freed the slaves. The "Draft of the Emancipation Proclamation of January First, 1863, as submitted to the Cabinet for Final Revision December 30th, 1862," is published in full in the Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln, Vol. VIII., pp. 155, 156, 157, and does not contain the Chase amendment. That amendment was written by Mr. Chase at President Lincoln's request and is as follows: "And upon this act, sincerely be- lieved to be an act of justice, warranted by the Constitution upon military necessity, I invoke the considerate judgment of mankind and the gracious favor of Almighty God." " When that amendment was read by Mr. Chase at the meeting of the Cabinet it was at once accepted in full by Mr. Lincoln, who added the three words, "upon military necessity," and made it the closing paragraph of the procla- mation. And as that amendment is not in the copy of the proclamation which was considered by the Cabinet December 30th, and is in the proclamation that was issued two days later, we are assured that it must have been presented and accepted by the President at that Cabinet meeting of Decem- ber 30th. In the news items published at that time there was no intimation of that meeting of the Cabinet for the "final re- vision" of the Emancipation Proclamation, and there was some apprehension throughout the country that the President would be induced to refrain from issuing the edict on the I St of January as was promised in the preliminary document. When New Year's Day arrived all things moved along as usual at the White House. The great popular reception was more brilliant and more largely attended than any like func- " Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln, Vol. VIII., p 164. 236 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN tion under President Lincoln had been, and there was no mention of the momentous document that was known to be due at sometime during that day. The anxious nation, and the attentive w^orld, were Hstening to every cHck of the tele- graphic machinery which at length announced that the proc- lamation of freedom had been signed by President Lincoln. He had been severely taxed by the prolonged New Year's Day reception, and his right hand was swollen from greeting the thousands of people during several successive hours, but there is no trace of tremor in the signature "Abraham Lin- coln" which was that day attached to the Emancipation Proclamation that was the beginning of the end of slavery in "The land of the free, and the home of the brave." In the great centers of population there were cannon in readi- ness to boom forth the glad tidings, and before nightfall the rural districts also were alive with demonstrations of patri- otic delight. Mr. Lincoln repeatedly avowed his conviction that the Emancipation Proclamation was constitutional and valid and would never be declared otherwise. Before issuing it he stated many times and with great clearness and force that it was not only his right but his imperative duty to employ all necessary means to preserve the Union. His illustration of a surgeon "sacrificing a limb to save a life" was an un- equivocal declaration of his belief in the validity of the measures that destroyed slavery to save the nation. In the final Emancipation Proclamation he expressed the belief that that document was "warranted by the constitution upon mili- tary necessity" and that belief was many times expressed by him in clear and forceful language. Six months after the final proclamation was issued, in a letter to General S. A. Hurlbut, dated July 31st, 1863, he said of the proclamation: "I think it is valid in law and will be so held by the courts. . . . Those who shall have tasted actual freedom I believe can never be slaves or quasi-slaves again." " Incomplete Works of Abraham Lincoln, Vol. IX., p. 22. EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION 237 August 26th, 1863, in the Conkling letter he said to the opponents of his administration in IlHnois: "You dislike the Emancipation Proclamation, and perhaps would have it re- tracted. You say it is unconstitutional. I think differently. I think the Constitution invests its commander-in-chief with the law of war in time of war. The most that can be said — if so much — is that slaves are property. Is there — has there ever been — any question that by the law of war, property, both of enemies and friends, may be taken when needed? And is it not needed whenever taking it helps us, or hurts the enemy." " Mr. Lincoln's Fidelity to Emancipation was one of the most beautiful features of his life. From the 22nd of July, 1862, when he first submitted the preliminary proclamation to the Cabinet, he never wavered in his adher- ence to the policy that gave freedom to the slaves. Of neces- sity that policy to be effective had to include the enlistment and training of colored soldiers and their participation in military activities, the employment by the government of colored laborers and care for dependent colored people. All this and more of a kindred character President Lincoln accepted without hesitation or reserve and supported with all the authority and power with which his great office was invested. He did not enter upon that policy rashly nor with haste. Before his first inauguration he realized that Emancipation might become a necessity and he conferred freely, though in strict confidence, with Hon. Robert J. Walker relative to the matter before he had been President three-fourths of a year. On the 2 1st of November, 1861, in an interview with Governor Walker and Mr. James R. Gilmore, in disclosing the possibility of an edict of freedom, he said: "If such a proclamation should once be issued we should have to stand "Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln, Vol. IX., p. 98. 238 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN by it and refuse any settlement with the South that did not recognize the freedom of the slave." " That was just like Abraham Lincoln, and during succeed- ing years that statement to Walker and Gilmore was followed by many declarations of a similar character, and by such measures as were needed to make them effective. On the evening after he had signed the final Emancipation Proclamation, in a conversation with Mr. Colfax, President Lincoln declared: "The South had fair warning that if they did not return to their duty I should strike at the pillar of their strength. The promise must now be kept and I shall never recall one word." August 26th, 1863, in the Conkling letter before men- tioned, he said: "The proclamation as law either is valid or it is not valid. If it is not valid it needs no retraction. If it is valid it cannot be retracted any more than the dead can be brought to life. . . . Negroes, like other people, act upon motives. Why should they do anything for us if we will do nothing for them? If they stake their lives for us they must be prompted by the strongest motives, even the promise of freedom. And that promise being made must be kept." ^^ December 8th, 1863, President Lincoln in his annual mes- sage to Congress, in referring to the messages relating to slavery, indited these weighty words: "Those laws and proc- lamations were enacted and put forth for the purpose of aiding in the suppression of the Rebellion. To give them their fullest effect, there had to be a pledge for their mainte- nance. In my judgment they have aided, and will further aid, the cause for which they were intended. To now abandon them would be not only to relinquish a lever of power, but would also be a cruel and an astonishing breach of faith. I may add, at this point, that while I remain in my present position I shall not attempt to retract or modify the Emanci- pation Proclamation; nor shall I return to slavery any per- 1* Personal Recollections of Abraham Lincoln, p. 60. Incomplete Works of Abraham Lincoln, Vol. IX., pp. 99-100. EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION 239 son who is free by the terms of that proclamation, or by any of the acts of Congress." " Accompanying the annual message from which the fore- going is quoted, President Lincoln sent to Congress a proc- lamation of amnesty which he had issued, in which he re- quired all insurgents desiring pardon to take and subscribe to the following oath: "I, , do solemnly swear, in presence of Almighty God, that I will henceforth faithfully support, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States, and the union of the States thereunder; and that I will, in like manner, abide by and faithfully support all acts of Congress passed during the existing Rebellion with reference to slaves, so long and so far as not repealed, modified, or held void by Congress, or by decision of the Supreme Court; and that I will, in like manner, abide by and faithfully support all proc- lamations of the President made during the existing Rebellion having reference to slaves, so long and so far as not modified or declared void by decision of the Supreme Court. So help me God."" July 9th, 1864, in a letter to Horace Greeley, he stated that any terms of peace to be considered by him must include "the restoration of the Union and the abandonment of slavery." July 1 8th, 1864, in a proclamation "to whom it may con- cern," he repeated the statement that terms of peace must include "the abandonment of slavery," and the parole prepared by him about the same time required those who should seek parole to pledge their honors not to hinder nor discourage the enlistment or employment by the Union Government of col- ored soldiers. August 15th, 1864, in an interview with John T. Mills, he declared that he "should deserve to be damned in time and eternity" if he should "return to slavery the black warriors of the Union Army," and added, "come what will I will keep 1® Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln, Vol. IX., p. 249. ^" Ibid., p. 220. 240 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN my faith with friend and foe. . . . No hunmu puwci can subdue this Rebellion without the use of the Emancipation policy and every other policy calculated to weaken the moral and physical forces of the Rebellion." December 6th, 1864, after his re-election, in his annual message to Congress, the President made the following re- markable declaration: "In presenting the abandonment of armed resistance to the national authority on the part of the insurgents as the only indispensable condition to ending the war on the part of the Government, I retract nothing hereto- fore said as to slavery. I repeat the declaration made a year ago, that 'while I remain in my present position I shall not attempt to retract or modify the Emancipation Proclamation, nor shall I return to slavery any person who is free by the terms of that proclamation, or by any of the acts of Con- gress.' "If the people should, by whatever mode or means, make it :m executive duty to re-enslave such persons, another, and not I must be their instrument to perform it." ^® In publishing this statement by President Lincoln, Mr. Blaine in his great work says: "This was fair notice by Mr. Lincoln to all the world that so long as he was President the absolute validity of the Proclamation would be maintained at all hazards." '' January 31st, 1865, in his instructions to Seward, who was to confer with the Confederate Commissioners at Hamp- ton Roads, the President said: "No receding by the Executive of the United States, on the slavery question, from the position assumed thereon in the late annual message to Congress and in preceding documents." February 3rd, 1865, in his own and Mr. Seward's interview with those Commissioners "the President announced thr he must not be expected to depart from the positions he had heretofore assumed in his Proclamation of Emancipation and 18 Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln, Vol. X., p. 310. 10 Twenty Years of Congress, Vol. I., p. 535. EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION 241 other documents as these positions were reiterated in his last annual message." During that same interview at Hampton Roads, the Southern Commissioners were informed that Congress on the 31st of December had, by the requisite majority voted to sub- mit to the states a constitutional amendment abolishing slavery throughout the Union, and that it would undoubtedly be ap- proved by three-fourths of the states and become a part of the national organic law. This was startling information for the Southern Commissioners, for they had not before learned of the result of the vote in the House of Representatives, and like those who voted against the amendment in Congress, they were cherishing the hope that the proposition would fail to receive the requisite two-thirds affirmative vote. Hon. Alexander H. Stephens, one of the Confederate Commissioners, in his accc^^nt of this interview states that President Lincoln said to the Commissioners that "he never would change or modify the terms of the proclamation in the slightest particular." ^° February loth, 1865, in his message to the House of Rep- resentatives, giving desired information respecting the Hamp- ton Roads Conference, President Lincoln said: "The whole substance of the instructions to the Secretary of State, here- inbefore cited, was stated and insisted upon, and nothing was said inconsistent therewith." "^ April 3rd, 1865, during his brief visit at Richmond, upon seeing large numbers of the colored people kneeling before him, he said: "Do not kneel to me; that is not right. You must kneel to God only, and thank Him for the liberty you will hereafter enjoy. I am but God's humble instrument; but you may rest assured that as long as I live no one will put a shackle on your lim.bs, and you shall have the rights which God has given to every other free citizen of this Republic." (Admiral Porter's report.) 20 War Between the States, Vol. II., pp. 610-611. *A Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln, Vol. XI., p. 28. 242 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN In the final Emancipation Proclamation, President Lincoln promised to "recognize and maintain the freedom" of those who should be made free by that edict, and now standing in the street of the captured capital of the insurgents, with the Rebellion falling into ruins all about him, he solemnly and in the name of God renewed that promise to the bewildered and black throng before him. The assurance he then gave them was the climax of all he had before said relative to the per- petuity of their freedom, and the scene was suitable for the closing days of the life of the great Emancipator. It will richly reward the reader carefully to study the foregoing quotations and to note the fidelity and care with which Mr. Lincoln, as lawyer and statesman, closes up every avenue by which hostile influences could creep in and interfere with the efflcacy of the Emancipation Proclamation. Very wide publicity has been given to the misleading state- ment that at the Hampton Roads Conference, February 3rd, 1865, President Lincoln handed Vice-President Alexander H. Stephens — one of the Confederate Commissioners — a blank sheet of paper, promising as he did so, to sign any terms of peace with the restoration of the LTnion which Mr. Stephens would write upon it. This statement has received such a measure of verifica- tion that it has been given general credence and has led to the impression that at that Conference Mr. Lincoln offered to compromise with the South respecting slavery. We do not know with certainty that such an event occurred, but we do know with absolute certainty that Mr. Lincoln at that con- ference assured the Confederate Commissioners that there would be no receding from the position the Union Government had taken respecting slavery. This was stated very clearly by him before the Conference met, was repeated by him dur- ing the Conference, as Mr. Stephens himself states, and it was included by Mr. Lincoln in his report to Congress relative to the interview with the Confederate Commissioners. There- fore, if Mr. Lincoln made Mr. Stephens the proposition before EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION 243 recited, Mr. Stephens knew at the time that it did not include any suggestion of compromise respecting slavery. But while President Lincoln expressed his purpose to adhere strictly to the Emancipation policy of the General Gov- ernment he assured the Commissioners that he would favor the appropriation by Congress of four hundred million dollars as compensation to the South for financial loss sustained by the freeing of the slaves. He told the Commissioners that he believed he could secure favorable action of Congress upon that proposition, and had his offer at that time been accepted it would not only have accomplished the immediate cessation of hostilities and thus prevented the great loss and suffering of the months that followed, but it would also have enabled the South to retire from the struggle in better financial con- dition than was the North. But acting under their instruction from Jefferson Davis, those Commissioners were not at liberty even to consider Mr. Lincoln's suggestion. Mr, Lincoln, when he adopted the Emancipation policy, Was Not Certain that it would be helpful to the Union cause. He knew it would arouse into more violent activity the hostile influences arrayed against him, and he hoped it would stimulate the zeal of all friends of the Government. September 24th, 1862, at a serenade given on the occasion of the preliminary proclamation which had been issued two days before, President Lincoln said: "What I did I did after a very full deliberation and under a very heavy and solemn sense of responsibility. I can only trust in God I have made no mistake." In his annual message to Congress, December 8th, 1863, Mr. Lincoln, in reviewing this period of his administration, remarks: "The policy of emancipation and of employing black soldiers, gave to the future a new aspect, about which hope and fear and doubt contended in uncertain conflict." 244 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN There is a graphic picture of that conflict in the account of President Lincoln's interview with the delegation from Chicago on the 13th of September, 1862, during which he said: "What good would a proclamation of emancipation from me do, especially as we are now situated? I do not want to issue a document that the whole world will see must necessarily be inoperative, like the Pope's bull against the comet. Would my word free the slaves, when I cannot even enforce the Constitution in the rebel States? It would help somewhat at the North, though not so much, I fear, as you and those you represent imagine. . . . I am not so sure we could do much with the blacks. If we were to arm them, I fear that in a few weeks the arms would be in the hands of the rebels. . . . There are fifty thousand bayonets in the LTnion arms from the Border slave states. It would be a serious matter if, in consequence of a proclamation such as you desire, they should go over to the rebels." ^^ Summing up all these apprehensions and also the hopes which he cherished, the utmost that Mr. Lincoln could con- fidently anticipate as to the influence on the Union cause of a policy of emancipation, is stated by him in his review of these events in the Hodges letter of April 4th, 1864, in the following: "In choosing it (emancipation) I hoped for greater gain than loss, but of this I was not entirely confident." ^^ But, notwithstanding his misgivings at the time respecting the influence of emancipation upon the Union cause, after it had been fairly tried, Mr. Lincoln gave strong testimony to the helpfulness of that policy in the nation's struggle for existence. August 26th, 1863, in the Conkling letter he said: "Some of the commanders of our armies in the field who have given us our most important successes, believe the Emancipation policy and the use of the colored troops constitute the heaviest blow yet dealt to the Rebellion, and that at least one of these 22 Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln, Vol. VIII., pp. 30, 32-32- 23 Ibid., Vol. X., p. 65. EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION 245 important successes could not have been achieved when it was, without the aid of black soldiers." And in the same letter is the following graphic and thrill- ing statement: "Peace does not appear so distant as it did, I hope it will come soon, and come to stay; and so come as to be worth the keeping in all future time. . . . And then there will be some black men who can remember that with silent tongue, and clenched teeth, and steady eye, and well poised bayonet, they have helped mankind on to this great consummation, while I fear there will be some white ones unable to forget that with malignant heart and deceitful speech they strove to hinder it." "* December 8th, 1863, after the employment of colored sol- diers in the army had been for eleven months in operation, in his annual message to Congress, the President stated that a hundred thousand colored soldiers were connected with the Union Army, that they were "as good soldiers as any," that "no servile insurrection, or tendency to violence or cruelty, has marked the measures of emancipation and arming the blacks," and that their employment by the Government had taken from the resources of the Rebellion and added to the strength and success of the Union forces. "Tennessee and Arkansas," said he, "have been substantially cleared of in- surgent control and influential citizens in each, owners of slaves and advocates of slavery at the beginning of the Re- bellion now declare openly for emancipation in their respective states." "In Maryland and Missouri the people who had been favorable to slavery and to its unhindered extension into the territories of the nation, only dispute now as to the best mode of removing it within their own limits." And to these statements of achievement under the Emancipa- tion policy with seeming relief and gratitude, he added: "The crisis which threatened to defeat the friends of the Union is passed." ^^ 2* Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln, Vol. IX., pp. 101-102. 22 Ibid., pp. 246-247. 246 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN April 4th, 1864 — four months after the beforementioned message to Congress — in the Hodges letter Mr. Lincoln said: "More than a year of trial now shows no loss by it in our foreign relations, none in our home popular sentiment, none in our white military force — no loss by it any how or any where. On the contrary, it shows a gain of quite a hundred and thirty thousand soldiers, seamen and laborers. These are palpable facts about which, as facts, there can be no caviling. We have the men; and we could not have had them without the measure." ^^ August 15th, 1864, after the Emancipation policy had been in operation more than a year and a half, in an interview with General John T. Mills, President Lincoln said: "There are now in the service of the L^nited States nearly one hun- dred and fifty thousand able-bodied colored men, most of them under arms, defending and acquiring Union territory. . . . Abandon all the posts now garrisoned by black men, take one hundred and fifty thousand men from our side and put them in the battlefield or cornfield against us, and we would be compelled to abandon the war in three weeks. . . . No human power can subdue this Rebellion without the use of the Emancipation policy and every other policy calculated to weaken the moral and physical force of the Rebellion. Free- dom has given us one hundred and fifty thousand men raised on Southern soil. It will give us more yet. Just so much it has subtracted from the enemy, and. Instead of alienating the South there are now evidences of a fraternal feeling growing up between our men and the rank and file of the rebel soldiers. Let my enemies prove to the country that the destruction of slavery is not necessary to the restoration of the Union. I will abide the issue." " Many strong and stubborn influences combined to delay the adoption of the Emancipation policy, but Mr. Lincoln was not chargeable with that delay. LTpon those who from 26 Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln, Vol. X., p. 65. 27 Ibid., p. 191. EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION 247 whatever motive opposed emancipation rested the responsi- bihty for the prolonged withholding by the President of the proclamation of freedom. As soon as he could do so legally and effectively Mr. Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proclama- tion. Respecting this in his interview with George Thomp- son, he said: "It is my conviction that, had the proclamation been issued even six months earlier than it was, public senti- ment would not have sustained it. Just so, as to the subse- quent action in reference to enlisting blacks in the Border States. The step taken sooner, could not, in my judgment, have been carried out. . . . We have seen this great revo- lution in public sentiment slowly but surely progressing so that, when the final action came, the opposition was not strong enough to defeat the purpose." ^® But, although that "opposition" could not "defeat the purpose," it could and did delay the issuing of the proclama- tion of which Mr. Lincoln said: "It is the central act of my administration and the great event of the nineteenth cen- tury." But important and helpful as was that proclamation it could not make any portion of the nation free territory. It applied to slaves but not to slavery. It freed all the slaves in the insurgent states and it pledged the national Govern- ment to "recognize and maintain" their freedom. But it could not repeal nor modify the constitutions and laws of those states granting the right to hold slaves. Slaves were re- garded and dealt with as property, and a^ such they could be given freedom as an act of war. But the right to hold slaves in those states being granted by state constitutions and laws would remain untouched by the proclamation and would be in full force upon the return of peace and the restoration of normal conditions. Those who had been made free by the proclamation could not be again enslaved, but others could be under the constitutions and laws authorizing slavery. The general Government as an act of war could take all the horses 28 Six Months in the White House, p. Tj. 248 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN owned in the insurgent states, but it could not deny the people of those states the right to hold property in horses after peace was restored. No more could the General Government deny or abridge the right to hold property in slaves in the insurgent states when there was no "military necessity" for so doing. Under the rights "reserved to the states" by the national Con- stitution the property rights of the property in times of peace were untouched by the Emancipation Proclamation. Pro- slavery people in the insurgent states who were opposed to emancipation understood all this and declared their purpose to re-establish slavery when peace should be restored. This purpose was expressed by Senator Garrett Davis of Kentucky, when, in a speech in the senate, he said: "If j^ou should liberate the slaves in the rebellious States, the moment you reorganize the white inhabitants of these states, as states of the Union, they would reduce these slaves again to a state of slavery, or they would expel them, or hunt them like wild beasts and exterminate them." In President Lincoln's strong testimony to the validity and effectiveness of the Emancipation Proclamation, he never stated nor intimated that it accomplished all that was in his heart to achieve respecting slavery. He regarded and declared slavery to be "the root of the Rebellion," and he was fully convinced that the future peace and prosperity of the nation required that it be utterly exterminated. But he did not issue the Emancipation Proclamation with the expectation that it would destroy slavery, although he cherished the hope that it would be followed by other measures that would accomplish that result. Therefore, in the preliminary proclamation President Lin- coln stated his purpose to recommend in his next annual mes- sage to Congress such action as would tend to promote the abolition of slavery by the loyal slave-holding states. And from that day he was untiring in his efforts to encourage and aid such action in states not included in the Emancipation Proclamation. VIII CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT WHEN on the 8th of December, 1863, the Thirty- eighth Congress convened for its first session the Emancipation Proclamation had been in force for more than eleven months. All of the members of the House of Representatives of that Congress had been chosen by the people after the preliminary proclamation was issued, and, as already stated, in some cases the proclamation seemed to have exerted an influence on the election unfavorable to the administration. But during the year and more between the election and the convening of Congress there had been great advance in antislavery sentiment throughout the loyal states, and the achievements of the army with its addition of colored troops were proving the wisdom of the Emancipation policy. On the other hand, the efforts by compensation and other methods to secure the abolition of slavery by the action of slave holding, loyal states had not met with encouraging suc- cess, and gave little promise of accomplishing the destruction of slavery. But the purpose to remove the evil that all knew had caused the Rebellion and to leave no cancerous root to cause future trouble had become strong and intense in all the free states and was rapidly increasing in the loyal portions of the South. The President in his annual message to Congress gave a glowing account of the workings of emancipation and espe- cially the employment of colored troops in the Union Army; and in discussing the proclamation of freedom he made the famous declaration that he would never "return to slavery any person who is free by the terms of that proclamation." He referred very briefly, but earnestly, to his favorite propo- sition for compensation to "the states not included in the 249 250 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN Emancipation Proclamation" wliich should abolish slavery, and submitted an Amnesty Proclamation he had issued for insurgents who wished to resume allegiance to the National Government. Thus the historic Thirty-eighth Congress began its first session in an atmosphere surcharged with hostility to slavery, and on the 14th of December — as early as possible after Con- gress convened — two Constitutional amendments abolishing and prohibiting slavery were introduced in the House, the first by Hon. James M. Ashley of Ohio, and the other by Hon. James F. Wilson of Iowa. No action of a similar character was taken in the Senate until after the Holiday recess, when on the i ith of January Senator J. B. Henderson of Missouri introduced a joint reso- lution as a Constitutional Amendment abolishing slavery, and nearly a month later, on the 8th of February, Senator Sum- ner of Massachusetts introduced a similar joint resolution which was referred to the Committee on the Judiciary, as the measure introduced by Senator Henderson had been. Senator Sumner asked to have his proposition referred to a special committee of which he was chairman, but finally acquiesced — though reluctantly — in its assignment to the Ju- diciary Committee. The very courteously worded rivalry be- tween those two committees seems to have hastened the consideration of the two propositions, for after only two days, Senator Lyman Trumbull of Illinois, chairman of the Judi- ciary Committee, reported a joint resolution differing in its phraseology from both of the resolutions which had been referred to his committee. Mr. Sumner clung to the phrase "equality before the law," which he had copied into his reso- lution from the constitution of revolutionary France, but the consensus of opinion in the Senate was against him and the resolution as reported by Senator Trumbull was accepted for consideration, being in language almost identical with the Ordinance of 1787. The following is the Constitutional Amendment thus reported and considered by Congress from CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT 251 the loth of February, 1864, to the 31st of January, 1865, when it was passed and became part of the national Consti- tution, by being approved by the legislatures of three-fourths of the States: Article XIII Section i. Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, ex- cept as a punishment for crime, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction. Section 2. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation. A Presidential election was soon to be held and it was the purpose of the republican leaders to make this amendment an issue in that election, and to ask that it be approved by the people either as having been favorably acted upon by Congress or as still pending there. With this in view the Senators and Representatives who favored and those who opposed the measure improved the succeeding weeks in preparation for the battle of giants that all knew would occur when it should be brought up for con- sideration and action. There was never any doubt that the amendment would receive the requisite two-thirds vote in the senate, but our statesmen were making history and were also preparing for the great struggle during the Presidential cam- paign. Therefore, when on the 28th of March, 1864, Senator Trumbull opened the debate on the measure he was followed by other senators whose speeches were of great erudition and strength. On the 8th of April, 1864, the amendment passed the senate by a vote of 38 to 6, and was soon after taken up in the house where, as Mr. Blaine says, "Mr. Ashley of Ohio, by common consent assumed parliamentary charge of the measure." ^ As there was at that time no probability of the amendment receiving the requisite two-thirds vote in the House, its con- * Twenty Years of Congress, Vol. I., p. 507. 252 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN sideratlon in that body was conducted with a view to its influence upon the Presidential campaign then in progress. Only three days — May 31st, June 14th and 15th — were given to its discussion, which was of dynamic force and effective- ness. On the 7th of June — between the beginning of the dis- cussion on the 31st of May and its resumption on the 14th of June — President Lincoln was unanimously renominated by a national convention which with wild enthusiasm endorsed the amendment and applauded every favorable reference to the subject. On the 15th of June the vote was taken and resulted in yeas 94, noes 64 — a large but not a two-thirds majority. So the amendment seemed for the time disposed of and hope- lessly lost, until General Ashley, having the measure in charge, changed his vote to the negative and so gained the right, of which he at once availed himself, to move a reconsideration, and thus to place the measure on the docket and keep it before the house for further consideration and action. This skillful parliamentary maneuver was a stunning sur- prise to the opponents of the proposed amendment, and none of its friends were expecting such action. The great interest awakened by the proposition soon subsided and the measure seemed to be forgotten when, on the 28th of June — thirteen days after this unsuccessful vote — Mr. Holman, a democratic member from Indiana, inquired whether the motion to re- consider would be called up during that session of Congress. This question at once elicited the attention of every member and all listened intently as General Ashley replied: 'T do not propose to call the motion up during the present session of Congress, but as the record has been made up we will go to the country on the issue thus presented . . . and when the verdict of the people shall have been rendered next November, I trust this Congress will return determined to engraft that verdict into the National Constitution." The scene that fol- lowed this episode can never be forgotten by those who wit- nessed it and realized its significance. There was profound CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT 253 silence and scarce a movement as the members by this answer were brought to reaHze that the Constitutional Amendment was still before them and would be passed upon by the people before it would again be brought before them for decision. Those who favored it believed the issue would be helpful to the campaign for President Lincoln's re-election, and those who were opposed to it were apprehensive that making it an issue at the Presidential election would be harmful to their chance for continuance in Congress. All realized that the trend of events and evolution of public sentiment were against slavery, but to secure the adoption of the amendment by that Congress was a task of such huge proportions that it required great courage and determination to undertake it. What ren- dered the task appalling was that it would require 122 votes to pass the amendment if all members of the House should be present and vote, and that only 94 votes — 28 less than that required number — had been cast in its favor on the 15th of June. And the additional votes required to pass the measure had to be secured among the 64 members who voted against it or the 24 who did not vote. It was not a struggle to win the votes of ordinary men, but a contest for the con- quest of men of mettle, as it usually requires superior strength of personality and gifts of leadership to become a member of Congress. Of far greater force and more stubborn than any other obstacle was the prejudice against the Negro race which was entertained by many people. That prejudice was largely the product of slavery and had been built up into great strength and was intensified into bitterness by antislavery teachings and movements, and especially by this effort to accomplish the utter destruction of slavery in the nation. Added to this was the hostility to abolitionists and their teachings and the unwise efforts by which some members of Congress were moved to oppose the proposed amendment. But of all the mountains of difficulty which the proponents of the measure encountered and were required to surmount, 254 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN the greatest was the intense partisan hostiHty to the proposed abolition of slavery. The solid republican membership of the House was for the amendment, and the only opposition it encountered came from the democrats, who seemed to regard the fate of their party as involved in the struggle. Under the leadership of Calhoun and his associates and followers, the democratic party — the party of Jefferson — had become so fully committed and so thoroughly identified with slavery that the continuance of that institution seemed necessary to the maintenance of the future existence and integrity of that party. And the future political hopes of democrats were de- pendent upon the continuance and success of the democratic party. This applied to war democrats who had united with the Union party to support the Goverment against the Re- bellion, with the expectation of resuming their allegiance to the democratic party when normal conditions were again restored. To all such, as well as to those democrats who adhered to their party during the war, the destruction of slavery seemed to imperil their party and their own future political life. It was impossible to prevent the amendment from appearing as a party measure. It was known to all that it was strongly favored by the President and that, as already stated in this chapter, it had been unanimously endorsed by the great Baltimore Convention with scarcely less enthusiasm than that which greeted the President's renomination and the approval of his administration. Not only was it treated with enthusiastic hospitality by the convention, but throughout the Presidential campaign it was made an issue before the people, as was forecast by General Ashley in the House on the 28th of June. All this was helpful to secure in November the verdict of the people for a Constitutional Amendment abol- ishing and forever prohibiting slavery, but it intensified par- tisan hostility to that movement and made it more difficult when Congress reassembled to induce democratic members to change their attitudes to the question and vote for the amendment then pending in the House. CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT 255 My recollections of the incidents connected with that long and arduous struggle for the destruction of slavery by Con- stitutional Amendment are as distinct as is my remembrance of the events of yesterday. I was upon terms of close per- sonal friendship with members of Congress who had been lifelong democrats, but were loyal and true to the Government during the Rebellion, and I heard from them many emphatic declarations of their apprehensions that the destruction of slavery would require such a new alignment of political parties throughout the nation as would make uncertain the future public career of any democrat who voted for the pend- ing Constitutional Amendment. The extent to which loyal democrats were disturbed by the antislavery trend of the times is indicated in a letter addressed to President Lincoln by Mr. Charles D. Robinson, an editor of Wisconsin. Mr. Robinson was a staunch Union man of sterling character and a zealous adherent and cham- pion of the democratic party. His support of the Government in its efforts to suppress the Rebellion had been unequivocal and cordial. But after Mr. Lincoln had been renominated on a platform that endorsed the Constitutional Amendment and had in his Niagara Falls correspondence declared that there would be no receding from the positions taken relative to slavery, Mr. Robinson, on the 7th of August, 1864, sent the President a frank and manly statement of the difficulties he was confronting in his efforts to remain loyal to the administration in its attitude to slavery. In that letter he stated that he had hitherto sustained the President's Emanci- pation Policy on the ground that it deprived the South of its laborers and thus undermined the strength of the Rebellion. But he declared that the attitude of the Government toward slavery "puts the whole war question on a new basis, and takes us war democrats clear off our feet, leaving us no ground to stand upon. If we sustain the war and the war policy, does it not demand the changing of our party policies ? I venture to write you this letter, then, not for the purpose \ 256 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN of finding fault with your policy — for that you have a right to fix upon without consulting any of us — but in the hope that you may suggest some interpretation of it, as well as make it tenable ground on which we war democrats may stand — preserve our party consistency — support the Govern- ment — and continue to carry also to its support those large numbers of our old political friends who have stood by us up to this time." ^ Among those democratic members of Congress who voted against the amendment there were many in precisely the con- dition described by Mr. Robinson in the foregoing letter. They realized that their party was so committed to the de- fense of slavery that for them to vote for the proposed amendment would be to commit political suicide. And yet to induce men to do that was the only method by which demo- cratic members of Congress who had voted against that amendment could be prevailed upon to change their votes and support the measure. That was the situation which in the campaign for the passing of the amendment by that House of Representatives had to be faced* from the adjournment of Congress on the Fourth of July, 1864, until the final vote was taken on the 31st of January, 1865. Unfortunately for all the interests involved, the Wade-Davis embroglio, mentioned elsewhere in this volume, sprang up among the Union leaders immediately after the adjournment of Congress and seemed for a time likely to defeat the Union party. But the Constitutional Amendment served to hold the administration forces together and to overcome the disintegrating influence of that inexcus- able revolt. Some extremely radical antislavery men, who were ever ready to antagonize and embarrass the President, because of his conservative nature and policies, were kept from participating in that embroglio by their great interest in the Constitutional Amendment, the adoption of which they knew would be impossible without Mr. Lincoln's re-election. 2 Abraham Lincoln, A History, Vol. IX., p. 214. CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT 257 And every favorable issue in the field, every victory won, every encouraging prospect contributed to the strength of the campaign for the President's re-election and the endorsement by the people of that vital measure. At the time the vote was taken on the 15th of June it was known that Henry Winter Davis of Maryland and Francis P. Blair of Missouri would vote for the amendment whenever their votes would secure its passage, and there were several other members who voted against the measure at that time of whom the same was believed to be true. But the task of securing a sufficient number of such changes to pass the amendment was herculean and very few of its supporters hoped for success. By parliamentary courtesy the campaign for votes was continued under General Ashley's management and was given his constant attention. His own re-election was regarded so fully assured that his great gifts of leadership could be safely employed almost wholly in the interest of the amend- ment. Having an extensive acquaintance with members of the House and being a newspaper reporter I was, as General Ashley's secretary, constantly engaged in aiding him in the great work which, as Mr. Blaine says, "by common consent" was entrusted to him. Every member of the House and Senate who had favored the measure was interested in the movement to secure its passage at the next session of Con- gress and prominent men in all walks of life and in all the loyal states gave the proposition their earnest and energetic support. But all plans and efforts to win votes for the measure were kept constantly under the direction of General Ashley, in whose wisdom and ability for such work every friend of the amendment in and out of Congress had unquestioning confidence. Mr. Blaine says: "During the contest Mr. Ashley devoted himself with unswerving fidelity and untiring zeal" to the work of securing the passage of the amendment. . . . "He made a forceful speech in support of the amendment, but the chief value of his work did not consist in speaking, 258 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN but in his watchful care of the measure, in the quick and intuitive judgment with which he discerned every man on the democratic side of the House who felt anxious as to the vote he should give on the momentous question, and in the pressure which he brought to bear upon him from the best and most influential of his constituents." ^ When Congress adjourned on the Fourth of July, 1864, General Ashley was thoroughly prepared to prosecute the cam- paign for the amendment during the recess and the early weeks of the next session, which would begin in December. Aided by the Hon. Henry Winter Davis of Maryland and Hon. Francis P. Blair, Jr., of Missouri, he prepared a list of nine- teen Border State men whose votes against the amendment in June were believed to have been in conflict with their per- sonal preferences. They were regarded as "men of broad and liberal views, and strong and self-reliant enough to follow their convictions even to political death, provided they could know that their votes would pass the measure." He also secured a very large list of the names of influential men re- siding in the districts represented by those nineteen men of the House, to aid in bringing pressure to bear upon them to secure their votes lor the amendment when it should again be brought before them. Upon consultation with Hon. Reuben E. Fenton, Governor of New York, and Hon. Augustus Frank, member of Con- gress from that state, he prepared a list of seventeen Northern democrats whose votes he hoped to secure for the amendment, and also a list of their most influential constituents to aid in efforts to induce them to support the amendment. From Toledo, Ohio, his home city, he prosecuted the campaign, aided by a limited niimber of trusted friends, until near the time for the convening of Congress. The work was con- ducted with great vigor but quietly and with no public an- nouncement of results attained. Until after the election in November public thought and 3 Twenty Years of Congress, Vol. I., p. 536. HON. JAMES M. ASHLEY OF OHIO Who introduced into Congress the first bill to abolish slavery in the Dis- trict of Columbia, and the first Constitutional Amendment to abolish slavery in the United States. He had charge of both measures while they were before the House of Representatives. From a photograph by Brady, presented the author by General Ashley. CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT 259 effort were so largely occupied with the Presidential cam- paign and members of the House were so deeply concerned by their own political interests that this nation-wide campaign in support of the amendment proceeded without attracting any considerable attention. Hence, this feature of the battle for the abolition of slavery by Constitutional Amendment has no mention in the history of those times, because it was un- known to those who wrote that history. Before the adjourn- ment of Congress in July there was much to encourage the hope that the amendment would pass the House during the next session if the election in November indicated that it was approved by the people. Therefore, when President Lincoln was re-elected by a popular majority of 411,281 and an elec- toral majority of 191, with a new House of Representatives consisting of 138 Unionists and 35 democrats, the campaign in support of the amendment took on new life and was prose- cuted with greatly increased vigor and hope of success. The first thrilling achievement during this period was made known by a letter to General Ashley from Hon. George H. Yeaman, a democratic member of the House from Ken- tucky, and one of the ablest and most influential of the Border State delegation. On the nth of December, 1862, Judge Yeaman offered in the House resolutions declaring the Eman- cipation Proclamation "unwarranted by the Constitution and a useless and dangerous war measure." He had always been allied with the pro-slavery forces and opposed the Constitu- tional Amendment during the preceding session of Congress; but after the verdict of the people in November he at once wrote General Ashley informing him of his purpose to speak, vote and work for the passage of the amendment. Coming as it did before the reconvening of Congress and at a time when the opposing forces were advancing for the decisive struggle, that letter from the distinguished Kentucky democrat, filled with enthusiasm every one of the little group who were per- mitted to know its contents. Like similar letters received dur- ing those weeks it was held strictly confidential, and not until 26o LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN his very able speech in support of the amendment was deliv- ered in the House was the public informed of Judge Yeaman's alignment with those who favored that measure. The election in November made certain the passage of this, or an equally acceptable amendment, by the next Con- gress if the House failed at this time to approve of the pend- ing measure. This was both helpful and harmful to the campaign then in progress. It was helpful to know that it revealed the people's approval of the amendment and sounded the death-knell of slavery by constitutional provision, but that also caused some members whose votes were being sought to hesitate in taking action that would imperil their own political life when the measure was assured of ultimate success without their support. The certainty of success in the next Congress, if not in this, caused President Lincoln very earnestly to desire the passage of the amendment at this session. He was perfectly satisfied with the provisions and language of the impending measure, and believing that the Rebellion would soon be over- come, he was apprehensive that victory in the field would be so fully satisfying to the public and to the Government that less effective provisions respecting slavery might be adopted. This apprehension caused him to urge members of the House in personal interviews and otherwise to pass the amendments with least possible delay. In his annual message of December 6th, 1864, he said: "At the last session of Congress a proposed amendment of the Constitution, abolishing slavery throughout the United States, passed the Senate, but failed for lack of the requisite two-thirds vote in the House of Representatives. Although the present is the same Congress, and nearly the same mem- bers, and without questioning the wisdom or patriotism of those who stood in opposition, I venture to recommend the reconsideration and passage of the measure at the present session. Of course the abstract question is not changed, but an intervening election shows, almost certainly, that the next CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT 261 Congress will pass the measure if this does not. Hence there is only a question of time as to when the proposed amendment will go to the States for their action. And as it is to so go, at all events, may we not agree that the sooner the better? It is not claimed that the election has imposed a duty on members to change their views or their votes any further than as an additional element to be considered, their judgment may be affected by it. It is the voice of the people now for the first time heard upon the question. In a great national crisis like ours, unanimity of action among those seeking a common end is very desirable — almost indispensable. And yet no approach to such unanimity is attainable unless some deference shall be paid to the will of the majority, simply because it is the will of the majority. In this case the com- mon end is the maintenance of the Union, and among the means to secure that end, such will, through the election, is most clearly declared in favor of such Constitutional Amend- ment." * During the reading of this portion of the President's message upon the face of each member of the House could be read his attitude toward the proposed amendment. Every one who was eager for its passage was like Moses, who, when he descended from the Mount, "wist not that the skin of his face shone." Those who had decided to change their vote and support the measure had an illumination of strength- ened purpose which they sought in vain to conceal. Those who were still undecided as to their course, but with a strong inclination in favor of the amendment, had deep agitation depicted on their faces; while those who were settled in their purpose to oppose the measure were of gloomy and ghastly visage. There was no sneering or expressions of anger, although all realized that the greatest and most important struggle in the history of Congress had come. As the Congress then In session would expire on the 4th of March it was decided to announce before the Holiday * Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln, Vol. X., pp. 303-304. 262 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN recess when the motion to reconsider the vote on the amend- nient would be called up for consideration. Therefore, on the 15th of December, General Ashley stated in the House that on Friday, the 6th of January, 1865, he would ask to have his motion for reconsideration taken up for discussion. The announcement was expected and attracted the attention of every member present, many of whom instantly arose and with manifestation of great interest made inquiry respecting the matter. There was no Holiday recess for those who were engaged in efforts to secure votes for the amendment. In the seclusion of General Ashley's committee room in the Capitol confidential conferences were held with members of the House whose known view concerning the amendment and whose political status were such as to produce hope that they could be induced to support the measure, or to refrain from opposing or voting against it. President Lincoln kept in close touch with this work and gave it all possible and proper encourage- ment and assistance. He made frequent inquiries concerning the status of the movement and it was reported at the time that when he was informed that the measure was understood to lack only two votes of enough to pass it, he exclaimed with that subdued emphasis indicative of purposeful interest, "Only two votes? We must have those votes. Go and get them at once." But Mr. Lincoln was unyielding in his pur- pose not unduly to interfere with the prerogatives of Con- gress. Hon. George W. Julian of Indiana, who was active in the campaign for the amendment, says: "The success of the meas- ure had been considered very doubtful and depended upon cer- tain negotiations the result of which was not fully assured and the particulars of which never reached the public." ^ On the 29th of December, 1864, during the Holiday vaca- tion. Judge Yeaman, whose espousal of the amendment I have before mentioned, sent General Ashley a second letter so characteristic of the messages he was then receiving and so 5 Political Recollections, p. 250. CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT 263 illustrative of the spirit by which democratic members who supported the amendment were dominated, that I reproduce it here in full, the original letter being now in my possession: "Private. Louisville, Dec. 29th, 1864. Dear Sir: You may have observed I was at work a good deal just before leaving Washington, so I will tell you what it was about if you will keep it awhile all to yourself. My battery is in position, my guns solid-shotted. I have the range and will fire just as soon as Mr. Speaker is kind enough to recog- nize "the gentleman from Ky." Of course, being, as I am, constitutionally and habitually a conservative man, I will have to rap you radicals a few good licks, especially your scheme of Reconstruction, but the speech zvill carry Ky. for the amendment, with great danger of cutting off my own head in my own district. But I will make the speech if it is the last I ever do make. I would like mine should be one of the first speeches in its favor and may not be back before the loth. So do not hurry matters. Yours, George H. Yeaman.'' Similar to this letter from Judge Yeaman were the con- fidential conversations of Northern democrats and Border State men who had voted against the amendment in June and had decided to give it their support at this time. The enlistment of Hon. Archibald McAllister of Pennsyl- vania in earnest support of the amendment added great impe- tus to the campaign. He was a man of heroic proportions and of distinguished appearance. He had not the gift of effec- tive public address, but was possessed of a great fund of practical wisdom and tremendous strength of personality. He was very active in the work of persuading other democratic members to support the amendment and the brief written statement of his reasons for changing his attitude to the meas- 264 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN ure was read by the clerk of the House during the last hour of discussion and was one of the most dramatic features of that historic day. Several Northern democrats and Border State men con- tributed very largely to the strength of the campaign for votes by their masterly eloquence in support of the amend- ment. Other Border State men and Northern democrats who had opposed the measure in June were not less influential in favor of the amendment, although not so prominent in dis- cussions. Fortunately there was no corruption fund to be used in opposing the measure. The South was a financial wreck; the Rebellion was in its last stage, and partisan interests were the only influences left to give zest to the discussion or strength to their activities against the amendment. Many members who were aligned against the measure earnestly desired its passage, although lacking the courage openly to support it. Others who personally favored it were absent or silent when the vote was taken and the certainty of the early doom of slavery, with the expected early collapse of the Re- bellion, prevented filibustering as the last maneuver against a favorable vote. Another influence against filibustering tactics was the opposition's confidence in the defeat of the amend- ment which was unquestioning at the beginning of the ses- sion, the day the vote was taken and was not seriously dis- turbed until the final result was announced. There was tremendous force in the debate from the 6th of January, when the motion to reconsider was called up, until the final vote was taken on the 31st of that month. I was present on the floor of the House during all of that discussion and noted with profound interest the spirit that prevailed and the arguments presented on both sides, together with scenes of special interest and significance. A seriously disturbing rumor, put in circulation by the opponents of the amendment during the forenoon of the day the vote was taken, was effectively suppressed by the follow- CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT 265 ing correspondence between the President and the member having the amendment in charge:* "House of Representatives, January 31, 1865. Dear Sir: The report is in circulation in the House that Peace Com- missioners are on their way or in the city, and (it) is being used against us. If it is true, I fear we shall lose the bill. Please authorize me to contradict it, if it is not true. Respectfully, J. M. Ashley. To the President." Endorsement. "So far as I know there are no Peace Commissioners in the city or likely to be in it. January 31, 1865. A. Lincoln."^ It required great skill and energy to contradict the harmful rumor after the President's reply was received, but it was successfully accomplished without distracting attention from the great question before the House. The discussion during all the time the measure was before the House was conducted with commendable courtesy, and to guard against a possible * At the time this exchange of messages occurred Messrs. Stephens, Hunter and Campbell, Confederate Commissioners appointed by Jefferson Davis, were on their way north from Richmond, and apart from President Lincoln and Secretaries Seward and Stanton, no loyal person in Wash- ington knew of their coming. Somehow the Confederate sympathizers at Washington were informed of their appointment by Davis and their start for the north, and just as the forces in the House were closing in for a final struggle on the antislavery amendment, the rumor men- tioned by General Ashley in his letter to the President was put in circu- lation by persons who were opposed to the amendment. Those Con- federate Commissioners supposed they were coming to the Capital city and so did their friends at Washington, but they were stopped at Fortress Monroe, where President Lincoln met them on the 3rd of February for the famous Hampton Roads Conference, all of which shows how close the Confederate leaders kept in touch with their friends in the north. ^ Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln, Vol. X., p. 349. 266 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN filibustering movement, the last hour of the time for debate was occupied by members in brief explanation of their votes. This, though not pleasing to some radical friends of the amendment, who were impatient to have the vote taken, was wise parliamentary strategy and was effective in preventing all dilatory proceedings. As the debate was closed and the members settled down to the roll-call some of the strong advo- cates of the measure nervously and in subdued tones said: "It is the toss of a copper," but General Ashley, knowing more than he had disclosed concerning the purposes of some mem- bers, maintained that on the final vote the majority for the amendment would be from four to seven more than was required for its passage. The scene was one of imposing grandeur. All available space on the floor and in the galleries was occupied. Members of the Supreme Court and of the Senate, with many distin- guished people, were in attendance, and the diplomatic gallery was brilliant with the colors worn by representatives from foreign nations. The great chamber was filled with the atmosphere of intense purpose and all seemed to realize that the most momentous issue of the nation's history was about to be decided. There were two motions and two roll-calls before the motion to pass the amendment was reached. The first was a motion to lay on the table the motion to reconsider the vote of June 15th. The vote against this motion, while sufficient to defeat it, was two less than the necessary two-thirds re- quired to pass the amendment, and in the deep silence that prevailed Thaddeus Stevens and Elihu B. Washburne, two distinguished members of the House, were heard to say with solemnity, "General, we are defeated !" But in a ringing and inspiring voice that was heard in all the chamber and also in the galleries. General Ashley promptly replied: "No, gen- tlemen, we are not!" Then came the motion made by General Ashley to recon- CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT 267 sider the vote of June 15th when the amendment was de- feated and which was called up by him on the 6th of January. This was known to be more nearly a test vote than was the one to lay on the table, and many threw down their tally sheets and pencils, utterly discouraged, when it was seen that the vote to reconsider lacked one of the two-thirds. But the motion to reconsider required only a majority and was carried, bringing the House to the original motion which failed in June to submit to the states the constitutional amend- ment abolishing and forever prohibiting slavery. It now became difficult to proceed, as all realized that the knife was at the throat of slavery and that only one additional vote was required to accomplish its execution. There was a tear in the tone of the clerk as he proceeded with the final roll-call. Not a sound was heard as the vote was being taken save the voice of the clerk, and each member's aye or no as his name was called. The affirmative votes were given with far greater volume of voice than were those in the negative. Special emphasis was laid on the aye by some lifelong anti- slavery members, and a very few democrats responded with a no that had an undertone of bitterness. There was a sound of painful regret in some of the negative votes and in others there was a seeming apology and plea for pardon. Those members who for the first time then voted against slavery did so with that apparent delight which is experienced by those who escape from galling bondage. These are not mere gleanings from contemporary docu- ments. They are the impressions of an eye-witness whose soul was in his eyes as he witnessed those proceedings and made note of them for publication. But to proceed, the name of Governor English of Connecticut was reached early in the roll-call and his vote for the amendment, given with a strong, full voice, was greeted with hearty approval, as were the affirmative votes of other stalwart democrats. Especially enthusiastic were the greetings accorded the votes of those members whose purposes to support the amendment were not 268 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN known to the public until their names were reached in the final roll-call on that day. When the member whose name was last on the roll had voted, the name of Speaker Colfax was called at his request, and his vote in the affirmative was greeted with generous ap- plause, after which he arose and said: "The constitutional majority of two-thirds having voted in the affirmative the Joint Resolution is passed." Pencils and tally sheets had been so largely laid aside during this last vote, and both the friends and opponents of the measure were so fully convinced that it would be defeated that quite a period of silence and of seem- ing bewilderment elapsed before the audience realized that the amendment had been passed. There was then a scene such as had never before occurred in the House, and such as has seldom been witnessed in any great legislative body. An account of the event which I wrote for publication on the 31st of January, immediately after the vote was taken, is now before me, and is as follows: "The House has just passed the Constitutional Amend- ment forever prohibiting slavery in the United States by a vote of 119 yeas to 56 noes — an excess of seven over the requisite two-thirds majority. A tremendous burst of applause both upon the floor and in the galleries greeted the announce- ment of the result. The Speaker demanded order and rapped loudly upon his desk, but joy beamed in his eye and the delighted expression of his countenance added fuel to the flames of enthusiasm which he could not suppress. None appeared in such an ecstasy of delight as the boys in blue, who were in attendance in large numbers. The opponents of the measure, as if terrified by these joyous demonstrations, seemed to shrink from the scrutiny of the delighted heroes in army uniform as frost-bitten plants wilt in the genial sunshine of the king of day. "Of the three epochs in the history of our country, the landing of the Pilgrims, the signing of the Declaration of In- dependence, and the adoption of this antislavery amendment. CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT 269 the latter in its importance is not the least. The prominent actors in the two former scenes are held in affectionate re- membrance. Those of the latter are not less worthy. It is a source of just pride to every true American that not one of the immortals who signed the Declaration of Independence ever by word or deed dimmed the luster of the halo which encircles his name. May the future record of those who voted for this amendment be equally bright and lustrous." This newspaper report, hastily written more than half a century ago, in the excitement and confusion of that great civic triumph, is moderate in its reference to the demonstra- tions which were led by distinguished members of Congress, many of whom standing upon their desks, cheered and shouted with wild delight like college boys at a crisis in an athletic struggle. Cabinet ministers. Supreme Court Justices, and members of the senate joined heartily in the demonstra- tions of approval, in which many women of distinction fittingly participated. When that patriotic tumult in the House was at its height there was heard the boom of cannon proclaiming to the greater multitude the unspeakable achievement for the nation and for humanity. In the excitement that prevailed the able and skillful leader of this movement was not forgotten, but General Ashley could not be found to receive the ovation which members of the House and friends of the measure sought to bestow upon him, for immediately after the vote was taken he called a carriage and was the first to delight the heart of President Lincoln by announcing to him the great news and extending hearty congratulations upon the complete triumph of emanci- pation. It will prove both interesting and instructive carefully to analyze the vote by which this important provision was made a part of the National Constitution. At the final vote on the 31st of January, 1865, when the amendment passed the House, every republican member of that body voted for it. Had every northern democratic member and every member from 270 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN the Border States voted against it the measure would have been defeated by 65 votes. It was an omni-partisan victory. To the soHd repubUcan vote there was added the votes of 17 northern democrats — 8 from New York, 5 from Ohio, 2 from Pennsylvania, i from Connecticut, and i from Michigan. To these were added 19 votes by members from the Border States — 7 from Missouri, 4 from Kentucky, 4 from Maryland, 3 from West Virginia, and i from Delaware. Four northern democrats who voted for the amendment on the 15th of June continued loyal to that record and were joined by 13 other northern democrats. As stated upon a preceding page, at the beginning of the campaign for votes there was prepared by General Ashley a list of the names of members whose votes for the amend- ment it was thought possible by earnest efforts to secure. Of the 36 members thus selected, 24 voted for the measure, 2 were absent, and only 10 voted against it. Judge Yeaman was not in error when in his letter of December 29th, hereinbefore set forth, he expressed his ap- prehension that his support of the amendment would cost him his political head in his district, for he never again held an elective office. And each one of the 24 northern democrats and Border State men who voted for the amendment was at that time the representative in Congress of a democratic dis- trict, as was the case with Judge Yeaman, and for that great- est act of his life he incurred the severe and permanent dis- pleasure of his constituents. Not one of their number escaped. Not one ever afterwards held an elective office, and their punishment, though severe and cruel, was not unexpected, for in all our efforts to secure their votes for the amendment, we frankly admitted that by supporting the measure they prob- ably would commit political suicide. Due credit should be given to tho:j who, by able, well- directed and persevering effort overcame such great difficulties and induced a sufficient number to make such sacrifices for a great cause, and undying honor should be given to those men CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT 271 who were willing thus to march to their political graves in the service of their country and of the cause of human freedom. And scarcely less honor is due the eight northern demo- crats who were absent when the vote was taken, of whom Mr. Blaine says, "It may be assumed that they assented to the amendment, but that they were not prepared to give it positive support." ^ If four of those eight absentees had been present and voted in the negative it would have prevented the passage of the amendment. And to prevail upon them thus to remain away and refrain from voting was one of the most delicate and difficult of all the tasks of that campaign. A striking and amusing contrast between an opponent and a supporter of the amendment was furnished by the declarations of two members of Congress while the measure was under consideration. When on the 8th of April, 1864, the senate passed the amendment. Senator Salisbury of Dela- ware, a zealous champion of slavery, arose and with great solemnity said: "I bid farewell to all hope for the restoration of the American Union." A few months after this ludicrous utterance Senator Salisbury saw the Union fully and perma- nently restored. While the measure was under consideration in the House, Hon. Isaac N. Arnold of Illinois, with very impressive earnest- ness said: "In view of the long catalogue of wrongs which it has inflicted upon the country, I demand today the death of American slavery." And Mr. Arnold saw and participated in the execution of slavery. On the evening of February ist — the day following the passage of the amendment — President Lincoln in response to a serenade of congratulation, for the first time after the Eman- cipation Proclamation was issued, spoke of that measure as insufficient for the destruction of slavery. He had always been unequivocal in the declaration of his belief in the va- ^ Twenty Years of Congress, Vol. I., p. 538. 272 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN lidity of that proclamation, and he never referred to its Hmitations until this Constitutional amendment was passed, when in that serenade speech he said: "He thought this measure was a very fitting if not an indispensable adjunct to the winding up of the great difficulty. He wished the re- union of all the states perfected, and so effected as to remove all causes of disturbance in the future; and, to attain this end, it was necessary that the original disturbing cause should, if possible, be rooted out. He thought all would bear him witness that he had never shrunk from doing all that he could to eradicate slavery, by issuing an Emancipation Procla- mation, But that proclamation falls short of what the amend- ment will be when fully consummated. A question might be raised whether the proclamation was legally valid. It might be urged that it only aided those that came into our lines, and that it was inoperative as to those who did not give them- selves up; or that it would have no effect upon the children of slaves born hereafter; in fact, it would be urged that it did not meet the evil. But this amendment is a king's cure-all for all evils." ' The ratification of the amendment by the several states was a proceeding of very great interest. Before the measure was for the second time brought before the House it had been taken up and thoroughly considered by the people throughout the country who, at the Presidential election in November, pronounced their verdict very emphatically in its favor. So intense had become the popular interest in the measure that immediately after it was passed by Congress there was lively competition among the states for priority of action in its ratification. Illinois — the President's home state — was the first to take such action. On the ist of Feb- ruary — the first day after the amendment passed the House and only a few hours after that event — the legislature of that state voted for its ratification. Other states followed in rapid succession. Rhode Island and Michigan on February 2nd; 8 Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln, Vol. X., p. 353. CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT 273 Maryland, New York and West Virginia on the 3rd; Maine and Kansas on the 7th; Massachusetts and Pennsylvauia on the 8th; Virginia on the 9th; Ohio and Missouri on the loth; Indiana and Nevada on the i6th, and so on until before the end of that short month seventeen states had taken action ratifying the amendment. Before the end of the calendar year, on the i8th of December, Secretary Seward, who had remained in the Cabinet after President Lincoln's death, an- nounced by proclamation that twenty-seven states, being three-fourths of the thirty-six states in the nation, had offi- cially ratified the amendment which had thus been made a part of the National Constitution. It is interesting to note that four slave states — Virginia, Louisiana, Tennessee and Arkansas — reconstructed under President Lincoln's direction and by his authority, were among the twenty-seven states constituting the three-fourths neces- sary to accomplish that ratification. The Constitutional Amendment was as oil upon troubled waters in its influence upon the antislavery element of the nation. There were a few of the extreme radicals in Con- gress who seemed reluctant to forget that they had a chronic grudge against Mr. Lincoln because of his cautious and con- servative movements against slavery and his great kindness and forbearance toward those who were in rebellion, but, although their fault-finding inclinations remained with them, they found little of which to complain. There was, however, one exception of which they promptly availed themselves. While the loyal states were all jubilant over the passage of the amendment, and the President's charming response to the serenade of congratulations, without any warning the nation was startled on the morning of February 3rd by the telegraphic announcement that the President was at Fortress Monroe to confer with Confederate commissioners respecting terms of peace. This gave the trouble-makers their last op- portunity to pour the vials of wrath upon President Lincoln's devoted head. 274 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN A better spirit was shown by tlie extreme abolitionists, who seemed anxious to forget that they ever were out of harmony with the President and earnestly desired to atone for their past disapproval of the policies by which he had led them, and the nation, to the great antislavery consummation. On the evening of the 4th of February, when the Presi- dent had just returned from the Hampton Roads conference, before mentioned, William Lloyd Garrison, the leader and the greatest of the radical abolition element, at a large mass meet- ing in Boston said : "And to whom is the country more imme- diately indebted for this vital and saving amendment of the Constitution than, perhaps, to any other man? I believe I may confidently answer — to the humble railsplitter of Il- linois — to the Presidential chain-breaker for millions of the oppressed — to Abraham Lincoln! (Immense and long-con- tinued applause, ending with three cheers for the President.) I understand that it was by his wish and influence that that plank was made a part of the Baltimore platform ; and taking his position unflinchingly upon that platform, the people have overwhelmingly sustained both him and it, in ushering in the year of jubilee." ^ It does not detract from the merit or value of the efforts and achievements of others in securing the passage of this Constitutional Amendment to state that it was Abraham Lin- coln who wrote that Article into the organic law of the nation. By his lifelong and consistent opposition to slavery, his clear, logical exposure of its injustice and wrong, his courageous demand for its restriction and "ultimate extinction," his wise and successful guidance of the movements that preceded and prepared the way for its downfall, his Proclamation of Eman- cipation and his early and hearty espousal of this Amendment, he is entitled to the designation by which he is known in all the world and by which he will evermore be remembered — The Emancipator ! 9 The Liberator, February loth, 1865. MEMORIES This fascinating picture is from a painting by Harry Roseland, by whose courtesy and that of Gerlach-Barklow Co., it is here reproduced. PART II " Whatever is remembered or whatever lost, we ought never to forget that Abraham Lincoln, one of the mightiest masters of statecraft that history has ever known, was also one of the most devoted and faithful servants of Almighty God who has ever sat in the high places of the world." — Hon. John Hay. PRESIDENT LINCOLN DURING THE BATTLE OF GETTYSBURG Fiom a painting by Brisley for Dr. Ervin Chapman, and now in his collection. {See page 38 j) REMINISCENCES OF SECOND INAUGURATION THIS book had its inception at about one o'clock on the afternoon of Saturday, March 4th, 1865, during the six minutes of my absorbing attention to the dehvery of Abraham Lincoln's second inaugural address. That my attention was absorbing is evidenced by the fact that on the following day I was astonished to discover that I could repeat the address in its entirety with almost verbal accuracy, although I had neither seen it in print nor exchanged one word with any person concerning It. But during Its delivery it held me so transfixed and entranced that each one of Its seven hundred and two magic words was imprinted upon my mind as is a photographic picture upon a highly sensitized plate. Equally vivid was the picture of the entire scene that stood out before me, the central heroic figure standing erect, with scarce a movement save the handling of his manuscript, the one unstudied swaying of his massive head, and the shift- ing of his shoulders as he uttered with rhythmic emphasis and distinct enunciation, the sentence which is most widely known and most devoutly cherished of all his classic sayings — "With maHce toward none; with charity for all." To have heard these words spoken by Abraham Lincoln upon the occasion which gave them their peculiar meaning was to experience an ecstatic wonderment which with recur- rent movement ever since has filled my soul as they have been brought to recollection. Under the inspiration of that memo- rable Inauguration and the wonderful Inaugral address there took possession of my being a high purpose to give the world in abiding form, a record of the scenes I was witnessing, 278 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN and an account of some of the distinctive features of the life which at that time reached the zenith of early glory. That purpose for more than half a century has held its place, and now finds fruition in this volume which I hope may contribute to a better understanding of one of the most interesting and instructive characters in modern history. The inauguration ceremonies were conducted upon a very large temporary platform constructed at the east front of the Capitol building, covering and extending far out beyond the broad marble stairs which lead up to the eastern entrance of the rotunda — the great circular room beneath the Capitol Dome. This platform was so inclined as to be fully exposed to view from every part of the east-front Capitol grounds, and was provided with seats for a large number of specially favored guests. The city was thronged with people from all parts of the country, each one intent upon witnessing the ceremonies to the best possible advantage. Being employed in the Capitol building I had excellent opportunities while the platform was being built to select the most desirable place for witnessing the inauguration ceremonies and hearing the inaugural address. My choice was made with deliberation and without difficulty, but to secure and hold the chosen posi- tion was not so easy. It was my first opportunity to attend a Presidential inauguration and I was determined to make the most of it. Therefore, in the drenching rain of that cold March morning, a few minutes before seven o'clock, I took my station about twenty feet from the platform and directly in front of where I knew the President would stand while delivering his address and receiving the oath of office. For more than an hour I was the only occupant of the space upon which before noon, according to estimates at the time, fifty thousand men and women were shivering in the drenching rain, and either crowding to gain better positions or stub- bornly holding those they had secured. The scene was so inspiring and my anticipations were so vivid that I did not experience the least discomfort during REMINISCENCES OF SECOND INAUGURATION 279 the five hours of exposure to the cold precipitation which continued until twelve o'clock, and was followed by an hour of constant indications of further rain. At noon, however, the storm ceased, and within thirty- minutes the seats provided on the platform for invited guests were all occupied save those of the front section, which were reserved for the Presidential party and for invited guests who were attending the closing sessions of the two Houses of Congress, and witnessing the opening of the special ses- sion of the Senate called by the President. I was standing where I could see each one who came upon the platform, and I recognized among the number many of the nation's most distinguished citizens. While the multitude was gathering upon the platform and on the grounds, many famous bands contributed patriotic music, but the rain prevented the free and effective use of the fife and drum, at that time so essential to the fitting inspiration of such an assembly; and the sense of that lack lingered in the memory as an undefined yet real defect. At twelve o'clock noon on that 4th of March, the thirty- eighth Congress of the United States ceased to exist and the strife and struggle of its closing activities were in tumultuous progress while the crowds were gathering outside to witness the inauguration. In the President's room near the senate chamber Mr. Lincoln was signing bills which had passed the two Houses of Congress and, immediately following the ad- journment of Congress, the special session of the senate con- vened, and Andrew Johnson was inaugurated as Vice- President of the United States and President of the Senate. President Lincoln was in attendance upon these ceremonies and accompanied by the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court immediately thereafter led the procession which passing out of the south door of the senate chamber proceeded through the long corridor to the great rotunda, and then turned east to the wide doorway opening out upon the inauguration platform. 28o LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN It was nearly one o'clock when, from where I stood, there was seen a peculiar movement among the guards standing just outside those wide doors and between the magnificent Corinthian pillars of the Capitol. This indicated that the Presidential party was approaching, and in an instant the tumult was hushed to profound silence, and one could feel the waves of patriotic enthusiasm and devotion that swept over that immense assembly. All eyes were turned to where the stalwart figures of the President and Chief Justice Chase were seen emerging through the wide door of the rotunda and advancing out upon the upper landing of the broad marble stairway and down the steps to the seats assigned them at the front and center of the great temporary platform. They were followed by the Justices of the United States Supreme Court, clothed in their long black official robes; members of the Cabinet and of both Houses of Congress; members of the diplomatic corps, each in the court costume of his country, and a large number of army and navy officers in brilliant uniform, together with many distinguished persons from all parts of the land. The new Vice-President, Andrew Johnson, with Senator James R. Doolittle of Wisconsin, who accompanied him, were in the procession and were assigned seats at the front of the platform on the right of the President and the Chief Justice. During all the morning and up to the time the Presidential party appeared there had not been a ray of sunshine, but just as President Lincoln stepped from beneath the shelter of the Capitol building, in front of the great eastern colon- nade and out upon the platform, there was suddenly a wide opening in the thick black clouds above us, and the bright, glorious sunshine illuminated all the scene with ineffable splendor and beauty. The melancholy features of the Presi- dent instantly became radiant with the joy we have since learned was awakened in his heart by the good omen from above; and the great waiting throng inspired by his coming and gladdened by that omen, greeted the sunburst with re- CHIEF JUSTICE SALMON PORTLAND CHASE who, on the 4th of March, 1865, administered the oath of ofhce to President Abraham Lincohi. REMINISCENCES OF SECOND INAUGURATION 281 ligious and patriotic fervor and enthusiasm. On the next day in greeting an esteemed caller, the President said: "Was not that burst of sunshine glorious? It made my heart jump." The entrance of that large company of distinguished people and their distribution on the platform was a thrillingly imposing pageant. If they had gathered from different points and at intervals as the multitude had assembled upon the cam- pus the spectacle would have been less graphic. But they all came pouring out at the same point and advanced with steady movement down to their respective stations. It seemed that the great rotunda from which they came was an arena in which the stalwart champions of human interests had been engaged in furious and successful combat with their enemies and from which they were marching out to receive the plaudits of the people. In the personnel of its participants that pageant was never equalled in our nation's history. At other times there have been greater numbers in the procession, but on no other occa- sion has there been such a moving company of men and women of such high and heroic mold. The long struggles against slavery and the four years of war had engaged the efforts of people of the highest type who, by their warfare on behalf of freedom and human rights, had been developed to heroic measurements. No other administration and no Congress in our history contained so large a percentage of members of extraordinary character and talent as the nation had at that time. And they looked the part, never appearing to better advantage than when moving in that picturesque procession or massed upon that platform. It was peculiarly fitting that that advancing column should be headed by the two men most fully typical of the two classes of high-grade American citizenship. The Chief Jus- tice was at that time without a peer as a type of the best results of careful and wise breeding and thorough educational development and training. Descended from long lines of able and distinguished ancestors he was early recognized as worthv 282 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN of his lineage and was put in training for high distinction. In personal appearance and bearing he was majestic, tall, well formed, with massive head, and features indicative of great intellectual endowments and force of character. He was a finished product of the best New England stock and was generally regarded as unexcelled in the qualities thus produced. But he was outclassed by the man who marched beside him in that inaugural procession. Chase was great, Lincoln was peerless. Chase was erect and dignified ; Lincoln towered above him, too great for any touch of self-conscious man- nerism. The features of Chase were like carved and polished marble; those of Lincoln were like deeply chiselled granite, roughened by the storm and tempest. Chase marched with precise and measured tread. Lincoln stepped along the way like a trained athlete whose well developed and supple muscles are Hke those of the graceful monarch of the jungle. In the appearance and movements of Chase his high class and cul- tured ancestry reappeared ; Lincoln's giant frame and mag- netic personality were the embodiment of an elect company of forebears developed, cultured and trained in the struggles of early frontier life, and in the spell which his presence cast upon all who saw him were revealed potentialities which were more than human. There were counterparts of Chase in some of the distinguished men upon the platform, and here and there were men who resembled Lincoln, "Men of mould, Well embodied, well ensouled," as Emerson aptly says. From the moment he appeared leading that procession, my whole being was engaged in the study of Abraham Lin- coln. After he was seated, and while the members of the Presidential party were being assigned their stations, my opportunities to study the great leader were better than I had before enjoyed. He was sitting only a few feet from REMINISCENCES OF SECOND INAUGURATION 283 the place where I was standing with his face turned in that direction, his uncovered head and rugged features iUuminated by the bright and benignant sunshine. He appeared perfectly at ease, giving no heed to what was before or around him, and without the least indication of nervous tension or agita- tion. His head was not wholly erect as during the years of his titanic struggles in Illinois, but was slightly bowed as in meditation, and his massive shoulders were bent as with a great burden, giving the appearance of great strength and power of endurance. His eyes had a far-away, dreamy look, and there was not the slightest movement of the hand, head or features from the time he took his seat until he arose to speak. The great multitude was in a tumult of enthusiasm, but he seemed unconscious of their display of admiration and loyalty, being intent on matters of great magnitude and moment. During the six years immediately preceding that inauguration I had given much attention to the study of Abraham Lincoln. I had seen him upon other important occasions and had been with him until I thought I had formed an approximately accurate estimate of his dimensions, but never until I stood before him on that memorable 4th of March did I realize the immense power of his personality and his measureless reserve force. His silence was eloquent ; his meditation audible ; his tran- quillity dynamic; his repose instinct with action, and his solemn melancholy sparkled with humor and good cheer. From his tremendous personality there flowed currents of mystic power that were resistless in their influence upon the convictions and purposes of those about him. My sensitive nature responded to those waves of magnetic force while in rapturous bewilderment I sought to discover the secret of his greatness, and I was unconsciously lifted to a higher level of purpose by a silent influence which I felt but could not understand. Never after those moments of apocalyptic vision was I the same as I had been before. The time was too brief for further reflections, for soon all were seated. 284 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN and without a signal or word of introduction Mr. Lincoln arose and advanced close to the railing, as near as possible to the great throng before him, with his right hand touching the table by his side and his left hand holding his manuscript. Thus he stood in silence while cheers and shouts seemed to rend the heavens with their volume and intensity. I had been in vast and enthusiastic gatherings before that day, but never had I heard anything so suggestive of the expression, "a sound like the voice of many waters," as were the salvos of applause that greeted President Lincoln as he stood before that throng. There were thousands in that cheering crowd whose chief desire was not so much to witness the inaugural pageantry as to see and hear the President, and to express their patriotic loyalty by their presence and their enthusiastic demonstra- tions. They could see their hero who stood in plain view of each one, with his great wealth of coal black hair and long black coat forming a becoming framework for his strong, swarthy face, but many of them were late in coming, and unfortunately were compelled to take positions so far from the platform that they had no expectation of being able to hear a word of the inaugural address. Therefore, the con- tinuance of the deafening applause was not as objectionable to them as it was to those of us who had secured positions near the platform. There was no signal for silence from the President, no lifting of the hand or other movement, but an invisible influ- ence from the silent and fixed figure before them soon hushed the multitude to a profound silence which became oppressive while the President delayed the beginning of his address. Then the first two words he uttered flew like a flaming dart out over the astonished people. What he said was startling because it was unique and utterly unexpected. Those first two words thrilled me through and through like recurrent waves of electricity, and upon others also, as I have learned, their influence was the same. In his first inaugural address, REMINISCENCES OF SECOND INAUGURATION 285 Mr. Lincoln began with the customary words, "Fellow Citi- zens" ; but the long and bloody struggle of the war had caused the people to become more to the great-hearted chieftain than is signified by those almost hackneyed words, therefore, in this the greatest of all his state papers and addresses, by divine inspiration, as I believe, Mr. Lincoln revealed the strength and tenderness of his affection for the people by saying, "Fellow Countrymen!" But far more thrilling than the words themselves was the remarkable manner in which they were spoken. Abraham Lincoln was probably the only man then in public life who would have uttered those words in such a fashion. Any other man in all probability would have begun his address in tones heard by only a limited number of that great com- pany, and would have increased the volume of his voice as he proceeded; and it is not likely that more than one-third of that large number of eager listeners would have been able distinctly to hear one word of his address. Mr. Lincoln was not like the minister who, when asked how he prepared his sermons, replied, "1 regard my sermons as a work of art, and I prepare and deliver them accordingly"; but was rather like another minister, who answered the same question by saying: "I regard my sermons as I do my fishing tackle, and I think only of the fish I hope to catch." Always ardently in love with the people, Mr. Lincoln earnestly endeavored to have every word of his address heard by all who were present. Flis long experience upon the stump had taught him that the man whom it was most important for him to reach and influence — the man not fully in sympathy with him — was the one sitting or standing farthest back in the audience. He had also learned that the words distinctly heard and understood by that man would certainly be heard by all others in the audience. Other public speakers also knew this, but Mr. Lincoln acted upon it; therefore, in de- livering his inaugural address, after a very impressive pause, he thrilled and delighted every one by uttering those two 286 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN introductory words in a voice so strong and clear as to be distinctly heard by those who were most distant from him. Instantly, hundreds of voices from all parts of the most dis- tant sections of that enormous throng responded by shout- ing, "Good, good!" in tones expressive of their surprise and joy at being able to hear those words so plainly. "Good," indeed it was! No other word could so well express their joy, and that monosyllable was quite sufficient. It told the story of their delight at being rewarded for their long and expensive journeys to Washington by being able to hear the inaugural address as delivered by the man whom they held in highest admiration and affection. The President seemed equally surprised by the prompt and hearty response to his salutation, as the people had been by his words and manner, and he stood in silence for a moment before continuing his address. Then upon the same high key, with voice as clear as the tones of a silver trumpet, he proceeded deliberately to declare his great message to mankind. There was not the least display of special effort to be heard, though not a word of that address failed to reach every one of that listening assembly. I was then a young man with high ambition to become, if possible, an effective public speaker. For that I had by the aid of books and schools made careful and thorough preparation and I had heard the master orators of the day. But my best instruction in the art of public discourse was received during the six minutes occupied by the delivery of Abraham Lincoln's second inau- gural address. There was no effort at oratorical display, no endeavor to be impressive, not the slightest mannerism of any kind whatsoever. Mr. Lincoln seemed to have no thought of his address as "a work of art," or other than a message of Jehovah to His chastened and suffering people to whom He was about to give redemption and deliverance. His whole manner was calculated to elicit and hold that rapt attention with which the people listened to his message. And he seemed to desire and expect just what his hearers so plentifully gave. REMINISCENCES OF SECOND INAUGURATION 287 Only once was he interrupted by applause, and that came most unexpectedly at the close of a peculiarly significant state- ment and gave solemn emphasis to the next very brief sentence. Speaking of conditions in the nation four years before he said: "Both parties deprecated war ; but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive; and the other would accept war rather than let it perish." So tense had the feelings of the audience become that at the close of that sentence a storm of applause burst forth from all the throng and continued for a considerable time with very great force. The President, though seemingly surprised, was undisturbed by the interruption, and when the applause ceased he very deliberately and with most impressive solemnity uttered the four words of the next sentence, "And the war came." There were tears in the tone in which those words were spoken which touched the hearts of those who heard him, and pre- pared them to listen in silence to the succeeding portions of the address. A little later in the address the people were moved as standing grain at harvest time is swayed by the evening breeze, but there was no demonstration, for the impression was too deep and too peculiar to be fittingly expressed. My own experiences were probably like those of others, and when he said, "It may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just God's assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men's faces," my hands involuntarily were clinched in righteous indignation, which instantly vanished when he added, "But let us judge not that we be not judged." Considered in connection with Mr. Lincoln's conception of the character of slavery, together with his life struggles and hardships which preceded that day, and the awful experiences and desolation of four years of war, which was even then in progress, the spirit manifested by the quotation of the Saviour's words was never surpassed by any save the incar- nate Son of God. 288 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN Never did I listen to a discourse which at the time it was being deHvered seemed more impressively religious than did that inaugural address. It seemed like a vety instructive and helpful sermon on law and gospel, greatly enriched and strengthened by appropriate passages of Scripture, clearly and correctly interpreted and most fittingly applied. It caused all the subsequent inauguration ceremonies to be pervaded by a religious atmosphere and gave great significance to the use of the Bible in administering the oath of ofhce. Four times did Mr. Lincoln quote from the Scriptures while de- livering that address, twice from the Old Testament — from Genesis and the Psalms — and twice from the words of Jesus as recorded by Matthew. Of the seven hundred and two words in that address, two hundred and sixty-six — more than one-third — were quoted verbatim from the Word of God, or were employed in expounding and applying the quoted pas- sages. And never were passages of Scripture more aptly quoted nor more fittingly applied. I had for years been a diligent Bible student, but never until that day did I realize the tremendous meaning of the Saviour's words: "Woe unto the world because of offenses! for it must needs be that offenses come ; but woe to that man by whom the offense cometh." Mr. Lincoln's interpretation of that passage as teaching the great law of divine retribution made a most profound and salutary impression upon those who heard it, and ever since it has grown in significance and force. It was a truth upon which he had pondered long and earnestly. A declaration of that truth was the most striking feature of his interview with Dr. Newton Bateman in i860, and was repeated in various forms many times during succeeding years. Eleven months before his second inauguration Mr. Lincoln stated that truth in his Hodges-Bramlette letter, in language almost identical with that employed in the inaugural address. In his letter to Thurlow Weed, written eleven days after the inauguration, he indicated that he regarded his declaration of the law of retribution as taught in the words of Jesus REMINISCENCES OF SECOND INAUGURATION 289 as the distinguishing feature of his address. And while he beheved that his reference to that divine law caused his in- augural address to be as he said, "not immediately popular," at the same time he confidently added: "It is a truth which I thought needed to be told, and as whatever of humiliation there is in it falls most directly on myself, I thought others might afford for me to tell it." So important did Mr, Lin- coln regard the enunciation of that truth upon that occasion that he referred to it a second time as follows: "Fondly do we hope — fervently do we pray— ]that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass away. Yet, if God wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by the bondman's two hun- dred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn by the lash shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago, so still it must be said, 'The judlgihents of the Lord are true and righteous altogether.' " "^ I was more deeply impressed by that passage than by any other portion of the address, and the same was evidently the case with many others. I was thrilled by its poetic beauty, and melted by its humble and submissive spirit, I still doubt if there can be found in literature a passage that surpasses it in startling and graphic imagery and in dynamic force. At one and the same time it reveals the yearning heart of hope, the uplifted eye of prayer, the listening ear of conscious guilt, the voice of righteous divine judgment and the bowed head of penitence. Its language is chaste, and moves gracefully along the high level of the inspired Word which it quotes as its climax with faultless fitness. It is now more than half a century since I heard that inaugural address, and from that day to the present, when I hear or read the 19th Psalm, I have a vivid recollection of seeing the form of Abraham Lincoln standing in the illu- minating light of that sunny afternoon and hearing him say, "The judgments of the Lord are true and righteous alto- gether." Early in life I memorized that Psalm and for many 290 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN years, upon the flying train, in the busthng throng, when overworked, weary and wakeful at night, or when the ten- sion of pain, sorrow, or anxiety seemed to require relaxation, I have repeated that peculiarly precious portion of God's Word, but I never reach that passage without pausing and lingering in remembrance upon the time when I heard those words spoken by Abraham Lincoln. As the last word of the address was spoken the audience responded with very hearty applause, and the President calmly turned to the Chief Justice, who promptly arose, and advancing received from the Clerk of the Supreme Court a copy of the Bible which had been provided for the occa- sion. The applause instantly ceased and there was deep and impressive silence in all the company during that solemn ceremony. The Chief Justice, holding the Bible in his left hand, raised his right hand, and the President with his right hand lifted in like manner placed his left hand reverently upon the open Volume, and the two great men stood face to face each looking steadily into the other's eye, while the President repeated the oath of office, sentence by sentence, after the words were spoken by the Chief Justice. The scene was impressive beyond all possible 'description. The background of the picture was significant, the great audience of distinguished guests on the inclined platform extended back to the colonnade of the magnificent white Capitol building, with the Goddess of Liberty standing upon the summit of the high dome and then for the first time looking down upon a Presidential inauguration ; with all eyes turned upon the two strong figures standing motionless at the front of the platform, the whole scene bathed in glorious sunshine, and the deep and solemn silence broken only by the voices of the two men as they responsively repeated the oath of office required by the Constitution of the nation. Mr. Lincoln's voice was in marked contrast with that of the Chief Justice; the latter, although speaking in tones of wonderful depth and volume, was heard by only a limited number, while BIBLE ON WHICH LINCOLN TOOK OaTH OF OFFICE REMINISCENCES OF SECOND INAUGURATION 291 the former repeating after him in clear and ringing tones the sentences of the oath sent his voice far out to the most dis- tant hsteners. When with special emphasis he had uttered the conclud- ing words — "So help me God" — Mr. Lincoln reverently bowed his head, and fervently kissed the Bible; and as he did so his lips touched the 27th and 28th verses of the fifth chapter of Isaiah, which read as follows: "None shall be weary nor stumble among them ; none shall slumber nor sleep ; neither shall the girdle of their loins be loosed, nor the latchet of their shoes be broken: Whose arrows are sharp, and all their bows bent, their horses' hoofs shall be counted like flint, and their wheels like a whirlwind." The copy of the Bible containing those verses, marked by the Chief Justice, was on the following day given by him to Mrs. Lincoln; but the most diligent search, extending over a period of many years, has failed to find it. As Mr. Lincoln uttered the last word of his official oath the booming of can- non announced to the world that the exercises of the day had been brought to a successful close, and that the new administration had been ushered in. At that point there occurred an event which I believe has never been mentioned in any published account of this inauguration. Many histories of those times make mention of Andrew Johnson's intoxication at the time he received in the senate chamber the oath of office as Vice-President, just before the Presidential inauguration; but they contain no account of his connection with an episode which followed the tak- ing of the oath of of^ce by President Lincoln. I can under- stand this omission only by supposing that those who have given accounts of these inaugural proceedings if present at the time were sitting upon the platform with the invited guests and did not witness the incident. But, as already stated, I was standing directly in front of the platform, only a few feet from where the ceremonies were being conducted, and I saw all that I am here stating. Just as President Lincoln 292 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN turned from kissing the Bible there arose from the audience before him an almost terrific call for Andrew Johnson, "Andy, Andy, speech, speech!" was the cry of the multitude, and Mr. Lincoln, who, a little time before, had seen the dis- graceful proceedings in the senate, advanced to the platform railing with nervous haste, and with dramatic earnestness shook his head commandingly to the tempestuous throng. But there was little abatement of the call for Johnson, whose torrid temperament and violent denunciation of treason and rebellion had made him a popular idol, and when President Lincoln, after shaking his head, waved a salutation to the audience and turned to depart, the call for the new Vice- President was renewed with increased volume and violence. For a time Mr, Johnson gave no heed to this call, but he finally arose and came forward with the evident purpose of speaking. In manifest bewilderment he stood for a moment in silence, and then covering his eyes with his right hand stood motionless as if trying to collect his thoughts. His face was flushed and seemed slightly swollen, and many voices in the audience were heard saying, "He is sick! He is sick! He cannot speak!" And before he could gain com- mand of his great resources his devoted friend, Senator Doo- little, hastily advanced, and taking his arm conducted him into the retiring procession, up the steps into the rotunda. I had not a thought, and heard no intimation, that the affair had any undesirable significance. I knew that it was not a time for any proceedings not connected with the inaugural ceremonies, and I supposed that what President Lincoln did in disapproving of the call for Johnson was on that account. I heard no reference to the matter at the time, and as I left Washington that evening for a visit to my Ohio home, it was several days before I learned of ]\lr. Johnson's unfortunate condition upon that occasion. Andrew Johnson, though addicted to the habitual use of intoxicating liquors, was not a drunkard, as his condition that day seemed to indicate. He was often very considerably g >' "1 k ^.^?»l»'*'"!«,^ 'v5 "'-, ':: ^ ~ ^ f. "^ ^' N J ^ . V ; s V <^J^^^^| ■ ^ So V \, Ihhh^^ ^^h m ' N^ -' <^ ^ ^ V . « ^^^^^^^H^ 'J ^^^^^H K* * • ." ^ ^ ^ ^ ^1 k" "''^ ^ N s -,-: :1 i ■ ^' ^ \N^ 5^ V. \ t^ C Nk^ ^ s "S. ^ 1^1 N XI v^. ^•rx 1 ^ i^ I ^ S ^ i ■ ~ X: • C 1 ^ .^ •^ .^ ^ « ^ ^^ <: ^ ^ V X"- ^3 rX ^- V \^ i ^ ^ X^ V ^ ^ ^ ^ ^1 ^r^T ^^ -M ^^ nS REMINISCENCES OF SECOND INAUGURATION 293 under the influence of liquor, but I never learned of his being at any other time as nearly maudlin drunk as upon that occa- sion. For 5ome weeks preceding that day Mr. Johnson had been ill with ague at his home in Tennessee and was weak and nervous when he arrived at the Vice-President's room in the Capitol building for his induction into office. Stating his condition to the retiring Vice-President, Hannibal Ham- lin, he asked for a glass of brandy, which Mr. Hamlin by sending out secured. According to Mr. Hamlin's statement, Mr. Johnson drank about one-third of the brandy at once, and a little later a like amount, and finally took the remainder in the glass as they passed out of the room to the senate chamber, A considerable amount of time was occupied by the proceedings in the senate before the oath of office was administered to the newly elected Vice-President, and when Mr. Johnson arose to speak he was thoroughly befuddled; and instead of giving the able and dignified address he was rightfully expected to deliver he compelled that large as- sembly of the world's able and distinguished representatives to listen for an extended period to his senseless and inco- herent gibberish. It was an unspeakably pitiful and humiliat- ing spectacle. Mr. Johnson had risen from ignorance, poverty and obscurity by his own heroic and persistent efforts until he had attained nation-wide distinction, and had been chosen by his loyal countrymen to the second office in the nation. He had stood heroically for right and honor and had courageously denounced treason and rebellion with un- sparing severity and effectiveness. And on that fateful 4th of March he stood triumphant at the zenith of his highest known aspirations, enshrined in the affections of the nation and with every prospect of a distinguished future career. But from that eminence he fell ; fell ignobly, fell by his own folly never again to rise to the heights of esteem and honor upon which he stood when he walked into that senate chamber which for years had been the arena of his contests with the forces of disloyalty. He fell just as he had reached the high 294 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN station from which he was destined very soon to pass into the most exalted position of authority in the world, as suc- cessor to Abraham Lincoln in the office of chief magistrate of the United States. And in falling he lost the popular esteem and confidence which would have been of priceless value in aiding him successfully to meet the requirements of that position. He fell because he voluntarily invited that disaster. A little boy when told that he had fallen out of bed because he had lain too near where he got in, promptly replied, "No, I fell out of bed because I laid too near where I fell out." Andrew Johnson fell because he walked too near the precipice over which he made that headlong plunge. He was not drunk because he was a habitual drunkard, for that he was not; but because he was a habitual "moderate drinker." Had he been a total abstainer, as was Abraham Lincoln, and as was his noble and worthy predecessor, Hannibal Hamlin, the nation would not have been humiliated in the eyes of the world as it never had been before by the unseemly and ill- timed exhibition of ignoble weakness on the part of one of its most distinguished representatives. So exasperated was President Lincoln by the incident that as he was passing out of the senate chamber he said to those in charge of the inaugural proceedings: "Do not permit Johnson to speak a word during the exercises that are now to follow." One feature of that inauguration which afforded Mr. Lin- coln special delight was the large attendance of colored people, and the presence of a company of colored soldiers as a military guard. Nothing of the kind had ever before oc- curred, and it was at that time especially suitable because it was not only, as already stated, the first Presidential inau- guration beneath the great bronze statue of the Goddess of Liberty, but it was also the first Presidential inauguration of the nation free from slavery. During the afternoon of that day I saw groups of people REMINISCENCES OF SECOND INAUGURATION 295 at several widely separated points in the city all gazing toward the heavens, and at length I, too, paused and looked, and to my unspeakable surprise I saw a bright and beautiful star shining with undimmed splendor in close proximity to the unclouded king of day. It was about three o'clock, and the star was at the point which the sun had seemed to occupy about one hour before. I have never heard of any scientific explanation of this strange phenomenon, but I could not re- frain from regarding it, as did many others who saw it, as an omen of good. It has been stated that President Lincoln and his attendants saw the star as they were returning from the Capitol to the White House, and that it gave the President great delight, as did the welcome sunburst at the inaugura- tion. If not an omen from above that star was a beautiful and gladsome symbol of the star of hope which on that good day shone with celestial splendor in the hearts of the loyal people of the nation. Mr. Lincoln's second inaugural address was prepared by him with painstaking care, and has come to be regarded not only as his literary masterpiece, but as a state paper unex- celled in all human history. From that noonday hour of rifting clouds and dazzling sunshine, on through the starlit afternoon that followed, and down to the present time, that address has steadily advanced in public favor, and in critical appreciation. No one ever has suggested for that address the addition or subtraction of a single word. It seems to be a faultless composite with each of its component parts fully disclosed; and no one is able to show that any one part is dominant. Its rhetoric is perfect ; its history is full and com- plete; its statecraft is profound and far-seeing, and in every part it is illuminated by fitly chosen gems of sacred truth. With exalted majesty it proclaims the sovereignty of God and His inexorable law of righteous retribution, and with pathetic penitence bears witness that His judgments "are true and righteous altogether." In the submissive spirit of Geth- semane it holds up the rod of intercession and dazzles hu- 296 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN manity with its reflection of the celestial glory of the Cross by its "malice toward none" and its "charity for all." If not as pleasing as the Gettysburg address it is far greater and more lastingly impressive and potential. It is more than a masterpiece; it is an unclassed state paper and a literary solitaire. Dr. J. G. Holland declares that the address is "a paper whose Christian sentiments and whose reverent and pious spirit has no parallel among the state papers of the American Presidents." Hon. Isaac N. Arnold referring to it says: "Since the days of Christ's Sermon on the Mount, where is the speech of emperor, king or ruler which can compare with this? May we not without irreverence say that passages of this address are worthy of that Holy Book which daily he read and from which during his long days of toil he had drawn inspiration and guidance? Where else but from the teachings of the Son of God could he have drawn that Christian charity which pervades the last sentence in which he so unconsciously de- scribes his own moral nature: 'with malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as God gives us to see the right.' No other state paper in American annals, not even Washington's farewell address, has made so deep an impression upon the people as this. This paper in its solemn recognition of the justice of Almighty God reminds us of the words of the old Hebrew prophets." Mr. Arnold also tells us that a distinguished divine, after hearing the address, said: "The President's inaugural is the finest state paper in all history." He also informs us that a distinguished New York statesman hearing this declaration replied: "Yes, and as Washington's name grows brighter with time, so it will be with Lincoln. A century from today that inaugural will be read as one of the most sublime utter- ances ever spoken by man." Hon. Charles Sumner, who was always reserved and temperate in his commendation, said : "The inaugural address which signalized" President Lincoln's "entry for a second REMINISCENCES OF SECOND INAUGURATION 297 time upon his great duties was briefer than any similar ad- dress in our history; but it has already gone farther, and will live longer than any other. It was a continuation of the Gettysburg speech, with the same sublimity and gentleness. Its concluding words were like an angelic benediction." Carl Schurz, in "The Writings of Abraham Lincoln," Vol. I., p. 67, says: "Lincoln's famous 'Gettysburg Speech' has been much and justly admired. But far greater, as well as far more characteristic, was that inaugural in which he poured out the whole devotion and tenderness of his great soul. It had all the solemnity of a father's last admonition and bless- ing to his children before he lay down to die." It "was like a sacred poem. No American President had ever spoken words like these to the American people. America never had a President who found such words in the depth of his heart." Former President R. B. Hayes, in September, 1878, said: "No statement of the true objects of the war more complete than this has ever been made. It includes them all — Nation- ality, Liberty, Equal Rights and Self-government. These are the principles for which the Union soldier fought, and which it was his aim to maintain and to perpetuate." We have assurance that the address "was read in Europe with the most profound attention." The London Times said: "It is the most sublime state paper of the century." Concerning it the London Spectator said: "We cannot read it without a renewed conviction that it is the noblest political document known to history, and should have for the nation and the statesmen he left behind him something of a sacred and almost prophetic character. Surely, none was ever written under a stronger sense of the reality of God's government. And certainly none written in a period of pas- sionate conflict ever so completely excluded the partiality of victorious faction, and breathed so pure a strain of mingled justice and mercy." Mr. Lincoln was always exceedingly reticent respecting 298 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN any of his own speeches or Hterary productions. I cannot call to recollection one instance of his speaking in any degree of commendation concerning any of his speeches or writings save in his brief and modest statement to Thurlow Weed in a letter written eleven days after this address was delivered, in which he expresses his expectation that it will "wear as well as — perhaps better than — anything I have produced." All of which tends to show that the man was even greater than his words. II LINCOLN'S RELIGIOUS FAITH FIRST of all was Abraham Lincoln's marvelous faith in the Bible. Upon that faith as a foundation was built his entire personal superstructure. With that faith as an inspiration all his attitudes and activities were chosen and maintained. "Marvelous" is not too strong a word to use in designating his relation to the sacred Book. The Bible was to him the touchstone by which his judgment on every question was determined. In all his business affairs, in his professional pursuits, in his political affiliations, and in his personal aspirations and endeavors, it was his con- stant guide. "Owe no man anything but to love one another," was a rule which he sought to obey, not because it was con- venient but because it was a Bible admonition. Whatever was condemned by the Bible he stubbornly opposed. What- ever the Bible commended, he heartily approved, steadfastly defended and sought to promote. Abraham Lincoln first learned to read by slowly tracing the lines of chosen passages of Scripture under his mother's prayerful tuition. That tutelage was painstaking and devout, leaving in his memory sweet and sacred impressions which time could not erase. "Mrs. Lincoln possessed but one book in the world, the Bible," says Mrs. Trevena Jackson, "and from this book she taught her children daily. Abraham had been to school for two or three months, to such a school as the rude country afforded. Of quick mind and retentive memory, he soon came to know the Bible well-nigh by heart, and to look upon his 299 300 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN gentle teacher as the embodiment of all the good precepts in the book." ^ Thus from childhood he was Bible-bred and the Word of God was transmuted into his being and became the deter- mining influence in his moral development. He believed that Word as implicitly as he believed in his own existence. Some of his associates in his early manhood were pro- nounced skeptics and rejected the claims and teachings of the Scriptures, and during all his later years, even to the close of his life, he was in close professional and official re- lations and fellowship with men who openly denied the authenticity and divine inspiration of the Bible; but volumi- nous as are his published addresses and writings, they do not contain a single criticism of the Scriptures nor any word calculated to weaken their hold upon human esteem and con- fidence. And no one worthy to give trustworthy testimony upon this subject has yet arisen to disprove that assertion. Never flippantly nor in jest, but always with solemn and impressive reverence did he quote from the sacred Book. He regarded the declarations of Scripture as conclusive on any matter under consideration. Not a doubt of its au- thenticity or validity did he ever express or manifest, nor did he weaken its force by recognizing the possibility of doubt in the minds of others. It is both interesting and instructive to note the absolute confidence with which he applied the declarations of Scripture to the settlement of every question in dispute. The Bible was to him the court of last resort and his appeals to its teachings were always made with a manifest expectation that its verdict would be accepted as final. During the early fifties, Mr. Lincoln bestowed much thought upon religious subjects. Under the very able in- struction of Rev. James Smith, D.D., pastor of the first Presbyterian Church of Springfield, he was aided in reaching a very satisfactory and settled conclusion in favor of the * Lincoln's use of the Bible, p. 7. LINCOLN'S RELIGIOUS FAITH 301 authenticity and divine inspiration of the Bible. During those years, probably in 1850, he was invited to deliver a lecture in the First Presbyterian Church of Springfield, under the auspices of the Bible Society of that city. The purpose of this lecture was to aid in an effort which at that time was being put forth to place a copy of the Holy Scriptures in every family in the state. To assist in that movement Mr. Lincoln delivered a very able and forceful address, at the conclusion of which he said: "It seems to me that nothing short of infinite wisdom could by any possibility have devised and given to man this excellent and perfect moral code. It is suited to men in all conditions of life, and includes all the duties they owe to their Creator, to themselves, and to their fellowmen." ^ Robert Browne, M. D., who was for many years on terms of intimacy with Mr. Lincoln and shared a degree of his confidence which was given to few men, in his excellent life of Lincoln, has this to say: In speaking of Paine's "Age of Reason," he laid it aside, saying: "I have looked through it, carelessly it is true; but there is nothing to such books. God rules this world, and out of seeming contradictions, that all these kind of reasoners seem unable to understand. He will develop and disclose His plans for men's welfare in His inscrutable way. Not all of Paine's nor all the French distempered stuff will make a man better, but worse. They might lay down tons and heaps of their heartless reasonings alongside a few of Christ's say- ings and parables, to find that He had said more for the benefit of our race in one of them than there is in all they have written. They might read His Sermon on the Mount to learn that there is more of justice, righteousness, kindness and mercy in it than in the minds and books of all the ignorant doubters from the beginning of human knowledge." ' During his conference with Hon. L. E. Chittenden, » Scrihne/s Magazine, July, 1873, P- 338. 3 Abraham Lincoln and Men of his Time, Vol. II., p. 426. i 302 LATEST LIGHT ON ABRAHAM LINCOLN Register of the Treasury, respecting the resignation of Sec- retary Sahnon P. Chase, and the appointment of his suc- cessor, Mr. Lincoln said: "The character of the Bible is easily established, at least to my satisfaction. We have to believe many things which we do not comprehend. The Bible is the only one that claims to be God's book — to comprise His law — His his- tory. It contains an immense amount of evidence of its own authenticity. It describes a governor omnipotent enough to operate this great machine, and declares that He made it. It states other facts which we fully do not comprehend, but which we cannot account for. What shall we do with them? "Now let us treat the Bible fairly. If we had a witness on the stand whose general story we knew was true, we would believe him when he asserted facts of which we had no other evidence. We ought to treat the Bible with equal fairness. I decided a long time ago that it was less difficult to believe that the Bible was what it claimed to be than to disbelieve it. It is a good Book for us to obey; it contains the ten com- mandments, the golden rule, and many other rules which ought to be followed. No man was ever the worse for living according to the directions of the Bible." "I could not press inquiry further," says Mr. Chittenden. "I knew that Mr. Lincoln was no hypocrite. There was an air of such sincerity in his manner of speaking, and especially in his references to the Almighty, that no one could have doubted his faith unless the doubter believed him dishonest. "Further comment cannot be necessary. Abraham Lin- coln accepted the Bible as the inspired Word of God — he believed and faithfully endeavored to live according to the fundamental principles and doctrines of the Christian faith. To doubt either proposition is to be untrue to his memory, a disloyalty of which no American should be guilty." * And it was not a mutilated Bible in which Abraham Lin- coln so confidently believed. It was the complete volume of * Recollections of President Lincoln, pp. 448-451. /Tj^j i., i « ! f iiJ l i r 1-C ^-, .. <^;_, // I.. /./fn^ — : — 1- - ^ ^ •- ' ^ "■ "T ^x r.. ^^ /-.-^-cT ^3-~-.C -^^^-^ x..--^^^, >a_^ ,x^^, /A.— ^--^-^^-- 1 ^.(-.^ t^ji-^a^ y^- /^^^ ^ a^^^:^. C^<' /:5?Sw