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SOUTHERN OPPRESSION. 
 
 AN 
 
 ADDRESS 
 
 TO THE 
 
 PEOPLE OF THE EASTERN STATES 
 
 DEVELOPING THE CAUSES OF THEIK. 
 
 OPPRESSION. 
 
 BY A FRIEND TO FREEDOM. 
 
 " J^othing extenuate, 7ior aught set do-D% in inclice.*' HasR. 
 
 aai^nai^BB 
 
 jYEW-YORK . 
 
 PUBLISHED FOR THE AUTUOIi. 
 
 John Forbes, pvintrT. 
 1813. 
 

SOUTHERN OPPRESSION, 
 
 " J^othing extenuate, no- aught set do~m in malice.'" Shak, 
 
 J.F New-York did not rank among the New-England States, 
 an address from one of her native citizens might be viewed in the 
 light of presumption. But considering that the interests, the ha- 
 bits, and the situation of the States east of the Hudson, identify 
 their objects and create a sympathy of feelings, a Northern Ameri- 
 can would not hesitate to express to his countrymen, those sentiments 
 which naturally arise, from contemplating the alarming dangers 
 which hang over the Eastern section of our unfortunate country. 
 In penning the following obvious remarks, a conscientious discharge 
 of duty is his only motive — a duty, rendered necessary by the 
 wily artifices, practised upon our deluded citizens, by the minions 
 of admmistration. To contribute his efforts towards checking tlic 
 swelling tide of corruption, and the flood of ruin which threaten', 
 a dissolution of the Confederacy, or reducing tlie Northern People to 
 a state but little better than southern slavery — in such a cause, so 
 vitally interesting to the existence of freedom, he cannot be silent — 
 and conscious of being but a plain man, he appeals to the understand- 
 ing of his readers. 
 
 In viewing the desolation that surrounds us, which regularly ap- 
 proaching for several years, has at length swept away our flourish- 
 ing prosperity, noAV only knoAvn to have existed, by a few scattered 
 fragments: in turning our attention for a moment to the load 
 of disgrace Avhich darkens the character of the country, arising 
 as well from our relations with foreign nations, as from the internal 
 policy of administration, and which would be insupportable indeed, 
 were it not for the brilliant achievments of the Federal navy : in 
 beliolding the oppression which corruption and folly directs against 
 
the interests oioiir section of the union, involving us in an unnecessa- 
 rv and unjust war : sucli a mass fraught Avith ruin, arrests our in- 
 ({uir}', which, seeking the cause of so lamentable a state of things, 
 naturally suggests to the mind means of relief. A brief developement 
 of the one, with a suggestion as to the other, will compose the essence 
 of tlie following pages. 
 
 Before an inquiry is made into the principles of the war party, 
 and the motives of its leaders, it may be useful to attempt a sketch 
 of its general character, aware however of the impossibility of doing 
 justice to the depravity of its nature, and deformity of^ its features. 
 It is then with regret, ive observe, that falsehood and deception, in- 
 trigue and corruption, are the usual means to which it resorts, to gra- 
 tify passions not only illiberal and selfish, but wicked and malignant. 
 ^o sacrifice appears too great, no price too high, to purchase the ac- 
 complishment of its views. Commerce, honour, principle, safety, life 
 are treated with equal indifference, when impeding the designs of 
 corrupt ambition, and with but little hesitation, are immolated upon 
 its unhallowed altar. Unconscious of the dictates of candour and 
 generosity, it degrades the dignity of the human character by mali- 
 cious calumny and savage violence : the Avisest and best men of our 
 country, have experienced the slanderous shafts of the one, and the 
 veteran hero Lingan, has fallen a victim to the barbarous cruelty of 
 the other. Without the magnanimity to acknowledge error, or the 
 foresight to guard against danger, it plunges forward into an ocean of 
 folly, buffetted about by the waves of stupidity and madness. The 
 confirmed stubborness of ignorance, and deliberate enmity to com- 
 merce, induced an adherence to a suicidal system, from Avhich no- 
 thing but fright could partially drive its infatuated authors, only to 
 renew it under a different form. The haughty pride of opinion, and 
 foreign subserviency, confirms a proclamation known to be false; 
 and maintains falsehood to be truth, at tlic expense of war and blood- 
 shed. The reins of s^tate, which under the controul of former coun- 
 cils, led the nation to power, v calth, and honour — wlien transferred to 
 the weak and unsteady hands of the war party, after driving us through 
 a long and dismal labyrintli of humiliation, loss, and disgrace, have at 
 length brought the country to the brink of a dreadful precipice. 
 With blind partiality it is insensible to justice. — With corrupt design, 
 it violates the most sacred principles of our compact. — With selfish 
 and malignant views, the rights and interests of the Northern States 
 
are dariugly assailed. la short, it is making the most alarming strides 
 to despotic powei-, with every disposition tyrannically to abuse it, to 
 the prejudice of the Eastern States. 
 
 Without adverting to the early principles of the war party, evin- 
 ced in their uniform and deadly enmity to the happy and enlightened 
 policy of Washington : in their unvaried support of France, through 
 the whole catalogue of her enormities : their strenuous efforts to de- 
 prive the nation of the blessings of neutrality and peace : to turn the 
 current of our commerce from its natural channels, and drain its pro- 
 fits into foreign coffers : their unprincipled attempts then to hurry us 
 into the calamities of war : the depravity of the means to which it re- 
 sorted to displace their predecessors from office, and grasp the helm 
 of state, which they are incapable of managing. Without adverting 
 to these facts, it is sufficient to observe, that their measures have 
 enunciated a policy alike dishonourable to tlie character of the coun- 
 try, as alarming to our freedom, marked by three features of e ual 
 prominence, enmity to England, siibservicnct/ to France, and jeal- 
 ousy of the Eastern Stales. These are the strata upon which is rear- 
 ed the whole fabric of their power. Such is the system adopted, and 
 will be pursued to preserve that preponderance in the National 
 Councils, which already great, is increasing to the aggrandizement of 
 the South, and destroys the influence which belongs to the respecta- 
 bility, the v.ealth, and strength of 02(r section of the country. Such 
 is the policy deliberately enforced to oppress its, in open disregard 
 of our opposition, in violation of our rights, in hostility to our inter- 
 ests. 
 
 Enmity against Great Britain has been so repeatedly avowed by 
 the leaders of the war party, and is so fully corroborated by tlieir 
 measures and designs, tliat nothing need be said in confirmation of 
 that position. Their hostility to that nation is deep-rooted and dead- 
 ly, which no conciliation could remove, no concession assuage. It 
 will never be appeased. It has plunged us into an unjust war with 
 a people whose freedom, laws, religion, and genius have long been tlu 
 admiration and pride of the world, which will adorn the page of future 
 history, as they have already done that of the past. The motives, how- 
 ever, of this violent antipathy deserve a few brief remarks, that they 
 be stript of the mist and disguise which envelope them. 
 
 The events of our memorable revolution necessarily produced much 
 Gxaspcratioa and feeling. The friends of justice and our country, 
 
6 
 
 upon the termination of that arduous struggle, and establislinient of 
 regular governnierit, in peace, vieired and treated as friends, all fo- 
 reign nations. But many of those men, who during the conflict were 
 " tories," and " sneaked from their hiding places" as circumstances 
 invited, seized upon latent prejudices against Great Britain, and by- 
 falsehood, exaggeration, and deception, inflamed the public mind. 
 Calumniating the manly, liberal, and dignified system of Federalists, 
 and libcilously aspersing their character, they denounced the Treaty 
 of Peace, made by the illustrious Jay, with that nation, as evidence 
 of British influence, as they also did the Declaration of Neutrality. 
 When under tlic operation of such measures, our com?nerce flourished 
 with unexampled prosperity, diflfuniog happiness and encouraging in- 
 dustry : our country, increasing in Mealth, was maturing her strength, 
 and rapidly ripening her extensive resources : her dignity was eleva- 
 ted, her respectability established. These men, however, did not en- 
 joy office and power, and finding the minds of our unsuspecting citi- 
 zens alive to their malicious insinuations and false aspersions, they 
 did not then hesitate to deceive and delude, and by such means induce 
 fliem to transfer their confidence from faithful and enlightened states- 
 men, to knaves and impostors. 
 
 Another motive not less urgent, powerfully influenced the southern 
 leaders not to permit any abatement of unfounded hostility against 
 Englantl, but by every artifice to keep it alive, now, by inflammato- 
 ry exaggeration of simple fact, then by misrepresentation, and glaring 
 mistatement of innocent events. This motive is to be found in a de- 
 liberate opposition to our commerce, and when it could be plausibly 
 done, a determined resolution to crush it. Whence a disposition, so^ 
 deeply aflecting, so destructive to the rights and interests of the East- 
 ern and Commercial States arose, will in course claim our distinct at- 
 tention. With England, her numerous and important colonies, (he 
 United States was in the enjoyment of an extensive and lucrative 
 trade, at the commencement of the restrictive system, far greater in 
 value, and more beneficial to the industry and habits of the American 
 people, than with the whole world besides. Perfectly aware that the 
 intelligent freemen of the Iforth, were sedulously watchful, and their 
 discernment could not be imposed upon by the most insidious en- 
 croachment, their rights are covertly attacked through the medium of 
 England. Every diflerence of trifling moment which had a tendency 
 to int«^rrupt the harmony of the two nations was used as a fire-brand 
 
"to inflame the passioDs of the people, and during this artificial fer 
 ment, the different grades of restriction, under pretence of redressing 
 foreign wrongs, were in fact blows levelled at our commerce. 
 
 Far be it from my pen, to palliate or justify the wrongs which my 
 countiy receives from any foreign nation. Although I do not deny 
 that we have had cause to complain, against the acts of the Bri- 
 tish government, yet every candid mind must be convinced, they 
 have not been of that character, which did not admit of amicable set- 
 tlement upon sincere negotiation. But as our commerce would uatu- 
 rally be unshackled by such an accommodation, hostile design would 
 be defeated. The embargo law of Decemb( r 1307, avowedly adopted 
 as a measure of resistaucc to the blockades of the belligerents, and of 
 saving our "essential resources'" was soon stripped of this 11 imsy 
 veil, by the professed hope and expectation of its bringing England 
 to our feet. This act, and its subsequent measures could not affect 
 the commerce of Britain without extensively impairing our own, and 
 of course was levelled at her, for what cared France for our com- 
 merce, when she declared herself by her rigorous Continental system a 
 deadly enemy to all commerce ? No state of things could be more agree- 
 able to her, none more injurious to us. When it is a certainty that 
 our withdrawing from the ocean, by surrendering to her the carrying 
 trade of the world, was conferring upon Britain the most solid and 
 important advantages, we were, and continue to be the only real suf- 
 ferers by such extravagant foil} . Like the mode of trial in the dark 
 ages, we were offered an alternative of destruction, restriction, or war. 
 The work of laiin is completed. War has annihilated that fragment 
 of our commerce spared by restriction. Can such a mad and cruel 
 policy be the result of ignorance ? Could the commerce of the ]S"orthera 
 States, which composed nearly the whole of that of the union, be so at- 
 tacked and at length destroyed without corrupt design ? Impossible. 
 
 Such being the motives of the leaders of the war part)', for their en 
 mity to Great Britain, the nexi, origin of our calamities, subserviency 
 to France, will claim a4.tention. It is impossible to consider tliis sub- 
 ject without the strongest agitation of feelings, Shame and indigna- 
 tion, astonishment and regret, at once so overpoA;t5r the mind of an 
 American, at the degrading and infamous conduct of administration, 
 as to require an effort to calm his violent emotions. Can it be that 
 •we are, in fact, as a nation, the ally of France ? That we have sum- 
 mitted to her felonious confiscations, burnings, robberies without num^ 
 
8 
 
 ber, and ivith tame composure, when aggravated as they have beeii, 
 by the most indignant and outrageous insults? horrible disgrace'? 
 Where was the spirit of administration during the commission of these 
 monstrous outrages? And have they v.ilfully allowed the knavery 
 and fraud of France to inveigle us into an iniquitous war, to fight her 
 battles, to promote her views, to uphold her cause ? Can it be knoAvn 
 without absolute contempt for the dishonourable men who administer 
 «ur affairs, that when, in the face of the world, every covering is torn 
 from her injustice, and her government openly convicted of a delibe^ 
 T^te falsehood, they should only notice such insulting evidence of en- 
 Hiity, by solicitations for friendship ! Could more complete demon- 
 stration of subserviency to France be desired ? 
 
 The disorganizing principles which preceded and accompanied the 
 French revolution, and rendered that unfortunate country the scene 
 of the greatest enormities and flistress, sounded the tocsin of alarm 
 among intelligent and prudent men. They foresaw the dangers to 
 which that combustible mass Avould expose the nations of the earth. 
 These apprehensions have been sadly realized. The corruption rank- 
 ling in her bosom has been scattered far and wide. Even our coun- 
 try has not escaped its baneful influence. When the blood-dyed 
 plains of Europe, whose frame is at one time convulsed by the ii'ou arm 
 of a tyrant, and then reposes on the gloomy couch of military despot- 
 ism, presents to our infatuated administration, so striking an illustra- 
 tion of the melancholy effects of the corniption of Franco, can 
 they plead ignorance ? How many awful examples have been 
 held up to them as beacons, to shun its contaminating touch ? How 
 many nations have we seen languid and unnerved by its subtle 
 poison, successively led to the altar, a sacrifice to unquenchable 
 ambition ? Italy and Holland, overrun, are SAvallowed up. The 
 Peninsula, supposed to be ripe as a victim, is basely and co\r- 
 ardly invaded. Austria after much struggling, is bound in fettcrS; 
 which she is anxious to break asunder. Denmark, completely cor- 
 rupted, evinces but {e^v symptoms of returning health. Sweden, by a 
 great effort, throws off her degrading chains. Russia distinguishes 
 herself in the glorious task of checking the career and humbling the 
 power of France : her courage, magnanimity and firmness, well qualifies 
 her for that brilliant pre-eminence. Prussia accepting the offers of the 
 gallant Alexander, breaks into atoms the yoke of slavery, and again 
 assumes a rank among independent nations. The free soil of Britain, 
 and the correct habits of her inliabitants, would not nourish the growth 
 
ol principles charged with dt struction and disgrace, but upholding 
 the cause of humanity, has thrown herself a barrier against the inun- 
 dation of modern barbarism. Can it he that our country is arrayed 
 without just cause agaiist this "bulwark of religion" and civiliza- 
 tion, and yet free from the infection of French corniption ? Unfortu- 
 nate America ! has the dismal train of mournful victims passed be- 
 fore your eyes unheeded ? Has the fatal dose of " love" impregnated 
 with pestilence and death, been extended even unto you, by the reek- 
 ing hand of a blood-stained Tyrant ? Oh miserable curse ! Oh la- 
 mentable infamy ! I ! 
 
 Without adverting to the unvaried predilection to France, uniform- 
 ly evinced by IMr. Madison, Mr. Monroe, and other Mar leaders, 
 which at length has hurried us into her vortex : And without dwell- 
 ing upon her total disregard, her wanton violation of every principle of 
 good faitli and honesty, her extravagance of injustice, her insolence of 
 insult which our plundered merchants, our burning commerce, and our 
 sullied honour, but too fully attest, and which employ the ingenuity 
 of her American votaries for justification and excuse — -a few brief 
 comments will be made upon measures immediately connected with 
 the present disastrous and disgraceful war, which a\ ill afford another 
 evidence of French corruption. 
 
 The pretext for the Declaration of War was the non-repeal of the 
 Orders in Council. The pivot on which that declaration turned, was 
 the pretended repeal of the French decrees, on the first November, 
 1810, announced as a fact in Mr. Madison's Proclamation on the 2nd 
 of that montli. The formal and reiterated assertions of the French 
 government, and the acts of her cruisers, municipal officers, and courts 
 authorized by special instructioiia, proved the pretended repeal a 
 snare, the proclamation false. This conclusive evidence, was increas- 
 ing in form and strength, till we were plung«,d into a war with Eng- 
 land ; then the designs of France being accomplished, she produced a 
 decree, purporting to bear date upwards of twelve months before, and 
 charged the American government with a knowledge of it ; M'hichif 
 promulgated at its date, would have prevented war, and if not knowa 
 to our cabinet, as it asserts, at the time alleged, clearly Gonyicting the 
 French Government of a deliberate falsehood. 
 
 Without remarking upon the strange terms of this singular docu- 
 ment, which degrades our cabinet into the attitude of submission, as 
 it, is consequent to the non-intercourse law, which the " Grand Em- 
 
10 
 
 pcroi"' was pleased to term *' a step to cause our rights to be res- 
 pected" — as soon after its oflicial communication, as circumstances 
 would permit, it produced a repeal of the orders in council : thus 
 demonstrating, that to its concealment, we Mere plunged into a san- 
 guinary ^\aT. The Secretaiy of State, aware of the strong impres- 
 sion these facts would make upon your minds, when reluctantly com- 
 pelled to disclose the truth, accompanies it with a tissue of sophistry 
 to prove that the repeal of the orders w as not occasioned by the pro- 
 duction of this document, and that the decrees were repealed at the 
 time announced. In reply to this laboured and futile sophistry, it is 
 sufficient to assert, that plain and well-known facts, falsify both of 
 Mr. Monroe's sapient positions. The simple circumstance alone, of 
 a resort to argument, in such a case, proves its necessity ; and deve- 
 lopcs a consciousness of having acted throughout this shameful 
 aflfair, upon the most frivolous or corrupt grounds, pride of opinion 
 at the expense of national prosperity, or, wilful subservience to 
 " Imperial France." 
 
 But what becomes of the Duke of Bassano's official falsehood ? 
 Was administration aroused into indignation by such undisguised 
 fraud, or did tliey gratefully receive it as an additional evidence of 
 the " love" of the " magnanimous Napoleou !" If it was not resent- 
 ed by them as magistrates, did they even endeavour to recover the 
 level of their own minds as men, by an effort in favour of their duped 
 and degraded understandings ? Nothing is heard — no, nothing — such 
 uncourtly treatment, did not even excite the slight murmurs of dissa- 
 tisfaction. A just war ! a brave coward ! an honest thief! 
 
 The acquiescence of the war party in the atrocious conduct of 
 France, can be dis^tinctly traced to the same motives, which influ- 
 enced them Avith respect to England — love of office ; hostility to com- 
 merce. Hence their warm admiration of a ruthless despotism, a 
 stern tyrant, which is dragging Europe back to the I'andalism of 
 the fifth century, despoiling it by rapine and robbery, and drenching 
 its soil Avith blood by assassination and murder. The civilizing ef- 
 fects of commerce produced the enmity of France. She banished it 
 from her ports, declared there should be no neutrals, and that the 
 United States must decide for or against her. She expressed her will 
 by the official assertion, that Ave were '*• already at war." In se- 
 lecting one of the alternatives, aad complying with this mandate, there 
 "ould be no hesitation with the war party. The prospect of delud 
 
11 
 
 i 
 
 ing the people, by echoing the charge of British iofluence, agaiusl 
 the Friends of Peace, or forcing them to abandon the tnie interests of 
 their country, by threat, denunciation, and violence : thus to prevent 
 the iniquity of their own measures from being exposed to the people, 
 and to confirm themselves in power. — Such delusive hopes, oi^ the one 
 hand, determined them for war with England. — While on the other, 
 the maritime weakness of France, would render a war with her mere- 
 ly nominal, during mIucIj our trade would flourish, the nation would 
 prosper, and the Eastern States would have before them a rich har- 
 vest of industry and wealth. Peace with her must consequently be 
 procured, when accompanied by such heavy sacrifices, affecting jjoiir 
 interests. 
 
 The principles and measures of the war party thus uniformly pro- 
 claiming, that, with Great Britain there should be no peace, and with 
 France there should be no war, let us now direct our attonlion, to Aviiat 
 is of the highest moment to our immediate welfare ; Southern and 
 Western jealousy of the Eastern States. "Wlien strong and undoubt- 
 ed symptoms of such a disposition, long since evii'ced, arc continually 
 forcing themselves upon the notice of observing men, however deeply 
 we may deprecate its existence, investigation is an imperious duty. 
 The mind, in contemplating this subject, is struck with the immensity 
 of its importance, as its probable effects, to intelligent freemen, will 
 involve the most interesting of all causes, extending to future genera- 
 tions. There is but too much reason to dread that this jealousy is tlic 
 grand cause of our calamities, to which all others are subordinate. 
 Such a disposition, sharpened by the least glimpse of success, takes its 
 rise in the depravity of human nature. The malicious passions, when 
 once they fix their attention upon an object, if armed A\ith sufficient 
 power, allow no sacredness of principle, no obstacle to execution, to 
 impede their designs. A cunning and insidious, but slow and sure 
 progress, glossed by deceitful and plausible professions, are its usual 
 mode of advancing upon its prey. 
 
 The National Constitution being a work of mutual conipvomise, 
 and the result of a spirit of amity, required that its spirit and inten- 
 tions should be sacredly consulted in a strict adherence to its letter. 
 To secure to 3/5 tlie blessings of conmierce, a concession in respect to 
 the principle of representation was made to the South, and was adopt- 
 ed as the ratio of the apportionment of direct taxes. But while enjoy- 
 ing the full advantages of the one, they hare denied to iis tlie benefit 
 
12 
 
 of tiie other — thus forcing upon attention, the injustice of the principle, 
 and the evidence of their malignant jealousy. 
 
 The principle of representation was modelled conformably to the 
 obstinate claims of the Southern States, in a magnanimous spirit of 
 generosity and conciliation. The Eastern States then little doubting 
 that this evidence of their sincerity and good will, would secure to 
 them their gratitude. But in this expectation they are disappointed. 
 What was then yielded in the anxiety for Union, experience has pro- 
 ved oppressive anrl unjust ; and until the evil is removed, so long our 
 interests must be disregarded, so long our rights must be at the con- 
 troul of others. The principle places five slaves on a level with three 
 freemen, thereby givhig to the slave population of the South, a right 
 equal to one-ninth of the whole population of the United States. This 
 extensive power throws an influence in the national councils, which 
 destroys all equilibrium among the states, which deadens our voice, 
 and reduces the Eastern section of the country to a mere blank. 
 Is that principle just which equalizes slavery and freedom in any 
 r;itio r Is it just that the votes of one hundred slaves (or beasts of bur- 
 then) should have the same weight with the votes of sixty freemeu ? 
 Can the advocates of the cause of slaverj%and the manly representatives 
 of freedom, unite Avith equal ardour, in the defence and protection of 
 liberty. ]N"o ; impossible. It is then our duty to exert ourselves to 
 throw off this oppressive weight upon our just rights, and to spare no 
 efforts in the vindication of a deeply interesting cause. 
 
 The small variation in amount, arising from the apportionment of 
 direct taxes among the several states, according to population, is to us 
 of trifiiiig moment. The numerous objects of taxation yet untouched 
 in tliis country, will, as experience proves, but seldom afford the East- 
 ern States any benefit from sucli apportionment. Is then the advan- 
 tage of a pecuniary pittance, occasionally derived from this provision 
 of the Constitution, of any consequence, when objects particularly af- 
 fecting us, are heavily taxed, which render it of no avail ? Besides, shall 
 this unimportant matter be considered an equivalent, to the command- 
 ing influence, which the Southern States derive from the principle of 
 representation, and which enables them to defeat this provision in- 
 tended for the IN'orthem interests ! 
 
 But when we consider the address of the Southern demagogues, in 
 their measures to systematise aijd confirm their power, exery injpar- 
 lial roind must be convinced, that the Northern States are betrayed 
 
13 
 
 Tind oppressed. The avarice and passions of the designing and uq- 
 ?(U8pectin. among us, were enlisted in the cause of the Southern 
 States. As soon as corruption and intrigue placed in their hands a 
 commanding influence in the national councils, one of the first objects 
 of their ambition, was to deprive the Northern section of the Union 
 of still further national weight, by increasing their own in the South, 
 already exorbitant by the representation of slaves. Millions of dollars 
 derived from commerce, are therefore squandered in the purchase of 
 Louisiana, an immense and tractless wilderness, and a part of her ter- 
 ritory, is by law, admitted a state into the union. Thus imparting to 
 a motley group of foreigners, totally uninterested in our interests, ig- 
 norant of our rights, regardless of our habits, nurtured in different 
 principles of govrrnment, of law, of religion, a share of power. Thus 
 madly surrendering to strangers to our Constitution, a portion of le- 
 gislation, which increasing the influence of the South, weakens tliat of 
 the North. Here a principle is introduced, which renders the sove- 
 reignty of the United States a shadow. For the same reasons nume- 
 rous states groAving out of the remainder of that territory, will, in 
 course be added to the union, which, comprehending Mexico, may at 
 length extend its limits across the continent to the Pacific ocean. The 
 first step is made to such a state of things. The representatives ol a 
 foreign country, are already voting down our interests. Our weight 
 will then (h»indle into dust, the sport of every breath : and if we for a 
 moment suppose that such a discordant mass could hold together, the 
 Northern States whose strength was exerted in the achievment of the 
 revolution, who fought and bled for freedom, would then be degraded 
 into humble vassals. Such can never be the case as long as there is a sin- 
 gle arm to prevent it, in our section. Massachusetts, one of the most in- 
 telligent and respectable states, has remonstrated against this, as other 
 wrongs. Her voice, seconded by yours, must be heard and respected. 
 It is however pretended, that the Constitution authorises this step. 
 It is denied. The power to make new states, arising within the bo- 
 som of the original union, cannot, except by the most despotic usurpa- 
 tion, be extended to the admission of foreign countries, to participate in 
 our sovereignty. The principle is absurd, unjust, in direct violation 
 of the dictates of common sense. Corruption only, could thus inter- 
 pret an authority clearly expressed. The Constitution makes a sepa- 
 rate provision for territories of the U- S. which empowers Congress to 
 " dispose" of or seJl them. That part of Louisiana called a stato, 
 may consequently again be legitimately sold. 
 
u 
 
 One of the principal intentions of the Constitution, vas to encourage 
 and protect commerce. It never would have been sanctioned 
 without such provision. For commerce is a chief object of enlightened 
 policy. It is the source of wealtli, the fountain of power, the road to 
 greatness, the stimulus of industiy and enterprize, the life of the arts, 
 the companion of civilization. This design was truly consulted by 
 Federal measures, which produced national respectability and pros- 
 perity. Although the whole country was interested in these meas- 
 ures, and enjoyed their blessing, yet the employment of the capital, the 
 •hipping, the sailors of the Eastern States, composing nearly the 
 wJiole of those of the union, particularly rewarded the enterprize of the 
 Northern merchants. Commerce was our interest— commerce was 
 our ri'^ht : in its enjoyment we were contented and happy. The flag 
 of the'^Eastern States covered the ocean. The Federal navy guaran- 
 teed its security. But this flourishing scene sickened the southern 
 party : their long stifled jealousy, occasioned by the manly attri- 
 butes of your character, burst into a flame when crowned with such 
 success. They determined upon its annihilation— which, after being 
 the cruel sport of restriction, is now swept from the ocean by a mad and 
 foQlish war. Let us recollect, the jealottsif of the Peloponnesian states 
 was excited by the prosperity of the enlightened and commercial re- 
 public of Athens, and a long war to humble her greatness was the con- 
 sequence : What was then attempted with respect to her, openly, and 
 Willi arms, is now accomplished with regard to tis, covertly and in 
 
 disguise. 
 
 Considering the immense revenue which we have paid, since the 
 adoption of the Constitution, so unequal, so disproportionate, yet with 
 liberal generosity— should not such deep interest secure us, at least, 
 an enjoyment of right ! Should not our interests have been consulted, 
 in regard to objects vitally aff-ecting Northern prosperity ? Is it not 
 surprising, that jealousy should deaden Southern and Western sensi- 
 bility to the most important advantages, which are tottering to their 
 base ^ The representatives of foreigners and slavery have stifled the 
 voire of commerce and revenue ; and in open disregard of their stnig- 
 .lin^ opposition, force upon the Eastern States measures more nox- 
 ?ous than pestilence. Is such a state of things to be boi-ne, when eve- 
 ry moment is confirming in new and foreign channels, our former pros- 
 perity, and withering the fruits of former industry ? 
 
 An additional confirmation of a jealousy, so conclusively evinced, 
 is the astonishing and surprising conduct displ^ed by administration 
 
15 
 
 to the Eastern States. While they have withheld the quota of arms, 
 to which we are entitled by law, beiiig purchased under an act of Con- 
 gress, they have insolently rejected the demands for arms of some 
 states, distributed a few as a mark of favour, and armed the South and 
 West at our expense. They have abandoned the protection of our 
 extensive sea coast, by withdrawing theregular troops, and neglecting 
 proper means of defence, whereby private property is not secure 
 against the depredations of the enemy. Our citizens are harassed by 
 the military, who, in many instances have experienced their violence 
 and outrage. Armies composed of idle and dissolute men are liovering 
 on our frontiers, to be disciplined by invading an innocent and unof- 
 fending neighbour ; and are at the controul of a Secretary wlio at the 
 close of the revolution, endeavoured to tuni the arms of the military 
 against the bosom of his country. The inference from such a concur- 
 rence of fact, is irresistible.' 
 
 What prospect have we, even of a partial relief of our manifold 
 wrongs ? While the storm of war is howling around us, scattering 
 calamity, distress and ruin, and hurrying thousands to a premature 
 tomb, instead of being assuaged by the spirit of conciliation and jus- 
 tice, we have seen it blown into a perfect tempest by the phrenzy of 
 obstinate folly. The many opportunities of concluding an armistice 
 on our own shores, to stay the destructive ravages of a pestilence, are 
 haughtily spurned, and the overtures of Admiral Warren indignau!- 
 ly rejected. The Orders in Council being repealed, v ar is continued 
 on a ground, that does not admit of compromise. A claim is advan- 
 ced involving a principle, which will never be relinquished. Every 
 maritime nation is interested in its defence. Great Britain neither will 
 nor ought to surrender the right of impressing her own subjects. The 
 an'angement made by Monroe and Piuckney with her, declared by 
 th'^m, both " honoiirahh and advaritas^cous"' leaves no doubt of her con- 
 ciliatory disposition. The doctrine of impressment is so strongly 
 founded on the broad and immutable basis rf natural justice, and has 
 been too long recognized by universal practice, to be now shaken by 
 the reveries of modern innovation. Shall we exhaust our strenj^th to 
 establish the monstrous principle, that the flag must protect every 
 tiling ; Avhich places the maritime strength of one nation into the hands 
 of another ? Shall we waste our blood and treasure iorforeij^n seamen ? 
 When this unnecessary and unjust war, can at any moment be termina- 
 ted by an " honourable and advantageous" arrangement of the prac. 
 
16 
 
 tice of impressment — theu at the expense of life, prosperity, and ho- 
 nour, a demand is made for a formal surrender of the principle, which 
 it is the duty of every nation to repel '. 
 
 But who advances a claim so inimical to the interests of our sailors, 
 and supports it by trampling upon our rights ? Do the Eastern States 
 plunge tlie dagger in their OAvn heart, by advocating a system which 
 is oppressing them to the dust ! Does a man drink poison to restore 
 his health ? The Southern and Western States, who scarcely own a 
 ship, or have seen a sailor ; who, ignorant of commerce, are jealous 
 of the wealth and poAver derived from it, have the assurance to dictate 
 to the commercial states, hostile measures. Their designs cannot be 
 mistook. Oppression must grind us to a level with negro slaves, to 
 gratify the ambition of the South, and please the pride of the West. 
 
 What a scene of degradation and disgrace does this country now- 
 present to the world ! The miserable drivellers who guide its desti- 
 nies, hold it up as a monument of ridicule, by their stupid folly. They 
 have sullied its honour by degrading it to a level with the friends of a 
 tyrant ; and stained the once proud name of an American, w ith a blot 
 little short of iufam}-. On every side, friends are converted into ene- 
 mies. The national arm is palsied. Imbecile projects only known 
 by their absurdity, deprive even distress of its dignity. The Union 
 is shook to its centre ; jealousy is crumbling it into atoms. 
 
 Such being our situation, where is the remedy ? The Eastern States 
 will not subndt to a load of oppression and disgrace constantly accu- 
 mulating. The fate of other nations, gives us a solemn warning of the 
 danger of reposing in blind security, regardless of the insidious ap- 
 proaches of a cunning enemy. An effectual constitutional remedy of 
 oitr wrongs can only be obtained, by driving from office, every man 
 hostile to freedom and commerce, and then adjusting our claims by au 
 amicable convention. The slave representation and annexation of fo- 
 reign states, are too flattering to the ambition of the South and West, 
 to justify a prospect of success. We must tlien submit, without a mur- 
 mur, to feel the chains of slavery binding our limbs, and calmly sur- 
 render our rights to the controul of imperious masters, to enjoy only 
 what they deign to allow us — or resort to a decisive and effectual alter- 
 native. If, in peaceably erecting the Eastern standard to protect in- 
 alienable rights^ measures are taken to compel the Northern states to 
 draw the sword in its defence, it will teach her enemies respect, and 
 avenge the cause of Commerce and Liberty. 
 
 A FRIEND TO MtEEDoIl- 
 

 
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