82 
 
Class 
 Book. 
 
 W-5' 
 
LIFE v^?^-/| 
 
 
 ROGER WILLIAMS, 
 
 lARLIEST LEGISLATOR AND TRTJE CHAMPION FOR A FULL 
 AND ABSOLUTE LIBERTY OF CONSCIENCE. 
 
 BY ROMEO ELTON, D.D., E.R.P.S., 
 
 FELLOW OF THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF NORTHERN ANTIQUARIES, ETC. ETC. 
 
 "HUMANI JURIS ET NATURAJ>IS POTESTATIS EST UNICUIQUE QUOD PUT A- 
 VERIT COLERE : NEC ALII OBEST AUT PRODEST ALTERIUS RELIGIO. SED 
 NEC RELIGIONIS EST, COGERE RELIGIONEM, QU^ SPONTE SUSCIPI DEBEAT, 
 
 NON yi."—Tertullian. 
 
 LONDON : 
 ALBERT COCKSHAW, 41, LUDGATE HILL 
 
 AND ALL BOOKSELLERS, 
 
■U)n5 
 
 i 
 
 LONDON : 
 MIALL AND COCKSHAW, PRINTERS, HORSE-SHOE COURT, LTJDGATE HILL. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 In New England, the name of Roger Williams is now 
 a household word. As one of the earliest advocates, 
 and the first legislator of religious liberty, his fame 
 has recently been more widely diffused. An admirable 
 poem, by Judge Durfee, entitled " Roger Williams in 
 Banishment," was reprinted in this country in 1840, 
 and in 1848 Williams's " Bloudy Tenent of Persecution 
 Discussed " was published by the Hanserd Knollys 
 Society, with a biographical introduction by the able 
 ' ditor, E. B. Underbill, Esq. But, until now, no ex- 
 nded life of Williams has appeared in England. 
 
 In describing the conduct of this extraordinary man, 
 as well as that of his persecutors^ truth has compelled 
 the Author sometimes to censure where he would gladly 
 praise, but he has endeavoured to maintain the strictest 
 impartiality. The spirit of Williams was eminently 
 catholic ; and his name and memory are the property, 
 not of a single denomination, but of the whole Christian 
 world. 
 
 In preparing the present volume, the writer has 
 spared no pains to obtain information from every source, 
 whether contained in MSS. or printed works, and many 
 facts relative to Williams's early life are now for the 
 
iv PREFACE. 
 
 first time presented to the public. He is happy here 
 to ofier his acknowledgments to Lord H. Vane, and to 
 several clergymen and literary gentlemen, for courteous 
 replies to his inquiries, and for some valuable facts. 
 
 A Memoir of Roger Williams was published in the 
 United States in 1834, by Professor Knowles. It is a 
 work of great research, and very useful for reference, 
 but too much encumbered with documents, and too 
 minute in its local details, to interest English readers. 
 To this volume the writer is largely indebted. 
 
 In the numerous extracts given from the manuscripts 
 of Williams, no alteration has been made, except 
 to modernize the orthography, and to correct the 
 punctuation when necessary to render his meaning 
 more perspicuous. 
 
 No portrait of Williams is known to exist. One, 
 indeed, has been published in the United States, pur- 
 porting to be such, but it is spurious, being, with slight 
 alterations, the likeness of Benjamin Franklin, which 
 appeared in an edition of his works printed in Phila- 
 delphia about half a century ago. 
 
 At a crisis when the public mind, in this and other 
 countries, is so strongly excited on questions of civil 
 and religious liberty, the great principle advocated by 
 Roger Williams — that civil rulers have no authority to 
 prescribe, enjoin, or regulate religious belief — demands 
 the most serious consideration of every church and of 
 every government. 
 
 April, 1852. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Preface iii 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Historical Notice of the First Settlements of New England — Opinions 
 of the Puritans on Ecclesiastical Affairs 1 
 
 CHAPTER n. 
 
 Early Life of Williams— His Education at Salters' Hall— Studies at 
 Oxford— Is admitted to Orders— Becomes a decided Nonconformist . . 
 
 CHAPTER in. 
 
 Roger AVUUams embarks for America— He arrives in Boston— His 
 Opinions on Ecclesiastical Polity— He is invited to Salem— The General 
 Court interferes — He removes to Plymouth 12 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Williams returns to Salem— He disapproves of the Ministers' Meetings 
 —His Treatise against the King's Patent— Controversy about the Cross 
 in the Military Colours 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 rAQE 
 
 Proceedings which led to the Banishment of Roger Williams — His 
 Opposition to the Freeman's Oath— Various Charges against him — The 
 Decree of Banishment — He leaves Salem 24 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Williams's Journey through the Wilderness to Narragansett Bay— He 
 visits Massasoit— Proceeds to Seekonk, and begins a Settlement— He 
 crosses the River, and founds the Town of Providence 31 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 The Indian Tribes in New England— Purchase of Lands from the 
 Indians — Settlement of the Colony at Providence — Freedom of its 
 Government 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 The Pequod War— Williams prevents the Indian League, and saves 
 the Colonies from Destruction— Services to Massachusetts — Letter to 
 Governor Winthrop— The Defeat and Ruin of the Pequods 43 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Condition of Providence— Law to protect Conscience — Mrs. Hutchinson 
 is banished from Massachusetts— Her Adherents are welcomed at Provi- 
 dence— Settlement on Rhode Island commenced — The Agency of Williams 
 in its Purchase 51 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 League of the New England Colonies — The Settlements in Rhode 
 Island excluded— Williams's first Visit to England— Publishes his Key 
 to the Indian Languages — Obtains a Charter — His Letter to Cotton — 
 The "BloudyTenent"— He returns to America— His Reception at Boston 
 and Providence 58 
 
CONTENTS. VU 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Williams's Eiforts in preventing a general Indian War — Form of 
 Government under the Charter — Spirit of the Laws — Dissensions— 
 Williams's Letter to the Town of Providence— Coddington's Commission 
 —Oppressive Policy of the other New England Colonies— Persecution of 
 John Clarke and others in Massachusetts— Letter of Sir Richard Salton- 
 stall— Williams and Clarke appointed Agents to the Mother Country . . 70 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Williams and Clarke sail for England — Coddington's Commission 
 revoked, and the former Charter confirmed — Letter of the General 
 Assembly to Williams— Publishes his Experiments of Spiritual Life and 
 Health, and theirPreservatives—" The Hireling Ministry "—Rejoinder 
 to Cotton— Correspondence 78 
 
 CHAPTER Xin. 
 
 Williams's Correspondence with the Daughter of Sir Edward Coke— 
 His Intercourse with Sir Henry Vane, CromweU, and Milton .... 88 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 Williams returns to America — His Letter to Governor Winthrop — 
 Reorganization of the Government — He is elected President of the 
 Colony — His Letter to the Government of Massachusetts — His Letter 
 on Civil and Religious Liberty , 102 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 Letter from Cromwell— Williams attempts to establish Friendly Re- 
 lations with Massachusetts — Severe Laws against the Quakers in the 
 other Colonies— Rhode Island refuses to join in the Persecution— Letter 
 to John Clarke— Williams retires from the Presidency 113 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 The King grants a new Charter— Williams appointed an Assistant- 
 Charges against Rhode Island refuted — Controversy with the Quakers 
 —Philip's War— Services of WilUams 121 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Ecclesiastical Affairs of the Colony — Williams's Religious Opinions 
 —His Labours as a Minister— His Letter to Governor Bradstreet— His 
 Death 132 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 General Estimate of his Character— Spread of his great Principle- 
 Concluding Observations 138 
 
 Appendix — 
 
 I. Williams's Letter to Major Mason 145 
 
 II. Extract from Sir Henry Vane's Healing Question propounded, &c. 
 —The Charter granted by Charles H. to Rhode Island, July 8, 
 
 1663 156 
 
 III. Genealogy of the Cromwell Family .173 
 
LIFE OF EOGEE WILLIAMS. 
 
 Like Israel's host, to exile driven, 
 Across the flood the pilgrims fled ; 
 
 Their hands bore up the ark of Heaven, 
 And Heaven their trusting footsteps led, 
 
 Till on these savage shores they trod, 
 
 And won the wilderness for God." 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 HISTORICAL NOTICE OF THE FIRST SETTLEMENTS OF NEW ENGLAND 
 — OPINIONS OF THE PURITANS ON ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS. 
 
 In the days that are past, when men, who were in advance 
 of their age, discovered new truths in religion or philo- 
 sophy, they were usually called to suffer or die in their 
 defence. The seed fell on an ungrateful soil, was often 
 watered with blood, and remained buried for ages, until at 
 length a genial season caused it to spring up and bear 
 abundant fruit. 
 
 Roger Williams was more favoured. He suffered, indeed, 
 for the noble principle he was the first to proclaim in the 
 New AVorld ; but he afterwards bore it in triumph to the 
 sanctuary he himself had provided, founded a state in 
 accordance with it, embodied it in his own laws, and thus 
 acquii-ed immortal fame, as the earliest legislator and true 
 champion for a full and absolute liberty of conscience. 
 
 To enable the reader intelligently to peruse the life of 
 B 
 
2 LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 
 
 this eminent individual, it will be necessary to present a 
 concise narrative of the first settlement of New England, 
 and to consider the basis on which the colony of Massachu- 
 setts Bay erected the fabric of their society. 
 
 In September, 1620, a company of English Protestants, 
 exiles for religion, set sail for a new world; and, after a 
 long and boisterous passage of sixty-three days, were safely 
 moored in the harbour of Cape Cod. In the cabin of the 
 3IayJiower, before they landed, they formed themselves 
 into a body politic, " to enact, constitute, and frame, such 
 just and equal laws " as should be thought most convenient 
 for the general good of the colony they had undertaken to 
 plant, "for the glory of God and advancement of the 
 christian faith, and honour of their king and country." 
 This volmitary compact was signed by the whole body 
 of men, forty-one in number, who, with their families, 
 amounted to one hundred persons. The spot where the 
 company fixed a permanent settlement, on the 11th of 
 December, they named Plymouth, in remembrance of the 
 hospitalities they received at the last English port whence 
 they embarked. 
 
 These colonists had left England, on account of the 
 oppression they endm-ed, so early as 1608, and settled at 
 Ley den, in Holland, where they attained " a comfortable 
 condition, grew in the gifts and grace of the Spirit of God, 
 and lived together in peace, and love, and holiness." The 
 magistrates of the city said, " Never did we have any suit 
 or accusation against any of them." But they felt as men 
 in exile ; and a foreign language, and the lax morals 
 prevalent in that comitry, induced the pilgrims to change 
 their abode, and seek an asylum in the New World. The 
 farewell address delivered to them by their pastor, the Rev. 
 John Robinson, breathes a freedom of opinion greatly in 
 advance of his age : — " I charge you, before God and his 
 blessed angels, that you follow me no farther than you 
 have seen me follow the Lord Jesus Christ. The Lord has 
 more truth yet to break forth out of his holy word. I 
 cannot sufficiently bewail the condition of the reformed 
 churches, who are come to a period in religion, and will go 
 
LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 3 
 
 at present no fmiher than the instruments of their reforma- 
 tion. Luther and Calvin were great and shining lights in 
 their times, yet they penetrated not into the whole counsel 
 of God. I beseech you remember it — 'tis an article of yom- 
 church covenant, that you be ready to receive whatever 
 truth shall be made known to you from the written word 
 of God." 
 
 The settlements composing the colony of Massachusetts 
 Bay occurred a few years later. This magnificent enter- 
 prise was conducted under the direction of the Plymouth 
 Company, who obtained a patent, by which a number of 
 the nobility and gentry of England, their associates and 
 successors, were constituted "the council established at 
 Plymouth, in the county of Devon, for the planting, ruling, 
 ordering, and governing, of New England, in America." 
 The council for New England, in 1628, sold to several 
 gentlemen, among whom were John Humphrey and John 
 Endicott, a belt of land stretching across the whole breadth 
 of the continent, extending three miles south of the river 
 Charles and the Massachusetts Bay, and tln-ee miles north 
 of every part of the river Merrimac. In June, of the same 
 year, a company of emigrants, under the direction of the 
 enterjjrising and intrepid Endicott, sailed for Naumkeag, 
 since called Salem, where they made a permanent settle- 
 ment. The patent from the council at Plymouth gave a 
 right to the soil, but no powers of government. A royal 
 charter, which bears the signatm-e of Charles I., passed the 
 seals March 4th, 1629, a few days only before the kmg, in 
 a public state-paper, avowed his design of governing 
 without a parliament. By this charter, the associates were 
 constituted a body politic and corporate, by the name of 
 the Governor and Company of Massachusetts Bay, in New 
 England. They were empowered to elect, annually, for 
 ever, out of the freemen of said company, a governor, a 
 deputy-governor, and eighteen assistants, and to make laws 
 not repugnant to the laws of England; no provision re- 
 quiring the assent of the king to render the acts of the 
 body valid. 
 
 A powerful impulse was thus given to the fi-iends of 
 
4 LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 
 
 colonial enterprise ; and, immediately, an emigration, un- 
 paralleled for its extent and the great respectability of the 
 emigrants, was projected. 
 
 The Rev. Francis Higginson, an eminent nonconforming 
 minister, of a truly catholic spirit, received an invitation to 
 conduct another band of pilgrims to the shores of New 
 England. He was a graduate of the university of Cam- 
 bridge, and ranked among the most eloquent and pious in 
 the realm. Higginson, earnestly desiring to propagate the 
 gospel among the Indians, considered the invitation as a 
 call from heaven. On leaving the scene of his labom-s for 
 London, people of all ranks crowded the streets to bid him 
 farewell. Thi^ee additional ministers joined the company. 
 AMien about to lose sight of theii- native land — the home of 
 their fathers, and the dwelling-place of their friends — 
 Higginson took his children and others to the stern of the 
 ship, and said : — " TFe will not say, as the Separatists were 
 wont to say, ' Farewell Babylon ! — farewell Rome ! ' but 
 Farewell dear England ! — farewell the church of Christ in 
 England ! though we cannot but separate from the corrup- 
 tions in it." He then concluded with a fervent and 
 appropriate prayer for the king and the church in Eng- 
 land, and for themselves and the expedition. 
 
 In June, 1629, tliis pious band of two hundred individuals 
 arrived at Salem, where they hoped to kindle the light of 
 the gospel amid the darkness of heathenism, and to plant a 
 church free fi'om the corruptions of human superstition. 
 
 Many persons of large fortune, and superior education, 
 resolved to remove with their families to Massachusetts, 
 provided the power, conferred by the charter of the colony, 
 and the seat of government, should be transferred to 
 America. This important measure was fully acceded to, 
 and on the 28th of April, 1630, John Winthrop, who had 
 been chosen governor — a man whose mental endowments 
 derived lustre from the noblest moral qualities — sailed 
 \\dth his associates in the Arabella from Yarmouth. The 
 whole number of vessels employed during the season was 
 seventeen, and they carried over more than fifteen hundred 
 passengers. In June and July, the fleet which bore Win- 
 
LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 5 
 
 thi'op and his companions arrived at Salem. The fii-st care 
 of the colonists was to select the most suitable places for 
 the new plantations, and it was not long before they were 
 settled in Boston and the adjacent villages. 
 
 Before leaving the land of their nativity, they published 
 to the world the reasons for their removal, and bade an 
 affectionate farewell to the chm-ch of England. " Our 
 hearts," say they, "shall be fountains of tears for your 
 everlasting welfare, when we shall be in our poor cottages 
 in the wilderness." Their fervent piety, their unwavering 
 faith in Divine Pro\idence, and their desire to form a pure 
 chm-ch, enabled them to encounter every hardship with 
 undaunted com^age. Many of this band of emigrants were 
 men of large hereditary wealth, and high endowments ; 
 scholars of varied and profound learning; civilians, who 
 had attained official rank, power, and fame ; and divines, 
 who had won the highest respect in their native land, and 
 who were among the holiest and most gifted men of the 
 age. Nor must we forget that there were many distin- 
 guished ladies who accompanied their husbands — Christian 
 women, accustomed to the indulgences and refinements of 
 life, and whose sincere reKgious faith gave them fortitude 
 to endm-e the severest sufferings, and rendered them patient 
 in their deepest sorrows, — 
 
 " What sought they thus afar ? 
 Bright jewels of the mine ? 
 The wealth of seas, the spoils of war ? — 
 They sought a faith's pure shrine ! " 
 
 In order clearly to understand the causes of the oj^position 
 Avhich Roger Williams encountered, in a colony planted by 
 such men, we must briefly advert to the opinions they held 
 on ecclesiastical affairs. 
 
 From the days of Elizabeth to the period we are now 
 considering, there had existed in England a perpetual con- 
 flict between the prelatical party and the pui'itans; — the 
 former determined to enforce strict uniformity; and the 
 latter, strongly opposed to the popish ceremonies still re- 
 tained in the church. The pmitans, as a body, at first 
 
6 LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 
 
 desired reform, and not schism ; but when they were di'iven 
 out from the communion of the chm'ch by cruel persecution, 
 they united in forming societies more in accordance with 
 their views of the New Testament model. Some approved 
 of the presbyterian form of government, others of the 
 independent, and a few preferred a modified episcopacy. 
 Enlightened as these confessors were on the great doctrines, 
 and on many of the minor points of church government, they 
 still remained in ignorance of one very important principle — 
 the natm-e of true religious liberty. Great as their suffer- 
 ings had been, from the persecutions of the established 
 chm-ch, they had failed to discover the malignant som^ce of 
 this evil. They did not perceive, that whenever the state 
 usm'ped power to legislate for conscience, a principle was 
 set up which must inevitably lead to persecution and in- 
 justice — that to place the sovereign in the room of the 
 pope was another form of antichrist, whose claims, if not 
 so arrogant, were more inconsistent, than that of a pre- 
 tended infallible head. They did not perceive that this 
 assumed power of the state to govern the chm-ch was the 
 great barrier to the carrying out of the reformation, and to 
 the fai'ther scriptural changes they so fervently desired. If 
 they had been so far tolerated that they could have re- 
 mained in their own land, they would, like the English 
 nonconformists, have found out, in the progress of time, 
 their mistake ; but when they became legislators themselves, 
 in the colonies they so nobly founded, theu^ error was a 
 fruitful source of strife and division. Misled by analogies 
 with the Mosaic institutions, they confounded the state 
 with the church, the citizen with the Christian, and assumed 
 themselves, though fallible men, the power exercised under 
 the Jewish theocracy, by a Divine King and Infallible 
 Legislator. 
 
 The principles of the puritans, who sought the shores of 
 New England to establish religious liberty for themselves 
 and their posterity, have been greatly misunderstood. 
 What they meant by religious freedom was not an un- 
 limited freedom of conscience. Universal toleration they 
 regarded as a crime, and considered it a solemn duty to 
 
LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 7 
 
 God to oppose error and suppress false doctrines, if neces- 
 sary, even by force. While we lament and condemn their 
 conduct, a candid mind will remember that the true gromids 
 of liberty of conscience were not then embraced by any 
 sect of christians. All parties appeared to think themselves 
 the sole depositories of truth, and that every opposing 
 doctrine must be suppressed. 
 
 At tliis period, it was not the chm-ch of England alone 
 that was intolerant ; even later, the Scotch commissioners 
 in London remonstrated, in the name of their national 
 church, against a " sinful and ungodly toleration in matters 
 of religion ;" whilst the whole body of the English pres- 
 byterian clergy, in theii' official papers, protested against 
 the schemes of Cromwell's party, and solemnly declared, 
 "that they detested and abhorred toleration." The excellent 
 Richard Baxter, a man noted in his day for moderation, 
 said, "I abhor unlimited liberty or toleration for all." 
 Edwards, another celebrated divine, observed, " Toleration 
 will make the kingdom a chaos, a Babel, another Amster- 
 dam, a Sodom, an Egypt, a Babylon." 
 
 The fii'st settlers of New England were not, therefore, 
 singular in believing themselves bound in conscience to 
 extirpate every noxious weed from the garden of the Lord, 
 and *' to use the sword of the civil magistrate to open the 
 understandings of heretics, or cut them off from the state, 
 that they might not infect the church or injure the public 
 peace."* While, however, in forming a judgment of the 
 pilgrim fathers, we fully admit these extenuating circum- 
 stances, our admiration must be increased for the fomider 
 of Rhode Island, as the first legislator whose enlarged 
 understanding and expansive charity led him to recognise 
 the doctrine of entire religious freedom ; and to renounce 
 the almost universal error of liis age. 
 
 * Callender, in R. I. Hist. Coll. iv, p. 71. 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 EARLY LIFE OF WILLLIMS — HIS EDUCATION AT SALTER'S HALL — 
 STUDIES AT OXFORD — IS ADMITTED TO ORDERS — BECOMES A 
 DECIDED NONCONFORMIST. 
 
 The seventeenth century has been justly called, by Dr. 
 Chalmers, " the Augustan age of Christianity." It was the 
 age of Howe, Baxter, Owen, Goodwin, and other eminent 
 divines, who, by their preaching and wi'itings, effected a 
 second reformation in the cliristian chm-ch. 
 
 At the commencement of this eventful period, when the 
 intellect had received a powerful impulse, manifested in 
 every form of inquiry, Eoger Williams was born, in an 
 obscure country parish, amid the mountains of Wales. It 
 is deeply to be regretted that so few memorials exist of his 
 early history. Until now, even the chiistiaii name of his 
 father, the place of his birth and education, and other 
 incidents of his youthful days, were unknown, or rested 
 merely on tradition. The present writer, for many years 
 past, has spared no pains in inquiries respecting that period 
 of his life, and he has been successful in obtaining several 
 facts, which are now for the first time published. 
 
 Roger Williams, the founder of the state of Rhode Island, 
 was the son of William Williams, of Conwyl Cayo, a parish 
 situated near Lampeter, in the county of Carmarthen, South 
 Wales. Here his ancestors had resided on their own small 
 estate for many generations, at a place called Maestroiddyn 
 fawr, in the hamlet of Maestroiddyn. In addition to other 
 documentary evidence now in the possession of the author, 
 the following record is copied from the archives of the 
 university of Oxford: — "Rodericus Williams filius Guli- 
 
LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 9 
 
 elmi "Williams, de Conwelgaio, Plcb. an. nat. 18, entered at 
 Jesus college, April 30, 1624." It appears from this record 
 that Williams was born in the year 1606. Scarcely any of 
 the parochial registers of Wales are fomid to go farther 
 back than the times of the Commonwealth, and the earliest 
 date of those of his native parish is 1694. Other facts, 
 however, confirm the record preserved in the archives at 
 Oxford. There is now living at Conwyl Cayo — or as it is 
 more frequently called simply Cayo — a venerable patriarch, 
 nearly one hundred years old, who is apparently of the same 
 family with Roger Williams. The mental powers of this 
 aged Nestor are still vigorous, and his memory tenacious 
 with respect to circumstances which have long since trans- 
 pii'ed. He says he has heard his grandfather mention 
 "that the great Roger Williams, who was educated at 
 Oxford, was one of his family, and that he went over the 
 sea after being a clergyman for a few years in England." 
 He asserts that his grandfather lived to the age of ninety- 
 eight ; and that his great grandfather reached nearly the 
 same advanced period. He says, also, that, at one time, 
 there were two letters in the possession of his family which 
 had been received by his great grandfather from Roger 
 Williams. 
 
 No allusion to his parents is found in the writings of Wil- 
 liams, but he has left us one fact respecting his early years, 
 which is of all others the most important. Near the close 
 of his life he says, " from my cliildliood, now about three 
 score years, the Father of lights and mercies touched my 
 soul with a love to himself, to his only-begotten, the true 
 Lord Jesus, and to his holy scriptm-es." This remark 
 justifies the belief that his parents were pious, that he was 
 educated mth care, and that religious principles had, at a 
 very early period, a decided influence upon his mind. 
 
 At what age, or for what object, he was removed from 
 the rm-al seclusion of his native hamlet to the busy scenes 
 of London we have no record, but we find him, when a 
 mere youth, in the metropolis. 
 
 The next authentic fact respecting his early history is 
 found ill a note appended by Mrs. Sadleir, the daughter of 
 
10 LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 
 
 Sir Edward Coke, to one of Williams's letters addressed to 
 herself: — "This Roger Williams, when he was a youth, 
 would, in a short-hand, take sermons and speeches in the 
 Star Chamber, and present them to my dear father. He, 
 seeing so hopeful a youth, took such liking to him that he 
 sent him in to Sutton's Hospital." * His age at that time 
 could not have been more than fifteen years. This incident 
 seems to indicate that his parents were in a respectable 
 station in life, since it is evident he had received a good 
 elementary education ; and the circumstance that his short- 
 hand notes attracted the attention of the great lawyer is a 
 proof of his early mental superiority. 
 
 The records of Sutton's Hospital — now the Charter 
 House — fui'nish no other particulars than the foUomng — 
 that Roger Williams was elected a scholar of that institu- 
 tion, June 25, 1621, and that he obtained an exhibition, 
 July 9, 1624. 
 
 It appears from the register of his matriculation, at 
 Oxford, to which we have abeady referred, that he entered 
 at Jesus college, April 30, 1624. Cayo, the place of his 
 bii'th, with Llansawell, is a consolidated parish, the great 
 tithes of which belong to the head of Jesus college. This 
 may account for his being a member of that college, and, 
 perhaps, supported, in part, by the head. It may be 
 added, that this college was founded by Dr. Hugh Price, in 
 1571, to extend the benefits of learning to the natives of 
 Wales, and has always been a favom-ite resort of students 
 from the Principality. The records fm-nish no evidence 
 how long he remained at the imiversity, but his writings 
 testify that he prosecuted his studies with industry, and 
 drank deeply at the fountains of learning. At that period, 
 logic and the classics formed the chief subjects of study in 
 the prescribed course; but he devoted himself to other 
 collateral branches. He was well versed in the Latin, 
 Greek, and Hebrew, and several of the modern languages. 
 There is a tradition that, after the completion of his resi- 
 dence at Oxford, he commenced the study of the law under 
 
 * MS. letter of Roger "Williams to Mrs. Sadleir in the library of 
 Trinity College, Cambridge. 
 
LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 11 
 
 the patronage of Sii' Edward Coke ; but, however this may 
 be, the legal documents which proceeded from his pen 
 exhibit a knowledge of general principles of equity and 
 jurisprudence, that would have been creditable to the pro- 
 fession. Tliis knowledge qualified him for his duties as 
 legislator of the colony he founded, and was of great value 
 to him in his subsequent coui'se. It is quite evident, how- 
 ever, that the ministry of the gospel was his chosen pur- 
 suit ; for he had been admitted to orders, in the chm-ch of 
 England, previous to his arrival in America. It is said, 
 that he assumed, while in this country, the charge of a 
 parish, and that he was held in high repute as a preacher. 
 In his rejoinder to the Rev. John Cotton he speaks of 
 riding together with that gentleman and the Kev. Mr. 
 Hooker to and from Sempringham, Lincolnshire. Mr. 
 Cotton was minister of Boston, in that county, for nearly 
 twenty years before he settled in Massachusetts. The 
 excellent Dr. Williams was at that time the bishop of 
 Lincoln, who connived at the nonconformists, and spoke 
 with some keenness against the ceremonies of the church. 
 The subject of om- narrative had already embraced the 
 tenets of the persecuted pui-itans, and all these circimi- 
 stances render it very probable that his charge was in the 
 diocese of Lincoln. 
 
 The intolerable oppressions of Laud, and the arrogant 
 demand of absolute submission to the ceremonies of the 
 English chm^ch, forced him to seek that religious liberty 
 amid the wilds of America that was denied to him in the 
 mother country. Higginson, Cotton, Hooker, and many 
 other learned and pious ministers, had been silenced, and 
 Williams could not expect that he would be suffered to 
 preach, for his refusal to conform appears to have been most 
 decided. We are not surprised, therefore, to find him among 
 the early emigrants to New England. 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 
 ROGER WILLIAMS EMBARKS FOR AMERICA — ARRH^S IN BOSTON — HIS 
 OPINIONS ON ECCLESIASTICAL POLITY — HE IS INVITED TO SALEM 
 — GENERAL COURT INTERFERES — REMOVES TO PLYMOUTH. 
 
 On the 5th of February, 1631, a ship from Bristol sailed 
 into Boston harboui", and, after a tempestuous voyage of 
 sixty-six days, the exiles vdth joy espied the heights of the 
 three-hilled city. It was the Lyon, Captain William Pierce. 
 Among the passengers was a " yomig minister, godly and 
 zealous, having precious " gifts, whose mind was of a 
 philosophic cast, and w^hose opinions were marked by a 
 strong individuality. This minister was Roger AVilliams. 
 His arrival is recorded by Governor Winthrop, in his 
 Journal,* and appears to have occasioned joy to the churches 
 of the infant colony. He was accompanied by his wife, 
 Mrs. Mary Williams, a lady w'ho appears to have been of a 
 kindred spirit, and who lived to share with her husband 
 the vicissitudes of life for half a century. 
 
 When Williams fii-st became a resident of the new city 
 of the pilgrims, the land of hope and promise, 
 
 " The ark of freedom and of God," 
 
 nothing less than a special revelation from heaven would 
 have led him to anticipate a second exile, and that exile to 
 be inflicted by the hands of brethren. But it is om- painful 
 duty to record the mortifying fact, that he soon foimd the 
 civil and ecclesiastical authorities arrayed against him, and 
 that the lords brethren of Massachusetts were in some 
 respects as intolerant as the lords bishops of England. The 
 
 * Vol. i. pp. 41, 42. 
 
LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 13 
 
 grand idea that " a most flom-ishing civil state may stand, 
 and be best maintained, with a full liberty in religious con- 
 cernments," had not yet found a place in the minds of men, 
 and received no echo in the hearts of the colonists. Liberty 
 of conscience had been held and asserted, in a modified 
 form, by the Waldenses, by Helwisse, by Luther and his 
 associates, and by others of a former age; but to Roger 
 Williams belongs the high honom- of having introduced it 
 into legislation. The great doctrine he announced, when 
 he first trod the shores of New England, and which he 
 defended thi'ough life, was, — that the ci%'il magistrate 
 should restrain crime, but had no right to interfere in 
 matters of conscience, and to punish for heresy or apostasy. 
 He contended that " the doctrine of persecution for cause 
 of conscience is most evidently and lamentably contrary to 
 the doctrine of Christ Jesus " — that the power of the civil 
 magistrate " extends only to the bodies, and goods, and out- 
 ward estate of men."* " The removal of the yoke of soul 
 oppression, as it v^ill prove an act of mercy and righteous- 
 ness to the enslaved nations, so it is of binding force to 
 engage the whole and every interest and conscience to pre- 
 serve the common liberty and peace." f He maintained 
 that "the people were the origin of all free power in 
 government," but that they were " not invested by Christ 
 Jesus with power to rule in his chm'ch ; " that they could 
 give no such power to the magistrate, and that to " intro- 
 duce the civil sword " into the kingdom of Christ was " to 
 confound heaven and earth, and lay all upon heaps of 
 confusion." He maintained the novel doctrine, that the 
 ecclesiastical should be totally separated from the civil 
 power ; and boldly demanded that the church and the 
 magistracy should each act within its appropriate sphere. 
 
 A few weeks after his arrival, Mr. Williams was called 
 by the church at Salem to become an assistant to their 
 pastor, the Rev. Mr. Skelton, as teacher, in the place of the 
 learned and accomj)lished Higginson, who had died a few 
 months before. In the ecclesiastical polity of the New 
 
 * Cotton's Letter Examined and Answered, 
 t " Hireling Ministry," p. 29. 
 
14 LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 
 
 England chm-ches, the oiRces of pastor and teacher were 
 considered as distmct, and botli deemed essential to the 
 welfare of a chui-ch. Mr. Williams accepted the invitation, 
 and commenced his ministry at Salem ; but the civil au- 
 thority immediately interfered to prevent his settlement. 
 The reasons assigned by the magistrates for this interpo- 
 sition, m the letter which they addressed to Mr. Endicott, 
 are, first, that Mr. Williams had refused to join with the 
 congregation at Boston, because they would not declare 
 their repentance for ha\dng held communion with the 
 church of England wliile they lived there ; secondly, that 
 he " had declared his opinion that the magistrate might not 
 punish a breach of the Sabbath, nor any other offence that 
 was a breach of the first table." 
 
 The former of these charges is so very indefinite that it 
 is difficult to ascertain the degree of criminality which Mr. 
 Williams attributed to the conduct of the Boston church, 
 and to what extent he wished its members to declare their 
 repentance. Hooker, Higginson, and Cotton were all of them 
 ministers of the church of England, and not separatists, 
 when they landed in Massachusetts, and Governor Win- 
 thi'op and liis associates acknowledged themselves members 
 at the moment of their departm*e. Many good men con- 
 sidered this conformity highly censurable, tending to 
 sanction the corruptions of the chm-ch and her cruelties 
 and oppressions. It is not surprising that Mr. Williams, 
 having deeply felt the intolerance of the hierarchy, was 
 disinclined to join with those who connived at her un- 
 scriptm-al requirements, and yielded to her arrogant 
 demand of absolute submission. " My own voluntary 
 withdrawing from all the chm-ches resolved to continue 
 in persecuting the witnesses of the Lord — presenting light 
 unto them — I confess it was my own voluntary act ; yea, 
 I hope the act of the Lord Jesus, somiding forth in me the 
 blast, which shall in his own holy season cast down the 
 strength and confidence of those inventions of men."* The 
 real offence of Williams was probably this, that, having 
 such strong and conscientious objections to the church of 
 * Cotton's Letter Examined and Answered, p. 3. 
 
LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 15 
 
 England, lie would not consent to unite in membership 
 with a congregation that still professed to be connected 
 with it. That he was not guilty of the uncharitableness 
 and bigotry with which he was charged is evident from a 
 circumstance recorded by Winthi'op, which shows that, a 
 few months afterwards, when Williams was a minister of 
 the chm-ch at Plymouth, he received Governor Winthrop 
 and other gentlemen from Boston at the communion in his 
 own church.* Williams did not deny that multitudes of 
 persons in national churches are to be regarded true Chi-is- 
 tians, but he maintained that " every national church is of a 
 vicious constitution, and that a majority in such chm-ches 
 are unregenerate." 
 
 The other charge, that Williams denied the power of the 
 civil magistrate to punish men for the neglect, or the 
 erroneous performance, of their duties to God, is one which, 
 at the present day, it is not necessary to discuss or to vindi- 
 cate. The great doctrine, that man is accountable to his 
 Maker alone for his religious beHef and practice, has long 
 been the opinion in America, and is rapidly pervading 
 every portion of the civilized world. The religious rela- 
 tions, rights, and obligations of all men are substantially 
 the same, and experience, in all ages, demonstrates the 
 manifold evils which spring from the civil ruler being 
 entrusted with power to regulate the intercom-se between 
 man and the Supreme Potentate — the Sovereign of minds 
 — the Lord of conscience. 
 
 On the 12th of April, 1631, Mr. Williams was settled as 
 a minister of the church at Salem, the same day on which 
 the magistrates were assembled at Boston to express their 
 disapprobation of the measm^e, and to desire the church to 
 forbear any fm'ther proceeding. This arbitrary interference 
 of the general coui't of the colony mth the rights of the 
 Salem church vnll not now be justified by any man who 
 believes that Christ is the only legislator in his kingdom. 
 
 To the civil government of the colony he was willing to 
 yield due submission, and on the 18 th of the following 
 May he took the customary oath on his admission as a 
 * Winthrop, vol. i. p. 91. 
 
16 LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 
 
 freeman. This fact deserves notice because it refutes 
 another charge which has been brought against him, that 
 he refused to take an oath. It is worthy of notice, also, 
 that on the very day he was admitted a citizen of the 
 colony, the general court " ordered and agreed that, for the 
 time to come, no man shall be admitted to the fi-eedom of 
 this body politic but such as are members of some of the 
 churches within the limits of the same." The ecclesiastical 
 polity established was a sort of theocracy. The government 
 belonged solely to the " bretliren." " Not only was the 
 door of calling to magistracy shut against natural and 
 mu-egenerate men, though excellently fitted for civil offices, 
 but also against the best and ablest servants of God, except 
 they be entered into church estate." * This, according to 
 Williams, was " to pluck up the roots and foundations of 
 all common society in the world, to tmm the garden and 
 paradise of the church and saints into the field of the ci\il 
 state of the world, and to reduce the world to the first 
 chaos or confusion." This unjust law the colony was 
 afterwards forced to repeal. It was soon found to operate 
 as a bribe to hypocrisy, rendering chmxh-membership sub- 
 servient to political objects, and in its subsequent results 
 destroyed the harmony of the colony. 
 
 The settlement of Mr. Williams at Salem was destined 
 to be of short continuance. Disregarding the wishes and 
 advice of the authorities in calling him to be their minister, 
 the chm-ch had incm-red the disapprobation of the magis- 
 trates, and raised a storm of persecution, so that before the 
 close of summer he sought a residence in the colony of 
 Plymouth. That his removal from Salem was not his own 
 choice, or the desire of the church, is evident from the high 
 place he held in theii* afifections during his whole life, and 
 his retm-n to that town by their in\T.tation, two years 
 after, to resume among them his ministerial labours. 
 
 Mr. Williams was received with much respect at Ply- 
 mouth, and was settled as assistant to the pastor, the Rev. 
 Ralph Smith. Governor Bradford says, "he was freely 
 entertained among us, according to om- poor ability, exer- 
 * " Bloudy Tenent," p. 287. 
 
LIFE OF ROGEH WILLIAMS. 17 
 
 cised his gifts among' us, and after some time was admitted 
 a member of the ehm'ch, and his teaching well approved ; 
 for the benefit whereof I shall bless God, and am thankful 
 to him ever for his sharpest admonitions and reproofs, so 
 far as they agree with truth." * 
 
 The puritans who settled at PhTiiouth were organized 
 as a chm^ch before they left Holland, and were separated 
 entirely from the church of England. They recognised one 
 important principle which manifested a more enlightened 
 and liberal spirit than their brethren of Massachusetts Bay, 
 which was, that ecclesiastical censures were wholly spiritual, 
 and not to be accompanied with temporal penalties. An 
 adherence to this principle greatly contributed to the peace 
 and prosperity of that colony. 
 
 During the residence of Mr. Williams at Plymouth, 
 Governor Winthrop, with the Rev. Mr. Wilson, pastor of 
 the Boston church, and other gentlemen, visited that town, 
 and communed with the church there : a circumstance to 
 which we have already adverted. An account of the visit 
 is recorded in Winthrop's Journal, and is an interesting 
 illustration of some of their primitive customs. 
 
 " 1G32 ; September 25. — The governor of Plymouth, 
 ISIr. William Bradford (a very discreet and grave man), 
 mth Mr. Brewster, the elder, and some others, came forth 
 and met them without the town, and conducted them to the 
 governor's house, where they were very kindly entertained 
 and feasted every day at several houses. On the Lord's- 
 day, there w^as a sacrament, w^hich they did partake in ; 
 and in the afternoon Mr. lloger Williams (according to 
 their custom) propounded a question, to which the pastor, 
 Mr. Smith, spoke briefly ; then Mr, Williams prophesied ; 
 and after, the governor of Plymouth spoke to the question ; 
 after him, the elder ; then some two or three more of the 
 congregation. Then the elder desired the governor of 
 Massachusetts and Mr. Wilson to speak to it, which they 
 did. When this was ended, the deacon, Mr. Fuller, put 
 the congregation in mind of their duty of contribution ; 
 whereupon the governor and all the rest went down 
 * Prince, p. 377. 
 
 c 
 
18 LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 
 
 to the deacon's seat, and put into the box, and then 
 returned."* 
 
 In his residence at Plymouth, we trace the hand of that 
 Divine Being, who was soon to employ him as an honoured 
 instrument in establishing a new colony, and also in pre- 
 serving New England from the merciless fmy of the 
 Indians. While here, he enjoyed frequent opportunities of 
 friendly intercourse with their most celebrated chiefs, and 
 by acts of kindness secured their confidence. At this 
 period, also, he made excm^sions among these stern chiefs 
 and warriors to learn their customs and language. In a 
 letter written many years afterwards, he says : " God was 
 pleased to give me a painful, patient spirit, to lodge with 
 them in their filthy, smoky holes, even while I lived at 
 Plymouth and Salem, to gain their tongue." This friendly 
 intimacy with the sachems, and knowledge of their lan- 
 guage, was of inestimable advantage to him in his future 
 career, in the pm-chase of lands, and in gaining an influence 
 among the Indians wliich no other person ever obtained. 
 His sympathies, also, were awakened for their spiritual con- 
 dition ; and he felt an ardent desire that they might be 
 converted to the christian faith. In one of his letters, he 
 says : " My soul's desu'c was to do the natives good ; " and 
 his subsequent com'se of life shows how intensely his heart 
 was fixed on their subjection to the spiritual and peaceful 
 reign of Chi-ist. 
 
 Mr. Williams, after remaining about two years at Ply- 
 mouth, was invited to return to Salem to assist Mr. Skelton, 
 whose declining health unfitted him for the performance 
 of his ministerial duties. f Some of the members of the 
 church at Plymouth were so attached to his ministry, that, 
 after ineffectual efforts to detain him, they were induced to 
 transfer their residence to Salem. 
 
 ♦ Winthrop, vol. i. p. 91. f Backus, vol. i. p. 56. 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 
 WILLIAMS RETURNS TO SALEM — DISAPPROVES OF THE MINISTERS' 
 MEETINGS — HIS TREATISE AGAINST THE KING's PATENT — CON- 
 TROVERSY ABOUT THE CROSS IN THE MILITARY COLOURS. 
 
 In August, 1633, Mr. Williams retm-ned to Salem, and 
 resumed his ministerial labours in that place as an assistant 
 to the Rev. Mr. Skelton ; and about a year afterwards, on 
 the death of Mr. Skelton, he was elected to the office of 
 teacher of the church. 
 
 The experience of ecclesiastical usiu'pation in England 
 appears to have excited both the venerable Skelton and 
 Mr. Williams to express an apprehension that the tendency 
 of a ministers' meeting, recently established, was ominous 
 of an encroachment upon the independence of the churches 
 and liberty of conscience. Wintlii-op says in his Journal, 
 under date November, 1633 : " The ministers in the Bay 
 and Saugus did meet once a fortnight, at one of their 
 houses, by course, where some question of moment was 
 debated. Mr. Skelton, the pastor of Salem, and Mr. 
 Williams, who was removed from Plymouth thither (but 
 not in any office, though he exercised by way of prophecy), 
 took some exception against it, as fearing it might grow in 
 time to a presbytery or superintendency, to the prejudice of 
 the church's liberties. But tliis fear was without cause ; 
 for they were all clear in that point, that no chm^ch or 
 person can have power over another church ; neither did 
 they, in their meetings, exercise any such jurisdiction."* 
 
 This meeting was probably formed for the pui'pose of 
 mutual improvement and consultation respecting the in- 
 * Vol, i. p. 116. 
 
20 LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 
 
 terests of religion ; but Messrs. Skelton and Williams 
 undoubtedly perceived something which they deemed in- 
 compatible with their \-iews of chm-ch government. 
 
 Other opportunities for hostility to Mr. Williams were 
 soon found by the magistrates and ministers. In December 
 27, 1633, "the governor and assistants met at Boston, 
 and took into consideration a treatise which Mr. Williams 
 (then of Salem) had sent to them, and which he had 
 formerly wi-itten to the governor and council of Plymouth, 
 wherein, among other things, he disputed their right to 
 the lands they possessed here, and concluded that, claiming 
 by the king's grant, they could have no title, nor otherwise 
 except they compounded with the natives.'"* 
 
 It is to be regretted that the treatise, which occasioned 
 these transactions, has not been preserved. In Coddington's 
 Letter against Williams, inserted at the close of Fox's 
 Reply, he is charged with having "wi'itten a quarto 
 against the king's patent and authority," and it was pro- 
 bably this book to which Mr. Coddington alluded. Mr. 
 Williams clearly perceived the injustice of the claim to 
 occupy the lands which belonged to the natives merely on 
 the ground of prior discovery, and the character and habits 
 of the Indians. They were independent tribes ; in no sense 
 the subjects of the king of England, and his charter could 
 not convey to the colonists a title he did not himself 
 
 The " sin of the patents" which lay so hea\-y upon his 
 mind was, that therein " christian kings (so-called) are in- 
 vested with a right, by virtue of their Christianity, to take 
 and give away the lands and countries of other men." And 
 he says that " before his ti'oubles and banishment, he drew 
 up a letter, not without the apj^robation of some of the 
 chiefs of New England, then tender also upon this point 
 before God, directed mito the king himself, humbly ac- 
 knowledging the evil of that part of the patent which 
 respects the donation of lands," &c.t The colonists them- 
 selves bought, almost invariably, the lands of the natives 
 
 * Winthrop, vol. i. p. 122. 
 
 t Reply to Cotton on the " Bloudy Tenent," pp. 276, 277. 
 
LIFE OF ROGEE WILLIAMS. 21 
 
 for such compensation as satisfied tlie Indians, thus acting 
 on the very principle Williams advocated. Cotton Mather 
 asserts, that, " notwithstanding the patent which they had 
 for the country, they fairly purchased of the natives the 
 several tracts of land which they afterwards possessed."* 
 
 President Dwight observes that, " exclusively of the 
 country of the Pequods, the inhabitants of Connecticut 
 bought, unless I am deceived, every inch of gromid con- 
 tained within that colony, of its native proprietors. The 
 people of Rhode Island, Plymouth, Massachusetts, and 
 New Hampshire, proceeded wholly in the same eqiutable 
 manner. Until Philip's war, in 1675, not a single foot of 
 ground was claimed or occupied by the colonists on any 
 other score but that of fair purchase."! These facts are 
 highly honourable to the pilgrims, and Roger Williams is 
 entitled to praise for his steady advocacy of this policy 
 from the beginning. The king, in his patent, styles himself 
 " the sovereign lord" of the whole continent, and gives and 
 grants to the Plymouth Company a large part of it, from 
 sea to sea, without iiitimating that any rights belonged to 
 the natives. Williams, being a warm friend to the Indians, 
 and considering the patent a flagrant usurpation of their 
 rights, may have put upon its lofty royal style too rigid a 
 construction. 
 
 His treatise, it appears, discussed merely the abstract 
 question, and was a private commmiication to the governor 
 and other gentlemen of Plymouth. There is no evidence 
 that he questioned the authority of the charter, so far as it 
 could operate without infringing on the rights of the 
 Lidians ; and at a meeting of the governor and council, a 
 month afterwards, they acknowledged that they had taken 
 unnecessary ofience.J The conduct of AVilliams on this 
 occasion to the magistrates and clergy was mild and con- 
 ciliating ; and, although he did not retract his opinions, he 
 offered to burn the offensive book, and furnished satisfactory 
 evidence of his " loyalty." 
 
 * " Magnalia," book i. c. 5. f Dwight's Travels, vol. i. p. 167. 
 + Winthrop, vol. i. p. 123. 
 
22 LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 
 
 Williams was now permitted, for a short period, to 
 exercise his ministerial labom-s at Salem in peace. He was 
 acceptable as a preacher; and it is an evidence of the 
 warm attachment of the people, that, soon after the death 
 of Mr. Skelton, in August, 1634, they invited him to 
 become theii' teacher. The magistrates sent to the church, 
 requesting they would not appoint him ; but they persisted, 
 and Williams was regularly introduced to the office. This 
 was pronounced by the magistrates and ministers " great 
 contempt of authority ;" and we shall soon see how it was 
 punished. 
 
 The inflexibility of Wilhams's principles, and his deter- 
 mination to exhibit them in practice, appear, occasionally, 
 to have led him to extreme views on some points. But, 
 whatever these defects may have been, they were less than 
 those of his contemporaries, and cast no real blemish on his 
 heroic character. His adversaries have brought two charges 
 against him, which, though trivial, may deserve a passing 
 remark. One is, that he preached upon the duty of females 
 to w^ear veils in religious assemblies. No record of his real 
 sentiments on this frivolous subject now exists, and Dr. 
 Bentley asserts, that Mr. Endicott had introduced it before 
 the arrival of Williams, and that the latter felt little 
 interest in the matter. The other charge is, that, in conse- 
 quence of Williams's preaching, Mr. Endicott cut the cross 
 out of the military colom's, as a relic of popish superstition. 
 This act was, doubtless, imjustifiable, because the colom-s 
 being established by the king, ought to have been viewed 
 as a mere civil regulation. There is no evidence, however, 
 that Williams advised the measure, and it appears rather 
 to have been the result of an inference di-awn from the 
 doctrine he maintained on the unlawfulness of using 
 symbols which had been desecrated in the service of 
 popery.* 
 
 Mr. Endicott deemed it his duty, as a magistrate, to re- 
 move the cross from the colours, and as a punishment for 
 this act, he was not permitted to hold any office for one 
 year. The question about the lawfulness of the cross was 
 *■ Knowles, pp. 61, 62. 
 
LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 23 
 
 warmly agitated at the time, and tlie matter was finally- 
 settled by the magistrates commanding that the cross be 
 struck out of the colours for the trained bands, but retained 
 in the banners of the castle, and of vessels in the harbour. 
 That such trivial controversies should have occupied so 
 much of the attention of grave men, may now excite our 
 sui'prise. 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 
 PROCEEDINGS WHICH LED TO THE BANISHMENT OF ROGER WILLIAMS 
 —HIS OPPOSITION TO THE FREEMAN'S OATH — VARIOUS CHARGES 
 AGAINST HIM — THE DECREE OF BANISHMENT — HE LEAATIS 
 SALEM. 
 
 Of the true cause of the banishment of Williams, no 
 account can be relied on but that of Governor Winthrop. 
 The other early writers were so injEluenced by prejudice, 
 that they exhibit a lamentable want of impartiality. 
 Hubbard remarks, " They passed a sentence of banishment 
 agamst him, as a disturber of the peace, both of the church 
 and commonwealth." Cotton Mather says, " He had a 
 windmill in his head." All the ministers were convened 
 at the trial of Williams, and they were all opposed to his 
 sentiments. Hubbard and Mather gathered their reports 
 from his opponents. Winthrop, who ^T.*ote at the time, 
 has recorded the proceedings in his Journal. His account 
 is as follows : — " In April, 1635, the com-t summoned Wil- 
 liams to appear at Boston. The occasion was, that he had 
 taught pubKcly that a magistrate ought not to tender an 
 oath to an unregenerate man ; for that we thereby have 
 communion with a wicked man in the worship of God, and 
 cause him to take the name of God in vain. He was heard 
 before all the ministers, and very clearly confuted," Had 
 Williams recorded the event, he would, no doubt, have given 
 a different version respecting the force of the arguments. 
 
 It appears from a passage in the appendix to the 
 " Hireling Ministry none of Clu-ist's," that he considered 
 taking an oath to be an act of worship ; " that a Christian 
 might take one on proper occasions, though not for trivial 
 
LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 25 
 
 causes — tliat an irreligious man could not sincerely perform 
 this act of worship — and that no man ought to he forced to 
 perform this any more than any other act of worship." His 
 singular views of the nature of oaths, it appears, were 
 formed hefore he left England; prohahly from having 
 observed the light manner in which they were administered 
 indiscriminately to the pious and profane. In his reply to 
 George Fox, Mr. AVilliams declares, that he has submitted 
 to the loss of large sums " in the chancery in England," 
 rather than yield to the offensive formality of kissing the 
 Bible, holding up the hand, &c., though he did not object 
 to taking the oath without them ; and the judges, he says, 
 " told me they would rest in my testimony and way of 
 swearing, but they could not dispense with me without an 
 act of parliament." 
 
 There is reason to believe, however, that "Williams's 
 offence respecting oaths consisted not so much in his 
 abstract objections to their use, as in liis opposition to what 
 is known by the name of the " Freeman's Oath." " The 
 magistrates and other members of the general court," says 
 INIr. Cotton, " upon intelligence of some episcopal and 
 malignant practices against the country, made an order of 
 cornet to take trial of the fidelity of the people, not by 
 imposing upon them, but by offering to them, an oath of 
 fidelity, that in case any should refuse to take it, they 
 might not betrust them with place of public charge and 
 command."* This oath virtually transferred the obligations 
 of allegiance from the king to the government of Massa- 
 chusetts. Mr. Cotton says that the oath was only offered, 
 not imposed ; but it was, by a subsequent act of the court, 
 enforced on every man of sixteen years of age, and up- 
 wards, upon the penalty of his being punished, in case of 
 refusing to take it, at the discretion of the court. f Mr. 
 Williams opposed the oath, as contrary to the charter, 
 inconsistent with the duty of British subjects, and with his 
 great principle of unfettered religious liberty. His oppo- 
 sition was so determined, that " the court was forced to 
 desist from that proceeding." 
 
 * " Tenent Washed," pp. 28, 29. f Backus, vol. i. p. 62. 
 
26 LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 
 
 The controversy between Mr. Williams and the civil and 
 ecclesiastical heads of the colony was becoming-, every day, 
 more violent. The magistrates enacted a law, requii-ing 
 every man to attend public worship, and to contribute to 
 its support, which was denounced by WilKams as a violation 
 of natural rights. " No one," said he, " should be bound to 
 maintain a worship against his own consent." 
 
 In July, 1635, he w^as again summoned to Boston, to 
 answer to the charges brought against him at the general 
 cornet, which was then in session. He was accused of 
 maintaining the following dangerous opinions : — " Fii-st, 
 That the magistrate ought not to punish the breach of the 
 first table, otherwise than in such cases as did disturb the 
 civil peace. Secondly, That he ought not to tender an 
 oath to an unregenerate man. Thirdly, That a man ought 
 not to pray with such, though wife, child, &c. Fourthly, 
 That a man ought not to give thanks after sacrament, nor 
 after meat, &c." * The ministers were requested by the 
 magistrates to be present on this occasion, and to give their 
 advice. They " professedly declared," that Mr. Williams 
 deserved to be banished from the colony for maintaining 
 the doctrine, " that the civil magistrate might not inter- 
 meddle even to stop a church from heresy and apostasy ; " 
 and that the chm-ches ought to request the magistrates to 
 remove him. 
 
 The first two of the above charges we have aheady 
 considered. The reader will observe that Governor Win- 
 thi'op has candidly acknowledged that Roger Williams 
 allowed it to be right for the magistrate to punish breaches 
 of the first table, when they distm-bed the ci\il peace — a 
 fact which abundantly proves that he fully admitted the 
 just claims of ci\il government. 
 
 The third charge — admitting it to be an accurate ex- 
 pression of the views which he held — shows that he carried 
 to an extreme an objection arising from the practice in 
 England, where many who united in the petitions in the 
 Book of Common Prayer were notoriously profligate, f 
 Williams's own statement of the opinions he entertained 
 * Winthrop, vol. i. p. 162. f Knowles, p. 69. 
 
LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 27 
 
 on two of the above charges was, " that it is not lawful to 
 call a wicked person to swear, or to pray, as being actions 
 of God's worship." * 
 
 With respect to the fourth charge — " that a man ought 
 not to give thanks after sacrament, nor after meat" — ^it 
 may be remarked, that Roger Williams, in this opinion, 
 anticipated the practice of many enlightened Chiistians of 
 the present day, who consider it the most scriptural. 
 
 It may now almost excite a smile that charges such as 
 these should be brought against a man as crimes, before a 
 civil tribunal. When Williams was summoned before the 
 general court, there is no evidence that there was any 
 examination of witnesses, or any hearing of counsel. His 
 " opinions were adjudged by all, magistrates and ministers, 
 to be erroneous and very dangerous ; " and, after long 
 debate, " time was given to him, and the chm"ch at Salem, 
 to consider of these things till the next general court, and 
 then either to give satisfaction to the court, or else to 
 expect the sentence." Thi-ee days after the session of 
 the court above-mentioned, as Winthrop informs us, the 
 " Salem men had preferred a petition, at the last general 
 court, for some land in Marblehead Neck, which they did 
 challenge as belonging to their to^vn ; but because they 
 had chosen Mr. AVilliams their teacher, while he had stood 
 under question of authority, and so offered contempt to the 
 magistrates, &c., theu- petition was refused. . . . Upon this, 
 the chm-ch at Salem ^vrite to other churches to admonish 
 the magistrates of this as a heinous sin, and liliewise the 
 deputies ; for which, at the next general coui't, their 
 deputies were not received mitil they should give satisfac- 
 tion about the letter."! Thus they refused to Salem a civil 
 right, as a mode of punishing the church for adhering to 
 their pastor. Such an act of flagrant injustice forcibly 
 illustrates the danger of a union between the civil and 
 ecclesiastical power ! After the banishment of Williams, 
 the land in question was granted to the people of Salem, 
 but the postponement was evidently designed to induce 
 
 * Cotton's Letter Examined and Answered, chap. 3. 
 t Winthrop, vol. i. p. 164. 
 
28 LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 
 
 tliem to consent to his removal. This attack upon civil 
 liberty induced Williams, in conjunction with his church, 
 to write " Letters of Admonition unto all the Churches 
 whereof any of the magistrates were members, that they 
 might admonish the magistrates of their injustice ; " and 
 when the chui'ches, in consequence of the thi-eatening of the 
 magistrates, recanted, he wi-ote a letter to his own church, 
 exhorting them to withdi-aw communion from these 
 churches. 
 
 These proceedings of Williams and his church were 
 followed by another atrocious violation of theii- rights. 
 The deputies of Salem were deprived of their seats until 
 apology was made ; and the principal deputy, Mr. Endicott, 
 was imprisoned, for justifying the letter of Williams. The 
 records of the com-t also contain the following remarkable 
 decree, which illustrates the inquisitorial spii'it of that 
 tribunal : — '' Mr. Samuel Sharpe is enjoined to appear at the 
 next particular com-t, to answer for the letter that came 
 from the church of Salem, as also to hr'mcj the names of 
 those that will justify the same ; or else to acknowledge his 
 offence, under his own hand, for his own particular." * 
 
 The next general com't was held in October, 1635, when 
 Roger Williams was again summoned for the last time, 
 " all the ministers in the Bay being desired to be present ;" 
 and " Mr. Hooker was chosen to dispute with him, but could 
 not reduce him from any of his errors. So, the next morn- 
 ing, the com*t sentenced him to depart out of om- jurisdic- 
 tion within six weeks, all the ministers, save one, approving 
 the sentence." f The act of banishment, as it stands upon 
 the colonial records, is in these words : — " Whereas Mr. 
 Roger Williams, one of the elders of the church of Salem, 
 hath broached and divulged new and dangerous opinions 
 against the authority of magistrates ; as also writ letters of 
 defamation, both of the magistrates and churches here, and 
 that before any conviction, and yet maintaineth the same 
 without any retraction ; it is, therefore, ordered that the 
 said Mr. Williams shall depart out of this jurisdiction 
 
 * Savage's Winthrop, vol. i. p. 167, note, 
 t Winthrop, vol. i. p. 171. 
 
LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 29 
 
 within six weeks now next ensuing, which, if he neglect to 
 perform, it shall be lawful ior the governor and two of the 
 magistrates to send him to some place out of this jmisdic- 
 tion, not to retm^n any more without license from the 
 court." This cruel and unjustifiable sentence was passed 
 on the 3rd of November. NeaJ, in his History of New 
 England, acknowledges that on thf^ final passing of the act 
 " the whole town of Salem was in an uproar, for he was 
 esteemed an honest, disinterested moii, and of popular 
 talents in the pulpit." His most bitter opponents confess 
 that, both at Plymouth and Salem, he was respected and 
 beloved as a pious man and an able minister. 
 
 The health of Williams was greatly impaired by his 
 severe trials and excessive labours, and he received per-, 
 mission to remain at Salem till spring. But complaints 
 were soon made to the court that he would not refrain, tn 
 his own house, from uttering his opinions — that many 
 people, " taken with an apprehension of his godliness," 
 resorted there to listen to his teachings— that he had drawn 
 above twenty persons to his opinion— and that he was pre- 
 paring to form a plantation about Narragansett Bay. ^ 
 
 This information led the court to resolve to send him to 
 England, by a ship then lying in the harboiu' ready for sea. 
 On the 11th of January, he received another summons to 
 attend the court assembled at Boston, but he refused to 
 obey; his answer was conveyed to the magistrates by 
 " divers of the people of Salem." 
 
 The magistrates, determining not to be defeated, imme- 
 diately sent a small sloop to Salem, with a commission to 
 Captain Underbill to apprehend him and carry him on board 
 the ship about to sail to England; but when. the officers 
 "came to his house, they foimd he had gone three days 
 before, but whither they could not learn." * 
 
 In presenting an account of the proceedings which led to 
 the banishment of Eoger WilUams, the miter has aimed at 
 strict impartiality, and has, therefore, availed himself, as 
 much as possible, of the very language of his authorities. It 
 must be apparent to every candid person, that the true cause 
 » Winthrop, vol. i. p. 175. 
 
30 LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 
 
 may be found in the great doctrine which has immortalized 
 his name— that the civil power has no jurisdiction 
 OVER THE CONSCIENCE. The object of the government in 
 directing his immediate apprehension was, doubtless, to 
 prevent the establishment of a colony in which this great 
 principle should be embodied. But their design, by the 
 interposition of Divine Providence, was happily frustrated ; 
 and he was afterwards the instrument of inconceivable good 
 to that very community which had driven him into exile. 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 
 •Williams's journey through the -vn^lderness to narragansett 
 
 BAY — HE visits MASSASOIT — HE PROCEEDS TO SEEKONK, AND 
 BEGINS A SETTLEMENT — HE CROSSES THE RTV^ER, AND FOUNDS 
 THE TOWN OF PROVIDENCE. 
 
 About the middle of January, 1636, the coldest montli of 
 a New England winter, a solitary pilgrim might have been 
 seen wandering amidst primeval forests, inhabited only by 
 savages and beasts of prey, in quest of a refuge from the 
 hand of ecclesiastical tyranny. He was forced to leave his 
 wife and young childi-en, and to depart in secrecy and haste, 
 in order to escape the warrant which would have compelled 
 him on board the ship waiting to convey him back to 
 England. 
 
 " Morn came at last ; and by the dawning grey 
 Our founder rose, his secret flight to take ; 
 His wife and infant still in slumber lay. 
 
 * Mary ! ' (she woke) ' prepare my travelling gear, 
 My pocket-compass, and my raiment strong ; 
 
 My flint and steel, to yield a needful fire ; 
 Food for a week, if that be not too long ; 
 
 My hatchet, too — its service I require 
 To clip my fuel, desert wilds among. 
 
 With these I go to found, in forests drear, 
 
 A state where none shall persecution fear.' "* 
 
 Roger Williams has left no detailed account of his adven- 
 turous journey, but occasional allusions in his ( ,Ti tings 
 show how severe must have been his sufferings. Ihe chief 
 
 * " "What-cheer ; or, Roger Williams in Banishment." 
 
32 LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 
 
 incidents are found in a letter to his friend, Major Mason, 
 of Connecticut, written thirty-five years after, from which 
 we make the following extracts. It is dated Providence, 
 June 22, 1670 :— 
 
 " When I was mikindly, and unchristianly, as I believe, 
 driven from my house, and land, and wife, and children, 
 in the midst of a New England winter, now about thii'ty- 
 five years past, at Salem, that ever-honom-ed governor, Mr. 
 Winthi'op, privately wrote to me to steer my course to the 
 Narragansett Bay and Indians, for many high and heavenly 
 and public ends, encouraging me, from the freeness of the 
 place from any English claims or patents. I took his 
 prudent motion as a hint and voice from God, and, waiving 
 all other thoughts and motions, I steered my coui\se from 
 Salem — though in winter-snow, which I yet feel — unto 
 these parts, wherein I may say Peniel, that is, I have seen 
 the face of God. 
 
 " I first pitched, and began to build and plant, at Seekonk; 
 but I received a letter from my ancient friend, j\Ir. Wins- 
 low, then governor of Plymouth, professing his own and 
 others' love and respect to me, yet lovingly advising me, 
 since I was fallen into the edge of theii- bounds, and they 
 were loth to displease the Bay, to remove but to the other 
 side of the water ; and then he said I had the country free 
 before me, and might be as free as themselves, and we 
 should be loving neighbours together. These were the 
 joint understandings of these two wise and eminently 
 christian governors, and others, in their day, together with 
 theii' counsel and advice as to the freedom and vacancy of 
 this place, which in tliis respect, and many other provi- 
 dences of the Most Holy and Only Wise, I called Providence. 
 
 " Sometime after, the Plymouth great sachem, Ousama- 
 quin,* upon occasion, affii-ming that Providence was his 
 land, and therefore Plymouth's land, and some resenting 
 it, the then prudent and godly governor, Mr. Bradford, and 
 others of his godly council, answered, — that if, after due 
 examination, it should be found true what the barbarian 
 said, yet having to my loss of a harvest that year, been now 
 * Commonly called Massasoit. 
 
LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 33 
 
 — though by theu- gentle advice — as good as banished from 
 Plymouth as from the Massachusetts, and I had quietly 
 and patiently departed fr'om them, at their motion, to the 
 place where now I was, I should not be molested and tossed 
 up and down again while they had breath in their bodies. 
 And surely between those, my fr-iends of the Bay and 
 Plymouth, I was sorely tossed, for one fourteen weeks, in a 
 bitter winter season, not knowing what bread or bed did 
 mean, beside the yearly loss of no small matter in my 
 trading with English and natiA^es, being debarred from 
 Boston, the chief mart and port of New England. God 
 knows that many thousand pounds cannot repay the losses 
 I have sustained. It lies upon the Massachusetts and me, 
 yea, and other colonies joining with them, to examine, with 
 fear and trembling, before the eyes of flaming fire, the true 
 cause of all my sorrows and sufierings. It pleased the 
 Father of Spirits to touch many hearts dear to him with 
 some relentings ; amongst which that great and pious soul, 
 Mr. Wiuslow, melted, and kindly visited me, at Providence, 
 and put a piece of gold into the hands of my wife for our 
 supply."* 
 
 In another letter, Williams says :■ — ■'' It pleased the Most 
 High to direct my steps into this bay, by the loving, private 
 advice of the ever-honom-ed soul, Mr. Jolm Winthrop, the 
 grandfather, who, though he were carried with the stream 
 for my banishment, yet he tenderly loved me to his last 
 breath." Governor Winthi'op's friendsliip for Williams was 
 manifested afterwards on various occasions, and he advised 
 him to leave the colony, as a measm-e which he doubtless 
 thought the public peace required. At the time of his 
 banishment, Mr. Haynes was governor, Mr. Winthrop 
 having been supplanted in the chief magistracy of the 
 colony. 
 
 When Roger Williams left Salem, it appears that he 
 made his way thi'ough the desolate wilderness to Ousame- 
 quin, or Massasoit, the sachem of the Pokanokets, who 
 resided at Mount Hope, near the present town of Bristol, 
 
 * Letter to Mason. Mass. Hist. Coll. vol. i. p. 275. 
 D 
 
34 LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 
 
 Rhode Island. This famous chief occupied the countiy 
 north from Mount Hope, as far as Charles River. He had 
 known ^Ir. AVilliams at Plymouth, and had often received 
 from him tokens of kindness, and now the aged sachem 
 extended to the fi-iendless exile hospitality and protection. 
 Mr. Williams obtained from this chief a tract of land on the 
 Seekonk River, where he was soon joined by several of his 
 friends from Salem. This territory was mthin the limits of 
 the Plymouth colony ; and, under a mistaken apprehension 
 as to the bounds of \he patent, his first location was on the 
 east side of the Seekonk River, which separates Massa- 
 chusetts from Rhode Island. At this place, where he had 
 begun to build and plant, new and unexpected disappoint- 
 ments awaited him, for he received intelligence from his 
 friend. Governor Winslow, that he had "fallen into the 
 edge of their bounds." Although Williams recognised the 
 Indians as the only rightful proprietors of the land, and 
 had bought a title from their chief sachem, yet he imme- 
 diately resolved to comply with the friendly advice of the 
 governor of Plymouth. He accordingly embarked in a 
 canoe, with five others, and proceeded do^vn the Seekonk 
 River, in quest of another spot to foimd a separate colony, 
 where the secular arm should have no dictation or control 
 in the concerns of religion. Tradition reports, that as the 
 little bark approached the eastern banks of the river, at a 
 place now called Whatcheer Cove, Williams saw a company 
 of Indians on the heights of the western banks of the 
 stream, who greeted him with the friendly salutation, 
 " Wha-chcer, netop ? Wha-cheer ?"* 
 
 After landing and exchanging salutations with the 
 natives, he again embarked, and passing round the head- 
 lands, now known as India Point and Fox Point, he pro- 
 ceeded up the river on the west side of the peninsula to a 
 spot near the mouth of the Mooshausick. Here Williams 
 and liis companions landed, and upon the slope of the hill 
 
 * The common English phrase, ^Yhsit cheer ; equivalent to Hoiv 
 do you do? they had learnt from the colonists. Nctop means 
 friend. 
 
LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 35 
 
 that rises from the river commenced the first settlement of 
 Rhode Island. 
 
 " Oh, call it holy ground, 
 
 The soil where first they trod, 
 They have left unstained what there they found, 
 
 Freedom to worship God," 
 
 The town here founded he named Providence, in grateful 
 remembrance of " God's merciful providence to him in his 
 disti'ess." It was in the sj)ring of 1636 — probably in the 
 latter part of June — that this memorable event occurred. 
 Here, after enduring so many hardships, was the exiled 
 confessor to find the haven of rest, and to lay the founda- 
 tions of a state, which should " be for a shelter to persons 
 distressed for conscience." The "fourteen weeks he was 
 sorely tossed, in a bitter winter season," he probably spent 
 in journeying among the Indian tribes, in visiting their 
 chiefs, and in adjusting matters for his permanent settle- 
 ment. His wanderings were in a dense forest, covered with 
 the deep snows of winter, tracked by wild beasts, where the 
 scream of the panther, the yell of the tiger, and the howl 
 of the wolf, were often heard. 
 
 The following lines, by a Rhode Island poet, present a 
 graphic illustration of the perils to which Williams was 
 exposed : — 
 
 " Growling they come, and in dark groups they stand, 
 
 Show the white fang, and roll the bright'ning eye ; 
 Till, urged by hunger, seemed the shaggy band 
 
 Even the flame's bright terrors to defy. 
 Then, 'mid the group he hurled the blazing brand — 
 
 Swift they disperse, and raise the scattered cry ; 
 But, rallying, soon back to the siege they came, 
 
 And scarce their rage paused at the mounting flame. 
 
 Yet "Williams deemed that persecution took 
 
 In them a form less cdlotis than in men ; 
 He on their dreary S'Ai ude had broke, — 
 
 Aye, and had trespassed on their native glen. 
 
36 LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 
 
 His human shape they scarcely too might brook, 
 
 For it had been an enemy to them ; 
 But fiend- like man did into conscience look, 
 
 And for the secret thought his brother struck." * 
 
 In reflecting upon Williams and his little band of exiles 
 in 1636, our minds must be forcibly struck by the contrast 
 the country now presents. The primeval forests have fallen 
 beneath the woodman's axe ; the war-whoop of the savag-e 
 has long since died away ; cultivation emiches the hills, and 
 smiles in the valleys ; agriculture has gained her triumphs 
 on the land, and commerce upon the seas ; schools, colleges, 
 and chm'ches, adorn the banks of the Mooshausick, and 
 a flourishing commonwealth e-sdnces that the broadest 
 religious equality is favom*able to the progress of civilization 
 and of piety. 
 
 * Whatcheer ; or, Roger Williams in Banishment. A Poem, 
 by the late Hon. Job Durfee, LL.D., Chief Justice of the State of 
 Rhode Island. The Eclectic Review for July, 1838, contains a 
 eulogistic critique on this poem, from the pen of John Foster. 
 
CHAPTER VII. 
 
 THE INDIAN TRIBES IN NEW ENGLAND — PUHCHASE OF LANDS 
 FROiVI THE INDIANS — SETTLEMENT OP THE COLONY AT PRO- 
 VIDENCE — FREEDOM OF ITS GOVERNMENT. 
 
 The history of Roger Williams is so intimately connected 
 with that of the Indians, that it is necessary here to give a 
 brief sketch of the principal tribes occupying New England 
 when it was first settled by the English. The Pokanokets 
 inhabited the territory of the colony of Plymouth. This 
 tribe included several tributaries, among whom were the 
 Wampanoags, the particular tribe of Massasoit, who wel- 
 comed the pilgrims to the soil of New England, and opened 
 his lodge to shelter the founder of Rhode Island. The 
 Pokanokets and several other tribes, a short period before 
 the arrival of the English, had been diminished by the 
 ravages of a pestilence to so frightful an extent, that some 
 of the tribes were almost extinct. The Narragansetts held 
 dominion over nearly all the territory which afterwards 
 formed the colony of Rhode Island, including the islands in 
 the Bay, and a portion of Long Island. They were the 
 most civilized and the most faithful to the English of all 
 the New England tribes. They had cultivated some of 
 their lands, and wore skilful in making tvafnpmn, or wam- 
 pumpeag — a kind of beads made of shells, in use among 
 the natives as money. They were also the most ingenious 
 manufactm-ers of pendants, bracelets, stone tobacco-pipes, 
 and earthern vessels for cooking and other domestic uses.* 
 They were a numerous tribe, and though less warlike than 
 their neighbours, they could raise more than fom* thousand 
 * Hutchinson, vol. i. p. 406. 
 
38 LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 
 
 fighting-men. The Pequods und Mohegans, the fiercest 
 and most warlike of the New England savages, occupied 
 the greater part of that which is now the state of Con- 
 necticut. They were treacherous as well as powerful, and 
 were hostile to the English. The Massachusetts dwelt 
 chiefly about the bay which bears their name. 
 
 The chiefs, or sachems, of the several Indian tribes, held, 
 nominally, the supreme power, and received tribute, but 
 they were controlled by the wisdom of the aged men, and 
 the energetic eloquence of then- young warriors, in their 
 councils, where all important questions were discussed. 
 "The sachems," says Roger Williams, "although they have 
 an absolute monarchy over the people, yet they will not 
 conclude ought that concerns all, either laws, or subsidies, 
 or wars, unto which the people are averse, and by gentle 
 persuasion cannot be brought."* There were also subordi- 
 nate chiefs, called sagamores, who held a limited authority. 
 
 The languages and dialects of the several tribes of 
 Indians on the continent of America have been estimated 
 by Professors Adelung and Vater, and Baron Humboldt, 
 the authors of that learned work, the Mithi-idates, at the 
 astonishing number of ticelve hundred and fourteen. A 
 large proportion of these, however, appear to have been 
 only variations of a few parent languages. The dialects 
 spoken in New England are believed to have been varieties 
 of the Delaware language, wliich prevailed among the 
 tribes of that state, and New Jersey, and a part of New 
 York. Roger Williams informs us, that, with his know- 
 ledge of the Narragansett tongue, he " had entered into the 
 secrets of those countries wherever the English dwell, 
 about two hundi-ed miles between the French and Dutch 
 plantations ;" and he adds, that "with this help a man may 
 converse ^vith thousands of natives, all over the country." 
 The Massachusetts language, into which the Rev. John 
 Eliot — called the Indian apostle — translated the Bible, was 
 radically the same as the Narragansett. Roger Williams 
 published, in 1643, the first vocabulary of an Indian lan- 
 guage, a work which then attracted much attention, and to 
 * Key into the Indian Language of America. 
 
LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 39 
 
 which we shall have occasion to recur. This language is 
 exceedingly regular, copious, and flexible. 
 
 AVith the tribes which have been mentioned, Williams 
 had frequent intercom^se, and by his intimacy mth several 
 of their chiefs, secured their confidence. His success in 
 pm'chasing lands, in establishing a new colony, and subse- 
 quently preser\dng New England from the fury of the 
 savages, was, under God, the result chiefly of his personal 
 influence Viith the Indians. On the Rhode Island side, the 
 two principal sachems, to whom a large number of petty 
 cliiefs were subject, were Canonicus and his nephew, 
 Miantonomoh. Their residence was on the island of 
 Canonicut, in the Narragansett Bay, about thirty miles 
 south of Pro\T.dence. Canonicus was an old man when 
 Williams entered his dominions, and the cares of his 
 government devolved chiefly on Miantonomoh, who acted 
 as his prime minister, and probably his power was 
 adequate, at this time, to have destroyed all the colonies 
 of New England, 
 
 They were the owners of the soil where Williams landed, 
 and made him a grant for his new colony. By a deed, 
 dated the 24th of March, 1638, certain lands and meadows 
 " lying upon the two rivers, called Mooshausick and Wana- 
 squatucket," which he had purchased two years before, 
 were made over to him by these sachems. They also, in 
 " consideration of his many kindnesses and services to 
 them and their friends, fit-eely gave unto him all the land 
 lying between the above-named rivers and the Pawtuxet." 
 
 Koger Williams was thus the sole negotiator with the 
 Indians, and the legal proprietor of the lands which they 
 ceded to him. In this transaction he acted in accordance 
 with his avowed principle, that the Indians were the lawful 
 owners of all the lands which they occupied, and that no 
 charters from popes or kings could give a right to theii- 
 territory. He says, "I spared no cost towards them, in 
 tokens and presents to Canonicus and all his, many years 
 before I came in person to the Narragansett ; and when I 
 came I was welcome to the old prince, Canonicus, who was 
 most shy of all English to his last breath." " It was not," 
 
40 LIFE OF llOGFll WILLIAMS. 
 
 ho adds, "thousands, nor tens of thousands of money, could 
 liave houi^lit of him an ]^hi^lish entrance into this hay, but 
 I was the procurer of the purchase by that lanj^uage, 
 acquaintance, and favour with the natives, and other 
 advantages which it pleased God to f:i;ive me." He was 
 obliged to mortgage his house and lands in Salem in order 
 to make additional i)resents and gratuities to the sachems, 
 and, conse(j[uently, to remove his wife and family imme- 
 diately to the new settlement. The lands at Providence 
 were conveyed to him alone, and, as he justly remarks, 
 " were his as much as any man's coat upon his back." He 
 might have been, like William Penn, the proprietary of his 
 colony, having secured it by a patent from the rulers in 
 I'mgland, and thus have exercised a control over its govern- 
 ment, and amassed wealth for himself and family. But 
 he chose to found a commonwealth, where all civil power 
 should be exercised by the people alone, and which •' might 
 be for a shelter for persons distressed for conscience." 
 Thirty-five years afterwards he could say, " Here, all over 
 this colony, a great number of weak and distressed souls, 
 scattered, are flying hither from Old and New l^'ngland — 
 the Most High and Only Wise hath, in his infinite wisdom, 
 provided this country and this corner as a shelter for the 
 l)oor and persecuted, according to their several persuasions." 
 The lands ceded to AA' illiams he shortly alter reconveyed 
 as a free gift to the persons who had united with him in 
 forming the settlement, reserving for himself an ec^ual part 
 only. The town afterwards voted him thirty pounds, not 
 as an equivalent for the land, but as a *' loving gratuity." 
 The following extract of a document written by Ko^er 
 Williams, and dated Narragansett, lOth of June, 1G82, may 
 be ai)propriately introduced in this place as an evidence of 
 his integrity and benevolence in his intercourse with the 
 Indians, and of their attachment to him : — " I testify, as in 
 the presence of the all-making and all-seeing God, that 
 about fifty years since, I, coming into this Narragansett 
 country, found a great contest between three sachems, two 
 — to wit, Canonicus and Miantonomoh — were against 
 Ousamcquin, on l*lymouth side. I was forced to travel 
 
LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 41 
 
 between them three, to pacify, to satisfy, all their and their 
 dependents' spirits of my honest intentions to live peaceably 
 by them. — I desire posterity to see the gracious hand of the 
 Mo.st High — in whose hands are all hearts — that when the 
 hearts of my countrymen and friends and brethren failed 
 me, his infinite wisdom and mercy stirred up the barbarous 
 heart of Canonicus to love me as his son, with his last gasp, 
 by which means I had not only Miantonomoh and all the 
 Cowesit sachems as my friends, but Ousamequin also ; 
 who, because of my great friendship with him at Plymouth, 
 and the authority of Canonicus, consented freely (being 
 also well gratified by me) to my enjoyment of Providence 
 itself, and all the other lands I procured of Canonicus, which 
 were upon the point, and, in effect, whatsoever I desired of 
 him ; and I never denied him, or Miantonomoh, whatever 
 they desired of me, as to goods or gifts, or use of my boats 
 or pinnace ; and the travels of my own person, day and 
 night, which, though men know not, nor care to know, yet 
 the all-seeing Eye hath seen it, and his all-powerful 
 hand hath helped me. Blessed be his holy name to 
 eternity."* 
 
 The infant community of Providence admitted others to 
 the privileges of citizenship, and all were required to sub- 
 scribe the following covenant :— 
 
 " We, whose names are hereunder written, being de- 
 sirous to inhabit in the town of Providence, do x)romise 
 to submit ourselves, in active or passive obedience, to all 
 such orders or agreements as shall be made for public good 
 of the body, in an orderly ivay, by the major consent of 
 the present inhabitants, masters of families, incorporated 
 together into a township, and such others whom they shall 
 admit unto the same, only in civil thinyaP 
 
 This simple instrument, which embodies the great prin- 
 ciple for which Williams contended, it is believed, is the 
 earliest form of government recorded w^hich expressly 
 recognises the rights of conscience. The unrestricted 
 religious liberty which was the basis of the organization 
 of the colony has characterised the state of Pthode Island 
 * Colony Records, 
 
42 LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 
 
 to the present day. To her everlasting honour, she has 
 always remained true to the principles of her founder — 
 her legislature has never assumed the authority of 
 regulating ecclesiastical concerns, or giving privileges to 
 men of one set of religious opinions over those of another, 
 and not a single act of religious intolerance has ever dis- 
 graced tliis state. 
 
 The government of Providence remained in the hands of 
 its citizens for several years ; and the legislative, judicial, 
 and executive acts were performed by a general assembly. 
 Two deputies were appointed to preserve order, to settle 
 disputes, to call town meetings, to preside in them, and to 
 see that their resolutions were executed.* Here we have 
 an example of a commonwealth without representation, 
 which could not exist, except in a small community. 
 
 Soon after Williams had obtained a spot where he might 
 rest in peace, he appears to have been settled in his own 
 habitation ; for, in a letter ^vritten a short time after his 
 landing, he says, " Miantonomoh kej^t his barbarous coui't 
 lately at my house." Mrs. Williams and her two childi-en, 
 it is probable, came from Salem to Providence in the 
 summer of 1636, in company with several persons who 
 desired to join their exiled pastor. 
 
 Williams had been obliged to leave the fields he had 
 planted at Seekonk, and when he settled at the mouth of 
 the Mooshausick the season was too far advanced to raise 
 a harvest. No supplies could be derived from the towns 
 of Massachusetts Bay, as he had been debarred all inter- 
 com-se with them ; and for the means of subsistence for 
 himself and family, he must have depended i^rincipally on 
 hunting and fishing, or upon the simple food obtained 
 from the Indians. But he endured all his hardships with 
 heroic and Christian fortitude, cheered with a prophetic 
 confidence that the principles to which he so steadfastly 
 adhered would ultimately triumph. 
 
 * Hist. Providence, 2 Mass. Hist. Col. ix. p. 183. 
 
CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 THE PEaUOD WAR— WILLIAMS PREVEXTS THE INDIAN LEAGUE, AND 
 SAVES THE COLONIES FROM DESTRUCTION — SERVICES TO MASSA- 
 CHUSETTS — LETTER TO GOVERNOR WINTHROP — THE DEFEAT AND 
 RUIN OF THE PEQUODS. 
 
 We must here narrate briefly the agency of Rog-er Wil- 
 liams, in averting the imminent danger of a general league 
 among the Indians, for the destruction of the New England 
 colonists. The Pequods, who, as we have already remarked, 
 had always been treacherous and hostile to the whites, 
 were endeavom^ing to unite the neighbom-ing tribes in a 
 war of extermination against the English. In 1634, the 
 governor and council of Massachusetts Bay had concluded 
 with this tribe a treaty of peace and friendship, but no 
 ti-eaty could restrain their hostility. In July, 1636, a short 
 time after WilUams's removal to Providence, they attacked 
 a party of traders in a sloop, near Block Island, and 
 murdered John Oldham, one of the company, from Massa- 
 chusetts. The first intelKgence of the proposed Indian 
 league, and of the mm-der of Oldham, was communicated 
 by Roger Williams in a letter to Governor Vane, at Boston. 
 He harboured no vindictive feelings against those who had 
 so recently expelled him from the colony, but promptly 
 informed his persecutors of the calamities that threatened 
 to overwhelm them. 
 
 The magistrates of Massachusetts solicited his mediation 
 with the Narragansetts, and he immediately accepted the 
 hazardous commission, and succeeded in defeating the 
 endeavom-s of the Pequods to win over the Narragansetts 
 to a coalition. In his letter to Major Mason, who was 
 distinguished for his services in the war we are about to 
 
44 LIFE OF KOGER WILLIAMS. 
 
 relate, Williams has incidentally mentioned liis own agency 
 in this undertaking, which, we give in his simple and 
 energetic language : — 
 
 '' Upon letters received from the governor and council of 
 Boston, requesting me to use my utmost and speediest 
 endeavours to break and hinder the league laboui-ed for by 
 the Pequods and Mohegans against the English — excusing 
 the not sending of company and supplies by the haste of 
 the business — the Lord helped me immediately to put my 
 life into my hand, and scarce acquainting my wife, to ship 
 myself alone in a poor canoe, and to cut through a stormy 
 wind, with great seas , every minute in hazard of life, to the 
 sachem's house. Thi-ee days and nights my business forced 
 me to lodge and mix with the bloody Pequod ambassadors, 
 whose hands and arms, methought, reeked with the blood 
 of my counti'ymen, mmxlered and massacred by them on 
 Connecticut river, and from whom I could not but nightly 
 look for theii- bloody knives at my own throat also. God 
 wondrously preserved me, and helped me to break to pieces 
 the Pequod's negotiation and design ; and to make and 
 finish, by many travels and changes, the English league with 
 the Narragansetts and Mohegans against the Pequods." 
 
 In consequence of the agency of Williams, Miantonomoh, 
 the Narragansett sachem, and two sons of Canonicus, with 
 a large number of attendants, made a visit to the authorities 
 of Massachusetts Bay, at Boston, October, 1636. They 
 were received with much parade and demonstration of 
 respect, and a treaty of perpetual peace and alHance was 
 concluded between the English and the Narragansetts, in 
 which it was stipulated that neither party should make 
 peace with the hostile Pequods without the consent of the 
 other.* The terms of the treaty were arranged by the 
 negotiations of Williams, but being written in the English 
 language, and the explanations of the magistrates being 
 imperfect, it was found difficult to make the Indians under- 
 stand the articles. " We agreed," says Governor Winthrop, 
 " to send a copy of them to Mr. Williams, who could best 
 interpret them." This measure was probably adopted at 
 * Winthrop, vol. i. p. 199. Hutchinson, vol. i. p. 61. 
 
LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 45 
 
 the request of the Indians, who knew that Williams was 
 their friend ; and it is a fact that demonstrates the con- 
 fidence reposed in him, both by the Indians and by the 
 government of Massachusetts. 
 
 Thus was Roger Williams instrumental, by the pacifica- 
 tion he accomplished, of sa\ing the feeble settlements of 
 Plymouth and Massachusetts from the horrors of a 
 universal savage war. But his agency in averting this 
 imminent danger was but a part of the services his generous 
 and exalted spirit performed for those who had banished 
 him. The Pequods, though foiled in theii' attempts to 
 secure the alliance of the Narragansetts, determined, 
 single-handed, to maintain the conflict. They immediately 
 commenced hostilities, and prosecuted the war against the 
 English with all the ferocity of savages. They murdered 
 several individuals at work in the fields, and the barbarous 
 tortm-es inflicted upon some of them spread a chill of 
 horror through the colonies. The alarm was increased 
 by their attack on the fort of Saybrook, at the mouth of 
 the Connecticut River. The colonies of Massachusetts, 
 Plymouth, and Connecticut, resolved immediately to invade 
 the territory of the Pequods with their united forces, and 
 attempt the destruction of this tribe, who had meditated 
 the entire extermination of the settlements of New England. 
 The following letter, written by Roger Williams to his 
 friend Governor Winthi'op, during the Pequod war, shows 
 the invaluable ser^dces he rendered to the government of 
 Massachusetts : — 
 
 " Sir, — The latter end of the last week I gave notice to 
 om' neighbom- princes of your intentions and preparations 
 against the common enemy, the Pequods. At my first 
 coming to them, Canonicus [morosus ceque ac harharus 
 senex) was very soui', and accused the English and myself 
 for sending the plague amongst them, and tlu-eatening to 
 kill him especially. 
 
 " Such tidings, it seems, were lately brought to his ears 
 by some of his flatterers and our ill-^villers. I discerned 
 cause of bestuTing myself, and staid the longer, and, at 
 last, through the mercy of the Most High, I not only 
 
46 LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 
 
 sweetened liis spirit, but possessed him tliat the plague and 
 other sicknesses were alone in the hand of the one God, 
 who made him and us, who, being displeased with the 
 English for lying, stealing, idleness, and uncleanness (the 
 natives' epidemical sins), smote many thousands of us our- 
 selves with general and late mortalities. 
 
 " Miantonomoh kept his barbarous com-t lately at my 
 house, and with him I have far better dealing. He takes 
 some pleasure to visit me, and sent me word of his coming 
 over again some eight days hence. They pass not a week 
 without some skirmishes, though hitherto little loss on 
 either side. They were glad of your preparations, and in 
 much conference with themselves and others (fishing, de 
 in dust rid, for instructions from them), I gathered these 
 observations, which you may please, as cause may be, to 
 consider and take notice of. 
 
 " 1. They conceive, that to do execution to purpose on 
 the Pequods will require, not two or three days and away, 
 but a riding by it, and following of the work, to and again, 
 the space of three weeks or a month ; that there be a 
 falling off and a retreat, as if you were departed, and a 
 falling on again within three or fom- days, when they are 
 retm-ned again to theii- houses securely from their flight. 
 
 " 2. That, if any pinnaces come in ken, they presently 
 prepare for flight, women, and old men, and childi-en, to a 
 swamp, some thi'ee or foui' miles on the back of them, a 
 marvellous great and secm-e swamp, which they called 
 Ohomowaiike, which signifies owl's nest, and by another 
 name, Cappacommock, wliich signifies a refuge or hiding- 
 place, as I conceive. 
 
 " 3. That, therefore, Niantick (which is Miantonomoh's 
 place of rendezvous) be thought on for the riding and 
 retii'ing to of vessel or vessels, which place is faithful to 
 the Narragansetts, and at present enmity with the Pequods. 
 
 " 4. They also conceive it easy for the EngHsh, that the 
 provisions and munitions fii'st arrive at Aquetneck, called 
 by us Rhode Island, at the Narragansett's mouth, and then 
 a messenger may be despatched liither, and so to the bay, 
 for the soldiers to march up by laud to the vessels, who 
 
LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 47 
 
 otherwise might spend long time about the cape, and fill 
 more vessels than needs. 
 
 " o. That the assault should be made in the night, when 
 they are commonly more secure and at home, by which 
 advantage, the English, being armed, may enter the houses, 
 and do what execution they please. 
 
 " 6. That before the assault be given, an ambush be laid 
 behind them, between them and the swamp, to prevent their 
 flight, &c. 
 
 " 7. That, to that pm-pose, such guides as shall be best 
 liked of, be taken along to direct, especially two Pequods ; 
 viz., Wequash and Wuttackquiackommin, valiant men, espe- 
 cially the latter, who have lived these three or four years 
 with the Narragansetts, and know every pass and passage 
 among them, who desire armom* to enter their houses. 
 
 " 8." That it would be pleasing to all natives that women 
 and children be spared, &c. 
 
 " 9. That if there be any more land travel to Connecticut, 
 some com-se would also be taken with the Wunnas- 
 howatuckoogs, who are confederates with, and a refiige to, 
 the Pequods. 
 
 "Sir, if anything be sent to the princes, I find that 
 Canonicus would gladly accept of a box of eight or ten 
 pound of sugar, and, indeed, he told me he would thank 
 Mr. Governor for a box full. 
 
 " Sir, you may please to take notice of a rude view how the 
 Pequods lie. [Here follows, in the original, a rude map of 
 the Pequod and Mohegan country.] 
 
 " Thus, with my best salutes to your worthy selves and 
 loving friends with you, and daily cries to the Father of 
 mercies for a merciful issue to all these enterprises, I rest, 
 " Your worship's unfeignedly respective, 
 
 " Roger Williams." 
 
 Of the English forces engaged in this battle, Massa- 
 chusetts sent one hundi-ed and twenty men, under the 
 command of General Stoughton, with the Rev. Mr. Wilson, 
 of Boston, as theii' chaplain. The troops marched by the 
 way of Providence, and were hospitably entertained by 
 
48 LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 
 
 Williams. He accompanied the expedition to the Narra- 
 gansett country, where, by his influence, he established a 
 mutual confidence between the troops and the Indians. He 
 then retm-ned to Providence, and at the request of the com- 
 mander, during the war, which continued nearly a year, he 
 acted as a medium of intercom-se between the army and the 
 government of Massachusetts. This war was terminated 
 by an attack upon Mystic Fort, near a river of that name in 
 Connecticut, made by Major Mason, in May, 1637. About 
 five or six hundi-ed Pequods had taken refuge in this fort, 
 and fortified it with palisades, which offered but a feeble 
 defence against the military tactics and the fire-arms of the 
 EngHsh. The Pequods made a desperate resistance, but 
 theii' simple weapons killed and woimded but a few of the 
 assailants. The action lasted an horn-, and terminated in 
 the bm-ning of the fort and the destruction of all its inmates, 
 except a few prisoners. The forces of the colonists engaged 
 in the battle were seventy-seven men from Connecticut and 
 Massachusetts, and several hundi-ed Narragansetts and other 
 fiiendly Indians. The principal force from Massachusetts, 
 under General Stoughton, did not arrive till a few days 
 after the action. The battle against the Pequods was fought 
 by the whites, the friendly Indians doing little ser\T.ce, 
 except to intercept the fugitives. 
 
 A short time after, a considerable nmnber of the Pequods 
 were killed in a battle in a great swamp, and the sm-viving 
 remnant of the tribe, about two hundi-ed, sm-rendered. 
 "Of this number," says Dr. Holmes, " the English gave 
 eighty to Miantonomoh, and twenty to Ninigret, two 
 sachems of Narragansett, and the other hmidred to Uncas, 
 sachem of the Mohegans, to be received and treated as their 
 men. A number of the male childi^en were sent to Bermuda. 
 However just the occasion of this war, humanity demands 
 a tear on the extinction of a valiant tribe, which preferred 
 death to what it might natm-ally anticipate from the 
 progress of English settlements — dependence or extir- 
 pation." * Saccacus, the Pequod sachem, was treacherously 
 
 * Holmes's Annals, vol. i. p. 241. 
 
LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 49 
 
 murdered by the Mohawks, to whom he had fled for pro- 
 tection. Such was the terror which tliis victory spread 
 through all the tribes of New England, that they refrained 
 from open hostilities for nearly forty years. 
 
 AVe have seen the part which Roger Williams took in 
 this contest, and may ascribe to his agency, and knowledge 
 of the Indian character and language, a large share in pro- 
 ducing its favourable issue. A solemn thanksgiving was 
 proclaimed by the colony of Massachusetts Bay, at the 
 close of the war, on account of the victory and of the signal 
 deliverance experienced by their general and his troops, 
 who had returned mthout the loss of a single soldier. 
 But the magistrates passed no vote of thanks to Williams, 
 who had been successful in frustrating the designs of the 
 Pequods, wliich, as an eminent American liistorian observes, 
 was " the most intrepid and most successful achievement in 
 the whole war ; an action as perilous in its execution as it 
 was fortunate in its issue." * Some of the leading men of 
 the colony felt that he was entitled to an acknowledgment 
 for his constant and faithful services. He himself relates, 
 that Governor Winthi'op, and " some other of the council, 
 motioned, and it was debated, whether or no I had not 
 merited, not only to be recalled from banishment, but also 
 to be honoured with some mark of favour. It is known 
 who hindered, who never promoted the liberty of other 
 men's consciences." f It was not Roger Williams himself 
 so much as his principles, that the authorities of Massa- 
 chusetts could not endure, and the fear of their contagious 
 influence overcame the sentiment of gratitude for his 
 invaluable services. A mistaken sense of duty confirmed 
 them in their intolerance, and the decree of banishment was 
 
 * Bancroft's History of the United States, vol. i. p. 399. 
 
 t Letter to Major Mason. The allusion is to Governor Dudley, 
 who was particularly opposed to toleration. At his death, some 
 verses, written in his own hand, were found in his pocket, of which 
 the two following lines made a part : — 
 
 " Let men of God in court and churches watch 
 O'er such as do a toleration hatch." 
 E 
 
50 LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 
 
 never revoked. It is mournful thus to trace the influence of 
 bigotry in extinguishing some of the finest emotions of our 
 natm-e, even when it does not proceed so far as to quench 
 every feeling of hmnanity in the destruction of its objects. 
 In this milder form we may often see it displayed even at 
 the present day. 
 
CHAPTER IX. 
 
 CONDITION OF PROVIDENCE — LAW TO PROTECT CONSCIENCE — MRg. 
 HUTCHINSON IS BANISHED FROM MASSACHUSETTS — HER AD- 
 HERENTS ARE WELCOMED AT PROVIDENCE — SETTLEMENT ON 
 RHODE ISLAND COMMENCED — THE AGENCY OF WILLIAMS IN ITS 
 PURCHASE. 
 
 The settlement at Providence was rapidly increased by the 
 arrival of persons from the other colonies, and from Eiu'ope, 
 who fled thither to enjoy soul-liberty. So tenaciously did 
 the little colony adhere to tliis principle, that they dis- 
 franchised one of their citizens for refusing to allow his 
 wife to attend public worsliip as often as she wished. It 
 deserves notice, as the earliest record in that colony of a 
 struggle arising out of the law of liberty. 
 
 The wife of Joshua Verrin was desii'ous of attending the 
 ministry of Mr. Williams. Her husband refused to permit 
 her to do so, and the little community, considering their 
 fundamental principle had been infringed, was immediately 
 in gi'eat excitement. A town meeting was called on the 
 subject, and a warm debate ensued. The following act 
 was passed ; viz. — " It was agreed that Joshua Verrin, 
 upon breach of covenant for restraining liberty of con- 
 science, shall be withheld fr-om liberty of voting, till he 
 shall declare the contrary." We cannot fail to notice the 
 admirable adaptation of the punishment to the offence. 
 The husband, who would deprive his wife of her religious 
 rights, is condemned to lose one of his own most valu- 
 able civil rights, until he shows repentance. The inha' 
 bitants of Providence maintained that om' duties to God 
 are paramount to all human obligations, and that if Mrs. 
 
52 LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 
 
 Verrin, after faithfully discharging her domestic claims, 
 felt herself in conscience bound to attend Mr. Williams's 
 meetings, it was a right which could not be surrendered. 
 Here we have an example of the just interference of law 
 to protect conscience. 
 
 The banishment of Roger Williams, and the voluntary- 
 exile of many of his adherents, did not secm-e uniformity of 
 religious sentiment, or put an end to the unhappy divisions 
 and contentions in Massachusetts Bay. New opinions 
 multiplied, and spread alarm thi-oughout the colony. At a 
 general synod held at Cambridge, on the 30th of August, 
 1637, and attended by the ministers and magistrates, they 
 denounced no less than eighty- two opinions as being 
 erroneous. The sjnod spent thi-ee weeks in debate, and 
 finished the session by condemning these errors, and pro- 
 nouncing judgment on certain points of discipline. 
 
 Of these opinions, the most dreaded were those promul- 
 gated by Mrs, Anne Hutchinson, who, with her husband, 
 came to Boston, from England, in 1636. She united a 
 masculine spirit to a somewhat fanatical character, and 
 possessed considerable talent. The opinions ascribed to 
 her, by the historians of the time, related to such points as 
 the natm-o of the indwelling of the Holy Ghost in the 
 person of the believer, and the connexion between sancti- 
 fication and justification ; and from her peculiar \-iews of 
 these doctrines consequences were deduced, which she did 
 not admit. Mrs. Hutchinson set up a meeting of females 
 in her owtl house, and a large portion of the members of 
 the Boston church espoused her cause. Governor Vane, 
 Rev. John Cotton, and other distinguished individuals, 
 treated her with great respect; a sufficient proof that 
 she was not guilty of any civil ofience. 
 
 The efiect of the sjTiod at Cambridge was to increase the 
 asperity of the controversy. At length the magistrates 
 interposed, and Mrs. Hutcliinson was summoned before the 
 General Court, on a charge of heresy ; found guilty, and 
 sentenced to be banished fi'om the colony. Rev. John 
 AVheelwright, her brother-in-law, and William Aspinwall, 
 the leading advocates of her opinions, were sharers in her 
 
LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 53 
 
 banishment. The court, at the same time, proceeded to a 
 measm-e still more extraordinary. Upon the pretence that 
 the principles held by the disciples of Mrs. Hutchinson 
 might impel them to distm'b the peace of the community, 
 nearly sixty of the citizens of Boston, and a number in 
 other towns, were requii-ed to give up their arms and 
 ammunition, and were forbidden, under a penalty of ten 
 pounds, to buy or borrow any others, until permitted by 
 the court.* An act, passed at the same session, decreed 
 a severe punishment for all persons who should speak evil 
 of the judges and magistrates. We have given a recital of 
 these events, because they had an important influence upon 
 the settlement at Providence, and illustrate the mischiefs 
 which result from an interference by the civil magistrate in 
 ecclesiastical affaii's. If Mrs. Hutchinson had been per- 
 mitted by the ministers and magistrates to continue her 
 meetings and lectures unnoticed, it is probable her zeal 
 would soon have moderated, and she would have laid aside 
 her character as reformer. Their injudicious censures 
 exalted her opinions into undue importance, and her banish- 
 ment deprived the colony of a large number of citizens, and 
 would have ruined a community less intelligent and pious. 
 Many of the persons who had thus been proscribed 
 by the government of Massachusetts, departed from Bos- 
 ton, mider the superintendence of John Clarke, a learned 
 physician, and proceeded southward, with a design to 
 settle on Long Island, or upon the shores of Delaware 
 Bay. At Providence they were kindly received by Boger 
 Williams, who advised them to form a settlement on the 
 island of Aquetneck, now called Rhode Island, which gives 
 name to the state. This beautiful island was beyond 
 the limits both of Plymouth and Massachusetts, and the 
 adventurers were attracted by its rich soil and salubrious 
 climate. Accordingly, they resolved to abandon their 
 joui-ney southward, and obtain a grant of the island from 
 the sachems of the Narragansetts. By the friendly and 
 powerful influence of Roger Williams, they purchased of 
 Canonicus and Miantonomoh, Aquetneck and other islands 
 » Winthrop, vol. i. p. 247. 
 
64 LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 
 
 in the Narragansett Bay. He has left us an account of his 
 agency in negotiating the purchase in a letter written in 
 1658 :— 
 
 " It was not price nor money that could have pui'chased 
 Rhode Island. Rhode Island was obtained by love ; by the 
 love and favour which that honourable gentleman, Sir 
 Henry Vane, and myself, had with that great sachem, 
 Miantonomoh, about the league, which I procm-ed between 
 the Massachusetts English and the Narragansetts in the 
 Pequod war. It is true I advised a gratuity to be presented 
 to the sachem and to the natives ; and because Mr. Codding- 
 ton and the rest of my loving countrymen were to inhabit 
 the place, and to be at the charge of the gratuities, I drew 
 up a %vriting in Mr. Coddington's name, and in the names 
 of such of my loving countrymen as came up with him, 
 and put it into as sm*e a form as I could at that time, for 
 the benefit and assurance of the present and future inliabit- 
 ants of the island." 
 
 In another manuscript he tells us — " The Indians were 
 very shy and jealous of selling the lands to any, and chose 
 rather to make a grant of them to such as they affected, 
 but, at the same time, expected such gratuities and rewards 
 as made an Indian gift oftentimes a very dear bargain." 
 '* And the colony, in 1666," says Callender, " averred, that 
 though the favom- Mr. Williams had with Miantonomoh 
 was the great means of procuring the grants of the land, 
 yet the pm-chase had been dearer than of any lands in New 
 England."* The deed of session was signed by the sachem, 
 March 24, 1638. 
 
 The little colony soon became so populous as to send out 
 settlers to the adjacent shores. To this pleasant and quiet 
 retreat, Mr. Hutchinson, with his family, removed from 
 Massachusetts. It does not appear that Mrs. Hutchinson 
 occasioned any disturbance at Rhode Island ; but, removed 
 from the control of those who assumed the office of inquisitors 
 into her religious opinions, she led a quiet and peaceable 
 life. On the death of her husband, in 1642, she removed to 
 the neighbom^hood of New York, where a deeply aifecting 
 ♦ R. I. Hist. Coll, vol. iv. p. 84. 
 
LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 55 
 
 tragedy occuiTed, The year foUo^^Hlng', she was murdered 
 by the Indians, and all the members of her family, amount- 
 ing to sixteen persons, shared the same fate, with the 
 exception of one daughter, who was carried into captivity. 
 "WTiile Roger Williams was generously devoting his time 
 and property to rescue his countrymen from destruction by 
 the savages, and assisting in the establishment of a neigh- 
 bouring settlement at Rhode Island, his own colony was 
 increasing under the benign influence of spiritual freedom. 
 The late arbitrary measm-es adopted by Massachusetts Bay 
 against Mrs, Hutchinson and her adherents drove from that 
 colony a large number of its citizens, and made Providence 
 a welcome home to some of the fugitives. It could not be 
 expected that the persons whom the government had ex- 
 pelled from her jurisdiction would entertain very favourable 
 opinions of such a proceeding. Wliile the general court 
 was in session, March, 1638, " there came a letter directed 
 to tlie com't from John Greene, of Providence, who, not long 
 before, had been imprisoned and fined for saying, that the 
 magistrates had usurped upon the power of Christ in his 
 chui'ch." In consequence of this, and suspecting others to 
 be confederate in the same letter, it was ordered, that if any 
 one of the inhabitants of Providence should be found within 
 the jurisdiction of Massachusetts, " he should be brought 
 before one of the magistrates ; and if he would not disclaim 
 the charge in the said letter, he should be sent home, and 
 charged to come no more into this jurisdiction, upon pain of 
 imprisonment and further censure."* This act operated to 
 the very serious disadvantage of the settlers at Providence, 
 and Williams himself complained that many thousand 
 pounds would not repay the losses he sustained in " being 
 debarred from Boston, the chief mart and port of New 
 England," and from " trading with the English and natives" 
 of Massachusetts. So great was the scarcity of paper from 
 this cause among the settlers of Providence, that Governor 
 Hopkins observes, " the first of their -\^T.'itings that are to 
 be found appear on small scraps of paper, ^Tote as thick, 
 and crowded as full as possible." But this cruel law 
 * Winthrop, vol. i. p. 256. 
 
56 LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 
 
 deprived tliem of articles of still greater necessity, and 
 they must often have been reduced to actual want. In re- 
 ferring to this period of his life, AVilliams says, " My time 
 was spent, day and night, at home and abroad, on the land 
 and water, at the hoe and at the oar, for bread." No 
 injuiies to himself or his fellow-settlers, however, could 
 provoke him to refuse his good ojffices on behalf of the 
 neighbouring colonies, in order to preserve harmony be- 
 tween them and the Indians. 
 
 In Winthi'op's Journal there are repeated allusions to 
 information received from Roger Williams, respecting the 
 natives, and services rendered by liim to Massachusetts. 
 An event occmTcd about tliis time which deserves to be 
 mentioned, as it exemplifies the character of Williams, 
 and reflects honour upon the colonists in their transactions 
 with the Indians. Foui- young EngHshmen, who had 
 been servants in Plymouth, and had absconded from their 
 masters, attacked an Indian near Providence, but within 
 the Plymouth colony. After inflicting upon him a mortal 
 wound they fled to Pro^ddence, where they were received 
 by Mr. Williams with his usual hospitality, for he was yet 
 ignorant of their character and crime. After their de- 
 partm-e he was informed of the atrocious act they had 
 perpetrated, and immediately despatched messengers for 
 their apprehension. He then set out himself, with two or 
 thi-ee other persons, in search of the wounded Indian. 
 They conveyed him to Providence, but all efforts to pre- 
 serve his life were unavailing. The murderers were soon 
 arrested and brought to Providence ; and, by the advice of 
 Governor Wintlu'op, they were sent to Plymouth, within 
 whose jmisdiction the mm-der had been committed. One 
 of the prisoners made his escape ; but the remaining three 
 were tried for murder, confessed the crime, and were 
 executed in the presence of Mr. WilUams and the Indians. 
 This vindication of law and the rights of the natives 
 secui'ed their confidence. 
 
 Winthrop relates another cii'cumstance that evinces the 
 implicit confidence the Indians reposed in Roger Williams. 
 Rumours were circulated that the Indians were plotting 
 
LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 57 
 
 new mischiefs against the colonists. The government of 
 Massachusetts strengthened the defences of the towns, and 
 sent an officer, with three men and an interpreter, to the 
 Narragansetts to ascertain the truth of the rumoui-s, and to 
 invite their sachem to Boston. Miantonomoh denied any- 
 hostile intentions, and expressed his readiness to visit 
 Boston , provided Mr. Williams might accompany him as 
 his adviser. But the authorities of Massachusetts would 
 not relax the sentence of banishment, even for the advan- 
 tage of a personal interview with the sachem, and in a 
 matter so important to the peace and welfare of the 
 colony. 
 
 In 1640, the tranquillity of Providence was disturbed by 
 disputes respecting the boundaries of lands ; and a com- 
 mittee was appointed authorized to terminate these dissen- 
 sions by arbitration. The report of tliis committee is highly 
 characteristic of the community. One of its prominent 
 articles is in these words : — *' We agree, as formerly hath 
 been the liberties of the town, so still to hold forth liherty 
 of conscience" From the social feuds wliich had arisen, it 
 became evident to the sagacious mind of Williams that a 
 more energetic government was necessary, and the citizens 
 of Providence established a form of civil polity which they 
 deemed most suitable to promote peace and order in their 
 present circumstances. 
 
 The government on Rhode Island was also more regu- 
 larly organized the same year, and the acts passed show 
 that the settlements there and at Providence were founded 
 on the same principles. On the 16th of March, 1641, it 
 was ordered, by the authority of the general court, " that 
 none be accounted a delinquent for doctrine, provided it 
 be not dii-ectly repugnant to the government or laws esta- 
 blished." And in September following, they passed a 
 special act, " that that law concerning Kberty of conscience 
 in point of doctrine be perpetuated." 
 
CHAPTER X. 
 
 IvEAGUE OF THE NEW ENGLAND COLONIES — THE SETTLEMENTS IN 
 RHODE ISLAND EXCLUDED— WILLIAMS'S FIRST VISIT TO ENGLAND 
 — PUBLISHES HIS KEY TO THE INDIAN LANGUAGES — OBTAINS A 
 CHARTER — HIS LETTER TO COTTON — "tHE BLOUDY TENENT " — 
 HE RETURNS TO AMERICA — HIS RECEPTION AT BOSTON AND 
 PROVIDENCE. 
 
 In the year 1642, the colonists of New England were 
 alarmed by reports of hostile designs on the part of the 
 Indians, and they accordingly adopted vigorous measures of 
 defence. The natives were becoming more formidable, by 
 their acquisition of fire arms and ammunition, fi'om the 
 English and Dutch traders. 
 
 The following year is memorable in the history of New 
 England, by the establishment of the earliest confederacy of 
 the colonies. The articles of union were signed at Boston, 
 on the 19th of May, 1643, by the commissioners of the four 
 colonies of Plymouth, Massachussetts Bay, Connecticut and 
 New Haven, under the name of " the United Colonies of 
 New England." 
 
 The objects of the confederation were, mutual protection 
 against the depredations committed by the natives, together 
 vnth the enjoyment of " the liberty of the gospel, in purity 
 with peace, and the advancement of the kingdom of Jesus 
 Christ." By the articles, it was stipulated, that two com- 
 missioners should be annually chosen by each colony, to 
 meet successively at Boston, Hartford, New Haven, and 
 Plymouth, once a year, or oftener if necessary, and that 
 this congress should determine questions of peace or war, 
 and consult for the general welfare. This league had a 
 beneficial efiect, and was continued till the vear 1686. 
 
LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 59 
 
 The colony at Providence was not invited to join this 
 confederacy, and her subsequent application for admission, 
 like that of the neighbouiing colony on Rhode Island, was 
 refused. The want of a charter was at first the reason 
 alleged, but when this objection was removed there was 
 no disposition to admit her to the privileges of the league. 
 The entire separation of the ecclesiastical from the civil 
 power, which formed the basis of her legislation, was un- 
 doubtedly the principal cause of her exclusion. Providence 
 was thus exposed to many inconveniences and dangers, and 
 left mthout defence, except by her own citizens. But the 
 powerful influence of Ptoger Williams with the Indians 
 preserved the colony, amidst the perils to which the con- 
 federate colonies had abandoned her. 
 
 The authorities of Massachusetts, not satisfied with 
 having driven Williams and others from their territory, by 
 their oppressive measm^es against conscience, laid claim to 
 jurisdiction over the settlements in Narragansett Bay. The 
 increasing prosperity of the colonies at Providence and on 
 Rhode Island, their exclusion from the confederacy, and 
 tlie declarations of theu- enemies that they had no legal 
 authority for civil government, led the inhabitants to feel 
 the great importance of obtaining a charter from the mother 
 country. At an assembly in Newport, September 19, 1642, 
 a committee was appointed, with instructions to procm'e a 
 charter, who entrusted the agency to Roger Williams. He 
 agreed, on behalf of that colony and his own, to visit 
 England, and, if possible, obtain a charter defining their 
 rights, and giving them independent authority, free from 
 the vexatious interference of the other colonies. 
 
 He proceeded to New York to embark for England — for 
 he was not permitted to enter the territories of Massachu- 
 setts, and sail from the more convenient port of Boston. 
 At Manhattoes, while waiting for the ship to go to sea, lie 
 had an opportmiity of exerting his influence to preserve 
 that colony from the merciless attacks of the Indians. The 
 savages of Long Island, provoked by the wanton cruelties 
 of the Dutch, had assailed them with great fm-y. They 
 had burned many houses in the neighboiu'hood of Man- 
 
60 LIFE OF EOGER WILLIAMS. 
 
 liattoes ; murdered several persons, among whom were 
 Mrs. Hutchinson and her family ; and assaulted the dwelling 
 of Lady Moody, who had lately removed thither from Mas- 
 sachusetts, It was by the immediate interposition of 
 Williams that peace was restored between the inhabitants 
 of the Dutch settlements and their barbarous foes. In June, 
 1643, Williams embarked at New York for his native land, 
 but he has left no account of the incidents of the voyage. 
 He has, however, recorded one fact wliich evinces the 
 activity of his mind on the ocean as well as on the land, 
 and exemplifies the sentiment so beautifully expressed in 
 one of his works — " One grain of time's inestimable sand 
 is worth a golden mountain." He informs us that he em- 
 ployed his leisure, dming this voyage, in preparing a " Key 
 TO THE Indian Languages." "I di-ew the materials," 
 he says, " in a rude lump, at sea, as a private help to my 
 own memory ; that I might not, by my present absence, 
 lightly lose what I had so dearly bought in some few years' 
 hardship and changes among the barbarians." * This book 
 was published soon after his arrival in England, and was 
 the first work ever written on the language and manners of 
 the American Indians, f The work evinces much industiy 
 and acuteness in collecting the words and phrases of an 
 unwritten language, and contains valuable information 
 concerning the various topics of which it treats. It is 
 dedicated to his " well-beloved friends and countrymen in 
 Old and New England." In this dedication he says, " This 
 Key respects the native language of it, and happily may 
 unlock some rarities concerning the natives themselves, not 
 yet discovered. A little key may open a box where lies a 
 bmich of keys." He shows his benevolent zeal for the 
 welfare of the natives, and professes his hope that his book 
 may contribute to the spread of Chi'istianity among them, 
 
 * Key, p. 17. 
 
 t It is entitled, "A Key into the Language of America ; or, a 
 Help to the Language of the Natives, in that part of America 
 called New England ; together with brief Observations of the Cus- 
 toms, Manners, Worship, &c. By Roger Williams, of Providence, 
 in New England. London, 1643." 
 
LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 61 
 
 " being comfortably persuaded that that Father of spirits 
 who was graciously pleased to persuade Japheth (the Gen- 
 tile) to dwell in the tents of Sheni (the Jews), will, in his 
 holy season (I hope approaching), persuade these Gentiles 
 of America to partake of the mercies of Europe ; and then 
 shall be fulfilled what is wi'itten by the prophet Malachi, 
 ' from the rising of the sun (in Europe) to the going down 
 of the same (in America) my name shall be great among 
 the Gentiles.' " 
 
 The Key comprises one hundred and ninety-seven pages 
 of small duodecimo, and is di\dded into thirty-two chapters, 
 the titles of which are — Of Salutation ; of Eating and 
 Entertainment ; of Sleep ; of their Numbers ; of Relations 
 and Consanguinity ; of their Heligion ; of their Govern- 
 ment ; &:c. Each chapter closes with pious reflections. As 
 this work is now exceedingly rare in this country,* we 
 present an extract — which will interest the curious reader 
 — from the twenty-first chapter, " Of Religion, the 
 Soul, &c." 
 
 " Manit, Manittowoch, God, Gods. 
 
 " Ohs. — He that questions whether God made the world, 
 the Indians will teach him. I must acknowledge I have 
 received, in my converse with them, many confii-mations 
 of those two great points, Heb. xi. 6 ; viz. — 
 
 "1. That God is. 
 
 "2. That he is a re warder of all them that diligently 
 seek him. 
 
 " They will generally confess that God made all ; but 
 then, in special, although they deny not that Englishman's 
 God made Englishmen, and the heavens and earth there, 
 yet their gods made them, and the heavens and earth where 
 they dwell. 
 
 " Nu7nmus quauna — muchqun manit, God is angry 
 with me. 
 
 " If they receive any good in hunting, fishing, harvest, 
 &c., they acknowledge God in it. 
 
 * Only five or six copies of the original edition are known to 
 exist. It was published entire in vol. i. of the Collections of the 
 Rhode Island Historical Society, Providence, 1827. 
 
62 LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 
 
 " Yea, if it be but an ordinary accident, a fall, &c., they 
 will say, God was angry, and did it. 
 
 " 3Iusquantum manit. God is angry. 
 
 " But herein is their misery : — 
 
 " Fu'st. They branch theii- godhead into many gods. 
 
 " Secondly. Attribute it to creatures. 
 
 " First. Many gods : they have given me the names of 
 thirty-seven, which I have, all which, in their solemn 
 worship, they invocate ; as, 
 
 " Kautautoivit. The great south-west god, to whose 
 house all souls go, and from whom came their corn and 
 beans, as they say. 
 
 " Womjmnaml. The eastern god. 
 
 " Chekesuwand. The western god. 
 
 " Wiinnanameanit. The northern god. 
 
 '•^Soivicanand. The southern god. 
 
 " Wetuomanit. The house god. 
 
 ^^ Squaucmit. The woman's god. 
 
 ^^Muckquachuchqumid. The children's god. 
 
 " Secondly. As they have many of these feigned deities, 
 so worship they the creatures in whom they conceive doth 
 rest some deity : 
 
 ^^ Keesuckqiiand. The sun god. 
 
 '•''Nanepausliat. The moon god. 
 
 ''^PoumjKu/ussit. The sea god. 
 
 " Yotaanit. The fire god. 
 
 " Supposing that deities be in these," &c. 
 
 The work breathes thi'oughout a spirit of piety, and 
 closes with the following devout aspirations : — 
 
 " Now, to the most high and most holy, immortal, invi- 
 sible, and only wise God, who alone is alpha and omega, the 
 beginning and the ending, the fii'st and the last, who was, 
 and is, and is to come ; from whom, by whom, and to whom, 
 are all things ; by whose gracious assistance and wonderful 
 supportment, in so many varieties of hardship and out- 
 wai'd miseries, I have had such converse with barbarous 
 nations, and have been mercifully assisted, to frame this 
 poor Key, which may, thi'ough his blessing, in liis own holy 
 season, open a door— yea, doors of unkno^vn mercies to us 
 
LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 63 
 
 and them, be honour, glory, power, riches, wisdom, good- 
 ness, and dominion, ascribed by all his in Jesus Christ to 
 eternity. Amen." 
 
 Roger Williams arrived in England when the nation was 
 convulsed by the civil war, and but a few months after the 
 death of the illustrious Hampden. Charles had already 
 fled from London, and parliament were in possession of 
 the executive and legislative authority. This state of 
 afiaii's was, in some respects, favourable to the successful 
 accomplishment of the mission of Williams. The issue ol 
 the conflict between the king and the parliament was then 
 very doubtful, and the latter were disposed to strengthen 
 themselves by conciliating the colonies in America. In 
 Mai'ch, 1643, the House of Commons passed a resolution in 
 favom- of New England, exempting its imports and export; 
 jfrom customs, subsidy, or taxation. By an ordinance, 
 November 3rd, 1643, a short time after the arrival of 
 Williams, parliament appointed the earl of Warwick 
 governor-in-chief and lord high admiral of the American 
 colonies, with a council of five peers and twelve commoners . 
 It empowered him, together with his associates, to examine 
 the state of theu' afiairs, to send for papers and persons, to 
 remove governors and officers, and appomt others in their 
 places, and to assign to these such part of the power 
 granted as he should think proper.* From these com- 
 missioners, Roger Williams, aided by the influence of his 
 early friend. Sir Henry Vane, one of their number, easily 
 obtained a charter for the colony of Rhode Island. It was 
 dated March 17, 1644, and granted to the inhabitants of the 
 towns of Providence, Portsmouth, and Newport, " a free 
 and absolute charter of civil incorporation," to be entitled. 
 The incorporation of Providence 'plantations, in the Narra- 
 ffa?isett Bay in New Ejiglatid. The instrument conveyed to 
 the inhabitants of these towns the most ample powers to 
 adopt such a form of civil government, and " to make and 
 ordain such civil laws and constitutions, as they, or the 
 gi-eatest part of them, shall by free consent agree unto, 
 provided, nevertheless, that the said laws for the plantation 
 * Holmes' Annals, vol. i. p. 273. 
 
64 -LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 
 
 be conformable to the laws of England, so far as the nature 
 and constitution of that place will admit." 
 
 While in England, Williams published a small quarto 
 volume, entitled, " Mr. Cotton's Letter, lately printed, 
 Examined and Answered. By Roger Williams, of Pro- 
 vidence, in New England. London, imprinted in the 
 year 1644." It is preceded by an address to " the impartial 
 reader," from which it appears, that, soon after Williams's 
 banishment, in the time of his " distressed wanderings 
 amongst the barbarians," Mr. Cotton sent him a letter in 
 which he justifies that persecuting act of the magistrates 
 in banishing him, but denies that he had any agency in 
 the matter. Williams, in this work, states the causes 
 which led to his banishment, shows " the sandiness of the 
 grounds" on which they rested, the "rocky strength" of 
 his own opinions, and concludes by desii'ing *' Mr. Cotton 
 and every soul to whom these lines may come, seriously 
 to consider in this controversy, if the Lord Jesus were 
 himself in person in Old or New England, what church, 
 what ministry, what worship, what government, he would 
 set up, and what persecution he would practise toward 
 them that would not receive him." Its tone is cour- 
 teous, and he speaks of his great antagonist, the Rev. 
 John Cotton, as a man "whom for his personal excel- 
 lences I truly honom" and love." Mr. Cotton had been a 
 minister of Boston, in England, and the city of Boston, in 
 Massachusetts, was named after his former place of resi- 
 dence, as a compliment to this eminent man. He was 
 unquestionably a very talented preacher, and if he had 
 lived at a period when the rights of conscience were better 
 understood, his powerful pen, we doubt not, would have 
 been differently employed. Dm-ing Williams's residence in 
 England, he also published an anonymous pamphlet, en- 
 titled, " Queries of Highest Consideration proposed to Mr. 
 Thomas Goodwin — presented to the High Court of Par- 
 liament, London, 1644." * It is a quarto of thirteen pages, 
 and contains clear and accurate observations on the distinct 
 provinces of ci\dl and ecclesiastical authority. 
 
 * Orme's Life of Owen, p. 100. Cotton's Answer, p. 2. 
 
LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 65 
 
 Notwitlistauding the engrossing nature of his mission in 
 obtaining the charter for Rhode Island, and the great 
 national conflict, in which he must have felt the deepest 
 interest, Williams found leism-e to prepare for the press his 
 celebrated book entitled, " The Bloudy Tenent of Persecu- 
 tion, for Cause of Conscience, discussed in a Conference 
 between Truth and Peace ; who, in all tender affection, 
 present to the High Court of Parliament (as the result of 
 their discom^se) these, amongst other, passages of highest 
 consideration. London. Printed in the year 1644." The 
 origin of this work illustrates the spirit of the age. A 
 person, who was confined in Newgate on account of his 
 religious opinions, wrote a treatise against persecution for 
 cause of conscience. Being deprived of the use of ink, it 
 was wi'itten with milk, on sheets of paper sent by a friend, 
 as stoppers to the bottle containing his daily allowance of 
 milk. After its publication, the essay was sent, about the 
 year 1635, to the Rev. John Cotton, of Boston, who ^vi'ote 
 a reply, of which Williams's book is an examination. Its 
 title, " The Bloudy Tenent," is chosen to exhibit, in strong- 
 contrast, the different character of the two essays — the one, 
 toleration, written with milk ; and the other, persecution, 
 steeped in blood. 
 
 The book comprises two hundred and forty-seven pages 
 of small quarto, and is printed without the name of the 
 author or publisher. It is dedicated "to the Right Honour- 
 able both Houses of the High Court of Parliament ;" and it 
 appears to have attracted the attention of some of the leading 
 men in England. After an address "to every com-teous 
 reader," the treatise of the prisoner, and jMr. Cotton's reply, 
 are inserted ; then follows the main work, which is in the 
 form of a dialogue between Truth and Peace. It was prepared 
 for publication, as the author himself observes, " in change 
 of rooms and corners, yea, sometimes in variety of strange 
 houses ; sometimes in the fields, in the midst of travel;" 
 yet it is the best of his works, and contains a full exhibi- 
 tion of his doctrines of religious freedom, supported by 
 luminous and powerful reasoning. His style is generally 
 animated, and often highly beautiful. 
 
 F 
 
66 LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 
 
 The colloquy between Truth and Peace commences 
 thus : — 
 
 " Truth. — In what dark corner of the world, sweet Peace, 
 are we two met ? How hath this present evil world 
 banished me from all the coasts and quarters of it ? and 
 how hath the righteous God in judgment taken thee from 
 the earth ? Rev. vi. 4. 
 
 " Peace. — 'Tis lamentably true, blessed Truth, the founda- 
 tions of the world have long been out of course. The gates 
 of earth and hell have conspired together to intercept our 
 joyful meeting and our holy kisses. With what a weary, 
 tired wing have I flown over nations, kingdoms, cities, 
 towns, to find out precious Truth. 
 
 " Truth. — The like inquiries in my flights and travels 
 have I made for Peace, and still am told, she hath left the 
 earth and fled to heaven. 
 
 " Peace. — Dear Truth, what is the earth but a dungeon of 
 darkness, where Truth is not ?" 
 
 A complete analysis of this work would occupy too much 
 space, but a syllabus is presented in the author's own 
 words : — 
 
 " The blood of so many hundred thousand souls, of pro- 
 testants and papists, spilt in the wars of present and former 
 ages, for their respective consciences, is not required nor 
 accepted by Jesus Christ, the Prince of Peace. — Pregnant 
 scriptm-es and arguments are, thi^oughout the work, pro- 
 jjosed against the doctrine of persecution for cause of 
 conscience. — Satisfactory answers are given to scriptm-es 
 and objections produced by Mr. Calvin, Beza, Mr. Cotton, 
 and the ministers of the New English chm^ches, and others, 
 former and latter, tending to prove the doctrine of perse- 
 cution for cause of conscience. — The docti-ine of persecution 
 for cause of conscience is proved guilty of all the blood of 
 the souls crying for vengeance under the altar. — All civil 
 states, with theii' oiRcers of justice, in their respective 
 constitutions and administrations, are proved essentially 
 ci\il, and, therefore, not judges, governors, or defenders of 
 the spiritual or christian state and worship. — It is the will 
 and command of God that, since the coming of his Son the 
 
LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 67 
 
 Lord Jesus, a permission of the most paganish, Jewish, 
 Turkish, or anti-chi'istian consciences and worships he 
 granted to all men in all nations and countries ; and they 
 are only to he fought against wdth that sword which is 
 only in soul matters ahle to conquer ; to wit, the sword of 
 God's Spii'it, the word of God. — The state of the land of 
 Israel, the kings and people thereof, in peace and war, is 
 proved, figm^ative and ceremonial, and no pattern nor pre- 
 cedent for any kingdom or civil state in the world to follow. 
 — God requireth not an uniformity of rehgion to be enacted 
 and enforced in any civil state ; which enforced uniformity, 
 sooner or later, is the greatest occasion of civil war, ravish- 
 ing of conscience, persecution of Clirist Jesus in his ser- 
 vants, and of the hypocrisy and destruction of millions of 
 souls. — In holding an enforced uniformity of religion in a 
 civil state, we must necessarily disclaim om- desii^es and 
 hopes of the Jews' conversion to Christ. — An enforced 
 uniformity of religion throughout a nation or civil state, 
 confounds the civil and religious, denies the principles of 
 Christianity and civility, and that Jesus Christ is come in 
 the flesh.— The permission of other consciences and wor- 
 ships than a state professeth, only can, according to God, 
 procure a firm and lasting peace ; good assurance being 
 taken, according to the wisdom of the civil state, for 
 uniformity of civil obedience from all sorts. — True civility 
 and cliristianity may both flourish in a state or kingdom, 
 notwithstanding the permission of divers and contrary 
 consciences, either of Jew or Gentile." 
 
 The grand doctrine for wliich he contends is, that as 
 God is the Supreme Ruler, the obligation to love and obey 
 him binds the conscience of every man ; but he is respon- 
 sible to God alone. His fellow-men, therefore, have no 
 right to interfere with his religious opinions, for God has 
 not delegated to any man this authority over the conscience ; 
 consequently, all human laws which either prescribe or 
 prohibit doctrines or rites that are not inconsistent with the 
 civil peace, are an invasion of God's prerogative, and no 
 man is bound to obey them. 
 
 Principles of religious liberty are expounded and illus- 
 
68 LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 
 
 trated in the " Bloudy Tenent," wliich haye since excited 
 admiration in the writings of Jeremy Taylor, Milton, Locke, 
 and Furneau. Bishop Heber, in his life of Jeremy Taylor, 
 remarks, of the " Liberty of Prophecying :" — " It is the 
 first attempt on record to conciliate the minds of Christians 
 to the reception of a doctrine which, though now the rule 
 of action professed by all christian sects, was then, by 
 every sect alike, regarded as a perilous and portentous 
 novelty." Bishop Heber has here fallen into a mistake, as 
 Taylor's admii-able work was not published till 1647, three 
 years after the " Bloudy Tenent." In the latter work the 
 principles of liberty of conscience are far more clearly and 
 consistently maintained. Taylor claims toleration for those 
 Christians 07ily who unite in the confession of the Apostles^ 
 Creed ; Williams claims not merely a right to toleration, 
 but /or ever-y man eiitire liberty of conscience. 
 
 Roger Williams, having accomplished the object of his 
 mission to England, embarked for America, and landed at 
 Boston, September 17th, 1644. He brought with him the 
 following letter, signed by several noblemen, and other 
 members of parliament, and addressed " To the right wor- 
 shipful the governor and assistants, and the rest of our 
 worthy friends in the plantation of Massachusetts Bay, in 
 New England :" — • 
 
 " Our much-honoured Friends, — Taking notice, some 
 of us of long time, of Mr. Roger Williams, his good afiec- 
 tions and conscience, and of his sufferings by our common 
 enemies and oppressors of God's people, the prelates; as, 
 also, of his great industry and travail in his printed Indian 
 labours in your parts (the like whereof we have not seen 
 extant from any part of America), and in which respect it 
 hath pleased both houses of parliament to grant unto him, 
 and friends with him, a free and absolute charter of civil 
 government for those parts of his abode ; and, withal, sor- 
 rowfully resenting — that amongst good men (om- friends) 
 driven to the ends of the world, exercised with the trials of 
 a wilderness, and who mutually give good testimony, each 
 of the other (as we observe you do of him, and he abund- 
 antly of you), — there should be such a distance ; we thought 
 
LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 69 
 
 it fit, upon divers considerations, to profess our great desires 
 of both your utmost endeavours of nearer closing and of 
 readily expressing those good affections (which we perceive 
 you bear to each other), in effectual performance of all 
 friendly offices. The rather because of those bad neigh- 
 bom's you are likely to find in Virginia, and the unfriendly 
 visits from the west of England and of Ireland, That how- 
 ever it may please the Most High to shake om* foundations, 
 yet the report of yom- peaceable and prosperous plantations 
 may be some refreshings to your true and faithful friends." 
 
 This letter was delivered to the authorities of Massa- 
 chusetts, and procm-ed for Williams permission to proceed 
 unmolested to Providence, but it failed to soften their 
 temper towards him, or the heretical colony. The magis- 
 trates, says Hubbard, upon the receipt of the letter, 
 examined their hearts, but saw no reason to condemn 
 themselves for any former proceedings against Mr. Williams. 
 The colony being now invested with the dignity of an 
 independent government, and under the protection of the 
 parent country, appeared to the united colonies to possess 
 a greater power for mischief, and they steadily pursued 
 towards her an unfriendly policy. 
 
 The news of Williams's arrival at "Boston had preceded 
 him, and the inhabitants of Providence met liim at Seekonk, 
 with a fleet of canoes to welcome his return, and to convey 
 him home in triumph. These humble colonists could not 
 receive their constant friend and benefactor with the pomp 
 of regal display, but they offered him the more valuable 
 homage of heart-felt gratitude. Such an expression of it 
 is honourable to om* common humanity, and is a reward 
 seldom withheld from those who, like Roger WilUams, seek 
 with disinterested patriotism the welfare of their country. 
 This reception is a sufficient testimony of the esteem in 
 which his character and services were held by his fellow- 
 citizens. 
 
CHAPTER XL 
 
 Williams's efforts in preventing a general Indian war — 
 
 FORM OF government UNDER THE CHARTER — SPIRIT OF THE 
 LAWS — DISSENSIONS — WILLIAMS'S LETTER TO THE TOWN OF 
 PROVIDENCE — CODDINGTON's COMMISSION — OPPRESSnTE POLICY 
 OF THE OTHER NEW ENGLAND COLONIES — PERSECUTION OF JOHN 
 CLARKE, AND OTHERS, IN MASSACHUSETTS — LETTER OF SIR 
 RICHARD SALTONSTALL — WILLIAMS AND CLARKE ARE APPOINTED 
 AGENTS TO THE MOTHER COUNTRY. 
 
 Immediately after his return, Roger AVilliams endeavoured 
 to cany into operation the charter he had procured, but the 
 inhabitants w^ere not prepared at once to agree on a form of 
 government. The charter gave them power to frame their 
 own laws, but much skill and delicacy were necessary to 
 harmonize the various conflicting interests of the respective 
 towns. 
 
 In the meantime, the beneficent services of Williams 
 were required in settling the difficulties which had sprung 
 up, dm-ing his absence, between the united colonies and 
 the Narragansetts. The latter, exasperated against the 
 Mohegans, who had put to death their favourite sachem, 
 Miantonomoh, and against the colonists, who had sanc- 
 tioned the deed, resolved on war. They soon commenced 
 hostilities, killed several of the Mohegans, and threatened 
 to extend the war to all the colonists of New England, 
 except those at Providence, and on Rhode Island, having, 
 from regard to Williams, agreed to maintain peace with 
 these settlements. An extraordinary meeting of the com- 
 missioners was held in Boston, when they received a letter 
 from Roger Williams, informing them of the hostile deter- 
 minations of the Narragansetts. Two messengers were 
 
LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 71 
 
 sent to the sachems of the tribe to appease their vengeance 
 and prevent the war. Williams had already been sent for 
 by the sachems to advise them in this crisis ; and on the 
 arrival of the messengers he served them as an interpreter. 
 By his mediation, Passacus, the brother and successor of 
 Miantonomoh, and other chiefs of the tribe, were persuaded 
 to go to Boston, where a treaty was concluded in August, 
 1645, between the commissioners and the sachems, by which 
 the latter agreed to make peace with the Mohegans. Thus 
 were the settlements of New England saved, a second time, 
 fi'om a general Indian war, mainly by the good offices and 
 personal influence of Roger Williams. 
 
 The several to^vns of the Providence plantations at length 
 agreed on a form of civil government, closely analogous to 
 the organization of the United States, under their present 
 constitution. It was adopted in a general assembly of the 
 people of the colony, held at Portsmouth, May 19th, 1647. 
 This form required the annual election of a president and 
 four assistants, in whom the executive power was vested, 
 and who constituted the general court of trial for all cases 
 of appeal. The legislative assembly was composed of six 
 commissioners from each town, who should make laws and 
 order the general affairs of the colony. The laws adopted 
 by the above-mentioned general assembly were mainly 
 taken from those of England. This excellent code con- 
 cludes mth these memorable words : — " These are the laws 
 that concern all men, and these are the penalties for the 
 transgressions thereof, which, by common consent, are 
 ratified and established throughout the whole colony. And 
 otherwise than thus, what is herein forbidden, all men may 
 walk as their consciences persuade them, every one in the 
 name of his God. And let the saints of the Most 
 High walk in this colony without molestation, in 
 the name of Jehovah their God, for ever and 
 ever." * 
 
 An eminent American historian justly observes, " The 
 annals of Rhode Island, if written in the spirit of philo- 
 sophy, would exhibit the forms of society under a peculiar 
 * Colony Records. 
 
72 LIFE OF EOGEK WILLIAMS. 
 
 aspect. Had tlie territory of the state corresponded to the 
 importance and singularity of the principles of its early 
 existence, the world would have been filled with wonder at 
 the phenomena of its early history." * Williams had a 
 large share in the organization of the new government, and 
 he was justly entitled, fi'om his character and services, to 
 be the first president. It was, undoubtedly, to conciliate 
 the other towns that he cheerfully yielded his own claims 
 to that office, while he accepted the subordinate place of 
 assistant for the town of Providence. Among the acts 
 passed at this first meeting of the general assembly, was a 
 resolution gratefully recognising the services of Roger 
 Williams in obtaining the charter, and " in regard to liis 
 so great trouble, charges, and good endeavom-s," granting 
 him the sum of one hundred pounds. This was, un- 
 doubtedly, a very inadequate compensation, but the whole 
 even of this sum was never paid, owing, perhaps, to the 
 unhappy jealousies which arose between the different settle- 
 ments ; or, it may be, Williams was too generous to press his 
 just claims. It must be confessed, however, that gratitude 
 has not been a conspicuous virtue of any government, 
 republican or monarchical. Individual conscience seems 
 to be dissipated when men act together in large com- 
 munities. 
 
 It could not be expected that the several towns of the 
 colony, composed of so many discordant materials, em- 
 bracing all sorts of opinions, would quietly coalesce in one 
 form of government. The harmony of Providence was 
 early disturbed, by the resort of many restless spii-its from 
 the other colonies, who entertained mistaken views of 
 religious freedom. The influence of Williams was often 
 needed as a peace-maker, to throw oil upon the troubled 
 waters. 
 
 One of the principal sources of disquietude to Williams 
 at this time, and of injmy to the colony, was the extra- 
 ordinary proceedings of William Coddington, the leading 
 inhabitant of the settlement on Rhode Island. The fierce 
 conflict then raging at home affected this distant depen- 
 * Bancroft, v.ol. i. p. 380. 
 
LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 73 
 
 dency. Coddington was attached to the king's party, and 
 disposed to promote liis authority in the colony. From the 
 first organization of the government, mider the charter, his 
 efforts were directed to its overthrow. Having persuaded 
 a faction to unite with him, he first attempted to ohtain 
 admission for the island settlements into the league of the 
 New England colonies, but, happily, this effort failed. 
 
 In this state of afiaii^s Williams addressed a letter to the 
 town of Providence, dated August, 1648, which places his 
 character as a peacemaker in a very interesting light : — 
 
 " Worthy friends, that ourselves and all men are apt and 
 prone to differ, is no new thing. In all former ages, in all 
 parts of the world, in these parts, and in our dear native 
 country and mournful state of England, that either part or 
 party is most right in his own eyes, his cause right, his 
 carriage right, his arguments right, his answers right, is as 
 woefully and constantly true, as the former. And experience 
 tells us, that when the God of peace hath taken peace from 
 the earth, one spark of action, word or carriage, is power- 
 ful enough to kindle such a fire as burns up towns, cities, 
 armies, navies, nations, and kingdoms. And since, dear 
 friends, it is an honom* for men to cease from strife ; since 
 the life of love is sweet, and union is as strong as sweet ; 
 and since you have been lately pleased to call me to some 
 public service, and my soul hath been long musing how I 
 might bring water to quench, and not oil or fuel to the 
 flame ; I am now humbly bold to beseech you, by all those 
 comforts of earth and heaven, which a placable and peace- 
 able spirit will bring to you, and by all those dreadful 
 alarms and warnings, either amongst ourselves, in deaths 
 and sicknesses, or abroad in the raging calamities of the 
 sword, death, and pestilence ; I say, humbly and earnestly 
 beseech you, to be willing to be pacifiable, wilhng to be 
 reconcilable, willing to be sociable, and to listen to the (I 
 hope not unreasonable) motion following : To try out matters 
 by disputes and wiitings, is sometimes endless ; to try out 
 arguments by arms and swords, is cruel and merciless ; to 
 trouble the state and lords of England, is most unreasonable, 
 most chargeable ; to trouble oui* neighbours of other colonies, 
 
74 LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 
 
 seems neither safe nor honourable. Methinks, dear friends, 
 the colony now looks with the torn face of two parties, and 
 that the greater number of Portsmouth, with other loving 
 friends adhering to them, appear as one grieved party ; the 
 other thi-ee towns, or greater part of them, appear to be 
 another. Let each party choose and nominate three ; Ports- 
 mouth and friends adhering, three, the other party, three, 
 one out of each town ; let authority be given to them to 
 examine every public difference, grievance and obstruction 
 of justice, peace and common safety; let them, by one final 
 sentence of all or the greater part of them, end all, and set 
 the whole into an unanimous posture and order, and let 
 them set a censm-e upon any that shall oppose their 
 sentence." 
 
 This excellent advice, however, could not be followed, for 
 Coddington persisted in his ambitious views. He went to 
 England, and procured from the council of state a com- 
 mission, constituting him governor for life of the islands of 
 Rhode Island and Canonicut. He returned in 1651, bring- 
 ing his new charter, whose operation would at once subvert 
 the existing government and divide the colony. This pro- 
 duced great excitement throughout the difierent settlements, 
 and alarmed those inhabitants on the island who were 
 opposed to his measm'cs. 
 
 In addition to these internal dissensions, other troubles 
 arose. The colony was surrounded by Massachusetts, Ply- 
 mouth, and Connecticut, which were all opposed to the little 
 heretical state, and regarded her as their legitimate prey. 
 Plymouth was desn-ous of adding the beautiful island to her 
 territory ; Connecticut repeatedly asserted her claims to the 
 Narragansett country; and Massachusetts claimed Pro- 
 vidence and the neighbouring settlement of Warwick. 
 
 The special aversion which Massachusetts felt towards 
 intruders from Rhode Island is illustrated in the memorable 
 transactions in which the Rev. John Clarke, Mr. Obadiah 
 Holmes, and Mr. John Crandall, three citizens of Newport, 
 had so melancholy a share. They were appointed by the 
 church in Newport to visit one William Witter, an aged 
 member of that church, then resident at Lynn, a few miles 
 
LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 75 
 
 east of Boston, who had requested a visit for the purpose of 
 christian intercourse. The committee proceeded, in a 
 peaceahle manner, on this benevolent mission to Lynn. 
 The next day being the- Sabbath, it was thought proper 
 to spend it in worship at the house of Witter. While Mr. 
 Clarke was preaching from Rev. iii. 10, relating to tempta- 
 tion, he was suddenly interrupted by two constables, who 
 arrested him and his companions by virtue of the following 
 warrant signed by one of the magistrates ; \iz. — " By virtue 
 hereof, you are required to go to the house of William 
 Witter, and so to search fi'om house to house for certain erro- 
 neous persons, being strangers, and them to apprehend, and 
 in safe custody to keep, and to morrow morning, at eight 
 o'clock, to bring before me." Mr. Clarke and his companions 
 were detained, through the Sabbath, in the custody of the 
 officers, and the next day were committed to prison in Boston. 
 On being brought before the com-t for trial, Mr. Clarke 
 defended himself and his companions so ably that the 
 magistrates were not a little embarrassed. " At length, 
 however," says Mr. Clarke, " the governor stepped up, and 
 told us we had denied infant baptism, and, being somewhat 
 transported, told me I had deserved death, and said he 
 would not have such trash brought into his jurisdiction." 
 
 The trial resulted in the conviction of the prisoners, and 
 Mr. Clarke was sentenced to pay a fine of twenty pounds, 
 Mr. Holmes, of thirty pounds, and Mr. Crandall, of five 
 pounds ; or, in case of their refusal of payment, to be 
 whipped. They refused to pay the fines, as they acknow- 
 ledged neither the justice of the sentence, nor the jurisdic- 
 tion of the magistrates. They were accordingly committed 
 to prison, from which, after a few weeks, Messrs. Clarke 
 and Crandall were released, by the interposition of theii* 
 friends, and permitted to return to Newport. Mr. Holmes 
 was confined longer, and before he was discharged, thirty 
 lashes were inflicted on him with merciless severity. Two 
 other persons, also, who were present at his punishment, 
 and expressed sympathy with the sufierers, were fined and 
 imprisoned.* 
 
 * Backus's History of New England, vol. i. p. 207. 
 
76 LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 
 
 To record facts like these of tlie Pilgrim Fathers is 
 inexpressibly painful. It tends, however, to deepen our 
 abhorrence of the principle which could pervert the judg- 
 ment and harden the heart of men so justly eminent for 
 theii' piety. If they had abandoned to their persecutors in 
 the fatherland the policy of state interference with re- 
 ligious opinions, no shade would now rest upon theu' other- 
 wise glorious memories. 
 
 It is refreshing, however, to turn to a brighter page, 
 evincing that these persecutions were not unanimously 
 approved. Sii- Richard Saltonstall, one of the magistrates 
 of Massachusetts Bay, then in England, wrote thus to the 
 Rev. Messrs. Cotton and Wilson, of Boston : — 
 
 " Reverend and dear friends, whom I unfeignedly love and 
 respect, — It doth not a little grieve my spirit to hear what 
 sad things are reported daily of yom* tyranny and persecu- 
 tion in New England, as that you fine, wliip, and imprison 
 men for their consciences. First you compel such to come 
 into your assemblies as you know will not join you in your 
 worsliip, and when they show their dislike thereof, or 
 witness against it, then you stir up your magistrates to 
 punish them for such — as you conceive — their public 
 affronts. Truly, friends, this yom* practice of compelling 
 any in matters of worship to do that whereof they are 
 not fully persuaded, is to make them sin, for so the 
 apostle (Rom. xiv. 23) tells us, and many are made hypo- 
 crites thereby, conforming in their outward man, for fear of 
 punishment. We pray for you, and wish you prosperity 
 every way, hoping the Lord would have given you so much 
 light and love there, that you might have been eyes to 
 God's people here, and not to practise those com-ses in a 
 wilderness, which you went so far to prevent. These rigid 
 ways have laid you very low in the hearts of the saints." 
 
 In this distressed state of the colony, while the citizens 
 were at variance with each other, and were subjected to 
 such tyrannical acts from theii' powerful and ambitious 
 neighbour, Massachusetts, it was apparent that the only 
 safety was in a union of all the towns. The Indians, 
 also, began to commit depredations, and offer insults which 
 
LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 11 
 
 the iudi^ddual settlements were too feeble to punish, and 
 which the commissioners of the united colonies refused to 
 redress. 
 
 In this crisis, nearly all the inhabitants of Newport, and 
 a large number of those of Portsmouth, requested John 
 Clarke to proceed to England, as their agent, to procm-e the 
 repeal of Coddington's commission, and the confirmation of 
 the charter obtained by Williams. The appointment of Mr, 
 Clarke to this mission was, in every respect, most judicious. 
 He was a gentleman of liberal education, com'teous manners, 
 and the original projector of the settlement on the island. 
 He was held in high estimation as a physician, and a 
 minister of the chm-ch at Newport, and, in every emergency, 
 had proved himself able in counsel, wise in deliberation, and 
 energetic in action. After his return, he was elected three 
 years successively deputy-governor. 
 
 The to^^^ls of Providence and Warwick, which continued 
 to maintain the government under the original charter, 
 urgently importuned Williams to accompany Clarke, and 
 co-operate with him to accomplish this important object. 
 He at first absolutely declined accepting tliis important 
 trust, from reluctance again to leave his large family, and 
 from inability to sustain the expense. His warm interest in 
 the colony he had founded, and the importunities of the 
 citizens, at length induced him to accept the appointment 
 and he prepared again to cross the Atlantic. Some efibrts 
 were made by the inhabitants of Providence and Warwick 
 to obtain a sufficient sum for defraying the expenses of the 
 mission, but they do not appear to have been efiectual. To 
 obtain the means of making the voyage, and supporting his 
 family during his absence, he says, that '' he sold his trading 
 house at Narragansett, with one hundi-ed pounds profit per 
 annum ; " a new proof, if any were needed, of his self- 
 sacrificing patriotism. 
 
CHAPTER XII. 
 
 WILLL^MS AND CLARKE SAIL FOR ENGLAND — CODDINGTON's COM- 
 MISSION REVOKED, AND THE FORMER CHARTER CONFIRMED — 
 LETTER OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY TO WILLIAMS — PUBLISHES 
 HIS EXPERIMENTS OF SPIRITUAL LIFE AND HEALTH AND THEIR 
 PRESERVATIVES — THE HIRELING MINISTRY — REJOINDER TO 
 COTTON — CORRESPONDENCE. 
 
 Having made the necessary arrangements preparatory to 
 his long absence from home, Williams joined his friend 
 Clarke at Boston, where they embarked together in Novem- 
 ber, 1651. It was not without considerable difficulty that 
 Williams was allowed to pass through the territory of 
 Massachusetts, for the purpose of taking ship for England. 
 He alludes to the fact, in his subsequent letters, though he 
 does not mention the nature of the molestation he suffered 
 fi-om the authorities. The objects of his embassy were 
 offensive to them, besides thefr hatred of his principles. 
 
 Great events had occm-red in the mother country since 
 Williams last visited her shores. Monarchy had been 
 subverted, and the supreme authority was vested in a 
 comicil of state. On their arrival in England, Williams 
 and Clarke presented a petition to the council, in behalf of 
 the colony they had come to represent, who referred it to 
 th^ committee for foreign affairs. The application met with 
 opposition from various quarters ; but an order was at length 
 passed by the comicil annulling Coddington's commission, 
 and confirming the former charter. This important measm-e 
 WilKams ascribes mainly to the efforts of his friend Sir 
 Henry Vane, a man of kindred spirit, and a prominent 
 member of the council. 
 
 During the absence of Williams, the general assembly, 
 
LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 19 
 
 which met at Providence, addressed a letter to him which 
 is valuable, as a public testimonial of the esteem of his 
 fellow citizens. The following is an extract : — 
 
 " Honom-ed Sir, — We may not neglect any opportunity to 
 salute you in this your absence, and have not a little cause 
 to bless God, who hath pleased to select you to such a 
 purpose, as we doubt not will conduce to the peace and 
 safety of us all, as to make you once more an instrument to 
 impart and disclose om- cause unto those noble and grave 
 senators, our honourable protectors, in whose eyes God hath 
 given you honour — as we understand — beyond our hopes, 
 and moved the hearts of the wise to stir on your behalf. 
 We give you hearty thanks for your care and diligence to 
 watch all opportunities to promote our peace, for we perceive 
 your prudent and comprehensive mind stii-reth every stone 
 to present it to the builders, to make firm the fabric unto 
 us, about which you are employed. . . . 
 
 " Sir, give us leave to intimate thus much, that we humbly 
 conceive — so far as we are able to miderstand — that, if it 
 be the pleasure of our protectors to renew our charter for 
 the re-establisliing of our government, that it might tend 
 much to the weighing of men's minds, and subjection of 
 persons who have been refractory, to yield themselves over 
 as unto a settled government, if it might be the pleasm-e of 
 that honom-able State, to invest, appoint, and empower 
 yourself to come over as governor of this colony, for the 
 space of one year, and so the government to be honom-ably 
 put upon this place, which might seem to add weight for 
 ever hereafter in the constant and successive derivation of 
 the same. We only present it to your deliberate thoughts 
 and consideration, with our hearty desires that your time of 
 stay there, for the ejffectual perfecting and finisliing of your 
 so weighty affaii-s, may not seem tedious, nor be any dis- 
 couragement unto you ; rather than you shall suffer for loss 
 of time here, or expense there, we are resolved to stretch 
 forth our hands at yom' return, beyond our strength, for 
 your supply." 
 
 It does not appear that Williams took any steps to procure 
 for himself the appointment of governor, considering, pro- 
 
80 LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 
 
 bably, that it would be a dangerous precedent, and an inter- 
 ference with the right of his fellow-citizens to elect their 
 own officers. 
 
 Of Williams's literary industry, we have a new proof, in 
 the publication of a work immediately after his arrival in 
 England. It was written, he says, *' in the thickest of the 
 naked Indians of America, in theu^ very wild houses, and by 
 their barbarous fires." The volume is entitled, " Expe- 
 riments of Spiritual Life and Health, and their Preser- 
 vatives. London, 1652. " After dihgent inquiiy, the 
 writer is not aware that more than one copy of this 
 work now exists. In the dedication " to the truly honour- 
 able the Lady Vane, " he says, " yom* favom-able and 
 christian respects to me, your godly and christian letters 
 to me, so many thousand miles distant in America; and 
 your many gracious demonstrations of an humble and 
 christian spirit breathing in you, are a thi-ee-fold cord 
 which have di'awn these lines into your presence." There 
 is also prefixed to the work a letter to his wife, which 
 afibrds pleasing evidence of his affectionately domestic cha- 
 racter, from which we give the following extract : — 
 
 " My dearest love and companion in this vale of tears, — 
 Thy late sudden and dangerous sickness, and the Lord's 
 most gracious and speedy raising thee up from the gates 
 and jaws of death, as they were wonderful in their own 
 and others' eyes, so I earnestly desire they may be ever in 
 our thoughts, as a warning fi'om heaven to make ready for 
 a sudden call to be gone from hence — to live the rest of our 
 short, uncertain span, more as strangers, longing and 
 breathing after another home and country — to cast off* our 
 great cares, and fears, and desires, and joys about the 
 candle of this vain life, that is so soon blown out, and 
 to trust in the living God. I send thee — though in winter 
 — a handful of flowers, made up in a little posy, for thy 
 dear self and om- dear children, to look and smell on, when 
 I, as grass of the field, shall be gone and withered." 
 
 The work is divided into tliree parts — 1. " Arguments of 
 spii'itual life, wherein the weakest child of God may find 
 bis spiritual life apparent, though overcast and eclipsed with 
 
LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 81 
 
 spiritual weakness. 2. Arguments of the strength and 
 vigour of the spiiit of life and holiness; in which the 
 strongest and eldest in Christ may find experiments of 
 spii'itual health, and chiistian activity and cheerfulness. 
 3. Some means are proposed wherein the Spirit of God 
 usually breatheth for the preserving and maintaining of a 
 tiTily spuitual and christian health and cheerfulness." It 
 manifests thi'oughout deep and enlightened piety, and con- 
 cludes in the following language : — " How frequent, how 
 constant, should we be — like Christ Jesus, om* founder and 
 example — in doing good, especially to the souls of all men, 
 especially to the household of faith ; yea, even to our 
 enemies, when we remember this is our seed-time, of which 
 every minute is precious, and that as our solving is, must be 
 om* eternal harvest." 
 
 Within less than a month from the time the above-men- 
 tioned book issued from the press, he published a small 
 treatise, with the title, " The Hireling Ministry none of 
 Christ's; or, a Discourse touching the propagating the 
 Gospel of Christ Jesus," &c. The chief object of this 
 work is, to oppose a legal establishment of religion, and 
 the compulsory support of the clergy, by tithes, and other 
 modes of taxation. It is not, however, as its title would 
 now seem to import, an argument against the maintenance 
 of ministers of the gospel, to which the author insists they 
 are entitled. He earnestly contends for the right of " all 
 the people of the three nations to choose and maintain what 
 worship and ministry their souls and consciences are per- 
 suaded thereof." He also expresses, in this volume, the 
 following enlightened opinions respecting the Jews : — " By 
 the merciful assistance of the Most High, I have desired to 
 labour in Europe, in America, with English, with bar- 
 barians ; yea, and also I have longed after some ti*ading 
 with the Jews themselves, for whose hard measure I fear 
 the nations and England hath yet a score to pay." 
 
 In the year 1647, the Rev. John Cotton attempted a reply 
 
 to the " Bloudy Tenent," in which he maintained the right 
 
 of the magistrate to interfere for the promotion of truth 
 
 and the suppression of error. It was during this visit to 
 
 G 
 
82 LIFE OF ROGER AVILLIAMS. 
 
 England, and while thus engaged in the service of his own 
 colony, that Williams, in the winter of 1652, prepared for 
 the press, and published, a rejoinder, entitled, " The Bloudy 
 Tenent, yet more bloody by Mr. Cotton's endeavour to wash 
 it white in the Blood of the Lamb. Of whose precious 
 blood, spilt in the blood of his servants, and of the blood 
 of millions spilt in former and later wars for conscience 
 sake, that most Bloody Tenent of persecution for cause of 
 conscience, upon a second trial, is found now more appa- 
 rently and more notoriously guilty." 
 
 In this rejoinder to Mr. Cotton the following topics are 
 principally treated : — " 1. The Natui-e of Persecution. 
 
 2. The Power of the Civil Sword in Spirituals examined. 
 
 3. The Parliament's permission of Dissenting Consciences 
 justified. Also (as a testimony to Mr. Clarke's) is added 
 a Letter to Mr. Endicott, Governor of the Massachusetts, in 
 N. E. By R. Williams, of Providence, in New England. 
 London, printed 1652." It is a quarto volume of three 
 hundred and seventy-four pages. The same clear, enlarged, 
 and consistent views of religious freedom are maintained 
 in this work as in his preceding ones, with additional 
 arguments, evincing an acute, \dgorous, and fearless mind, 
 imbued with various erudition and undissenibled piety. It 
 is characterised by the kindest tone, and pervaded by a 
 courteousness of style unusual in the controversial writings 
 of that age. The author says : — " The Most Holy and All- 
 seeing knows how bitterly I lament the least difference 
 with Mr. Cotton, yea, with the least of the followers of 
 Jesus, of what conscience or worship soever." 
 
 In the appendix is an address " To the Clergy of the 
 four great Parties, professing the Name of Christ Jesus, in 
 England, Scotland, and Ireland ; viz., the Popish, Prelatical, 
 Presbyterian, and Independent :" fi'om which we make the 
 following extract : — 
 
 "Worthy Sirs, — I have pleaded the cause of your 
 several and respective consciences against the bloody doc- 
 trine of persecution, in my former laboui'S, and in this my 
 present rejoinder to jNIr. Cotton. And yet I must j)ray 
 leave, without offence, to say, I have impartially opposed 
 
LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 88 
 
 and charged your consciences also, so far as guilty of 
 that bloody doctrine of persecuting each other for your 
 consciences. 
 
 "You foui- have torn the seamless coat of the Son of 
 God into four pieces, and, to say nothing of former times 
 and tearings, you foui* have torn the three nations into 
 thousands of pieces and distractions. The two former of 
 you, the popish and protestant prelatical, are brethren ; so 
 ai'e the latter, the presbyterian and independent. But, 
 oh, how rara est, &c. ? What concord, what love, what 
 pity, hath ever yet appeared amongst you, when the pro- 
 vidence of the Most High and Only Wise hath granted you 
 your patents of mutual and successive dominion and pre- 
 cedency. 
 
 " Just like two men, whom I have known break out to 
 blows and wrestling, so have the protestant bishops fought 
 and wrestled with the popish, and the popish with the pro- 
 testant ! The presbyterian with the independent, and the 
 independent with the presbyterian ! And our chi'onicles 
 and experiences have told this nation, and the world, how 
 he whose tmni it is to be brought under, hath ever felt a 
 heavy, wrathful hand of an mibrotherly and unchristian 
 persecutor." 
 
 The following passage, in allusion to the episcopal 
 clergy who had been ejected from their benefices, shows 
 that his sympathies embraced all the persecuted without 
 regard to denomination : " I make another humble plea — 
 and that, I believe, with all the reason and justice in the 
 world — that such who are ejected, undone, impoverished, 
 might, some way from the state or you, receive relief and 
 succour : considering, that the very nation's constitution 
 hath occasioned parents to train up, and persons to give 
 themselves to studies, though, in truth, but in a way of 
 trade and bargaining before God ; yet is, according to the 
 custom of the nation, who ought, therefore, to share also in 
 the fault of such priests and ministers who in all changes 
 are ejected." But to return to the affairs of his own colony, 
 which, whether at home or abroad, were the primary 
 objects of his solicitude. This, and other interesting 
 
84 LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 
 
 features in his public and private character, are illustrated 
 in the following extracts from his correspondence. In a 
 letter to his friend, Gregory Dexter, of Providence, dated 
 August 7, 1652, he says: — 
 
 " By my public letters, you will see how we wrestle, and 
 how we are like yet to wrestle, in the hopes of an end. 
 Praised be the Lord, we are preserved, the nation is pre- 
 served, the parliament sits, God's people are secure, too 
 secure. A great opinion is, that the kingdom of Christ is 
 risen, and*' the kingdoms of the earth are become the king- 
 doms of om- Lord and of his Christ.' (Rev. xi.) Others have 
 fear of the slaughter of the witnesses yet approaching. 
 Divers friends, of all sorts, here, long to see you, and 
 wonder you come not over. For myself, I had hopes to 
 have got away by this sliip, but I see now the mind of the 
 Lord to hold me here one year longer. It is God's mercy, 
 his very great mercy, that we have obtained this interim 
 encouragement fi'om the council of state, that you may 
 cheerfully go on in the name of a colony, until the con- 
 troversy is determined. The determination of it, sir, I fear, 
 will be a work of time ; I fear longer than we have yet 
 been here, for our adversaries threaten to make a last 
 appeal to the parliament, in case we get the day before the 
 council. 
 
 " Sir, in this regard, and when my public business is over, 
 I am resolved to begin my old law-suit, so that I have no 
 thought of return until spring come twelve months. My 
 duty and affection hath compelled me to acquaint my poor 
 companion with it. I consider om- many children, the 
 danger of the seas and enemies, and, therefore, I TVTite not 
 positively for her, only I acquaint her with our affaii's. I 
 tell her, joyful I should be of her being here with me, until 
 om- state affairs were ended, and I freely leave her to wait 
 upon the Lord for direction, and, according as she finds her 
 spii-it free and cheerful, to come or stay. If it please the 
 Lord to give her a free spiiit, to cast herself upon the Lord, 
 I doubt not of yom' love and faithful care, in anything she 
 hath occasion to use your help, concerning our childi^en and 
 affairs, during our absence ; but I conclude, whom have I in 
 
LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 85 
 
 heaven or earth hut thee ? and so humhly and thankfully 
 stay in the Lord's pleasure, as only and infinitely best and 
 sweetest." 
 
 The order of the council of state, directing the several 
 plantations to unite again under the government of the 
 charter, was brought to Newport in the early part of the 
 year 1653. Such, however, were the jealousies which had 
 sprung up during the separation of the towns, that it 
 was found easier to command than to enforce obedience. 
 Williams, with his associate, continued in England, to 
 watch the progress of events and sustain the rights of the 
 colony. The following letter shows how much they were 
 indebted to the friendly aid of Sir Henry Vane. It is 
 addressed to the towns of Providence and Warwick : — 
 
 From Sir Henry Vane's, at Belleau, in Lincolnshire. 
 
 "April 1st, 1653. 
 
 " My dear and loving Friends and Neighbours of 
 Providence and Warwick, — Our noble friend, Sir Henry 
 Vane, having the navy of England mostly depending on his 
 care, and going down to the navy at Portsmouth, I was in- 
 vited by them both to accompany his lady to Lincolnshire, 
 where I shall yet stay, as I fear, until the ship is gone. I must, 
 tlierefore, pray yom- pardon, that by the post I send this to 
 London. I hope it may have pleased the Most High Lord 
 of sea and land to bring Captain C.'s ship and dear Mr. DjTe 
 unto you, and with him the council's letters, which answer 
 the petition Sir Henry Vane and myself drew up, and 
 the council, by Sii- Henry's mediation granted us, for the 
 confomation of the charter, until the determination of the 
 controversy. This determination, you may please to under- 
 stand, is hindered by two main obstructions. The first is, 
 the mighty war with the Dutch, which makes England, 
 and Holland, and the nations tremble. This hath made 
 the parliament set Sir Henry Vane and two or three more 
 as commissioners to manage the war, which they have 
 done, with much engaging the name of God with them, 
 who hath appeared in helping sixty of ours against almost 
 
86 LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 
 
 thi'ec hundred of their men-of-war, and, perchance, to the 
 sinking and taking- about one hundred of theirs, and but 
 one of ours, which was sunk by oui' own men. 
 
 " Our second obstruction is the opposition of our adver- 
 saries. Sir Arthur Haseh-ige, and Colonel Fenwicke — who 
 hath married his daughter — Mr. Winslow, and Mr. Hopkins, 
 both in great place ; and all the friends they can make in 
 parliament and council, and all the priests, both presb}i:erian 
 and independent ; so that we stand as two armies, ready to 
 engage, observing the motions and postures each of the 
 other, and yet shy each of other. Under God, the sheet- 
 anchor of our ship is Sir Henry, who will do as the eye 
 of God leads him; and he faithfully promised me that 
 he would observe the motion of oiu' New England business, 
 while I staid some ten weeks with his lady in Lincolnshire. 
 Besides, here are great thoughts and preparation for a new 
 parliament — some of our friends are apt to think another 
 parliament will more favour us and om- cause than this has 
 done. You may please to put my condition into your 
 soul's cases ; remember I am a father and a husband. I 
 have longed earnestly to return with the last ship, and 
 with these ; yet I have not been Avilling to withdi-aw my 
 shoulders from the burthen, lest it pinch others, and may 
 fall heavy upon all ; except you are pleased to give to me a 
 discharge. If you conceive it necessary for me still to 
 attend this service, pray you consider if it be not convenient 
 that my poor wife be encouraged to come over to me, and 
 to wait together, on the good pleasure of God, for the end 
 of this matter. You know my many weights hanging on 
 me, how my own place stands, and how many reasons I 
 have to cause me to make haste, yet I would not lose their 
 estates, peace, and liberty, by leaving hastily. I write to 
 my dear wife, my great desire of her coming while I stay, 
 yet left it to the freedom of her spirit, because of the many 
 dangers. Truly, at present the seas are dangerous, but not 
 comparably so much, nor likely to be, because of the late 
 great defeat of the Dutch, and their present sending to us 
 offers of peace. 
 
 " My dear friends, although it pleased God himself, by 
 
LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 87 
 
 many favoui-s, to encourage me, yet please you to remember, 
 that no man can stay here as I do, having a present employ- 
 ment there, without much self-denial, which I beseech God 
 for more, and for you also, that no private respects, or 
 gains, or quarrels, may cause you to neglect the public and 
 common safety, peace, and liberties. I beseech the blessed 
 God to keep fresh in yom- thoughts what he hath done for 
 Providence Plantations. 
 
 " My dear respects to yom-selves, wives, and childi-en. I 
 beseech the eternal God to be seen amongst you ; so prays 
 yom- most faithful and affectionate friend and servant, 
 
 "Roger Williams. 
 
 " P.S. My love to all my Indian friends." 
 
CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 Williams's correspondence with the daughter of sir edward 
 
 COKE — HIS intercourse WITH SIR HENRY VANE, CROMWELL, 
 AND MILTON. 
 
 Amidst liis engrossing and important occupations, Roger 
 Williams did not forget the family of his former benefactor, 
 Sir Edward Coke. The following correspondence between 
 him and Mrs. Sadleir, the daughter of Sir Edward, is now 
 for the first time published : — 
 
 " My much-honoured Friend, Mrs. Sadleir, — The 
 never-dying honour and respect which I owe to that dear 
 and honourable root and his branches, and, amongst the 
 rest, to your much-honoured self, have emboldened me, once 
 more, to inquire after your dear husband's and your life, 
 and health, and welfare. This last winter I landed, once 
 more, in my native country, being sent over from some 
 parts of New England with some addresses to the parlia- 
 ment. 
 
 " My very great business, and my very great straits of 
 time, and my very great journey homeward to my dear 
 yoke-fellow and many children, I greatly fear will not 
 permit me to present my ever-obliged duty and service to 
 you, at Stondon, especially if it please God that I may 
 despatch my affairs to depart with the ships within this 
 fortnight. I am, therefore, humbly bold to crave your 
 favom-able consideration, and pardon, and acceptance, of 
 these my humble respects and remembrances. It hath 
 pleased the Most High to carry me on eagles' wings, 
 through mighty labours, mighty hazards, mighty sufferings, 
 
LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 89 
 
 and to vouchsafe to use so base an instrument — as I humbly 
 hope — to glorify himself, in many of my trials and suffer- 
 ings, both amongst the English and barbarians. 
 
 " I have been formerly, and since I landed, occasioned to 
 take up the two-edged sword of God's Spirit, the word of 
 God, and to appear in public in some contests against the 
 ministers of Old and New England, as touching the true 
 ministry of Christ and the soul freedoms of the people. 
 Since I landed, I have published two or three things, and 
 have a large discom-se at the press, but 'tis controversial, 
 with which I will not trouble your meditations ; Only I 
 crave the boldness to send you a plain and peaceable dis- 
 course, of my own personal experiments, which, in a letter 
 to my dear wife — upon the occasion of her great sickness 
 near death — I sent her, being absent myself amongst the 
 Indians. And being greatly obliged to Sir Henry Vane, 
 junior — once governor of New England — and his lady, I 
 was persuaded to publish it in her name, and humbly to 
 present your honourable hands with one or two of them. 
 I humbly pray you to cast a serious eye on the holy 
 Scriptures, on which the examinations are grounded. I 
 could have dressed forth the matter like some sermons 
 which, formerly, I used to pen. But the Father of lights 
 hath long since shown me the vanity and soul-deceit of 
 such points and flourishes. I desire to know nothing, to 
 profess nothing, but the Son of God, the King of souls and 
 consciences ; and I desire to be more thankful for a reproof 
 for aught I affirm than for applause and commendation. I 
 have been oft glad in the wilderness of America to have 
 been reproved for going in a wrong path, and to be directed 
 by a naked Indian boy in my travels. How much more 
 should we rejoice in the wounds of such as we hope love us 
 in Christ Jesus, than in the deceitful kisses of soul-deceiving 
 and soul-killing friends. 
 
 " My much-honoured friend, that man of honour, and 
 wisdom, and piety, your dear father, was often pleased to 
 call me his son ; and truly it was as bitter as death to me 
 when Bishop Laud pursued me out of this land, and my 
 conscience was persuaded against the national church, and 
 
90 LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 
 
 ceremonies, and bishops, beyond the conscience of your 
 dear father. I say it was as bitter as death to me, when I 
 rode Windsor way, to take ship at Bristow, and saw Stoke 
 House, where the blessed man was ; and I then durst not 
 acquaint him with my conscience, and my flight. But 
 how many thousand times since have I had honom^able 
 and precious remembrance of his person, and the life, the 
 writings, the speeches, and the examples of that glorious 
 light. And I may truly say, that beside my natural incli- 
 nation to study and activity, his example, instruction, and 
 encom'agement, have spurred me on to a more than ordi- 
 nary, industrious, and patient com^se in my whole course 
 hitherto. 
 
 " What I have done and suffered — and I hope for the 
 truth of God, according to my conscience — in Old and New 
 England, I should be a fool in relating, for I desire to say, 
 not to King David — as once Mephibosheth — but to King 
 Jesus, ' What is thy servant, that thou shouldest look uj)on 
 such a dead dog ? ' And I would not tell yourself of this, 
 but that you may acknowledge some beams of his holy 
 wisdom and goodness, who hath not suffered all your own 
 and your dear father's smiles to have been lost upon so 
 poor and despicable an object. I confess I have many 
 adversaries, and also many friends, and divers eminent. It 
 hath pleased the general himself to send for me, and to 
 entertain many discourses with me at several times ; which, 
 as it magnifies his christian nobleness and com^tesy, so 
 much more doth it magnify His infinite mercy and good- 
 ness, and wisdom, who hath helpt me, poor worm, to sow 
 that seed in doing and suffering — I hope for God — that as 
 your honourable father was wont to say, he that shall 
 harrow what I have soAvn, must rise early. And yet I am 
 a worm and nothing, and desire only to find my all in the 
 blood of an holy Sa^doui-, in whom I desu-e to be 
 " Your honoured, 
 
 " Most thankful, and faithful servant, 
 
 "Roger AVilliams. 
 
 " My humble respects presented to Mr. Sadleir. 
 
LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 91 
 
 " From my lodgings near St. Martin's, at Mr. Davis his 
 house, at the sign of the Swan." 
 
 " For my much-honom'ed, kind friend, Mistress Sadleir, 
 at Stondon, Puckridge, these." 
 
 " Mr. Williams, — Since it has pleased God to make the 
 prophet David's complaint om-s (Ps. Ixxix.) : ' O God, the 
 heathen,' &c., and that the apostle St. Peter has so long 
 ago foretold, in his second epistle, the second chapter, by 
 whom these things should be occasioned, I have given over 
 reading many books, and, therefore, with thanks, have 
 returned yom^s. Those that I now read, besides the Bible, 
 are, first, the late king's book ; Hooker's Ecclesiastical 
 Polity ; Reverend Bishop Andrews's Sermons, vdth his 
 other divine meditations ; Dr. Jer. Taylor's works ; and 
 Dr. Tho. Jackson upon the Creed. Some of these my dear 
 father was a great admirer of, and would often call them 
 the glorious lights of the church of England. These 
 lights shall be my guide ; I wish they may be yours : for 
 your new lights that are so much cried up, I believe, in the 
 conclusion, they will prove but dark lanterns ; therefore I 
 dare not meddle with them. 
 
 " Your friend in the old way, 
 
 " Anne Sadleir." 
 
 " My much-honoured, kind Friend, Mrs. Sadleir, — 
 My humble respects premised to your much-honom-ed self, 
 and Mr. Sadleii', humbly wishing you the saving knowledge 
 and assurance of that life which is eternal, when this poor 
 minute's dream is over. In my poor span of time, I have 
 been oft in the jaws of death, sickening at sea, shipwreckt 
 on shore, in danger of arrows, swords, and bullets: and 
 yet, methinks, the most high and most holy God hath 
 reserved me for some service to his most glorious and eternal 
 majesty. 
 
 " I think, sometimes, in this common shipwreck of man- 
 kind, wherein we all are either floating or sinking, de- 
 spairing or struggling for Kfe, why should I ever faint in 
 
92 LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 
 
 striving, as Paul saith, in hopes to save myself, to save 
 others — to call, and cry, and ask, what hope of saving, 
 what hope of life, and of the eternal shore of mercy ? Your 
 last letter, my honoured friend, I received as a bitter 
 sweeting — as all, that is under the sun, is — sweet, in that 
 I hear from you, and that you continue stri^dng for life 
 eternal ; bitter, in that we differ about the way, in the 
 midst of the dangers and distresses. 
 
 " O blessed be the hour that ever we saw the light, and 
 came into this vale of tears, if yet, at last, in any way, we 
 may truly see our woful loss and shipwreck, and gain the 
 shore of life and mercy. You were pleased to direct me to 
 divers books, for my satisfaction. I have carefully en- 
 deavoured to get them, and some I have gotten ; and upon 
 my reading, I pm-pose, with God's help, to render you an 
 ingenuous and candid accomit of my thoughts, result, &c. 
 At present, I am humbly bold to pray yom- judicious and 
 loving eye to one of mine. 
 
 " 'Tis ti'ue, I cannot but expect your distaste of it ; and 
 yet my cordial deske of your soul's peace here, and eternal, 
 and of contributing the least mite toward it, and my humble 
 respects to that blessed root of which you spring, force me to 
 tender my acknowledgments, which, if received or rejected, 
 my cries shall never cease that one eternal life may give us 
 meeting, since this present minute hath such bitter partings. 
 
 " For the scope of this rejoinder, if it please the Most 
 High to direct your eye to a glance on it, please you to 
 know, that at my last being in England, I ^Tote a dis- 
 com-se entitled, * The Bloudy Tenent of Persecution for 
 Cause of Conscience.' I bent my charge against Mr. Cotton 
 especially, your standard-bearer of New English ministers. 
 That discourse he since answered, and calls his book, ' The 
 Bloody Tenent made white in the Blood of the Lamb.' 
 This rejoinder of mine, as I humbly hope, unwasheth his 
 washings, and proves that in soul matters no weapons but 
 soul weapons are reaching and effectual. 
 
 " I am yom* most im worthy servant, yet unfeignedly 
 respective, 
 
 "Roger Williams. 
 
LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 93 
 
 " For his much-hpnoured, kind friend, Mrs. Anne Sad- 
 leir, at Stondon, in Hartfordshire, near Puckridge." 
 
 " Sir, — I thank God my blessed parents bred me up in 
 the old and best religion, and it is my glory that I am a 
 member of the chui'ch of England, as it was when all the 
 reformed chm'ches gave her the right hand. When I cast 
 mine eye upon the frontispiece of your book, and saw it 
 entitled ' the Bloudy Tenent,' I durst not adventure to look 
 into it, for fear it should bring into my memory the much 
 blood that has of late been shed, and which I would fain 
 forget ; therefore I do, with thanks, return it. I cannot call 
 to mind any blood shed for conscience : — some few that 
 went about to make a rent in our once well-governed church 
 were punished, but none suffered death. But tliis I know, 
 that since it has been left to every man's conscience to fancy 
 what religion he list, there has more christian blood been 
 shed than was in the ten persecutions. And some of that 
 blood will, I fear, cry till the day of judgment. But you 
 know what the Scripture says, that when there was no king 
 in Israel, every man did that which was right in his own eyes, 
 — but what became of that, the sacred story will tell you. 
 
 " Thus entreating you to trouble me no more in this kind, 
 and wishing you a good jom^ney to your charge in New 
 Providence, I rest 
 
 " Your Friend, ix the Old and Best Way." 
 
 " My honoured, kind Friend, Mrs. Sadleir, — I 
 greatly rejoiced to hear from you, although now an opposite 
 to me, even in the highest points of heaven and eternity. 
 
 " Two things your lines express : — First, yom- confidence 
 in your own old way, &c. 
 
 "Second. Civility and gentleness in that — not being 
 pleased to accept my respects and labours presented — yet 
 you gently, with thanks and your reason, return them. I 
 shall not be so sorry you differ from me, if yet the Father 
 of spirits please to vouchsafe you a spirit of christian 
 searching and examination. In hope of which I shall 
 humbly consider of the particulars of your letter. 
 
94 LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 
 
 " 1. That yoTi think an heap of timber or pile of stones 
 to be God's sanctuary now. (Ps. Ixxix. 1.) In Christ's 
 esteem, and in gospel language, that you think those to be 
 false teachers and prophets (2 Pet. ii. 1) who are not^ — after 
 the old way — distinguished by the canonical colours of 
 white, red, black, &:c. 
 
 " That you admire the king's book, and Bp. Andrews his 
 sermons, and Hooker's Polity, &c., and profess them to be 
 your lights and guides, and desii-e them mine, and believe 
 the new lights will prove dark lanterns, &c. I am far 
 from wondering at it, for all tliis have I done myself, until 
 the Father of spirits mercifully persuaded mine to swallow 
 down no longer without chewing ; to chew no longer 
 without tasting; to taste no longer without begging the 
 Holy Spirit of God to enlighten and enliven mine against 
 the fear of men, tradition of fathers, or the favour or custom 
 of any men or times. 
 
 " 2. I now find that the church and sanctuary of Christ 
 Jesus consists not of dead but living stones.* Is not a parish 
 or a national chm-ch forced — to the pretended bed oi 
 Chiist's worship^ — by laws and swords Pf 
 
 " His true lovers are volunteers, born of his Spirit, the now 
 only holy nation and royal priesthood (1 Pet. ii., Ps. ex.) 
 I find that, in respect of ministerial function and office, 
 such ministers, not only popish but protestant, not only 
 episcopal but presbyterian, not only presbyterian but inde- 
 pendent also, are all of them, one as well as another, false 
 prophets and teachers, so far as they are liirelings, and 
 make a trade and living of preaching (John x.), as I have 
 lately opened in my " Discourse of the Hireling Ministry 
 none of Chi'ist's." 
 ' " 3. I have read those books you mention, and the king's 
 book, which commends two of them, Bp. Andi-ews's and 
 Hooker's — yea, and a tliird also, Bp. Laud's : and as for 
 the king, I knew his person, vicious, a swearer from his 
 youth, and an oppressor and persecutor of good men (to say 
 nothing of his own father), and the blood of so many 
 hundi'ed thousands English, Irish, Scotch, French, lately 
 * 1 Pet. ii. 3, 4. f Cant, i, 16. 
 
LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 95 
 
 charged upon liim. Against his and his blasphemous 
 father's cruelties, your own dear father, and many precious 
 men, shall rise up shortly and cry for vengeance. 
 
 "4. But for the book itself — if it be his — and theirs 
 you please to mention, and thousands more, not only pro- 
 testants of several sects, but of some papists and Jesuits 
 also — famous for worldly repute, &c. — I have found them 
 sharp and witty, plausible and delightful, devout and 
 pathetical. And I have been amazed to see the whole 
 world of owe forefathers, mse and gallant, wondering after 
 the glory of the Romish learning and worship. (Rev. xiii.) 
 But amongst them all whom I have so diligently read and 
 heard, how few express the simplicity, the plainness, the 
 meekness, and true humility of the learning of the Son 
 of God. 
 
 " 5. But, at last, it pleased the God and Father of mercies 
 to persuade mine heart of the merely formal, customary, 
 and traditional professions of Christ Jesus, with which the 
 world is filled. I see that the Jews believe Christ Jesus 
 was a deceiver, because he came not with external pomps 
 and excellency. 
 
 " The Tui'ks — so many millions of them — prefer their 
 Mahomet before Chi-ist Jesus, even upon such carnal and 
 werldly respects, and yet avouch themselves to be the only 
 Muselmanni or true believers. The catholics account us 
 heretics, diabloes, &c. ; and why ? but because we worship 
 not such a golden Christ and his glorious vicar and lieutenant. 
 The several sects of common protestants content themselves 
 with a traditional worsliip, and boast they are no Jews, no 
 Tm-ks,* nor catholics, and yet forget their own formal dead 
 faith,t dead hope, dead joys, and yet, nescio vos, I know you 
 not, depart from me, which shall be thundered out to many 
 gallant professors and confidents, who have held out a lamp 
 and form of religion, yea, and possibly of godliness too, and 
 yet have denied the power and life of it. 
 
 " Therefore, my much-honom^ed friend, while you believe 
 the darkness of the new lights, and profess your confidence, 
 and desii-e of my walking with you in the old way : I most 
 * Matt. vii. 21, 22. f 2 Tim. iii. 9. 
 
96 LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 
 
 humbly pray so much. Berean civility at your ladyship's 
 hands as to search and remember — 
 
 " 1. First, the Lord Christ's famous resolution of that 
 question put to him, as touching the number that shall be 
 saved (Luke xiii. 24), ' Strive to enter in at the strait 
 gate; for many shall seek to enter, and shall not be 
 able.' 
 
 " 2ndly. There is an absolute necessity (not so of a true 
 order of mmistry, baptism, &c., but) of a true regeneration 
 and new birth, without which it is impossible to enter into 
 or to see the kingdom of God. (John. iii. &c.) 
 
 " 3rdly. As to the rehgion and the worship of God, the 
 conunon religion of the whole world, and the nations of it, 
 it is but customary and traditional, from father to son, from 
 which (old ways, &c.), traditions, Chi'ist Jesus delivers his, 
 not with gold and silver, but with his precious blood. 
 (1 Pet. i. 18, 19.) 
 
 " 4thly. "Without spiritual and diligent examination of 
 our hearts, it is impossible that we can attain true soHd 
 joy and comfort, either in point of regeneration or worship, 
 or whatever we do. (2 Cor. xiii. 5 ; Rom. xiv. 23.) 
 
 " 5thly. In the examination ' of both these — personal 
 regeneration and worship — the hearts of all the children 
 of men are most apt to cheat, and cozen, and deceive 
 themselves : yeaij and the wiser a man is, the more apt and 
 willing he is to be deceived. (Jer. xvii. ; Gal. vi. ; 1 Cor. 
 iii. 18.) 
 
 " 6thly. It is impossible there should be a true search, 
 without the Holy Spirit, who searcheth all things, yea, the 
 deep things of God. (Rom. viii. ; Ps. cxliii. 10.) 
 
 " Lastly. God's Spirit persuade th the hearts of his true 
 servants : First, to be willing to be searcht by him, which 
 they exceedingly beg of him, with holy fear of self-deceit 
 and hypocrisy. 
 
 " Second. To be led by him in the way everlasting : (Ps. 
 cxxxix.), whether it seem old in respect of institution, or 
 new in respect of restoration. This I humbly pray for your 
 precious soul, of the God and Father of mercies, even your 
 eternal joy and salvation. Earnestly desirous to be in the 
 
LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 97 
 
 old "vvay, which is the narrow way, which leads to life, 
 which few find. 
 
 " Your most humble, though most unworthy servant, 
 
 "Roger Williams." 
 
 " My honoured Friend, since you please not to read mine, 
 let me pray leave to request your reading of one book of 
 your own authors. I mean the ' Liberty of Prophesying,' 
 penned by (so called) Dr. Jer. Taylor. In the which is 
 excellently asserted the toleration of differing religions, 
 yea, in a respect, that of the papists themselves, which is a 
 new way of soul freedom, and yet is the old way of Christ 
 Jesus, as all his holy Testament declares. 
 
 " I also humbly wish that you may please to read over 
 impartially Mr. Milton's answer to the king's book." 
 
 " Mr. Williams, — I thought my first letter would have 
 given you so much satisfaction, that, in that kind, I should 
 never have heard of you aijy more ; but it seems you have 
 a face of brass, so that you cannot blush. But since you 
 press me to it, I must let you know, as I did before 
 (Ps. Ixxix.), that the prophet David there complains that 
 the heathen had defiled the holy temple, and made Jerusa- 
 lem a heap of stones. And our blessed Saviour, Vv^hen he 
 whipt the buyers and sellers out of the temple, told them 
 that they had made his Father's house a den of thieves. 
 Those were but material temples, and commanded by God 
 to be built, and his name there to be worshipped. The 
 living temples are those that the same prophet, in the psalm 
 before mentioned (verse the 2nd and 3rd), ' The dead bodies 
 of thy servants have they given to the fowls of the air, and 
 the flesh of thy saints to the beasts of the land. Their blood 
 have they shed like water,' &c. And these were the living 
 temples whose loss the prophet so much laments ; and had 
 he lived in these times, he would have doubled his lamenta- 
 tions. For the foul and false aspersions you have cast upon 
 that king, of ever-blessed memory, Charles, the martyr, I 
 
 H 
 
98 LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 
 
 protest I trembled when I read them, and none but such a 
 villain as yourself would have wrote them. Wise Solomon 
 has taught me another lesson in his 24th of his Proverbs, 
 at 21st verse, to fear God and the king, and not to 
 meddle with them that are given to change. Mark well 
 that. The 8th of EccL, verse the 2nd, ' I counsel thee J,to 
 keep the king's commandment, and that in regard of the 
 oath of God.' Verse the 20th of the 10th chap., ' Cm-se not 
 the king, no, not in thy thought ;' and, if I be not mistaken, 
 the fifth commandment is the crown commandment. Rom. 
 xiii., the 1st and 2nd verses, ' Let every soul be subject unto 
 the higher powers, for,' &c. ; with many more places to the 
 same purpose. Thus, you see, I have the law, with the Old 
 and New Testament, on my side. 
 
 " But it has been the lot of the best kings to lie under the 
 lash of ill tongues. Witness blessed David, who was a man 
 after God's own heart, curst by mcked Shimei, his own 
 subject, and called a man of blood ; and good Hezekiah was 
 railed on by a foul-mouthed Rabshakeh ; but I do not re- 
 member that they were commended, in any place of scrip- 
 tm*e, for so doing. For the blood you mention, which has 
 been shed in these times, which you would father upon the 
 late king, there is a book called the History of Independency 
 — a book worth your reading — that will tell you by whom 
 all this christian blood has been shed. If you cannot get 
 that, there is a sermon in print of one Paul Knells, the 
 text the first of Amos, verse the second, that Avill inform 
 you. 
 
 " For Milton's book, that you desire I should read, if I be 
 not mistaken, that is he that has wrote a book of the law- 
 fulness of divorce ; and, if report says true, he had, at that 
 time, two or three wives living. This, perhaps, were good 
 doctrine in New England ; but it is most abominable in Old 
 England. For his book that he wrote against the late king 
 that you would have me read, you should have taken notice 
 of God's judgment upon him, who stroke him -svith blind- 
 ness ; and, as I have heard, he was fain to have the help of 
 one Andrew Marvell, or else he could not have finished that 
 most accursed libel. God has began his judgment upon him 
 
LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 99 
 
 here — his punishment -vvill be hereafter in hell. But have 
 you seen the answer to it ? If you can get it, I assure you it 
 is worth your reading. 
 
 " I have also read Taylor's book of the Liberty of Pro- 
 phesj-ing ; though it please not me, yet I am sm-e it does 
 you, or else I [know]* you [would]* not have WTote to me 
 to have read it, I say, it and you would make a good fire. 
 But have you seen his Divine Institution of the Office 
 Ministerial ? I assure you that is both worth yom- read- 
 ing and practice. Bishop Laud's book against Fisher I 
 have read long since; wliich, if you have not done, let me 
 tell you that he has deeply womided the pope ; and, I 
 believe, howsoever he be slighted, he will rise a saint, when 
 many seeming ones, such as you are, will rise devils. 
 
 " I cannot conclude without putting you in mind how 
 dear a lover and great an admirer my father was of the 
 liturgy of the church of England, and w^ould often say, no 
 reformed clnu'ch had the like. He was constant to it, both 
 in his life and at liis death. I mean to walk in his steps ; 
 and, truly, when I consider who were the composers of it," 
 and how they sealed the truth of it with their blood, I 
 cannot but wonder why it should now of late be thus con- 
 temned. By what I have now writ, you know how I stand 
 affected. I will walk as directly to heaven as I can, in 
 which place, if you will turn from being a rebel, and fear 
 God and obey the king, there is hope I may meet you there : 
 howsoever, trouble me no more with youi* letters, for they 
 are very troublesome to her that wishes you in the place 
 from whence you came."t 
 
 * These words are not in the MS. 
 
 t This correspondence, between Roger Williams and Mrs. 
 Sadleir, is copied from the original manuscripts in the library of 
 Trinity college, Cambridge. Like many of Williams's letters, they 
 are without date ; but the allusions to his works, and other circum- 
 stances, clearly show that they were written during his second visit, 
 in 1652-3. The writer has examined the originals of the letters ; 
 and for the knowledge of their existence he is indebted to the 
 courtesy of the Hon. George Bancroft, author of the History of the 
 United States, and late minister plenipotentiary to Great Britain 
 
100 LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 
 
 Near the direction, on tlie outside, of Williams's first 
 letter, there is the following note by Mrs. Sadleir : — 
 
 " This Roger Williams, when he was a youth, would, in 
 a short hand, take sermons and speeches in the Star 
 Chamber, and present them to my dear father. He, seeing 
 so hopeful a youth, took such liking to him that he sent 
 him in to Sutton's Hospital, and he was the second that was 
 placed there ; full little did he think that he would have 
 proved such a rebel to God, the king, and his country. I 
 leave kis letters, that, if ever he has the face to return into 
 his native country, Tybm-n may give him welcome." 
 
 These letters present a lively pictm-e of the influence of 
 party spirit upon social intercom^se, at that remarkable 
 period. The gratitude and humility of Williams are finely 
 contrasted with the cold repulsiveness, and, at last, rude 
 insolence of his correspondent, whose final letter pours 
 forth as much venom as could well flow from a lady's pen. 
 The concentrated essence of it, in her postscript, reminds us 
 of the mutation in human affairs. The rebel she denounces 
 has acquired a nobler fame than even that of the acute 
 lawyer, her father ; while, if her own name is rescued from 
 oblivion, she owes it to her accidental connexion with the 
 man she consigns to Tyburn. 
 
 We may here observe, that while Williams was in Eng- 
 land, in addition to his numerous avocations, his exertions 
 were called forth in the metropolis " for the supply of the 
 poor with wood dm-ing the stop of the coals from Newcastle, 
 and the mutinies of the poor," in consequence of the high 
 price of every species of fuel. He also refers to oppor- 
 tunities he had to " run the road of preferment, as well in 
 Old as in New England." 
 
 Though he made great sacrifices in order to undertake 
 his present agency, his visit, at this time, to the mother- 
 country must have been peculiarly gratifying. His official 
 duties brought him into frequent intercourse with many of 
 the eminent statesmen who then adorned the legislature, 
 and wielded the power of the state. He renewed his 
 friendship with Sir Henry Vane, the former governor of 
 
LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 101 
 
 Massachusetts, and enjoyed his hospitality, at his country- 
 seat, for many weeks. He secui^ed on behalf of his beloved 
 colony the powerful influence of Cromwell, with whom he 
 had frequent interviews. His hours of leisure were often 
 passed with a kindred spii'it, of transcendent genius — 
 Milton — to whom he refers in his subsequent correspond- 
 ence. Imagination conceives those two great men, repre- 
 sentatives of a brighter futm-e, discussing the true nature 
 of that religious liberty, which few besides themselves 
 clearly discerned. We can fancy them applying the simple 
 principle of the non-interference of the state with religion 
 to the solution of the vexed questions which still continued 
 to harass and divide the English chm^ch reformers. And 
 if their hopes of the speedy triumph of this principle in 
 England sometimes failed, they would rejoice together that 
 there was at least one spot on the earth's wide sm-face, 
 where conscience, with joyful exultation, might exclaim, 
 I am free ! 
 
CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 WILLIAMS RETURNS TO AMERICA — HIS LETTER TO GOVERNOR 
 WINTHROP — RE-ORGANIZATION OF THE GOVERNMENT — HE IS 
 ELECTED PRESIDENT OF THE COLONY — HIS LETTER TO THE 
 GOVERNMENT OF MASSACHUSETTS — HIS LETTER ON CIVIL AND 
 RELIGIOUS LIBERTY. 
 
 Though it appears that inducements had been held out to 
 Williams to remain in England, yet nothing could detain 
 him from his beloved colony. The objects of his mission 
 not being fully accomplished, he left the remainder of the 
 business in the hands of Mr. Clarke, and returned, early in 
 the summer of 1654. He landed at Boston, bringing with 
 him an order from the lord-protector's comicil, requiring the 
 authorities of Massachusetts to allow him, in future, to 
 embark or land in their territories without molestation. 
 
 Soon after his retm-n, he addi-essed a letter to his friend, 
 Mr. Winthi'op, afterwards governor of Connecticut : a 
 gentleman greatly respected as a christian, a philosopher, 
 and a magistrate. In the following passage, he relates 
 several incidents connected with his visit to England : — 
 
 " For my much-honoured, kind Friend, Mr. John 
 
 WiNTHROP, AT PeQUOD. 
 
 ^^Providenee, July 12th, '54. 
 
 " Sir, — I was humbly bold to salute you from our native 
 country ; and now, by the gracious hand of the Lord, once 
 more saluting this wilderness, I crave yom- w^onted patience 
 to my wonted boldness, who ever honoured and loved, and 
 ever shall, the root and branches of yom* dear name. How 
 joyful, therefore, was I to hear of yom- abode as a stake 
 and pillar in these parts, and of your healths — yom* own, 
 
LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 103 
 
 Mrs. Winthrop, and your branches — although some sad 
 niixtui-es we have had from the sad tidings (if true) of the 
 late loss and cutting off of one of them. 
 
 " Sii', I was lately upon the wing to have waited on you 
 at your house. I had disposed all for my jom-ney, and my 
 staff was in my hand, but it pleased the Lord to interpose 
 some impediments, so that I am compelled to a suspension 
 for a season, and choose at present thus to visit you. I had 
 no letters for you, but yom's were well. I was at the lodg- 
 ings of Major Winthrop and Mr. Peters, but I missed them. 
 Your brother flourisheth in good esteem, and is eminent for 
 maintaining the freedom of the conscience, as to matters of 
 belief, religion, and worship. Yom' father Peters* preacheth 
 the same doctrine, though not so zealously as some years 
 since ; yet cries out against New-EngUsh rigidities and 
 persecutions 
 
 " Surely, sii% yom- father, and all the people of God in 
 England, formerly called Puritanus Anglicanus, of late 
 Roimdheads, now the Sectarians (as more or less cut off 
 from the parishes), are now in the saddle and at the helm, 
 so high that 7ion datur descensus nisi cadendo. Some cheer 
 up their spirits with the impossibility of another fall or 
 turn ; so doth Major-Gen. Harrison, and Mr. Feake, and 
 Mr. John Simpson, now in "Windsor castle for preacliing 
 against this last change, and against the protector as an 
 usurper, Richard III., &c. So did many think of the last 
 pai'liament, who were of the vote of fifty-six against priests 
 and tithes, opposite to the vote of the fifty-four who were 
 for them, at least for a while. Major-Gen. Harrison was the 
 second in the nation of late, when the kving general and 
 himself joined against the former long parliament, and 
 dissolved them; but now being the head of the fifty-six 
 party, he was confined by the j)rotector and council, within 
 five miles of his father's house, in Staffordshire. That 
 sentence he not obeying, he told me (the day before my 
 leaving London) he was to be sent prisoner into Harford- 
 shire. Sui-ely, sii', he is a very gallant, most deserving, 
 heavenly man, but most high flown for the kingdom of the 
 * Mr. Winthrop had married a daughter of the Hev. Hugh Peters. 
 
104 LIFE OF KOGER WILLIAMS. 
 
 saiiits. others, as to my knowledge, the protector. Lord 
 President Lawi'ence, and others at helm, with Sir Henry- 
 Vane (retu-ed into Lincolnshire, yet daily missed and com-ted 
 for his assistance), are not so full of that faith of miracles, 
 but still imagine changes and persecutions 
 
 " Sir, I know not how far yom^ judgment hath concmTed 
 %vith the design against the Dutch. I must acknowledge 
 my mourning for it, and when I heard of it at Portsmouth, 
 I confess I wrote letters to the protector and president fi'om 
 thence ; as against a most uningenuous and unchi'istian 
 design, at such a time when the world stood gazing at the 
 so famous treaty for peace, which was then between the 
 two states, and near finished when we set sail. Much I can 
 tell you of the answer I had from com-t, and I think of the 
 answers I had from heaven — viz., that the Lord M'Ould 
 graciously retard us mitil the tidings of peace (from 
 England) might quench the fire in the kindling of it. 
 
 " Sir, I had word from the lord president, at Ports- 
 mouth, that the council had passed three letters as to our 
 business. First, to encom-age us ; second, to om- neighbour 
 colonies not to molest us ; third, in exposition of that word 
 dominion, in the late frame of the government of England 
 — viz., that liberty of conscience should be maintained in 
 all American plantations, &c. 
 
 " Sir, a great man in America told me that he thought 
 New England would not bear it. I hope better, and that 
 not only the necessity, but the equity-, piety, and Christianity 
 of that freedom will more and more sliine forth, not to 
 licentiousness (as all mercies are apt to be abused), but to 
 the beauty of chiistianity, and the lustre of true faith in 
 God and love to poor mankind, Szc. 
 
 " Sir, I have desii-es of keeping home. I have long had 
 scruples of selling the natives aught, but what may bring 
 or tend to civilizing. It pleased the Lord to call me for 
 some time, and with some persons, to practise the Hebrew, 
 the Greek, Latin, French, and Dutch. The secretary of the 
 council, Mr. Milton, for my Dutch I read him, read me many 
 more languages. Grammar rules begin to be esteemed a 
 tyranny. I taught two yomig gentlemen, a parliament- 
 
I 
 
 LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 105 
 
 man's sons, as we teach our childi-en English — hj words, 
 phrases, and constant talk, &c. I have begun with mine 
 own three boys, who labour besides ; others are coming- 
 to me. 
 
 *' Sir, I shall rejoice to receive a word of your healths, 
 of the Indian wars, and to be ever yours, 
 
 "R.W." 
 
 Here we have proof of the extent of Williams's acquii'e- 
 ments as a linguist, while we see Milton and himself in the 
 very interesting relation of mutual instructors. It is pro- 
 bable that he " taught two young gentlemen, a parliament- 
 man's sons," as a mode of providing for his own support at 
 this period. 
 
 On his arrival at Providence, his first object was to re- 
 store union among the several towns, and re-establish the 
 government on its former basis, in accordance with the 
 order of the council of state. The accomx^lishment of this 
 was no easy task, in consequence of the petty jealousies 
 and local differences, which had been artfully fomented by 
 some tm-bulent spirits, who thought disorder more pro- 
 pitious to their interests than good government. In this 
 crisis, he addressed a conciliatory letter to the citizens of 
 Providence, in which he alludes in affecting terms to his 
 trials and sacrifices in their behalf, and urges them to bury 
 their animosities and unite in the reorganization of the 
 government on its old foundations. His efforts to promote 
 union were also enforced, by a letter entrusted to him by 
 Sir Henry Vane, and addressed to the inhabitants of the 
 colony.* 
 
 By the skilful policy and persuasive earnestness of 
 Williams, Providence and the other towns soon after 
 appointed commissioners, who met on the 31st of August, 
 1654, and the articles of union were finally agreed upon, 
 under the existing charter. 
 
 Williams was requested, also, by the citizens of Provi- 
 dence, to prepare an answer to Sir Henry Vane's letter in 
 
 * A curious extract from a work of Sir H. Vane will be found in 
 the Appendix II. 
 
106 LIFE OF EOGER WILLIAMS. 
 
 the name of tlie town. In this answer, dated August 27, 
 1654, commencing with an expression of regret at the late 
 retirement of Sir Henry " from the helm of public affairs," 
 he speaks of his " loving lines " to the colony as " the sweet 
 fruits of his rest." " Thus the sun, when he retires his 
 brightness from the world, yet from under the very clouds 
 we perceive his presence, and enjoy some light, and heat, 
 and sweet refi-eshings." He points out the causes which 
 had distiu'bed the colony, and concludes by expressing the 
 hope " that, when we are gone and rotten, om- posterity 
 and children after us shall read, in our town records, your 
 pious and favourable letters, and loving kindness to us, 
 and this our answer, and real endeavour after peace and 
 righteousness." 
 
 The &st general election was held at Warwick, on the 
 12th of September, when Roger Williams was chosen 
 president of the colony. At the same time, he was also 
 appointed, together with Mr. Gregory Dexter, to " draw up 
 and send letters of humble thanksgiving to his highness, 
 the lord protector, and Sir Henry Vane, Mr. Holland, 
 and Mr. John Clarke, in the name of the colony ; and 
 Mr. Williams is desii'ed to subscribe them, by virtue of his 
 office." 
 
 The auspicious union of the settlements, after an unhappy 
 division of several years, was mainly accomplished by the 
 wisdom and firmness of Williams. One of his first acts 
 after entering upon the duties of his presidency, was to 
 interpose his friendly offices in order to prevent hostilities 
 between the imited colonies and some of the neighbouring 
 Indian tribes. For this pm-pose, he addressed a letter to 
 the government of Massachusetts, from which we present 
 the following extracts : — 
 
 " Providence, oth October, '54, 
 
 "Much honoured Sirs, — I truly wish you peace, and pray 
 your gentle acceptance of a word, I hope not mireasonable. 
 
 " We have in these parts a sound of yom- meditations of 
 war against these natives, amongst whom we dwell. I 
 consider that war is one of those three great sore plagues 
 
LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 107 
 
 witli which it pleaseth God to afflict the sons of men. I 
 consider, also, that I refused, lately, many offers in my 
 native country, out of a sincere desii'e to seek the good and 
 peace of this. 
 
 " I remember, that, upon the express advice of your ever- 
 honoured Mr. Winthrop, deceased,* I first adventured to 
 begin a plantation, among the thickest of these barbarians. 
 
 " That in the Pequod wars, it pleased your honom-ed 
 government to employ me in the hazardous and weighty 
 service of negotiating a league between yourselves and the 
 Narragansetts, when the Pequod messengers, who sought 
 the Narragansetts' league against the English, had almost 
 ended that my work and life together. 
 
 " That at the subscribing of that solemn league, which, 
 by the mercy of the Lord, I had procured with the Narra- 
 gansetts, your government was pleased to send unto me the 
 copy of it, subscribed by all hands there, which yet I keep 
 as a monument and a testimony of peace and faithfulness 
 between you both. 
 
 " That, since that time, it hath pleased the Lord so to 
 order it, that I have been more or less interested and used 
 in all your great transactions of war or peace between the 
 English and the natives, and have not spared purse, nor 
 pains, nor hazards (very many times), that the whole land, 
 English and natives, might sleep in peace securely. 
 
 " That in my last negotiations in England with the par- 
 liament, council of state, and his highness, I have been 
 forced to be known so much that if I should be silent I 
 should not only betray mine own peace and yours, but also 
 should be false to their honourable and princely names, 
 whose loves and affections, as well as their supreme autho- 
 rity, are not a little concerned in the peace or war of this 
 country. 
 
 " At my last departure for England I was importuned by 
 
 * Governor Winthrop died at Boston, on the 26th of March, 1649, 
 aged sixty-two years. He was eleven times chosen governor of 
 Massachusetts. He was one of the purest and most gifted men of 
 his age, and spent his large estate in the public service. His son 
 and grandson were successively governors of Connecticut. 
 
108 LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 
 
 the Narragansett sachems, and especially by Ninigret, to 
 present theii* petition to the high sachems of England, that 
 they might not be forced from their religion, and, for not 
 changing their religion, be invaded by war ; for they said 
 they were daily visited with tln^eatenings by Indians that 
 came from about the Massachusetts, that if they would not 
 pray they should be destroyed by war. With this their 
 petition I acquainted in private discourses divers of the 
 chiefs of om- nation, and especially his highness, who, in 
 many discourses I had with liim, never expressed the least 
 displeasure, as hath been here reported, but in the midst of 
 disputes ever expressed a high spii'it of love and gentleness, 
 and was often pleased to please himself with very many 
 questions, and my answers about the Indian affairs of this 
 country, and after all hearing of yom-self and us, it hath 
 pleased his highness and his council to grant, amongst 
 other favours to this colony, some expressly concerning the 
 very Indians, the native inhabitants of this jurisdiction. 
 
 " I therefore humbly offer to your prudent and impartial 
 view, first, these two considerable terms, it pleased the Lord 
 to use to all that profess liis name. — Ilom. xii. 18. 
 
 " I never was against the righteous use of the civil sword 
 of men or nations, but yet, since all men of conscience or 
 prudence ply to windward to maintain their wars to be de- 
 fensive (as did both king and Scotch, and English, and 
 Irish too in the late wars), I humbly pray yom* considera- 
 tion, whether it be not only possible, but very easy, to live 
 and die in peace with all the natives of this country. 
 
 "For, secondly, are not all the English of this land 
 generally a persecuted people from their native soil ? and 
 hath not the God of peace and Father of mercies made 
 these natives more friendly in this, than our native country- 
 men in om- own land to us ? Have they not entered leagues 
 of love, and to this day continued peaceable commerce with 
 us ? Are not our families grown up in peace amongst them ? 
 Upon which I humbly ask, how it can suit with chiistian 
 ingenuity to take hold of some seeming occasions for their 
 destruction, which, though the heads be only aimed at, yet 
 all experience tells us, falls on the body and the innocent. 
 
LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 109 
 
 "Thirdly, I pray it may be remembered how greatly 
 the name of God is concerned iii this aflPair, for it cannot 
 be hid how all England and other nations ring with the 
 glorious conversion of the Indians of New England. You 
 know how many books are dispersed tlu'oughout the nation 
 on the subject (in some of them the Narragansett chief 
 sachems are publicly branded for refusing to pray and be 
 converted) — how all the pulpits in England have been com- 
 manded to sound of tliis glorious work (I speak not ironi- 
 cally, but only mention what all the printed books mention), 
 and that by the highest command and authority of parlia- 
 ment, and chm'chwardens went from house to house to 
 gather supplies for this work. 
 
 " Honoured sirs, whether I have been and am a 
 friend to the natives' turning to ci\dlity and Christianity, 
 and whether I have been instrumental, and desire so to be, 
 according to my light, I will not trouble you with ; only I 
 beseech you consider how the name of the most holy and 
 jealous God may be preserved between the clashings of 
 these two, viz., the glorious conversion of the Indians in 
 New England, and the unnecessary wars and cruel destruc- 
 tion of the Indians in New England. 
 
 " Fourthly, I beseech you forget not that although we are 
 apt to play with this plague of war more than with the 
 other two, famine and pestilence, yet I beseech you consider 
 how the present events of all wars that ever have been in 
 the world have been wonderfully fickle, and the future 
 calamities and revolutions wonderful in the latter end. 
 
 " Heretofore, not having liberty of taking ship in your 
 jurisdiction, I was forced to repak unto the Dutch, where 
 my eyes did see that first breaking forth of that Indian war 
 which the Dutch begun, upon the slaughter of some Dutch 
 by the Indians, and they questioned not to finish it in a 
 few days, insomuch that the name of peace, which some 
 offered to mediate, was foolish and odious to them. But 
 before we weighed anchor their bowries were in flames. 
 Dutch and English were slain. Mine eyes saw their flames 
 at theiL' towns, and the flights and huiTies of men, Avomen, 
 and cliildi-en, the present removal of all that could for Hoi- 
 
110 LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 
 
 land, and after vast expense andmntual slaughter of Dutch, 
 English, and Indians, about four years, the Dutch were 
 forced, to save their plantation from ruin, to make up 
 a most unworthy and dishonourable peace with the In- 
 dians 
 
 " But, lastly, if any be yet zealous of kindling this fire 
 for God, &c., I beseech that gentleman, whoever he be, to 
 lay himself in the opposite scale, with one of the faii-est 
 buds that ever the sun of righteousness cherished, Josiah ; 
 that most zealous and melting-hearted reformer Avho would 
 to war, and against warnings, and fell in most untimely 
 death and lamentations, and now stands a pillar of salt to 
 all succeeding generations 
 
 " How much nobler were it and glorious to the name of 
 God and yom- own, that no pagan should dare to use the 
 name of an English subject who comes not out in some 
 degree from barbarism to civility — forsaking their filthy 
 nakedness, keeping some kind of cattle, which yet your 
 comicils and commands may tend to — and as pious and 
 prudent deceased ]Mr. Winthrop said, that civility may be 
 a leading step to Christianity, is the hujnble desire of your 
 most unfeigned in all services of love, 
 
 "Roger Williams, 
 of Pro-\ddence Colony, President." 
 
 It appears that this letter had a salutary effect. Massa- 
 chusetts, with a spirit that is honom-able to her rulers, was 
 opposed to hostilities, and thus prevented a general war 
 with the natives, although it had been already determined 
 on by the commissioners of the united colonies, Williams 
 had succeeded in restoring the regular operations of govern- 
 ment, but the ofiice of president was at that time encom- 
 passed with many difficulties. There were not wanting 
 tm'bulent spirits who were uneasy and impatient under the 
 restraints of law and order. During the early part of his 
 administration, one of these addi'essed a seditious jjamphlet 
 to the town of Providence, and was active in circulating it 
 among the citizens, maintaining " that it was blood-guilti- 
 ness, and against the rule of the gospel, to execute judg- 
 
LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. Ill 
 
 ment upon transgressors against the private or public weal." 
 This doctrine tended to the subversion of all civil society; 
 yet; it is not surprising that in a community enjoying un- 
 restricted freedom of opinion, some were found who would 
 pervert the privilege into unbounded license. While such 
 sentiments were propagated, WilUams could not remain 
 silent, and accordingly addressed a letter to the town, in 
 which he explicitly denies that he had ever given the 
 slightest sanction to principles so hostile to the civil peace, 
 and the dictates of reason and scriptm-e. He clearly shows 
 that absolute liberty of conscience is quite consistent with 
 the restraints of civil government ; and illustrates this 
 position by a very ingenious allegory. The letter is copied 
 from the records of the city of Providence : — 
 
 " That ever I should speak or write a tittle, that tends to 
 such an infinite liberty of conscience, is a mistake, and 
 which I have ever disclaimed and abhorred. To prevent 
 such mistakes, I shall at present only propose this case : 
 There goes many a ship to sea, with many hundred souls in 
 one ship, whose weal and woe is common, and is a true 
 j)icture of a commonwealth, or a human combination or 
 society. It hath fallen out sometimes, that both papists and 
 protestants, Jews and Tm-ks, may be embarked in one 
 ship ; upon which supposal I affirm, that all the liberty of 
 conscience, that ever I pleaded for, turns upon these two 
 hinges — that none of the papists, protestants, Jews, or 
 Tm'ks, be forced to come to the ship's prayers or worship, 
 nor compelled from theii' own particular prayers or worship, 
 if they practise any. I fm-ther add, that I never denied, 
 that notwithstanding this hberty, the commander of this 
 ship ought to command the ship's com'se, yea, and also 
 command that justice, peace, and sobriety, be kept and 
 practised, both among the seamen and all the passengers. 
 If any of the seamen refuse to perform their services, or 
 passengers to pay their freight ; if any refuse to help, in 
 person or purse, towards the common charges or defence ; 
 if any refuse to obey the common laws and orders of the 
 ship, concerning their common peace or preservation; if 
 
112 LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 
 
 any shall mutiny and rise up against their commanders 
 and officers ; if any should preach or write that there ought 
 to be no commanders or officers, because all are equal in 
 Christ, therefore no masters nor officers, no laws nor orders, 
 no corrections nor punishments ; — I say, I never denied, but 
 in such cases, whatever is pretended, the commander or 
 commanders may judge, resist, compel and punish such 
 transgressors, according to their deserts and merits. This, 
 if seriously and honestly minded, may, if it so please the 
 Father of lights, let in some light to such as willingly shut 
 not their eyes. 
 
 " I remain studious of your common peace and liberty, 
 
 " Roger Williajis." 
 
CHAPTER XV. 
 
 LETTER FROM CROIMWELL — TVLLLIAMS'S ATTEMPTS TO ESTABLISH 
 FRIENDLY RELATIONS WITH MASSACHUSETTS — SEVERE LAWS 
 AGAINST THE QUAKERS IN THE OTHER COLONIES — RHODE ISLAND 
 REFUSES TO JOIN IN THE PERSECUTION — LETTER TO JOHN CLARKE 
 — WILLIAMS RETIRES FROM THE PRESIDENCY. 
 
 The current of afikirs did not yet flow quite smoothly in 
 the little colony. Though a very large majority adhered 
 to the cause of the commonwealth, yet a few royalists 
 attempted to create factions. Complaints were made by 
 the constituted authorities to Cromwell, who addressed the 
 following letter to the colony : — 
 
 " To our trusty and well-beloved the president, assistants, 
 and inhabitants of Rhode Island, together with the rest 
 of the Providence Plantations, in the Narragansett Bay, 
 in New England. 
 
 " Gentlemen, — Yom- agent here hath represented unto us 
 some particulars concerning yom- government, which you 
 judge necessary to be settled by us here. But by reason of 
 the other great and weighty afiatrs of this commonwealth, 
 we have been necessitated to defer the consideration of 
 them to a further opportunity ; for the mean time we were 
 willing to let you know that you are to proceed in your 
 government according to the tenor of your charter, for- 
 merly granted on that behalf; taking care of the peace and 
 safety of those plantations, that neither thi-ough any intes- 
 tine commotions, or foreign invasions, there do arise any 
 detriment or dishonour to this commonwealth, or your- 
 selves, as far as you, by your care and diligence, can 
 I 
 
114 LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 
 
 prevent. And as for the things which are before us, they 
 shall, as soon as the other occasions will permit, receive a 
 just and fitting determination. And so we bid you fare- 
 well, and rest 
 
 " Your very loving friend, 
 " 29^/i March, 1655." * " Oliver P." 
 
 The protector's interest in the colony, and his friendship 
 for Williams, was manifested on this as well as many other 
 occasions. In his letters, the latter repeatedly alludes to 
 familiar conversations with Cromwell, to whom he was 
 draAvn by a unity of opinion on the great question of re- 
 ligious liberty. 
 
 There is a tradition that these two distinguished men 
 were remotely allied by birth ; and a fact, recorded in the 
 genealogy of the Cromwell family, gives an air of pro- 
 bability, at least, to this supj)osition. Cromwell's paternal 
 ancestry is traced to Richard Williams, of Wales, who was 
 knighted by Henry VIII. by the name of Cromwell, after 
 liis uncle, whose heir he became.f 
 
 The protector's letter served to strengthen the govern- 
 ment, and, in pm-suance of his advice, the assembly im- 
 mediately passed an act, declaring, that " if any person or 
 persons be found, by the examination and judgment of the 
 general court of commissioners, to be a ringleader or ring- 
 leaders of factions or divisions among us, he or they shall 
 be sent over at his or their own charges, as prisoners, to 
 receive his or their trial or sentence, at the pleasure of liis 
 highness and the lords of his comicil." This act shows, 
 that while the legislature recognised the rights of con- 
 science, they were resolved to enforce civil obedience. The 
 prompt and resolute measm-es adopted by the authorities 
 produced peace and good order among the settlements. 
 Coddington and others gave in their allegiance to the 
 colony, and the old form of government continued until the 
 adoption of the charter of 1663. 
 
 * Colony Records. 
 
 t See a genealogy of the Cromwell family in Appendix III. 
 
LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 115 
 
 Dmiiig the presidency of Williams, he made efforts to 
 establish more friendly relations with the neighbouring- 
 colonies, especially with Massachusetts. The people of 
 Rhode Island were not allowed to procure fire-arms and 
 ammunition from Boston, though they were exposed to 
 imminent peril from the Indians, who were abundantly 
 supplied from various quarters. In November, 1655, he 
 addressed a letter to the general coui't of Massachusetts, in 
 wliich he remonstrated in a fu'm, though courteous, tone 
 against this oppressive policy, by which the inhabitants of 
 Rhode Island seemed " to be devoted to the Indian shambles 
 and massacres." A few months afterwards he wrote to the 
 governor, Mr. Endicott, who invited him to visit Boston, 
 that he might present his requests to the general court in 
 person. The address he made to the court, in the name 
 and by the appointment of his colony, was successful in 
 obtaining some of the privileges that he had requested. 
 This kindness he acknowledged in a brief note to the 
 assembly, in which he says, "I do cordially promise for 
 myself (and all I can persuade with), to study gratitude and 
 faithfulness to your service." 
 
 During the year 1656 a nmnber of the then new sect called 
 quakers arrived in Boston, and began to promulgate their 
 doctrines. The wild fanaticism of some of the early ad- 
 herents of the sect forms a striking contrast to the quiet 
 and consistent demeanoui- of the Friends of the present day. 
 Experience had not yet been sufficient to teach Massa- 
 chusetts the folly of interfering between God and man, and 
 she attempted the utter extermination of these new heretics. 
 A large number were fined, imprisoned, banished, and 
 whipped, and by a sanguinary law, enacted October, 1658, 
 punishing with death all quakers who should return into 
 the jurisdiction after banishment, four persons were bar- 
 barously executed. The persecution continued till Septem- 
 ber, 1661, when an order was received from King Charles II. 
 requiring that neither capital nor corporal punishment 
 should be inflicted on them, but that offenders should be 
 sent to England. The other colonies of New England 
 passed severe laws against the quakers, and endeavoured to 
 
116 ■ LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 
 
 prevail on Rhode Island to join in the persecution. The 
 commissioners of the united colonies addressed a letter to 
 the president of Rhode Island, urging him to send away 
 such quakers as were then in the colony, and prohibit the 
 entrance of any in future ; but the government remaining 
 true to their principle of " soul liberty," promptly refused 
 to comply with the request. The general assembly, which 
 met March 13, 1657, returned an answer to the commis- 
 sioners in the following terms : — 
 
 " Whereas freedom of different consciences to be protected 
 from enforcements was the principal ground of our charter, 
 both with respect to om- humble suit for it, as also to the 
 true intent of the honourable and renowned parliament of 
 England in granting of the same unto us, — which freedom 
 we still prize as the greatest happiness that men can pos- 
 sess in this world ; — therefore w^e shall, for the preservation 
 of om' civil peace and order, the more seriously take notice 
 that those people and any other that are here, or shall come 
 amongst us, be impartially required, and to our utmost con- 
 strained, to perform all civil duties requisite, towards the 
 maintaining the right of his highness and the government 
 of that most renowned commonwealth of England in this 
 colony. And in case they the said people called quakers 
 which are here, or shall arise or come among us, do refuse 
 to submit to the doing all duties aforesaid, then we resolve 
 to make use of the first opportmiity to inform our agent re- 
 siding hi England."* 
 
 This reply was not satisfactory to the commissioners, and 
 the next autumn they wrote again to the assembly, who re- 
 turned an answer, dated October 13, 1657, in which they 
 use the following language : — 
 
 " As concerning these quakers (so called), which are now 
 among us, we have no law whereby to punish any for only 
 declaring by words, &c., their minds and understandings 
 concerning the things and ways of God, as to salvation and 
 an eternal condition. And we find, moreover, that in those 
 places where these people, aforesaid, in this colony, are most 
 of all suffered to declare themselves freely, and are only 
 * Colony Records. 
 
LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 117 
 
 opposed by arguments in discourse, there they least of all 
 desii'e to come."* 
 
 The letter then expressed disapprobation of the conduct 
 of some of the quakers, and promised at the next general 
 assembly that proper measures should be adopted to prevent 
 any " bad effects of their doctrines and endeavom'S." 
 
 The other colonies appear to have been greatly incensed 
 by the firm and consistent adherence of Rhode Island to 
 the glorious prmciples of her founder. The commissioners 
 wrote a third time to the general assembly, requu^ing the 
 colony to unite in a general persecution of the quakers, 
 under the penalty of being herself excluded from all com- 
 mercial intercom'se with the rest of New England. This 
 extraordinary attempt to force the citizens of Rhode Island 
 from their cherished principles was unavailing. 
 
 Apprehensive, however, that attempts might be made to 
 accomplish this object indirectly they charged John Clarke, 
 their agent at the court of the protector, to plead their 
 cause that " they may not be compelled to exercise any 
 civil power over men's consciences." The following letter 
 to Mr. Clarke was written by a committee appointed by 
 the general assembly, November 5, 1658. It reflects great 
 credit upon Rhode Island, and shows how far she was in 
 advance of the other colonies and of the age : — ■ 
 
 " Worthy Sir and trusty Friend, Mr. Clarke, — ^We 
 have found not only your ability and diligence, but also your 
 love and care to be such concerning the welfare and pros- 
 perity of this colony, since you have been entrusted with the 
 more public affairs thereof, surpassing that no small benefit 
 which formerly we had of yom- presence here at home, that 
 we in all straits and incumbrances are emboldened to repair 
 to you for your further and continued comisel, care and 
 help, finding that yom* solid and christian demeanour hath 
 gotten no small interest in the hearts of our superiors, those 
 noble and worthy senators with whom you have had to do 
 on om- behalf, as it hath constantly appeared in your ad- 
 dresses made unto them, which we have by good and com- 
 fortable proof found, having plentiful experience thereof. 
 * Hutchinson, vol. i. p. 454. 
 
118 LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS, 
 
 " The last year we have laden you with much employ- 
 ment, which we were then put upon hy reason of some 
 too refractory among ourselves, wherein we appealed unto 
 you for your advice, for the more public manifestation of 
 it with respect to our superiors. But our intelligence it 
 seems fell short in that great loss of the ship, which is con- 
 ceived here to be cast away. We have now a new occasion 
 given by an old spirit, with respect to the colonies about us, 
 who seem to be offended with us because of a sort of people 
 called by the name of quakers, who are come amongst us, and 
 have raised up divers who seem at present to be of their 
 spirit, whereat the colonies about us seem to be ofifended with 
 us, because the said people have theii' liberty amongst us, are 
 entertained into our houses, or into any of our assemblies. 
 And for the present we have found no just cause to charge 
 them with the breach of civil peace, only they are constantly 
 going forth amongst them about us, and vex and trouble them 
 in point of theii- religion and spiritual state, though they 
 retm-n wdth many a foul scar in their bodies for the same. 
 And the offence om- neighbours take against us, is because 
 w^e take not some course against the said people, either to ■ 
 expel them from among us, or take such coui'ses against 
 them as themselves do, who are in fear lest their religion 
 should be corrupted by them. Concerning w^hich displea- 
 sm-e that they seem to take, it was expressed to us in a 
 solemn letter, written by the commissioners of the united 
 colonies at their sitting, as though they would bring us in 
 to act according to their scantling, or else take some course 
 to do us greater displeasure. A copy of which letter we 
 have herewith sent unto you, wherein you may perceive 
 how they express themselves. As also w^e have herewith 
 sent om- present answer unto them, to give you w^hat light 
 we may in this matter. There is one clause in theii' letter 
 which plainly implies a tlireat, though covertly expressed 
 • — as their manner is — which we gather to be this : that as 
 themselves (as we conceive) have been much awed, in point 
 of their continued subjection to the state of England, lest, 
 in case they should decline, England might prohibit all 
 trade with them, both in pomt of exportation and importa- 
 
LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 119 
 
 tioii of any commodities, which were a host sufficiently- 
 prevalent to subdue New England, as not being able to 
 subsist ; even so they seem secretly to thi-eaten us, by 
 cutting us off from all commerce and trade with them, and 
 thereby to disable us of any comfortable subsistence, because 
 that the concourse of shipping, and so of all kind of com- 
 modities, is universally conversant amongst themselves ; as 
 also knowing that ourselves are not in a capacity to send 
 out sliipping of ourselves, which is in great measm-e 
 occasioned hy their oppressing us, as yourself well know ; as 
 in many other respects, so in this for one, that we cannot 
 have an5i;hing from them for the supply of our necessities, 
 but, in effect, they make the prices both of om- commodities 
 and their own also, because we have not English coin, but 
 only that which passeth among these barbarians, and such 
 commodities as are raised by the labour of our hands, 
 as corn, cattle, tobacco, &c., to make payment in, which 
 they will have at then- own rate, or else not deal with us ; 
 whereby though they gain extraordinarily by us, yet, for 
 the safeguard of their religion, may seem to neglect them- 
 selves in that respect ; for what ivill not men do for their 
 Godf 
 
 " Sir, this is our earnest and present request unto you 
 in this matter, that as you may perceive in our answer to 
 the united colonies, that we fly as to our refuge in all civil 
 respects to his highness and honoui-able council, as not 
 being subject to any others in matters of our civil state, so 
 may it please you to have an eye and ear open, in case 
 om* adversaries should seek to midermine us in our privi- 
 leges granted unto us, and to plead our case in such sort, as 
 that we may not he co7np)elled to exercise any civil power over 
 men^s consciences, so lotiy as hutnan orders in p)oint of civility 
 are not corrupted and violated, which our neighbours about 
 us do frequently practise, whereof many of us have large 
 experience, and judge it to be no less than a point of 
 absolute cruelty. 
 
 "John Sanford, 
 " Clerk of the Assembly."* 
 * Colony Records. 
 
120 LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 
 
 Thus terminated the controversy respecting the perse- 
 cution of the quakers, between the commissioners of New 
 England and the colony of Rhode Island. It commenced 
 near the close of Williams's administration ; the measm-es 
 on the part of the colony were sustained by his advice and 
 authority, and his liberal and tolerant spirit pervaded all 
 these proceedings. He retired from the ofiice of president 
 in May, 1658, and it is probable he declined being a candi- 
 date for re-election, though, at intervals, for several years, he 
 occupied a seat in the upper house of the general assembly. 
 Perhaps his motives were the same as those which, at a 
 subsequent period, influenced the immortal Washington, 
 who did not think it right that the highest office should be 
 held for a long period by the same individual. 
 
CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 THE KING GRANTS A NEW CHARTER— WILLIAMS APPOINTED AS- 
 SISTANT — CHARGES AGAINST RHODE ISLAND REFUTED — CON- 
 TROVERSY WITH THE QUAKERS — PHILIP'S WAR — SERVICES OF 
 WILLIAMS. 
 
 Although Roger Williams had retired from the post of 
 chief magistrate, yet he neglected no opportunity to pro- 
 mote the interests of the colony. He was appointed hy his 
 fellow-citizens of Providence to all the higher offices, and 
 frequent and honourable mention of his name appears in 
 the records both of the town and colony. 
 
 In the meantime, the various trials through which 
 Rhode Island passed increased her own love of liberty, 
 and, by the blessing of Divine Providence, she overcame 
 all the machinations of her adversaries, both at home and 
 abroad. Her prosperity augmented, and her inhabitants 
 multiplied ; for, to the persecuted of all denominations, she 
 was an ark of safety. 
 
 John Clarke, who was sent with Roger Williams to 
 England in the year 1651, still continued there, to watch 
 over the interests of the colony. After the death of the 
 protector, and the final subversion of the commonwealth, a 
 commission was sent to Dr. Clarke to procure a new charter 
 from Charles II. On the 8th of July, 1663, it was granted, 
 and conferred full power upon the colony, the king not 
 having even reserved to himself the right of revising the 
 proceedings. It gave her the choice of eveiy officer, from 
 the highest to the lowest — it authorized her to make peace 
 and to declare war — and constituted her a sovereignty, 
 under the protection of England. This instrument, like the 
 
122 LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 
 
 former charter, thus nobly embodies Rhode Island's great 
 principle : — 
 
 " No person within the said colony, at any time hereafter, 
 shall be anywise molested, punished, disquieted, or called 
 in question, for any differences in opinion in matters of 
 religion, who do not actually distm-b the peace of our said 
 colony; but that all and every person and persons may, 
 from time to time, and at all times hereafter, freely and fully 
 have and enjoy his own and their judgments and consciences, 
 in matters of religious concernments, throughout the tract of 
 land hereafter mentioned, they behaving themselves peace- 
 ably and quietly, and not using this liberty to licentiousness 
 and profaneness, nor to the civil injury or outward distui'b- 
 anee of others."* 
 
 This charter, from such a source, cannot fail to awaken 
 both admii-ation and astonishment. One so favom-able to 
 civil and religious liberty was never before granted by an 
 English monarch ; and it may be doubted whether, up to 
 the present period, fi-eedom so unlimited has even yet been 
 bestowed by England upon any of her colonies. 
 
 The new charter was received with enthusiastic joy by 
 the colonists. It was brought to New England by Captain 
 George Baxter, and presented to the general com-t at 
 Newport, November 24th, 1663. On the following day, it 
 was read in " a very great meeting and assembly of the 
 freemen of the colony." The records say, that " the said 
 letters, mth his majesty's royal stamp and the broad seal, 
 with much beseeming gravity, were held up on high, and 
 presented to the perfect view of the people." Thanks were 
 voted to the king, to the earl of Clarendon, and to Dr. 
 Clarke, their " trusty and well-beloved friend," together 
 with a resolution to pay all his expenses, and to present 
 him with a hundi'ed pounds. Thanks were also voted to 
 Captain Baxter, mth a present of thirty pounds, besides his 
 expenses from Boston. 
 
 By the provisions of the charter, the king appointed the 
 first governor and assistants, who were to continue in office 
 till the first Wednesday of ISIay next ensuing. Roger 
 * This charter is given at length in Appendix II. 
 
LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 123 
 
 Williams was created one of the assistants ; and at tlie first 
 meeting of the assembly, under the new government, he 
 was appointed to transcribe the charter into the records of 
 the colon)'. In May, 1664, at the first general election held 
 by the people, Williams was chosen an assistant ; and at 
 this session, in connexion with Dr. Clarke, was appointed 
 to review the laws. He was also appointed one of the 
 commissioners to fix the eastern boundary of the colony. 
 
 Such were the auspicious circumstances in which this 
 charter went into operation ; and it continued to be the 
 fundamental law of Rhode Island for nearly one hundred 
 and eighty years. The commmiity prospered under its 
 rule ; and when it was supplanted m 1843, by the present 
 constitution, it was the oldest charter of civil government 
 in existence. 
 
 •* There into life an infant empire springs ! 
 There falls the iron from the soul ; 
 There liberty's young accents roll 
 Up to the King of kings ! " 
 
 Two charges have been brought against Rhode Island, 
 which claim here a passing remark. The first is made by 
 an English writer,* who states, that at the meeting of the 
 general assembly, in March, 1664, a law was passed, con- 
 taining the following passage : — " That all men ])^'ofessmg 
 Christianity, of competent estates, and of civil conversation, 
 who acknowledge and are obedient to the civil magistrates, 
 though of difierent judgments in religious affair's, Roman 
 catholics only excej^ted, shall be admitted freemen, or may 
 choose or be chosen colonial officers." 
 
 Such an act would have been an anomaly in the legis- 
 lation of Rhode Island, and a serious reflection upon the 
 character of Roger Williams and the colony. It is certain 
 that no law containing the clauses above-written in italics 
 was passed in 1664 ; nor can such a law be found in the 
 records of the state, from its first settlement to the present 
 time. The Hon. Samuel Eddy, who was secretary of state 
 in Rhode Island from 1797 to 1819, and who examined the 
 
 * Chalmers's Political Annals, book i. c. 11, pp. 276—279. 
 
124 LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 
 
 records with, the utmost care, and with a particular view to 
 tliis law, declares that he could find " nothing that has any 
 reference to it, nor anything that gives any preference or 
 privileges to men of one set of religious opinions over those 
 of another."* 
 
 This testimony, while alone suflficient to disprove the 
 allegation, is abundantly confirmed by the fact, that the 
 very next year — in May, 1665 — the legislature asserted, 
 that " liberty to all persons as to the worship of God had 
 been a principle maintained in the colony from the 
 beginning thereof; and it was much in their hearts to 
 preserve the same liberty for ever." 
 
 The commissioners from England, also, who visited 
 Rhode Island the same year, reported of its people: — 
 " They allow liberty of conscience to all who live civilly ; 
 they admit of all religions."! 
 
 Again, in 1680, the legislature declared: — "We leave 
 every man to walk as God persuades his heart; all our 
 people enjoy freedom of conscience." It is, moreover, utterly 
 incredible that they would enact a law at variance with all 
 their institutions, and which would have been a violation of 
 the charter. It confl.icts with all their pre"vdous and subse- 
 quent policy, and especially with the principles of Wilhams, 
 who, in his HireHng Ministry, says : — "All these consciences 
 (yea, the very conscience of papists, jews, &c., as I have 
 proved at large in answer to Mr. Cotton's wasliings), ought 
 freely and impartially to be permitted their several respec- 
 tive worships, their ministers of worships, and what way 
 of maintaining them they please." 
 
 Judge Eddy accomits for the existence of the words in 
 italics, found in the copy of the laws printed in 1745, by 
 supposing they were inserted without authority by a re- 
 vising conmiittee, who might be desirous to please the 
 government of England. It may be added, that in this 
 veiy year, 1745, great alarai was created in the mother- 
 country at the prospect of the re-introduction of popery, in 
 connexion with the invasion of the pretender. The words, 
 
 • For a full statement of Mr. Eddy's views, see "Walsh's Appeal, 
 pp. 427—435. t Hutch. Coll. p. 413. 
 
LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 125 
 
 2)rofessing christicmity, and Roman catholics only excepted, 
 are now regarded, by all who have carefully examined the 
 subject, as an interpolation. 
 
 The other charge is, that, in 1665, the quakers were out- 
 lawed for refusing to bear arms.* This statement has also 
 been proved to be as destitute of truth as the former by 
 Judge Eddy, in an article contained in the Massachusetts 
 Historical Collections, 2nd series, vol. vii. p. 97. From this 
 article, it appears that the commissioners of the king 
 requii'cd, in his name, " that all householders, inhabiting 
 this colony, take the oath of allegiance," the penalty for 
 refusal being, a forfeitm^e of the elective franchise. The 
 general assembly replied, that it had been the uniform 
 practice of the colony,- from respect to the rights of con- 
 science, to allow those who objected to an oath to make an 
 engagement, on the penalties of perjmy. An engagement 
 was accordingly drawn up, in which the individual pro- 
 mised to bear allegiance to the king and his successors, and 
 " to yield due obedience to the laws established from time 
 to time." To the latter part of this engagement the quakers 
 objected, because they conceived it would bind them to 
 conform to the militia laws. The colony had not power to 
 dispense with the king's ordinance ; but the form of the 
 engagement vras altered the very next year, to meet their 
 scruples ; and the year following, one of theu' number was 
 elected deputy-governor. 
 
 It may be proper here to give a brief account of Roger 
 Williams's famous controversy with the quakers, which is 
 contained in the last of his published writings. It was an 
 imhappy dispute, in which all parties displayed more zeal 
 than christian charity ; and the result probably tended to 
 irritate rather than to con\T.nce. We must, however, 
 honour the motives by which Williams was actuated, and 
 which he declares to have been a desire to vindicate the 
 name of God from the dishonour brought upon it by the 
 quakers — to justify the colony for receiving them when 
 
 * See an article signed Francis Brimley, in Mass. Hist. Coll, 
 vol. V. p, 216, whose statement is repeated in Holmes's American 
 Annals, vol. i. p. 341. 
 
126 LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 
 
 banished from the other colonies — and to bear public 
 testimony, that, while he was decidedly opposed to any 
 measm-es which would impair liberty of conscience, he 
 disapproved of the doctrines and practices of that sect. 
 Rhode Island, being the refuge of these persons, was 
 charged with approving principles and conduct injurious 
 to the morals and order of societ;^^ These remarks must 
 not be understood as applying in the slightest degree to the 
 estimable society of Friends as they exist at the present 
 day, for none would repudiate more sincerely than they the 
 fanatical extravagances of some of the adherents of George 
 Fox, at that period, in New England, 
 
 In the month of July, 1672, Williams took occasion, 
 when the distinguished founder of the sect was in Rhode 
 Island, to propose that the principles of the quakers should 
 be examined in a friendly debate. Such public disputes 
 were not uncommon in that age, but they cannot be 
 regarded as a test of truth, and have seldom proved 
 beneficial in demolishing error. Williams sent fom-teen 
 propositions to Fox, at Newport; but, from some cause, they 
 were not delivered till thirteen days after the date, and the 
 latter left for England without having seen them. 
 
 A discussion, however, was commenced with three of his 
 disciples at Newport ; and continued there, and at Provi- 
 dence, for fom* days, where it terminated, having produced 
 no change of opinion on either side. 
 
 Williams afterwards published an account of this debate, 
 which bears the following quaint title : " George Fox digged 
 out of his BmTowes ; or, an Offer of Disputation on Fourteen 
 Proposals, made this last Summer, 1672 (so-called), unto 
 G. Fox, then present on Rhode Island, in New England. By 
 R. W." It is a small quarto volume of 327 pages, and 
 disjDlays considerable learning and acuteness, but is distin- 
 guished by an acerbity of language not found in his other 
 writings. This dispute naturally gave umbrage to some of 
 that sect for a time ; but there were others who cherished for 
 him the highest esteem, among whom was Joseph Jenckes, 
 a subsequent governor of Rhode Island, who bestows a 
 merited eulogy on Williams as a man and a christian. 
 
LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 127 
 
 He had now reached tlie appointed bourne of human life ; 
 but his physical and mental powers remained vigorous, and 
 circumstances occm-red about tliis time which called forth 
 all his energies. Massassoit, the principal sachem of the 
 Pokanokets, and the friend of the English, now slept with 
 his fathers, and his son, Philip, succeeded him as chief over 
 the allied tribes. He was able and ambitious, and endea- 
 voured to establish a league among the Indians in New 
 England, in order to arrest the progress of the whites, 
 or drive them from the land of his fathers. WTiile Philip 
 was making preparation for war, in 1671, the governor of 
 Plymouth and the commissioners invited him to meet them 
 at Tamiton. The haughty chieftain, suspicious of their 
 design, refused ; and demanded that they should come to 
 him. In tliis posture of aiFairs, Williams, with a Mr. Brown, 
 offered to become a hostage in Philip's camp. He then 
 acceded to the above request, delivered up about seventy 
 guns, and promised futm-e fidelity. This event, through 
 the successful agency of Williams, gave the colony four 
 years to prepare for the impending conflict. He exerted 
 himself, also, to prevent the powerful tribe of the Narra- 
 gansetts from joining the league. They at first promised 
 neutrality, and renewed their treaty with the colonies ; but 
 they afterwards united themselves to Philip, and rushed, 
 with theu' fom- thousand warriors, to the final struggle. 
 
 In June, 1675, the chief of the Pokanokets commenced a 
 war against Plymouth colony, that soon spread terror and 
 devastation to almost every settlement of New England. 
 It lasted more than a year, and for a time threatened the 
 extermination of her colonies. About six hundred men, 
 the flower of her strength, fell in battle or were butchered 
 by the savages ; twelve or thirteen towns were utterly 
 destroyed ; six hundred dwelling-houses reduced to ashes ; 
 and the expense and loss equalled in value half a million 
 of dollars. It was the most distressing period the country 
 had ever seen, and almost every family lost some relative 
 in this calamitous war. 
 
 On this occasion, for the first time, Rhode Island became 
 exposed to the hostility of the Indians. Many of the 
 
128 LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 
 
 inhabitants of Providence, and of the other towns of the 
 colony, removed to the island for safety. Williams, how- 
 ever, remained at home, and exerted his wonted energy. 
 He accepted a commission as captain in the militia, and 
 displayed his patriotic valour by buckling on his armour 
 for the defence of his fellow-citizens. He also presented a 
 petition to the town of Providence, for leave to convert 
 one of the houses into a garrison, and to erect other 
 defences " for the safety of the women and children." 
 
 It is said, that when the Indians appeared on the heights 
 north of the town, Williams took his staff, and fearlessly 
 Avent forth to meet them, hoping, as on former occasions, to 
 appease their vengeance. Some of the old warriors ad- 
 vanced from the main body to meet him, with whom he 
 remonstrated. He admonished them of the power and 
 vengeance of the English. " Massachusetts," said he, '' can 
 raise thousands of men at this moment, and if you kill 
 them, the king of England will supply their places as fast 
 as they fall." " Well," answered one of the cliieftains, " let 
 them come. We are ready for them. But as for you, 
 brother WilKams, you are a good man. You have been 
 kind to us many years. Not a hair of yom- head shall be 
 touched."* Finding their young warriors could not be 
 restrained, he returned to the garrison. The Indians sub- 
 sequently entered the town and destroyed by fii'e thirty 
 deserted habitations ; but it does not appear that any 
 persons were killed. In one of the houses the records were 
 deposited, which were preserved by being thi-own into the 
 Mooshausick, from whence they were afterwards recovered, 
 though much injm-ed. 
 
 This conflict was brought to a close, by the death of 
 Philip, in August, 1676. The Pokanokets were nearly 
 exterminated, and of the once powerful Narragansetts 
 hardly one hundi-ed men remained. In the wars of the 
 NeAv England colonists with the Indians, the candid his- 
 torian will find much both to regret and condemn ; but it 
 is due to the memory of the pilgrims to state, that those 
 
 * Baylie's Hist, of Plymouth, vol. iii. p. 314. Thatcher's Indian 
 Biography, vol. i. p. 309. 
 
LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 129 
 
 hostilities were first commenced by the savages, and when 
 the strug-gle came, it was a contest for life or death. "We 
 cannot fail to recognise the hand of an All-wise Providence 
 in preserving the colonists during their infant state from 
 such a general league of the natives, which, had it been 
 formed ,at that period, must have resulted in their utter 
 extermination. 
 
 In May, 1677, Roger Williams was again elected a 
 member of the upper house of the colonial assembly, but 
 he declined the office. He continued, however, to watch 
 with parental solicitude over the affairs of the colony, and 
 was their counsellor in all emergencies. He was especially' 
 sensitive to any departure from those great principles which 
 are essential to civil government as well as religious liberty. 
 A few factious persons raised objections to the payment of 
 the necessary taxes, which induced him to present to his 
 fellow-citizens the following paper, entitled Considerations 
 touching Rates, many of which may be regarded as valu- 
 able civil maxims : — 
 
 " I. Government and order in families, towns, &c., is the 
 ordinance of the Most High (llom. xiii.) for the peace and 
 good of mankind. 
 
 " II. Six things are written in the hearts of all mankind, 
 yea, even in pagans : 1st, That there is a Deity; 2nd, That 
 some actions are naught ; 3rd, That the Deity will punish ; 
 4th, That there is another life ; 5th, That marriage is 
 honourable ; 6th, That mankind cannot keep together 
 without some government. 
 
 *' III. There is no Englishman in his majesty's dominions 
 or elsewhere, who is not forced to submit to government. 
 
 " IV. There is not a man in the world, except robbers, 
 pirates, and rebels, but doth submit to government. 
 
 " V. Even robbers, pii^ates, and rebels themselves cannot 
 hold together, but by some law among themselves and 
 government. 
 
 "VI. One of these two great laws in the world must 
 prevail, — either that of judges and justices of peace in 
 courts of peace, or the law of arms, the sword and blood. 
 " VII. If it comes fi'om the courts of trials of peace, to 
 K 
 
130 LIFE OF EOGER WILLIAMS. 
 
 the trial of the sword and blood, the conquered is forced to 
 seek law and government. 
 
 "VIII. Till matters come to a settled government, no 
 man is ordinarily sure of his house, goods, lands, cattle, 
 wife, children, or life. 
 
 " IX. Hence is that ancient maxim. It is letter to live 
 under a tyrant in peace, than under the sword, or where 
 every man is a tyrant. 
 
 " X. His majesty sends governors to Barhadoes, Virginia, 
 &c., but to us he shows greater favour in om- charter, to 
 choose whom we please. 
 
 " XI. No charters are obtained without great suit, favour, 
 or charges. Our fii'st cost a hundi-ed ijounds (though I never 
 received it aU) ; oui- second about a thousand ; Connecticut 
 about six thousand, &c. 
 
 "XII. No government is maintained without tribute, 
 custom, rates, taxes, &c. 
 
 " XIII. Om- charter excels all in New England, or in the 
 world, OS to the souls of men. 
 
 " XIV. It pleased God (Rom. xiii.) to command tribute, 
 custom, and consequently rates, not only for fear, but for 
 conscience sake. 
 
 " XV. Om- rates are the least, by far, of any colony in 
 New England. 
 
 " XVI. There is no man that hath a vote in town or 
 colony, but he hath a hand in making the rates by himself 
 or his dejmties. 
 
 " XVII. In our colony, the general assembly, governor, 
 magistrates, deputies, to^vns, town-clerks, raters, constables, 
 &c., have done then* duties ; the failing lies upon particular 
 persons. 
 
 " XVIII. It is but folly to resist : (one or more, and if 
 one, why not more ?) God hath stu-red up the spirit of the 
 governor, magistrates, and officers, diiven to it by necessity, 
 to be unanimously resolved to see the matter finished ; and 
 it is the duty of every man to mamtain, encom^age, and 
 strengthen the hand of authority. 
 
 "Roger Williams. 
 " Providence, loth Jan. 1681." 
 
LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 131 
 
 On all questions of civil polity, the views of Williams 
 were enlarged, and decidedly in favour of the rights of the 
 people. He frequently states them in such passages as 
 the following : — " Kings and magistrates must he con- 
 sidered invested with no more power than the people 
 betrust them with." " The sovereign power of all civil 
 authority is founded in the consent of the people."* Though 
 he sympathized with the popular party in the contests of 
 that age, and was on terms of fr-iendship with many of its 
 distinguished leaders, yet he expressed his disapprobation 
 of some of their measm^es. His own colony was a republic, 
 established on the broadest foundations of indi\idual free- 
 dom ; but he was always a loyal subject of the government 
 at home, whether administered by king, parliament, or 
 protector. A firm friend to law and order, he sought the 
 essential spirit of liberty in whatever form it was en- 
 shrined. 
 
 * " Bloudy Tenent," pp. 116, 243. 
 
CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS OF THE COLONY — "VNaLLIAMS'S RELIGIOUS 
 OPINIONS — HIS LABOURS AS A MINISTER — HIS LETTER TO 
 GOVERNOR BRADSTREET — HIS DEATH. 
 
 In tracing the remarkable com-se of the subject of our 
 narrative, from the period of the establishment of his 
 colony, we have confined ourselves to those political and 
 social events in which he was the prime actor ; but it must 
 not be supposed that he ever merged the character of the 
 minister and Indian missionary in that of the legislator. 
 We will now advert to ecclesiastical affairs, and to the 
 religious opinions and practice of Williams. 
 
 He has left us no account himself of the manner in which 
 public worship was maintained at Pro\adence ; but we learn 
 from Governor Wintlu'op and others, that, on his first 
 arrival, he was accustomed to preach both on the Sabbath 
 and on week-days. In pleasant weather the congregation 
 are said to have assembled under the shades of the forest, 
 and at other times, being few in number, they were ac- 
 commodated in a private habitation. There is no evidence 
 of any immediate ecclesiastical organization, but some of 
 the inhabitants had been members of the church at Salem, 
 and probably still regarded Williams as their pastor. As 
 there was a diversity of religious opinions among the 
 people, he may have judged it most conducive to the har- 
 mony of his little colony, at first to coUect the whole into 
 one assembly, until the number should have increased, so as 
 to enable them to form separate societies in accordance 
 with their oavii views. 
 
 In the com-se of two or three years, the settlement re- 
 
LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 133 
 
 ceived many accessions from the neighbouring colonies and 
 from England, and some of these persons were inclined to 
 the opinions of the baptists. Williams embraced the same 
 views, but it was not easy for him to submit himself to the 
 ordinance as usually administered, there being no baptist 
 minister in New England. Under these circumstances, 
 Ezekiel Hollimau, a pious and gifted individual, who after- 
 wards became a minister, was selected to baptize Roger 
 Williams, and the latter then administered the ordinance 
 to Mr. Holliman and ten others. Few persons in the present 
 day, not wedded to sacerdotalism, will, under the peculiar 
 circumstances, condemn this proceeding of Williams and 
 his friends. They placed the essential value of gospel ordi- 
 nances not in the official character of the administrator, 
 but in the spirit of the recipient. 
 
 At that time prophecy was a favourite study with many 
 good men, a predilection for which has always characterised 
 periods of religious or political excitement. The inquiries 
 of Williams appear to have taken the same direction ; and 
 he fell into the too common error of deriving the principles 
 of the chi'istian chm-ch from the prophetic wi'itings. Thus 
 imaginative interpretations usurped the place of the rules 
 and precedents of the Gospels and Acts of the Apostles. 
 He adopted the opinion, that the entii-e chui'ch had so far 
 departed from its primitive constitution, that the triumph 
 of Christ's kingdom could not be expected mitil a new 
 dispensation, resembling the apostolic, should arise. As, 
 however, little dependence can be placed on the prejudiced 
 statements of his opponents, our readers must judge of his 
 views from liis own expositions, in the following passages, 
 from his writings. In his " Bloudy Tenent" he says : *' Thou- 
 sands and ten thousands, yea, the whole generation of the 
 righteous, who (since the falling away fi-om the first primi- 
 tive state or worship) have and do err fundamentally 
 concerning the true matter, constitution, gathering, and 
 governing of the church ; and yet far be it from any pious 
 breast to imagine that they are not saved, and that their 
 souls are not bound up in the bundle of eternal life."* In 
 * Bloudy Tenent of Persecution, p. 20. 
 
134 LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 
 
 his " Hireling Ministry " lie observes : " In the poor small 
 span of my life I desu^ed to have been a diligent and con- 
 stant observer, and have been myself in many ways 
 engaged, in city, in country, in coui't, in schools, in imi- 
 versities, in chui'ches, in Old and New England, and yet 
 cannot, in the holy presence of God, bring in the result of 
 a satisfying discovery, that either the begetting ministry of 
 the apostles to the nations, or the feeding and nourishing 
 ministry of pastors and teachers, according to the first 
 institutions of the Lord Jesus, are yet restored and ex- 
 tant."* In his opinion, the only ministry which existed 
 was that of prophets — i.e., teachers, whose duty it was to 
 explain religious truths and bear witness against error. In 
 a passage of the same work he says : " The apostolical 
 commission and ministry is long since interrupted and dis- 
 continued ; yet ever since the beast antichi'ist arose, the 
 Lord hath stirred up the ministry of prophecy, who must 
 continue their witness and prophecy imtil their witness be 
 finished, and slaughters, probably near approaching, be 
 accomplished." 
 
 These peculiar opinions, however, could not extinguish 
 his zeal for the conversion of men ; and in this, as well as 
 in other instances, we may observe, that if he was sometimes 
 led astray by the speculations of his head, he was restored 
 to the right path by the warmth of his heart. We have 
 no evidence that, after this period, he ever became ofiicially 
 connected with any chui'ch. If, indeed, there had been no 
 other obstacle, his engrossing occupations in the general 
 affairs of the colony would have rendered it unsuitable. 
 From his first settlement in Providence, however, to the 
 close of his life, he continued frequently to preach the 
 gospel to the ignorant and destitute around him. He made 
 laudable attempts to instruct the Narragansett Indians ; 
 and, when he was more than thi'ee-score years and ten, 
 continued his monthly visits to preach to them and the 
 English in that district. A tribe of these Indians, called 
 the Nianticks, were objects of his peculiar care, and they 
 would listen to him when they would hear no one else. 
 * Hireling Ministry none of Christ's, p. 4. 
 
LIFE OF KOGER WILLIAMS. 135 
 
 They were so far influenced by liis ministerial labours that 
 they took no part in Pliilip's war. A remnant of this once 
 powerful people still continue to reside in their original 
 place of abode, in the south-west part of Rhode Island, 
 on lands settled upon them by the state ; where, civilized 
 and christianized, they remain a living monument of the 
 zeal and benevolence of Roger Williams. 
 
 When very near the close of his life, he occupied his 
 leisui-e in preparing the discourses which he had delivered 
 dui'ing his missionary efforts, as mil appear from the fol- 
 lowing letter. It derives peculiar interest from being the 
 last production of his pen which has been preserved : — 
 
 " to my much-honoured, kind friend, the governor 
 Bradstreet, at Boston. 
 
 "Providence, May eth, 1682. 
 
 " Sir, — ^This enclosed tells you that, being old, and weak, 
 and bruised (with ruptui'e and coHc), and lameness on both 
 my feet, I am directed, by the Father of oui* spirits, to 
 desii"e to attend his infinite Majesty with a poor mite 
 (which makes but two farthings). By my fire-side I have 
 recollected the discom'ses which (by many tedious jom-neys), 
 I have had with the scattered English at Narragansett, 
 before the war and since. I have reduced them unto those 
 twenty-two heads (enclosed), which is near thirty sheets of 
 my wi-iting. I would send them to the Narragansetts and 
 others : there is no controversy in them ; only an endeavour 
 of a particular match of each poor sinner to his Maker. 
 For [the expense of] printing, I am forced to write to my 
 friends at Massachusetts, Connecticut, Plymouth, and oui* 
 own colony, that he that hath a shilling and a heart to 
 countenance such a soul work may trust the great Pay- 
 master (who is beforehand with us already) for an hun- 
 dredth for one in this life 
 
 " Sir, I shall humbly wait for your advice where it may be 
 best printed — at Boston or Cambridge — and for how much, 
 the printer finding paper. We have tidings here of Shafts- 
 bury's and Howard's beheading — and, contrarily, their 
 
136 • LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 
 
 release ; London manifestations of joy; and the king's 
 calling a parliament. But all these are but sublunaries, 
 temporaries, and trivials. Eternity, O eternity ! is our 
 business ; to which end I am most unworthy to be 
 " Your willing and faithful servant, 
 
 "Roger Williams. 
 " My humble respects to Mrs. Bradstreet, and other 
 honoured friends." 
 
 The preceding letter affords additional proof of the 
 writer's disinterested benevolence and self-denying spirit. 
 With ample opportunities of enriching himself — to use 
 the words of his son — " he gave away his lands and other 
 estate to them that he thought were most in want, until he 
 gave away all."* His property, his time, and his talents, 
 were devoted to the promotion of the temporal and spiritual 
 welfare of mankind, and in conducting to a glorious issue 
 the struggle to unloose " the bonds of the captive daughter 
 of Zion." 
 
 The last public act of Williams was to sign a document, 
 which bears date January 16, 1683, settling a dispute rela- 
 tive to the boundaries between the Providence lands and 
 those of an adjacent township. 
 
 HaAdng now accompanied this great man through all the 
 events of his remarkable career — from his youth until the 
 last year of his life — we should rejoice to go with him, step 
 by step, through the brief remainder of his pilgrimage — 
 to listen to the accumulated wisdom of years — to hear his 
 admonitions to his children, and to his fellow-citizens — his 
 estimate of the importance of the great principles for which 
 he had contended, in the near ^dew of the final judgment — 
 and of liis triumphant faith, as he stood upon the brink of 
 the river of death ; — but on these points history is silent. 
 We are furnished only with a brief record of his death, 
 related in a manner which would lead us to suppose he was 
 spared the sufferings of lengthened illness, and called rather 
 suddenly from his long service to his eternal reward. On 
 
 * Letter of Daniel "Williams to the town of Providence, dated 
 August 24, 1710. 
 
► 
 
 LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 137 
 
 the 10th of the following May, Mr. John Thornton, of 
 Providence, wrote to the Rev. Samuel Hubbard, of 
 Boston : — ■" The Lord hath arrested by death our ancient 
 and approved friend, Mr. Roger Williams, with divers 
 others here." " He was buried," says Callender, " with all 
 the solemnity the colony was able to show." His remains 
 Avere interred in a spot which he himself had selected, on 
 his own land, a short distance from the place where, forty- 
 seven years before, he first set his foot in the wilderness. 
 He had nearly attained foiu* score, being in the seventy- 
 eighth year of his age. His excellent wife survived him, 
 and, as far as can be ascertained, the whole of his family, 
 consisting of six children. His lineal descendants are 
 numerous, and may justly rejoice in the diffusion alike of 
 the fame and of the principles of their ancestor. 
 
CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 GENERAL ESTIMATE OF HIS CHARACTER — ■ SPREAD OF HIS GREAT 
 PRINCIPLE— CONCLUDING OBSERVATIONS. 
 
 Having, in the preceding pages, made Williams, to a 
 great extent, his own biographer, an elaborate portraiture 
 here is unnecessary. The reader must have observed in his 
 character that harmony between the mental and moral 
 qualities which is essential to true greatness, and to the 
 influence necessary for a reformer ; smce the virtues of the 
 man will predispose to the favourable reception of his new 
 opinions. The powers of his mind were strong and original ; 
 and what he accomplished in the sphere he occupied, suffi- 
 ciently indicates what he might have done on a larger 
 theatre. His writings manifest a lively imagination and 
 \dgorous reasoning powers ; and though his style is dis- 
 figm-ed by the defects common to the period, it occasionally 
 rises into beauty and eloquence. 
 
 His moral qualities were of the highest order. Inflexible 
 integrity, undaunted courage, and promj)t decision, marked 
 all his conduct. In his pecuniaiy transactions, his dis- 
 interestedness was carried to an extreme, since he may be 
 said to have given to his fellow-citizens valuable tracts of 
 land, which strictly belonged to himself and his family. 
 Every man, of whatever clime, or colour, or condition, he 
 regarded as a brother. In all the relations of domestic and 
 social life, his conduct was most exemplary. 
 
 Over liis whole com-se his piety shed a hallowed lustre. 
 In liim it was a permanent, li\ing principle, as his publica- 
 tions and letters abundantly prove. In this testimony his 
 
LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 139 
 
 friends and his opponents unite. Even the prejudiced 
 Cotton Mather confesses, that " in many things he acquitted 
 himself so laudably, that many judicious persons judged 
 him to have had the root of the matter in him." Hubbard, 
 who was a contemporary, says, " Mr. Williams was a godly 
 and zealous preacher." Callender, one of the best authorities 
 on this subject, observes, " Mr. AYilliams appears, by the 
 whole com'se and tenor of his life and conduct here, to 
 have been one of the most disinterested men that ever 
 lived — a most pious and heavenly-minded soul." His 
 forgiving spirit ; his fervent devotion ; his energetic, vigi- 
 lant, and untiring efforts in the cause of humanity, demon- 
 strate that he was an eminent Chiistian. We may regard 
 it as an additional evidence of his consistent piety, that the 
 only charge his opponents have brought against him was a 
 fondness for new opinions, which they have employed in 
 order to discredit his great principle — the supremacy of 
 conscience. Now it is of great importance, in estimating 
 religious character, to inquii-e whether a man changes his 
 prmct^iles, or only his opinions on non-essential points. If 
 he is continually sliding off from the basis of faith and 
 salvation, even though he at last retm-n to saving truth, 
 our confidence in the soundness of his head and heart must 
 be shaken. But this was not the case with Williams. 
 From the beginning to the end of his course he never 
 swerved fi-om the great evangelical doctrines of the gospel, 
 defending them by his writings, and illustrating them by 
 the appropriate fr-uits of a holy life. 
 
 With respect to changes of opinion, one of two things 
 must be admitted ; either that all Christians have received 
 the whole of scriptui-al truth already, or that, in attaining 
 to it, they must give up some old opinions. Those men of 
 peneti-ating understandings, who have been led to renomice 
 error and to discover new truths, have rarely avoided 
 mingling some chaff with the wheat, of which we have 
 many examples at the Reformation. The subject of this 
 narrative, like most men of an ardent and speculative 
 temperament, sometimes pushed his reasonings so far as to 
 lead to false conclusions ; but he was a sincere lover of 
 
140 LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 
 
 truth, and nothing could prevent him from carrying out 
 his earnest convictions. 
 
 That nohle principle, which is the pillar of his fame, 
 has now been sufficiently tested. More than two centuries 
 have elapsed since his colony was founded. It has passed 
 from the protection of England to an independent state, 
 forming an integral part of a great republic ; but in all 
 changes it has preserved religious freedom unimpaired. In 
 Rhode Island, no man has ever been molested on account 
 of his religious opinions ; and civil officers, from the 
 highest to the lowest, have been chosen without regard to 
 denomination. The happy results have been apparent in 
 the harmony existing among the different sects, as well as 
 in the liberal support given to public worship and to reli- 
 gious institutions. In no part of the world is the propor- 
 tion of churches to the population greater than in this 
 state ; in proof of which we may mention that one of its 
 principal towns, Newport, which has less than ten thousand 
 inhabitants, contains twenty chm-ches, of various denomi- 
 nations. 
 
 English travellers who have spoken favom-ably of the 
 example presented in the New AVorld of religion, un- 
 supported by the state, have frequently qualified their 
 approbation on the ground that the experiment has been 
 too short to afford conclusive evidence. Probably many of 
 these gentlemen did not know that there was one state, at 
 least, to which this objection cannot apply. Two Immlred 
 and sixteen years are, sm'ely, long enough to judge of the 
 results of any system. Protestantism itself can boast of 
 only one centm-y more ! 
 
 But there are cases — and this sm'ely is one of them — in 
 which this experimental argument is superfluous. Prac- 
 tical systems may be based on principles so manifestly 
 consonant with truth and justice, as to produce a certainty 
 of their beneficial working anterior to any experience 
 whatever. Above all, such systems, if based on the revealed 
 ti'uth of God, must of necessity be sped to successful issues 
 by the consentaneous agency of his providence. The his- 
 torical argument, whether resting on a wider or a nai'rower 
 
LIFE OF ROGER WILLIAMS. 141 
 
 induction — whether its premises extend over a larger or a 
 shorter period of time, is valuable only to those whose faith 
 in truth is scanty and powerless, and who demand evidence 
 as palpable and ponderable as would be reasonably required 
 by beings endowed with perceptive faculties alone. For 
 the sake of such, it is fortunate that the United States 
 supplies evidence of the efficacy of the voluntary system, 
 which would be sufficient to produce conviction, even if 
 religion were a mere matter of statistics. 
 
 It has proved to be an expansive system. The leaven, at 
 first hidden in one small territory, gradually extended itself 
 until Virginia, Connecticut, Massachusetts, and other states, 
 where episcopalianism or Congregationalism was established 
 by law, were penetrated by its influence. The last link 
 which bound religion to the state was burst asunder by 
 Massachusetts in 1833, and every part of the Union has 
 now adopted that great truth which occasioned the persecu- 
 tion and banishment of Roger Williams.* 
 
 Thus his principles have received a wide illustration, and 
 his name its noblest memorial. And when the system of 
 Rhode Island shall spread over the whole of Chi'istendom, 
 as we believe it is destined to do, the founder of that state 
 ■will be remembered as one of its chief confessors. The 
 approach of that period is indicated by the signs of the 
 times ; and every Christian should endeavour, by effort and 
 prayer, to accelerate its j)rogress. It will be the harbinger 
 of that long-expected and glorious era, when antichrist in 
 all its forms shall fall, and the triumphs of the church of 
 Christ be universal and complete ! 
 
 * A luminous exhibition of the effects of the dissociation of 
 religion from state control in the United States, will be found in 
 the " Test of Experience," by John Howard Hinton, A.M. 
 London : Cockshaw. 1851. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 No. I.— (P. 44.) 
 
 An extract from the following letter has abeady been 
 given in the work. The remainder is here added, as pre- 
 senting some interesting traits in the character of Williams, 
 as well as of the circumstances of the colonies. Major 
 Mason was distinguished for his services in the Pequod war. 
 He was major-general of the Connecticut forces, deputy- 
 governor of that colony, &c. 
 
 " Providence, June 22, 1670. 
 
 " Major Mason, — My honoured, dear, and ancient 
 friend, my due respects and earnest desires to God for 
 yom^ eternal peace, &c. 
 
 " I crave your leave and patience to present you with 
 some few considerations, occasioned by the late trans- 
 actions between your colony and om-s. The last year you 
 were pleased, in one of your lines to me, to tell me that 
 you longed to see my face once more before you died. I 
 embraced your love, though I feared my old lame bones, 
 and yom-s, had arrested travelling in this world, and there- 
 fore I was, and am, ready to lay hold, on all occasions, of 
 writing, as I do at present. 
 
 " The occasion, I confess, is sorrowful, because I see your- 
 selves, with others, embarked in a resolution to invade and 
 despoil yom' poor countrjTnen in a wilderness, and your 
 ancient friends of om* temporal and soul liberties. 
 
 " It is sorrowful, also, because mine eye beholds a black 
 L 
 
146 APPENDIX. 
 
 and doleful train of grievous, and, I fear, bloody conse- 
 quences at the heel of this business, both to you and us. 
 The Lord is righteous in all our afflictions, — that is a maxim ; 
 the Lord is gracious to all oppressed, — that is another ; he 
 is most gracious to the soul that cries and waits on him ; 
 that is silver, tried in the fire seven times. 
 
 " Sir, I am not out of hopes but that, while your aged 
 eyes and mine are yet in their orbs, we shall leave our 
 friends and countrymen, our children and relations, and 
 this land, in peace behind us. To this end, sir, please you, 
 with a calm, and steady, and a christian hand, to hold the 
 balance, and to weigh these few considerations, in much 
 love and due respect presented .... 
 
 " When, the next year after my banishment, the Lord 
 drew the bow of the Pequod war against the country, in 
 which, su", the Lord made yourself, with others, a blessed 
 instrument of peace to all New England, I had my share of 
 service to the whole land in that Pequod business, inferior 
 to very few that acted .... 
 
 " I marched up with General Stoughton and the English 
 forces to the Narragansett sachems, and brought my country- 
 men, and the barbarians, sachems and captains, to a mutual 
 confidence and complacency, each iu other. 
 
 " Though I was ready to have marched further, yet, upon 
 agreement that I should keep at Providence, as an agent 
 between the bay and the army, I returned, and was inter- 
 preter and intelligencer, constantly receiving and sending 
 letters to the governor and council at Boston, &c., in which 
 work I judge it no impertinent digression to recite (out of 
 the many scores of letters, at times, from Mr. Winthrop), 
 this one pious and heavenly prophecy, touching all New 
 England, of that gallant man ; viz., ' If the Lord turn away 
 his face from our sins, and bless our endeavours and yours, 
 at this time, against om- bloody enemy, we and our children 
 shall long enjoy peace in this our wilderness condition.' 
 And himself and some other of the council motioned, and it 
 was debated, whether or no I had not merited, not only to 
 be recalled from banishment, but also to be honoured with 
 some remark of favour. It is known who hindered, who 
 
APPENDIX. 147 
 
 never promoted, tlie liberty of other men's consciences. 
 These things, and ten times more, I could relate, to show 
 that I am not a stranger to the Pequod wars and lands, and 
 possibly not far from the merit of a foot of land in either 
 country, which I have not. 
 
 " Considering (upon frequent exceptions against Pro- 
 vidence men) that we had no authority for civil government, 
 I went purposely to England, and upon my report and 
 petition the parliament granted us a charter of government 
 for these parts, so judged vacant on all hands. And upon 
 this, the country about us was more fiiendly, and wrote 
 to us, and treated us as an authorized colony ; only the 
 difference of our consciences much obstructed. The bounds 
 of this our first charter, I (having ocular knowledge of 
 persons, places, and transactions) did honestly and con- 
 scientiously, as in the holy presence of God, di*aw up from 
 Pawcatuck river, which I then believed, and still do, is free 
 from all English claims and conquests ; for although there 
 were some Pequods on this side the river, who, by reason of 
 some sachems' marriages with some on this side, lived in a 
 kind of neutrality with both sides, yet, upon the breaking 
 out of the war, they relinquished theu" land to the possession 
 of theii- enemies, the Narragansetts and Nianticks, and theii- 
 land never came into the condition of the lands on the other 
 side, which the English, by conquest, challenged ; so that I 
 must still affii-m, as in God's holy presence, I tenderly waived 
 to touch a foot of land in which I knew the Pequod wars 
 were maintained and were properly Pequod, being a gallant 
 country ; and from Pawcatuck river hitherward, being but 
 a patch of ground, full of troublesome inhabitants, I did, as 
 I judged, inoffensively, draw our poor and inconsiderable 
 line. 
 
 " It is true, when at Portsmouth, on Rhode Island, some 
 of ours, in a general assembly, motioned their planting on 
 this side Pawcatuck. I, hearing that some of the Massa- 
 chusetts reckoned tliis land theirs, by conquest, dissuaded 
 fi'om the motion, until the matter should be amicably de- 
 bated and composed ; for though I questioned not our right, 
 &c., yet I feared it would be inexpedient and offensive, and 
 
148 APPENDIX. 
 
 procreative of these heats and fires, to the dishonouring of 
 the king's majesty, and the dishonoimng and blaspheming 
 of God and of religion in the eyes of the English and bar- 
 barians about us. 
 
 " Some time after the Pequod war and our charter from 
 the parliament, the government of Massachusetts wrote to 
 myself (then chief officer in this colony), of their receiving 
 of a patent from the parliament for these vacant lands, as 
 an addition to the Massachusetts, &e., and thereupon re- 
 questing me to exercise no more authority, &c., for, they 
 wrote, their charter was granted some few weeks before 
 om^s. I returned, what I believed righteous and weighty, 
 to the hands of my true friend, Mr. Winthi'op, the first 
 mover of my coming into these parts, and to that answer of 
 mine I never received the least reply; only it is certain 
 that, at Mr. Gorton's complaint against the Massachusetts, 
 the lord high admu-al, j)resident, said openly, in a full 
 meeting of the commissioners, that he knew no other charter 
 for these parts than what Mr. Williams had obtained, and 
 he was sure that charter, which the Massachusetts EngHsh- 
 men pretended, had never passed the table. 
 
 " Upon our humble address by our agent, Mr. Clarke, to 
 his majesty, and his gracious promise of renewing our former 
 charter, j\Ir. Winthi-op, upon some mistake, had entrenched 
 upon oiu- line, and not only so, but, as it is said, upon the 
 lines of other charters also. Upon Mr. Clarke's com];)laint 
 your grant was called in again, and it had never been re- 
 turned ; but upon a report that the agents, Mr. Winthrop 
 and Mr. Clarke, were agreed, by mediation of fi-iends (and, 
 it is true, they came to a solemn agreement, under hands 
 and seals), which agreement was never -violated on our 
 part. 
 
 " But the king's majesty sending his commissioners 
 (among other of his royal purposes) to reconcile the differ- 
 ences of, and to settle the bomids between, the colonies, 
 yourselves know how the king himself, therefore, hath 
 given a decision to this controversy. Accordingly, the 
 king's majesty's aforesaid commissioners at Rhode Island 
 (where, as a commissioner for this colony, I transacted with 
 
APPENDIX. 149 
 
 them, as did also commissioners from Plymouth), they com- 
 posed a controversy between Pljonouth and us, and settled 
 the bounds between us, in which we rest. 
 
 " However you satisfy yourselves with the Pequod con- 
 quest ; with the sealing of your charter some few weeks 
 before om's ; with the complaints of particular men to your 
 colony; yet, upon a due and serious examination of the 
 matter, in the sight of God, you will find the business at 
 bottom to be, 
 
 " 1. A depraved appetite after the great vanities, dreams, 
 and shadows of this vanishing life, great portions of land, 
 land in this wilderness, as if men were in as great necessity 
 and danger for want of great portions of land, as poor, 
 hungry, thii'sty seamen have, after a sick and stormy, a 
 long and starving passage. This is one of the gods of New 
 England, which the living and most high Eternal will de- 
 stroy and famish. 
 
 " 2. An unneighboui^ly and unchristian intrusion upon us, 
 as being the weaker, contrary to your laws as well as ours, 
 concerning pm-chasing of lands mthout the consent of the 
 general com-t. This I told Major Atherton, at his fii'st going 
 up to the Narragansett about this business. I refused all 
 their proffers of land, and refused to interpret for them to 
 the sachems. 
 
 " 3. From these violations and intrusions arise the com- 
 plaint of many privateers, not dealing as they would be 
 dealt with, according to law of natm-e, — the law of the 
 prophets and Chi-ist Jesus, — complaining against others in 
 a design, when they themselves are delinquents and wi'ong- 
 doers. I could aggravate this many ways with scripture 
 rhetoric and similitudes, but I see need of anodynes (as 
 physicians speak) and not of irritations. Only this I must 
 crave leave to say, that it looks like a prodigy or monster, 
 that countrymen among savages in a wilderness — that pro- 
 fessors of God, and of one Mediator, and of an eternal life, 
 and that this is like a dream — should not be content with 
 those vast and large tracts which all the other colonies 
 have (like platters and tables full of dainties), but pull 
 and snatch away their poor neighbom's' bit or crust ; and a 
 
150 APPENDIX. 
 
 crust it is, and a dry, hard one, too, because of the natives' 
 continued troubles, trials, and vexations. 
 
 " Alas ! sir, in calm midnight thoughts, what are these 
 leaves and iBowers, and smoke and shadows, and dreams of 
 earthly notliings, about which we poor fools and children, 
 as David saith, disquiet oui'selves in vain ? Alas ! what is 
 all the scuffling of tliis world for, but, come, will you smoke 
 it f What are all the contentions and wars of this world 
 about, generally, but for greater dishes and bowls of porridge, 
 of which, if we believe God's Spirit in scripture, Esau and 
 Jacob were types ? Esau will part with the heavenly birth- 
 right for his supping, after his hunting, for god belly ; and 
 Jacob will part with his porridge for an eternal inheritance. 
 O Lord, give me to make Jacob's and Mary's choice, which 
 shall never be taken from me, 
 
 " How much sweeter is the counsel of the Son of God, to 
 mind, fii'st, the matters of his kingdom, — to take no care for 
 to-morrow, — to pluck out, cut off, and fling away, right 
 eyes, hands, and feet, rather than to be cast whole into hell- 
 fire ; to consider the ravens and the lilies, whom a heavenly 
 Father so clothes and feeds ; and the counsel of liis servant 
 Paul, to roll oui' cares, for this life also, upon the most high 
 Lord, steward of his people, the eternal God ; to be content 
 with food and raiment ; to mind not our own, but every 
 man the things of another; yea, and to suffer wrong, 
 and part with what we judge is right, yea, oui- lives, and 
 (as poor women-martp's have said) as many as there be 
 bail's upon our heads, for the name of God and the Son of 
 God his sake. This is humanity, yea, this is Christianity. 
 The rest is but formality and pictm-e, courteous idolatry, 
 and Jewish and Popish blasphemy against the christian re- 
 ligion, the Father of spirits, and his Son the Lord Jesus. 
 Besides, sir, the matter with us is not about these children's 
 toys of land, meadows, cattle, government, &c. But here, 
 all over this colony, a great number of weak and distressed 
 souls, scattered, are flpng hither from Old and New Eng- 
 land, the Most High and Only Wise hath, in his infinite 
 wisdom, provided this country and this corner as a shelter 
 for the poor and persecuted, according to their several per- 
 

 APPENDIX. 151 
 
 suasions. And tlius that heavenly man, Mr. Haynes, 
 governor of Connecticut, though he pronounced the sen- 
 tence of my long banishment against me, at Cambridge, 
 then Newtown, yet said imto me, in his own house at Hart- 
 ford, being then in some difference with the Bay : ' I think, 
 Mr. Williams, I must now confess to you, that the most 
 wise God hath provided and cut out this part of his world 
 for a refuge and receptacle for all sorts of consciences. I am 
 now under a cloud, and my brother Hooker, mth the Bay, 
 as you have been ; we have removed from them thus far, 
 and yet they are not satisfied.' 
 
 " Thus, sir, the king's majesty, though his father's and 
 his own conscience favoured lord bishops, which their 
 father and grandfather King James — whom I have spoke 
 with — sore against his will, also did, yet all the world may 
 see, by his majesty's declarations and engagements before 
 his return, and his declarations and parliament speeches 
 since, and many suitable actings, how the Father of spirits 
 hath mightily impressed and touched his royal spirit, 
 though the bishops much disturbed him, with deep incli- 
 nation of favom' and gentleness to different consciences and 
 apprehensions, as to the invisible King and way of his 
 worship. Hence he hath vouchsafed his royal promise 
 under his hand and broad seal, that no person in this 
 colony shall be molested or questioned for the matters of 
 his conscience to God, so he be loyal and keep the civil 
 peace. Su-, we must part with lands and lives before we 
 part with such a jewel. I judge you may yield some land 
 and the government of it to us, and we, for peace sake, the 
 like to you, as being but subjects to one king, &c., and I 
 think the king's majesty would thank us, for many reasons. 
 But to part with this jewel, we may as soon do it as the Jews 
 with the favour of Cyrus, Darius, and Artaxerxes. Yourselves 
 pretend liberty of conscience, but, alas ! it is but self, the 
 great god self, only to yourselves. The king's majesty 
 winks at Barbadoes, where Jews, and all sorts of christian 
 and antichristian persuasions are free ; but our grant, some 
 few weeks after yom-s sealed, though granted as soon, if 
 not before yours, is crowned with the king's extraordinary 
 
152 APPENDIX. 
 
 favour to this colony, as being a banished one, in which his 
 majesty declared himself that he would experiment, whether 
 civil government could consist with such liberty of con- 
 science. This his majesty's grant was startled at by his 
 majesty's high officers of state, who were to view it in 
 com-se before the sealing ; but, fearing the lion's roaring, 
 they couched, against their wills, in obedience to his 
 majesty's pleasm-e. 
 
 *' Some of yom's, as I heard lately, told tales to the arch- 
 bishop of Canterbury; viz., that we are a profane people, 
 and do not keep the Sabbath, but some do plough, &c. But, 
 first, you told him not how we suffer freely all other per- 
 suasions, yea, the common prayer, which yourselves will 
 not suffer. If you say you will, you confess you must suffer 
 more, as we do. 
 
 " 2. You know this is but a colour to your design, for, 
 first, you know that all England itself (after the formality 
 and superstition of morning and evening prayer) play away 
 their Sabbath. 2nd. You know yourselves do not keep the 
 Sabbath, that is, the seventh day, &c. 
 
 " 3. You know that famous Calvin, and thousands more, 
 held it but ceremonial and figm-ative, from Colossians ii., 
 &c., and vanished ; and that the day of worship was alter- 
 able at the church's pleasure. Thus, also, all the Romanists 
 confess; saying, viz., that there is no express scripture, 
 first, for infants' baptisms ; nor, second, for abolishing the 
 seventh day, and instituting the eighth day of worship, but 
 that it is at the church's pleasure. 
 
 " 4. You know that, generally, all this whole colony ob- 
 serve the first day, only here and there one out of con- 
 science, another out of covetousness, make no conscience 
 of it. 
 
 " 5. You know the greatest part of the world make 
 no conscience of a seventh day. The next part of the 
 w^orld, Tui'ks, Jews, and Chi'istians, keep tlu-ee different 
 days — Friday, Satui'day, Smiday — for their Sabbath and 
 day of worship ; and every one maintains his own by the 
 longest sword. 
 
 " 6. I have offered, and do, by these presents, to discuss by 
 
APPENDIX. 153 
 
 disputation, writing or printing, among other points of 
 differences, these thi'ee positions : fii'st, that forced worship 
 stinks in God's nostrils. 2nd. That it denies Christ Jesus 
 yet to be come, and makes the chm-ch yet national, figm-a- 
 tive, and ceremonial. 3rd. That in these flames about reli- 
 gion, as his majesty, his father, and grandfather have 
 yielded, there is no other prudent, christian way of pre- 
 ser\ing peace in the world, but by permission of differing 
 consciences. Accordingly, I do now offer to dispute these 
 points and other points of difference, if you please, at 
 Hartford, Boston, and Plymouth. For the manner of the 
 dispute and the discussion, if you think fit, one whole day 
 each month in summer, at each place, by course, I am 
 ready, if the Lord permit, and, as I humbly hope, assist 
 me. 
 
 " It is said, that you intend not to invade our spiritual 
 or civil liberties, but only (mider the advantage of first 
 sealing your charter) to right the privateers that petition 
 to you. It is said, also, that if you had but ISIishquomacuck 
 and Narragansett lands quietly yielded, you would stop at 
 Cowesit, &c. Oh, sii', what do these thoughts preach, but 
 that private cabins rule all, whatever become of the ship 
 of common safety and religion, which is so much pretended 
 in New England ? Sir, I have heard further, and by some 
 that say they know, that something deeper than all which 
 hath been mentioned lies in the thi-ee colonies' breasts and 
 consultations. I judge it not fit to commit such matter to 
 the trust of paper, &c., but only beseech the Father of 
 spu'its to guide oui' poor bewildered spirits, for his name 
 and mercy sake. 
 
 " Whereas our case seems to be the case of Paul appeal- 
 ing to Caesar against the jdots of his religious, zealous 
 adversaries. I hear you pass not our petitions and ap- 
 peals to his majesty, for partly you think the king will not 
 own a profane people that do not keep the Sabbath ; partly 
 you think the king an incompetent judge, but you will 
 force him to law also, to confii-m your first-born Esau, 
 though Jacob had him by the heels, and in God's holy time 
 must carry the bii'tln-ight and inheritance. I judge your 
 
154 APPENDIX. 
 
 surmise is a dangerous mistake ; for patents, grants, and 
 charters, and such like royal favours, are not laws of 
 England and acts of parliament, nor matters of propriety 
 and meum and tuum between the king and his subjects, 
 which, as the times have been, have been sometimes triable 
 in inferior courts ; but such kind of grants have been like 
 high offices in England, of high honom-, and ten, yea, 
 twenty thousand pounds gain per annum, yet revocable or 
 curtable upon pleasure, according to the king's better infor- 
 mation or upon his majesty's sight, or misbehaviour, in grate- 
 fulness, or designs fraudulently plotted, private and distinct 
 from him. 
 
 " Sir, I lament that such designs should be carried on at 
 such a time, while we are stript and whipt, and are still 
 under (the whole country) the dreadful rods of God, in our 
 wheat, hay, corn, cattle, shipping, trading, bodies, and 
 lives; when, on the other side of the water, all sorts of 
 consciences (yours and ours) are frpng in the bishops' pan 
 and furnace ; when the French and Romish Jesuits, the 
 firebrands of the world for their god belly sake, are 
 kindling at our back, in this country, especially with the 
 Mohawks and Mohegans, against us, of which I know and 
 have daily information. 
 
 " If any please to say, is there no medicine for this 
 malady ? Must the nakedness of New England, like some 
 notorious strumpet, be prostituted to the blaspheming eyes 
 of all nations ? Must we be put to plead before his majesty, 
 and consequently the lord bishops, om' common enemies, &c.? 
 I answer, the Father of mercies and God of all consolations 
 hath graciously discovered to me, as I believe, a remedy, 
 which, if taken, will quiet all minds, yours and om-s ; will 
 keep yours and om's in quiet possession and enjoyment of 
 their lands, which you all have so dearly bought and pur- 
 chased in this barbarous comitry, and so long possessed 
 amongst these wild savages ; will preserve you both in the 
 liberties and honours of your charters and governments, 
 without the least impeachment of yielding one to another ; 
 with a strong curb also to those wild barbarians and all the 
 barbarians of this country, without troubling of compro- 
 
APPENDIX. 155 
 
 misers and arbitrators between you ; without any delay, or 
 long and chargeable and grievous address to our king's 
 majesty, whose gentle and serene soul must needs be 
 afflicted to be troubled again with us. If you please to ask 
 me what my prescription is, I will not put you off to 
 christian moderation, or christian humility, or chi-istian 
 prudence, or christian love, or christian self-denial, or 
 christian contention or patience. For I design a civil, a 
 humane, and political medicine, which, if the God of heaven 
 please to bless, you will find it effectual to all the ends 
 I have proposed. Only I must crave your pardon, both 
 parties of you, if I judge it not fit to discover it at present. 
 I know you are both of you hot ; I fear myself, also. If 
 both desire, in a loving and calm spirit, to enjoy your rights, 
 I promise you, with God's help, to help you to them, in a 
 fair, and sweet, and easy way. My receipt will not please 
 you all. If it should so please God to frown upon us that 
 you should not like it, I can but humbly mourn, and say 
 with the prophet, that which must perish must perish. 
 And as to myself, in endeavom*ing after your temporal and 
 spiritual peace, I humbly deske to say, if I perish I perish. 
 It is but a shadow vanished, a bubble broke, a dream finished. 
 Eternity will pay for all. 
 
 " Sir, I am youi- old and true friend and servant, 
 
 " R. W." * 
 * Mass. Hist. Coll. vol. i. 
 
156 APPENDIX. 
 
 No. II.— Letter of Sir Henry Vane.~{'P. 105.) 
 
 The reader will have noticed the warm friendship, and 
 the coincidence of opinion on religious freedom, existing 
 between Roger WilKams and Sir Hemy Vane. It has been 
 remarked by a distinguished historian. Sir James Mackin- 
 tosh,* that the latter was "the first who laid down, with 
 perfect precision, the inviolable rights of conscience, and 
 the exemption of religion from all civil authority." Sir 
 James had probably never seen Williams's " Bloudy Tenent," 
 which was published twelve years before Sir Henry Vane's 
 " Healing Question propounded and resolved," «&:c. In the 
 last-mentioned work, copies of which are now rare. Sir 
 Henry, after having stated that the great design of the 
 ho7iest parti/ was " to restore to the whole body their 
 natural rights in civil things," makes the following 
 striking observations on " true freedom in matters of 
 conscience :" — 
 
 " The second branch which remains briefly to be handled, 
 is that which also, upon the grounds of natural right, is to 
 be laid claim unto ; but distinguishes itself from the former, 
 as it respects a more heavenly and excellent object, wherein 
 the freedom is to be exercised and enjoyed ; that is to say, 
 matters of religion, or that concern the service and worship 
 of God. 
 
 " Unto this freedom the nations of the world have right and 
 title, by the purchase of Chi-ist's blood, who, by virtue of his 
 death and resm-rection, is become the sole Lord and Ruler 
 in and over the conscience ; for to this end Christ died, rose, 
 and revived, that he might be Lord both of the dead and of 
 the living, and that every one might give an account of 
 
 * View of the Heign of James II., p. 163. 
 
appendix: 157 
 
 himself in all matters of God's worsliip, unto God and 
 Christ alone, as their own Master, unto whom they stand 
 or fall in judgment, and are not in these things to be op- 
 pressed, or brought before the judgment-seat of men. For 
 why shouldest thou set at nought thy brother in matters of 
 his faith and conscience, and herein intrude into the proper 
 ojffice of Christ, since we are all to stand at the judgment- 
 seat of Chi'ist, whether governors or governed, and by his 
 decision only are capable of being declared, with certainty, 
 to be in the right or in the wrong ? 
 
 " By vu'tue, then, of this supreme law, sealed and con- 
 firmed in the blood of Christ unto all men (whose souls he 
 challenges a propriety in, to bring under his inward rule in 
 the service and worsliip of God), it is that all magistrates 
 are to fear and forbear intermeddling with, giving rule or 
 imposing in those matters. They are to content themselves 
 with what is plain in their commission, as ordained of God 
 to be liis ministers unto men for good, whilst they approve 
 themselves the doers of that which is good in the sight 
 of men, and whereof earthly and worldly judicatm^es are 
 capable to make a clear and perfect judgment ; in which 
 case the magistrate is to be for praise and protection to 
 them. In like manner he is to be a minister of terror and 
 revenge to those that do evil in matters of outward prac- 
 tice, converse, and dealings in the things of this life be- 
 tween man and man, for the cause whereof the judicatures 
 of men are appointed and set up. But to exceed these 
 limits, as it is not safe nor warrantable for the magistrate 
 (in that He who is higher than the highest regards, and will 
 show himself displeased at it), so neither is it good for the 
 people, who hereby are nourished up in a biting, devouring, 
 wrathful spiiit one against another, and are found trans- 
 gressors of that royal law which forbids us to do that unto 
 another, which we would not have them do unto us, were we 
 in their condition. 
 
 " This freedom, then, is of high concern to be had and 
 enjoyed, as well for the magistrate's sake as for the people's 
 common good, and it consists, as hath been said, in the 
 magistrate's forbearing to put forth the power of rule and 
 
158 APPENDIX. 
 
 coercion in things that God hath exempted out of his com- 
 mission, so that all care requisite for the people's obtaining 
 this may be exercised with great ease, if it be taken in its 
 proper season ; and that this restraint be laid upon the su- 
 preme power before it be erected, as a fundamental consti- 
 tution, among others, upon which the free consent of the 
 people is given, to have the persons brought into the exercise 
 of supreme authority over them, and on their behalf; and if 
 besides, as a further confirmation hereunto, it be acknow- 
 ledged the voluntary act of the ruling power, when once 
 brought into a capacity of acting legislatively, that herein 
 they are bound up, and judge it their duty so to be (both in 
 reference to God, the institutor of magistracy, and in 
 reference to the w^hole body by whom they are entrusted), 
 this great blessing will hereby be so well pro^dded for, that 
 we shall have no cause to fear, as it may be ordered. 
 
 " By this means a great part of the outward exercise of 
 antichiistian tyi-anny and bondage will be plucked up by the 
 very roots, which, till some such course be held in it, will 
 be always apt to renew and sprout out afresh, under some 
 new form or refined aj)pearances, as by late years' experi- 
 ence we have been taught. For, since the fall of the bishops 
 and persecuting presbyteries, the same spirit is apt to arise 
 in the next sort of clergy that can get the ear of the magis- 
 trate, and pretend to the keeping and ruling the conscience 
 of the governors. Although this spirit and practice hath all 
 along been decried by the faithful adherents to this cause, 
 as a most sore oppression and insufferable yoke of bondage, 
 most um-ighteously kept up over the consciences of the 
 people, and therefore judged by them most needful to be 
 taken out of the way." — A Healing Question propounded and 
 resolved, upon occasion of the late public and seasonable Call 
 to Humiliation, in order to love and union amongst the honest 
 party, and with desire to apply balsam to the wound before 
 it becomes incurable. By Henry Vane, hnight. Pp. 5 — 8. 
 4to. London, 1656. 
 
APPENDIX. 159 
 
 Charter of Rhode Island.— {V. 122.) 
 
 The following charter is so remarkable a document, and 
 contains such enlarged and enlightened principles of civil 
 and religious freedom, that it is here inserted entire. No 
 pains have been spared to ensure correctness, the author 
 having taken a copy from the original, which is in the office 
 of the secretary of the state of Rhode Island. 
 
 Charter of Rhode Island, granted by King Charles II. 
 on the Sth of July, 1663. 
 
 " Quintadecima pars Patentium Anno E,egni Regis Caroli 
 Secundi Quintodecimo. 
 
 " Charles the Second, by the grace of God, King of Eng- 
 land, Scotland, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, 
 &c., to all to whom these presents shall come, greeting : 
 Whereas we have been informed, by the humble petition of 
 our trusty and well-beloved subjects, John Clarke, on the 
 behalf of Benedict Arnold, William Brenton, William Cod- 
 dington, Nicholas Easton, William Boulston, John Porter, 
 John Smith, Samuel Gorton, JohnWeekes, Roger Williams, 
 Thomas Olney, Gregory Dexter, John Coggeshall, Joseph 
 Clarke, Randall Houlden, John Greene, John -Roome, 
 Samuel Wildbore, William Field, James Barker, Richard 
 Tew, Thomas Harris, and William Dyre, and the rest of the 
 purchasers and free inhabitants of our island, called Rhode 
 Island, and the rest of the colony of Providence Plantations, 
 in the Narragansett Bay, in New England, in America : 
 That they, pursuing with peaceable and loyal minds their 
 sober, serious, and religious intentions, of godly edifying 
 themselves and one another in the holy christian faith and 
 worship, as they were persuaded, together with the gaining 
 over and conversion of the poor ignorant Indian natives, in 
 those parts of America, to the sincere profession and obedi- 
 ence of the same faith and worship, did not only, by the 
 consent and good encom'agement of our royal progenitors, 
 transport themselves out of this kingdom of England into 
 
160 APPENDIX. 
 
 America ; but also, since their arrival there, after their first 
 settlement amongst other of oui' subjects in those parts, for 
 the avoiding of discord, and those many evils which were 
 likely to ensue upon some of those, om^ subjects, not being 
 able to bear, in these remote parts, their different appre- 
 hensions in religious concernments : and in pm-suance of the 
 aforesaid ends, did once again leave their desirable stations 
 and habitations, and, with excessive labom- and travail, 
 hazard and charge, did transplant themselves into the midst 
 of the Indian natives, who, as we are informed, are the most 
 potent princes and people of all that country ; where, by the 
 good providence of God (from whom the plantations have 
 taken theu- name) upon their labom- and industry, they have 
 not only been preserved to admii-ation, but have increased 
 and prospered, and are seized and possessed, by pm*chase 
 and consent of the said natives, to their full content, of such 
 lands, islands, rivers, harbom's, and roads, as are very con- 
 venient, both for plantations and also for building of ships, 
 supply of pipestaves and other merchandise, which lie very 
 commodious, in many respects, for commerce, and to accom- 
 modate our southern plantations, and may much advance 
 the trade of this our realm, and greatly enlarge the terri- 
 tories thereof ; they having, hj near neighbom'hood to, and 
 friendly society with, the great body of the Narragansett 
 Indians, given them encom-agemcnt, of their own accord, to 
 subject themselves, thek people and lands, unto us ; whereby, 
 as is hoped, there may in time, by the blessing of God upon 
 theii' endeavom^s, be laid a sm-e foundation of happiness to 
 all America : 
 
 " And whereas, in their humble address, they have freely 
 declared, that it is much on their hearts (if they be per- 
 mitted) to hold forth a Kvely experiment, that a most 
 floui'isliing civil state may stand, and best be maintained, 
 and that among om' English subjects, with a full liberty 
 in religious concernments; and that true piety, rightly 
 grounded upon gospel principles, will give the best and 
 greatest security to sovereignty, and will lay in the hearts 
 of men the strongest obligations to true loyalty : 
 
 " Now know ye, that we, being wiiHng to encourage the 
 
APPENDIX. 161 
 
 liopeful undertaking of our said loyal and loving subjects, 
 and to secui^e them in tlie free exercise and enjoyment of all 
 their civil and religious rights appertaining to them, as our 
 loving subjects ; and to preserve unto them that liberty in 
 the true christian faith and worship of God, which they 
 have sought, with so much travail, and with peaceable 
 minds and loyal subjection to oui* royal progenitors and 
 om'selves, to enjoy; and because some of the people and 
 inhabitants of the same colony cannot, in their private 
 opinions, conform to the public exercise of religion, accord- 
 ing to the liturgy, forms, and ceremonies of the chiu-ch of 
 England, or take or subscribe the oaths and articles made 
 and established in that behalf ; and for that the same, by 
 reason of the remote distances of those places, will, as we 
 hope, be no breach of the unity and uniformity established 
 in this nation ; have, therefore, thought fit, and do hereby 
 publish, grant, ordain, and declare, that om^ royal will and 
 pleasm-e is : 
 
 "That no person, within the said colony, at any time 
 hereafter, shall be anywise molested, punished, disquieted, 
 or called in question, for any differences in opinion in 
 matters of religion, and do not actually disturb the civil 
 peace of om- said colony ; but that all and every person and 
 persons may, from time to time, and at all times hereafter, 
 freely and fully have and enjoy his and their own judg- 
 ments and consciences, in matters of religious concern- 
 ments, throughout the tract of land hereafter mentioned, 
 they behaving themselves peaceably and quietly, and not 
 using this liberty to licentiousness and profaneness, nor to 
 the civil injury or outward distm-bance of others ; any law, 
 statute, or clause therein contained, or to be contained, 
 usage, or custom of tliis realm, to the contrary hereof, in 
 anywise notwithstanding. 
 
 " And that they may be in the better capacity to defend 
 themselves, in their just rights and liberties, against all 
 the enemies of the Christian faith, and others, in all 
 respects, we have fm^ther thought fit, and at the humble 
 petition of the persons aforesaid, are graciously pleased to 
 declare, 
 
 M 
 
162 APPENDIX. 
 
 " That they shall have and enjoy the benefit of our late 
 act of indemnity and free pardon, as the rest of our subjects 
 in our other dominions and territories have, and to create 
 and make them a body politic or corporate, -with the powers 
 and privileges hereinafter mentioned. And, accordingly, 
 oui' will and pleasure is, and of om- especial grace, certain 
 knowledge, and mere motion, we have ordained, constituted, 
 and declared, and, by these presents, for us, our heirs, and 
 successors, do ordain, constitute, and declare, that they, the 
 said William Brenton, William Coddington, Nicholas Easton, 
 Benedict Arnold, William Boulston, John Porter, Samuel 
 Gorton, John Smith, Jolin AVeekes, Roger Williams, Thomas 
 Olney, Gregory Dexter, John Coggeshall, Joseph Clarke, 
 Randall Houlden, John Greene, John Roome, William Dyre, 
 Samuel Wildbore, Richard Tew, William Field, Thomas 
 
 Harris, James Barker, Rainsborrow, Williams, and 
 
 John Nickson, and all such others as now are, or hereafter 
 shall be, admitted and made free of the company and society 
 of om- colony of Providence Plantations, in the Narragansett 
 Bay, in New England, shall be, from time to time, and for 
 ever hereafter, a body corporate and politic, in fact and name, 
 by the name of The Governor and Company of the English 
 Colony of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, in Neio 
 England, in America ; and that by the same name they and 
 their successors shall and may have perpetual succession, 
 and shall and may be persons able and capable in the law 
 to sue and be sued, to plead and be impleaded, to answer 
 and be answered mito, to defend and to be defended, in 
 all and singular suits, causes, quarrels, matters, actions, and 
 things, of what kind or nature soever ; and also to have, 
 take, possess, acquire, and pui'chase lands, tenements, or 
 hereditaments, or any goods or chattels, and the same to 
 lease, grant, demise, aliene, bargain, sell, and dispose of, at 
 their own will and pleasm-e, as other our liege people of 
 this om' realm of England, or any corporation or body politic 
 ■within the same, may lawfully do. 
 
 " And fui'ther, that they, the said governor and company, 
 and their successors, shall and may, for ever hereafter, have 
 a common seal, to serve and use for all matters, causes, 
 
APPENDIX. 163 
 
 tilings, and affairs whatsoever, of them and theii" successors : 
 and the same seal to alter, change, break, and make new, 
 from time to time, at their will and pleasure, as they shall 
 think fit. 
 
 "And further, we will and ordain, and, by these pre- 
 sents, for us, our heirs and successors, do declare and 
 appoint, that, for the better ordering and managing of the 
 affairs and business of the said company and their suc- 
 cessors, there shall be one governor, one deputy-governor, 
 and ten assistants, to be from time to time constituted, 
 elected, and chosen, out of the freemen of the said com- 
 pany, for the time being, in such manner and form as is 
 hereafter in these presents expressed; which said ofl^cers 
 shall apply themselves to take care for the best disposing 
 and ordering of the general business and affairs of and 
 concerning the lands and hereditaments hereinafter men- 
 tioned to be granted, and the plantation thereof, and the 
 government of the people there. 
 
 "And, for the better execution of om' royal pleasm-e 
 herein, we do, for us, our heirs and successors, assign, name, 
 constitute, and appoint the aforesaid Benedict Arnold to be 
 the first and present governor of the said company, and the 
 said William Brenton to be the deputy-governor ; and the 
 said William Boulston, John Porter, Roger Williams, Thomas 
 Olney, John Smith, John Greene, John Coggeshall, James 
 Barker, William Field, and Joseph Clarke, to be the ten 
 present assistants of the said company, to continue in the 
 said several offices respectively, until the first Wednesday 
 which shall be in the month of May now next coming. 
 
 " And fm-ther, we will, and, by these presents, for us, our 
 heirs and successors, do ordain and grant, that the governor 
 of the said company, for the time being, or, in his absence, 
 by occasion of sickness or otherwise, by his leave and per- 
 mission, the deputy-governor, for the time being, shall and 
 may, from time to time, upon all occasions, give orders for 
 the assembling of the said company, and calling them 
 together to consult and advise of the business and affairs 
 of the said company ; and that for ever hereafter, twice in 
 every year, that is to say, on every first Wednesday in the 
 
164 APPENDIX. 
 
 montli of May, and on every last AVednesday in October, 
 or oftener, in case it shall be requisite, the assistants, and 
 such of the freemen of the said company, not exceeding 
 six persons for Newport, four persons for each of the 
 respective towns of Providence, Portsmouth, and Warwick, 
 and two persons for each other place, town, or city, who 
 shall be, from time to time, theremito elected or deputed, 
 by the major part of the freemen of the respective towns 
 or places, for which they shall be so elected or deputed, 
 shall have a general meeting or assembly, then and there 
 to consult, advise, and determine, in and about the affairs 
 and business of the said company and plantations. 
 
 " And further, we do, of our especial grace, certain 
 knowledge, and mere motion, give and grant unto the said 
 governor and company of the English colony of Rhode 
 Island and Providence Plantations, in New England, in 
 America, and their successors, that the governor, or, in his 
 absence, or by his permission, the deputy-governor of the 
 said company, for the time being, the assistants, and such of 
 the freemen of the said company, as shall be so as aforesaid 
 elected or deputed, or so many of them as shall be present 
 at such meeting or assembly, as aforesaid, shall be called 
 the general assembly : and that they, or the greatest part 
 of them then present (whereof the governor, or deputy- 
 governor, and six of the assistants, at least to be seven), 
 shall have, and have hereby given and granted unto them, 
 full power and authority, from 'time to time, and at all 
 times hereafter, to appoint, alter, and change such days, 
 times, and places of meeting and general assembly, as they 
 shall think fit; and to choose, nominate, and appoint such and 
 so many other persons as they shall think fit, and shall be 
 willing to accept the same, to be free of the said company 
 and body politic, and them into the same to admit ; and to 
 elect and constitute such ofiices and officers, and to grant 
 such needful commissions as they shall think fit and re- 
 quisite, for the ordering, managing, and despatcliing of the 
 affairs of the said governor and company, and their suc- 
 cessors ; and, from time to time, to make, ordain, constitute, 
 or repeal, such laws, statutes, orders and ordinances, forms 
 
APPENDIX. 165 
 
 and ceremonies of government and magistracy, as to them 
 shall seem meet, for the good and welfare of the said com- 
 pany, and for the government and ordering of the lands 
 and hereditaments hereinafter mentioned to be granted, 
 and of the people that do, or at any time hereafter shall, 
 inhabit or be witliin the same ; so as snch laws, ordinances, 
 and constitutions, so made, be not contrary and repugnant 
 unto, but (as near as may be) agreeable to the laws of this 
 our realm of England, considering the nature and constitu- 
 tion of the place and people there ; and also to appoint, order, 
 and direct, erect, and settle, such places and courts of jm-is- 
 diction, for the hearing and determining of all actions, cases, 
 matters, and things, happening within the said colony and 
 plantation, and which shall be in dispute and depending 
 there, as they shall think fit ; and also to distinguish and set 
 forth the several names and titles, powers, and limits of 
 each court, office, and officer, superior and inferior ; and also 
 to contrive and appoint such forms of oaths and attestations, 
 not repugnant, but (as near as may be) agreeable, as afore- 
 said, to the laws and statutes of this our realm, as are con- 
 venient and requisite, with respect to the due administration 
 of justice, and due execution and discharge of all offices and 
 places of trust, by the persons that shall be therein con- 
 cerned ; and also to regulate and order the way and manner 
 of all elections to offices and places of trust, and to prescribe, 
 limit, and distinguish the numbers and bounds of all places, 
 towns, or cities, within the limits and bounds hereinafter 
 mentioned, and not herein particularly named, that have, or 
 shall have, the power of electing and sending of freemen to 
 the said general assembly ; and, also, to order, direct, and 
 authorize, the imposing of lawful and reasonable fines, 
 mulcts, imprisonment, and executing other punishments, 
 pecuniary and corporal, upon offenders and delinquents, 
 according to the course of other corporations, within this 
 our kingdom of England; and again, to alter, revoke, 
 annul, or pardon, under their common seal, or otherwise, 
 such fines, mulcts, imprisonments, sentences, judgments, 
 and condemnations, as shall be thought fit ; and to direct, 
 rule, order, and dispose, of all other matters and things, 
 
166 APPENDIX. 
 
 and particularly that wliich relates to the making of pui'- 
 chases of the native Indians, as to them shall seem meet ; 
 wherehy our said people and inhabitants in the said planta- 
 tions may be so religiously, peaceably, and civilly governed, 
 as that, by their good life and orderly conversation, they 
 may win and invite the native Indians of the country to 
 the knowledge and obedience of the only true God and 
 Saviour of mankind ; willing, commanding, and requiting, 
 and by these presents, for us, our heii's and successors, 
 ordaining and appomting, that all such laws, statutes, 
 orders and ordinances, instructions, impositions, and direc- 
 tions, as shall be so made by the governor, deputy-governor, 
 assistants, and freemen, or such number of them as afore- 
 said, and published in writing, under their common seal, 
 shall be carefully and duly observed, kept, performed, and 
 put in execution, according to the true intent and meaning 
 of the same. And these om' letters patent, or the duplicate 
 or exemplification thereof, shall be, to all and every such 
 officers, superior or inferior, from time to time, for the 
 putting of the same orders, laws, statutes, ordinances, in- 
 structions, and directions, in due execution, against us, our 
 heirs and successors, a sufficient warrant and discharge." 
 
 [Here follow two clauses relating to the appointment 
 and functions of the governor and deputy-governor.] 
 
 " Nevertheless, our will and pleasm-e is, and we do hereby 
 declare to the rest of om- colonies in New England, that 
 it shall not be lawful for this om* colony of Rhode Island 
 and Providence Plantations, in America, in New England, 
 to invade the natives inhabiting within the bounds and 
 limits of their said colonies, without the knowledge and 
 consent of the said other colonies. And it is hereby de- 
 clared, that it shall not be lawful to or for the rest of the 
 colonies to invade or molest the native Indians, or any 
 other inhabitants, inhabitmg within the bounds and limits 
 hereafter mentioned (they ha^dng subjected themselves 
 unto us, and being by us taken into our special protection), 
 without the knowledge and consent of the governor and 
 company of om- colony of Rhode Island and Providence 
 Plantations. 
 
APPENDIX. 167 
 
 " Also, our will and pleasure is, and we do hereby declare 
 unto all Christian kings, princes, and states, that, if any 
 person, who shall hereafter be of the said company or 
 Plantation, or any other, by appointment of the said 
 governor and company, for the time being, shall, at any 
 time or times hereafter, rob or spoil, by sea or land, or do 
 any hurt, or milawful hostility, to any of the subjects of us, 
 our heirs or successors, or to any of the subjects of any 
 prince or state, being then in league with us, our heirs 
 or successors, upon complaint of such injury done to any 
 such prince or state, or their subjects, we, our heirs and 
 successors, will make open proclamation, within any parts 
 of our realm of England, fit for that purpose, that the 
 person or persons committing any such robbery or spoil, 
 shall, within the time limited by such proclamation, make 
 full restitution or satisfaction of all such injmies done or 
 committed, so as the said prince, or others, so complaining, 
 may be fully satisfied and contented ; and if the said 
 person or persons, who shall commit any such robbery or 
 spoil, shall not make satisfaction accordingly, within such 
 time so to be limited, that then we, our heirs and successors, 
 will put such person or persons out of oiu" allegiance and 
 protection ; and that then it shall and may be lawful and 
 free for all princes or others to prosecute with hostility 
 such ofienders, and every of them, their and every of 
 their procurers, aiders, abettors, and counsellors, in that 
 behalf. 
 
 " Provided also, and our express will and pleasure is, 
 and we do, by these presents, for us, our heirs and suc- 
 cessors, ordain and appoint, that these presents shall not, in 
 any manner, hinder any of our loving subjects whatsoever 
 from using and exercising the trade of fishing upon the 
 coast of New England, in America; but that they, and 
 every or any of them, shall have full and free power and 
 liberty to continue and use the trade of fisliing upon the 
 said coast ; in any of the seas thereunto adjoining, or any 
 arms of the seas, or salt water rivers and creeks, where they 
 have been accustomed to fish ; and to build and set upon 
 the waste land, belonging to the said colony and planta- 
 
168 APPENDIX. 
 
 tions, such wharves, stages, and work-houses, as shall be 
 necessary for the salting, drying, and keeping of their fish, 
 to be taken or gotten upon that coast. 
 
 " And further, for the encoui'agement of the inhabitants 
 of our said colony of Providence Plantations to set upon 
 the business of taking whales, it shall be lawful for them, 
 or any of them, having struck a whale, dubertus, or other 
 great fish, it or them to pursue unto any part of that coast, 
 and into any bay, river, cove, creek, or shore, belonging 
 thereto, and it or them upon the said coast, or in the said 
 bay, river, cove, creek, or shore, belonging thereto, to kill 
 and order for the best advantage, without molestation, they 
 making no wilful waste or spoil ; anything in these presents 
 contained, or any other matter or thing, to the contrary 
 notwithstanding. 
 
 "And fui'ther, also, we are graciously pleased, and do 
 hereby declare, that if any of the inhabitants of our said 
 colony do set upon the planting of vineyards (the soil and 
 climate both seeming naturally to concur to the production 
 of "wines), or be industrious in the discovery of fishing 
 banks, in or about the said colony, we will, from time 
 to time, give and allow all due and fitting encom^agement 
 therein, as to others in cases of a like natm-e. 
 
 " And further, of our more ample grace, certain know- 
 ledge, and mere motion, we have given and granted, and 
 by these presents, for us, om* heii's and successors, do give 
 and grant unto the said governor and company of the 
 English colony of Rhode Island and Providence Planta- 
 tions, in the Narragansett Bay, in New England, in Ame- 
 rica, and to every inhabitant there, and to every person 
 and persons trading thither, and to every such person or 
 persons as are or shall be free of the said colony, full power 
 and authority, from time to time, and at all times hereafter, 
 to take, ship, transport, and carry away, out of any of our 
 realms and dominions, for and towards the plantation and 
 defence of the said colony, such and so many of our loving 
 subjects and strangers, as shall or mil, willingly, accompany 
 them in and to then- said colony and plantations, except such 
 person or persons as are or shall be therein restrained by 
 
APPENDIX. 169 
 
 US, our heirs and successors, or any law or statute of this 
 realm ; and also to ship and transport all and all manner of 
 goods, chattels, merchandise, and other thing-s whatsoever, 
 that are or shall be useful, or necessary for the said planta- 
 tions, and defence thereof, and usually transported, and not 
 prohibited by any law or statute of this om- realm ; yielding- 
 and paying unto us, our heirs and successors, such the duties, 
 customs, and subsidies, as are or ought to be paid or payable 
 for the same. 
 
 " And further, our will and pleasure is, and we do, for us, 
 our heirs and successors, ordain, declare, and grant, unto 
 the said governor and company, and their successors, that 
 all and every the subjects of us, om- heirs and successors, 
 wliich are already planted and settled within our said 
 colony of Providence Plantations, or which shall hereafter 
 go to inhabit within the said colony, and all and every of 
 their children which have been born there, or which shall 
 happen hereafter to be born there, or on the sea, going 
 thither, or returning from thence, shall have and enjoy all 
 liberties and immunities of free and natm-al subjects, within 
 any of the dominions of us, om^ heirs and successors, to all 
 intents, constructions, and pui-poses whatsoever, as if they 
 and every of them were born within the realm of England. 
 
 " And fm^ther, know ye, that we, of om- more abundant 
 grace, certain knowledge, and mere motion, have given, 
 granted and confirmed, and, by these presents, for us, our 
 heirs and successors, do give, grant, and confirm unto the 
 said governor and company, and their successors, all that 
 part of our dominions, in New England, in America, con- 
 taining the Nahantick and JSTanhyganset, alias Narragansett 
 Bay, and countries and parts adjacent, bounded on the west, 
 or westerly, to the middle or channel of a river there, com- 
 monly called and known by the name of Pawcatuck, alias 
 Pawcawtuck, river; and so, along the said river, as the 
 greater or middle stream thereof reaches, or lies up, into 
 the north country, northward mito the head thereof, and 
 from thence, by a straight line di'aT\Ti due north, until it meet 
 with the south line of the Massachusetts colony ; and on the 
 north or northerly, by the aforesaid south or southerly, line 
 
170 APPENDIX. 
 
 of the Massachusetts colony or plantation, and extending 
 towards the east or eastwardly, three English miles, to the 
 east and north-east of the most eastern and north-eastern 
 parts of the aforesaid Narragansett Bay, as the said bay lieth 
 or extendeth itself from the ocean, on the south or south- 
 wardly, unto the mouth of the river which runneth towards 
 the town of Providence ; and from thence, along the east- 
 wardly side or bank of the said river (higher called by the 
 name of Seacunck river), up to the falls called Patuckett 
 Falls, being the most westwardly line of Plymouth colony ; 
 and so, fi'om the said falls, in a straight line, due north, 
 until it meet with the aforesaid line of the Massachusetts 
 colony, and bounded on the south by the ocean, and in par- 
 ticular the lands belonging to the towns of Providence, 
 Pawtuxet, Warwick, Misquammacock, alias Pawcatuck, 
 and the rest upon the main land, in the tract aforesaid, 
 together with Rhode Island, Block Island, and all the rest 
 of the islands and banks in Narragansett Bay, and border- 
 ing upon the coast of the tract aforesaid (Fisher's Island 
 only excepted), together with all firm lands, soils, grounds, 
 havens, ports, rivers, waters, fishings, mines royal, and all 
 other mines, minerals, precious stones, quarries, woods, 
 wood-grounds, rocks, slates, and all and singular other 
 commodities, jm-isdictions, royalties, privileges, franchises, 
 pre-eminences, and hereditaments whatsoever, mthin the 
 said tract, bounds, lands, and islands aforesaid, to them or 
 any of them belonging, or in anywise appertaining : to 
 HAVE AND TO HOLD the Same, unto the said governor and 
 company, and their successors for ever, upon trust, for the 
 use and benefit of themselves and their associates, freemen 
 of the said colony, theii- heu-s and assigns ; to be holden of 
 us, om- heii's and successors, as of the manor of East 
 Greenwich, in oui' county of Kent, in free and common 
 soccage, and not in capitc, nor by knight's service ; yielding 
 and paying therefor, to us, om- heirs and successors, only 
 the fifth part of all the ore of gold and silver which, from 
 time to time, and at all times hereafter, shall be there 
 gotten, had, or obtained, in lieu and satisfaction of all 
 services, duties, fines, forfeitures, made or to be made, 
 
APPENDIX. 171 
 
 claims, or demands whatsoever, to be to us, oiu' heirs, or 
 successors, therefore or thereabout rendered, made, or paid ; 
 any grant or clause in a late grant to the governor and com- 
 pany of Connecticut colony, in America, to the contrary 
 thereof in anywise notwithstanding; the aforesaid Paw- 
 catuck river having been yielded, after much debate, for 
 the fixed and certain bounds between these our said 
 colonies, by the agents thereof, w^ho have also agi-eed, 
 that the said Pawcatuck river shall also be called alias 
 Norogansett, or Narragansett, river ; and, to prevent future 
 disputes, that otherwise might arise thereby, for ever here- 
 after shall be construed, deemed, and taken to be, the Narra- 
 gansett river, in our late grant to Connecticut colony, 
 mentioned as the easterly bounds of that colony. 
 
 " And fui'ther, our will and pleasure is, that, in all matters 
 of public controversies which may fall out between oi^r 
 colony of Providence Plantations, and the rest of our 
 colonies in New England, it shall and may be lawful to 
 and for the governor and company of the said colony of 
 Providence Plantations, to make theii- appeal therein to us, 
 our heirs and successors, for redi-ess in such cases, within 
 this our realm of England ; and that it shall be lawful to 
 and for the inhabitants of the said colony of Providence 
 Plantations, without let or molestation, to pass and repass 
 with freedom, into and tlii'ough the rest of the English 
 colonies, upon their la^vful and civil occasions, and to 
 converse and hold commerce and trade with such of the 
 inhabitants of om- other English colonies as shall be \^'illing 
 to admit them thereunto, they behaving themselves peace- 
 ably among them, any act, clause, or sentence, in any of the 
 said colonies provided, or that shall be provided, to the con- 
 trary in anywise notwithstanding. 
 
 " And lastly, we do, for us, our heirs and successors, ordain 
 and grant unto the said governor and company, and their 
 successors, by these presents, that these our letters patent 
 shall be firm, good, efiectual, and available, in all things in 
 the law, to all intents, constructions, and pm-poses whatso- 
 ever, according to our true intent and meaning herein be- 
 fore declared, and shall be construed, reputed, and adjudged, 
 
172 APPENDIX. 
 
 in all cases, most favourably on the behalf, and for the best 
 benefit and behoof, of the said governor and company and 
 their successors, although express mention of the true yearly 
 value or certainty of the premises, or any of them, or of any 
 other gifts or grants by us, or by any of our progenitors or 
 predecessors, heretofore made to the said governor and com- 
 pany of the English colony of Rhode Island and Providence 
 Plantations, in the Narragansett Bay, New England, in 
 America, in these presents is not made, or any statute, act, 
 ordinance, provision, proclamation, or restriction, heretofore 
 had, made, enacted, ordained, or provided, or any other 
 matter, cause, or thing whatsoever, to the contrary thereof, 
 in anywise notwithstanding. In witness whereof we have 
 caused these om- letters to be made patent. Witness om-self 
 at Westminster, the eighth day of July, in the fifteenth 
 year of our reign. 
 
 " By the king : 
 
 " Howard." 
 
APPENDIX. 173 
 
 No. III.— (P. 114.) 
 
 The following is an abridgment of the genealogy of the 
 Cromwell family, taken fi-om the "London Review," for 
 March, 1772. 
 
 This genealogy was extracted from Welsh chronicles, 
 about the year 1602, to show the descent of Sir Henry 
 Cromwell, who was then living. It commences in the 
 person of Glothyau, fifth lord of Powes, who married Mor- 
 peth, daughter and heiress of Edwin ap Tydwall, lord of 
 Cardigan, who was descended from Cavedig, from whom 
 the county of Cardigan took the name of Cavedigion. His 
 son, Gwaith Voyd, was lord of Cardigan, Powes, Gwayte, 
 and Gwaynesaye. He died about 1066. 
 
 From Gwynstan ap Gwaith, second son of the above 
 Gwaith Voyd, was lineally descended, through about thir- 
 teen generations, or in about four hundred and forty years, 
 Morgan Williams, who, in the reign of Henry VIII., mar- 
 ried the sister of Thomas Cromwell. Tliis Morgan Williams 
 had a son, Richard, who was knighted by Henry VIII., not 
 by the name of Williams, but by the name of Cromwell, 
 after his uncle, whose heir he became. This Sir Richard 
 had a son, Henry, who was knighted by Queen Elizabeth, 
 in 1563, and married Joan, daughter of Sir Ralph Warren, 
 and had six sons and four daughters. The sons were, 
 Oliver, Robert, Hemy, Richard, Pliilip, and Ralph ; Oliver, 
 the Protector, was the only son of Robert, and born in the 
 parish of St. John, in Huntingdon, April 25, 1599. 
 
 The tradition in the family of Williams, of there being a 
 relationship by blood with the Protector, may be true ; but 
 it was, as will be perceived, quite remote. 
 
LONDON : 
 MIALL AND COCKSHAW, PRINTERS, LUDGATS HILL.