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AN ADDRESS 
 
 LIFK AND CHARACTER 
 
 SAMUEL ADAMS 
 
 l>KI.IVKKKI) l\ IHK 
 
 OLD SOUTH CHURCH 
 
 BOSTON 
 
 SUNDAr. OCTOBER 26. 1SS4. 
 
 EDWARD G. PORTER. 
 
 OK TIIK OCCASION OF THK ERECTION OF TABLETS IN THE 
 
 ( IIITRCH. COMMEMORATIVE OF ITS LINE OF MINISTERS. 
 
 AND OF SAMUEL SEWALL AND SAMUEL ADAMS. 
 
 B O S T O N : 
 
 H R E S S OF DAVID C L A P P ik SON 
 1885 . 
 

 4/ zoij 
 
 '01 
 
 INSCRIPTION ON THE ADAMS STATUE IN BOSTON. 
 
 SAMUEL ADAMS 
 
 1722-1803 
 
 A PATRIOT 
 
 HE ORGANIZED THE REVOLUTION 
 
 AND SIGNED THE 
 DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE 
 
 GOVERNOR 
 A TRUE LEADER OF THE PEOPLE 
 
 A STATESMAN 
 INCORRUPTIBLE AND FEARLESS 
 
 ERECTED .A»D..I880 
 ' 'Fi*(wn'a ^und beqfitfathea to the 
 ct.cc c c cCi.ty of Boston 
 
 JONATHAN PHILLIPS 
 
SAMUEL ADAMS. 
 
 This Church may we^' be congratulated to-night upon its 
 inheritance of a long roll of names worth}^ to be commemo- 
 rated by successive generations. It is a high distinction, 
 rarely given to any church, to have had, not only among its 
 ministers, but in the ranks of its lay members, such illustri- 
 ous personages as those to whom yonder tablets are now 
 CO 11 sec rated. 
 
 A new sentiment will hereafter invest this beautiful build- 
 ing, drawn not merely from the enlarged and generous ac- 
 commodations recently made for worshippers, but also from 
 th^ memories which will be awakened here by the presence 
 of these silent reminders of a glorious past. We honor our- 
 selves by keeping thus before us the men whose names and 
 achievements have been so conspicuously associated with our 
 common faith and our common freedom. 
 
 From whatever point of view we regard Samuel Adams, 
 we find him worthy of grateful remembrance and distin- 
 guished honor; whether as a private citizen, exemplary in 
 all the walks of life, or as a public servant, discharging faith- 
 fully the many trusts that were committed to his care ; wheth- 
 er we consider his brilliant intellectual endowments, or the 
 viitues and graces of his devout Christian life; whether we 
 admire most the lofty, intrepid, sagacious spirit which was 
 always prepared fur any crisis, or that equally characteristic 
 and uncommon trait which led him to yield to others the re- 
 
 9 
 
wards justly due to himself; whether we regard hun as " the 
 man of the town-meeting," or representative in the Assem- 
 bly, or member of the Continental Congress, we see him in 
 each and all of these positions exhibiting surprising ability, 
 vast resources and incorruptible integrity. So many indeed 
 are his claims to consideration in American history that the 
 more our scholars have studied his life the more do they find 
 themselves disposed to award him the highest praise both 
 for what he was and for what he did. The real strength of 
 such a character is seen in the clear, sharp lines in which he 
 has impressed himself upon his generation and upon his 
 country. Not one of his famous contemporaries has been 
 honored with so many significant and distinguishing titles as 
 he. In all our minds his name is associated with one or more 
 of these familiar souhi'iqiiets : the Father of the Revolution ; 
 the American Cato ; the Chief Incendiary ; Tribune of the 
 People ; Instar omnium ; the Cromwell of New England ; the 
 Last of the Puritans. It matters not whether these appella- 
 tions originated among his friends or his enemies ; they all 
 express the strongly-marked personal supremacy of the man. 
 
 If it be asked why so gieat a man as Samuel Adams has 
 waited almost a century for any suitable recognition at the 
 hands of his countrymen, the answer is ready. We have 
 neglected nearly all our ancient worthies until recently, giv- 
 ing them a very inadequate place both in literature and in 
 art. We have tolerated rather than appreciated them in our 
 historv, assigning them any such accidental place as favor or 
 prejudice might suggest. It may also be said that in most 
 cases our fathers themselves failed to teach us the importance 
 of historic memorials. They were generally busy men, ab- 
 sorbed in the work given them to do, and they had little 
 thought for the record that would have to follow. And we too 
 have been so occupied in the work of our own day that we 
 have been sadly indifferent to the lessons which a faithful 
 study of the past might have taught us. 
 
 But, happily, we have entered upon a new era in sucli 
 matters. We have caught at last the inspiration which he- 
 
roism and virtue ought to awaken in every patriotic heart. 
 Already there are three statues of Samuel Adams in our 
 country : one at Lexington erected ten years ago, another in 
 the Capitol at Washington, and the third a conspicuous orna- 
 ment of our own city since iSSo. To these we now grate- 
 fully add the tablet which has been most appropriately placed 
 on the walls of this sanctuary. 
 
 The Adams family have already an honored place upon 
 the records of this church. Samuel the patriot was a mem- 
 ber of it during the last fourteen years of his life. His pa- 
 rents and grandparents worshipped in its communion, and his 
 mother was baptized and married by its ministers. 
 
 The church of God is designed to be the foster-mother of 
 its children. It fulfils its functions only when it nourishes 
 and developes the best types of manhood. It is allowed cer- 
 tain privileges, under our laws, from the conviction which 
 the American people have had from the beginning, that it is 
 the best supporter of tlie civil power and the surest guaran- 
 tee of a pure and intelligent patriotism which the state pos- 
 sesses. And this claim for the church has been abundantlv 
 established in the history of New England, not only in the 
 substance of its teaching, but in the men whom it has taught. 
 It is an inevitable deduction of logic that such men as Samuel 
 Adams are the visible product of the New England church. 
 Nothing else could have made them what they were. They 
 were born and nurtured, trained and moulded under its pow- 
 erful and penetrating influence. No one questions that the 
 strong theology and the republican government of these 
 churches, luider an enlightened ministry, created the sturdy 
 and independent patriots wlio laid broad and deep the loimd- 
 ations of our liberties. Tiic doctrine of human rights, whicli 
 became so popular in the colonies, was really formulated and 
 at last legalized by those who, under the prevailing system 
 of religious teaching, had reasoned it out of the Sacred Scrip- 
 tures as God's assured gift to man. It was certainly agrowlli, 
 but a growth under the favorable conditions of a democratic 
 church which was the first in the historv of the world to cclu- 
 
cate all its people i^the principles of civil and religious 
 liberty. ^ 
 
 We cannot disconnect this Puritan patriot from the earlier 
 age out of which he sprang, and for which he ever cherished 
 sentiments of the deepest reverence. Born in 1722, eight 
 years before the death of Judge Sevv^all, and within a century 
 of the settlement of Boston, he was near enough to the ori- 
 ginal founders of the colony to partake of their spirit and to 
 carry on their work. His father, Samuel Adams, Senior, 
 was the son of Captain John Adams, a descendant of that 
 Henry Adams of Braintree, from whom came also the distin- 
 guished branch of the family which has always remained near 
 the earlv homestead in what is now the town of Qiiincy. 
 
 Undoubtedly the subject of this sketch received his early 
 bias in the direction of politics from his father, who was ac- 
 tively engaged in public affairs,^ and who in 1724 was one of 
 the founders of the famous Caulkers' Club, a political organi- 
 zation from which our word catcciis is supposed to have been 
 derived. That he was also prominent in ecclesiastical mat- 
 ters is shown by his being one of the organizers, and, later 
 on, one of the deacons of the New South Church in Summer 
 Street,^ of which, in 1719, his relative Samuel Checkley be- 
 came the first pastor. 
 
 Mrs. Adams'* was a woman of deep religious principle, a 
 true helpmeet to her husband, and faithful in her efforts to 
 bring up her cliildren in the fear of God and the practice of 
 virtue. It is due to these parents to say that the healthful 
 influences which they created in their home went far to pro- 
 duce that devout turn of mind which was always a prevailing 
 trait in their distinguished son. 
 
 ' He was a justice of the peace, a se- 
 lectman of the town, and a representa- 
 tive in the Assembly. In his business 
 as a brewer he accumulated considera- 
 ble property. 
 
 "- This enterprise was undertaken by 
 Mr. Adams and thirteen others in 1715. 
 for the purpose of having a place of 
 worship nearer their homes. The new- 
 site would be very accessible to Pur- 
 chase Street, where the Adams family 
 then hved. It has been generally stat- 
 
 ed that Mr. Adams was a deacon of the 
 Old South Church. As this is not 
 proved by the records, it is probably a 
 mistake arising from the fact that he 
 was chosen deacon of the New South 
 (in July, 1726, with Mr. Daniel Loring), 
 and' as he had previously been a mem- 
 ber of the Old South (from 1706 to 
 1715) it was a natural inference that he 
 had also held the office of deacon there. 
 ■' Mary, daughter of Richard Fifield 
 of Boston. 
 
5 
 
 Their house' in Purchase Street was a spacious and com- 
 fortable dwelling surroimded by a garden and commanding 
 a fine view of the harbor. Here Samuel the patriot was born, 
 being the second son in a fomily of twelve children. He was 
 baptized on the day of his birth, Sunday, April i6, 1722. 
 His early education was obtained at the public schools, and 
 he was fitted for college under the elder Lovell. At the age 
 of fourteen he was admitted to Harvard, where he made for 
 himself an excellent record, acquiring such a familiarity with 
 the classics that he was able through life to quote from them 
 readily in his v/ritings with much efiect. He was also a dil- 
 igent reader of the standard authors in philosophy, divinity 
 and political science. The names of the students at that day 
 were not arranged as now alphabetically, nor on the basis of 
 scholarship, but according to the social standing of their fam- 
 ilies. This must have been a delicate matter for the authori- 
 ties to arrange, but the custom was adhered to for thirty years 
 after this. In the class of 174O1 numbering twenty-two mem- 
 bers, Samuel Adams ranked as fifth, while Samuel Langdon, 
 afterwards the 2:)resident of the college, was the eighteenth. 
 It is interesting to notice that the first name in the list was that 
 of Thomas Prince (died in 1748), son of the eminent pastor 
 of this church. At one time Adams had looked forward to 
 the ministry as his profession, encouraged by his parents and 
 by the inclination of his own mind. He was deeply interested 
 in the great religious awakening which had followed the 
 preaching of Edwards 'and Whitefield, and under ordinary 
 circumstances he would doubtless have continued his theologi- 
 cal studies, but the political excitements of the time led him to 
 think of the law as the field in which his duty might lie, and 
 toward which his ardent nature was strongly inclined. But his 
 father's pecuniary embarrassments* just at this time compelled 
 
 ' Built by Mr. Adams about 1712 ; a joint-stock association organized by 
 
 taken by the British troops during their some of the leading men of Boston to 
 
 occupation of Boston ; not occupied by relieve the distress occasioned by the 
 
 the family afterwards ; sold to Philip depreciated currency and general de- 
 
 Wentworth in 1802. cline of public credit. The scheme 
 
 * In connection with the " Land failed through the violent opposition of 
 
 Bank Scheme," or " Manufactory Com- the Government which enforced an act 
 
 pany," as it was sometimes called, against the existence of such companies. 
 
him to turn his attention to mercantile business, for which he 
 had no aptitude. Hi^^perience, however, was of vakie in 
 strengthening his purpose to engage in public affairs as soon 
 as the opportunity offered. On taking his Mastei"'s degree 
 at Cambridge in i743i ^t the early age of twenty-one, he 
 chose for his thesis a subject which clearly indicated the are- 
 na upon which he would like to contend : " Whether it be 
 lawful to resist the supreme magistrate if the commonwealth 
 cannot otherwise be preserved." Boldly maintaining the af- 
 firmative, he laid down propositions which gave the key-note 
 to his whole life. The contests which even at that early dav 
 were coming on between the Crown officers and the representa- 
 tives of the people seemed to challenge his energies, and he 
 was soon found organizing a political club and editing a news- 
 paper. Both as a speaker and a writer young Adams engag- 
 ed warmly in the discussion of public questions, and was soon 
 recognized as a leader of no ordinary power. Many of his 
 essays were directed against the administration of Shirley, 
 whose civil and military measures he stoutly opposed as 
 tending to subvert the "rights and liberties" of the colonists. 
 We are not surprised to learn that the business affairs of 
 one so wholly given to politics would necessarily suffer. For 
 a short time he was in the counting-room of Thomas Cush- 
 ing.' Then he engaged in business for himself on a moder- 
 ate capital furnished by his father. Failing in that he was 
 reduced to very narrow circumstances. Soon after, his father 
 died, leaving to him as the oldest son the care of the family 
 and the settlement of the estate. The following year (Octo- 
 ber 17, 1749) he married Elizabeth, daughter of the Rev. 
 Samuel Checkley, a woman of rare excellence, with whom 
 he lived but eight years, when she died, leaving two children.* 
 A tender tribute to her is found in the family Bible,' written 
 
 ^ Father of the patriot of the same the patriot's father, is a rare edition and 
 
 name. contains interesting family records both 
 
 * Samuel, afterwards a surgeon in by the father and the son. It afterwards 
 
 the war, who died unmarried ; and became the property of Samuel G. 
 
 Hannah, who married Capt. Thomas Drake, and is now in the Livermore 
 
 Wells of the Continental Army. Collection at Cambridge. See N. Eng. 
 
 ' This Bible, which had belonged to Hist, and Geneal. Reg., vol. viii. p. 283. 
 
on the day of her death : " To her husband she was as sin- 
 cere a friend as she was a faithful wife. Her exact economy 
 in all her relative capacities, her kindred on his side as well 
 as her own admire. She ran her clnistian race with remark- 
 able steadiness, and finished in triumph ! She left I wo small 
 children. God grant they may inherit her graces." 
 
 Seven years later (December 6, 1763, the Rev. Mr. Checkley 
 officiating) Mr. Adams married for his second wife, Elizabeth, 
 daughter of Francis Wells, an English merchant who had 
 settled in Boston many years before. This union proved to 
 be long and happy. Mrs. Adams possessed many accom- 
 plishments, not the least of which was her ability to make her 
 home always attractive, even under privations such as are not 
 often encountered by one in her position. Her prudence and 
 thrift, combined with her strength of character and earnest 
 piety, eminently lilted her to be tlie companion of a' man 
 whose life was largely engrossed in public aftairs. Amid all 
 the trials and vexations of political strife, he never failed to 
 find in his home that repose and refreshment which he so 
 much needed. He was a man of the finest sensibilities, able 
 to appreciate the virtues and sacrifices of his wife, and ever 
 ready to bestow upon her that aftection and sympathy which 
 belonged to his generous nature. The brief descriptions of 
 their family life furnish us with an interesting picture of the 
 domestic simplicity and order of a well-regulated Puritan 
 home in the last century. It is a picture of contentment with-' 
 out riches, cheerfulness without hilarity, refinement without 
 pride, and religion without hypocrisy. Friends were always' 
 welcome, and generously entertained, though hospitality on 
 a large scale was impossible. Meetings of the Club^ and of 
 various committees were often held here, and occasionally 
 persons of distinction from other places were invited. Books 
 were not as numerous then as now, but such as they had were 
 well selected and carefully read. Household worship, grace 
 at meals, and the singing of psalms, were a daily exercise in 
 
 ^ The Caucus Club often met also at who in 1763 was adjutant of tlie Boston 
 the opposite house of Thomas Dawes, Regiment. 
 
which the family united. Mr. Adams was always fond of 
 singing, and at one tilBc was a member and a leader of the 
 choir at church.^ His two children were his special delight. 
 He had a keen relish for their sports, and always enjoyed 
 their company, directing their education in all its details, and 
 giving them the benefit of his valuable counsel. 
 
 While the whole life of Samuel Adams, from the time of 
 his leaving College to the end of his long career, was largely 
 given to the public service, and while his name is associated 
 with almost every great event during that period, his highest 
 title to distinction, and the one that will be longest remembered, 
 is the part he took in the great movement which led to the 
 Revolution. To him more than to any other man must be 
 assigned the honor of seeing the issue, initiating the measures 
 and guiding the deliberations of that movement. Others there 
 were who had a prominent part in it, men of great ability and 
 the purest patriotism, to whom the country will always feel 
 indebted ; but of these, some, like Otis and Thacher and 
 Joseph Warren, were removed from the scene before the 
 work was done, while others like John Adams and the 
 younger patriots, came to the front only in the It'ter stages of 
 the conflict. Nor is it any disparagement to men like Bowdoin 
 and Hancock and Gushing and Hawley, to say that they were 
 all led, in council as in action, by a commanding genius 
 whose wisdom they clearly discerned and whose spirit they all 
 admired. 
 
 This preeminent claim, which in the light of all the facts 
 must be made for Samuel Adams, is amply supported by 
 documents and can no longer be open to a doubt. 
 
 He organized the American Revolution. That is honor 
 enough for any man to bear in history. Upon that I am 
 willing that his fame should rest- 
 Many things conspired to prepare him for this task. His 
 intense love of liberty he inherited from his father. His op- 
 
 * Stated in a MS. paper by James S. Also in a sermon upon Samuel Adams 
 Loring, read before the New England by the Rev. J. M. Manning D.D., deliv- 
 Historic Genealogical Society in 1856. ered at the Old South in December, 1873. 
 
position to the arbitrary measures of the Government became 
 fixed in early life, when he keenly felt the injustice of a policy 
 which had crippled his own family and caused wide-spread 
 discontent. His skill in handling political questions was 
 partly the result of his studies in law, and partly owing to the 
 excellent apprenticeship which he allowed himself in the 
 broad forum of discussion. His knowledge of men was widely 
 extended by his unwelcome experience as tax collector.' His 
 moral courage was the natural growth of his deep-seated 
 religious (ionviction. His idea of independence was born of 
 his faith. He saw it with a prophet's eye and hailed it afar. 
 With such an equipment of mind and conscience, of energy 
 and faith, this ardent youth came upon the scene just in time 
 to guide the popular cause in its infancy when it was threat- 
 ened on all sides with the gravest perils. The sky was over- 
 cast with clouds, and the mutterings of thunder were heard 
 all along the horizon. A storm was coming ; that was evi- 
 dent ; but where it would break and what it would bring, no 
 one knew. The prudent and the timid kept themselves under 
 cover, and were silent. The few who dared to think of navi- 
 gating their frail bark in such angry waters clung together 
 and kept a sharp lookout, waiting for events. Then it was 
 that our patriot-hero came forward and took the helm with 
 a fearless hand, and held it firmly till the storm was over. 
 Little do we care now for the charges that he neglected his 
 business to engage in politics, that he never would be thrifty 
 because he spent his time in writing inflannnatory articles for 
 the newspapers, hanging about ship-yards and organizing 
 political clubs. Of what interest to us now are the ledger- 
 books in Cushing's counting-room, or the Malt-house in 
 Purchase Street, or the delinquent tax list of 1763? We 
 can aftbrd to lose a poor merchant to gain a " masterly 
 statesman." We can bear with perfect equanimity such 
 derisive epithets as "Sam the Maltster," and "Samuel the 
 Publican." The satirists may make sport of him, the tories 
 
 ' 1763-65. A difficult and most un- turned to good account in this case, not- 
 popular service in such hard times, but withstanding the odium it excited. 
 
lO 
 
 may denounce him, and even the whigs may for a time refuse 
 him their support. l^^atters not. His soul is bent on 
 liberty, and nothing else will silence either his tongue or his 
 pen. He hears the voice of his country beckoning him on, 
 and he springs to her aid with an ardor and a heroism that 
 have never been surpassed. 
 
 It was at a memorable town-meeting in Faneuil Hall in 
 the year 1764, when Adams, at the age of forty-two, was ap- 
 pointed on a committee to draft instructions for the newly- 
 chosen representatives to the General Court.' Intelligence 
 had just been received from England of a design to tax the 
 colonies and place the revenue at the disposal of Parliament. 
 The town was thoroughly aroused by this report, and the 
 feeling found expression in the unmistakable language of the 
 instructions— still preserved in Adams's handwriting— which 
 contained the first public denial of parliamentary supremacy, 
 and the first suggestion ever made of a union of the colonies 
 for self-protection. This was a year before the remonstrance 
 of Patrick Henry in Virginia, and it must ever be regarded 
 as the earliest foreshadowing of the policy which afterwards 
 prevailed throughout the country. 
 
 The following year, Adams was sent to the Legislature, 
 where he remained for ten years, being annually reelected 
 during the most exciting and eventful period in the history of 
 Massachusetts. Nearly all this time he was clerk of the 
 House, a position which gave him full opportunity for the 
 exercise of his unrivalled gifts in the preparation of state 
 papers, addresses, protests, and other documents, while at 
 the same time he conducted an enormous correspondence 
 both public and private. These writings will bear the closest 
 scrutiny. They are, indeed, master-pieces of political dis- 
 cussion. The more they have been studied, the greater has 
 been the admiration which they have awakened for their 
 profound wisdom, their logical method and their bold yet 
 constitutional demands. They are remarkable not so much 
 
 » The Boston representatives that year Richard Dana was on the committee 
 were Otis, Thacher, Gushing and Gray, with Adams to prepare the mstructions. 
 
for their rhetorical style as for their simple and direct state- 
 ments of the inalienable rights of the people. They succeed 
 in so putting the case as to keep the law on their side, while 
 exposing the injustice and danger of the Government's po- 
 sition. They contain the most advanced principles of the age, 
 brought within the comprehension of the plainest citizen. 
 They all have one clear, melodious ring, that of liberty. 
 Heaven's gift, Britain's pledge, America's lawful inheritance. 
 
 Conspicuous among these papers are the "Massachusetts 
 Rescjves," in reply to Governor Bernard ; the famous " Cir- 
 cular Letter," addressed to all the Provincial Assemblies ; 
 the "True Sentiments of America," a communication sent 
 to the Massachusetts agent in London and intended for the 
 ministry; "An Appeal to the World," an eloquent paper 
 printed by order of the town, vindicating the patriot cause 
 from the aspersions of its enemies ; and the " Rights of the 
 Colonists, as Men, as Christians and as Subjects," the first 
 statement of principles made by the renowned Committee of 
 Correspondence, and, in fact, the precursor of the Declaration 
 of Independence. 
 
 And not only was Adams a leader with his pen. He was 
 ever ready with his voice, often advocating in debate the meas- 
 ures which he had framed so skilfully at his desk. He was also 
 most efficient in the organization of committees, selecting the 
 right men for the right place, continually attending caucuses 
 and popular gatherings, encouraging the timid, arousing the 
 indifferent and attaching firmly to the cause many who, but 
 for him, would have been found in the ranks of the enemy. 
 John Adams is authority' for saying that his illustrious kins- 
 man during those years was in the habit of watching for 
 young men of promise in order to gain their friendship, warn 
 them against the hostile designs of England, and secure them 
 in the defence of their country. He enumerates, among th^se, 
 John Hancock, Dr. Warren and Josiah Qiiincy. By the 
 same influence, John Adams was himself first brought promi- 
 
 ' Correspondence, X. 364. 
 
12 
 
 nently into notice at a town-meeting in 1765, when his cousin, 
 as chairman, had hii-ji^ppointed to speak for the town before 
 the Governor and Council.* The next year, Hancock was 
 indebted for his seat in the Legislature to the nomination 
 made in his favor by Samuel Adams, who was fifteen years his 
 senior. Hancock had failed of an election previously, and, 
 on this occasion, Mr. John Rowe, an influential merchant of 
 Boston,^ had been proposed for the position, when Adams, 
 turning his eyes towards Hancock's house, said, knowing!}', 
 " Is there not another John that may do better.'"" The hint 
 was taken, and a valuable supporter was gained with all his 
 wealth and subsequent popularity. 
 
 This rare ability to detect talent and bring it into public 
 service was one of the marked traits of the great organizer ; 
 and it gave him increasing influence among the people who 
 w^ere not slow to discern the purity of his motives, when they 
 saw the unselfish nature of the man who, though the prime 
 mover in the cause, was always yielding the precedence to 
 others, and willing to give away the honors which belonged 
 to himself. No doubt he enjoyed the ascendancy which he 
 obtained in the provincial councils and in the popular heart, 
 but he never abused it for political favor or private gain. The 
 confidence reposed in him was a magnificent tribute both to 
 his intellectual power and his moral worth. Men followed 
 him because they saw that he was fitted to lead ; they looked 
 up to him because they felt that he was above them ; they 
 trusted him because they knew that their interests were safe 
 in the hands of one whose whole life was known to be gov- 
 erned by a sense of duty both to God and man. 
 
 When Hutchinson called Samuel Adams "• Master of the 
 Puppets,"^ he showed that he understood whom he was con- 
 tending with, however uncomplimentary the name which he 
 gave to the other patriots. There was no doubt in any quar- 
 ter who the master spirit of this great movement was. It 
 
 ' Wells's Life of S. Adams, I. 33 n. ■* Quoted by J. K. Hosmer from MS 
 
 ^ See Mem. Hist. Boston, Vol. II. letter of July 10, 1773, in Massachusetts 
 
 ^ Gordon's Hist. Amer. War, I. 154. Archives. 
 
13 
 
 was as well knoAvu in England as in Boston ; and efforts were 
 repeatedly made to silence his opposition. Plans of seizure 
 and transportation for trial were talked of; offers were made 
 to his friends to persuade them to withdraw from his leader- 
 ship ; and in view of his well-known poverty, the inquiry 
 came to Hutchinson from Government circles abroad, "Why 
 hath not Mr. Adams been taken oft' from his opposition by 
 an office?" To this the Governor replied in language which, 
 in this case at least, shows the correctness of his judgment, i 
 " Such is the obstinacy and inflexible disposition of the man, ' 
 that he never would be conciliated by any office or gift < 
 whatever.'" 
 
 A little later, when Gage w^as governor, he sent a confi- 
 dential message to Adams by Colonel Fenton, to propose an 
 adjustment of the difficulties between them. The Colonel 
 stated that he was empowered to confer upon Adams such 
 benefits as would be satisfactory, upon the condition that he 
 would cease opposing the administration, and that it was the 
 advice of the Governor not to incur the displeasure of his 
 Majesty by rendering himself liable to the penalties of an act 
 of Henry VIII., while, by changing his course, he would not 
 only receive great personal advantages, but would thereby 
 make his peace with the King. Adams arose and replied, \ 
 "Sir, I trust I have long since made my peace with the , 
 King of Kings. No personal consideration shall induce me 
 to abandon the righteous cause of my country. Tell Governor ' 
 Gage it is the advice of Samuel Adams to him, no longer to ; 
 insult the feelings of an exasperated people."^ 
 
 It must ever be to Americans an occasion of pride that 
 their liberties were achieved by men who, brave as they were 
 in resisting oppression by force of arms, showed equal courage 
 in refusing all offers to surrender their cause for any con- 
 siderations of emolument or position. " Incorruptible," is a 
 name which Samuel Adams has left to his country, blazoned 
 in letters of fire upon our early history. Let it be held up to 
 
 ' See Thacher's sermon at Dedham, Statement made by Samuel Dexter. 
 Oct, 9, 1803. Given by Wells, III. 394. * Wells, II. 193. 
 
 3 
 
14 
 
 the gaze of men to-day, that our politicians may see it, that 
 our statesmen may stuc|^^ts meaning, and that our people 
 may write it out again large and clear in their own lives, and 
 so be worthy of their freedom. 
 
 " God give us men ! A time like this demands 
 
 Strong minds, great hearts, true faith, and ready hands; 
 
 Men whom the lust of office does not kill ; 
 
 Men whom the spoils of office cannot buy; 
 
 Men who possess opinions and a will ; 
 
 Men who have honor, — men who will not lie ; 
 
 Tall men, sun-crowned, who live above the fog 
 In public duty and in private thinking." 
 
 The habit of calm and deep reflection, which was a well 
 known chai'acteristic of Mr. Adams, led him at a very early 
 day .to anticipate the possibility of a rupture of the tie which 
 held the colonies to the mother-country. His thorough dis- 
 cussion of the questions at issue, and his interpretation of the 
 purposes of Great Britain, convinced him that, in certain con- 
 tingencies, an effort for political independence would neces- 
 sarily be the result of the controversy. It was the part of a 
 statesman to contemplate those contingencies, and, in his own 
 mind at least, to provide for their appearance. Men had spec- 
 ulated upon the subject in Europe as well as here ; and the 
 occasional disputes between the government officers and the 
 colonists had for a long time tended to weaken the respect of 
 the people of New England for the Government as it was then 
 administered. But their devotion to the sovereign remained 
 firm. Their affection for the old country was not seriously 
 shaken. They sometimes blustered, as good subjects of the 
 Qiieen do in England to-day, but it was always, and only, to 
 maintain their rights as British subjects. It would not have 
 been strange, indeed, if in defending their cause as they often 
 did under provocation, they should have sometimes threatened 
 separation ; but this does not appear to have been done until 
 the existing troubles had reached a crisis. Hutchinson' says 
 
 ' Hist. Mass. Bay, III. 134. 
 
^5 
 
 that Adams advocated the doctrine of independence in private, 
 and " made advances towards it in public," as early as 1765, 
 but there is no evidence of this in his papers ; on the con- 
 trary, they all at that period show feelings of decided loyalty. 
 Writing to the provincial agent at London, in December of 
 the same year, with reference to the report that the colonists 
 were struggling for independence, he says : " It is neither 
 their interest, nor have they ever shown the least disposition 
 to be independent of Great Britain. They have always prided 
 themselves on being British subjects, and have with the 
 greatest cheerfulness done everything in their power to pi'o- 
 mote the common cause of the nation. And we have reason 
 to believe that the colonists will ever remain firmly attached 
 to the mother country." And again (in May, 176S) he writes : 
 " I pray God that harmony may be cultivated between Great 
 Britain and the colonies, and that they may long flourish in 
 one undivided empire." 
 
 These are the sentiments of an honest man, who, though 
 he spoke for the assembly, doubtless believed what he said. 
 And yet it is easy to see how some of his utterances on this 
 subject may have given a wrong impression. Thus in a 
 letter of about the same date, he says there is no apprehension 
 of anything like a struggle for independence, " and," he adds, 
 " I dare say there never will be, unless Great Britain shall 
 exert her power to destroy their liberties."^ This last clause 
 is no doubt a key to his opinions at this time. He was not 
 in favor of independence, did not advocate it, and did not in- 
 tend to, ufzless it should become iiecessary. That there was 
 a possibility of this, he was far-seeing enough to imagine ; 
 and for a long time we know that his mind was deeply exer- 
 cised upon it. All the excitement connected with the Stamp 
 Act must have weighed in this direction ; and although its 
 repeal was hailed with joy, it was soon seen that the parlia- 
 mentarv reservation accompanying it had left the principle at 
 stake untouched. This could not be forgotten, especially 
 when followed so soon by the Townshend revenue acts, the 
 
 » Wells, 1. 146, 
 
i6 
 
 impressment of seamen^^le seizure of Hancock's sloop, and 
 the quartering of a large force of royal troops on the province. 
 All this served only to widen the breach and compel a patriot 
 like Adams, ever solicitous for the public welfare, to take the 
 position which at last by the events of 176S he was driven to 
 take. To his mind, there was no alternative but abject submis- 
 sion, and that, he well knew, the colonists would never accept. 
 All the authorities agree that he was the first man in America 
 to believe in a separation, and boldly to declare for it. " The 
 approach of military rule," says Bancroft,-' "convinced Samuel 
 Adams of the necessity of American Independence. From 
 this moment he struggled for it deliberately and unremit- 
 tingly, as became one who delighted in the stern creed of 
 Calvin, which, wherever it has prevailed, in Geneva, Hol- 
 land, Scotland, Puritan England, New England, has spread 
 intelligence, severity of morals, love of freedom and courage. 
 
 Henceforward one high service absorbed his soul — 
 
 the independence of his country." 
 
 For a long time he stood almost alone in maintaining this 
 position. The other patriots clung to the hope that some 
 adjustment of the difficulties could be found. At a town- 
 meeting in 1769., objection was made to a certain motion 
 because it implied that the colonists were independent of 
 parliament, whereupon Mr. Adams with characteristic bold- 
 ness replied, "Independent we are and independent we will 
 be."' This was more than any one else dared to say, but the 
 very utterance of it in a public meeting helped to formulate 
 the new doctrine, in the minds of many, and to prepare the 
 way for its more general acceptance. 
 
 Meanwhile the logic of events was rapidly furnishing argu- 
 ments which carried conviction where words might have 
 failed. The presence of a standing army in the peaceful 
 town of Boston, with a powerful fleet guarding the harbor, 
 was a perpetual annoyance to the citizens wlw were obliged 
 to witness parades and to answer the challenge of sentinels 
 posted at the public buildings and at officers' quarters. The 
 
 ' Hist. U. S., VI. 192. » Hutchinson's Hist., HI. 264. 
 
17 
 
 common was made n camping ground for soldiers, and used 
 for horse-racing. Cannon were planted in King Street in 
 front of the town-house as if to overawe the representatives 
 assembled in the General Court. The Puritan Sabbath was 
 violated by the tread of armed men changing guard, with 
 the noisy drum and fife playing '-Nancy Dawson" and 
 " Yankee Doodle," as the people were going to their places 
 of worship. 
 
 Petitions from the town and the assembly for the removal of 
 the troops being ineffectual, the latter body declined to legis- 
 late in the presence of an. armed force, and were accordiiiglv 
 adjourned to Cambridge by Governor Bernard, who, adding 
 insult to injury, soon after demanded an appropriation to cover 
 the expenses of quartering the troops. Upon the refusal ot 
 this demand, he prorogued the court and sailed for England, 
 threatening to lay their conduct before the King. This was 
 the Governor who said of Samuel Adams, whom he found a 
 perpetual thorn in his side, " Every dip of his pen stings 
 like a horned snake." 
 
 Lieutenant Governor Hutchinson, a much abler man, now 
 assumed the reins of government. He had filled nearly all 
 the important offices in the Province, and was by far the 
 most conspicuous man on the tory side. In ordinary times 
 he would have made a brilliant record as the chief executive, 
 but in this great emergency he tried to do what could not be 
 done, and was doomed to failure, after incurring the severest 
 criticism and odium of his countrymen.' 
 
 It was with the greatest difficulty that the patriot leaders in 
 Boston restrained the inhabitants from coming into collision 
 with the troops. At times the Sons of Liberty were aroused 
 to a high pitch of excitement, issuing placards, and holding 
 themselves in readiness to make a demonstration. The news- 
 papers were continually asking what the regiments were there 
 
 ' The recent publication of Hutchin- raries had rendered against him. His 
 
 son's Diary and Letters sheds a more history of the I'rovince has ahvays been 
 
 favorable light upon his character, and regarded as of the highest authority, 
 
 will serve to correct in a measure the See article by the Rev. George E. 
 
 harsh verdict which the party feeling and Ellis, D.D., Atlantic Monthly, May, 
 
 inevitable bitterness of his contempo- 1884. 
 
i8 
 
 for, and wh}^ they were^^^ained so long. Sharp words often 
 passed between the sololers and tlie populace on the streets. 
 But the wise caution of the leaders prevailed, and the people 
 generally were governed by that self-respect and love of order 
 which have always characterized our citizens. Tlieir demand 
 was loud and determined, but not violent. Samuel Adams 
 expressed the common feeling when he said that the troops 
 seemed to be employed only '■* to parade the streets of Boston, 
 and, by their ridiculous merry-andrew tricks, to become the 
 object of contempt of the women and children." " They 
 must move to the Castle," he said. "It must be the first 
 business of the General Court to move them out of town." 
 And Dr. Cooper urged the same, adding, '' The}- greatly 
 corrupt our morals, and are in every sense an oppression. 
 Alay Heaven soon deliver us from this great evil." 
 
 At last, after seventeen months of military rule, the dreaded 
 collision occurred in King street, under the windows of the 
 town-house, on the memorable fifth of March, i^']0- Blood 
 was shed by soldiers of the 29th Regiment firing upon un- 
 armed citizens. This event, known as the Boston Massacre, 
 produced the greatest possible consternation. The news of 
 it flew, like wild fire, and the cry was everywhere, *•' To 
 arms!" Late in the evening, order was restored by the 
 Lieutenant Governor, who appeared upon the scene, and in 
 obedience to the demands of his indignant townsmen, secured 
 the retirement of the troops to their barracks, and promised 
 an immediate court of inquiry. 
 
 The next morning a crowded mass meeting was held in 
 Faneuil Hall, opened with prayer by Dr. Cooper. After 
 reports had been given by various eye-witnesses of the trag- 
 edy, the meeting was addressed by Samuel Adams, who 
 spoke with great solemnity and pathos, moving all hearts by 
 his resolute and impressive manner. He was then appointed 
 on a committee of fifteen to wait upon the Lieutenant Gover- 
 nor and inform him that it was the unanimous voice of the 
 meeting that nothing could restore peace but the immediate 
 removal of the troops. A town-meeting was then officially 
 
19 
 
 notified to be held at the same place at three o'clock in the 
 afternoon. 
 
 Hutchinson received the committee and listened to their 
 communication, but as he was not then prepared to give a 
 reply, they withdrew to allow him time to consult the Coun- 
 cil, then in session, and also Colonel Dairy mple the com- 
 manding officer. The result, which was given to the com- 
 mittee in writing, was that the 29th Regiment, which had 
 been particularly concerned in the disturbances, would be 
 sent to the Castle, and only the 14th retained in town. 
 
 At the appointed hour, Faneuil Hall was again filled to 
 overflowing, and so large was the number unable to gain ad- 
 mission that the meeting was adjourned to tiie Old South — 
 " Dr. Sewall's meeting-house," as it was commonly called.' 
 We can readily follow the stream of people wending its way 
 by the old State-house to the new rendezvous. It is not a 
 tumultuous mob, flaunting banners and filling the air with 
 derisive sJiouts, but a throng of intelligent and serious-minded 
 men, charged with a sacred duty, "• men who pray over what 
 they do," and act as those who must give account. Such 
 men are not to be resisted, much less can they be trifled with. 
 The hour is a momentous one in their history, for which the 
 way has long been preparing. The excitement of the previ- 
 ous night has led to a deep-seated resolve in every breast, that 
 the cause of such an event must now be removed. They are 
 conscious of possessing the right, and, if need be, the power 
 to enforce this demand. 
 
 The Old South was soon filled to its utmost capacity, and 
 a vast concourse of people, many of them from the surround- 
 ing towns, stood in the streets, eagerly waiting for the result. 
 Presently the word passed along, " Make way for the Com- 
 mittee !" and the crowd willingly fell back to allow the dep- 
 utation of fifteen to pass from the town-house on their way to 
 report to the meeting. No one knew what their answer 
 
 ' Dr. Joseph Sewall, son of Chief- four colleagues. The Old South Meet- 
 Justice Sewall, liad died the previous ing-house, with its spacious galleries, 
 year after a pastorate of fifty-six years, could hold a much larger audience than 
 during which he had been assisted by the Faneuil Hall of that day. 
 
20 
 
 would be, but it was soon surmised when Samuel Adams, 
 leading the way with iT^Rvered head, bowed to his friends 
 on either side and said, in a calm and determined tone, " Both 
 Regiments or none !" The multitude caught the meaning, 
 and took up the watchword which exactly expressed their 
 feeling, " Both Regiments or none !" 
 
 Adnms read the answer to the meeting and pronounced it 
 insufficient. The moderator, Thomas Gushing, then put the 
 question, "Is this satisfactory?" and instantly from three 
 thousand voices came one prolonged, defiant " No !" like the 
 roar of thunder, loud enough to shake the roof. Yet so 
 orderly was the meeting that the usual opportunity was given 
 for any person of a different mind to speak, and the town- 
 clerk, William Cooper, faithfully records tliat there was " one 
 dissentient." A committee of seven' was then chosen to 
 inform the Lieutenant Governor of the town's unalterable 
 decision. 
 
 Let us go with this committee to the council chamber 
 and observe the proceedings at their memorable interview. 
 Doubtless there is no single occasion in the whole history of 
 Boston wliich can equal this in the dignity of the persons 
 assembled, in the gravity of the question at issue and in the 
 dramatic coloring with which it has been invested in the au- 
 thentic accounts which have come down to us. The cham- 
 ber was of the same size and general appearance then as now. 
 Its walls were adorned with full-length portraits of Gharles 
 II. and James II., together with smaller portraits of Winthrop, 
 Bradstreet, Endicott and Belcher. The Lieutenant Governor 
 sat at the end of a long table around which were grouped the 
 Councillors of the Province, twenty-eight in number, with the 
 highest officers of the Army and Navy on the station ; all 
 clad in the rich and variegated dress of the time, according to 
 rank. We can imagine the scarlet coats, gold and silver 
 lace, elaborate ruffles, white wigs and brilliant uniforms. 
 Nor can we forget the approaching twilight and the waiting 
 
 ' Samuel Adams, John Hancock, Joseph Warren, Joshua Henshaw and 
 William Molineux, William Phillips, Samuel Pemberton. 
 
21 
 
 throng without, which must have added a weird significance 
 to the scene. 
 
 Before this imposing tribunal stood Samuel Adams at the 
 head of his committee, announcing the vote of the town and 
 stating that nothing would satisfy them but the prompt re- 
 moval of all the troops. " The troops are not subject to my 
 authority," replied Hutchinson, " I have no power to remove 
 them." The patriot was not to be dismayed by this evasive 
 answer. He had evidently anticipated it ; and now, drawing 
 strength from the energies of his soul, he took a firm position, 
 and while all eyes were fastened upon him, he gazed at his 
 antagonist for a moment, and then, with measured words and 
 impressive gesture, he calmly replied : " If you have power 
 to remove one legiment, you have power to remove both. It 
 is at your peril if you do not. The meeting is composed of 
 three thousand people. They are become very impatient. 
 A thousand men are already arrived from the neighborhood, 
 and the country is in general motion. On you alone rests 
 the responsibility of the decision ; and if the just expectations 
 of the people are disappointed you must be answerable to God 
 and your country for the fatal consequences that must ensue. 
 The committee have discharged their duty, and it is for you 
 to discharge yours. Night is approaching. An immediate 
 answer is expected."^ 
 
 Such was the ultimatum which Samuel Adams, in the 
 name of the people, laid down in that council chamber. Its 
 effect upon Hutchinson is narrated by Adams himself in a 
 subsequent letter to a friend, in which he says : " I observed ' 
 his knees to tremble ; I thought I saw his face grow pale ; 
 and I enjoyed the sight." 
 
 One can hardly read this account without being reminded 
 of some of the great interviews in history, such as Paul before 
 Felix, Luther at Worms, or John Knox before Mary Stuart. 
 The scene will some day find an artist who, grasping its 
 meaning and using its ample resources, will give to America 
 
 ' Bancroft, VI. 344. Frothingham's Warren, 145. Wells, I. 322. 
 
 4 
 
22 
 
 a canvas which will wMg^ily portray the " Father of the 
 Revolution " in the moment of his greatest triumph. Copley's 
 famous portrait of Adams, painted for Hancock, and now 
 hanging in Faneuil Hall, represents the patriot standing 
 before Hutchinson on this occasion, holding in one hand the 
 message from his exasperated townsmen, and with the other 
 pointing to the charter of their liberties lying upon the table. 
 The attitude is bold and dignified, the face lofty and resolute, 
 and the one inflexible purpose of the speaker dominant 
 over all. 
 
 The sculptor's art has also, in our own time, done excel- 
 lent justice to the inspiring theme. The noble statue in 
 marble, by Miss Whitney, presented a few years ago by the 
 State of Massachusetts to the Nation's hall of worthies at the 
 Capitol, fitly commemorates the heroic spirit of the man who 
 wrung from arbitrary power this notable concession to the 
 demands of the people. A bronze statue of Adams, from the 
 same model with slight changes, now occupies a prominent 
 place in our city, midway between the ancient halls which 
 so often echoed to the sound of his voice. He has finished 
 speaking and is standing erect with folded arms and com- 
 pressed lips, calmly awaiting the answer of the Lieutenant 
 Governor. 
 
 That answer came at last, and the pledge was given that 
 the will of the town should be obeyed. The committee n:iade 
 their report ; the people quietly dispersed ; and the troops—^ 
 henceforth to be known as " The Sam Adams Regiments" — 
 were sent to the Castle. 
 
 Notwithstanding the great relief which this decision gave 
 to the town, Adams allowed himself no respite. Others dis- 
 missed the matter and went about their ordinary affairs, 
 thinking that all trouble was now over, but he redoubled his 
 energies and worked incessantly in private and in public, 
 organizing new measures, writing for the Gazette, and draft- 
 ing resolutions, protests and letters of instruction for the 
 Assembly. He was the most active political writer in the 
 Province, the chief adviser in the caucus, and the very soul 
 
23 
 
 of the town-meeting. Indeed from all accounts it seems as 
 if nothing was done without him. The annual celebrations 
 of the Boston massacre, which became so popular, were 
 largely of his planning. Modestly keeping himself in the 
 back-ground as far as possible, he was always putting able 
 and trustworthy patriots before the people as orators, mode- 
 rators, and committees. He advocated with great zeal the 
 " non-importation agreement," and the union of towns and 
 colonies in the support of all matters of common interest, 
 especially in connection with his masterly scheme of the 
 "Committees of Correspondence," until at length his voice 
 was heard for a Continental Congress. 
 
 This was in the summer of 1773, when the news of the 
 tea tax aroused a universal spirit of resistance. It was 
 known to be an insidious measure skilfully contrived to col- 
 lect a duty without apparent cost to the purchaser, the trib- 
 ute being nominally paid by the East India ComjDany in 
 London. But it was only another test case, involving a re- 
 cognition of the supremacy of Parliament, and everyone 
 understood it. " Are the Americans such blockheads," said 
 some one in New York, " as to care whether it be a hot red 
 poker or a red hot poker which they are to swallow, pro- 
 vided Lord North forces them to swallow one of the two ?" 
 The whole country was in a blaze about this, and nothing 
 that England could have done would have served to unite 
 the colonies more thoroughly. Adams saw it, and immedi- 
 ately appealed through the press, and by the circulars of his 
 committee, " for a Congress of American States to frame a 
 Bill of Rights." He had indeed been working towards this 
 for two years, as may be seen in his letters to Arthur Lee, in '' 
 1 77 1, in which he suggests an annual meeting of deputies ' 
 from all the Colonies. " This is a sudden thought," he says, v 
 " and drops undigested from my pen." " I have long been of 
 opinion that America herself, under God, must finally work ) 
 out her own salvation." 
 
 While engaged in spreading this sentiment as widely as 
 possible, Adams was also busy with his fellow-patriots mak- 
 
24 
 
 ing arrangements for th^M'oper reception of the " detested 
 tea." The consignees were cautioned in advance by the 
 " Liberty Tree " committee. The clubs and newspapers 
 were of one mind on the subject. Numerous town meetings 
 were held, first in Faneuil Hall and then in the Old South, 
 at which it was unanimously determined, upon Adams's mo- 
 tion, that the tea should be sent back and that no duty should 
 be paid upon it. It was a difficult matter to convince the 
 authorities that this vote of the town was imperative. Every- 
 thing was done by the leaders in the way of warning, per- 
 sonal visitation and reasonable delays, to facilitate the execu- 
 tion of the people's order, but official obstructions prevented 
 up to the very last day before the ships would be subject to 
 confiscation. That was the memorable Thursday, the six- 
 teenth of December — that day of days in Boston history — 
 when the largest town meeting that was ever held, numbering, 
 it is said, seven thousand men, filled the Old South and all 
 its appi-oaches. The deliberations of the morning were ad- 
 journed to three o'clock to allow time for Rotch, the owner 
 of the " Dartmouth," who had been refused a clearance at 
 the Custom House, to obtain the necessary sailing-permit 
 of the Governor, then at his country-seat in Milton. The 
 afternoon session was prolonged for hours waiting for the 
 merchant's return. Addresses were made by Adams, Young, 
 Qiiincy and others, and the vote was taken again, and 
 without a dissenting voice, that the tea should in no case 
 be landed. " Who knows," said Rowe, " how tea will 
 mingle with salt v/ater?" a remark which elicited loud ap- 
 plause. We cannot but respect the patience of such a gather- 
 ing, and the restraining influence exercised by the leaders at 
 this critical juncture. Night is drawing on. The speeches 
 have all been made, and now thei*e are long intervals of si- 
 lence. Only a few faces can be distinguished in the dim can- 
 dle-light. In the pulpit sits Samuel Adams, the moderator, 
 whose presence there is enough to control any assembly on 
 any occasion. Some in that company — perhaps not many — 
 are in the well-kept secret which is likely soon to astonish 
 
25 
 
 the town. Others not far away — a dauntless band — are 
 holding themselves in readiness for the signal. And yet all 
 is quiet, profoundly quiet. 
 
 At last, about six o'clock, Rotch appeared and reported that 
 the Governor had refused the pass. Then the moderator rose i 
 and said, " This meeting can do nothing more to save the i 
 country." 
 
 Scarcely had the words fallen from his lips, when a war- 
 whoop was heai-d at the door, and a band of men, disguised 
 as Indians, swept by on tl^eir way to Griffin's wharf, followed 
 by the crowd. The tea-ships were boarded and placed under 
 guard, while the " braves " in the light of the moon removed 
 the hatches, hoisted the chests upon deck, and emptied all 
 their contents into the sea. There was no resistance, no 
 noise, no exultation. When the work was done, they all re- 
 tired quietly to their homes, and by ten o'clock that night a 
 Sabbath stillness prevailed throughout the town. 
 
 " I think we have put our enemies in the wrong," wrote 
 Adams a few days after, " and they must in the judgment of 
 rational men be answerable for the destruction of the tea 
 which their own obduracy had rendered necessary. Not- 
 withstanding what your Tories have given out, the people 
 here are universally pleased, excepting the disconcerted 
 Hutchinson and his few, very few adherents." A little 
 later he added : " It is our duty at all hazards to preserve 
 the public liberty. Righteous Heaven will graciously smile 
 on every manly and rational attempt to secure the best of all 
 His gifts to man from the ravishing hand of lawless and 
 brutal power." ^ 
 
 The little town hardly knew what vials of wrath it was v/ 
 opening upon its own head. Parliamentary vengeance was 
 swift and sure. Acts were passed closing the port of Boston, 
 changing the constitution of the Province, and authorizing 
 the Governor to bring to punishment the leaders of the 
 movement, chief of whom was Samuel Adams. General 
 
 ' From original letters to James War- and March 31, 1774, now in the posses- 
 ren, of Plymouth, dated Dec. 28, 1773, sion of Winslow Warren, Esq. 
 
26 
 
 Hutchinson, whose autnority had gradually dwindled away. 
 Rigorous measures were everywhere enforced, and much 
 suffering ensued from the loss of trade. But this only nerved 
 the hearts of patriots in all the Colonies, and brought them 
 together in the bonds of sympathy as never before. 
 
 Circular letters, drafted by Adams and submitted by the 
 Boston Committee, were carried by Paul Revere to New 
 York and Philadelphia, conveying a loud and eloquent appeal 
 to the country. Responses came back in quick succession 
 from towns and legislatures, pledging their support to the 
 " common cause." 
 
 An opportunity for the full expression of this sentiment 
 was soon given by the meeting of the first Congress at Phila- 
 delphia, in September, 1774, — a meeting proposed by Adams, 
 in the Genei^al Court at Salem, in June. Fifty-five delegates 
 met for the first time in one body, to act for the country at 
 large. It was felt to be a momentous occasion, and many 
 were not v/ithout grave apprehensions as to the results. 
 After the organization it was proposed that Congress should 
 open with prayer ; but objection was made by Jay and Rut- 
 ledge, on account of the diversity of religious views among 
 the members. This moved Samuel Adams to rise and say 
 that " he was no bigot and could hear a prayer from a 
 gentleman of piety and virtue who was at the same time a 
 friend to his country. He was a stranger in Philadelphia, 
 but had heard that Mr. Duche," an Episcopal clergyman 
 resident there, deserved that character. He therefore moved 
 that Mr. Duche be invited to officiate on the following morn- 
 ing. The motion was carried, and the " first prayer in Con- 
 gress " became a subject of universal interest, touching the 
 hearts of those who heard it, and by its patriotic petitions 
 serving as a symbol of that political union towards which 
 the country was rapidly tending. 
 
 But it was conciliation and not yet independence that was 
 talked of in this body. The members were divided into two 
 parties, but not even the party of liberty contemplated so 
 
■^7 
 
 radical a project as separation. Adams knew tliis, and was 
 too wise to force his policy prematurely. He therefore con- , 
 tented himself with general measures in which all could join. 
 Thus he escaped needless controversy, and at the same time ' 
 employed the energies of his mind in preparing the way for 
 united counsels when the real question should arise. That he 
 was not idle we learn from Galloway, the Loj'alist member, 
 who wrote of him : " He eats little, drinks little, sleeps 
 little, thinks much, and is most decisive and indefatigable in 
 the pursuit of his objects." 
 
 The operation of the Port Act had given Mr. Adams much 
 anxiety lest it should provoke to deeds of violence, and so 
 bring on a premature conflict, which he deprecated as much 
 as he did svibmission itself. This feeling found expression in 
 a letter to James Warren : "I beseech you to implore every 
 friend in Boston, by everything dear and sacred to men of / 
 sense and virtue, to avoid blood and tumult. They will have , 
 time enough to die. Let them give the other provinces op- 
 portunity to think and resolve. Rash spirits that would by 
 their impetuosity involve us in unsurmountable difficulties 
 will be left to perish by themselves . . . Nothing can ruin 
 us but our violence. Reason teaches this . . . These are 
 the sentiments of a man who, you know, my dear sir, loves 
 the people of Boston and that government with the tender- 
 ness of a brother."* 
 
 On returning to Massachusetts at the close of the session, 
 Adams found more work than ever awaiting him in the pro- 
 ceedings of the Provincial Congress, which, in his absence, 
 had superseded the General Court. Boston was now block- 
 aded and bristling with arms. His first endeavor, as chair- 
 man of his committee, was to warn the people of the rapidly 
 increasing dangers that surrounded them, and to recommend 
 immediate military preparations. " Our safety, " he says, in 
 a letter to Arthur Lee, " depends upon our being in readiness 
 for the extreme event. Of this the people here are thoroughly 
 
 ' From the Winslovv Warren collection. 
 
28 
 
 sensible, and from the j|«parations they are making, I trust 
 in God they will defend their liberties with dignity." 
 
 March comes round, and with it the usual commemoration 
 of the " horrid massacre. " Warren gives the oration in the 
 Old South, and Adams again appears as moderator, in the 
 pulpit which is heavily draped for the occasion. About forty 
 British officers are sitting in the front pews and on the pulpit 
 staii-s. One of them holds up a handful of bullets directly under 
 the orator's eye. Warren quietly drops his handkerchief upon 
 them without pausing in his discourse. Several attempts are 
 made to disturb the meeting by groans and hisses, but order 
 is maintained by the moderator, through whose efforts a colli- 
 sion, for which all the elements are present, is happily averted. 
 The air, however, was now so heavily charged with war that 
 an outbreak was likely to occur at any time. So Adams 
 thought, and so he was continually saying. It came sooner 
 than many expected, but it was no surprise to him. He 
 could even exult over the scene on Lexington Common, as 
 from the neighboring hill he saw the glistening bayonets and 
 heard the deadly fire. '• What a glorious morning for Ameri- 
 ca !" he exclaimed to Hancock, as if with prophetic vision he 
 saw the veil removed, and the independence of his country 
 portrayed in the sunlight of its new-born glory.' 
 
 But his long cherished hopes were not yet to be realized. 
 The people everywhere flew to arms upon the instant, show- 
 ing a bold and united front, although they still looked for 
 concessions as soon as England should see that they were in 
 earnest. So general was this feeling that the question of in- 
 dependence was not so much as raised at Philadelphia during 
 the next session of Congress. Even John Adams and Jeffer- 
 son, Franklin and Washington wei'e not in favor of it. They 
 all dreaded the idea of cutting loose from the parent country, 
 and they naturally shrank from the task of creating an en- 
 
 ' After the adjournment of the Pro- 
 vincial Congress at Concord, April 15, 
 Adams and Hancock were spending a 
 few days in Lexington with the Rev. 
 Jonas Clark, a relative of Hancock's, 
 
 and an ardent patriot, whose house 
 indeed had often been a resort of the 
 leaders in council when they sought 
 that privacy which British espionage ren- 
 dered insecure in Boston. 
 
29 
 
 / 
 
 tirely new government. But Samuel Adams saw that the 
 nineteenth of April had put an end to British rule in the 
 colonies, and in every possible way he urged the assertion of 
 the fact. "Is not America already independent!*" he wi"ote 
 to Dr. Cooper; "Why then not declare it.'' ... Can 
 nations at war be said to be dependent, either upon the other.'* 
 I ask you again, why not declare for independence?'" And 
 a little later, writing from Philadelphia to James Warren, he 
 said : " You know my temper. Perhaps I may be too im- 
 patient. I have long wished for the determination of some 
 momentous questions. If delay shall prove mischievous, I 
 shall have no reason to reflect upon myself. Every one here 
 knows what my sentiments have been."^ , 
 
 The same combination of patience and energy and tactT' 
 by which Adams had invariably carried the Boston town- 
 meeting, came to his support in Congress, bringing I'ound 
 one and another to his way of thinking, until at last, after all 
 the vexatious hindrances and repeated postponements, the 
 immortal Declaration was given to the world, crowning with 
 a nation's approval what must ever be regarded as the greatest 
 life-work of Samuel Adams. As his distinguished kinsman 
 said of him, " he was born and tempered a wedge of steel to 
 split the knot of lignuni-vitce which tied North America to 
 Great Britain." If he had done nothing else, his champion- 
 ship of the doctrine of independence through all its stages 
 would have entitled him to the lasting gratitude of his country- 
 men. For this, if for no other service, as George Clymer 
 truly said, " all good Americans should erect a statue to him 
 in their hearts." 
 
 For seven years, Adams remained in Congress, actively 
 engaged in its absorbing work. Many of its greatest measures 
 were framed by his wisdom and carried by his indefatigable 
 exertions. His name appears on almost all the prominent 
 committees, and often as the chairman. He seconded the mo- 
 tion of John Adams appointing Washington General-in-chief 
 of the army. He urged the building of a navy. He favored 
 
 ' Wells, II. 393. ' From the Winslow Warren Collection. 
 
 5 
 
30 
 
 long enlistments. He^Wvocated an early representation at 
 foreign courts, and was pleased with the prospect of a French 
 alliance. In the gloomiest days of the war, when a succession 
 of reverses had followed the American arms, and when many 
 hearts were filled with fear, Adams was calm and cheerful. 
 "A patriot," he said, "may grieve at the distress of his 
 country, but he will never despair. . . . Our aflairs, it is 
 said, are desperate. If this be our language, they are indeed. 
 . . . If we despond, public confidence is destroyed. But we 
 are not driven to such narrow straits. . . . Our burdens, 
 though grievous, can be borne. Our losses, though great, 
 can be retrieved. Through the darkness which shrouds our 
 prospects, the ark of safety is visible. . . . We have ap- 
 pealed to Heaven for the justice of our cause, and in Heaven 
 have we j^laced our trust. ... In the gloomy period of 
 adversity we have had our ' cloud by day and pillar of fire by 
 night.' We have been reduced to distress, and the arm of 
 Omnipotence has raised us up. Let us still rely in humble 
 confidence on Him who is mighty to save." 
 
 During his long term of congressional service Mr. Adams 
 was also called to fill various responsible positions at home. 
 Some of the time he held as many as six important offices at 
 once, being Secretary of State for Massachusetts, member of 
 the Council, representative in the Legislature, delegate to the 
 State Constitutional Convention,^ and member of the Board 
 of War. Upon the ratification of the articles of confedera- 
 tion, in 1 78 1, he retired from Congress, and again took up his 
 residence in Boston. His house in Purchase Street had been 
 rendered uninhabitable by the British during their occupation, 
 and his family had lived with friends at Dedham and 
 Cambridge.^ 
 
 * It is said that the Constitution of 
 Massachusetts bears marks of greater 
 deliberation and study than that of any 
 other State. One can easily trace 
 Adams's thought and language in many 
 of its phrases. 
 
 ^ After the evacuation, the Adams 
 family lived for a period, it is said, in the 
 confiscated mansion of Governor Hutch- 
 inson in Garden Court St. See James 
 
 S. Loring's MS. paper read before the 
 N. E. Hist. Gen. Soc. 1856. If this is 
 true, it is a very suggestive fact, in the 
 turn of fortune's wheel, that the roof of 
 the chief Tory should so soon have cov- 
 ered the " Chief Incendiary." Wells 
 states (III. 52, 135-6) that the confis- 
 cated house of Robert Hallowell was 
 obtained by Adams from the Legisla- 
 ture at a nominal rent for some vears. 
 
31 
 
 Without any home of his own, he now lived for a while in 
 a confiscated house in very straitened circumstances. So 
 closely had he given himself to his country's cause that he had 
 never been able to earn anything more than the merest liveli- 
 hood. Often his income did not exceed one hundred pounds 
 a year. When he went to Congress, his friends in their 
 thoughtfulness gave him a suitable outfit. After the battle of 
 Lexington, all his effects being in Boston, he was obliged to 
 purchase even his clothing at the public expense.' Having 
 no business or profession of his own, he never was able to 
 lay up any resources for his family. This may be called an 
 unpardonable neglect, but it was the only thing he neglected 
 and perhaps the provision which he made for his country in 
 her sorest need will be accepted as at least an equivalent for 
 any private fortune which he might have made for himself. 
 Surely the colossal and unrequited labors of this public servant 
 will lead us to be charitable in our judgment of his poverty. 
 Rarely does a politician serve so long and so well for so little. 
 Nations do not often find their trusted statesmen so slenderly 
 provided for. It is a singular example — one of the veiy few 
 in modern histoiy — in which riches were totally disregarded 
 and almost despised, by one who had ample opportunities to 
 acquire them had he chosen. It recalls the Old Testament 
 prophets, or the disciples of our Lord, or the preaching friars 
 of the mendicant orders, men who swayed multitudes and 
 turned the tide of events, but who took neither scrip, nor 
 money in their purse. Walsingham, the great minister and 
 diplomatist of Qiieen Elizabeth, with the resources of a 
 kingdom at his disposal, scorned the luxuries of the court and 
 died a poor man. General Gordon, the hero of the world to- 
 day, is a man of the old Sam Adams spirit — intrepid, unsel- 
 fish, and utterly indiflferent to worldly gain or honor. Such 
 men, with their single-hearted devotion to a great cause, are 
 the inspiration of the ages that come after. They fascinate 
 and win our noblest youth, showing them that there is some- 
 
 1 Mentioned in a letter to James Baltimore, February ii, 1777, in the 
 Warren, specifying certain items, dated Winslow Warren collection. 
 
1 
 
 32 
 
 thing worth living for b^les money. They are a perpetual 
 rebuke to ease and avarice and pride. Their memory is like 
 a north-west breeze, purifying our civilization, and giving us 
 all new hope for the future of mankind. 
 
 Mr. Adams was again twice elected to Congress, but he 
 each time declined the honor, regarding the great victory 
 as already won, and wishing to enjoy the retirement of private 
 life. Yet his sei'vices were still in demand, and for several 
 years he was President of the Massachusetts Senate and a 
 member of the Council, devoting his time wholly to public 
 affairs, introducing important measures, drafting State papers, 
 consulting with committees, and, in those tidying times after 
 an exhausting war, supporting in every way the local and 
 national authority. During Shays's rebellion he did all in his 
 power to sustain the hands of Governor Bowdoin, and when 
 it was intimated by lawless agitators that his own example 
 was in favor of their cause, he declared, in no unmistakable 
 language, that he " meant not license when he cried liberty." 
 He inclined to a conservative policy now that the foundations 
 of the law were established in justice and equity. Notwith- 
 standing the high honors which he had earned, he never forgot 
 the arena of his early triumphs — the town-meeting — which 
 he still loved to attend, and over which he was generally 
 chosen to preside as moderator. 
 
 In 1788, Mr. Adams was one of the twelve representatives 
 to the convention called by Massachusetts to adopt the Federal 
 Constitution, and the first motion, after the organization, was 
 made by him, " That the Convention would attend morning 
 prayers daily, and that the gentlemen of the clergy of every 
 denomination be requested to officiate in turn." We see in 
 this the same liberal and devout spirit which had so success- 
 fully harmonized the councils of the first Congress. There 
 has long been a common error, into which many writers have 
 fallen, that Samuel Adams was opposed to the Federal Con- 
 stitution. Referring to this, Mr. Bancroft has i^ecently said,* 
 that Adams " never was opposed to the Constitution. He 
 ' In a private letter to Professor Hosmer. 
 
33 
 
 only waited to make up his mind." He studied it with his 
 customary caution, and sought to guard the State against the 
 possibility of surrendering too much to the General Govern- 
 ment, especially to the Federal Executive and the Judiciary. 
 Adams was consistent in this. He always, to the day of his 
 death, believed in a pure democracy, and opposed the tendency 
 towards centralization. He was afraid of conferring power, 
 where the people themselves or their most immediate repre- 
 sentatives could not control it. He had taken the same posi- 
 tion in Congress when the departments of government were 
 created with secretaries at their head. No doubt his view of 
 a national administration was too limited for the growth of a 
 continent, and his fear of encroachments upon popular liberty 
 was extreme ; but, after a century of trial, it still remains a 
 question whether good government is not often imperilled by 
 such vast powers as are granted to our high officials. Mr. 
 Adams, however, let it be remembered, did not oppose the 
 Constitution. He discussed it freely, proposed amendments, 
 listened to the arguments of others, and counselled delay in 
 view of the great importance of the instrument; but when at 
 last it came to be ratified, he not only favored it, but had more 
 influence than any other man in carrying it through the con- 
 vention, and recommending it to the other States. 
 
 At this time Mr. Adams met with a severe loss, in the death 
 of his only son, Dr. Samuel Adams, who had done honorable 
 service for his country as a surgeon through the Revolutionary 
 War. His unpaid claims were bequeathed to his father, and 
 afterwards redeemed by the Government, so that Mr. Adams, 
 by a wise investment of the proceeds, was placed above want 
 during the rest of his life. 
 
 For four years in succession he was elected Lieutenant 
 Governor on the ticket headed by Hancock. This gave great 
 satisfaction to the public, as these foremost names in Massa- 
 chusetts had been historically associated together in so many 
 positions. Both had been necessary factoids in the pre-revolu- 
 tionary days ; and although, like Goethe and Schiller, very 
 different from each other in respect to age, ability, fortune, 
 
34 
 
 and style of living, they ln|pitoocl together as fellow-patriots' 
 — -pai- nobile fratruni — in the most critical period of the 
 movement with which their names will forever be identified. 
 By excepting- these two names in the general offer of pardon 
 made in i775' Gage showed his power of discrimination, but 
 he could not have conferred more honor upon the men whom 
 he sought thus to degrade, for it was a recognition of their 
 unequalled services to the cause of liberty, and it gave them 
 at once a popularity accorded to no other person. 
 
 The estrangement which had grown up between these 
 chiefs in later years, causing wide-spread regret and much 
 disturbance in local politics, was now removed, and the two 
 familiar names were again united year after year, in the mouths 
 of the people, as they ever will be in the history of the State. 
 
 On the death of Hancock in 1793, Adams assumed the 
 executive chair, and was annually elected governor as long as 
 he consented to be a candidate. His addresses to the Legis- 
 lature were characterized by the same vigorous and patriotic 
 spirit as ever, and his adminstration was dignified and bene- 
 ficent. He did not hesitate to express his solicitude for the 
 preservation of those fundamental principles of popular gov- 
 ernmenr which he regarded as the only security of the nation's 
 happiness and peace. He did not escape the enmity which 
 party-strife engendered in the contest which he carried on 
 with the Federalists. He had opposed the centralizing and 
 aristocratic tendencies which they represented, and he did not 
 cease to advocate a simpler and purer mode of life than that 
 which was becoming prevalent in society around him. The 
 increase of wealth and its attendant luxuries, with a gradual 
 laxity in morals and religion, seemed to him to threaten the 
 permanence of republican institutions. Whether his misgiv- 
 ings were wholly justified at the time may be an open ques- 
 tion ; but there can be no doubt that the danger which he 
 indicated with fearless fidelity, is a danger which history has 
 repeatedly taught, and one against which our country in its 
 growth needs to be continually on its guard. 
 
 ' The Lexington Memorial Hall has Thomas Gould, standing near that of 
 a statue of Hancock in marble, by Samuel Adams already referred to. 
 
35 
 
 On the twentieth anniversary of American Independence, 
 Governor Adams laid the corner stone of the present State 
 House with imposing ceremonies, assisted by Paul Revere, 
 who represented the Masonic fraternity. 
 
 In 1797) f'seling the infirmities of age, the Governor with- 
 drew from public life, after a career of more than half a 
 century of uninterrupted service in the cause of his country. 
 For several years he now enjoyed the seclusion of his home 
 in Winter Street,' receiving the kind attentions of his beloved 
 wife and daughter, and honored by a large circle of acquain- 
 tances. In the summer time he was often seen sitting at his 
 door or walking in his garden, clad in cap and gown. He 
 sometimes visited the public schools, in which he had always 
 taken the deepest interest.^ The scholars, it is said, knew 
 him well, and were always delighted to see his benignant face 
 on the street or in the school-room. 
 
 Upon the accession of Jefferson to the presidency in 1801, 
 that leader of the Democracy wrote a cordial letter to Mr. 
 Adams, with whom he had long had the most intimate per- 
 sonal and political relations. "How much," he said, "I lament 
 that time has deprived me of your aid. It would have been, 
 a day of glory which should have called you to the first office 
 of the adminstration. But give us your counsel, my friend, 
 and give us your blessing ; and be assured that there exists 
 not in the heart of man a more faithful esteem than mine 
 to you." 
 
 The last writing of Mr. Adams, known to exist, was a 
 defence of christian truth in a letter to Thomas Paine, urging 
 him, as a friend of liberty, not to excite the spirit of discord 
 by his attacks upon Christianity. 
 
 • 
 
 ' A large old-fashioned wooden house, consisting of a certain number of families 
 
 nearly o|5posite the present entrance to to keep and maintain a grammar school. 
 
 Music Hall. Before the Revolution it I should be much grieved if it should be 
 
 was the property of Sylvester Gardiner, true, as I am informed, that some of the 
 
 theiwealthy loyalist. towns have dismissed their school-mas- 
 
 * In 1775, Mr. Adams wrote in a pri- ter) alleging that the extraordinary ex- 
 
 vate letter, " Our ancestors laid an excel- pense of defending the country renders 
 
 lent foundation for the security of liberty them unable to support them. I hope 
 
 by setting up, in a few years after their this inattention to the principles of oui^ 
 
 arrival, a public seminary of learning ; wise forefathers does not prevail." Fronrv 
 
 and by their laws they obliged every town the Winslow Warren collection. 
 
36 
 
 And now the patriot's ^rork was done. He had run his 
 race ; he had fought the fight ; he had obtained the victory ; 
 and, after most of his associates had passed away, he had 
 lived to see the fair structui'e of liberty, whose foundations he 
 had laid so well, rising in comely proportions, strengthened 
 by years and enlarged by a nation's growth. The rewards 
 of a grateful people had been laid at his feet. The crown of 
 age and of honor was upon him ; and patiently, like the 
 patriarch, he waited " leaning upon the top of his stafiV On 
 Sunday morning, October 3, 1803, Samuel Adams breathed 
 his last, in the eighty-second year of his age. He was buried 
 in the Checkley tomb in the Granary Burying-Ground, the 
 cortege^ escorted by the cadets and a large body of citizens, 
 passing through the principal streets by the Old South and 
 around the Old State House. 
 
 In tracing the career of this remarkable man, we have been 
 continually impressed with the fact that the source of his 
 power was in the high moral and religious qualities of his 
 character. He was endowed with ample intellectual gifts, 
 with an inexhaustible energy of will, with marvellous sa- 
 gacity and tact, which under any circumstances would have 
 given him a prominent place among men. But these gifts 
 would never have made him what he was, had it not been for 
 the presence of that guiding and controlling spirit which 
 shaped his conduct and gave purpose and vigor to his whole 
 life. This was perfectly well understood by his contempo- 
 raries. They followed him gladly because they trusted him 
 implicitly. They knew him to be devout, humble, conscien- 
 tious and even rigid in applying to himself the principles of 
 godliness, and this added immense weight to the power of his 
 example. Conscience was not merely an element of his 
 character ; it was the chief element, holding evei;ything else 
 subservient to its sway, and impressing itself upon all that he 
 said and did. He was the product of a Puritan age ; a strict 
 Calvinist, not by tradition merely, but by severe reasoning 
 and calm judgment ; a diligent student of the Bible, accus- 
 
37 
 
 tomed to refer everything to the oracles of God ; ' a believer 
 in the Christian Sabbath, willing to forego all secular enjoy- 
 ments that its hours might be hallowed to the purposes of rest 
 and worship; a lover of the sanctuary, whither he always 
 went, accompanied by his family ; a priest in his house, 
 habitually maintaining the domestic altar. Warmly attached 
 to the faith and order of the New England churches, he al- 
 ways maintained that they were more friendly to republican 
 ideas of virtue and liberty than any other. Austere he un- 
 doubtedly would seem to many, who know little of the exact- 
 ing demands of a holy religion, but any one acquainted with 
 his life can see abundant evidence of the sweetness and grace 
 of Christian love diffusing itself in the tender relations of the 
 home, in his treatment of the young, in his regard for the 
 poor, in his incessant yearning for the public welfare, in his 
 private correspondence and even in many of his official 
 documents. When the question of slavery came up in Mas- 
 sachusetts, Adams advocated its abolition with his usual ardor. 
 Just then a female slave was given to his wife. " A slave 
 cannot live in my house," he said, when told of it. " If she 
 comes, she must be free." She was accordingly made free, 
 and was ever after kindly cared for in his family until her 
 death. No one knew Samuel Adams better in the pre-revo- 
 lutionary days than his observing cousin, who wrote in his 
 diary :^ " He is a man of refined policy, steadfast integrity, 
 exquisite humanity, fair erudition, and obliging and engaging 
 manners, real as well as professed piety, and a universal good 
 character, unless it should be admitted that he is too attentive 
 to the public, and not enough so to himself and his family." 
 
 At the age of nineteen, shortly after leaving college, it ap- 
 pears that young Adams joined the Church in Brattle Street,* 
 attracted thither, perhaps, by the fame of Dr. Colman, or it 
 
 ' John Adams, Works II. 162. For Thomas Phillebrown, and William 
 
 a careful study of the relation of John Brown. Among others who joined 
 
 Adams to the Revolution, see the recent that year were Walter Baker, Benjamin 
 
 address of Judge Chamberlain before Sampson, Thomas Stacy, James Ridge- 
 
 the Webster Historical Society, at its way, Daniel lioycr, Samuel Norton, 
 
 annual meeting, 1884. Ebenezer Messenger, Thomas Amory 
 
 " May 2, 1742, at the same time with and John Gore. 
 
 6 
 
38 
 
 may be through the infflrcnce of some of his young com- 
 panions. His biographei" does not mention the fact. Through 
 a large part of his life, however, he attended the church in 
 Summer Street, of which his father was one of the founders, 
 and of which his father-in-law. Dr. Checkley, was the pastor 
 for more than half a century. In 17S9, owing to various 
 changes that had taken place in that church, Mr. Adams, 
 who never seems to have been an enrolled member of it, 
 transferred his connection to the Old South, as the following 
 letter will show : 
 
 "At a meeting of the church of Christ in Brattle-Street, Boston, 
 June 7, 17S9, 
 
 Our brother Samuel Adams, who in the year 1742 was admitted to 
 full communion with this church, but who, for many years past, has 
 congregated and communed with the church in Summer Street, being 
 desirous to enter into a more immediate connexion with the church 
 under the pastoral care of the Rev. Mr. Joseph Eckley ; 
 
 We do hereby recommend him to the charity and fellowship of the 
 said church, as he hath always (so far as is known to us) conducted 
 agreably to his covenant engagements. 
 Attest : 
 
 PETER THACHER, 
 Pastor of the Church in Brattle-Street. 
 Boston, June 8, ijSg." 
 
 By uniting with the Old South Church, Samuel Adams re- 
 turned to his ancestral home, and added his name to those of 
 Oxenbridge Thacher, James Otis, Thomas Gushing, John 
 Scollay, Thomas and William Dawes, Robert Treat Paine, 
 William Phillips, and others, in the brilliant roll of revolu- 
 tionary patriots who have honored this church by their per- 
 sonal connection with it. 
 
 We ought to preserve the memory of these men. Not one 
 of them is as well known among us as he should be, al- 
 though some of their lives have been written. If this tablet 
 serves to call attention in any way to their public services and 
 private worth, it will do precisely what Adams would have 
 wished, and what he was himself always doing, — bringing his 
 
39 
 
 associates into prominence, and when possible, yielding the 
 precedence to them. The more we know of his contempo- 
 raries the more we shall know of him ; for he was emphatically 
 a man of the times and of the people ; as Judge Sullivan truly 
 says, in the woi'ds which you have inscribed on yonder mar- 
 ble, " To give his history at full length would be to give a 
 history of the American Revolution." 
 
 In no respect is the character of Adams seen to better ad- 
 vantage than in his friendships. He was a true brother to 
 those he trusted and loved. His heart clung to them with 
 strong aflection. He enjoyed their society, sought their coun- 
 sel, shared their confidenqe, brought them into notice, and in- 
 dulged the fullest expressions of feeling in his correspondence 
 with them. This was notably true of his relations with Dr. 
 Chauncy, Dr. Cooper, Josiah Quincy, Dr. Warren, Elbridge 
 Gerry, Arthur and Richard Henry Lee of Virginia, James 
 Warren, Dr. Jarvis, Governor Strong, and Judge Sullivan. 
 
 We are not surprised to learn that a figure so strongly 
 marked encountered the hostility of his enemies. This was 
 to be expected in the nature of things. Where was there 
 ever an important political movement that did not create 
 opposite views as to policy, and hard feeling as to men ? And 
 if, in this case, there seems to have been towards Mr. Adams 
 in the latter part of his life an undeserved prejudice and 
 neglect, it is fully accounted for by the bold stand which he 
 conscientiously took against the popular drift in political and 
 social life. The same courageous principle which led him in ' 
 his youth to resist the royal governors led him in his age to 
 oppose what he thought a dangerous tendency among the 
 I'eiJeralists, and to rebuke extravagance and corruption 
 wherever he found them. He would not have been Sam 
 Adams if he had done otherwise. To be recreant to his 
 sense of duty was not a sin that lay at his door. To lower 
 his standard to meet the demands of the hour was an absolute 
 impossibility. A clever manager he always was, but never 
 a trimmer. He created parties ; he could not be the creature 
 of a party. Every one knew just where to find him ; for he 
 
 I ' 
 
40 
 
 was always consistent wil^pPiimself. The quality which gave 
 him a temporary unpopularity was the very quality which 
 made him what he was throughout his long life, and which 
 leads a grateful country to-day to erect statues and tablets to 
 his memory. 
 
 In judging of his character, we must always remember the 
 conditions under which it was developed and the principles 
 which he acquired by his training. That he was strict in his 
 religious faith, and sincere in his practice, is unquestioned. 
 That he was also wonderfully adroit in his methods is equally 
 well known. This naturally leads to the inquiry whether in 
 his shrewdness he exceeded the limjts of what we should call 
 honesty to-day. I would answer this question by recalling, 
 first, one of the elements of what is technically known as the 
 New England character. It has always savored of shrewd- 
 ness, with an inclination sometimes towards sharp practice. 
 It has successfully contended with the world at a bargain, and 
 has seldom been surpassed for wit or tact. That this element 
 is deeply rooted in our character is sufficiently apparent. 
 That it is sometimes allied with deceit is also painfully true. 
 But as a quality, pure and simple, it is free from this charge, 
 and must be so regarded. It admits of dexterity and strategy 
 without incurring reproach. What is true of the New Eng- 
 land type to which Adams belonged is true I suppose of him. 
 Our strictures upon that type apply to him in common with 
 many of his contemporaries and predecessors on these shores. 
 We may improve upon it as the years advance ; we certainly 
 ought to. But our judgment of Adams must in this respect 
 be essentially the judgment of his time and his surroundings. 
 The other answer which may be offered to the question raised, 
 is that in certain disguises which Adams and his compatriots 
 adopted they were following what they considered legitimate 
 methods under the ethics of war. If Dr. Cooper or Judge 
 Parsons or Samuel Adams helped Hancock write his speeches 
 or public documents — and they probably all did at one time 
 or another — they did it, as they thought, without committing 
 any moral offence. They did it because the liberation of their 
 
41 
 
 country seemed to require it ; because they were engaged in 
 a life and death struggle, and were compelled to resort to the 
 tactics of war. They did it just as a military commander 
 would get the advantage of his enemy, by stratagem, by spies, 
 by decoys, and other contrivances such as are permitted in 
 war. The treatment which the Hutchinson letters received 
 may be ascribed partly to this motive, and partly to the high 
 state of excitement at the time, which gave an exaggerated 
 coloring to everything, said or written, on either side. 
 
 This may, at least, suggest an explanation of certain ingeni- 
 ous and effective devices which the fathers employed when 
 they strove to obtain their freedom. To Bernard and Hutch- 
 inson, no doubt, Adams seemed cunning enough, always on 
 the alert, using men as tools and leading them into all kinds 
 of mischief. But we are now learning, by a critical study of 
 the facts, to distinguish between what Samuel Adams really 
 was, and what his enemies represented him as being. They 
 said he was a demagogue. We know he was not (in the 
 sense in which that word is used) . He never flattered or 
 cajoled the people ; never went among them with insinuating 
 smiles and selfish aims ; never misled them by seeming to be 
 what he was not. His patriotism was disinterested and 
 transparent from beginning to end.* He was never moved 
 by bribery or threats. His integrity was unimpeachable. A 
 guinea, he said, never glistened in his eyes. In his farewell 
 address to the Legislature, referring to his country which he 
 had served so long in war and in peace, he said : "I can say 
 with truth that I have not enriched myself in her service." 
 Such testimony as this is of incalculable worth to the nation. 
 It is a legacy beyond all price. Happy is the commonwealth 
 that inherits it. Never let it be forgotten. 
 
 It is remarkable how little this peerless man was ever in- 
 fluenced by those natural passions which are so prevalent in 
 political life. One controlling passion he always had, burn- 
 ing like a flame, — the love of liberty ; but almost every other 
 
 ' "Your principles," said Jefferson, "have been tested in the crucible of 
 in a letter to Adams Feb. 26, 1800, time and have come out pure." 
 
) 
 
 42 
 
 was trodden under foot. ^Piat did Samuel Adams care for 
 money, or pleasure, or fame, or office, or ease? The very 
 things that men generally covet the most he passed by alto- 
 gether. This is known to be true, although it has taken time 
 to reveal it. Much of his work was done anonymously, — 
 written by his pen, but adopted by others, without ever a 
 protest from him. A careful search among his papers re- 
 veals the fact (which would seem extravagant were it not 
 proved), that every effective plan and every important paper 
 in the political history of Massachusetts from 1765 to 1775 — 
 to go no further — was, without a single exception, invented 
 and framed by him. And yet so modest was he, that the 
 world never knew it all in his day. Such disregard for the 
 honors of authorship is almost unparalleled. He wrote 
 popular essays for the press over a great variety of signatui^es. 
 No less than twenty-five different names have been discovered 
 as his. He destroyed a vast number of his own writings, 
 and many more were lost after his death, but the collection 
 in Mr. Bancroft's hands is very large and very convincing 
 upon this point. The drafts of the principal resolves, remon- 
 strances and appeals, for town and assembly alike, are all in 
 his handwriting. And the official correspondence during 
 that time was wholly his work.* It is estimated that these 
 productions would fill sixteen large printed octavo volumes. 
 
 His style was always clear and forcible, formed on the 
 purest classical and English models, with a nervous vigor all 
 his own. Whether written or spoken, his language was 
 wonderfully adapted to reach the popular mind. His speeches 
 were usually short ; never rapid in their delivery. 
 
 These services give Adams the fullest claim to be regarded 
 not only as a politician, marshalling the political forces with 
 consummate skill, but also, as Senator Hoar has said,'^ as a 
 philosopher, establishing fundamental principles, and as a 
 
 * He is acknowledged to have been enigma without them. Chatham's 
 
 the ablest and most voluminous writer opinion of them has been often quoted, 
 on American politics in the last century. ^ In his address at the reception by 
 
 Indeed his state papers form a most Congress of the Massachusetts Statues 
 
 important part of our literature for that in the Capitol at Washington, Dec. 19, 
 
 period. The Revolution would be an 1876. 
 
43 
 
 statesman, framing great measures, filling responsible posi- 
 tions, and guiding legislative assemblies. "I doubt," said 
 the lamented Garfield,* speaking of Adams's political and 
 religious position, " if any man equalled Samuel Adams in 
 formulating and uttering the fierce, clear and inexorable logic 
 
 of the Revolution The men who pointed out the 
 
 pathway to freedom by the light of religion as well as of law, 
 were the foremost promoters of American independence. 
 And of these, Adams was unquestionably chief." 
 
 In all his tastes and habits Mr. Adams was a model of 
 republican simplicity. Indifferent to wealth and fame, he 
 was also above the temptations of luxury and ease. He never 
 outgrew the practice of his youth in this respect. His table, 
 his dress, his manners were alwa3's plain, though never lack- 
 ing proper attention and refinement. He had no fancy for 
 display. When he became Governor, his friends gave him a 
 carriage and a pair of horses, but he seldom used them, and, 
 on retiring from ofiice, he returned them to the donors. He 
 studied economy from principle as well as necessity, avoiding 
 when possible all appearance of ostentation or extravagance. 
 He did all he could to make his beloved Boston "a Christian 
 Sparta." 
 
 In person^ Samuel Adams was of medium height and very 
 erect, of muscular form, florid complexion, light blue, pene- 
 trating eyes, and heavy eye-brows. At the age of forty-eight 
 his hair was already gray, giving him a venerable appearance.. 
 His countenance was strikingly open and benignant, full of 
 expression, combining the qualities of serenity and firmness. 
 He is said to have resembled William of Orange. His ap- 
 pearance was always dignified and manly. At times there 
 was a slight constitutional tremulous motion of the head and 
 hand, which added impressiveness to his speech. Among 
 strangers he was usually reserved, but in his family and 
 among his friends he laid aside the cares of public life and 
 
 ^ At the reception of the Massachu- fire. The engravings from it give Mr, 
 
 setts Statues at Washington. Adams a very genial and dignified ap- 
 
 ^ The portrait by Johnston, painted pearancc, quite in accordance with the 
 
 in 1795, was unfortunately destroyed by descriptions of liim by his friends. 
 
44 
 
 participated freely in ordllwry conversation. At such times, 
 he was cheerful and responsive, full of sympathy, fond of 
 anecdote, and keenly alive to any rational sentiment of wit 
 or humor. His voice was uncommonly musical, and nothing 
 gave him greater pleasure than the practice of singing at 
 home. In dress, he retained the colonial style of the 
 tie-wig, cocked hat, knee breeches, buckled shoes and dark 
 red cloak. 
 
 Samuel Adams left no descendants bearing his name, but 
 as "the Father of the Revolution" he has given us our inde- 
 pendence ; and we may safely trust the Republic which 
 enshrines it, to perpetuate his name and keep alive the memory 
 of his masterly leadership, his incorruptible virtue and his 
 imdying love of liberty. 
 
 LofC. 
 
45 
 
 SAMUEL ADAMS, 
 
 Born in Boston, September i6, 1722. 
 
 Graduated at Harvard College, 1740. 
 
 Joins the Church, 1742. 
 
 Takes his Master's Degree, 1743. 
 
 Follows mercantile business a few 3'ears. 
 
 Organizes a Political Club and Newspaper, 1747-48. 
 
 Married to Elizabeth Checkley, October 17, 1749. 
 
 His wife dies, July 25, 1757. 
 
 Collector of Taxes, 1763-65. 
 
 — 1764 — 
 
 Drafts the Boston Instructions. 
 
 Proposes a union of the Colonies in opposition to Parliament. 
 
 Marries his Second Wife, Elizabeth Wells, December 6. 
 
 Member of the Legislature, 1765-74. 
 
 — 1765 — 
 
 Writes the Massachusetts Resolves. 
 
 Instructs the Provincial Agent in London. 
 
 Conducts a Controversy with the Governor, 1766. 
 
 — 1768 — 
 
 Writes the Assembly's Addresses to the Ministry, 
 
 Their Petition to the King, 
 
 and Circular Letter to the other Colonies. 
 
 DECLARES FOR INDEPENDENCE. 
 
 Writes "An Appeal to the World," 1769. 
 
 Demands the Removal of the Troops, 1770. 
 
 — 1772 — 
 
 Proposes the Committee of Correspondence. 
 Author of " The Rights of the Colonists." 
 
46 
 
 — 1773 — 
 
 Calls for a Continental Congress. 
 
 Opposes Landing of the Tea. 
 
 Drafts an Appeal to the other Assemblies, 1774. 
 
 Member of the Continental Congress, 1774-81. 
 
 — 1775 — 
 
 Member of the Provincial Congress. 
 
 Secretary of State. 
 
 Councillor. 
 
 SIGNS THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE, 1776. 
 
 Member of the Board of War, 1777. 
 
 Member of the State Constitutional Convention, 1779. 
 
 Marriage of his daughter, 1781. 
 
 President of the Massachusetts Senate, 1781-S4. 
 
 Senator, 1786. 
 
 President of the Senate, and Councillor, 1787. 
 
 — 17S8 — 
 
 Member of the Convention to adopt the Federal Constitution. 
 
 Death of his son, January 17. 
 
 Lieutenant Governor, 1789-93. 
 
 GOVERNOR, 1793-97. 
 
 Dies, October 2, 1S03, in his eighty-second year. Committed to the 
 Checkley Tomb, in the Granary Burial Ground. 
 
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
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