EORQIA'S 
 
 TioNAL Work. 
 
 pat it Has Been: 
 ^at it Should Be : 
 
 nd's History" 
 
 CORRECTED, Etc. 
 
 By W„ A. CANDLER, D, D, 
 
* eT»rT»J-r***-ilMfr«.i . ;i>a tl. ; ' J t^** \ ty.yi9i-i 
 
 1 LIBRARY 
 
 ! Wm STATES BUREAU OF EDUCATION, 
 
 DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR. 
 
 19.'33 I)— 20 m 
 
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 Nzrz 
 
GEORGIS'S EDUCATIONllL WORK 
 
 f<'- 
 
 WHAT IT HAS BEEN; WHAT IT SHOULD BE. 
 
 'HAMMOND'S HISTORY" CORRECTED, ETC 
 
 BY W. A, CANDLER, D. D., 
 
 President of Emory College, Oxford Georgia. 
 
 ^^^i/r 10 1624 >^ 
 
 ATLANTA, GA.: 
 THE FOOTE & DAVIES CO. 
 
•5 
 
 'Clio 
 
 o/^- 
 
 ■^/-^^ 
 
A WORD PERSONAL AND PREFATORY. 
 
 In 1881 a policy of unfairness towards sister institutions 
 of learning in the State was begun by the University at 
 Athens. To carry it out for the first year, an appropriation 
 of $2,000 was sought and obtained from the legislature, this 
 being about the amount collected from tuition fees before 
 the free tuition policy was inaugurated. For subsequent 
 years a "companion piece" of legislation (so Col. Ham- 
 mond of the University Board of Trustees calls it) was 
 secured in the form of the funding bill of 1881, which 
 operates to secure indirectly an annual appropriation of 
 above .$8,000 for at least fifty years. 
 
 The Board of Visitors to the University for the year 
 1881 disclosed the purpose of the whole scheme in two 
 paragraphs of their report to the Governor. They made 
 in urging the adoption of the scheme two notable points. 
 
 1. They said : "The first result will be a large increase 
 of students at Athens from the ranks of the freshman 
 and sophomore classes in the branch colleges. " 
 
 2. They said : " This step " [referring to the effort then 
 being made by the Baptists and Methodists to thoroughly 
 endow Mercer and Emory] "is rendered absolutely neces- 
 sary by the inroads which the branch colleges of the 
 University under the free tuition system will certainly 
 Tnake upon the patronage of both those excellent liter?ry 
 foundations" i. e., upon tl^e patronage of Emory and 
 Mercer. 
 
 Here then was the scheme : Let the University draw 
 •ofiP the patronage of its own branches and they in turn ^ 
 draw off the patronage of the church colleges. To carry 
 it out money was necessary and bills were pushed through 
 the legislature in the following September to take from 
 the State treasury $2,000 directly for the first year, and 
 upwards of $8,000 indirectly every year for fifty years 
 
thereafter. Thus the sinews of war were to be supplied ta 
 carry on the fight upon the church schools. . . ^ , 
 
 The scheme did not succeed as well as was anticipated, 
 and when the first lease of the Western and Atlantic Rail- 
 way was nearing its expiration a new plan was sprung. 
 An effort was made to secure a part of the rental under 
 the second lease for the further increase of the annua in- 
 come of the University and for the establishment of 
 branch colleges in the ten congressional districts of the 
 State In this way the University would have been able 
 to accomplish a sort of educational monopoly at the ex- 
 pense of every other college in the State, male and female 
 for the branch colleges were to be opened to girls. It wii 
 be observed that the money was to come from the rental 
 of the Western and Atlantic Railway and not out of taxes, 
 though of course it would have amomited to the same 
 thing in its cost to the people. It is a notable fact that 
 by the act of December 21, 1821, by which what is cal ed 
 "the debt due the University" was created, and by the 
 funding act of September, 1881, and by the bill of 1889, the 
 treasury of the State has been approached by the friends 
 of the University through measures of such form as to 
 arouse as little fear as possible concerning the cost to the 
 
 ^""in^^his connection I may make a brief digression to say 
 the Educational Bill of 1889 (which was defeated) did not 
 propose any increased aid to the common schools. It 
 proposed to give them, as was already provided by law, 
 half the rental of the Western & Atlantic Railway. This 
 also might be regarded as a prudential feature m the bill 
 to conciliate popular favor. It was an unnecessary provision- 
 While the measure was pending in the House of Repre- 
 sentatives, the president of Mercer University and myself 
 were invited to address the General Assembly upon the 
 subject of Higher Education. The friends of the pending 
 measure-at least some of them-were not pleased that 
 we should be invited to speak. They could not well make 
 
open opposition in the Legislature to the joint resolution 
 •of invitation, but privately and in the columns of the 
 newspapers they expressed their disapproval, and when 
 on the morning before we were to speak at 8 p.m., the 
 Senate sent to the House, asking its concurrence a resolu- 
 tion convening the General Assembly for the purpose of 
 hearing our addresses, it was staved off with a parliamentary 
 technicality and was never acted upon, though if it had 
 been allowed to reach a vote, it would have been adopted 
 in less than two minutes. But despite the unwillingness 
 of these persons that we should have a full hearing, we 
 were heard. We did not impertinently discuss the details 
 of any measure pending in the legislature, but confined 
 our remarks to the general principles of the subject. 
 
 Our addresses were stenographically reported, and mine 
 was printed in pamphlet form, as it appears in Chapter 
 I of this volume. On August 8th, Hon. N. J. Hammond, 
 •Chairman of the Board of Trustees of the University, 
 addressed the General Assembly, and in the course of his 
 remarks, was candid enough to admit that at least a part 
 of his address was made because our addresses had been 
 delivered. Though he freely discussed some of my utter- 
 ances, I was willing to rest the case without further de- 
 bate in newspapers or elsewhere. 
 
 On August 30th, I addressed by invitation an education, 
 al mass meeting, held in Putnam county, under the 
 auspices of the County Alliance. At the conclusion of my 
 address on that occasion, the following resolution was of- 
 fered and unanimously adopted : 
 
 ''Whereas, the views of President Candler, of Emory 
 College, on education by the State, as expressed in his 
 recent address before the General Assembly, and in his 
 remarks before this meeting to-day, seem to be in accord 
 with the views of the Farmers' Alliance upon this subject. 
 
 Resolved, That we request him to enlarge upon these 
 views in a letter, or series of letters, addressed to the people 
 of Georgia, in which he is requested to state what amounts 
 iiave first and last been expended by the State for common 
 
6 
 
 schools, and what for higher education ; what debt, if any,, 
 the State owes the University at Athens, and what, in his 
 judgment, should be the educational policy of the State."' 
 
 In response to this request, I prepared and published 
 through the Atlanta Constitution the letter which makes 
 the second chapter of this volume. It is printed just as 
 it appeared in that paper. The essential facts and con- 
 clusions of that letter have never been successfully con- 
 troverted, and as Hon. N. J. Hammond truly says: "it 
 aided to defeat the bill," to which reference has been 
 mad9. 
 
 The letter was widely read, and not a few writers and 
 speakers have since drawn data from it. Because of the- 
 influence of this letter, I have been much abused in some 
 quarters, and early in the month of May, 1893, Hon. N. J. 
 Hammond stepped back the distance of a hundred years 
 into the constitutional history of the United States and 
 Georgia to get a running start to overcome that letter and 
 its influence, by a series of letters printed in the Atlanta 
 Constitution. 
 
 He raised much dust along the way about Dr. Franklin, 
 prayers, oaths, liberty of conscience, etc. ; but finally, when 
 he reached the matter he was driving for from the first, 
 like the boy in the fable, he fell into the stream he sought- 
 to leap across. "Circumstances compelled the closing of 
 his weekly articles" after only a few letters ha^l passed 
 between us in the columns of the Constitution. But, un- 
 disturbed by his fall, he has gathered up his letters, re- 
 vised and enlarged them by about fifty additional pages, 
 tacked on to them two of his speeches and out of the 
 whole has perpetrated a small book. As my utterances 
 furnished the text for most of what his booklet contains, I 
 have thought that perhaps I owed him the service of put- 
 ting some of my writings together, that the public might 
 be able to find out what he is after. Accordingly, I have- 
 arranged the following brief chapters for the accomoda- 
 tion of Col. Hammond's readers, and to help, as far as I 
 
may the people to understand properly the educational 
 situation in Georgia. I have not felt it necessary to add 
 anything beyond some foot notes in reply to what Col. 
 Hammond has put in his book, but which did not appear 
 in his letters to the Constitution. His added matter is in 
 this way easily disposed of. 
 
 For good reasons I have added an appendix which will 
 be found to contain valuable information on the general 
 subject of education. 
 
 The foregoing statement is made to explain the origin 
 of this book and the reason for its publication. If care- 
 fully read, this little volume will be found to contain a 
 very full statement of " Georgia's Educational Work." 
 
CHAPTER I. 
 
 HIGQER EDUCATION. 
 
 AN ADDRESS DELIVERED IN THE HALL OF THE HOUSE OF 
 REPKESENTATIVES, ATLANTA, JULY 23d. 
 
 Mr. President and Gentlemen of the General Assembly: 
 
 I am glad to have the opportunity of speaking to this 
 body, at this time, upon this great subject. I can almost 
 go the length of a hearty Georgian, who said to me to-day : 
 "You speak to the cleanest legislature, in the cleanest cap- 
 itol, of the cleanest commonwealth, of the cleanest union, 
 on the cleanest continent of the cleanest planet in the uni- 
 verse." (Applause and laughter.) 
 
 I speak from a standpoint that may bring a phase of the 
 subject before you, which, otherwise, might escape your at- 
 tention : from the standpoint of one who presides over a 
 religious institution. Mr. President, the church in the 
 United States (meaning by that, all the churches), has a 
 right to be heard upon this subject, and her opinions are 
 much to be valued, for she may be regarded as an expert 
 in higher education, however unable she may be to take 
 care of the primary schools. 
 
 There are 365 colleges and universities in the United 
 States, according to the recent report of the National Com- 
 missioner of Education. We have one for every day in 
 the year. Of these 365 institutions, 278 belong to the 
 churches of America; of the 65,000 college students of the 
 United States, more than 50,000 are in church schools.* 
 These colleges, gentlemen, do not ask of the State, appro- 
 
 *Tlie cause of higher education would go forward in the United 
 States if no State appropriations were ever again made to it. 
 
9 
 
 priatioiis or other help, but they do ask of the State that 
 she will give them the protection of good government, and 
 enact no legislation unfriendly to them. They think they 
 have a right to ask this much. They know they serve the 
 country well. 
 
 I cannot speak definitely of all of them, but I am sure 
 you will pardon me if I speak definitely of the institution 
 over which I have the honor to preside, and from which I 
 was graduated. She graduated her first class in 1841, and 
 except during the four years of the war when her boys 
 were off at the front, she has graduated a class every year 
 since that time, until at length she has graduated 1,000 
 Georgians. I do not think they have been worse citizens, 
 or worse statesmen, or worse soldiers, or worse anything 
 that it is good for men and citizens to be, because they 
 learned science at a religious school. I do not think that 
 L. Q. C. Lamar, Associate Justice of the United States, is 
 any the worse judge to-night because on another night un- 
 der the oak trees of Emory's campus, he found God as a 
 personal Savior, and thereafter continued the study of 
 science under the inspiration of Christianity. I do not 
 think that the Hon. John T. Clark, whom all Georgians 
 mourn to-day,* who preached righteousness as a preacher, 
 who stood up against a military commander and refused 
 to bend the civil law to usurping military authority — I 
 do not think he was any the worse judge because he learned 
 science at Mercer's altars. (Applause.) 
 
 The religious colleges have done well for the State. I 
 observe that Emory college has graduated 5S college pres- 
 idents and pi ofessors. It may serve to give you some com- 
 prehension of how much she has done on this line, to com- 
 pare her work with other institutions. 1 wish I had the 
 figures for all, but I have not. Up to 1875 — I think it was 
 that year Chancellor Tucker delivered an address in which 
 he said the University of Georgia had graduated 30 presi- 
 
 *T]ie news of the sudden death of Judge John T. Clark by a rail- 
 way accident had just reached Atlanta. 
 
10 
 
 dents and professors of colleges. Emory has graduated 15 
 circuit judges, two judges of State Supreme courts, one 
 judge of the Supreme Court of the United States, 15 con- 
 gressmen, 2 bishops, 5 generals of the confederate army 
 and 10 foreign missionaries. She is doing this country 
 good, and extending her influence beyond the seas. She 
 is serving the State and it is costing the State nothing ; she 
 gives ))ut asks nothing in return, save that she shall be 
 protected by the law, and not hindered by any unfriendly 
 influence or legislation. Can the State, can anybody in 
 the State who really loves the State, whatever may be his 
 theory of education, refuse to foster these religious insti- 
 tutions that do the work of higher education as well as 
 any and cost the State nothing for the doing of it? 
 
 I have had some opportunity to observe the educational 
 interests of Georgia, and I love the cause. I have been 
 observing the work of Emory College and of the other col- 
 leges in Georgia since I was a boy ; for when a college boy 
 I wrote articles in the newspapers, pressing this cause of 
 education. To this cause I have given mind and money 
 since I came to manhood. You will pardon me for saying 
 that I have not been able to accomplish a gross income 
 for all the years of my life, of as much as $15,000, but I 
 have laid down $1,000 of it for the cause of higher educa- 
 tion in Georgia. It cannot be said, therefore, that I have 
 been an indifferent observer of this great work and of the 
 best method of accomplishing that which we ail desire, the 
 most and the best education for all the people, I beg you 
 to believe me, as I address you to-night, to be the friend 
 and advocate of higher education in the best sense of the 
 word. 
 
 It was upon this question of higher education, I was 
 invited to speak to you, and I suppose you mean that I 
 shall speak upon that question as it presents itself to-day, 
 with the conditions in Georgia such as they are. We are 
 not here to discuss this question as we might have dis- 
 cussed it had we been with the fathers away back in the 
 
11 
 
 latter part of the last century. The question is not what 
 it was then. We are not here to discuss it as we may dis- 
 cuss it twenty years hence: the conditions will have- 
 changed ; our financial condition, our educational status, 
 all that goes to shape our educational policy — all will 
 have changed by then. But as we have it to-day, what is^ 
 the best way of fostering higher education in Georgia?" 
 My opinion is, the best way to do this, is to appropriate 
 every dollar that you have to appropriate to education, to- 
 the education of the common people — to our common^ 
 schools. (Applause.) 
 
 Two theories of education exist in the minds of men -, 
 good men, honest men in Georgia to-day. One theory is,. 
 that we should begin at the top and reach downward ; the- 
 other theory is that we should begin at the bottom and 
 work upward. The first theory has had a long trial. It- 
 was begun before the close of the last century. In 1785^ 
 40,000 acres of land were voted to establish a seminary of 
 learning for higher education ; 5,000 of these acres were- 
 lost by the treaty of Beaufort. The 35,000 remaining were- 
 sold mostly for notes of hand, secured by mortgage and 
 personal security. They did not realize interest. The 
 funds were incompetent for the work of the college which 
 was in due time begun. The State came in and said to the- 
 trustees at their request, "If you want to subscribe for 
 bank stocks, and you cannot realize on these.notes,bring them 
 up, and I will furnish ready money to the amount of two- 
 thirds the value of them." Accordingly, the State advanced. 
 $100,000 to the college, which amount was invested in bank 
 stock. Subsequently, (in 1821) the friends of the school 
 secured the passage of a bill by which the State agreed ta 
 see that bank stock always yielded $8,000 by making up the- 
 deficiency from the State treasury whenever the dividend 
 fell short of this figure. So that has been continued 
 through the years until upwards of $500,000 has been thus- 
 paid to the University. When a difficulty has arisen,, 
 additional relief has been provided by the legislature ia 
 
12 
 
 one way or another ; now a loan, now a gift for repairs, 
 now one thing and now another, until I find by a recent 
 publication of the Educational Bureau at Washington, 
 •our University has come to a point where according to its 
 centennial catalogue, it owns property estimated as worth 
 $668,000.00 and has an annual income of over $30,000. 
 Has all this produced common schools? I think we are 
 all familiar enough with the facts to know this method 
 has not built up the common schools. Virginia tried the 
 •same policy with much the same result. The University 
 of Virginia has had under its tuition 9,000 students, and it 
 has made in the course of its history only about 500 teach- 
 ers, according to a recent publication of the Bureau of 
 ■Education at Washington, a publication entitled: "Thos. 
 Jefferson and the University of Virginia." It has pro- 
 •duced in that time about 2,000 lawyers, but they won't 
 teach school. (Laughter.) This process does not make 
 teachers, but does create a ruling class. Mr. Jefferson saw 
 the difficulty, and so he wrote to his friend, Joseph Cabell, 
 Jan, 13th, 1823. "Were it necessary to give up either the 
 primaries or the University, I would rather abandon the 
 latter, because it is safer to have the whole people respect- 
 ably enlightened, than a few in a high state of science and 
 the many in ignorance. This last is the most dangerous 
 state in which a nation can be. The nations and the 
 governments of Europe are so many proofs of it." Mr. 
 Jefferson was right, and our experiment has confirmed the 
 wisdom of his words. 
 
 We shall not be able to lift the common school from 
 above, but by getting down under the common school, we 
 shall be able to lift it up, and all that is above it. We 
 may lift in the middle and prize the ujDper part of our 
 population higher and press the lower part lower, until 
 there shall be a yawning chasm between them that will not 
 be good for any of us. (Applause.) But if we work upon 
 the common school, we will lift all together, for getting 
 an education is a good deal like getting rich. It is the 
 
13 
 
 first thousand dollars that costs the most labor and is the 
 hardest to get ; after that the next comes easier, and the 
 next easier still and the next easier still. I am sure of 
 this by experience, for I have riot yet accumulated the first 
 thousand. (Laughter.) If you will give a boy the keys 
 that unlock the vestibule to education, depend upon it, if 
 he is fit to approach tht inner shrine he will find the pass- 
 word, grips and signals and secure admission to the higher 
 degrees. Here was that able Chancellor of the University, 
 Patrick Mell, a poor boy in Warren county. 
 
 Dr. Nunnally : — Liberty county. 
 
 Dr. Candler : — I thought it was Warren, so I saw it 
 stated the other day. He got the beginning of an educa- 
 tion and then worked his way to Amherst college. Down 
 at Emory this last year there were fifty young men work- 
 ing their way through college. While I speak to-night 
 they are all about in Georgia working to make their expen- 
 ses for the next term ; and I have thought if the angels 
 who watched over the slumbering Jacob that first night 
 from home, have not lost their sympathy for struggling 
 boys, they are nearer to-night to those 50 boys and others 
 like them in Georgia, than to any other people between 
 Tybee and Rabun Gap. (Great applause.) 
 
 The Indians have a legend that is not altogether a 
 legend ; it is also a parable. It is to the effect that a 
 warrior slain by another imparts his strength in death to 
 the hand that overcame him. It is so with a young man 
 struggling for higher education. His difficulties help 
 him; they give him education which books cannot give. 
 They give him education of strength and courage and 
 independence which can be acquired in no other way than 
 by struggling and conquering. There are half a million 
 children in Georgia between six and eighteen years old 
 who need to have a chance to enter this struggle. If we 
 we shaU send down to them through the common schools 
 all the money we can spare, we shall stimulate these young 
 lives to thoughtfulness, to thirst and hunger after learn- 
 
14 
 
 ing. They will begin to work, friends will begin to help 
 them and our colleges will be filled with students. But if 
 on the other hand, we give sparingly to them, and follow 
 the old ante-bellum policy, that before the war was adopted 
 all along the south Atlantic slope, we shall continue to 
 have multitudes unlearned and a few taught at the expense 
 of the many. If we ever have higher education in any 
 great degree, it must be by helping primary education. 
 Who of us can be opposed to higher education? God bless 
 ■every institution of learning in Georgia ; the institution 
 of the Baptists ; the University of Georgia ; Emory and 
 that unborn University of the Presbyterians, but most of 
 .all may the kind Father in Heaven send the spirit to our 
 people to give help to the 500,000 and more children in the 
 country who most need it! (Applause.) 
 
 Mr. President, do we comprehend how many of these 
 •children there are, and who they are? There are 560,281 
 in Georgia. Where do they live? In your cities? No, 
 they are not there ; 490,270 do not live in cities. It is 
 worse than that, 475,738 of Georgia children live outside 
 of all the incorporated cities, towns and villages in the 
 State. They do not have the stimulation of the multitude 
 going to and fro ; they do not have the inspiration of com- 
 merce. Living in the country untaught, poor ; how sadly 
 they need help! Among them are some of the brightest 
 and best minds, among them there are some like Patrick 
 Mell, and Alexander H. Stephens, and this start which we 
 ought to give them would bring them up to our colleges, 
 to our universities, but they can never get that start of 
 themselves. Why? For this reason: you cannot get 
 teachers for them. Have we not graduated teachers? 
 Yes. Why don't they teach? I answer, the rewards in 
 other lines cf life are so much greater than the rewards of 
 teaching, they cannot afford to teach. They prefer to fol- 
 low the more pi ofitable lines.* I wish they and all of us 
 
 * This does not apply to the common schoo's for negroes as it does 
 to the common schools f ^r whites. Negro graduates cannot turn to 
 Jaw, medicine or merchandise with the hope of receiving remunera- 
 tion equal to thaL they secure by teaching. Hence negro schools 
 will prosper with or without increased appropriations. But not so 
 with the whites. 
 
15 
 
 were more self-denying and more patriotic, but men are as 
 we find them. They will not leach without fair compensa- 
 tion, without that which gives them permanent support. 
 I take it that graduates of our University, and our other 
 colleges, are not worse than others, that they are good 
 men, that they love Georgia, but not many turn to teach- 
 ing. We have graduated enough, yet do you know it is a 
 fact that we have not graduated men willing to bear the 
 burdens of even the colleges yet. I think I am correct 
 when I say that our State University which has just cele- 
 brated its 100th anniversary, (a little prematurely, per- 
 haps, for I believe the first class graduated in 1804 ; but she 
 has just celebrated some kind of centennial,) has never 
 found a chancellor among its own alumni. Its graduates 
 are men of ability, why have they forsaken the school- 
 room ? Why turn aside elsewhere ? Just because you 
 do not make it profitable enough to teach, but other things 
 are profitable ; that is why. That is a hard saying maybe, 
 but that is simple truth. If we put the money down which 
 the common people have not, and which they are not likely 
 to have for awhile, we will find teachers. Georgia has 
 educated men but the means to secure them as teachers 
 has not been put down by the State. 
 
 There are 460,000 children who do not live in any town, 
 much less a county town. You can not reach them by 
 putting money down in ten congressional districts. They 
 could not get to those schools. Schools for them must be 
 at their doors. One must be in each militia district, and 
 on "this side of the creek" to all of them. If on the other 
 side they will never get across. (Laughter.) And to do 
 all this, means money, and a very great deal of money, 
 money enough to make these schools run eight months in 
 the year ; for you must remember that a teacher does not 
 eat, sleep and wear clothes three months onl}^. The other 
 nine months of the year he goes on sleeping and wearing 
 clothes and eating, and you must make provision for his 
 year's support. 
 
16 
 
 Building up the common schools is the shortest route to 
 higher education in Georgia. If our colleges are waning 
 it is largely for the lack of the material which the common 
 schools should supply. The University and all the colleges, 
 so far as I know, have had to do sub-freshman work. But 
 now high schools are springing up. There is a school at 
 Barnesville, Gordon Institute, an excellent training school. 
 There is still another at Wrightsville, and one north of 
 the Blue Ridge, Young Harris Institute ; there is an ex- 
 cellent school at Cave Spring, and another at Edge wood. 
 Some of the smaller towns, Newnan, Cartersville and West 
 Point, and others, are establishing good training schools. 
 When these schools have done all they can for their pupils 
 we have the University already in possession of property 
 estimated at over half a million of dollars, and Emory and 
 Mercer for their higher education. Below them, however, 
 we must have the common schools, or these high schools 
 can do nothing. The common schools will feed the high 
 schools, and the high schools will feed the colleges. 
 That will make the colleges at Athens and Oxford and 
 Macon flourish, for they will be supplied with the prepared 
 material that colleges must have before they can be of any 
 service to the country. 
 
 Again, suppose you continue the old plan, and that, as 
 has never been the case, you should be able to graduate by 
 means of larger appropriations to higher education many 
 teachers ; you cannot get these teachers through college 
 before this generation of country children will have gone 
 beyond school age. The school age of a child lasts for a 
 few years only. Georgia's half million children cannot 
 wait for teachers to be made ; they are getting older every 
 day, every night ; while they wake and while they sleep 
 they are getting older, and I tell you to-night there are 
 460,000 in the country, away from the towns, away from 
 the cities, our " country children, " as we say — I tell you 
 there are 460,000 of them who will very soon be past your 
 teaching, or anybody else's teaching. If you are to do 
 anything for them, you are to do it quickly. If we shall 
 
17 
 
 rob them of their chance, we will have done them an irre- 
 parable injury, one such as the summer would suffer in the 
 blight of the spring. It is a chance that comes but once ; 
 and if the common schools shall continue inefficient for 
 four or five years until we can,- in the colleges, prepare 
 teachers who will work for next to no pay — if, indeed, we 
 can ever prepare such — this generation of children will be 
 gone past teaching. 
 
 Other things, it seems to me, in Georgia can wait, but 
 not this. I am not sure but that we can wait to have some 
 more railroads built. I think we can wait to get rich ; 
 the good old Book has some wise suggestions about those 
 who make haste to get rich. But our children can wait no 
 longer for good common schools. They must have them 
 now or never. 
 
 I think we are less alarmed in the United States when 
 we ruin a crop of children than when we lose a crop of 
 cotton or barley. What must become of a 460,000 crop of 
 children down yonder in the country unless something is 
 done? If it were 460,000 colts, I think our friends of the 
 Farmers' Alliance would have something to say about it, 
 If it were 460,000 sheep that were being slain by the dogs, 
 that dog-law which is before you would stand a better 
 chance of passage. (Laughter.) But it is 460,000 chil- 
 dren, and we say " if they can get to school it is all right, 
 and if not it is still all right. " We must not waste chil- 
 dren that way. At last this world is made for people, and 
 not people for this world. God did not put us down here 
 to keep things from being lonesome, but he ma'de things 
 for us, and the cattle on a thousand hills, and our harvest 
 fields and our railroads are absolutely nothing until we 
 have turned them into blessings to our children. Remem- 
 ber this, and remember that down yonder among the poor 
 are 460,000 of this young crop of children that need help- 
 ing and not wasting. There is where the money of the 
 State should go to-day. Our University and colleges will in 
 their present condition, without additional appropriations, 
 
18 
 
 work up all the material the common schools and acade- 
 mies are likely to supply. And as for the special help 
 which they must have, let our rich men supply them for 
 awhile until the State has done for the common schools all 
 that is needed. 
 
 Mr. President, have you thought about the duty of our 
 rich men to our colleges? They do not give enough for 
 higher education. The churches look too much to what 
 they call " financiering. " I shall be sorry when I see the 
 trustees of Emory College go to " financiering." There is 
 no way to financier a church college into plenty of money 
 except a little proc ss that hangs about six inches in length 
 if your pocket don't hang too low. (Laughter.) 
 
 Our people don't give to the State college as they ought. 
 Jefferson said, and he was not disappointed, that the 
 benefactions to the University of Virginia would, by and 
 by, overtop all the State could or wcnild spare to it, and 
 his words has come true. I look at this pamphlet [hold- 
 ing up a pamphlet on the University of Virginia,] recently 
 preparexl, and I find since 1865 private benefactions to the 
 University of Virginia have run to $891,000. What have 
 we done in Georgia ? Some have waited upon foreign ef- 
 forts ; some have financiered and have looked somewhere 
 else than to going into their pockets, and doing by volun- 
 tary benevolence that which needs to be done for our col- 
 leges and University. We have been depending upon some- 
 thing else than giving. We need a revolution at this 
 point ; we need preaching upon it, and writing upon it, 
 and talking upon it, and may be, a little wholesome, good- 
 humored quarreling upon it. 
 
 I was told to-day that, up to this time, no alumnus of 
 the University of Georgia, many of whom have grown rich 
 by means of the culture acc^uired there, have ever made a 
 gift to the University notable enough to get into history. 
 It is time we had done better. W^e have begun to do some- 
 thing for Emory. Mr. R-^berts, the Financial Secretary 
 of the College, and myself have worried the Methodists 
 
19 
 
 xintil we have got them to give us about $25,000 during the 
 past year, and they will have to give us $25,000 more be- 
 tween this and Christmas year, or be the worst bothered 
 folks in this country. (Laughter.) I worry them, and 
 tease them, and pray for them, and cry over them, and 
 work with them, and will continue to do so until they do 
 something for Emory worthy of themselves. And I hope 
 my good friend, the Chancellor, will worry the graduates 
 and the friends of the University until they divide their 
 wealth with it. If he gets them aroused, their spirit may 
 become contagious and the Methodists may catch it. And 
 I trust that Dr. Nunnally will worry the Baptists in behalf 
 of Mercer. If he will get after the Baptists on this line we 
 Methodists will have peace for awhile. Now we can't ]3uild 
 a church that the Baptists don't turn a ,creek down that 
 way and come bothering us. (Great laughter.) If j^ou 
 will annoy and bother them they will do something for 
 Mercer and forget to quarrel with the Methodists. 
 
 Dr. Nunnally: — They are not having any rest. 
 
 Dr. Candler : — That is right. Shake them up. They 
 ■cannot fall from grace; what is the use of their resting. 
 (Tumultuous laughter and applause.) 
 
 Our people yonder in the country are poor, but many of 
 our people in the cities have grown wealthy. They some- 
 times cry " hard times, " but these are not hard times. 
 These are the best times I ever saw, and I have seen lots of 
 times. (Laughter.) At any rate our rich people have 
 means abundant to take care of the higher education, at 
 least for awhile, until the State has given us common 
 schools for eight months in the year, which is much more 
 urgent. This great work will tax every resource of the 
 State, and these resources ought to be taxed until there is 
 -an eight months school within reach of every child that is 
 born in Georgia. (Applause.) 
 
 Suppose, Mr. President, you begin to make schools, not 
 for all the people in every neighborhood, but in the county 
 towns, or other favored localities. What will be the re- 
 
20 
 
 suit ? You will make those towns richer and the country 
 neighborhoods poorer; for by and by Squire Jones, who 
 lives in the country, and who happens to be a little better 
 off than the rest of the neighborhood, will say: "Look 
 here, I am tired of working for you 'poor white trash.' I 
 am going off and leave you. You have no efficient school. 
 I am going to town, where I can educate my children." 
 He and all his sort will go. You will then have congestion 
 in the towns and atrophy in the country. The people who 
 least need schools will flock to t(jwn, and they who need 
 them most will be left behind. This will l^light our agri- 
 culture as well as damage our people. And remember that 
 Georgia must always be an agricultural state. But if the 
 State puts a good school in every neighborhood, you will 
 find that one of the great temptations for moving to town 
 will have been removed, and you will hear the country 
 people say, '' We will stay here, educate our children in the 
 schools that the State has provided, live at home and be 
 happy. " Such of their boys as have developed a zeal for 
 learning will go to the high schools, and when a boy has 
 gone through some one of our good training schools, if he 
 has pluck, he can go to the college, and if he has no pluck, 
 he would do n(j good if he went through a thousand col- 
 leges. (Applause.) You will then find young men at 
 Athens, at Oxford, and at Mercer toiling and struggling, 
 and they will succeed and l)e all the better for their strug- 
 gles, just like that noble old Roman, Junius Hillyer, suc- 
 ceeded, and Alexander H. Stephens succeeded, and Patrick 
 Mell succeeded. The colleges will flourish ; then country 
 schools will flourish ; and when we have flourishing country 
 schools, a prosperous University , and splendid colleges, 
 what more in the line of education will we need ? 
 
 Mr. President, I am not so old, and you are not so far 
 away from youth, that we are free from its enthusiasm. 
 Every thought of the old State stirs us, and I tell you when 
 this thought comes to me of what the State can do if she 
 will build up her common schools my emotions are un- 
 
21 
 
 speakable. I see a splendid prospect before her, not a 
 prospect like the history behind us, with a multitude of 
 Tinlearned, and a few taught, with crippled common 
 schools, with universities and colleges none too well filled ; 
 but a splendid State, rich in all that goes to make a state 
 great and powerful, earnest in her commerce, and honest 
 with all, independent in her manhood, and prosperous in 
 ■every part; with a sky above her as fair as Italia's; with 
 an earth beneath her as beautiful as the valley of Sharon ; 
 above her and all about her every prospect pleasing and 
 none of her people vile. I believe if this legislature will 
 deliver all its strength and every dollar that the State can 
 .spare to help our 460,000 country children down yonder, 
 there is before Georgia a future as fair as the Eden which 
 lingers as a golden age in the memory of mankind, cloud- 
 less as the heaven which fills the hopes of the race. (Long 
 and tumultuous applause.) 
 
22 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 GEORGIA'S EDUCATIONAL WORK. 
 
 WHAT IT HAS BEEN WHAT IT SHOULD BE. 
 
 (From Atlanta Constitution, Sept., 1889.) 
 
 On August 30th, the Farmers' Alliance of Putnam coun- 
 ty held an educational mass meeting near Wesley Chapel, 
 in that county. The meeting was attended by a great- 
 multitude, and President Candler, of Emory College,, 
 delivered by invitation an address upon education. At 
 the conclusion of the address, the following resolution was- 
 offered ai.d unanimously adopted: 
 
 "Whereas, the views of President Candler, of Emorj 
 College, on education by the State, as expressed in his- 
 recent address before the General Assembly, and in his- 
 remarks before this meeting to-day, seem to be in accord 
 with the views of the Farmers' Alliance upon this subject, 
 
 Resolved, that we request him to enlarge upon these- 
 views in a letter, or series of letters, addressed to the 
 people of Georgia, in which he is requested to state what 
 amounts have, first and last, been expended by the State 
 for common schools, and what for higher education; what 
 debt, if any, the State owes the University at Athens, and 
 what, in his judgment, should be the educational policy 
 of the State." 
 
 To the request of the resolution, Dr. Candler makes the- 
 following reply : 
 
 It gives me great satisfaction to respond, to the extent 
 of my ability, to the above resolution. 
 
 There is a more prevalent and potent interest in educa- 
 tion now abroad in Georgia than at any other time in the 
 history of the commonwealth. The State is, so to speak^ 
 taking a new departure on the question, and it is import- 
 ant that the people have ail the facts before them while 
 this increased interest is taking form in action, that the 
 
23 
 
 educational policy of the State may be intelligently di- 
 rected. Much of that which has been done in the past, 
 his bsen done without much care or information upon 
 the part of the great body of the people. It has been done 
 mainly under the direction of a few persons, and now that 
 the people are awaking to the importance of this great in- 
 terest, they may find it necessary to recast former policies 
 and work, even to the amendment of the State Constitu- 
 tion. If it shall be found that the Constitution, or laws 
 ill pursuance thereof, do not meet the wants of the people, 
 tliey can l)e, and ought to be changed Georgia has had, 
 first and last, a half dozen Constitutions, which she has 
 al)rogated or amended at pleasure, and that of 1877 is no 
 more sacred than the rest. 
 
 I deeply regret that I have been unable to secure exact 
 figures as to amounts appropriated to common schools 
 prior to the late war. The appropriations were so mixed 
 up with appropriations to county acadeniies, and as a 
 ommittee of the legislature in 1828 said, in many cases 
 the funds were " so wasted and misapplied," it is impossi- 
 ble to say just how much was really bestowed on the com- 
 mon schools, or as they were then called, the "poor 
 schools." 
 
 The "county academies " were for a long time the only 
 enterprises of the State for the education of the masses. 
 They were much more nearly institutions for higher edu- 
 cation than common schools. In them Latin, Greek, En- 
 glish literature ai-'d the higher mathematics were taught.* 
 
 *They surpassed the New England schools, of which Col. Ham- 
 mond speaks on page 180 of his book. Below Massachusetts' 2150 
 high schools, which he mentions, there are 10,000 schools of lower 
 grade, like our common schools, and they are long term schools. 
 When Georgia has more and better common schools, our towns will 
 provide the high schoo s. But let us do as Massachusetts does, de- 
 liver the strength of the State on the common schools. Upon her 
 common schools Massachusetts spends in three years more than Greor- 
 gia has ever spent on common schools in all her history. Since 1636 
 (250 years), Massachusetts has only spent $l,7ti4,368 on her colleges, 
 viz: Harvard, Amherst, Wi liams, the Agriculcural College and the 
 Institute of Technology. Georgia has spent about *1, 200,000 on the 
 University and its branches in less than half that time 
 
24 
 
 When the system was at its best, and the greatest number 
 of academies existed, they were inaccessible to the over- 
 whelming majority of the people of the State. 
 
 This academy system was inaugurated by an Act ap- 
 proved July 31, 1783, and the institutions created by it 
 were each endowed with 1,000 acres of land, worth about 
 three and a half dollars an acre, and subsequently by Act 
 of December 20, 1792, with one thousand pounds value of 
 confiscated property. Pupils in these academies were re- 
 quired to pay tuition, amounting in the case of at least 
 one of them — the Richmond Academy, in Augusta — to $10 
 2)er quarter. It will be seen, therefore, that they were 
 more nearly colleges than free schools ; indeed, it may 
 well be doubted that some schools in Georgia now called 
 colleges are the equals of the Richmond Academy, under 
 W. H. Crawford in 1799, or to old Sunbury, under William 
 McWhir from 1792 to 1820. 
 
 But quasi-colleges as they were, these academies absorbed 
 the educational expenditures of the State to the exclusion 
 of the common schools, until 1817, and thenceforward, 
 until 1836, divided equally with the " poor schools " the 
 educational fund of the State. How far they fell short of 
 reaching all the people may be inferred from the fact that 
 in 1840, when they reached the number of 176, they had 
 an aggregate attendance of only 8,000 pupils, though the 
 children of school age then in the State numbered not less 
 than 85,000. During the entire period of their history, 
 the county academies must have cost the State something 
 like $200,000, and in this estimate I do not include $250,- 
 000 voted to them by the Act of December 21, 1821. That 
 amount was invested in bank stock of the State Bank for 
 their permanent endowment, and I only estimate the in- 
 terest which must have been paid them, as they never re- 
 ceived the principal. 
 
 Anything like free schools was not begun in Georgia 
 until Dec. 18, 1817, when the legislature, being convinced 
 that the " academy system " was "not well calculated for 
 
25 
 
 the general diffusion and equal distribution of useful learn- 
 ing," appropriated $250,000 for the establishment of "poor 
 schools" throughout the State. This amount was invested 
 in bank stock, and the interest only was available. To 
 this was added, in 1818, moneys arising from the sale of 
 certain lands, described in an act known as the "Land Lot- 
 tery Act of 1818." Again, in Lecember 21, 1821, $250,000 
 bank stock of the Bank of Darien, the State Bank of Sa- 
 vannah and the Bank of Augusta, were added to the "poor 
 school fund" by the same Act which gave $250,000 to the 
 county academies. 
 
 It must not be forgotten that the interest on these 
 amounts was not devoted to common schools as we now 
 have them, but only to pay the tuition of indigent chil- 
 dren. To secure its benefits, parent or child was forced to 
 confess pauperism, and then the child could be sent to 
 school at public expense only three years. The school age 
 was from eight to eighteen years until 1843, when it was 
 changed to eight and sixteen years. In 1836, in 1845 
 and in 1856, strenuous efforts were made to establish com- 
 mon schools; but all failed. In 1836, the effort was nearly 
 successful. One-third the surplus revenue, amounting to 
 $350,000, was set apart " as a permanent free school and 
 educational fund," and a joint committee of five from the 
 two branches of the legislature was appointed " to digest 
 a plan of common school education." The legislature re- 
 ceived and amended the report of this committee, and in 
 1837, passed an Act establishing a general system of com- 
 mon schools, to take effect in 1839. By that Act the aca- 
 demic and poor school funds were consolidated, and a dis- 
 tinction which Governor Schley justly characterized as 
 "invidious and insulting," was obliterated. In 1840, the 
 Act establishing common schools was repealed, and the 
 amounts which had been set aside for their maintenance 
 were constituted a " poor school fund." So that the old 
 *' poor school fund " and the " academic fund," which for 
 two years had flowed together to make common schools, 
 
26 
 
 henceforth flowed out as a " poor school fund," and the 
 badge of pauperism attached to anyone who availed theni- 
 Belves of the educational funds of the State, except the 
 students of Franklin College, now called the University. 
 
 But one result could follow — the fund did next to no 
 good. The people refused such aid. "In 1849 thirty-two 
 counties made no returns of their poor chiklren. In 1850 
 fifteen counties failed to make returns, notwithstanding 
 the law provided that counties makirg no returns should 
 participate in the educational fund agreeably to the last 
 return on record ; in the same year eight counties received 
 nothing because they had never made a return."* In 1845 
 only fitty-three of the ninety-three counties in the State 
 applied for their apportionment of the poor school fund, 
 though the penalty for such default was forfeiture of 
 claim. Such a system was much as if Georgia had made 
 no appropriation for elementary education at all. Un- 
 der this system the counties which were poorest, and there- 
 fore had the most poor children, by reason of the small 
 amount '"f their taxable property had the smallest claim 
 on the school fund. For example, Jasper and Newton, 
 with some 120 poor children, paid into the treasury, as State 
 tax, !j=8,910, while Union and Gilmer werf* able to pay a 
 State tax of only $1,594, and returned 2,884 poor children. 
 By this system help was bestowed where it could well have 
 been spared, and denied where it was most needed. 
 
 In addition to the appropriations we have been consid- 
 ering, on December 11, 1858, an Act was approved appro- 
 priating $100,000 of the net earnings of the Western and 
 Atlantic Railroad to the educational fund, which fund was 
 subject to appropriation by the State to any educational 
 purpose. But as the proceeds of the road, which had been 
 built by an issue of scrip, or certificates of State debt, 
 were first to be "applied to the payment of the principal 
 and interest of the bonds of the State issued on account 
 of the road," and as the road did not always make "net 
 
 * Jones' "History of Education in Georgia." 
 
27 
 
 earnings," the educational fund was little the better off on 
 account of this appropriation. Moreover, the "poor schooT 
 fund" had no exclusive claim to this appropriation if it 
 had amounted to anything. 
 
 Not until after the adoption of the Constitution of 1868- 
 did Georgia have any proper system of common schoolsr 
 and this system was not organized until after the passage 
 of the Act of October 13, 1870. The schools were run af- 
 ter a fashion in 1871; but as the legislature diverted the 
 school fund to other purposes, at the end of the year there 
 was a de))t of about $300,000 due the officers and teachers^ 
 During 1872, by reason of this debt, the schools were sus- 
 pended, and the common school system of Georgia did not 
 really begin to live until the year 1878. In January, 1872, 
 " the father of the common schools of Georgia," that great 
 and good man, the late Dr. G. J. Orr, was appointed State 
 School Commissioner, and the common schools of Georgia 
 began in truth to live, move and have their being the year 
 following. Since then they have gone forward with in- 
 creasing efficiency until the present time. 
 
 What, I am asked, has Georgia expended upon all this 
 work of elementary education first and last? 
 
 It is comparatively easy to answer for the years since 
 1870. It appears from the reports of the State School 
 Commissioner that for this period the State has expended 
 $6,070,615.38. To this amount we should perhaps add 
 $1,686,007.76 by cities and counties operating schools un- 
 der local laws. There are thirteen cities and four counties^ 
 who have operated such systems,* and while, of course^ 
 these local enterprises are not fairly to be credited to the 
 State, and do little for the enlightenment of the great 
 masses of Georgia's population, we will take their expend- 
 itures into this account. The grand total of expendi- 
 tures for common schools in Georgia since the war, we will 
 therefore put down at 18,756,623.14. 
 
 *The number has increased since this letter was published. 
 
28 
 
 It is not so easy to answer for the years before the war, 
 but we can make a fair estimate however. 
 
 By a report of the committee of the legislature, we 
 know that from Dec. 18, 1817, when the "poor school" sys- 
 tem began, until June 5, 1820, Georgia's investments for 
 the poor schools paid $18,666, and we know by an act of 
 the legislature still of record, $12,000 were distributed in 
 1822, and that in 1836, the best year, perhaps, the poor 
 school system ever had, $40,000 were distributed. From 
 these figures it will be seen that to estimate an average 
 expenditure of $30,000 a year from 1817 to 1860, will be 
 an over-estimate rather than an under-estimate of Geor- 
 gia's expenditures for common schools during those years. 
 For the forty-three years intervening between the dates 
 mentioned, at the rate of $30,000 a year, we should have 
 $1,290,000, which added to the $8,756,623 expended since 
 the war, will give us $10,046,623 as Georgia's total expend- 
 iture for common schools, "first and last," from 1817 to 
 1889, seventy-two years. Massachusetts spends nearly or 
 quite that much in two years, and has 90,000 less children 
 of school age than Georgia. 
 
 Among how many children has Georgia distributed this 
 amount? 
 
 Let us see. The school age lasts but ten years ; under the 
 poor school system it lasted but three years. We may, 
 therefore, reckon a new school population for every ten 
 years. The school population for Georgia is now 560,281 ; 
 for the present decade, therefore, if we reckon 400,000 as 
 our average school population, we will not overstate the 
 <!a8e. From 1870 to 1880, we may put it down as 250,000; 
 from 1860 to 1870, 200,000; from" 1850 to 1860, 150,000; in 
 1836 a legislative committee reported it as 83,000, it will 
 be therefore safe to put it at 85,000 from 1840 to 1850; 
 from 1830 to 1840, reckon it 50,000; from 1820 to 1830, 
 50,000, and from 1817 to 1820, 20,000. From these figures 
 -we will derive the aggregate of children having a claim on 
 Georgia for elementary education during these seventy-two 
 
29 
 
 years as numbering 1,185,000. Fair-minded men will call 
 this a low estimate. Compa''ing this numlier of children 
 Avith the amount expended for common schools, it appears 
 that Georgia has expended for the elementary education 
 of her children in seventy-two years about eight and a 
 half dollars apiece. 
 
 If some one objects to including in this estimate the 
 amount expended for the common school education of th"^ 
 negroes, let us subtract the amount paid on their account 
 and see how the case stands. The most reliable estimates I 
 can find give the amount expended by Georgia for the com- 
 mon schools for the negroes since the war as about $2,800,- 
 OCO, and the number of negro children taught at about 
 250,000. If these figures are subtracted from the forego- 
 ing estimates, it ajipears that Georgia has given to her 
 white children, for tlieir elementary education during the 
 last seventy-two years, about eight dollars apiece. 
 
 In the meantime, what has been done by the State for 
 higher education? 
 
 We will not, in this estimate, count the amounts given 
 to the academies though, as we have seen, these amounts 
 might much more pro})erly be charged to the account of 
 higher education than to that of common schools. 
 
 In 1785 (January 27) the legislature voted 40,000 acres 
 of land for a college or university, land worth, when it was 
 sold, about $150,000. In 1801 the college wasjsut in oper- 
 ation. In 1787, by the treaty of Beaufort, between Geor- 
 gia and South Carolina, a tract of university land, con- 
 sisting of 5,000 acres, situated between the Tugalo and 
 Seneca rivers, was lost by falling into the State of South 
 Carolina. The remaining lands, not being available for 
 the purposes of the college, the State loaned the University, 
 by Act of Nov. 27, 1802, $5,000. 
 
 In 1806 a lottery was authorized by the State to provide 
 a library for the University. I have not been able to ascer- 
 tain how much was realized in this way. 
 
 By Act of Dec. 15, 1815, the trustees were authorized to 
 
30 
 
 sell the University lands, in lots of one hundred acres, at 
 public outcry. But the lands were sold in lots less and 
 more than 100 acres, and Dec. 18, 1816, these sales were 
 validated by special act. The trustees then had on hand 
 many notes secured by mortgage on the lands, but they 
 -could not realize on them. If they sued and recovered 
 the land, they would simply recover what could do them 
 no immediate good, and what they did not want. Against 
 some of their sales adverse claims were set up. Providing 
 against this emergency, they secured in the Act approved 
 Dec. 15, 1815, which authorized the sale, a provision that 
 "if any subscription should be opened by any banks in the 
 State at- a time when the bonds and mortgages should be 
 uncollected or not due, and a failure to obtain stock on 
 that account would ensue, the trustees of the University, by 
 depositing the whole amou-it of said bonds and mortgages 
 in the treasury of the State, and producing to his Excel- 
 lency, the Governor, the treasurer's certificate of the same, 
 shall obtain from the Governor a warrant on the treasury 
 for whatever sum, not exceeding two-thirds of the amount 
 ■of said bonds and mortgages, that may be necessary for 
 subscribing for such number of shares as the proceeds of 
 said lands, if collected, would authorize them to subscribe 
 for." For $>150,000 worth of such land mortgages, Georgia, 
 -accordingly, gave the University 8100,000, which was 
 invested in stock of the Bank of the State of Georgia, in 
 which it was still invested as late as 1845 (See White's 
 Statistics, page 76). The University got the money, and 
 the State got as collateral for this advance and for the 
 previous loan of $5,000, land notes that might or might 
 not be valuable. Some we know were not good ; as late as 
 1823, the State was certainly still worrying with her notes 
 and making credits upon them as the validity of adverse 
 claims were established. (See act for relief of Lovick 
 Pierce and other purchasers of University lands approved 
 Dec. 20, 1824.) By an Act approved Dec. 21, 1821, Geor- 
 gia provided that the permanent endowment of the Uni- 
 
31 
 
 versity "shall consist of a sum not less than $8,000 per 
 annum ; and that when it so happens that the dividends 
 furnished by the bank stock granted to the University 
 shall not be equal to the sum aforesaid, the Treasurer of 
 this State is required to make up the deficiency semi-annu- 
 ally out of any moneys in the treasury not otherwise 
 appropriated."* This is the origin of the so-called debt 
 due the University of the State. It will be observed the 
 $100,000 was paid and invested in bank stock, and so con- 
 tinued at least until 1815, and was perhaps lost when the. 
 Bank of the State of Georgia failed. Georgia now has 
 among her nominal assets 1,833 shares of that corporation. 
 But while the principal was thus paid, the State guaran- 
 teed 8 per cent, interest on it, although she could then 
 borrow money at 6 per cent. The State has continued 
 iintil this day to pay (or see that it was paid) the $8,000 
 per annum. The State now borrows money at 4 per cent., 
 and 18,000 is, therefore, equivalent to interest on 1200,000. 
 
 In 1816 the State granted to the University another loan 
 of $10,000 against the land notes previously described. If 
 this loan and the loan of 1802 were ever paid, they were 
 paid out of the collections made on these land notes, and 
 since the State gave the land at first, they ought to be 
 reckoned as donations to the University. 
 
 By Act of December 18, 1819, a donation of $2,000 was 
 given to the University to build a house for a grammar 
 school. 
 
 By Act of December 21, 1821, the State secured to the 
 University a further grant of $25,000, by land sales. 
 
 In 1830 the State again loaned the University $10,000, 
 and as late as 1833, the records of the legislature show it 
 
 *Some say this quasi-endorsement of the University's bank stock 
 created a debt upon the rotate; that it has "ripened" into a debt. If 
 this be so, what was the consideration tor wliich this debt was given? 
 Suppose some legislature should repeal the Act of Dec. 21, 1821, 
 what would be the effect? C ol. Hammond, on page 134 of his book, 
 calls it "systematizing by funding, in 1821, of the University notes " 
 There was no funding of notes in it It was simply an endorsement 
 of bank stock, already purchased by the University trustees. 
 
32 
 
 had not been repaid ; if it has ever been repaid, the record 
 of the payment I cannot find. 
 
 In the same year (by Act of December 21, 1830) $6,000 
 were appropriated annually to the University, " for the 
 purpose of enabling the board of trustees to rebuild the 
 college edifice, and replace the library and instruments 
 destroyed by fire, and for the purpose of defraying tlie 
 annual expenses of the college," and not " to help poor 
 students," as was recently stated in an address delivered 
 .before the General Assembly, by a distinguished trustee of 
 the University. This appropriation was continued until 
 1841, eleven years. 
 
 On March 30, 1872, Governor Smith transferred to the 
 trustees of the University the fund arising from the land 
 scrip, $242,202.t 
 
 In February, 1875, the State appropriated $5,000 a year 
 for three years to the branch of the University known as 
 the " Georgia State College of Agriculture and Mechanic 
 Arts," located at Athens. 
 
 On September 29, 1881, the legislature appropriated 
 $2,000 a year to thn University for four years, to make 
 tuition free 
 
 On September 27, 1884, an appropriation of $2,500 was 
 made to repair certain buildings on the University cam- 
 pus. 
 
 In October, 1887, another repair fund of $5,000 was 
 voted to the University, and $5,000 to the branch college 
 at Dahlonega, and $3,500 each to the branch colleges at 
 Thomasville and Milledgeville. 
 
 In 1888, the legislature appropriated $18,000 to the 
 School of Technology in Atlanta, calling it a branch of the 
 
 t The contract made by Gov. Smith was vmauthorized by any law, 
 Federal or State, and I doubt not, is invalid. The majority of the 
 committee of the legislature, appointed to investigate the land 
 scrip in 1891, said in their report: " We doubt if the legislature of 
 the State, by legislative enactment, has ever located under the terms 
 of the Act of general government, the State College of Agriculture 
 and Mechanic Arts, and this question should be settled once for all." 
 
 HThis appropriation was for only one year. This error is explain- 
 ed and corrected in my second letter to Col. Hammond. See Chap. iv. 
 
33 
 
 University, that the constitutional difficulty in the way 
 of such an appropriation might be evaded. 
 
 At the same time and in the same manner, $3,000 were 
 appropriated to the college at Dahlonega ; $2,000 to the 
 college at Milledgeville ; $2,000 to the college at Thomas- 
 ville, and $2,000 to the college at Cuthbert. 
 
 It will be observed that while from 1841 to 1875 the 
 University received no special appropriation, since the lat- 
 ter year appropriations have fallen upon it and its 
 branches thick and fast. 
 
 Since 1873, $8,000 a year have been appropriated to the 
 collegiate education of negroes — an amount doubtless sug- 
 gested by the amount appropriated annually to the Uni- 
 versity at Athens. 
 
 In 1881, the legislature passed an Act which operates 
 indirectly as an annual appropriation to the University at 
 Athens. It provides that whenever the trustees present 
 any due bond of the State it shall be funded at 7 per cent, 
 in a non-negotiable bond of the State payable only to tJie 
 trustees for the benefit of the University. Thereby 
 $255,000, as shown by the last report of the State Treas- 
 urer, are now held by the University, and the amount 
 draws 7 per cent, interest from the State Treasury. In- 
 asmuch as the State borrows money readily at 4 per cent.,* 
 this additional 3 per cent, is in the nature of an annual 
 appropriation. Since the Treasurer's report was made, 
 $15,000 more of such bonds have been thus funded, making 
 in all $270,000, which at 3 per cent, per annum yields 
 $8,100 as an indirect appropriation to the University 
 annually. 
 
 Adding all these amounts together, we have expended 
 "for higher education in Georgia, first and last;" 
 Interest on Bank Stock since 1816 to 1889, - $584,000 
 Donation for Grammar School at Univer- 
 sity in 1819, 2,000 
 
 Loans of 1802, 1816 and 1830, - - - . 25,000 
 
 * At 3^ per cent. now. 
 
 ,^ M/V^' 10 1894 ic 
 
34 
 
 Amount carried forward, - - _ 611,000 
 
 Additional grants by land sales in 1821, - 25,000 
 
 ^6,000 a year from 1830 to 1841, - - - 66,000 
 
 $5,000 a year from 1875 to 1878, - - - 15,000 
 
 $2,000 a year from 1881 to 1885, - - - 8,000 
 
 Gift for repairs September, 1884, - - 2,500 
 
 Gift for repairs October, 1887. - - - 5,000 
 
 Land Scrip, .... 242,202 
 
 School of Technology, .... 18,000 
 Gifts to branch college at Dahlonega, - - 8,000 
 " " " " " Milledgeville, - - 5,500 
 '' " " " " Thonijisville, - - 5,500 
 
 " " " " " Cuthbert, - - - 2,000 
 Annual appropriation to higher education of ne- 
 groes since 1873, - - - 128,000f 
 
 Total for higher education, "first and last," $1,141, 702*^ 
 In this estimate I have not given value of the old capi- 
 tol at jMilledgeville, used for college purposes; nor the ap- 
 propriati(Mi made in 1881 or 1882, (I forget the year,) to 
 rebuild the college at Dahlonega;* nor the indirect appro- 
 priation annually made to the University through the 
 funding Act of 1881. If these items were added, the 
 amount would run smartly beyond the figures given for 
 ^'higher education." 
 
 tTliis amount for the negro co'lege is properly chargeable to the 
 University. For it is paid in lieu of any claim of the colored popu- 
 lation upon the proceeds of the land scrip. 1 hat the University 
 may get all the land scrip the State pays the negroes $8,000 a year 
 and yet we are often told the State gives nothing to the University. 
 
 IFSince this was written, I find from the Acts of 1892, $22,500 appro- 
 priated to the School of Technology ; $22,900 to the formal and Indus- 
 trial College at Milledgeville, besides the originftl appropriation for 
 its establishment; $:;,000 for the Uahlonega College. These are in 
 addition to the usual $8,000 a year each for the University audits 
 branch college for the negroes at Savannah. 
 
 The appropriation act of 1892 directs that the chairmen of boards 
 of trustees of all educational institutions supported by the State shall 
 report to the Governor the number of teachers and employees with 
 their salaries, etc. And that their reports shall be printed and bound 
 "tor public information and the use of the General Assembly." This 
 will greatly facilitate a proper understanding of these educational 
 expenditures. 
 
 ♦There were two of these appropriatiosn, aggregating $20,000 and 
 iiot given in the estimate above. 
 
35 
 
 How many pupils have had the benefit of this higher 
 'education? It is impossible for me to say how many have 
 attended the branch colleges, the School of Technology, 
 and the Atlanta University for colored pupils; but we may 
 arrive at an approximate conclusion in answer to our 
 question, if we will take the figures for the University at 
 Athens. The whole number of students who have, "first 
 and last," attended this institution, the students who were 
 graduated and the students who were dropped by the way, 
 is put down by Mr. Charles Edgeworth Jones,, in his'recent 
 pamphlet entitled "Education in Georgia," issued by the 
 Bureau of Education, at Washington, at 6,000. The in- 
 stitution has received, "first and last," $941,202 at least. 
 If we do not place the land scrip to their account, nor the 
 indiiect appropriation of the funding Act of 1881, these 
 6,000 students have each received from the State about 
 $125. If these amounts are counted, they have received 
 $185 apiece while we saw the children in the common 
 schools have received eight and a half dollars per capita! 
 Is it strange that in 1880 Georgia returned a greater num- 
 ber of persons ten years old and upward as unable to write 
 than any other State in the Union?§ 
 
 What debt, if any, does the State owe the University at 
 Athens? Let the foregoing estimates answer? But if this 
 be not sufficient, let us remember the University owns 
 property valued at $663,000, and has an annual income of 
 nearly $35,000 and that it has nothing which it did not 
 .acquire through the State except Gov. Mil ledge's land gift, 
 the Terrell bequest of $20,000, the Gilmer fund of $15,000, 
 the Moore Building worth $25,000, and the Charles McDon- 
 ald Brown Scholarship Fund of $50,000. 
 
 I am asked what in my judgment should be the educa- 
 tional policy of the State? I answer, for the present, at 
 least, all its appropriations should be made to the common 
 schools. 
 
 §This policy starved out the common schools vmtil within recent 
 years and they are but poorly sustained now. The teachers are al- 
 ways a year behind on the poor salaries they receive. (See Col. 
 Hammond's book, page 129). 
 
36 
 
 New England has followed in the main this jDolicy from 
 the first, and to-day there are not only more and better 
 common schools in New England than in any other section 
 of the Union, but more and better equipped colleges. 
 Beginning at the bottom, her educational work is firmly 
 founded on a base broad enough to sustain it whatever 
 height it may attain to. Connecticut has never given 
 Yale College as much as Georgia gave the University from 
 1830 to 1841. Massachusetts kept Harvard in the leading^ 
 strings of the State until 1865, when its alumni demanded 
 its disestablishment, and since that time it has been 
 enabled to increase its board of instructors from 45 to 110^ 
 and it has received more gifts and bequests than in the 
 two hundred years of its previous history. The writer of 
 the article on Harvard University in the American Cyclo- 
 pedia says : "The University has no funded property froin 
 the public treasury, but has always depended upon the 
 revenues from students and the gifts of individuals, which 
 have far surpassed in number and magnitude those made 
 to any other American institution of learning." 
 
 Brown University, in Rhode Island ; Bowdoin, in Maine, 
 and Dartmouth, in New Hampshire, have answered the 
 uses of their respective States and have in the main lived 
 upon similar financial bases.* 
 
 *Since 1(336 Massachusetts lias appropriated to colleges of every 
 sort $1,764,368,73. Since 1700 Connecticut has appropriated $288,- 
 676. Of Ehode Island, Prof. Blackmar says in liis book entitled, 
 "The History of Federal and State Aid to Higher Education in the 
 United States" (from which the foregoing figures are taken:) "The 
 State Legislature has never aided Brown University by grants or 
 appropriations.'' It put the land scrip given by the U. S. Govern- 
 ment there to be held in trust. There was nothing else to do. Since 
 1773 the entire money grants by Xew Hampshire to colleges have 
 aggregated only $106, 933.66. The total grants by the legishiture to 
 all the colleges in Maine since 1794 have been but $.313,718. Vermont's- 
 grants since 1798 have amounted to $90, 500. The entire legislative 
 grants to colleges in all New p]ngland in two hundred and fifty years- 
 have amounted to about $3,500,000 in round numbers. But in the 
 one year 1889-90 — the year when certain friends of the common 
 schools in Georgia moved for their improvement against the slogan 
 of the University and its friends that " education must begin at the 
 top" — New England expended $14,200,000 on her common schools. 
 These figures show, that when Col. Hammond says on page 129 "it 
 seems that Dr Candler was mistaken" about New England's policy, 
 it is he and not I who is mistaken. 
 
37 
 
 A similar policy Bhould prevail with reference to our 
 State University. With the start Avhich the State has 
 :given it; with property valued at $663,000, and with an 
 annual income of not le.s than 135,000 (equivalent to an 
 endowment of $700,000 at 5 per cent.) ;with living alumni 
 immbering over 1,000 and with many supporters besides 
 Its alumni, let it now depend upon tuition fees and the 
 girts of its friends. 
 
 It is a shame that the alumni of the University have 
 given It next to nothing, and that in their clubs they have 
 been clamorous for the State to give money to their alma 
 ^a^.r while beyond the expenses of a few banquets given 
 to further the movement to put their old mother more 
 completely on the charity of the commonwealth, they have 
 -done almost nothing for her themselves. They seem to 
 foi^et that the State Constitution, which they delight to 
 tell us says, "In addition to the payment of the annual 
 nterestonthe debt due by the State to the University 
 the General Assembly may from time to time make such 
 donations thereto as the condition of the treasury will 
 authorize," says also, "The trustees of the University may 
 accept bequests, donations and grants of land and other 
 property for the use of said University." I would stir up 
 their pure minds by way of remembrance." 
 
 Let the University charge tuition fees. A student who 
 can pay board and other expenses at Athens can pay tui- 
 tion. Free tuition tliere gives no more graduates to 
 Georgia than the Stat.- would otherwise secure if tuition 
 were charged. It is si.nply a present of .$60 a year to 
 them who do not need it.* 
 
 Moreover, as long as the State makes tuition free at 
 Athens_it creates an unfair competition with private and 
 
 education, would be unjust and contrary to the spirit of democmcy '' 
 
38 
 
 church schools, which tends to discourage the cause of 
 higher education in Georgia and provoke opposition to- 
 the University which hinders it. As the case now stands^ 
 it looks like the State were seeking to use her superior re- 
 sources to break down the church colleges. This is surely 
 not good policy. In the medical and law departments of 
 the University tuition is charged ; in these departments 
 the church schools make no appreciable competition, f 
 In the departments with which the church schools com- 
 pete, tuition is free. The design of the thing is manifesto 
 But is it wise in the State to discourage the churches from 
 entering or continuing in the [field of higher education ?' 
 Is it right ? 
 
 Most of the people in Georgia who patronize colleges at: 
 all prefer the church schools. Thej- do not say to the 
 minority who prefer to patronize the University at Athens,. 
 "You shall patronize our schools;" but they do say to the 
 minority, " If you prefer not to patronize religious schools,, 
 do as we do, and pay for what you prefer. " They do not 
 say, as they have been unfairly represented as saying,, 
 " Only denominational colleges succeed, and only denomi- 
 national colleges should succeed;" but they do say the 
 State should not toll taxes from the denominations, and 
 then devote a part of its funds to a policy design d to 
 hinder the denominational colleges from succeeding. 
 
 But some may say, "We now propose to elevate tlie 
 University to be a university indeed as well as in name, 
 and thus lift it above competition with the church col- 
 leges. " This is a delusion and a snare. Does any sane 
 
 I It avails nothing to reply to this that the medical and law de- 
 partments are peculiarly related to the University. They could be 
 related otherwise if the University Trustees chose to have it so, and 
 free tuition prevail in them. And it is just as much the duty of the 
 State to give free chemical, agricultural and legal tuition as it is ta 
 give free classical education. If it is her duty to set one of her sons- 
 up as an analytical chemist,any of her sons have the right to demand 
 free education for the professions they chose. And if any not desir- 
 ing professions, but merchandise, demand to be set up in the grocery 
 business they have an equally just claim upon her bounty. The whole 
 thing runs at last to communism when followed to its logical conse- 
 quences. 
 
39 
 
 man believe the University is going to abandon its A. M 
 course, its A. B. course, its B. Ph. course, or its B. S. couri^e, 
 and confine itself to the work of such courses as the Ph. D. 
 course ? But if it proposes to continue these collegiate 
 courses it proposes to put itself in competition with the 
 church colleges, as it has always done. 
 
 If the University wishes to deal fairly with the church 
 schools, let it do what it ought to do anyhow, because it is 
 right: charge tuition. If it needs more or better professors, 
 the sum thus provided will secure them. As that wise 
 and scholarly man, the Hon. Samuel Barnett, said some 
 months ago in a letter to the Evening Journal, of Atlanta, 
 if the University will do this it will not need " to clamor " 
 for State funds. If the 147 students at the University 
 during the past year had each paid $60, the usual tuition 
 for a year in Southern colleges, the institution would have 
 received from this source $8,820, a sum sufficient to pay 
 three new professors $2,000 a year, besides yielding annu- 
 ally $2,820 for repairs and other current expenses. 
 
 The University of Virginia charges tuition fees.* So 
 does the University of North Carolina. So also does almost 
 every respectable college in the United States. The Uni- 
 versity of South Carolina tried the free tuition plan 
 
 *0n page 182 of his book, Col. Hammond says the University of 
 Virginia does n<jt charge for tuition. The citalogue for the session 
 1890-91 (the year after 1 wrote the above words) of the University of 
 Virginia on page 47 shows tuition fees ranging from $75 a year in 
 the academic de^jartment to $120 in the pharmaceutical. Law is 
 $80; Medical, $110; Engineering, $100, and Agricultural tuition, $100. 
 If there has been any change since then I am not aware of it. These 
 rates are charged students taking degrees, and all otiiers pay $25, 
 but they can take no degrees. The catalogue for the University of 
 North (,;arolina fOr the year this letter was written puts tuition and 
 fees at $75. The tuition at Washington and Lee University is $80. 
 At Hampden and Sydney it is $()J. The Univei'sity of Michigan, 
 while claiming to give free tuition, charges fees under other names 
 nearly or quite equal to tuition fees and discriminates in favor of 
 Michigan students. The University of Pennsylvania charges $150 a 
 year. Harvard, Yale, Bowdoin, Brown, Columbia and Amherst all 
 charge tuition fees. The facts do not justify the statement that 
 when the University adopted the system of free tuition, it did but 
 conform "to the general policy of American public institutions of 
 learning to open their doors freely to the youth of the State without 
 charge for tuition." 
 
40 
 
 awhile, but the people of that old commonwealth became 
 convinced that the policy was unwise for the University 
 and unfair to private and denominational colleges and 
 they abandoned it. 
 
 If it be said this cannot be done in the case of our Uni- 
 versity, on account of the Act of September 29, 1881, the 
 answer is easy : Repeal the Act in whole or in part ; it is 
 not a law of the Medes and Persians. 
 
 But as against all this, some may say, " It is neces- 
 sary for a State's glory and power, that she have learned 
 men as well as men educated in an elementary degree. "f 
 This is admitted ; but does it follow that Georgia can 
 only get thpm by appropriations to the University ? Most 
 of the men living in the State, who have received a colle- 
 giate education, did not get it at Athens. The church col- 
 leges have turned out more graduates than the University. 
 Among their alumni are not a few learned men. Shall 
 the State, while affirming its need of learned men, seek to 
 cripple colleges from which she may get them at no cost 
 to herself in order to get a chance to pay for them at a 
 State school ? Is religion so unfriendly to learning that 
 the kind of men who come from religious schools are not 
 
 tCol. Hammond makes mvicli of this idea on page 128 of his 
 book, playing a beautiful but valueless variation on the names of 
 I'ierce, Curry and Palmer, that he may please Methodists, Baptists 
 and Presbyterians. He seeks to import into my words a meaning 
 quite foreign to them. I insert, therefore, a paragraph from an 
 article of mine printed some years ago, to make more plain my 
 meani)ig: "It may well be doubted if the State has a right to make 
 any appropriations to an interest, the benefits of which are so exclu- 
 sively confined by the very nature of the case to a privileged class, 
 as are the benefits of a college education. Such appropriations must 
 always and inevitably be at the expense of the many who are poor 
 for the benefit of the few who are rich, or comparatively well-to-do. 
 Nor is it sufficient to reply to this that the State gets a return for its 
 appropriations in the benefits arising from the services of a few dis- 
 tinguished men and from the beneficent influence of its educated 
 classes. The State would doubtless be benefited if it were to build 
 railroads and factories and present them to chosen citizens who 
 could run them well. Out of such enterprises would come employ- 
 ment for many hands, food for many mouths and a general stimula- 
 tion to business; but the State cannot make presents of such proper- 
 ties to a few of its favored citizens without gross injustice to all the 
 rest. Kor can it make a present of a college course to a few of its 
 more favored children without doing injustice." 
 
41 
 
 desirable to the State. Was Dr. G. J. Orr, a graduate of 
 Emory College, and the father of our free school system, 
 unlearned or hostile to learning? With much more justice 
 might it be charged that some who decry denominational 
 colleges are hostile or indifferent to religion ; for while, by 
 the Act of January 27, 1785, establishing the University, it 
 was required that " all officers appointed to the instruction 
 and government of the University shall be of the Christian 
 religion," by an Act of 1887* this requirement was repealed 
 and now a Mussulman or an agnostic may be a professor 
 there so far as the law is concerned. 
 
 At last, what is it now costing to turn out graduates 
 from the University? I-ast year there were 147 students, 
 not counting 81 law students, who paid their tuition. 
 The University had an income of $32,164.14 from in- 
 terest paid through the State treasury, not counting 
 income from other sources. If this were all the income 
 of the University (and it is not), these 147 students were 
 educated at a trifle more than $218 apiece. This was tuition 
 alone, for they paid their own board, clothes and book 
 bills. Since $60 is the "regulation tuition fee" in Southern 
 colleges, with $218 three students could have received 
 free tuition if the money had been spent directly on the 
 students instead of the institution. And be it said the 
 the institution exists for the students, and not the students 
 for the institution. 
 
 It is now proposed to add $35,000 annually to this out of 
 the State treasury. Let us suppose that this will double 
 the patronage of the University, though it is hard to see 
 how it will do it. Tuition is already free, and the fact does 
 not draw students to Athens. The additional $35,000 can 
 only result, therefore, in paying more or better salaries to 
 professors. But let us suppose the number of students is 
 
 *Tliis is a typographical error. The date should be 1877, just as 
 on page 10 of Col. Hammond's book his printer puts 1887 for 1877. 
 Ihis error has been followed by other writers, and in alluding to 
 it, (lol. Hammond applies to it the epithet "false." He knows I 
 am incapable of falsehood and introduces the harsh epithet for 
 stage effect I suppose. 
 
42 
 
 by this appropriation increased to 300. If we combine the 
 $32,164.14 of present income with the $85,000 proposed, we 
 have ^67,164.14. If to this we add $15 by every student as 
 matriculation fee at the beginning of every session, we will 
 have a sum above $70,000 ; or the 300 students will cost $325 
 apiece. Applied directly to paying tuition fees this amount 
 would nearly provide for four students. But this approp- 
 riation will not run the patronage to 300, and if it should 
 stand at the figure for last year, viz : 147, or say 150, the 
 tuition of the students at Athens would cost, under this 
 appropriation, $470 apiece. The children of Georgia out- 
 side of the cities and towns — the children who need most 
 the common schools — now barely receive II apiece 
 for their common school education ! And this amazing 
 inequality accounts for the small number of students at 
 Athens : there is not enough preparatory education in 
 Georgia below the University to provide stiidents. Free 
 tuition at the University can never remedy this evil. The 
 only remedy is more and better common schools. 
 
 To this view objection will still be urged, that appro- 
 priations to the common schools must be divided with the 
 negroes, while appropriations to the University are devoted 
 entirely to the white bo3\s of Georgia. Waiving the ques- 
 tion whether, since the negro is a citizen, it is not wise for 
 the State to give him an elementary education to fit him 
 for citizenship, it is enough to say Georgia will have to do 
 for the higher education of the negroes a proportionate 
 amount of what she does for the whites. All her appro- 
 priations to higher education hitherto have been thus divi- 
 ded. As we have seen, $3,000 are annually appropriated 
 for the collegiate education of negroes — an amount cor- 
 responding to the amount voted to the University at 
 Athens. Departments for colored pupils have been es- 
 tablished at the Academy for the Blind at Macon, and at 
 the Deaf and Dumb Asylum at Cave Spring. Demand is 
 already made for agricultural colleges and a school of 
 technology for the negroes, ' and the demand, it must be 
 
43 
 
 admitted, may be plausibly pressed when it is said by 
 some advocate of negro education, " The white people say 
 the negro should do the manual labor of the country, and 
 should not intrude into the professions. Will they deny 
 him schools in which to learn to do this manual labor 
 well ? " 
 
 Moreover, we are in danger of perpetrating the folly of 
 the man who, in order to freeze his dog to death, went out 
 in the cold and held the dog until he was himself frozen^ 
 while the dog survived; the only difference between us^ 
 and him being that we will freeze our white children and 
 not ourselves. In truth, we have followed a policy for 
 nearly a century which has all but frozen out the common 
 schools. 
 
 Meanwhile be it remembered the common school educa- 
 tion of the negro will go on whether the State increases 
 the appropriation to common schools or not. The negro 
 colleges are turning out many graduates. Coming out of 
 these colleges they cannot enter the law, medicine and 
 other such professions, by reason of the prejudices of their 
 own race, as well as by the attitude of the white people. 
 They are excluded from merchandise by lack of capital. 
 They must enter upon manual labor or teach school. An 
 ill paid school will bring them greater remuneration than 
 manual labor. Most of them therefore now teach and will 
 do so with or without increased appropriations to common 
 schools. But with white graduates, to whom all the pro- 
 fessions are open, it is not so. M >st of them, and the 
 best of them, will not teach in the common schools with- 
 out living salaries, which provide a year's support. Re- 
 curring to the figure, it is manifest if we withhold appro- 
 priations from the common schools to avoid helping the 
 negro, we will freeze our children before we freeze the dog,, 
 even if it were proved the dog ought to die. 
 
 We should have eight months schools in Georgia. They 
 will cost not far from two millions of dollars annually. 
 Massachusetts, with a population exceeding that of Geor- 
 
44 
 
 gia by about 250,000 souls, and with a school population 
 less than that of Georgia by about 90,000 children, gives 
 upwards of $4,000,000 annually to her common schools.* 
 
 Georgia must soon begin building school houses. The 
 country schools are miserably housed in many cases. Ex- 
 cept for college buildings, and for school houses erected in 
 certain cities, towns and counties by local taxation, I do 
 not believe Georgia has spent a dollar for school buildings 
 in fifty years. If the State has done so, it has entirely 
 escaped m}^ notice. 
 
 Our common school system must be put on its feet. 
 The University is old enough to stand alone. With pro- 
 perty valued at $663,000 and with an annual income of 
 nearly or quite $35,000, f and with a roll of alumni con- 
 taining nearly 2,000 names, "of whom the greater part re- 
 main unto this present but some are fallen asleep, " the 
 University ought voluntarily to relieve the State of further 
 charges on its account, and lead the agitation in behalf of 
 better common schools. 
 
 I am, with good wishes for the University and all insti- 
 tutions for higher education in the State, and with best 
 wishes for common schools, Very respectfullv, 
 
 W. A. CANDLER, 
 
 Emory College, Oxford, Ga., Sept. 6, 1889. 
 
 *She now gives her common schools about f8,000,COO annually. 
 
 t The report of the Board of Visitors published June 18, 1893, 
 ■showed its annual receipts amounted during the last col egiate 
 year to .$50,910 68. It has been increased by the Morrill Fund 
 $12,000, the negro college receiving the remaining $6,000, I sup- 
 pose. All this $50,910,68 seems to have been used at Athens, ex- 
 cept $2,000 allowed to the school at Dahlonega. 
 
45 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 "HAMMOND'S HISTORY" CORRECTED. 
 
 From Atlanta Constitution, of July 2, 1893. 
 
 Editor Constitution : The reading of his church paper. 
 The Wesleyan Christian Advocate^ togetlier with other in- 
 fluences, brought upon Hon. N. J. Hammond early in the 
 month of May, a disposition to write history, and after 
 the manner of good historians, he throws in many reflec- 
 tions by the way. From his first paper, which appeared 
 in your columns May 7th, to his last, which appeared June 
 25th, I have read his pieces (nearly all of them I think) 
 with such care as my leisure permitted, and always with 
 interest. Along the way Col. Hammond has fallen into 
 a few minor errors of historic incident, such as, for exam- 
 ple, the mixing of the continental congress and the con- 
 stitutional convention in the matter of Rev. Mr. Duche's 
 prayer, but these errors have not materially impaired the 
 value of his papers.* 
 
 However in this last piece, which might be entitled "The 
 History of Free Tuition at the University of Georgia," 
 Colonel Hammond falls into several mistakes which, if un- 
 challenged, might be accepted in future as history and 
 mislead many. I am sure he would not willingly set er- 
 rors a going and have them remain uncorrected. His pur- 
 
 *Col. Hammond who takes to a small compliment like little Jackey 
 Horner did to a plum, makes much of this pleasant allusion to 
 him. He says ; 
 
 "That one whose position at the head of Emory College keeps him 
 constantly on guard, that a critic so well posted, so lynx-eyed and 
 ready to find fault, should write that he has read all my articles with 
 both care and interest, and yet found only that I had "fallen into a 
 few minor errors of historical incident," and they in no way "mate- 
 rially impaired the value of his (my) papers," seems a high compli- 
 ment." 
 
 I did not say that "minor errors" only were all I found. The next 
 paragi'aph shows a very material error in important history. 
 
46 
 
 pose is to write history and I know he wishes it to go down 
 correctly. 
 
 I venture, therefore, to call attention to some of his er- 
 rors, and he will permit me to follow his example of set- 
 ting down a few reflections while giving the facts. 
 
 In the beginning of his piece in the Constitution of June 
 25th, Colonel Hammond says : 
 
 "The history of free tuition in the University of Geor- 
 gia is not long. Originally the State's plan was to help 
 the indigent only. For instance, in 1830 the legislature 
 allowed the poor school commissioners of each county to 
 select their brightest boy, who might go to the University 
 without charge for four years. The Act appropriated 
 $6,000 per annum to pay their tuition. That legislation 
 was repealed in 1831." 
 
 The purjoose of the appropriation is misstated by Colo- 
 nel Hammond and the date of its repeal is incorrectly set 
 down. It was only the fourth section of the Act which 
 was repealed in 1831. The appropriation section was not 
 repealed until 18-41 and its purpose is thus stated in the 
 Act : "The sum of $6,000 l^e and the same is hereby an- 
 nually appropriated to the University of Georgia as a fund 
 for the use of said institution for the purpose of enabling 
 the board of trustees to rebuild the college edifice and re- 
 place the library which was destroj^'ed by the late fire at 
 Athens and for the purpose of defraying the annual ex- 
 penses of said college." 
 
 Section 4, which was repealed in 1831, was as fol- 
 lows : "That it shall be the duty of the justices of the 
 inferior court of each county in this state immediately 
 after the passage of this Act to select from among the poor 
 of their county one young man who shall be between the 
 age of fifteen and eighteen years, whose duty it shall be to 
 notify the board of trustees of said selection, and it shall 
 be the duty of said board to cause each applicant so 
 reported to be boarded and educated at Franklin College 
 out of the funds hereinafter mentioned, free of any charge. 
 This proposal was for free board as well as free tuition. 
 
47 
 
 the only method by which free tuition can be made avail- 
 able for those who really need it; but it amounted to 
 nothing because no funds were "thereinafter mentioned" in 
 the Act except a loan of $10,000 specifically granted to 
 replace the btirned building, library and apparatus. An 
 effort was made to get a $20,000 appropriation for the poor 
 boys, but it failed. So also did a proposal of $10,000 fail. 
 But the $6,000 annually for the University did not fail. 
 It was not repealed until 1841. 
 
 In 1831 the Hon. Thomas F. Anderson, a member of 
 the senate from the county of Franklin, sought, while the 
 measure to repeal section 4 of the Act was pending, to 
 engraft the following amendment upon it : "That the 
 annual appropriation of the $6,000 m favor of the Univer- 
 sity of Georgia as mentioned in the second section of the 
 above recited Act be, and the same shall no longer be con- 
 sidered for the ])enefit of the University, but added to and 
 distributed with the poor school fund for the purpose of 
 educating the poor children of the state." But his motion 
 failed by a vote of 30 yeas and 36 nays. (See page 289 
 Journal of the Senate of 1831.) 
 
 There was nothing in the Act of 1830, or indeed in any 
 ante-bellum acts concerning the University, looking to 
 the free tuition system which has prevailed at Athens 
 since 1881. That is post-bellum blundering which has 
 injured the University without accomplishing its object of 
 overcoming the competition of the church colleges. Colo- 
 nel Hammond must excuse me for believing, in spite of 
 his denial, that it was aimed at the denominational col- 
 leges. The evidence forces me to this conclusion. That 
 evidence may be briefly stated in part thus : 
 
 1. Free tuition was adopted when the university's pat- 
 ronage had dropped as low as 134, counting all the stu- 
 dents in both Franklin College and the State College of 
 Agriculture, while the patronage of the church colleges 
 was rising steadily. This fact was a moving cause for 
 action as will appear from the testimony of the board of 
 visitors for the ye^ar 1881, which I quote further along. 
 
48 
 
 2. The act making free tuition at the University only 
 extended the privilege to the departments with which the 
 church schools competed. 
 
 3. The report of the board of visitors for the year 1881 
 discloses the animus of the act. They said in urging the 
 scheme of free tuition : "To show also that now is the 
 time for action in the premises, it is confidently stated'' 
 [By whom it was stated the report does not say; the state- 
 ment was, perhaps, a bugaboo to enforce the appeal of the 
 visitors for free tuition] "that both Emory and Mercer col- 
 leges,with far-seeing sagacity, are seeking, by speedy endow- 
 ment of these institutions to open the way for free tuition. 
 Already Emory College, through the liberality of Mr. Se- 
 ney, has made a good start, and the earnest efforts of the re- 
 cently appointed agent of Mercer, Dr. Landrum, cannot 
 fail to make large additions to the endowment fund of 
 that institution. This step is rendered necessary by the 
 inroads which the branch colleges of the University under 
 the free tuition system will certainly make upon the pat- 
 ronage of both these excellent literary foundations. But 
 shall it be said that the mother institution, after sending 
 forth avaunt couriers in the cause of free education, halted 
 midw'ay in the work and allowed these institutions to out- 
 strip her in reaching this very desirable result?" 
 
 Colonel Hammond cannot offset this plain testimony of 
 the board of visitors by an appeal to the general character 
 of the members of the board of trustees of the University 
 at the time. The character of these men is not in question 
 but the merits of this case. Some whom he names may 
 not have been present; others may have been misled as to 
 the proposal. A commencement session, with its hurry 
 and confusion, is a time when men are readily confused. 
 Others may have opposed it. For example, I have reason 
 to believe Bishop George F, Pierce never approved it 
 Will Colonel Hammond give us the proof of the Bishop's 
 approval? It is noticeable that most of the men men- 
 tioned by Colonel Hammond are now dead and cannot 
 
49 
 
 define their position about the matter as it now stands. ■• 
 Cemetery silence is not good testimony. 
 
 This I know: The friends of the denominational col- 
 leges understood the action at the time as war upon their 
 schools, and protested against it. In July, 1831, when the 
 subsequent Act of September was manifestly determined 
 upon, the official organ of the Methodist church in Geor- 
 gia protested against the unfairness of the Act in words 
 that are good reading to-day. The editorf said : "Let us 
 see : 1. The Baptists and Methodists make the majority 
 of the tax-payers of Georgia. 2 Most of them l)elieve 
 most conscientiously that the sort of college work they 
 consider to be absolutely necessary, cannot be done by the 
 State. 3. They believe that it is the duty of the church 
 to establish and conduct colleges and universities. 4. 
 Thev have to provide for them out of their own pockets. 
 5. They naturally object to being compelled to endow 
 state colleges that cannot qIj what they want d^ne, when 
 they find themselves unable to endow the colleges that are 
 doing just what they want done." 
 
 From both the friends of the University and the friends 
 of the church colleges we have, it will be seen, therefore, 
 proof that the movement was understood at the time to 
 have been originated to give the University the advantage 
 of the denominational colleges. 
 
 The following bit of argument by Colonel Hammond 
 one might take as a joke if it wec) not W3ll k;i ).va that the 
 colonel can't tell one. He says : 
 
 "So far from working to injure the denominational 
 colleges, the board of trustees of the University has 
 increased to sixteen the age at which students may enter,*|| 
 and raised the scholastic requirem rats for mitricalation 
 beyond that required by any institution in the state. That 
 
 *N"or can their silence when in life b3 used as evidence. Men will 
 often allow a matter to go without opposition not because they 
 approve it but because they are averse to controversy. 
 
 IBishop Hiygood was its Editor and wrote tha word^ quoted. 
 
 IfThis raising of tlie age of entrance was not doa3 aadii n3iuly t3n 
 yeai's later. 
 
50 
 
 •calculus is in the sophomore year shows how advanced is 
 that curriculum. In that regard it is so advanced that the 
 late board of visitors in their report complain thereat. 
 This is not the place to explain why it is so. We mention 
 it only to enforce the proposition stated. The effect of 
 this requirement caused the rejection of forty applicants 
 during this scholastic year, many of whom, we suppose, 
 went elsewwere." 
 
 Raising the age of entrance one year and putting cal- 
 culus in the sophomore class are the evidences of amity 
 towards the church schools ! 
 
 Let the public understand that a student at Athens i^ur- 
 suing the A. B. course ends pure mathenuitics on the cal- 
 culus, but does it sophomore year and takes no pure math- 
 ematics afterwards. A student at Emory or Mercer ends 
 also on the calculus, but does it senior year. It is no 
 higher standard at one or the other schools, but only a 
 difference of place in the course for the calculus. 
 
 Let Colonel IJammond make the comparison and he 
 will find a student at Emory seeking the degree of A. B, 
 must study the same subjects required at Athens and some 
 not required there. I submit to any competent educator 
 if algela-y, trigonometry, analytical geometry and calcu- 
 lus should all be thrust into ane year, and that year the 
 sophomore year, as is the case at Athens. This might be 
 justly called the practice of taxidermy on sophmores. 
 
 The effort of the chairman of the board of trustees of 
 the University to make Emory and Mercer appear to be 
 schools of a lower grade than Franklin College is in line 
 with the effort to defeat them with an unfair competition. 
 
 May I make a digression here? The Colonel is fond of 
 digressions. May I inquire if Colonel Hammond designed 
 to cast odium upon the cause of Emory college and the 
 good name of her benefactor by suggesting interogatively 
 a charge he was unwilling to make affirmatively when he 
 penned the following? 
 
 "SupiDose one should fix the date of Mr. Seney's gifts to 
 
51 
 
 Emory and Wesleyan Female College, and then show that 
 soon afterwards he obtained from Georgia the charter of 
 the East Tennessee, Virginia and Georgia Railroad Com- 
 pany, so damaging to the Western and Atlantic Railroad, 
 which it paralleled, and which the State owned, and then 
 charge that the Methodists m the General Assembly who 
 voted for that charter were by Seney's gifts to their col- 
 leges, bribed to do a wrong to the State. Would there 
 not be just indignation?" 
 
 I understand that some years ago certain lewd fellows 
 of the baser sort tried to give currency to. this unworthy 
 charge against the man who gave more to higher education 
 in Georgia than any man ever gave ; but I had not ex- 
 pected to see the vile slander introduced to public notice 
 by a worthy gentleman and he a Methodist, even though 
 he should do so by suggestion or illustration. It is a 
 charge opprobrious to the Methodists of the State, as well 
 as libelous upon Mr. Seney. It can have no standing 
 among the respectable people of Georgia until they have 
 become so degraded that ingratitude cannot disgrace them 
 and the requital of generous help with scandalous abuse 
 will bring no blush to their cheeks. Such a man as Colo- 
 nel Hammond ought to abhor such a charge. 
 
 But to return from the digression : I thank Colonel 
 Hammond for explaining to the public how the following 
 words were in, 1877, stricken from the time-honored charter 
 of the University of 1785 : "All officers appointed to the in- 
 struction and government of the University shall be of the 
 Christian religion. " These words appear to have been of- 
 fensive to Major R. J. Moses, a Jewish member of the 
 legislature, though Colonel Hammond tells us the provi- 
 sion had been annulled by our constitution long before 
 Major Moses moved its repeal. But even the deference 
 to Christianity of this legal nullity was not to be endured. 
 I am thankful that the following words are still left in the 
 common school law : " The Bible shall not be excluded 
 from the common or public schools of this State. " 
 
52 
 
 Truly we need denominational colleges. The State can- 
 not know religion in its institutions. That would inter- 
 fere with freedom of conscience. * And yet somehow the 
 State's agents sometimes take a religious, even a sectarian 
 turn. For example I read this in the Atlanta Constitution- 
 of June 18th, with reference to a recent election at 
 Athens : 
 
 " It is said that the fact that he is a Baptist had much 
 to do with his selection, as the trustees concluded that 
 there were too many Presbyterians and Episcopalians in 
 the faculty, and they thought it best to diversify the re- 
 ligious competition of the college. It is also stated that 
 if Mr. Sylvanus Morris had been a Baptist he would have 
 l^een given the place. " 
 
 In this connection, it is but the statement of a fact to- 
 say that in the ninety-three years of the University's his- 
 tory it has had eight Calvinistic chancellors and one Ar- 
 minian. The eight Calvin ists have held the place for 
 seventy-nine years, and the one Arminian fourteen years, 
 during three of which the college was suspended. Be it 
 also remembered that it appertains to the office of chan- 
 cellor to teach mental philosophy, and that when the 
 question of the freedom of the will and divine sovereignty 
 is under discussion in that science, a Calvinist gives quite 
 a different answer from that of an Arminian. f 
 
 An Episcopal Methodist was never chancellor of the 
 University, though that denomination is one of the largest 
 in the State. If I am correctly informed there is now but 
 
 * Col, Hammond delights to quote Bishop Haygood's strong words: 
 " The State has nothing to do with religion except as it protects the 
 citizen in his rights." But in the departments of both jjliysics and 
 metaphysics religious questions are inevitably raised, and a. State col- 
 lege can say nothing to settle them. As the phrase goes in Arkansas. 
 " It digs up more snakes than it can kill " 
 
 t Col. Hammond professes not to be able to understand the differ- 
 ence between Calvinism and Arminianism This will be surprising 
 to both Cal vinists and Arminians, if indeed it is not offensive to them. 
 It seems to charge both parties with contending about a nothing. 
 But I think Col. Hammond does not mean this. It is simply his 
 infirmity that he cannot distinguish between a part and a Avhole. 
 
53 
 
 one Methodist in the faculty of Franklin College. Profes- 
 sor Jere M. Pound, a Methodist, was not of the right de- 
 nominational complexion, even as was the case with Mr. 
 Sylvanus Morris, in the recent election, though both were 
 Georgians and gifted alumni of the University. 
 
 I have no criticism of the honored gentleman who was 
 elected. Ho is, I am glad to be informed, very competent. 
 But when denominational colleges are criticised for their 
 alleged sectarianism and the old requirement that profes- 
 sors in the University shall be of the Christian religion 
 can no longer be endured in the charter, even as a nullity, 
 it seems to me denominationalism should not enter int-'- 
 elections. Maybe a covetous eye was cast at Mercer's 
 growing patronage and it was " thought best to diversify 
 the rnMgious competition of the college." 
 
 At last, is not this higher education, raising as it inevit- 
 ably raises sundry religious questions, rather too delicate 
 work for the State to undertake under our form of govern- 
 ment? Had not the State best stop at educating for citi- 
 zenship? Has she a duty or right beyond that? To these 
 questions my friend. Col. Hammond, will vehemently re- 
 ply in the language of his last letter : 
 
 " Some contend that the State is in duty bound to edu- 
 cate its citizens but a little, so that the}^ may be able to 
 read their ballots, wit hout understanding their force, but 
 that to teach enough !•> make them wise members of so- 
 ciety is wrong. Thai seems to bd fallacious both in ])rin- 
 ciple and logic." 
 
 A common school fellow can read a ballot, but it takes 
 a college man to understand the force of it. Is that your 
 doctrine. Colonel ? It seems so. What a pitiable fix is 
 Georgia then in ! It may well be doubted if even the 
 University can relieve the situation unless the few w4iom 
 it educates to know the force of a ballot can somehow get 
 control of the benighted multitudes who only know how 
 to read a ballot. And as our population is rapidly in- 
 creasing, we should hasten with all speed the increase of 
 
54 
 
 the ballot directors lest the mere ballot readers, like Sir 
 Isaac Newton's little dog, Diamond, should do a world of 
 mischief without knowing it. Let us force the boys to the 
 University, giving them not only free tuition, but free 
 board and clothes alsQ, items which stand in their way 
 very much more than tuition fees. Free tuition is a need- 
 less present to those who can provide the rest. The aver- 
 age attendance per year at Athens since 1881 with free tu- 
 ition and high board has been one hundred and seventy- 
 three, counting both Franklin College and the >State College 
 of Agriculture ; while the average attendance at Emory, 
 where tuition is charged and board is cheaper, in the colle- 
 giate department alone for the same period has been one 
 hundred and eighty-five. 
 
 The Colonel offers a novel reason why Georgia should 
 retain tlie funding Act of 1881, by which tlie State issues 
 fifty-year 7 per cent, bonds to the University when she can 
 float at par a 3^ per cent, bond in open market. He inti- 
 mates that this indirect appropriation is a good induce- 
 ment to the alumni to give to its endowment. I am op- 
 posed to any appropriation by indirection ; but this plea 
 of my distinguished friend almost reconciles me to it. He 
 says: 
 
 "Some are urgitig the alumni to endow the University. 
 What greater inducement can they have than the assur- 
 ance that if they comply with the Act of 1881 the State 
 will see that nothing shall keep their bounty from certain 
 income for the purpose of the donors." 
 
 In my judgment, if the legislative committee of the 
 University trustees (b}^ the way, a singular sort of commit- 
 tee, not needed to inform the legislature of the condition 
 of the University, since the Chancellor does that, but of 
 whose functions I will venture no surmise) wants an an- 
 nual appropriation of $7,000 or $8,000 from the State 
 treasury to make tuition free, they should ask for it in a 
 straightforward way and not seek to get it by such an in- 
 direction as the funding Act of 1881. But while this is my 
 
55 
 
 honest opinion, none of us perhaps should seriously com- 
 plain if the Act brings a gift from an alumnus to the en- 
 dowment. It must be confessed, however, that it affects 
 the alumni slowly. In twelve years it has brought noth- 
 ing. It is a most remarkal)le history that a college should 
 be over ninety 3'ears old and none of its alumni ever have 
 given it anything. I forgot one thing, however. Some of 
 them did propose to insure their lives for it, so that the 
 institution might live if enough of the alumni should die. 
 I will not weary your readers with a repetition of the 
 land scrip history. The fourth section of the congres- 
 sional Act creating that fund says : "Said sum of money 
 shall be a perpetual fund, and shall never be used except 
 as in this Act })rovided in section 5, and the interest of 
 which shall be inviolably appropriated by each State 
 which may take and claim the benefit of this Act to the 
 endowmei)t, support and maintenance of at least one col- 
 lege, where the leading object shall be, without excluding 
 scientific and classical studies, and including military tac- 
 tics, to teach such branches of learning as are related to ag- 
 riculture and the mechanic arts in such manner as the 
 legislatures of the States may respectively prescril)e, in 
 order to promote the liberal education of the industrial 
 classes in the several pursuits and professions in life." 
 Without quoting further from the Act I submit to any fair 
 mind that the governor of Georgia had no authority to 
 dispose of that fund by contract or otherwise for free 
 scholarships or for any other consideration.* The date of 
 the contract was March 30, 1872. By Colonel Hammond's 
 own statement it appears that the legislature was in session 
 as late as January 15th before the contract was made, and 
 again on July 25th afterwards The executive should have 
 left this matter where congress put it, calling the legislature 
 
 *It has been said that the Ugislatuie can not now retiiove the land 
 scrip from Athens, because such an act would impair tlie validity of 
 a contract and would therefore be unconstitutional. But an unlaw- 
 ful contract has no validity to impair. 
 
56 
 
 several weeks in advance of its summer meeting if necessary 
 that the matter might have been regularly disposed of. 
 Moreover, neither the governor, legislature nor board of 
 trustees of the University could divert properly one dollar 
 of that fund from agricultural college purposes to Uni- 
 versity purposes, "directly or indirectly." But the facts 
 show that the purposes of the Act are not being accom- 
 plished at Athens. By Colonel Hammond's figures it ap- 
 pears that there have been registered (mark the word) in 
 what is called the "agricultural college" at Athens an av- 
 erage of only fortv-five students a year for twelve years 
 past. A report to the legislature some year or two age- 
 signed by Hon. I. H. Hand and Hon. A. C. Hill said : "Let 
 us examine the annual announcement and catalogue of the 
 University at Athens for 1891. Turn to the register of 
 students, page 56, -senior class. Not one in this class 
 stands registered as an aspirant for the degree of bachelor 
 of agriculture. We next look through the junior class 
 and we rejoice at finding four aspirants for the degree of 
 bachelor of agriculture. We look through the sophomore 
 and freshman classes and fail to find one who registered 
 in the State College of Agriculture." 
 
 In 1881 when the free tuition plan was being brought 
 on, the Board of Visitors accounted for the small num- 
 ber of students in the College of Agriculture thus : "How- 
 ever wrong and unfounded, the fact cannot be disguised 
 that scores of sensitive farmers and men in moderate cir- 
 cumstances refuse to accept of the free scholarships ten- 
 dered by the trustees from the belief that their sons and 
 wards will occupy inferior positions in the University and 
 be looked down upon as charity students." Abolish all 
 tuition fees they argued, "the first result will be a large in. 
 crease of students at Athens from the ranks of the fresh- 
 man and sophomore classes in the branch colleges." Well, 
 it was done, and the number of students in the College of 
 Agriculture at Athens dropped from fifty-six to thirty-nine, 
 and has averaged by Colonel Hammond's figures, forty-five 
 
Oi 
 
 a year since, but by the report of Messrs. Hand and Hill 
 it has been very much lower. There must have been a 
 fault in the diagnosis or the prescription of the Board of 
 Visitors. It did not cure. 
 
 Last winter another remedy was applied (perhaps "to 
 quiet agitation") ; a brief course of agriculture was estab- 
 lished. But the remedy did not work. Until Christmas 
 the maximum number of students on the course at any one 
 time was three or four. At no time did the number exceed 
 fifteen, among them being a venerable pupil of some sixty 
 summers of age. A few cows were dehorned I learn. 
 Farmers' institutes have also been employed. 
 
 But none of these things meet the purposes of the land- 
 scrip act. 
 
 Messrs. Hand and Hill offered this suggestion as a rem- 
 edy : "For a number of years the University of Missis- 
 sippi tried to run the agricultural and mechanical college 
 in immediate connection with the University, but the plan 
 was unsuccessful and abortive, as it has proven to be in 
 Georgia. The suggestion was made of removing the agri- 
 cultural and mechanical college from the University and 
 locating it elsewhere, and was acted upon, and the college 
 removed some ten or twelve years since. The result has 
 abundantly established the justice and wisdom of the ex- 
 periment. Before the separation of the college from the 
 University there were only about eighty registered in the 
 department of agriculture and mechanic arts. Eight years 
 after its removal it exhibited an average of 315 students." 
 Messrs, Hand and Hill are, perhaps, right. It is hard for 
 the land scrip to serve two masters. At any rate the re- 
 port of Messrs. Hand and Hill makes interesting reading 
 and it is somewhat historical. It should be widely read 
 while we are studying an historic series. 
 
 W. A. CANDLER. 
 
58 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 THE OMISSIONS AND COMMISSIONS OF HON. N. J. HAMMOND. 
 
 To the foregoing letter, Hon. N. J. Hammond printed 
 a reply in the Atlanta Constitution of July 9, 1893. Under 
 the above caption the following answer to his piece 
 appeared in the same paper July 15 : 
 
 Editor Constitution. — It appears from Colonel Ham- 
 mond's last piece that while he was sitting in court at 
 Savannah defending the interests of the Central Railroad 
 he fell into a meditation upon a subject in rio wise con- 
 nected with that litigation, viz: the safety of the Univer- 
 sity's endowment. My honored friend had much time 
 for such meditations there, for, with his usual ability, he 
 had so carefully prejjared his case that the court sus- 
 tained his contention without so much as hearing from 
 him, 1 believe. If he had been as careful about his history 
 I should not have found it necessary to correct his errors. 
 
 While ho sat there witnessing the wrecked condition of 
 the Central's securities he thought of them like the school 
 boy thought of pins who wrote in his composition : "Pins 
 are good things. Many children have saved their lives by 
 not swallowing them." He tells us he "thought what 
 might have been the situation of our University had its 
 board of trustees in 1881 gone into the market and invested 
 its funds in the securities of those railroads instead of 
 being allowed by the State to fund them ])ermanently under 
 the act of that year." For the sake of the symmetry of 
 his meditation, it seems to me the Colonel should have 
 gone on meditating, and somewhat on this wise : "And 
 the Act of 1881 i»ot only gives a safe security to the Uni- 
 versity ; it gives also a security with a very high rate of 
 interest and a very long time to run — a fifty-year bond at 
 7 per cent. And we get it at par without a chance of com- 
 
59 
 
 peting bids, not even from the denominational colleges. If 
 svich a bond were put on the market even in these hard 
 times it would bring as much as 130 perhaps, and maybe 
 more. But we get it at par. It is true this saddles upon, 
 the State for fifty years a 7 per cent, bonded debt when she 
 can borrow money for 3 1-2 per cent, (and perhaps for less 
 before the fifty years expire) and it is true the people 
 whose own investments are obliged to be uncertain, like 
 (-entral railroad securities, will have to pay this increased 
 debt, but the funding Act of 1881, with its 'companion 
 piece,' was necessary to make tuition free at Athens, and 
 tuition there must be free whatever burdens it may bring 
 to the people. Rich students must have free tuition to- 
 keep poor students from feeling badly in receiving it, and 
 poor students must have it because it is not right that a. 
 graduate of the University should, at his graduation, give 
 to his (dma mater his notes for his tuition. He may 
 'insure his life' for her, but he must not promise to pay 
 her for his tuition. It is better to put a large debt on all 
 the people for fifty years than that a few graduates should 
 each have a small debt of $240 for a brief period.* It would 
 require nearly half a year's labor for these young men to- 
 pay their tuition after graduation, but that is not to be 
 thought of. It is better for the present generation to pay 
 high interest on their bonded debt and hand over to pos- 
 terity the principal for payment than that graduates 
 should begin life by paying their own tuition bills." 
 
 If Colonel Hammond's meditation had ran on that 
 fashion he might finally have fallen to musing on this 
 wise : 
 
 "In 1896 more than $500,000 of Georgia's bonds will 
 mature. As they near n)aturny they will fall to about 
 par. That will be a harvest time for the University. We 
 must, as they near maturity, get all we can of them, so as 
 to get them changed to fifty-year bonds at 7 per cent. 
 Such as we then get will run to 1946, a long time to be 
 
 *This amount is the cost of tuition for four years, Students eui- 
 tering above Freshman would not owe even this much at graduation. 
 
60 
 
 sure, but we have a good precedent to justify the proceed- 
 ing. Everybody knows that in 1821 the friends of the 
 University secured the passage of an Act which provided 
 Hhat the permanent endowment of the University shall 
 consist of a sum not less than $8,000 per annum, and that 
 when it so happens that the dividends furnished by the 
 bank stock granted to the University shall not be equal to 
 the sum aforesaid, the treasurer of this State is required to 
 make up the deficiency semi-annually out of any moneys 
 in the treasury not otherwise appropriated.' That Act 
 looked as innocent and harmless to the Georgians of 
 1821 as this funding Act of 1881 seems to the people of 
 to-day. Some years away back between 1821 and 1840, 
 as much as $500 a year was appropriated under it, and 
 some years the appropriation was less, but now the 
 bank stock has gone to wreck and the $8,000 annuity is 
 'ripened into a debt.' By 1946 there is no telling 
 what benefits will accrue to the University through the 
 ■'ripening' process, and the funding Act of 1881. When 
 we com3 to the year 1896, when the 8500,000 falls due, it 
 is to be hoped no constitutional difficulty will arise in the 
 minds of the governor and treasurer of the State on 
 account of section 12, paragraph 1, of the Constitution 
 which says: 'The bonded debt of the State shall never 
 be increased except to repel invasion, suppress insurrection 
 or defend the State in time of war,' though it must be con- 
 fessed a nice question may arise thereabouts. Let me see : 
 anticipating the maturity of over $500,000 of her bonds in 
 1896, the State will probably raise the money to meet them 
 by issuing 3 1-2 per cent, redemption bonds in the year 
 1895. The money from the sale of these redemption bonds 
 will have to. be in the treasury to redeem the maturing 
 bonds beforehand, but the University, having secured as 
 many of them as possible, late in the year 1895, so as to 
 get them cheap, will present such as it may be able to get 
 and demand for them under the funding Act of 1881 a new 
 7 per cent, bond running for fifty years. But if the 
 •demand is acceded to, the bonded debt of the State will 
 
61 
 
 not only he increased by the higher rate of interest secured 
 but it will also be increased by having two bonds out for 
 the same purpose, viz: the .redemption bond bearing 3 1-2 
 per cent, and the refunded University bond, bearing 7 per 
 cent.* That looks like a violation of the Constitution, but 
 then the Constitution must not be construed too strictly 
 when applied to the University. If a bill were passed 
 extending the privileges of the funding Act of 1881 to 
 Emory and Mercer it would be unconstitutional, for I had 
 it put into the Constitution that no money shall ever be 
 taken from the public treasury, directly or indirectly in 
 aid of any sectarian institution, and such an Act would be 
 ail indirect appropriation to them. But when we come to 
 the case of the State University our practice must be more 
 elastic. For example, the Constitution says : 'In addi- 
 tion to the payment of the annual interest on the debt 
 due »by the State to the University, the General Assembly 
 may, from time to time, make such donations thereto as 
 the condition of the treasury will authorize. And the 
 General Assembly may also, from time to tiine, make such 
 apjiropriations of 'money as the condition of the treasury 
 will authorize to any college or uni/ersity, not exceeding 
 one in number, now established or hereafter to be estab- 
 lished in this State for the education of persons of color.' 
 Now, under a liberal construction of this section we can 
 establish any number of schools by simply calling them 
 branches of the'University — there is something in a name 
 after all — and moreover, for a number of years we gave 
 $8,000 a year to a sectarian negro college in lieu of the 
 negro's claim to a part of the land scrip which we put 
 entirely in the possession of the University." 
 
 But the Colonel's meditations never reached these sub- 
 jects. Maybe they might have done so if he had not been 
 disturbed by my calling attention to some of his errors of 
 
 *Col. Hammond in his book characterizes this view as "empty." 
 That assertion is his ipse dixit — nothing more. Able constitutional 
 awyers tell me the point is well taken. 
 
62 
 
 history: for, after briefly recalling his Savannah medita- 
 tion he proceeds to say : 
 
 "Dr. Candler then said the 16,000 which I had said was 
 appropriated by the Act of 1830 and repealed by the Act 
 of 1831, to educate the poor boys at the University, was in 
 point of fact never appropriated. He quotes from the 
 Acts of 1830 and 1831, and the journals of the house and 
 senate of those dates to sustain his view of it, and he seems 
 to be right. I had my information from Cobb's New 
 Digest, page 1094, where the Act ' to provide for the educa- 
 tion of certain poor children therein mentioned, ' is pub- 
 lished, leaving out the fourth section, and stating that it 
 was repealed m 1831, and I had rpad elsewhere that the 
 appropriation was actually made. Perhaps it was careless 
 in me not to have hunted up the old Acts and journals, 
 though I do not know that they could have been found 
 here. But it was not so careless as Dr. Candler when, in 
 in his speech to the Fanners' Alliance of Putnam county 
 he stated, and afterwards in Sep ember, 1889, published, 
 that 12,000 for the purpose of free tuition in the University 
 was annually appropriated by the Act of 1881 for four 
 years, when that Act was accessible to all, and on its face 
 was for one year instead of four. " 
 
 " But what of my mistake ? That Act of 1830 was cited 
 as the only ante-bellum legislation concerning tree tuition 
 in the University, and to that Dr. Candler agrees. What 
 amount was thereby appropriated for that purpose, or 
 whether any amount was, was wholly immaterial to the 
 argument. " 
 
 The Colonel could doubtless have found the Act of 1830 
 by walking from his office to the State capitol, a few blocks 
 away. Accuracy is well worth so short a walk by one 
 volunteering to give the people history upon so material a 
 matter as the policy of the State University concerning 
 free tuition during the first eighty years of its history — the 
 period, by the way, of its best success. 
 
 The error which Colonel Hammond attributes tome has 
 this history : I have no law books in my library, and for 
 such I depend upon the college library. Of recent years 
 the State has sent to the library of Emory college none of 
 ^he Acts of the legislature nor journals of either house. 
 
63 
 
 Before the war there was a law requiring that these l)ooks 
 should be sent to Emory College. Perhaps it was annulled 
 by the Colonel's constitutional provision against appropri- 
 ations "directly or indirectly " to sectarian institutions. 
 At any rate these publications are no longer sent to us at 
 Emory. In the preparation of the speech to which Colonel 
 Hammond alludes I depended upon Mr. Charles Edgewortb 
 Jones' monograph entitled : " Education in Georgia," 
 and published under endorsement of the United States 
 Bureau of Education in 1889 (the national government still 
 sends its publications to church schools). 1 supposed Mr. 
 Jones's i)fimphlet was accurate about legislation as late as 
 1881 at least. (1). Because it was written ))y a gifted young 
 man who had not only taken a course at Athens, but a post- 
 graduate course at the Johns Hopkins University also. I 
 knew he was a son of Georgia's well-known historian, 
 Colonel C. C. Jones, and supposed he wrote perhai)s in his 
 father's peerless library. (2). Because his pamphlet was 
 endorsed by the United States Bureau of Education. (3). 
 Because it was much praised at the time of its publication 
 and nol^ody pointed out this error. (Colonel Hammond, 
 who seems overfond of the doctrine that " silence gives 
 consent," will ap])reciate fully this point). 
 
 Accordingly in the absence of the Acts of 1881, and re- 
 lying upon the best authority within my reach, I followed 
 the error of Mr. Jones in saying, "On the 29th of Septem- 
 ber, 1881, the legislature appropriated $2,000 per year, for 
 four years to make tuition free." (See Jones' "Education 
 in Georgia," page 48). 
 
 I fell not only into this error from not having the Acts 
 of the legislature at hand, but into another which the Col- 
 onel has not discovered, or does not care to bring out. I 
 was answering, at the request of the Putman County Alli- 
 ance, the question : "What amounts have been expended, 
 by the State for common schools and what for higher 
 education." Not having access to the Acts of 1881 and 
 188'-i. I said on page ten of my pamphlet : "In this esti 
 
6-4 
 
 mate, I luive not given the appropriation made in 1881 or 
 in 1882 — I forget the year — to rebuild the college at Dah- 
 lonega," * etc. If those Acts had been before me I should 
 have said: "By Act of September 15, 1881, $10,000 was 
 appropriated to the University of Georgia for rebuilding 
 the branch college at Dahlonegh, and again by Act of ' 
 December 12, 1883, another $10,000 was appropriated for 
 the same purpose." Instead of charging up, therefore, to 
 the University $8,000 (i.e. $2,000 a year for four years), 
 I would have entered three items aggregating ^'22,000. My 
 estimate was too low by $14,000, but of this Colonel Ham- 
 mond will not complain. f 
 
 But when, by chance, I discovered my error, I did not 
 repeat it, as Colonel Hammond has done with his error. 
 In his speech delivered before the General Assembly in 
 1889, he fell into the same error about the Act of 1830 
 which he has written in his recf^nt history, and I corrected 
 him then and said in my pamphlet published shortly 
 thereafter : 
 
 "In the same year (by Act of December 21, 1830), $6,000 
 was appropriated annually to the University, 'for the pur- 
 pose of enal)ling the board of trustees to rebuild the col- 
 lege edifice, and replace the library and instruments 
 destroyed by fire, and for the purpose of defraying the 
 annual expenses of the college,' and not 'to help poor stu- 
 dents,' as was recently stated in an address before the 
 General Assembly, by a distinguished trustee of the Uni- 
 versity." 
 
 This occurs in my pamphlet just ten lines above my 
 error which Colonel Hammond points out. Only three 
 sentences intervene between them. It is amazing how he 
 missed his own error ; but found mine. It reminds me 
 of a remark which I have heard attributed to Mr. Blaine 
 It is said that the senator from Maine told Judge Ed- 
 munds on one occasion : "You can see a gnat on a barn 
 door a mile without seeing the barn door. " 
 
 *See Chapter III. 
 
 tCol, Hammond's error was $66,000; mine was $14,000. 
 
65 
 
 Colonel Hammoad meets the curriculum question thus : 
 "Now for the remainder of Dr. Candler's article. He 
 says my effort 'to make Emory and Mercer appear to be 
 schools of lower grade than Franklin College is in line 
 with the effort to defeat them by an unfair competition.' 
 I wrote not of Franklin College only, but of the University 
 which embraces much more than Franklin College proper. 
 I made no effort, nor said anything of the kind. Combat- 
 ing the charge that the trustees of the University were try- 
 ing to injure the denominational colleges by unfair com- 
 petition, I stated that both the age and scholarship 
 necessary to enter the University had been raised. Had 
 we been trying only to get students, it would have been 
 better to have lowered both instead of losing applicants 
 for their want of age or preparation. Some of our pro- 
 fessors claim superiority over those colleges as to the 
 course of study, and I may at some time have echoed their 
 claim. But in these papers I made no such claim, and do 
 not know whether it is true. I have never made a com- 
 parison. Surely I may think that had we a sub-freshman 
 class, as they have at Oxford, we might this year have 
 added to our numbers as they added to theirs, their sub- 
 freshman class this year containing sixty-seven students. 
 I am not complaining that they have such a class. It 
 would be proper, perhaps, for us to have one.^ 
 
 Since writing my first paper, a cataloTue of the Univer- 
 sity for the year 1888 has fallen into my hands. It gives 
 the age of admission to the University at that time as 
 fourteen years. The scheme of free tuition bsgaii in 1881, 
 seven years before. How then caa the receat raising of 
 the age indicate anything as to the purpose of an Act 
 taken nearly a decade before? As to the curriculum, 
 Colonel Hammond now admits he does not know, but may 
 have echoed the claims of certain University professors. 
 He can make a comparison of the courses of study when- 
 
 HSub-fresliman work at the Uaiversity was provided for last 
 summer, and yet the raissd curriculum is ofered is pro>f of amity 
 towards the church colleges. If t!is all'3g3 1 nisei curriculum 
 meant friendship, what does this confessed lowarin'j of the curricu- 
 lum mean? 
 
66 
 
 ever he chooses to do so and decide for himself which is 
 the higher course. He probably has both catalogues. I 
 know he has Emory's, for the day after my last article ap- 
 peared, he wrote me for a copy and I sent it to him at once. 
 He evidently received it and consulted it, for he tells with 
 accuracy the number of students in Emory's sub-freshman 
 class, although he fails to say that the number of students 
 in the collegiate department at Emory College (not coun- 
 ting sub-freshmen) was during the past year 207, while the 
 number at Athens, counting post-graduates, seniors, juniors, 
 sophomores, freshmen and electives in both Franklin Col- 
 lege and the State College of Agriculture, was only 161. 
 
 I may add that it might be proper to organize a su)'- 
 freshman class at Athens (I have heard it was established 
 by the trustees the other day, though I have seen no notice 
 of it in the papers); but if it were established with free 
 tuition provided by legislative appropriations and funding 
 acts, it would be illogical to deny that it was intended to 
 create by it an unfair competition with the Gordon Insti- 
 tute, the Moreland Park Academy, Prof. Meagley's school 
 and other similar institutions. Men are supposed to intend 
 the consequences of their acts. 
 
 Here is an interesting paragraph which shows the Uni- 
 versity has suffered from the land scrip as well as the 
 land scrip from the University. Col. Hammond says : 
 
 " To make room for other studies we crowd the sopho- 
 more year perhaps too much, but I submit that when it is 
 considered how many other things the United States Acts 
 of 1862 and of 1887 require us as holders of the land scrip 
 fund to teach, we cannot arrange our curriculum with the 
 exact regard to a mere college course as freely or perhaps 
 as scientifically right as we could do were no such contract 
 obligation resting upon us. " 
 
 But while there is doubtless much truth in what Colonel 
 Hammond here says, his explanation does not explain 
 The overcrowding of mathematics in the sophomore year 
 is not in the Agricultural College course, but in the A. B. 
 
67 
 
 course which, if I understand the catalogue, belongs only 
 to Franklin College. That college ought not to be affected 
 by the United States Acts of 1862 and 1887 unless Frank- 
 lin College is using the land scrip which was appropriated 
 to the State College of Agriculture. 
 
 That I be not further tedious to your readers, I hasten 
 to consider a personal complaint of Colonel Hammond. 
 Referring to my criticism of his unhappy allusion to Mr. 
 Seney he says : 
 
 "Had Dr. Candler asked some sensible, candid friend 
 privatoly whether he could so inquire with propriety, I 
 think the question would not have been asked publicly. I 
 think his friend would have told him that it was unfair to 
 leave off my words : 'It is wrong to assail a man's motives 
 without strong evidence,' which words stood immediately 
 in front of the remark which he has thus garbled as quoted 
 above. I think his friend would have t )ld him that 
 to class me with 'certain lewd fellows of the baser sort,' 
 making charges against the dead, that his remark that he 
 'had not expected to see the vile slander introduced to 
 public notice by a worthy gentleman, and he a Methodist, 
 even though he should do so by suggestion or illustration,' 
 and the capping of his climax with the words that 'such a 
 man as Colonel Hammond ought to abhor such a charge,' 
 made his inquiry and his comments thereon not only an 
 absolute perversion of my n\eaning, ))ut also insulting. 
 They did excite in me just indignation, but I trust that 
 even that has passed away. I know that Dr. Candler did 
 not intend them as an insult. I attribute them to his 
 naturally coml)ative nature." 
 
 That the public may clearly judge between us on this 
 issue I reprint, even at the risk of wearying your readers, 
 his original words and my comment upon them. I asked: 
 
 "May 1 enquire if Colonel Hammond designed to cast 
 odium upon the cause of Emory College and the good 
 name of her benefactor by suggesting interrogatively a 
 charge he was unwilling to make affirmatively when he 
 jDenned the following : 
 
68 
 
 "Suppose one should fix the date of Mr. Seney's gifts tO' 
 Emory and Wesleyan Female College and then show that 
 soon afterwards he obtained from Georgia the charter of 
 the East Tennessee, V^irginia and Georgia Kailroad Com- 
 pany, so damaging to the Western and Atlantic Railroad, 
 which it paralleled, and which the State owned, and then 
 charge that the Methodists in the General Assembly who 
 voted for that charter were by Seney's gifts to her col- 
 leges, bribed to do a wronj; to the State? Would there not 
 be just indignation." 
 
 On this paragraph I commented as follows : 
 
 "I understand that some years ago 'certain lewd fellows 
 of the baser sort' tried to give currency to this unworthy 
 charge against the man who gave more to higher educa- 
 tion in Georgia than any man ever gave ; but I had not ex- 
 pected to see the vile slander introduced to public notice by 
 a worthy gentleman and he a Methodist, even though he- 
 should do so by suggestion or illustration. It is a charge 
 opprobrious to the Methodists of the State, as well as libel- 
 ous upon Mr. Seney. It can have no standing among the 
 respectable people of Georgia until they have Ijecome so 
 degraded that ingratitude cannot disgrace them and the re- 
 quital of generous help with scandalous abuse will bring 
 no blush to their cheeks. Such a man as Colonel Ham- 
 mond ought abhor such a charge." 
 
 It will be seen at a glance that the platitude which pre- 
 ceeded Colonel Hammond's allusion to Mr. Seney and 
 which was omitted for the sake of economizing space, (for 
 my article was necessarily long) does not, in the slightest 
 change the sense of what he said, and that to omit it was 
 not to "garble" his words. 
 
 He is right when he says he knows I did not intend to 
 insult him. For Colonel N. J. Hammond, I have the high- 
 est respect personally, and on many occasions, both pri- 
 vately and publicly, I have expressed my esteem of him. 
 But I should be unworthy the position I hold and of the 
 confidence of my people if I failed to resent any aspersion 
 cast on the name of George -I. Seney, for his gifts to 
 
69 
 
 Emory College and the Wesleyan Female College. Know- 
 ing Colonel Hammond as a man of extensive resources, I 
 could not understand why, from among thousands of pos- 
 sible illustrations of his truism concerning "a man's mo- 
 tives" he should have chosen the illustration he did choose 
 imless he meant for it to serve other purposes than those 
 of illustration. This was the most natural interpretation 
 on the face of the paragraph, and was the more natural 
 when I remembered that this sneer at Mr. Seney was 
 uttered in certain quarters some years ago. Of this, how- 
 ever, Colonel Hammond says he had no knowledge and I 
 accept in good faith his disavowal of any intention to re- 
 flect on Mr. Seney. His illustration was certainly, how- 
 ever, very infelicitous, and he should be thankful for the 
 opportunity to disclaim its apparent purpose, for I was 
 not alone in my view of it. Indeed, I may frankly con- 
 tess It irritated me and. being irriiaied 1 waa unwilling w 
 print anything in reply without careful consideration. 
 Hence I read the paragraph before it was printed to three 
 prominent gentlemen, the peers of Colonel Hammond in 
 age, experience, culture and piety. Without either of 
 them knowing the opinion expressed by the other two, they 
 unanimously agreed that my interrogation was proper and 
 my comment just. At the suggestion of one of them I 
 changed the last sentence which I had written thus: 
 "Such a charge Colonel Hammond cannot fail to abhor," 
 so that it read, "such a man as Colonel Hammond ought 
 to abhor such a char^^ ■"* 
 
 * All the three approved it '-unanimously" as it appeared. The 
 friend who suggested the change was the last to whom I showed the 
 paragraph before it was printed. When it was published all ap- 
 proved it Commenting on the paragraph in a subsequent letter 
 Co onel Hammond said : "I have no further comment to make except 
 that I think that had I had so much doubt as to the propriety of any- 
 thing I had written in such a discussion that it took the bolstering 
 advice of three friends as to its propriety, before pub ic utterance, 
 it would not have been published " Quite likely, but when did 
 Colonel Hammond ever d .ubt the propriety of anything he ever said 
 or did, or of anything he was about to say or do? Witness his in- 
 felicitous allusion to Mr. Seney. 
 
70 
 
 I have desired to avoid any possible injustice to Colonel 
 Hammond and have not applied to him an epithet as 
 strong even as the word "combative." I complain of noth- 
 ing he has written. I never whine in controversy. 
 
 If I have done him injustice I regret it, and offer him 
 apologies. The illustration which he chose to use was very 
 infelicitous. Had he asked some sensible, candid friend 
 privately if he could use it with propriety, I think his 
 question about Mr. Seney would not have been asked pub- 
 licly, and I should have been spared the necessity of even 
 temporarily Avounding my distinguished friend in dis- 
 charging a duty which I conceived I owed to the memory 
 of the dead benefactor of the college over which I have 
 the honor to preside. 
 
 W. A. CANDLER. 
 
71 
 
 CHAPTER V 
 
 'CANDLER TO HAMMOND A PARTING WORD. 
 
 From Atlanta Constitution of July 33, 1893. 
 
 Editor Constitution : "The best of friends must part," 
 and I must take leave of my friend, Colonel N. J. Ham- 
 mond. I should have attended to the formality earlier 
 after his notice that he must be going,* but undischarged 
 responsibilities which accumulated during my absence in 
 Kentucky last week have absorbed my attention for sev- 
 eral days past to the exclusion of other things 
 
 It is not necessary to multiply words in parting, for my 
 friend and I may meet again ; but I canno: allow him to 
 depart without relieving' his mind of some misapprehen- 
 sions under which he seems laboring concerning my fair- 
 ness on certain points. On the main issue of fact and law- 
 he seems now to have about agreed with me and when I 
 shall have removed the few remaining misapprehensions 
 which I have mentioned perhaps w^e shall see eye to eye. 
 
 In reference to the rej-ort of Messrs. I. H. Hand and A- 
 C Hill on the land scrip, he says : 
 
 "I have been unable to find the paper which Dr. Cand- 
 ler spoke of as a report on this subject. His language 
 was : 'A report to the legislature some year or two ago 
 signed by Hon. I. H. Hand and Hon. A. C. Hill, said,' etc. 
 I have been told that it is a minor'ty report of two leading 
 Alliancemen. If it be a minority report the doctor ought to 
 have so called it, lest he should mislead his readers, as 
 would a lawyer mislead who would read a dissenting argu- 
 
 *In his reply to the letter which makes Chapter IV of this book. 
 Col. Hammond had said: "Other points need to be noticed, but cir- 
 cumstances compel tlie closing of tliese weekly lettei'S." 
 
72 
 
 ment as the opinion of the court. I have heard of such 
 conduct in 'justice-courts.' " 
 
 My friend seems to have an infirmity about not being 
 able to find things. This report he will find ou pages 729 
 to 734, house journal, of 1891. (It is not found in Cobb's 
 new digest,* but the book in which it may be found can be 
 had at the capitol in Atlanta or at the office of the ordi- 
 nary in any county). I did not have a copy of the house 
 journal when I wrote my first letter. (Since Colonel 
 Hammond's constitutional provision was adopted the 
 State does not publish its legislative Acts at sectarian 
 institutions). I had a pamphlet copy only of the report 
 signed by Messrs. Hand and Hill. It is a minority report, 
 as any justice court lawyer would know when I said it was 
 signed by only two members and was a report to the legis- 
 lature, and therefore the work of a joint committee. The 
 majority report is by three memliers (just one more than 
 the minority), and itself is such interesting reading that 
 I regret I did not have it when I wrote my first letter. 
 That my friend may have a taste of both, I will in this 
 letter give him a quotation from the majority report hav- 
 ing given him a paragraph from the minority in my 
 former letter. That he may have no trouble in finding it, 
 I will say that it is found on pages 756 to 758, house jour- 
 nal, of 1891, and in it is this paragraph : 
 
 "So interwoven are the two colleges that it is almost 
 impossible to say what number of students are taught in 
 each college, as students attending one receive the benefit 
 of the other, if desired. We doubt if the legislature of the 
 State by legislative enactment has ever located under 
 the terms of the Act of the general government, the State 
 College of Agriculture and Mechanic Arts, and this ques- 
 tion should be settled once and for all." 
 
 Put this alongside of section 4, of the Act of Congress, 
 July, 1862, creating the land scrip, which i)rovides that it 
 
 *C'ol. Hnmniond in acknowledgino- liis error about the .^ ct of 1830, 
 had intimated he was mis ed by Cobb's New Digest. 
 
73 
 
 *'shall be a perpetual fund and shall never be used (except 
 as in this Act, provided in section 5), and the interest of 
 which shall be inviolably appropriated by each State, 
 which may take and claim the benefit of this Act, to the 
 endowment, support and maintenance of at least one col- 
 lege, where the leading object shall be, without excluding 
 other scientific and classical studies, and including mili- 
 tary tactics, to teach such branches of learning as are re- 
 lated to agriculture and the mechanic arts, in such manner 
 as the legislatures of the States may respectively prescribe, 
 in order to promote the liberal education of the industrial 
 classes, in the several pursuits and professions in life." 
 
 It appears that the committee doubted, and with good 
 reason, the existence of any legally constituted State 
 college of agriculture in Georgia, though the money has 
 been used twenty years. The institution which they de- 
 scribed as so "interwoven" with the University as not to 
 be distinguished in the matter of the students of each, 
 seems to be a sort of phantom affair — "now you see me; 
 now you don't." Did the Act of Congress mean such an 
 arrangement? Is the good faith of Georgia to be put in 
 doubt in order to allow the Agricultural College fund to 
 be used for University purposes ? 
 
 Let my friend take choice between the reports, either 
 the minority or the majority, as suits him. They are both 
 interesting reading, whether read separately or together. 
 They can be found in house journal, 1891, at the ordinary's 
 office. 
 
 Speaking with reference to my assertion that an Epis- 
 copal Methodist was never Chancellor of the University, 
 (an assertion which is strictly true) my friend says: 
 
 "Why did he not tell how we tried to make Dr. Hopkins, 
 when he recently left the presidency of Emory, the Chan- 
 cellor of the University, and were prevented only by the 
 fact that he preferred to be at the head of the Technological 
 College, where he is now so ably serving the State?" 
 
 I will tell him frankly, it was because I did not know it. 
 
74 
 
 I do not even remember to have heard so much as a rumor 
 that Dr. Hopkins was approached on the subject. I now 
 learn, however, that individual members of the board of 
 trustees wrote him privately, and he declined th3 proposal. 
 It is surely not to be supposed that I would have know- 
 ledge of such a correspondence. What assurances of elec- 
 tion they gave him or how well they might have been able 
 to fulfil their assurances I do not know. I only hear that 
 Dr. Hopkins, when President of Emory College, was writ- 
 ten to and asked to allow the use of his name in the elec- 
 tion for Chancellor, at Athens. Dr. Strickler was really 
 elected, I believe, and declined after the election. It was 
 perhaps thought best to sound Dr. Hopkins beforehand, 
 because of his well-known opposition to the free tuition 
 scheme of the University, for he had said in his report, 
 as President of Emory College, to the Conferences in 1886: 
 
 "It is gratifying to say that there is a growing reaction 
 in the minds of our people against an iniquity which has 
 been too long endured. I refer to the fact that thinking men 
 of our own and other denominations feel that something 
 is wrong somewhere, when they must not only help their 
 own struggling institutions, but at the same time pay taxes 
 to support a system of free college tuition in the institu- 
 tions of the State. Whatever our legislators may do in 
 the days to come to remedy this injustice, our people 
 should see to it now that their own college has no ground 
 of complaint against them for failing to foster and protect 
 it." 
 
 I do not know if this printed utterance of Dr. Hopkins 
 was the reason for sounding him beforehand. So far as I 
 know, however, he was never elected, though Col. Ham- 
 mond says he declined. It may be that the reason he de- 
 clined to be called away from the service of his alma mater' 
 to the University at Athens was found in what he vigor 
 ously declared to be "an iniquity too long endured." He 
 is not a man to participate in iniquity. 
 
75 
 
 My honored friend gives ns some more history after this 
 style : 
 
 "When the University began Methodist and Baptist in- 
 fluence was not so predominant in Georgia as now. There 
 were not a handful of either here. It seems, therefore, a 
 little unfair thus to count against the University all the 
 years prior to 1836, when our first denominational college 
 was chartered." 
 
 This is not good history. The Methodists were more 
 numerous in Georgia in 1801, when the University started 
 than were the members of the church to which all the 
 chancellors of the University belonged from 1801 to 1860. 
 I cannot speak so positively about the Baptists, but as far 
 back as 1805, they were strong enough to plan for a college 
 of their own and petitioned the legislature for a charter 
 for it without success. I cannot give their numbers in the 
 year 1801, but I doubt not they also were more numerous 
 than the church of the chancellors, for in 1829, when Dr. 
 Alonzo Church, of VeruKHit, was elected to the chancellor- 
 ship, the white members of the Methodist church in Geor- 
 gia numbered about nineteen thousand, and the white Bap- 
 tists were over twenty thousand, while in 1849 — twenty years 
 later — the Presbyterians numbered but 5,059 — (See White's 
 Statistics.) Among the Georgia Baptists in 1829 were such 
 great men as Henry J. Ripley, Adiel Sherwood, W. T. 
 Brantly, Sr., and among tiie Methodists I need mention 
 only Stephen Olin. of whom in 1842, Alexander Stephens 
 wrote to his l^rother Linton that he would not have given 
 the advantages which he derived from Olin's methods as 
 a professor ''for all my college course besides." Olin was 
 then a professor at Athens. But a chancellor was brought 
 from Vermont, as Chancellor Meigs had been previously 
 brought from Connecticut. Finley from New Jersey, and 
 Brown and Waddell, from South Carolina. In this con 
 nection, I might from some old Georgia newspapers of about 
 that period "unfold a tale" of how Olin finally came to 
 
76 
 
 leave Athens which would enforce all I have said. But I 
 forbear. Let that go.* 
 
 Here is another brief quotation from my friend's last 
 piece : 
 
 "The State's field of action is in the common schools 
 and in the University and its branches. What she can- 
 not furnish in the former must be had in the latter, unless 
 she abandons the field of higher education and turns it 
 over to our denominational colleges and to colleges outside 
 of Georgia. To that I am opposed. That Dr. Candler 
 seems to favor." 
 
 My friend must surely know better what my postion on 
 "this subject is. He read my pamphlet of September 6, 
 1889, for he seems to read and preserve most of what I 
 publish. It is well. It will do him good as doth the truth 
 the upright in heart. In that pamphlet, from which he 
 •quotes HO often, he found the following words of mine ana 
 he should not have forgotten to quote them : 
 
 "Most of the people in Georgia, who patronize colleges 
 .at all prefer the church schools. They do not say to the 
 minority who prefer to patronize the University at Athens. 
 'You shall patronize our schools;' but they do say to the 
 minority, 'If you prefer not to patronize a religious school, 
 do as we do, and pay for what you prefer.' They do not 
 say, as they have been unfairly represented as saying, 
 'Only denominational colleges succeed, and only denomi- 
 national colleges should succeed,' but they do say the 
 State should not toll taxes from the denominations, and 
 then devote a part of its funds to a policy designed to hin- 
 der the denominational colleges from succeeding." 
 
 ♦Another scrap of history is interesting in this connection. About 
 the time Dr. Oliu left Athens, Judge A. B. Longstreet was also de- 
 feated for a professorship there. Some said it was because he was a 
 Methodist. But the most common belief was that it was for politi- 
 cal reasons, his views on nullification not being acceptable to the 
 party in Georgia which then had predominant influence in the Board 
 of Trustees of the University. Suppose two political parties, like 
 those of Troup and Clark, in 18:>n, were again to appear in (Georgia, 
 .undone should get control of the TJniversity. Would the school 
 teach protection or free trade, bimetalism or monometalism '? 
 
77 
 
 Referring to my opposition to the funding Act of 1891,. 
 he says ; 
 
 "He is a great friend of the common schools, whose- 
 bonds were funded in 1873 at 7 per cent, for 100 years, at 
 which he has not complained. The interest is the same as 
 to both, the time doubled as to the common school. The 
 University has no bonds to fall due in 1896, and should any- 
 body give her some and the State instead of paying them 
 off should accept them and agree to devote their interest 
 only to educating her sons at Athens, no great harm can 
 come. Dr. Candler suggests none, except that thereby there 
 may be more students at Athens and fewer at Oxford 
 than might be otherwise." * 
 
 I answer : The funding bill for the common school 
 fund, approved February 19, 1873, was essentially differ- 
 ent from the University's funding bill of 1881, as any- 
 one can see by comparing them. As far as I can ascertain 
 the common schools have never received anything from 
 this source and it was repealed by section 43 of " an Act 
 to amend ; revise and consolidate the common school 
 laws " approved October 27, 1887. This Act specifically 
 declares of the common school fund that it " shall not be 
 invested in bonds of this State, or in other stock except 
 when investment is necessary to carry oui the conditions 
 of an endowment, devise, gift or bequest. " Why did Col. 
 Hammond roll out a Quaker gun in the face of this law of 
 1887. Was he ignorant of it, or did he think the public 
 
 * On pages 134 and 135 Col. Hammond calls attention to the fact 
 tliat he mentioned this funding bill twice before i replied and that I 
 was nearly a month replying. He seems to attach much value to the 
 fact as if it conta ned some deep significance. The explanation is 
 very simple: The Atlanta Constitution used its Sunday editions only 
 for printing all the Colonel's iiieces and most of mine, he writing 
 one Sunday and I the next. Hence, if any point was overlooked 
 even for one letter it would be adjourned nearly a month. The point 
 he made about this funding bill was so "empty" and worthless I 
 forgot to answer it until he made it the second time. 
 
78 
 
 ignorant?* Maybe he was again misled by "Cobb's 
 Kew Digest. " The common schools never received any- 
 thing from the Act of 1873, but the University has already 
 funded about $275,000, and from it rea])s an indirect ap- 
 propriation of over $9,000 annually l)y thus doublii^.g the 
 interest which the people pay. 
 
 Against the University funding bill I have already sug- 
 gested its unconstitutionality because it increases the 
 bonded debt of the State, or may do so, and because it 
 does this in order to maintain an unfair competition with 
 Mercer and Emory, though at the present rate the scheme 
 fails, for Athens is behind both of them, the attend 
 ance at Athens by the catalogue in 1892-'93 being 161, in 
 college (not 210 as Colonel Hammond erroneously states), 
 11 in the winter course of agriculture, ''so-called," and 
 38 in law; while at Emory there were 207 in college alone 
 and 67 sub-freshmen. 
 
 The colonel continues : 
 
 "It is true that, so far as the law is concerned, a Mussul- 
 man or an agnostic may now be a professor at- Athens. 
 And so he may be at Oxford or Macon, 'so far as the law 
 is concerned.' In each college the sole protection is the 
 character of the electing ])ody and none otlier is needed." 
 
 Since the Colonel is head of the "electing body" at 
 Athens, I should like to know if it is truej as I have heard, 
 
 * On page 137 of his book Co'. Hammond shows that this funding 
 bill was rei^ealed even earlier than I said viz: February 25, 1870. 
 This I did not kuov.' when I wrote, indeed I had no copy of the Acts 
 of 1S7G at hand. But in my opinion the Act of 1,S87 would have oper- 
 ated to repeal the Act of 1873 if the law of 187i> had not already 
 done so. As the law of 1887 was an Act to "revise, amend and 
 consolidate " all the school laws then in existence, my opinion 
 seems just, for it embraced the law of 187(5 w^ith all the rest. In 
 justice to Col. Hammond I am bound to say tha.t I now have the best 
 of reason for saying he did not know the Act of 1873 had been re- 
 pealed when he first called attention to it. 
 
 On p^ge 13'J of his book, in the part added since "circumstances 
 closed his weekly letters, " Col. Hammond suggests that the passage 
 of the Act of 1873 was an endorsement by the State of the policy of 
 funding " school incomes. " If so its repeal indk;ates the with- 
 drawal of such endorsement. Why isn't the University's funding 
 bill also repealed ? 
 
79 
 
 that one or more instructors in the University are not 
 members of any church. Such could not be elected at 
 Emory or Mercer. The electing bodies at these instituticns 
 are so bound to the Georgia Conferences and the Baptist 
 Convention as to make such an election impossible. They 
 may elect other than Methodists at Emory, for Patrick 
 Mell once taught there; or they may elect other than Bap- 
 tists at Mercer, for there are Methodists in Mercer's law 
 faculty. But no man can be elected at either place who is 
 not a Christian at all.* 
 
 There are sundry other petty sophistries and misappre- 
 hensions in my friend's last communication, but I will 
 not mar the peace of this parting hour by exposing them. 
 The public sees through them already and he will too, b}'- 
 and by. 
 
 Now, let us all rise and join hands and sing that old 
 familiar song, "Farewell, Farewell, is a Lonely Sound," or, 
 if any prefer we will sing, "Then You'll Remember Me." 
 
 W. A. CANDLER 
 
 * " The character of the electing body!" But what guarantees 
 that in a State scliool? Political, not religious, influences most com- 
 monly control in the appointing of such bodies. The Board of 
 Trustees at Athens in l.SoO was increased in order to overcome polit- 
 ical influences then supposed to control it, and the body was consti- 
 tuted of an equal number of Troup and Clark men to prevent tlu- 
 recurrence of such a state of things. History may yet repeat itself 
 in Georgia. 
 
80 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 An effort has been made by some persons in Georgia to 
 weaken the force of what the writer has said concerning 
 higher education by charging that his views were the j)i"o- 
 duct of his relation to Emory College as its president. The 
 injustice of this chaige will be apparent when the follow- 
 ing pages are read. They ai'e made up of three editorials 
 which were written when the writer was an editor of the 
 Nashville Christian Advocate. They appeared in that 
 journal more than a year before he was elected presi- 
 dent of Emory College and when he had not the remot- 
 est idea of ever being the president of that or any other 
 educational institution. 
 
 The conclusions reached in these editorials were the re- 
 sult of an investigation of facts. The investigation was 
 made with no other purpose than to find the truth, and to 
 present it as clearly and forcibly as the writer could. 
 He was in no wise influenced by personal or official inter- 
 ests ; there were no such interests involved in the subjects 
 discussed. 
 
 It may be added without impropriety that if he had 
 consulted personal interests he would never have accepted 
 the presidency of Emory College. He undertook that 
 work with full knowledge that it would bring him losses, 
 but with the conviction that to do so was to undertake a 
 duty he owed his church and his native State. The losses 
 have been sustained. The duty has been discharged as 
 best he could. By the record he is willing to be judged. 
 False charges against the honesty and eincerity of his 
 motives do not change the facts of Georgia's school his- 
 tory which he has set forth, nor impair the force of his 
 plea for the education of the masses, nor disturb his peace 
 of mind. 
 
81 
 
 ABOUT HIGHER EDUCATION IN THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 (From NashvilU Christian Advocate, May, 1SS7.) 
 
 It appears from the last report of the Commissioner of 
 Education of the United States that there are in our 
 country 365 colleges and universities, manned by 4,836 
 instructors, and attended by 65,728 pupils. These 
 J'lhtitiitioiis own property in productive funds, grounds 
 and buildings, to the amount of 1105,307,117. 
 
 These valuable "plants" are to a great extent under the 
 influence, if not the direct control, of the church of God.* 
 It is of record that they have paid good dividends of 
 intellectual power and religious usefulness to their des^out 
 founder and patron. 
 
 *The following paragraph taken from a recent issue of that great 
 Presbyterian paper, the Liferior, brintjs tlie st itistlcs down to d ite, and 
 enforces the conclusions drawn from tlie figures: 
 
 "The remarkable growth of American colleges is the direct result of 
 American liberality. What has been accomplished has been accom- 
 plished not primarily by State, but chiefly by the churcii and indi- 
 viduals. Xo self-supporting system of education has been found 
 possible for the people. The necessary cost of a college education is 
 still paid, and for all we can see must continue to be paid, by philan- 
 thropists and patriots. The present Commissioner of Education, 
 after an exhaustive stvidy of the problem, finds that tlirougliout our 
 41.5 colleges tvvo-tliirds of the cost of tuition and other necessary 
 expenses are paid out of endowments, one-third only being met by 
 tuition fees. And it is a fact worth remembering that while the ten 
 largest State Univer.sities have endowments of $17,(ini),000, the ten 
 largest ecclesiastical colleges own $ US, 955, 000 of property; and the 
 ten principal colleges endowed by individuals are worth •1Jj21,S56,000. 
 It will seem no less strange to those who receive their information 
 only through the non-religious journals, to be told that of 45,000 
 students who can be called students, only 10,000, according to gov- 
 ernment reports, are in tlie institutions from which religious teach- 
 ing is so carefully excluded. Tlie propoi'tion of students in denom- 
 inational and privately endowed colleges is greater to-day than it 
 was forty years ago. And so far from these institutions losing their 
 hold upon the American public, they are steadily receiving from 
 $2,250,000 to $8,000,000 a year in fresh endowments." 
 
82 
 
 Of these 365 institutions of learning, 278 are denomi- 
 national schools, and in them 3,509 instructors teach over 
 50,000 pupils. 
 
 Most of the presidents of the remaining 87 non-sectarian 
 schools* are ministers of the gospel. States may furnish 
 money to make schools, but they must come to the 
 church to man them. The learning and unselfishness 
 required for such work are not produced in sufficient abun- 
 dance outside the church to supply the demand. 
 
 In these facts a thoughtful person will find much 
 material for profitable meditation. In them the ignorant 
 religionist who looks with suspicion on learning, and the 
 arrogant scientist who looks with contempt on religion, 
 will alike find correction of their folly. 
 
 But chiefly the educational secularist will find rebuke 
 and instruction by a careful consideration of the facts 
 brought to our attention Ijy the Commissioner's report. 
 It has come to be quite the fashion in some quarters to 
 decry sectarianism in education, and eulogize educational 
 work performed by the State. Suppose in obedience to 
 this cry, the church should abandon the work of higher 
 education in this country. What result should we expect? 
 Nearly three-fourths of all the colleges in the land would 
 be closed, and more than four-fifths of all the students 
 pursuing collegiate courses in the United States would be 
 turned out of doors. 
 
 The church cannot abdicate this important function nor 
 renounce the educational policy it involves. If there is 
 any subject concerning which she has a right to speak and 
 to be heard, it is the higher education of the people. No 
 secular agent, private or public, has done so much for the 
 cause as she. No one is doing so much. From Harvard, 
 the oldest, down to the latest established, there is hardly 
 an institution of learning in the country that did not have 
 
 *"N'ot half of the 87 are State schools. Such colleges as Harvard 
 and Yale are counted among the 87. 
 
83 
 
 its birth in, and its growth from, Christianity. If denom- 
 inationalism be such a horrible evil as some would have 
 us believe, we should make haste to take down the walls 
 of nearly all our schools of higher grade and brush the 
 bricks and stone, for they were laid in denominational 
 mortar. 
 
 But, after all, it may appear that church schools do 
 rather better work, as well as more of it, than any other 
 kind of schools. If we remember correctly, Daniel Web- 
 ster was graduated from that good old denominational 
 college of the Congregationalists, Dartmouth, and John C. 
 Calhoun was prepared for college at a Presbyterian acad- 
 emy conducted by the Rev. Dr. Waddel, subsequently 
 graduating from Yale College, and bearing to the last the 
 Calvinistic imprint of old Timothy D wight, then president 
 of that institution. It was Rev. John Harvard who gave 
 the first money and a name to the oldest college in America? 
 Hud Yale was first projected as a religious school under the 
 trusteeship of the ten principal ministers of the colony of 
 Connecticut. In the establishment of William and Mary 
 College, the Virginians voted "that for the advance of learn- 
 ing, education of youth, supply of the ministry, and pro- 
 motion of piety, there be land taken upon purchases for 
 a college and free schoole, and that there be, with as much 
 speede as may be convenient, houseing erected thereon for 
 entertainment of students and schollars." The General 
 Assembly asked for a royal endowment of the college, "to 
 the end that the Church of Virginia may be furnished with 
 a semenary of ministers of the gospel, and that the youth 
 may be piously educated in good letters and manners, and 
 that the Christian faith may be propagated amongst the 
 the Western Indians to the glory of Almighty God. " 
 
 From all of which it appears that from the earliest his- 
 tory of the Colonies to the present time, the church of God 
 has done the most and the best which has been done for 
 the higher education of the peoj)le in this country. The 
 State, when compared with her, is but a novice in the busi- 
 
84 
 
 nes9. In colonial times the State took a hand in educa- 
 tion because, under the forms of a religious establishment, 
 it took the oversight of the church. The work was left to 
 the church to direct, and when under republican govern- 
 ment, church and State were separated it should have been 
 still left so. It belongs to her, and she will continue to 
 prosecute with success this godly work long after the 
 world has condemned the awkward effort of the State as 
 an unauthorized intrusion upon the field of personal and 
 ecclesiastical responsibility. Her ministrations in these 
 holy things will be welcomed by the people when the edu- 
 cational ventures of the State shall have been discarded as 
 relics of the impertinent paternalism of a monarchic age. 
 
85 
 II. 
 
 A VICIOUS AND OPPRESSIVE POLICY. 
 
 (From Nashville Christian Advocate, May, 1S87.) 
 
 In determining what ought to be the educational policy 
 of this'country, it is important to know what the people 
 prefer, because under republican government the will of 
 the people should be respected, and when they indicate a 
 decided opinion thty commonly have a reason for it. Do 
 the people of the United States prefer that the work of 
 higher education shall be done by the State or by the 
 church? Let the answer be found in the facts reported 
 by the Commissioner of Education. 
 
 From his reoort it annears that in this country there 
 are 278 denominational coiiwgeB and universities, suppheu 
 with 3,509 teachers, and attended by 53,856 students ; 
 while there are of non-sectarian institutions, (including 
 both State and private establishments) 87 schools, with 
 1,327 teachers and 11,872 pupils. If these figures are com- 
 pared, it will appear that there is an average of about 193 
 pupils and 13 teachers to each church school, while there 
 is an average of only about 136 pupils and 15 teachers to 
 each secular school. From these figures it is manifest the 
 people of the United States have a decided preference for 
 education by the church. 
 
 Their choice in the matter will appear the more remark- 
 able if we remember tliat the 87 non-sectarian schools own 
 property in grounds, buildings, and productive funds 
 to the amount of $54,104,271, while the 278 denomina- 
 tional schools have only $51,202,846. Parents prefer send- 
 ing their children to church schools, though the teachers 
 iire fewer and the appliances of instruction less costly than 
 those of non-sectarian institutions. 
 
 What reasons can be given for this choice of the 
 people? 
 
86 
 
 We opine the first and greatest reason is, the people of 
 this country who are able to give their children college 
 training are mostly religious people, and therefore prefer 
 that their children shall be religiously instructed as no 
 non-sectarian or State school can instruct them. While 
 religion does not always enrich people, irreligion does 
 much to impoverish them, and collegiate ojiportunities be- 
 ing for the most part open to well-to-do people only, it 
 comes to pass that quite tlie largest i)art of the population 
 which patronize colleges is religious. Morever, before a 
 man cares for college training for his children, he must 
 have acquired a certain degree of taste and refinement, 
 and these also are very dependent upon religion for tlieir 
 production. Having derived these benefits from their 
 churches, the people feel that tiie education of their chil- 
 dren cannot be entrusted to wiser hands than those of the 
 churches, and the churches feel that their past achieve- 
 ments and prospective successes must not ]je imperiled by 
 leaving the work of higher education to godless establish- 
 ments.* 
 
 The people are wise to demand that higher education 
 shall be accomplished under the most positive and pro- 
 nounced religious influences. The study of both the 
 physical and the metaphysical sciences raises so many 
 questions in religion that the work of teaching these sub- 
 jects, if committed to persons like the teachers in State 
 schools, whose position is one of enforced neutrality, will 
 most likely result in producing indifference or hostility to 
 Christianity. Christian parents cannot afford to take the 
 risk on the piety of their children which education by State 
 schools inevitably involves. 
 
 Another reason why the people prefer the schools of the 
 church to the schools of the State is that they are more 
 accessible to persons of moderate means. The atmosj^here 
 of State universities is for the most part stimulating to 
 
 * A school must not avoid simply becoming anti-Christian. It 
 must not be neutral — unchristian. 
 
aristocratic pretensions and extravagance. When tuition 
 is made free at these institutions, the cost of attending 
 them is still greater than the necessary expenses of a 
 student at a religious institution which charges tuition 
 fees. State schools in the United States can never be pat- 
 ronized by the masses. They are the luxury of the rich 
 provided by taxation of the poor. 
 
 What right has the State to tax the poor, and the re- 
 ligious people who prefer religious schools, in order to 
 provide colleges and universities for the children of rich 
 men who are too godless to patronize a religious institu- 
 tion, and too stingy to establish schools of their <jwn. If 
 these gentlemen are too broad-minded t) educate their 
 aristosratic offspring at denouiinational collegr33, why do 
 they not unite in the establishment of broad, li):>eralistic 
 institutions? JVlost of the people who patronize colleg.^s 
 in this country have been able to found schools for them- 
 selves, and have paid taxes to sustain schools for our privi- 
 leged classes besides. Surely the men whose culture over- 
 leaps all seccarian bounds, are able to erect institutions to 
 their liking. That they do not do so, but depend upon 
 the State to provide such institutions for them, is a 
 shame. It is educational m^idicancy. That the State be- 
 stows this charity up>u them is acriai3. It is robbing 
 the poor to give advantages to the rich. . It is unrepubli- 
 can in every part. It belongs to monarchs to patronize 
 learning and pander to the whims of privileged classes by 
 exacting tribute of the common people. 
 
 Whatever be the right and duty of the State in the 
 matter of elementary education, it requires no argument 
 to prove that it has no more right to establish colleges 
 and universities than it has to establish religion. It is 
 quite time to begin a movement for disestablishment. 
 The people have condemned the policy as unworthy of 
 their patronage, and the people are right. It is a vicious 
 and oppressive policy. 
 
III. 
 
 DISESTABLISHMENT AND THE DISESTABLISHED. 
 
 {From the Nashville Christian Advocate, May, 1887.) 
 
 In the articles which we have been printing on higher 
 •education in the United States we have insisted that the 
 State has no more right to establish colleges and univer- 
 sities than it has to establish a form of religion. Accord- 
 ingl}^, we have urged the disestablishment of the State 
 schools now existing in some states. The friends of these 
 institutions, as well as other friends of the general cause 
 of education, may be inclined to resist our proposition on 
 accoui\t of their fear that disestablishment would involve 
 luiic crippling or death of thesB inHtituTions. It is proper 
 therefore, that we consider the question, what effect will 
 disestablishment have upon the disestaldished schools ? 
 
 We answer, that whatever might be the effect in other 
 directions, none of them would perish which deserve to 
 live. It is not creditable to the faculties of these institu- 
 tions to say that they would die if the State withdrew its 
 support. Other schools are living without this support, 
 and a school which, after years of State aid, is not strong 
 enough to survive in the open field of competition and on 
 a basis of its merits alone, is a school which is not fit to 
 live. The money now being spent on such a school is 
 w^orse than wasted — it is squandered in sustaining an edu- 
 cational swindle. We have too high an estimate of the 
 gifts and attainments of the teachers at these institutions 
 to believe for a moment that they could not sustain them- 
 selves if the State should withdraw its help. They can 
 swim without the State holding its hand under them or 
 tying gourds about their bodies. More than this, we are 
 satisfied that if State aid were withdrawn, they would be 
 better sustained than they are now with it. 
 
 Until 1865, Harvard was more or less under the control 
 
89 
 
 -of the State. In that year its connection with the com- 
 monwealth was dissolved and the control of the University- 
 was vested in its alumni. At thaj, time the total number 
 of instructors in all of its departments was 45, and the 
 total number of students was 936, and in less than ten 
 years (1874) the number of instructors had increased to 
 110, and the number of students to 1,174, while the pro- 
 ■ductive funds and library showed almost as large a gain. 
 The writer of the article on Harvard University in the 
 American Cyclojjedia says : " The University has no 
 funded property from the public treasury, l)ut has always 
 depended upon the revenues from students and the gifts of 
 individuals, which have far surpassed in number and mag- 
 nitude those made to any other American institution of 
 learning. " 
 
 In tliG same luiblicatioii it is said : " Yale Colle::2 liac 
 received but little aid from the State, and has dependea 
 mostly on the revenues derived from students and the gifts 
 of individuals. " Facts to the same purpose might be 
 drawn readily from the history of other institutions of 
 learning it our space allowed. 
 
 We make no question that the hand of the Sta'te which 
 has been stretched out to serve certain schools has hin- 
 dered more than it has helped the cause of higher educa- 
 tion. The whole policy has been one which repressed the 
 liberality of the rich by a too gsnerous bestowal of educa- 
 tional facilities, provided by exacting taxes of the common 
 people. It may seem a hard saying, but it is true, that this 
 policy has been one of injustice to the poor and of demor- 
 alization to the rich. Worst of all, it has made educa- 
 tional cossets* of schools which would have been strong 
 and enterprising if they had been left to work out their 
 own salvation. It is not too late to save them now, and 
 were they disestablished the stimulus thereby given to the 
 zeal of their conductors and the benevolence of their 
 
 •■■Cosset — "a lamb brought up by hand " (Centui'y Dictionar y i.e. 
 on a bottle. 
 
90 
 
 friends would largeh^ exceed the value of the aid with- 
 drawn. _ 
 In addition to this fyiancial benefit they would then be ■ 
 in position to enlarge their course of study so as to include 
 instruction in religion and kindred subjects. The narrow- 
 ness of what are called 'State universities is nothing short 
 of ridiculous. Pagan Athens would laugh at a university 
 that omittbd to teach concerning the highest part of human 
 nature. The neutrality upon questions of religion which 
 is enforced at State colleges by their position is incompat- 
 ible with the work of higher education. It is impossible 
 to teach any thing in philosophy with fairness and fullness 
 if the teacher is restrained from discussing the religious 
 side of the subject. Physical science will be taught very 
 imperfectly if the instructor is not permitted to lead the 
 class along the line where scientific knowledge impinges 
 on religious truth. But, on these points, a teacher in a 
 State school must be absolutely dumb, or he trespasses on 
 the rights of citizens who are taxed to pay his salary. The 
 spirit of independence in the man is thus throttled, and 
 he touches the highest questions with the timidity and 
 weakness of a ward politician endeavoring to straddle a 
 dubious issue. Such a method inevitably damages both 
 teacher and pupils, and is fatal to higher education. It 
 operates from a position of enforced agnosticism, and re- 
 sults in a narrow culture. 
 
91 
 
 IV 
 
 HOW TO MAKE COMMON SCHOOLS SUCCESSFUL ESPECIALLY IX 
 SPARSELY SETTLED COMMUNITIES. 
 
 (The following address was delivered before the South- 
 ern Educational Association, assembled in Louisville, Ky., 
 July 13th, 1893. 
 
 It is printed in this volume to present a phase of the edu- 
 cational question not so fully discussed in any other part 
 of this book.) 
 Mr. President : 
 
 Thomas Carlyle says: "This I call a tragedy that there 
 should one man die ignorant who had capacity for knowl- 
 edge." 
 
 This is indeed tragedy. If one who might have seen 
 loses sight, or if one who might have walked is lamed for 
 life, we call it tragedy. How inuch more tragic is it for 
 the mind to remain in darkness and for faculties to be 
 crippled ! 
 
 But this sad tragedy is enacted so often among us it 
 has ceased to make the impression of tragedy. Even its 
 victims do not realize the extent of their injury. The 
 newspapers do not report it among their "crimes and cas- 
 ualities." Statesmen who would be aroused to intense 
 interest and energetic action by an overflow of the Missis" 
 sippi or the presence of cholera, observe thousands strug- 
 ling in waves of ignorance and tens of thousands perishing 
 for lack of knowledge, and are not greatly moved by the 
 sight. All the people witness this tragedy from day to 
 day and from year to year without comprehending the 
 murder of mind and the blight of life going on before them. 
 
 Nowhere in the English speaking world perhaps is this 
 tragedy of more frequent occurrence than in the South, 
 and nowhere in the South is it more common than in our 
 
92 
 
 •"sparsely feettled communities." This is true not because 
 our people are sinners above all that dwell in Christendom, 
 but because our difficulties are greater and our resources 
 smaller. The population of the South is composed of two 
 distinct and unmixable races, one not rich and the other 
 very poor, widely scattered over territory equal to about 
 one-fourth the area of Europe, or one-fifth of the national 
 domain of the United States. The expansion of this state- 
 ment brings out all the perplexing factors of our difficult 
 school problem, and the solution of that problem would 
 be discovered to-day, if a perfect answer could be formed 
 to the question assigned to this hour : "how to make 
 
 •COMMON SCHOOLS KFFICIENT, ESPECIALLY IN SPARSELY 
 SETTLED COMMUNITIES." 
 
 Most of the people of the South live outside of all incor- 
 Viorated villasfes. towns and cities, and the commoa ech'^"^ 
 question of the South is m the main, how to make country 
 schools efficient. 
 
 Take for example my own State of Georgia. She has 
 of childrnn between 5 and 18 years of age, (the period 
 which in this discussion we will call the "schocjl age") 
 about 650,000,and not less than 500,000 of them are "country 
 children." Her school problem is far more difficult than 
 that of Massachusetts, a State, the area of which is only 
 about one-seventh that of Georgia, but whose total popu- 
 lation exceeds that of Georgia by the difference between 
 2,238,943 and 1,837,353 souls. The State of Massachusetts 
 with 400,000 more inhal^itants than Georgia, has a 
 school population of 130,000 less than Georgia.* (The 
 ■children of Georgia do not get old as fast as the chil- 
 dren of Massachusetts, or else the Georgians have more 
 ■children. Boston culture seems not to bring the blessing 
 
 *Ia another place in this volume the difference is put at 9),000 in- 
 stead of 130.000. 'I his discrepancy is explained in this way: 1 he school 
 age in Massachusetts differs from that of Georgia by one year. By 
 that the figure is ;)0,000. In this address the number of children be- 
 tween 5 and 18 yeai's in each State is given. This adds to (^eorgia's 
 children of school age about 40,000 children. 
 
93 
 
 pronounced upon him "who hath his quiver full of them.") 
 Moreover, the assessed valuation of real and personal 
 property in Massachusetts was, in 1890, 1962 per capita, 
 while in Georgia it was but 1^205 ; nor does this take into ac- 
 count non-taxable bonds, of which Massachusetts has many 
 and Georgia has few. Furthermore, Georgia must provide 
 separate schools for the races if either race is educated, as 
 Massachusetts would also have to do if her negro popula- 
 tion, instead of being only about 1 in 100, as it is, were 47 in 
 100, as it is in Georgia. 
 
 Leaving out of consideration for a while the relative 
 wealth of the two States, let us state the case in another 
 form. Massachusetts, with an area of only about 8,000 
 square miles, has a school population of 520,000; while 
 Georgia, with an area of 58,000 square miles, has a school 
 population of 650,000. It appears, therefore, that Massa- 
 chusetts has on an average 65 children of school age to 
 every square mile of her territory, while Georgia has only 
 11, six of whom are whites and five of whom are blacks. 
 Massachusetts can make her school districts of the area of 
 only one square mile and have on an average in each dis- 
 trict enough children to give an enrollment of not less 
 than 50 xnipils with an average daily attendance of 35; 
 while Georgia must make a school district of the area of 
 six square miles to secure an equal patronage if she should 
 educate the races together, or a school district of eleven 
 square miles if the races are separated, and her schools for 
 whites have an equal constituency with the white schools 
 of Massachusetts. But it is manifest that school enroll- 
 ment and average daily attendance must be in inverse pro- 
 portion to the distance of the children from the school 
 house, and that if there is but one school-house to every dis- 
 trict of eleven square miles many of the children must be 
 at too great a distance to avail themselves of school privi- 
 leges. 
 
 When, therefore, Georgia with her 7,500 teachers secures 
 an enrollment of 381,000 with an average daily attend- 
 
94 
 
 ance of 240,000, she has accomplished a far more difficult 
 task than that which Massachusetts has accomplished 
 when with 10,500 teachers she secures an enrollment of 
 376,000 with an average daily attendance of 278,000. Nor 
 is this conclusion materially affected by the statement 
 that Georgia's schools run only 100 days while the schools 
 of Massachusetts continue 170. Massachusetts is better 
 able to pay 10,500 teachers for 170 days service than Geor- 
 gia is to pay 7,500 teachers for 100 days labor. 
 
 In this discussion I have considered the case of Georgia, 
 because of that I am naturally better informed than of the 
 case of any other State. But the condition of Georgia is 
 very like that of all the southern States. The difficulties 
 are the same in all, and the solution of Georgia's difficul- 
 ties would be a solution of the school problem of the en- 
 tire South. 
 
 In all the South — meaning by the word Kentucky, Vir- 
 ginia, West Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, 
 Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Texas, 
 Arkanesas, Missouri and Tennessee — we have an area of 
 about 875,000 square miles, with a total population of 
 21,006,888; a school population of 7,250,000; an enroll- 
 ment of 4,500,000; an average daily attendance of 3,900,- 
 000, and about 100,000 teachers. The children of school 
 age in the South make 33 per cent, of the population, 
 though the children of school age in the entire Union are 
 only 30 per cent, of the population, and in New England 
 only 23 per cent. Many rich adults with few children on 
 a small area have a school problem of far easier solution 
 than that which confronts few adults of moderate means 
 with many children scattered over a wide territory. 
 
 To put a school on every square mile of her territory, as 
 Massachusetts can now do with her 10,500 teachers and 
 only 8,000 square miles of area, the South must increase 
 the number of her teachers from 100,000 to 875,000. To 
 put a teacher for the children of each race on every square 
 mile of her territory, the South must increase the number 
 
95 
 
 of her teachers to 1,750,000, or a])oiit one-twelfth of her 
 entire population must turn to teaching. Her teachers 
 would be an army five times as large as her combined 
 forces in the field at any time during the war between the 
 States — an army which her resources could not long sus- 
 tain. 
 
 The facts and figures brought forward in the foregoing 
 remarks serve the double purpose of forestalling ungener- 
 ous criticism of our common schools by others, and of dis- 
 closing to ourselves our difficulties and the remedy for 
 them. They show how widely our toiling brave people 
 are scattered, and how many thousands of our little chil- 
 dren must pine in isolation and die in ignorance despite 
 our best endeavors for their relief. 
 
 When a Christian reflects on these hard facts he has no 
 disposition for censorious criticism. His heart in- 
 stinctively appeals in earnest supplication to the Good 
 Shepherd, who leaves the ninety-nine sheltered by the 
 fold and goes to seek with anxious care the stray lamb 
 upon the mountains. He remembers with comfort how 
 the Master one day 'Svhen he saw the multitudes, was 
 moved with compassion for them because they were tired 
 and lay down and were scattered abroad as^ sheep having 
 no shepherd." 
 
 The difficulty with our common schools, "especially the 
 schools of sparsely settled communities," is two-fold : the 
 lack of (1) more teachers, and (2) the lack of better 
 teachers. 
 
 I. We need more teachers. The facts which we have 
 been considering drive us to the conclusion that many chil- 
 dren are too far from the schools to be enrolled, much 
 less to attend regularly. Many others who have been en- 
 rolled attend at great disadvantage and hence with great 
 irregularity. A rain which raises the water in "the creek," 
 a snow which fills the highway and a hundred other things 
 common to country life, combine with distance to make 
 the school of little or no profit to those who live furthest 
 
96 
 
 from it — the very class who perhaps most need instruc- 
 tion. Teachers and pupils alike are discouraged by the 
 enforced irregularities ; the teacher becomes careless be- 
 cause care does no good ; the pupil is more confused than 
 enlightened by such flashes of knowledge as reach him at 
 the intervals of his attendance ; and by and by the teacher 
 is without a pupil and the pupil without a teacher, and 
 the school closes. The teacher goes to another place and 
 a new teacher comes to run the same course of vain effort,, 
 intolerable discouragement and inevitable defeat. 
 
 For this difficulty it is clear there is but one remedy. 
 The engine is too far from the work to be done. The 
 motive power, the schools, must be brought nearer. To do 
 this we must have many schools, and perforce, they 
 must be small schools. A number of small schools, 
 however feeble and insignificant they may appear, 
 are more effective in the j^resent condition of our section 
 than a few large schools far removed from many of the 
 pupils and irregularly attended. 
 
 We cannot hope to place schools as near together as 
 they may be placed in New England. Our army of teach- 
 ers, after we have done the best we can and have recruited 
 their ranks to the fullest extent of our ability, must still 
 fight as the confederate forces fought at Petersburg, with 
 a thin line of battle and barely in call of each other. It 
 will tax our resources to bring them within calling 
 distance, and some will regard even a moderate proposal 
 to increase their numbers as an unreasonable demand. 
 But the demand must be made for doubling the force, and 
 we must endure with patience the impatience of those who 
 resist this demand. We cannot teach with only 100,000 
 teachers 7,250,(t00 children, scattered over an area of 875,- 
 (.'00 square miles. To state this proportion is to prove it. 
 
 The South kept in the field during a four year's bloody 
 war upwards of 300,000 men. We must keep in the com- 
 mon schools at least 200,000 teachers during the next de- 
 cade. There is more involved in this war than was in- 
 
97 
 
 solved in the conflict between the States, and it will cost 
 not one-tenth as much to carry it on. To keep 200,000 
 teachers in our common schools will mean doubling the 
 number of schools and doubling our school appropriations. 
 Georgia must have 15,000 teachers instead of 7,500 ; Ken- 
 tucky must have 18,000 instead of 9,000. All the rest 
 must double their force. In the long run a large force is 
 cheaper than a small one. An insufficient fprce leaves al- 
 ways an increasing weight of ignorance to be lifted and a 
 diminishing power of productive intelligence with which 
 to raise it; while a large force diminishes the burden to be 
 elevated and multiplies the power which brings it up. 
 Teachers do not cost as much as soldiers nor as much as 
 policemen. School houses cost less than saloons; educa- 
 tion costs less than ignorance. 
 
 II. We need not only more, but also better teachers in 
 our common schools, if these schools are to be efficient, 
 ■" especially in sparsely settled communities." 
 
 I bring no railing accusation against our common school 
 teachers. Among them are many of the most patriotic men 
 and heroic women who ever toiled and suffered and died to 
 bless man in any age or clime. All of them are as good as 
 our sh art- term schools and short-pay salaries will permit. 
 Our system of short terms and small pay must inevit- 
 ably operate to drive out of the schoolroom the best quali- 
 fied and retain the least competent teachers. A three or 
 five months school, in the nature of the case, cannot be a 
 good school for even that brief period. No really qualified 
 man or woman can afford to make a profession of any em- 
 ployment which supplies work for less than half the year. 
 A teacher, like other people, must live twelve months in 
 the year, and if his school lasts only three or five months, 
 his main engagement must be something else than teach- 
 ing, and the work of the school room become a mere side 
 issue. To get the best teachers, the salary of a common 
 school teacher must be equal to a year's support, and if we 
 pay a year's salary, there is no good reason why we should 
 
98 
 
 not get eight or nine months' work for it. Many of the* 
 children, it is true, may not be able to attend for the full 
 term, but some of them will be able to do so, and if others^ 
 can only attend three months, it is all the more needful 
 that they should meet good teachers when they do attend. 
 As I have before said, good teachers cannot be had with- 
 out long-term schools and long-term salaries. 
 
 Some have fallen into the mistake of supposing that we- 
 can improve the grade of our common school teachers by 
 the endowment of normal colleges and the like, without 
 increasing the appropriations to our common schools. 
 This is a delusion which we should dismiss without delay 
 If we could restrain the advancing years as Joshua made 
 the sun stand still, so that the present generation of chil- 
 dren should grow no older whiie waiting for their teach- 
 ers to be trained, and if all the while the normal colleges 
 and all other colleges were turning out graduates by the 
 thousands, we could not draw these qualified men and 
 women into the common schools when the machinery was 
 again set in motion, unless we paid them living salaries. 
 On the other hand, if our colleges were to turn out no 
 more graduates for the next ten years, and we would raise 
 the salaries in the common schools to the level of a decent 
 living, we would secure for most of the schools competent 
 instructors. Th:re is not a school in the South offering a 
 respectable salary which does not, in the case of a vacancy 
 have more applicants than it knows what to do with. But 
 cajjable men and women will turn to other employment 
 rather than enter schools which do not give teachers a 
 living. The more capable we make our college graduates 
 the more surely they will go into other lines of labor, as 
 long as the pay of teachers in common schools is less 
 than the salaries of dry goods clerks and base-ball pitch- 
 ers. 
 
 And be it remembered, that small salaries hurt the 
 schools for whites far more than they do the schools for 
 blacks. Negro colleges, richly endowed by northern be- 
 
99 
 
 nevolence are turning out many graduates. Coming out 
 of these colleges they can not enter the law, medicine and 
 other such professions, by reason of the prejudices of their 
 own race, as well as by the attitude of the white people. 
 They are excluded from merchandise by lack of capital. 
 They must enter upon manual labor or teach school. Ail 
 ill-paid school will bring them greater remuneration than 
 manual labor. Most of them therefore now teach, and 
 will do so with or without increased appropriations tO' 
 common schools. But with white graduates, to whom 
 all the professions are open, it is not so. Most of them, 
 and the best of them, will not teach in the common schools 
 without living salaries, which provide a year's support. 
 In this connection, I venture to suggest that the salary 
 system is better than the per diem system for paying 
 teachers. The great law of supply and demand which ope- 
 rates in all business, (teaching as well as the rest) can 
 then work out the much-to-be-desired result of providing 
 good schools for both races. A competent negro teacher 
 can be had for a smaller salary than a competent white 
 teacher. This fact is ignored by the per diem system, and 
 by consequence the negro schools often receive more than 
 is necessary to secure competent teachers, while the white 
 schools receive less than is necessary to secure com- 
 petent teachers. By the salary system school author- 
 ities may so divide the funds as to secure competent 
 teachers for the schools of both races. If any draw 
 back from this suggestion as if some horrible in- 
 justice were proposed, the remembrance of two facts will 
 be sufficient to relieve their minds. 1. School salaries are 
 not paid to endow teachers, but to improve schools and are 
 to be fixed solely with reference to providing the greatest 
 number of good teachers for all the schools. 2. The white 
 people pay most of the school taxes and it is surely but 
 simple justice that their money should be so expended as 
 to secure good schools for their own children rather than 
 to provide salaries for negro teachers above an amount 
 
100 
 
 necessary to secure for the negro schools competent in- 
 structors. There is surely no good reason in morals or 
 public policy why white schools should be made poorer 
 than they might be in order to pay needless salaries to 
 negro teachers without improving the negro schools. 
 
 Our common school appropriations must be increased, 
 and when increased, they must be administered so as to give 
 living salaries for eight months' schools for both whites 
 and blacks. This will give us more and better teachers. 
 
 Ill, There is yet one other method by which our com- 
 mon schools can be made more efficient. Our people live 
 too far apart. They must come together in farm-villages. 
 The isolated farm life which we see all around us is with- 
 out parallel among any of the civilized nations of Europe 
 or Asia, and our common schools can never reach their 
 best estate while it continues. 
 
 The multitudes for whom Jesus felt compassion knew 
 nothing of the isolation which our country people endure 
 They lived in cities and villages and went out to their work. 
 In Galilee alone, in the days of the Master, there were 
 200 towns, of 15,000 inhabitants and upwards. The same 
 mode of life has prevailed in Europe from the most ancient 
 times. Our Anglo-Saxon ancestors on the banks of the Elbe 
 lived within inclosures which they called "tuns." These 
 places secured them against enemies and provided for them 
 a rich social life, and from them they went to their daily 
 toil. When they had emigrated to Britain, their manner 
 of life was not essentially changed. The early settlers in 
 our own country also, especially among the Puritans, lived 
 somewhat after the same sort. Perils from the savages 
 made them huddle together, and forced upon them village 
 life. The towns of Hadley, Hatfield, Northfield and 
 Deerfield, on the Connecticut river, are to this day notable 
 examples of this kind of living — they remain villages of 
 agriculturists. The old plantation system of our section 
 operated to reverse all this, however, in the South. Homes 
 were far apart ; baronial domains stretched between neigh- 
 
101 
 
 bor and neighbor, and to this day, though the old planta- 
 tions have been somewhat broken up into smaller farms, 
 our people live too far apart, and the loneliness of rural 
 life becomes the fruitful source of untold evils. 
 
 It is difficult to maintain schools and churches with a 
 population so widely scattered, and then sub-divided 
 among several denominations. The helpless wives and 
 daughters at great distance from their natural protectors, 
 become fearful and unhappy, as they read from time to 
 time of outrages of lust worse than death. By consequence 
 the country homes are often sold and agricultural pur- 
 suits are abandoned by the people most competent to 
 administer such estates, while habitations and employ- 
 ment are sought in some neighboring towns or cities where 
 the family is secure, and churches and schools flourish. 
 
 The people who can not thus abandon the country are 
 thus left by their more fortunate neighbors, more widely 
 separated than before, with perils proportionately increased 
 and churches and schools weaker than ever. It is evident 
 that if this process is long continued it must beget the 
 most distressing economic, social, moral and religious con- 
 ditions. Our people must be encouraged and helped to 
 come nearer together. 
 
 Such a work, it is true, will bring many difficulties, but 
 it will overcome far more difficulties than it will create. 
 We cannot expect some old homes to be readily aban- 
 doned, nor aged persons to forsake the places where for 
 years their a 'tar fires have burned, where they have met 
 joy and sorrow, where ten thousand memories gather, a:;d 
 ten thousand tender affections hold them. 
 
 But the yorng who are making new homes ca.i be in- 
 duced to mak . them close together, and the church and 
 school -house should be made the rallying center around 
 which these homes are made. If as many as a dozen 
 families, or even a less number, can be induced to come 
 together a nucleus will be formed which will draw others 
 in course of time. The long-term school will follow ; 
 
102 
 
 iDooks and periodicals will be passed from man to man, 
 and from home to home ; lectures and concerts will elevate 
 and inspire, and a bright, active, intelligent, happy social 
 life will take the place of the present weary discontent of 
 our agriculturists. 
 
 Agriculture will not suffer from the change, but will be 
 improved by the quickened intelligence, deeper content- 
 ment, and more joyous life of the people. 
 
 Our rural people are really a sad people. Witness the 
 songs that they sing. If a hymn is announced at a coun- 
 try church, though its sentiment may be never so joyful, 
 it is almost invariably sung to a sorrowful tune. Mel- 
 ancholy airs express the melancholy spirit of a people 
 made sad bv living too much alone. And thus solitariness 
 impairs their productive power — hinders industry, and 
 paralyzes invention. How different all would be if a rich 
 village life should take the place of the present social lean- 
 less among our country people. 
 
 With a brave, strong people dwelling in farm-villages, 
 surrounded by the cheerful scenes of a thrifty agriculture ; 
 their children learning in well-kept schools ; their homes 
 free from fears of rude assault; their churches glorified 
 by simple faith and vocal with joyous song; their social 
 life sweet and pure, this southern land of ours would be- 
 come beautiful as the garden of the Lord — the very gate of 
 heaven. 
 
 With such scenes m mind and thinking to-day of all 
 
 that our section has been and wishing for my people the 
 
 best things in all the years to come, I cannot make for the 
 
 South a better prayer than that of Burns for Scotland in 
 
 his "Cotter's Saturday Night:" 
 
 "O Scotia, my dear, my native soil, 
 
 For whom my warmest wish to heaven is sent, 
 
 Long may thy hardy sons of rustic toil 
 
 Be blessed with health, and peace, and sweet content, 
 
 And oh, may heaven their simple lives prevent 
 
 From luxury's contagion, weak and vile. 
 
 Then, howe'er crowns and coronets be rent, 
 
 A virtuous populace may rise the while 
 
 And stand a wall of fire around their much loved isle." 
 
103 
 V. 
 
 'another christian college in the south. 
 
 (In the spring of the year 1889, a movement was begun 
 to establish a school of high grade for females, to be loca- 
 ted at Decatur, Ga., and to be conducted under Presbyte- 
 Tian control and influence. It culminated in the estab- 
 lishment of that admirable institution, "The Agnes Scott 
 Institute," founded by Col, George W. Scott, and named 
 in memory of his mother. On November 12, 1891, the 
 beautiful and commodious edifice was dedicated and the 
 writer was invited to deliver one of the addresses on that 
 occasion. The address which he delivered is printed in 
 this volume that it may be read in connection with the 
 foregoing utterances, and thereby, his views upon the sub- 
 ject of higher education be more clearly and fully under- 
 stood. As relevant to such an occasion, he discussed the 
 value of "Another Christian College in the South," insist- 
 ing upon the truth of Guizot's declaration that "in order 
 to make education truly good and socially useful, it must 
 be fundamentally religious." His remarks were as fol- 
 lows : ) 
 
 My Friends: — I rejoice with you to-day in the dedica- 
 tion of this Christian college, founded by a great-hearted 
 man to perpetuate the memory of a Christian mother, and 
 to educate Christian mothers for the future. I am sure I 
 fairly represent the church to which I belong when I 
 say, nearly, if not quite, 150,000 Methodists in Georgia 
 ;salute you to-day with words of congratulation and thanks- 
 giving. Georgians of every denomination, and of no de- 
 nomination, rejoice with you, and their joy would be even 
 greater if they apprehended more fully the significance of 
 this occasion. 
 
 What do we here to-day? We dedicate "Another Chris- 
 tian College in the South." Such a fact means much. 
 
 Prior to the war between the States, the South had more 
 •children in college than did any other section of the 
 Union. But war, that fell destroyer and arch-demon of 
 «vil, closed our colleges, dispersed their patronage, destroy- 
 
104 
 
 ed buildings and endowments, and left most of our people- 
 too poor to do anything for the rehabilitation of our pros- 
 trated institutions. Worst of all, from our poverty and 
 other conditions resulting from the war, many of our 
 people conceived a- passion for wealth and a hunger for 
 mere material prosperity, which has led them to ignore, if 
 not despise, higher education. 
 
 And so it has come to pass, from having been the fore- 
 most patrons of learning in the country, the southern 
 people have become the hindmost. 
 
 New England has one college for every four thousand 
 square miles of her territory and five dollar's worth of 
 Cdllege property tor every man, woman and child witliin 
 her borders; while the South — meaning by the word, Vir- 
 ginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, 
 Florida, Tennessee, Kentucky, Arkansas, Missi8si2:)pi, 
 Louisiana and Texas — has only one college for every seven 
 thousand square miles of territory, and one dollar's worth 
 of college property per capita for all her people. The 
 average New England boy or girl, by reason of superior 
 wealth, can afford to go twice as far to college as the 
 Southern boy or girl ; but as it is, the New Englander has 
 only about half as far to go as the Southerner to reach his 
 college, and on arrival finds it five times as well equipped. 
 Massachusetts alone, which is about one-sixth as large as 
 Georgia, and has ninety thousand less children to educate,- 
 has college endowments exceeding in value all the endow- 
 ments in the South by a million dollars ; and little Rhode 
 Island, whose area is contained in that of Texas over two 
 hundred times — so small that if it were lost in Texas, the 
 services of a land-surveyor would be required to find it — 
 has college property valued at more than a half million 
 dollars above the total value of all the college property in 
 the Lone Star State. 
 
 And great as is this inequality,it is daily growing great- 
 er. Of bequests and gifts to colleges and universities in 
 the United States during 1890, institutions north of 
 
105 
 
 Mason's and Dixon's line, received more than the entire 
 value of every sort of college property in the South. The 
 amounts received by the institutions of Massachusetts^ 
 alone during last year, aggregated considerably more than 
 was received by all the southern colleges during the same 
 period. The Leland Stanford, Jr. University, with its 
 eighty-three thousand acres of land and fifteen million 
 endowment, is alone worth more than all the college 
 plants in the Southern States. And thus it appears we 
 are falling behind even the West in educational enter- 
 prise. 
 
 It is well to look these facts squarely in the face and 
 set about at once remedying the evil which they suggest. 
 It avails nothing to plead our poverty as an offset to them. 
 To offer explanations of them and excuses for them does 
 no good. That is an easy but very unprofitable task. 
 Explanations and excuses can save our reputation only. 
 But that does not greatly need saving. We should be 
 most concerned to save the generation of boys and girls 
 now about us, clamoring for the opportunities of a college 
 course. To-day is the day of their salvation. To-morrow 
 will be too late, for they will soon pass the age of pupilage- 
 and when that is gone, it is gone forever. To save them to 
 the purposes of educated, Christian manhood and woman- 
 hood, we must rely upon something more substantial than 
 plausible explanations of our poverty and fair excuses 
 for our illiberality. Nothing will answer for this great 
 work but cold cash and warm consecration. 
 
 Because I believe the munificence which founds this 
 admirable institution, marks the beginning of a new era 
 in the history of education in Georgia, if indeed, I may not 
 say a new era in the history of education in the South, I 
 rejoice in this hour with joy unspeakable. The Scotts and 
 Pattillos and Harrises are harbingers of a brighter and 
 better day in this commonwealth.* Their example will be 
 contagious, and from them, others will learn the high art 
 of giving good gifts to colleges for the glory of God and 
 
 *Eev. W. P. Pattillo, of Atlanta, had given $25,000 and Judge- 
 Y, L. G. Harris, of Athens, over $6,000 to Emory College a short- 
 time previous. 
 
106 
 
 the blessing of men. The sight of such men is an inspira- 
 tion. The sight of a man who founds such an institution 
 as this, is so refreshing, and in the South so uncommon, 
 I am tempted to ask our generous friend and brother to 
 stand up and let us look at him, and see what manner of 
 man is he who believes it better to invest money largely 
 for the elevation of the race than to retain it for the grati- 
 fication of himself — who finds his chief gratification in 
 giving. A man who can do such a thing without dying 
 and while still in the flesh is a most uncommon person. 
 As great a man as the late Mr. Tilden, was capable of only 
 post mortem benevolence. He made an assault with intent 
 to give five million dollars to a public charity, but died in 
 the act, and his relations have since interposed to prevent 
 such an act of violence asrainst the peace and dignity of 
 Mammondom. But here is a man, still in life, of souna 
 mind and memory, and many years this side of the grave 
 (we fondly hope) giving away thousands. It is a most 
 uncommon and glorious spectacle. 
 
 But I know his modesty and forbear, forhe is like the 
 first king of Israel, not only in that he is head and shoul- 
 ders above his fellows, but also in that when the people 
 are most inclined to honor him, he is found "hiding in 
 the stuff." Saul was a king of inches but one who does 
 a deed of benevolence like this, the completion of which 
 we witness, is every inch a king. In Europe, kings and 
 princes have delighted to establish and endow institutions 
 of learning. In this country we must look for such high 
 service, not to men of regal birth but of royal souls, and 
 with the unconstrained loyalty of grateful hearts we do 
 reverence this day to the princely man by whose generosity 
 this Christian school is planted. The crown which a lov- 
 ing people place upon his brow will provoke no enmity 
 ;and bring no anxieties, and it 
 
 "Shall new luster boast 
 
 When victors' wreaths and monarch's gems 
 
 Shall blend in common dust." 
 
107 
 
 While I rejoice at thia dawning of a better day in Geor- 
 •gia, I am especially glad that this is to be a Christian 
 school. One of the most hopeful facts in the present 
 history of the United States is that the higher education 
 — and especially that of women — is for the most part in 
 ^he hands of the churches, and is likely to remain there. 
 •Of the 384 colleges and universities in our country, 288 
 iDelong to the churches ; and of the 89,000 students in these 
 •colleges, there are over 70,000 in the denominational col- 
 leges.* 
 
 Moreover, these religious colleges will ultimately be- 
 come the richest and best equipped educational institu- 
 tions on the continent. Many of them are so already, and 
 every year will witness progress in this direction. Col- 
 leges and universities must depend m the main upon pri- 
 vate benevolence for their equipment and endowment, 
 and the vast accumulations of consecrated Christian in- 
 dustry will, in the future, be dedicated to the enrichment 
 of Christian schools. The wealth of these United States 
 is in Christian hands, and the motives which will lead to its 
 distribution for benevolent purposes are inspired and in- 
 fluenced by Christian instruction and creed. It must fol- 
 low, therefore, that most of such benevolence will be be- 
 stowed in the future upon Christian institutions. Neutral 
 or negative institutions cannot reasonably expect such 
 support. And this is well. It guarantees the permanence 
 of such gifts and insures the best results from them. The 
 church of God never dies. States rise and fall ; policies 
 based on the popular will fluctuate with the caprice of the 
 masses; personal and private enterprises perish with their 
 projectors, but the church of God goes on forever! And 
 he who places in her hands the administration of his gifts 
 appoints an executor who is immortal, and to whom is 
 given the promises of divine guidance and the pledges of 
 
 ■•'•"The statistics are four years later, and therefore more accurate 
 than the figures given in the editorials taken from the Nashville 
 Christian Advocate. 
 
108 
 
 divine favor "as long as the sun and moon endure, through- 
 out all generations." 
 
 Furthermore, for doing the work designed to be accom- 
 j)lished by a college, the church, of all institutions, is the 
 best fitted. Most students who secure a collegiate educa- 
 tion must spend four years away from home. The re- 
 ligious influence of the home in thus withdrawn, or oper- 
 ates at best under the great disadvantage of distance dur- 
 ing the most critical years of life. During these years 
 opinions are formed, habits contracted and passions 
 aroused which determine the character of all after-life. 
 It is indispensible at such a period, if the student is to 
 come forth at the end of the four years a Christian, that 
 for the home influence which has been withdrawn, there 
 shall be substituted in the college the most emphatic and 
 distinct religious influence. In a republic like ours, where 
 church and State are widely and wisely separated, such a 
 definite religious instruction can not be had elsewhere 
 than in a denominational college. Doctrinal vagueness 
 and ethical generalities are not sufficient to curb youthful 
 passions, form youthful opinions and control youthful 
 habits as is necessary at such a time. An ambiguous faith 
 and an indefinite instruction are not reliable securities 
 against the perils which beset a boy or girl at college. 
 Guizot said : "In order to make education truly good and 
 socially useful, it must be fundamentally religious. It is 
 necessary that it should be given and received in the midst 
 of a religious atmosphere, and that religious impressions 
 and religious observances should penetrate into all its 
 parts."* All this I steadfastly believe, and I am glad this 
 
 *Sir Archibald Alison, the author of the "History of Europe dur- 
 ing the French Revolution," noting the increase of dej^ravity with the 
 spread of knowledge in France said: "It is not simple knowledge, it 
 is knowledge detached from religion, that produces this fatal result. 
 « * * The reason of its corrupting tendency in morals is evident 
 — when so detached, it multiplie-s the desires and passions of the heart 
 without an increase to its regulating principles ; it augments the attack- 
 ing forces without strengthening the resisting powers, and thence 
 the disorder and license it spreads through society. The invariable 
 characteristic of a declining and corrupt state of society, is a progres- 
 sive increase in the force of passion, and a progi'essive decline in the 
 influence of duty." 
 
109 
 
 school is to be a denominational school— a Christian school 
 — for outside the denominations there is no Christianity 
 worth speaking of in this or any other land. 
 
 It is well for the people that the higher education of this 
 country should be in the hands of the churches. As I see 
 it, the church must control with her authority and per- 
 meate with her influence the higher education of this great 
 nation, or irreligion will become the mark of intelligence 
 and ignorance the badge of piety among the people. If 
 this should ever l)e the case, godlessness would become the 
 fashion and holiness the jest of the people, and "modish 
 vice would laugh obsolete virtue ,'out of countenance." 
 Ichabod might then be written upon all our institutions, 
 for our glory and greatness will have passed away forever 
 if such a condition of things shall ever take place. Against 
 the approach of such direful possibilities an institution 
 like this stands as a fortress of heaven, and he who estal)- 
 lishes such an institution works a deed both of patriotism 
 and piety for which all men should be grateful. You (ad- 
 dressing Colonel George W. Scott, the founder of the In- 
 stitute,) owe the public no apologies for placing this 
 memorial of your devotion under the direction of the 
 church of your faith and love — the church which blessed 
 with its benign ministrations your ancestry, and which will 
 remain to guide with her instructions the footsteps of your 
 posterity. You are rather entitled to the thanks of the 
 entire Christian community that at the very outset you 
 give to the Agnes Scott Institute a definite, strong, re- 
 ligious character. Let him who will, caricature it with 
 the bad epithet "sectarian." For one, I thank God a 
 Presbyterian has made a Presbyterian college which is not 
 to be molluscan in the pulpy vagueness of its instruction, 
 but which, vertebrated with a definite faith, will walk up- 
 rightly before God and man, bearing the burdens and do- 
 ing the work which only an institution thus organized can 
 endure. 
 
 It is proper that this ceremony should be enacted 
 
110 
 
 in the presence of the reverend fathers and brethren of 
 the Presbyterian Church inGeorgia met in Synod. Let this 
 institution be baptized amid their benedictions and pray- 
 ers, and if it shall s rve to make the church of Knox and 
 Edwards and Alexander and Hodge and Thornwell 
 stronger in this section of the country, it will make this a. 
 better land to live in, and will merit the favor of all good 
 men. 
 
 Finally, I rejoice that a mother in Israel, whose unwea- 
 ried ministries, unseen and unsung of men, produced such 
 a son, is honored, through his devotion, by such a monu- 
 ment. By it, the name of Agnes Scott will be carried 
 down to the latest posterity. Unborn thousands will en- 
 shrine that name in their hearts, and rise up to call her 
 blessed. That name will be entwined among the school- 
 day memories of thousands of girls who in the years to 
 come will tarry here awhile, and go hence thanking God 
 they ever knew such a place. And when they have grown 
 old they will whisper to children's children in accents low 
 and loving, the precious name of Agnes Scott. 
 
 In the shadow of the monument, erected to the memory 
 of this sainted woman, my mind reverts to the words of 
 Robertson, of Brighton, concerning the monumental work 
 of the Egyptian princess who cared for the infant Moses. 
 He says : "In those days the Pharaohs of Egypt raised 
 their memorials in the enduring stone of the pyramids, 
 which still remain almost untouched by time. A princess 
 of Egypt raised her memorial in a human spirit, and just 
 so far as spirit is more enduring than stone, just so far is 
 the work of that princess more enduring than the work of 
 the Pharaohs; for when the day comes when the pyra- 
 mids shall be crumbled into nothingness and ruin, then 
 shall the spirit of the laws of Moses still remain interwo- 
 ven with the most hallowed of human institutions. So 
 long as the spirit of Moses influences this world, so long 
 shall her work endure, the work of the royal-hearted lady 
 who adopted this Hebrew orphan child." 
 
Ill 
 
 Ah 1 when one builds a monument like this — a school 
 which instructs and inspires human spirits — he builds a 
 monument which time cannot corrode or destroy, he builds 
 a monument before which the fleeting years pause in pass- 
 ing, to write ever new inscriptions of honor and praise. 
 How holy, how almost divine is the toil by which is se- 
 cured the means to build such a monument ! The homliest 
 business is transfigured by it. The merchandise by which 
 •^uch gain is got is exalted almost to the level of worship. 
 Why, sir, as I have thought of how you were using the 
 fruit of your labor for the blessing of men and the spread 
 of the truth, your vocation has become suffused with a 
 poetic radiance — an epic significance. I have thought of 
 you as joining hands with the Almighty power, which,, 
 thousands of years ago in preparing this world for the 
 habitation of men, slew hecatombs of beasts and creeping 
 things, and hid away their bones under the soil of Florida 
 that those rich deposits might, in these distant centuries, 
 so fertilize the earth as to soften the rigor of the decree of 
 toil laid upon the sons of Adam, and multiply seed for 
 the sower and bread for the eater. Thither have you gone 
 and exhumed them and turned them into a vitalizing 
 power which makes the harvest fields of the South to wave 
 in double beauty and plenteousness.* But it has not been 
 enough for you to unearth hidden resources and quicken 
 the fertility of all our fields. You have looked deeper 
 than secret treasures, and wider than waving harvests, to 
 find the meaning of life and the purposes of God in the 
 ages which have gone before and the years which are yet 
 to come. You have found in the soul of man the goal to 
 which nature has tended from the beginning, and with the 
 rewards of your labor, you have sought to develop the 
 hidden resources of mind and to enhance the beauty of 
 that fairest growth under Southern skies — Christian 
 womanhood. 
 
 *An allusion to the extensive phosphate interests of C-'ol. Scott. 
 
112 
 
 The fields bless such a man with their fragrance and 
 fertility, the heavy-headed harvests nod in reverence as he 
 passes by, the valleys rejoice and the little hills clap their 
 hands. The prattling voice of childhood praises him and 
 the faltering accents of the aged call his name in prayer. 
 All nature blesses him. The heavens bend kindly above 
 him, while from beyond the stars the voice of a sainted 
 mother's approval comes softly falling down to mingle 
 with the commendations of all good men and the benedic- 
 tions of the Almighty Father which rest upon his head to- 
 day. 
 
 God be merciful unto you and bless you and cause His 
 face to shine upon you ; guide you with His favor in the 
 day-time and guard you with His faithfulness every 
 night ; establish the work of your hands upon you, and 
 make His glory to appear unto your children. 
 
STATISTICS. 
 
 For the convenience of his readers, and for the confir- 
 mation of his argumenijthe writer of this little book adds 
 to the foregoing pages the most recent statistics of educa- 
 tion in the United States, which he has been able to ob- 
 tain. The figures given are from the Neiv York World 
 Almanac for 1893, and are reprinted here precisely as they 
 appeared in that publication. 
 
 There is a discrepancy between the common school pop- 
 ulation of Georgia as given here, and as it is reported by 
 the official report of the State School Commissioner. The 
 explanation is, that the school age as used here is from 
 5 to 18 years — a difference of a year as compared with the 
 period covered by the Commissioner's figures. The differ- 
 ence thus given in the number of children of school age is 
 just about what might be reasonably expected from the 
 different methods of calculation employed, and it assures 
 us of the approximate accuracy of both the figures here 
 given and the statistics of the Commissioner's report. 
 
 The college statistics were compiled with very great 
 care, as this writer has reason to know, and may be relied 
 upon to be as nearly accurate as such estimates ever are. 
 
STATISTICS OF EDUCATION. 
 
 THE COMMON SCHOOLS OF THE UNITED STATE?.* 
 
 States 
 
 AND TEKKirOKlES. 
 
 Estima'cl 
 
 Number 
 of 
 
 I'ersons 
 5 to 18 
 Years 
 
 of Age. 
 
 Pupils. 
 
 Whole 
 Number 
 Enrolled 
 
 jN". Atlantic Die. 
 
 Maine 
 
 !New Hampshire... 
 
 Vermont 
 
 Massachusetts 
 
 Rhode Island 
 
 Couneelicut 
 
 New York 
 
 New Jersey a 
 
 Pennsylvania 
 
 ^. Atlantic Div. 
 
 Delaware 
 
 Maryland 
 
 Dist. of Columbia. 
 
 Virginia 
 
 W. Virj;'inia 
 
 N.Carolina 
 
 S. Carolina 
 
 Georgia 
 
 Florida — 
 
 ^'. Central JJiv. 
 
 Kentucky 
 
 Tennessee 
 
 Alabiima « 
 
 Mississippi 
 
 Louisiana 
 
 Texhs 
 
 Arkansas 
 
 Oklahoma 
 
 Indian Territory.. 
 ^V. Central JJiv. 
 
 Ohio 
 
 Indiana 
 
 Illinois 
 
 iMichiuLan 
 
 "Wisconsin 
 
 Minnesota 
 
 Iowa 
 
 ;Siissouri 
 
 N. Dakota a 
 
 S. Dakota a 
 
 Nebraska 
 
 Kajisas 
 
 ]l'(stcrn Division. 
 
 Montana 
 
 AVyoniing 
 
 Colorado . 
 
 New Mexico 
 
 Arizona a 
 
 Utah 
 
 Nevada 
 
 Idaho 
 
 AVashington 
 
 Oregon 
 
 Caliiornia a 
 
 TOTALS. 
 
 N. Atlantic Div. . 
 
 S. Atlantic Div . . . 
 
 S. Central Div 
 
 N. Central Div 
 
 Western Div.. 
 
 162,300 
 
 84,ti00 
 
 81,180 
 
 5-.i0,o00 
 
 85,380 
 
 10-1,500 
 
 1,4%,000 
 
 370,238 
 
 1,498,300 
 
 48,'200 
 308,500 
 
 01.040 
 573.200 
 202,000 
 579,000 
 433,800 
 052,342 
 135,000 
 
 018,200 
 017,400 
 540,220 
 479,400 
 387,500 
 812,4(10 
 410,500 
 
 No. 
 of 
 
 Average Teach- 
 Daily I ers. 
 Attend- 
 ance. 
 
 
 EXI'ENOITURE. 
 
 141,433 
 
 00,195 
 
 04,280 
 
 370,980 
 
 51,482 
 
 128,905 
 
 1,054,044 
 
 234,072 
 
 l,0.iO,C07 
 
 39,492 
 189,214 
 
 38,380 
 342,720 
 198,370 
 330,719 
 209,559 
 381,297 
 
 94,019 
 
 426,487 
 483,337 
 301,015 
 327,855 
 130,709 
 510,079 
 242,119 
 
 1,048,900 
 654,300 
 
 1,090,700 
 592,400 
 5 J 6,200 
 
 o370,678 
 583,5091 
 851,300 
 49,881 
 96.302 
 333,200 
 444,400 
 
 103,062 
 42,090 
 t45,475 
 278,002' 
 34,9011 
 84,304 
 650,017 
 133,280 
 699,937 
 
 24,350 
 100,170 
 
 29,010 
 193,530 
 123,987 
 201,703 
 148,003 
 240,791 
 
 02,005 
 
 7,314 105 
 3,134l 118.7 
 
 1 1,375 tl37 
 10,6461 169 
 
 1,455! 
 
 trt4,093 
 
 31,982 
 
 4,465 
 
 24,925 
 
 732 
 3,967 
 
 795 
 7,718 
 5,000 
 6,535 
 4,263 
 7,509 
 2,641 
 
 245,409 
 337,818 
 182,4671 
 lur,580 
 91,820 
 319,100 11,109 
 M50,000 5 495i 
 
 9,161 
 8,250 
 6,318 
 7,546 
 3,003 
 
 26, 
 14. 
 96. 
 44. 
 15, 
 71, 
 10 
 
 ((22 
 95 
 90 
 
 280 
 
 754,869 
 
 521,841 
 
 799,058 
 
 446,024 
 
 359,257 
 
 «280,960 
 
 503,755 
 
 639,729 
 
 35,543 
 
 78,043 
 
 247,320 
 
 389,570 
 
 19,051 
 
 8,728 
 
 73,391 
 
 22,599 
 
 7,989 
 
 46,794 
 
 7,56S) 
 
 al4,311 
 
 69,010 
 
 72,322 
 
 221,756 
 
 188 
 
 182.3 
 
 185.5 
 
 192 
 
 155.2 
 
 180 
 
 184 
 
 179 
 
 116 
 96 
 60.3 
 70.2 
 83.3 
 
 120 
 
 100 
 
 96 
 
 73.5 
 
 85 
 100 
 116 
 
 75 
 
 For 
 
 Salaries 
 
 Sui)erin- 
 
 tendents & 
 
 Teachers. 
 
 t$838,057 
 
 .539,1-94 
 
 550,000 
 
 15,510,782 
 
 034,417 
 
 1,401,280 
 
 11,193,536 
 
 2,284,585 
 
 7,261,4.56 
 
 a 6225,000 
 
 1,557,828 
 
 549,513 
 
 1,322,097 
 
 864.823 
 
 556,043 
 
 396,331 
 
 1,054,7241 
 
 448,986 
 
 1,925,215 
 1,422,925 
 
 6660,000 
 
 1,017,757 
 
 577,865 
 
 2,945,433 
 
 («809,899 
 
 Total 
 Expendi- 
 ture. 
 
 ! = -5^ a 
 
 
 25,561 
 13,441! 
 23,977 
 16,109 
 12,342 
 
 9,238 al28 
 26,769 156 
 13,980 
 
 1,982' 
 
 4,640 
 10,555 
 12,152 
 
 4,409,398! 3,138,064 
 
 3,053,982 1,823,782 
 
 3,871,626} 2,428,201 
 
 6,643,761 5,055,969 
 
 773,999 504,120 
 
 560,293 
 
 369,000 
 
 532,034; 
 
 t298,4()o; 
 
 t204,600 
 
 al27,025| 
 
 317,2671 
 
 412,133: 
 
 20,694j 
 
 48,32' 
 
 146,315 
 
 246,102 
 
 12,093 
 t5,800 
 43,706 
 14.435 
 
 4,702 
 20,3 7 
 
 5,3311 
 
 a, 69,500 
 
 44,411 
 
 45,401 
 
 146,589 
 
 2,071,680 92,389 
 1,130,2151 39,700 
 1,530,194! 50,882 
 3,282,850j 170,74(i 
 358,325 15,857 
 
 159.9 
 
 130 
 
 147 
 
 154 
 
 158.6 
 
 126.4 
 
 113 
 
 145 
 
 139 
 
 127 
 
 680 
 
 303 
 
 2,534j 
 
 487 
 
 240 ! 
 
 798 
 
 262! 
 
 497 
 
 1,921 
 
 2,641 
 
 5,434 
 
 United States 18,812,766 13,010,136 8,373,264j369,634 134.7 $95,791,090 $148,724,647j 69. 15 §17.76 
 
 156.4 
 120 
 129.6 
 70 
 126 
 130 
 152.4 
 «09.8 
 101.6 
 111.2 
 157.6 
 
 166.6 
 99.9 
 88 
 
 148 
 
 135 
 
 7,210,586 
 
 a4,100,014 
 
 7,085,355 
 
 3,432,689 
 
 2,664,813 
 
 a2,528,(;09 
 
 4,458,590 
 
 ' 3,683,342 
 
 381,472 
 
 808,702 
 
 2,194,288 
 
 3,033,761 
 
 267,001 
 108,758 
 
 a818,605 
 
 53,724 
 
 127,608 
 
 295,881 
 
 « 135,800 
 
 al21.582 
 713,982 
 687 528 
 
 3,662,654 
 
 30,220,107 
 6,975,945 
 9,419,094 
 
 42,182,821 
 6,993,123 
 
 §1,485 593 87. 12 §14.41 
 
 890,.583 71.15 21.15 
 
 700. .'')5! I 79.18 15. 41 
 
 8,554,546 72.46 30.70 
 
 l,0.'2,.")!)7 60.30 29.30 
 
 2,107,079 78.30 25.70 
 
 17,320,28(1 70.43; 26.66 
 
 3,340,190] 62.21! 25.06 
 
 13,518,708 68.521 19.31 
 
 280,613! 81.93 11.77 
 2,221,281! 61. 33! 20.92 
 
 900,038 61.97! 31.04 
 1,036,983 59.80 8.46 
 1,360,823! 75.71 10.97 
 
 676,618! 57.12! a. 36 
 
 450,936! 48.31! 3.03 
 1,190,354 58.46 4.94 
 
 504,259 09.65 9.10 
 
 2,308,505 68.99 
 1,724,059 78.29 
 6890,OOo! 55.83 
 1,109,088! 66.38i 
 867,653^ 33.73 
 3,595,029 03.52 11.27 
 1,021,337 58.13 6.55 
 
 9.41 
 5.10 
 4.88 
 5.91 
 9.45 
 
 10,817,286 71. 
 
 6,403,4>-0: 79. 
 13,512,778, 72. 
 
 5,458,84ll 75, 
 
 3,920,377 09, 
 04,187,310 «74. 
 
 6.700,249 86. 
 
 5,530,943, 75. 
 626,949, 71. 
 
 I,199.(i30| 81. 
 
 3,299,743 74. 
 
 4,424,442 87. 
 
 97 19,31 
 75 17.35 
 801 25.37 
 29' 18.29 
 00' 19.17 
 ,59o32.96 
 33 21.13 
 15 13.42 
 26 30.30 
 04 24.82 
 23, 22.55 
 66 17.98 
 
 577.6011 
 
 262.959 
 
 2,419,513 
 
 81,850i 
 
 181,914 
 
 5o3,935 
 
 173,575! 
 
 « 169,020 
 
 2,120,544; 
 
 1,058,226 
 
 5.187,162 
 
 70.67! 47.76 
 60. 55, 45.34 
 70.45I 55.36 
 51.13! 5.67 
 52.72, 38.68 
 65.25 20.25 
 
 75.69 
 762.00 
 
 72.82 
 79.88 
 77.38 
 
 32.56 
 t(17.79 
 47.76 
 23.30 
 35.39 
 
 49,000,135 70.21 
 9,288,505! 59.72 
 11,575,671; 62.72 
 06,088,028! 76.10 
 12,766,308 72.88 
 
 23.65 
 
 8.22 
 
 7.56 
 
 20.13 
 
 35.63 
 
 * Tue above returns are lor lsuo-91, nnd comprise a preliminary statement by the Department 
 of Education, subject to correction, t Estimated, a Public school statistics for 1889-90 6 Ap- 
 proximately. 
 
 114 
 
STATISTICS OF EDUCATION. 
 
 UNIVERSITIES AND COLLEGES OK LIBKRAL ARTS IN THE U. S. 
 
 States and Tek- 
 rxtokies, 
 
 Xnrth Atlantic 
 
 J)ivision. 
 
 Maine 
 
 New Hampshire .. 
 
 Venuont 
 
 ^lassaclmsetts 
 
 Kliode Island 
 
 Connecticut 
 
 New York 
 
 New Jer.sey 
 
 Pennsylvania 
 
 South Alkintlc 
 
 JJirisioii.. 
 
 Delaware 
 
 ^Maryland 
 
 Dist". of Coliunbia 
 
 'S'ir.ninia 
 
 AVest Virjiinia. — 
 
 North Carolina 
 
 South Carolina... 
 
 Geiir<iia 
 
 Florida 
 
 So It tit Central 
 
 Ifirision. 
 
 Kentucky 
 
 Tennessee 
 
 Alabama 
 
 Mississippi 
 
 Louisiana 
 
 Texas 
 
 Arkansas 
 
 Xortli Central 
 
 Li vision, 
 
 Ohio 
 
 Indiana 
 
 Illinois 
 
 3lKhii;an 
 
 Wisconsin 
 
 Minnesota 
 
 J(nva 
 
 jMissouri 
 
 North Dakota 
 
 South J ;akata 
 
 Nebraska 
 
 Kansas 
 
 Western Di vi sion 
 
 Montana 
 
 Wyoming 
 
 Colorailo 
 
 Utah 
 
 Nevada 
 
 Washington 
 
 Oreti'on 
 
 California 
 
 TOTALS 
 
 N. AtlanticDiv... 
 S. Atlantic Uiv. .. 
 S. Central Div.... 
 
 N . Central Div 
 
 Western Div 
 
 Pkofes's & Instk's. 
 
 c ai i a 
 
 
 ST^DE^Ts. 
 
 
 u5 
 
 0) p. 
 
 o a 
 a cs 
 
 ■S ^ — 
 
 5-i 
 
 119 
 
 5 
 
 100 
 
 42 
 11 
 13 
 14 
 48 
 48 
 14 
 
 248 
 80 
 
 218 
 66 
 54 
 71 
 
 125 
 
 152 
 14 
 58 
 53 
 78 
 
 37 
 IS 
 32 
 236 
 35 
 
 y.) 
 
 423 
 100 
 32y 
 
 155 
 3 
 
 87 
 25 
 J-3 
 74 
 4'J 
 31 
 
 91 
 
 187 
 7"0 
 38 
 
 lOj 
 95 
 23 
 
 350 
 
 186 
 
 288 
 
 164 
 
 135 
 
 132 
 
 200 
 
 232 
 
 16 
 
 47 
 
 78 
 
 140 
 
 19 
 31 
 
 153 
 
 257 
 223 
 
 296 
 
 1,217 
 158| 
 
 1,318 
 540 
 610 
 
 1,968 
 274 
 
 16 
 1 
 
 20 
 204 
 
 62 
 245 
 
 24 
 120 
 4 
 7 
 46 
 9 
 
 14' 
 49 
 
 189 
 61 
 25 
 92 
 78 
 1 
 
 33 
 
 1 
 49 
 101 
 
 52 
 48 
 50 
 548 
 35 
 193 
 831 
 114 
 540 
 
 171 
 170 
 116 
 
 34 
 126 
 
 91 
 104 
 
 36 
 
 145 
 
 368 
 
 89 
 
 62 
 
 205 
 
 150 
 
 44 
 
 639 
 281 
 160 
 250 
 38 
 342 
 21 
 65 
 143 
 218 
 
 15 
 15 
 
 110 
 20 
 10 
 32 
 86 
 
 314 
 
 .. 510 
 
 . . 256 
 
 . . j 239 
 
 392: 2,720, 
 
 326 
 
 ..! 1,204' 
 
 2,534 4,464 
 
 72 l,10ll 
 
 1,485 3,298 
 
 81 
 
 532 889 
 
 303 228' 
 
 1951 1,079| 
 
 146i 263 
 
 865[ 1,0191 
 
 353 626! 
 
 291 7261 
 
 463 82 
 
 904 l,244i 
 
 2,214: 2,336 
 
 809| 887 
 
 377i 416 
 
 747 928 
 
 l,595l 1,648 
 
 413 258 
 
 717 4,3891 4,029 
 
 318 1,634 1,897 
 
 3,854 2,701 
 
 1,239| 2,148 
 
 677 
 
 856 
 
 2,796 
 
 2,506 
 
 193 
 
 559 
 
 857 
 
 1,787 
 
 71 
 39 
 322 
 95 
 115 
 381 
 472; 
 
 1,372 
 
 1,125 
 
 2,00i) 
 
 2,007 
 
 38 
 
 133 
 
 457 
 
 942 
 
 13 
 13 
 
 132 
 17 
 48 
 73 
 
 376 
 
 70S 2,411 
 164 856 
 210: 1,053 
 
 1,453 1,186 
 
 4,483 14,118 
 3,248 1 4,993 
 7,059 7,717 
 703] 3,541|.21, 347; 18,849 
 1841 61ll 2,948 i 1,858 
 
 102 
 56 
 51 
 62 
 51 
 
 
 102 
 
 
 98 
 
 
 203 
 
 302 
 26 
 
 1,179 
 
 118 
 
 318 
 
 467 
 103 
 
 2,365 
 37 
 
 171 
 
 1,246 
 
 276 
 
 "84 
 1,075 
 
 6 
 
 2 
 
 307 
 26 
 
 17 
 
 234 
 
 i;^ 
 
 61 
 
 5 
 
 185 
 
 5 
 
 361 
 
 49 
 
 957 
 
 4 
 
 30 
 
 20 
 
 47 
 
 16 
 
 513 
 
 4 
 
 149 
 
 
 50 
 
 258 
 56 
 
 1,264 
 337 
 
 530 
 
 2,336 
 
 316 
 493 
 739 
 267 
 
 52 
 
 4 
 
 123 
 
 387 
 
 1,187 5,548 
 319 1,972 
 2,107 
 
 1,223 
 36 
 
 7,257 
 566 
 
 612 
 462 
 442! 
 
 4,8571 
 352 
 
 2,031 
 10,859, 
 
 1,354 
 
 6,833 
 
 81 
 1,885 
 1,860 
 1,593 
 
 424' 
 2,407| 
 1,364' 
 2,152, 
 
 545 
 
 2,514 
 6,094 
 1,730 
 1,080 
 3,821 
 3,546 
 1,082 
 
 12,190 
 4,281 
 
 10,472 
 5,384 
 2,602 
 2,994 
 7,042 
 5,791 
 232 
 1,008, 
 1,8011 
 3,945 
 
 127 
 
 75 
 
 1,160 
 
 335 
 
 163 
 
 056 
 
 1,127 
 
 3,308 
 
 27,802 
 12,316 
 19,872 
 57,742 
 6,951 
 
 89,117 
 72,000 
 58,766 
 571,150 
 70,000 
 278,501 
 036,552 
 108,062 
 317,080 
 
 4,500 
 
 126,907 
 
 68,000 
 
 134.050 
 
 6,200 
 
 72,100 
 
 54,000 
 
 49,300 
 
 7,240 
 
 55,910' 
 100,531 
 
 36,200' 
 
 22,950' 
 124,600 
 
 25,606 
 6,050 
 
 303,272 
 148,100 
 177,173 
 153,427 
 94,900 
 53,221 
 110,297 
 134,015 
 5,700 
 10,539 
 33,366 
 62,832 
 
 1.200 
 
 2,300 
 
 20,944 
 
 10,000 
 
 1,932 
 
 7,700 
 
 16,600 
 
 99,412 
 
 2,201,228 
 522,297 
 372,447 
 
 1,286,842 
 160,088 
 
 United States, 
 
 430 2.151 4,719 1,969 8,472 39,085 47,535 2,863 17,450 124,6S4 4,542,902 
 
STATISTICS OF EDUCATION. 
 
 UNIVERSITIES AND COLLEGES OF LIBERAL ARTS IN THE U. S. 
 
 States 
 ANi> Territories 
 
 N. Atlantic 
 
 Division. 
 
 Maine 
 
 New Hampshire. . . 
 
 Vermont 
 
 Massachusetts 
 
 Rhode Island 
 
 ■Connecticut 
 
 New York 
 
 New Jersey 
 
 Pennsylvania 
 
 S. Atlantic 
 
 Division. 
 
 Delaware 
 
 Maryland 
 
 Dist. of Columbia 
 
 Virginia 
 
 W. Virginia 
 
 N. Carolina 
 
 S. Carolina 
 
 Georgia 
 
 Florida 
 
 S. Central 
 
 Division. 
 
 Kentucky 
 
 Tenne-^see 
 
 Alabama 
 
 Mississippi 
 
 Louisiana 
 
 Texas 
 
 Arkansas 
 
 N. Ceyitral 
 
 Division. 
 
 Ohio 
 
 Indiana 
 
 Illinois 
 
 Michigan 
 
 Wisconsin 
 
 Minnesota 
 
 Iowa 
 
 Missouri 
 
 N. Dakota 
 
 S. Dakota 
 
 Nebraska 
 
 Kansas 
 
 Western Division. 
 
 Montana 
 
 Wyoming 
 
 Co'lorado 
 
 New Mexico 
 
 Arizona 
 
 Utah 
 
 Nevada 
 
 Idaho 
 
 Washington 
 
 Oregon 
 
 California 
 
 TOTALS. 
 N. Atlantic Div . . 
 S. Atlantic Div... 
 S. Central Div.... 
 N. Central Div . . . 
 Western Div 
 
 Value of 
 Scientific 
 Appara- 
 tus, 
 1890. 
 
 $80,000 
 
 Value of 
 
 Grounds & 
 
 Buildings, 
 
 1890. 
 
 125,000 
 1,020,000 
 
 109,0.30 
 
 2,005,733 
 
 51,200 
 
 619,300 
 
 United States . 
 
 204,050 
 30,000 
 
 340,800 
 20,2001 
 
 131,000 
 
 30,000, 
 
 97,300: 
 
 8,075! 
 
 74,500 
 233,550 
 60,500 
 58,550 
 89,950 
 61,081 
 740 
 
 478,953 
 
 217,300 
 
 270,800 
 
 675,527 
 
 214,663 
 
 219,138 
 
 126,225 
 
 236,550 
 
 10,000 
 
 29,7201 
 
 71,000 
 
 175,300 
 
 25,000 
 1,000 
 
 3,850 
 
 13,200 
 
 372,700 
 
 54,010,863 
 
 876,425 
 
 578,871 
 
 2,725,176 
 
 444,050 
 
 Permanent 
 
 Productive 
 
 Funds, 
 
 1890 
 
 Income fob the Year 1890. 
 
 From From 
 Product- 1 State or 
 iveFunds M 'nicip'l 
 Aid, 
 
 From 
 
 Tu tion 
 
 Fees. 
 
 Total 
 Income. 
 
 Benefac- 
 tions,1891 
 
 $650,000 
 
 375,000 
 5,013 000 
 
 625,000 
 1,400,000 
 7,li59,374 
 
 495,000 
 5,599,000 
 
 75,000 
 
 1,449,000 
 
 1,000,000 
 
 1,681,100 
 
 235,000 
 
 827, .500 
 
 600,000 
 
 848,000 
 
 75,000 
 
 779,750 
 2,175,000 
 922,000 
 409,500 
 1,131,.533 
 832,800 
 103,000 
 
 5,001,235 
 2,025,00 I 
 3,187,825 
 1,094,865 
 2,418,500 
 2,437,824 
 1,664,000 
 2,381,000 
 180,000 
 355,000 
 1,043.000 
 1,762,050 
 
 1,500 113,000 
 3,000 150,000 
 23,800 1,700,000 
 5,500 
 
 240,000 
 150,000 
 
 578,000 
 
 302,000 
 
 1,909,088 
 
 $21,816,374 
 
 6,791,500 
 
 6,353,583 
 
 24,150,299 
 
 5,147,588 
 
 $1,245,000 
 
 529,436 
 
 10,641,083 
 
 980,8.36 
 
 4,710,811 
 
 16,362,158 
 
 4,C8G,241 
 
 83,000 
 
 3,035,000 
 
 430,000 
 
 1,391,048 
 
 188.150 
 
 357,806 
 
 203,000 
 
 775,202 
 
 20,000 
 
 1,177,000 
 
 1,847,400 
 
 325,000 
 
 574,000 
 
 1,616,313 
 
 662,000 
 
 5,072,062 
 1.711,129 
 3,849,569 
 1,508,062 
 
 891,510 
 1,324,876 
 1,231,714 
 1,975,207 
 25,000 
 11,000 
 1,236,700 
 
 463,500 
 
 3,000 
 ' 354,000 
 
 12,000 
 
 237,000 
 
 2,232,596 
 
 $64,.591 
 
 22.501 
 576,304 
 
 232,682 
 
 860,354 
 
 39,400 
 
 264,566 
 
 4,980 
 52,250 
 25,512 
 77,116 
 11,409 
 25,271 
 16,580 
 50,949 
 
 1,000 
 
 67,750 
 121,100 
 
 25,500 
 
 33,743 
 105,255 
 
 43,800 
 
 284,904 
 99,253 
 
 203,411 
 
 103,724 
 63,092 
 63,537| 
 81,043 
 
 119,938 
 
 3,000 
 
 1,000 
 
 48,710 
 
 26,917 
 
 3,000 
 ' ' '966 
 
 1,400 
 14,249 
 125,392 
 
 $39,155,505 $2,060,398 
 6,483,206 
 6,201,713 
 19,300,335 
 2,929,596 
 
 265,06' 
 
 397,148 
 
 1,098,529 
 
 144,941 
 
 $8,400 
 
 149,118 
 
 14,675 
 23,000 
 40,000 
 25.000 
 20,125 
 53,0.50 
 1,065 
 
 400 
 800 
 
 .300 
 17,500 
 12,500 
 
 126,600 
 23,000 
 46,044 
 194,820 
 112,570 
 65,000 
 54,000 
 34,400 
 23,400 
 36,850 
 80,000 
 72,125 
 
 28,750 
 28,000 
 
 5,000 
 11,277 
 
 98,348 
 
 8157,518 
 176,915 
 31,500 
 868,809 
 171,375 
 
 $30,395 
 
 5,383 
 438,931 
 
 225,821 
 
 542,434 
 
 14,000 
 
 332,872 
 
 360 
 
 100,222 
 
 77,216 
 
 80,540 
 
 5,500 
 
 46,4541 
 
 28,360! 
 
 19,000' 
 
 7,3*) 
 
 2,874 
 
 3,950 
 1.188 
 
 10,400 
 24,727 
 61,835 
 
 ,986 $2,C00 
 
 48,003 
 
 1,424,872' 
 
 496^0961 
 
 1,738,7571 
 58,100i 
 639,130 
 
 7,140 
 
 '168,127 
 
 134,775 
 
 222,431 
 
 41,909! 
 
 111,049 
 
 123,040 
 
 92,514 
 
 19,821 
 
 70,488 
 
 140,966 
 
 151,092 
 
 364,324 
 
 22,784 
 
 82,524 
 
 22,034 
 
 64.247 
 
 76,778 
 
 209,88J 
 
 65,856 
 
 139,228 
 
 10,031 
 
 13,181 
 
 222,273 
 
 738,344 
 
 100,154 
 
 232,241 
 
 213 990 
 
 628,018 
 
 154,05.-! 
 
 500,133 
 
 61,613 
 
 315,160 
 
 41,613 
 
 228,749 
 
 136,218 
 
 328,101 
 
 237,905 
 
 399,213 
 
 1,800 
 
 32,100 
 
 6,500 
 
 52.035 
 
 13,204 
 
 145,541; 
 
 81,172 
 
 244,549 
 
 10,238 
 
 62,000 
 
 2,688 
 
 39,384 
 28,000 
 
 650 
 384.355 
 222,119 
 457,986 
 1,391,276 
 25,000 
 450,270 
 
 128,860 
 
 ' 414,666 
 
 2,550 
 
 253,000 
 
 24,600 
 
 149,350 
 
 10,003 
 
 132,200 
 53,448 
 18,525 
 40,000 
 100,710 
 103,078 
 5,500 
 
 413,189 
 
 109,150 
 
 141,127 
 
 76,493 
 
 205,380 
 
 143,000 
 
 772,300 
 
 163,965 
 
 7,040 
 
 28,512 
 
 06,097 
 
 99,800 
 
 171,276 
 
 16,800 8,849 
 
 5,744 3,050 
 
 312,772! 70,700 
 
 $1,599,8361 
 
 364.982 
 
 410.063i 
 
 1,270,495! 
 
 110,608 
 
 $4,499 944 $2,933,656 
 
 92O.8O61 982,363 
 
 1,014,353 452,461 
 
 3,844.1891 2,226.8.53 
 
 522,626 253,875 
 
 $8,635,385 $64,259,344] $74,070,4151 $3,966,083i $1,406,117, $3,764,984, $10,801,918^ $1,849,208 
 
119 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Agricultural Land Scrip. .32, 55, 56, 57, 66, 67, 71, 72, 73 
 
 Alison, Sir Archibald 108 
 
 Amherst College 39 
 
 Anderson, Hon. Thomas F 47 
 
 Arminianism 52 
 
 Atlanta University 35 
 
 B , 
 
 Barnett, Hon. Samuel 39 
 
 Baptists in Georgia, 1829 75 
 
 Blackmar, Prof 36 
 
 Boyesen, Prof. H. H 37 
 
 Bowdoin College 36, 39 
 
 Brantley, Dr. W. T., Sr 75 
 
 Brown, Charles McDonald Brown Fund 35 
 
 Brown, Chancellor 75 
 
 Brown University 36, 39 
 
 C 
 
 Calvinism 52 
 
 Church, Dr. Alonzo 75 
 
 Church Schools 8, 9, 38, 47, 48, 49, 81-87 
 
 Clark, Gov. John 76, 79 
 
 Clark, Hon. John T : 9 
 
 Colleges in United States 8 
 
 Columbia College 39 
 
 Common Schools, Appropriations thereto by State of 
 
 Georgia 11,27,28, 29 
 
 Common Schools, Children of School Age 14 
 
 Common Schools, Country Children, 14, 15, 16, 17, 20, 21 
 
 Common Schools, Funding Bill, 1873 77, 78 
 
 Common Schools, How to make Successful 91 
 
 Common Schools of New England (See New England). 
 
120 
 
 Common Schools, Statistics of United States 113-116 
 
 Common Schools, Rental of W. & A. R. R 4, 26 
 
 County Academies 19, 20, 23 24 
 
 Crawford, Hon. Wm. H • • • • 24 
 
 Curry, Dr. J. L. M 40 
 
 Cuthbert, Agricultural College 33 
 
 D 
 
 Dartmouth College 36 
 
 Dahlonega Agricultural College 33 
 
 Deljt, Claimed )jy the University from the State, 31, 35 
 
 Denominational Colleges in United States 8, 9, 10 
 
 Disestablishment and the Disestablished 88 
 
 E 
 
 " Educational Bill of 1889." 4 
 
 Educational Statistics United States 113-116 
 
 Emory College 3, 14, 18, 50, 51, 65, 79, 80, 105 
 
 Emory College, Alumni 9, 10 
 
 Emory College, Curriculum 50 
 
 Emory College, Patronage 66 
 
 Emory College, Sub-Freshman Department 66 
 
 F 
 
 Farmers' Alliance of Putnam County 5, 22 
 
 Farm Villages 100, 101, 102 
 
 Finley, Chancellor 75 
 
 G 
 
 Gilmer Fund 35 
 
 Gordon Institute, Barnesville 16, 66 
 
 Guizot 108 
 
 H 
 
 Hammond, Hon. N. J. 3, 5, 6, 7, 23, 31-79 
 
 Hampden and Sydney College 39 
 
 Hand, Hon. I. H 56, 57, 71, 72 
 
 Harris, Judge Y. L. G 105 
 
121 
 
 Harvard University 3g 39 39 
 
 Haygood, Bishop A. G 49 52 
 
 Higher Education in United States .' 81 
 
 Hill, Hon. A. C 56,57,71, 72 
 
 Hillyer, Hon. Junius 20 
 
 Hopkins, Dr. Isaac S 73 74 
 
 I 
 
 Industrial College for Girls 34 
 
 J 
 
 Jones, Hon. C. C g3 
 
 Jones, Mr. Charles Edgeworth 26, 35, 63 
 
 K 
 
 Kentucky, Common Schools of 97 
 
 L 
 
 Lamar, Hon. L. Q. C 9 
 
 Longstreet, Judge A. B 7g 
 
 M 
 
 McWhir, Rev. Wm 24 
 
 Massachusetts, Educational Work in 36 
 
 Meagley, Prof. W. E 66 
 
 Meigs, Chancellor 75 
 
 Mell, Dr. Patrick H 14, 20 79 
 
 Mercer University .... 4. 9 53 61 
 
 Mercer University, Duty of Baptists to .' 19 
 
 Methodists in Georgia, in 1829 75 
 
 Milledgeville, Agricultural College 33 
 
 Military Institute, (Ga.) See Moreland Park Academy 
 
 Milledge Land Gift 35 
 
 Moreland Park Academy 16 
 
 Morris, Mr. Sylvanus 52, 53 
 
 Moses, Hon. R. J 5I 
 
 N 
 
 New England, Appropriations to Colleges 36 
 
 New England, Appropriations to Common Schools. . . 36 
 
122 
 
 New England, Colleges 104 
 
 New England Academies 23 
 
 New England, Kducational Policy 36 
 
 North Carolina, University of 39 
 
 Nunnally, Dr. G. A 4, 13, 19 
 
 
 
 Olin, Dr. Stephen 75, 76 
 
 Orr, Dr. J. G 27, 41 
 
 P 
 
 Palmer, Dr. B. M 40 
 
 Pattillo, Rev. W. P 105 
 
 Pierce, Bishop George F 40, 48 
 
 Pound, Prof. Jere M 53 
 
 Pennsylvania, University of 39 
 
 R 
 
 Ripley, Rev. Henry J 75 
 
 S 
 
 Schley, Governor 25 
 
 Scott^ Mrs. Agnes 103, 110 
 
 Scott, Agnes, Institute 103, 112 
 
 Scott, Col. George W 103, 105, 109 
 
 Seney, Mr. George 1 51, 68, 69, 70 
 
 Sherwood, Rev. Adiel 75 
 
 Smith, Governor James M 32 
 
 South Carolina, University of 39 
 
 Stephens, Hon. A. H 14, 20, 75 
 
 Strickler, Dr. G. B. 74 
 
 T 
 
 Technology, School of 33, 34 
 
 Terrell Bequest 35 
 
 Thomasville Agricultural College 33, 34 
 
 Tilden, Hon. Samuel J 106 
 
 Troup, Governor George M 76, 79 
 
123 
 
 U 
 
 University of Georgia 129 
 
 University of Georgia, Act of 1830 46, 47 
 
 University of Georgia, Alumni of 9, 15, 18, 37 
 
 University of Georgia, Appropriations thereto 4 
 
 11, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33 
 University of Georgia, Report Board of Visitors 1881 
 
 16 
 62 
 55 
 
 34 
 
 48 
 51 
 66 
 35 
 61 
 
 University of Georgia, Charter Amended 41 
 
 University of Georgia, Curriculum 39, 49, 50, 65 
 
 University of Georgia, "Debt Due" 31 
 
 University of Georgia, Funding Bill, 4, 33, 58, 59, 60 
 University of Georgia, Free Tuition, 4, 32, 39, 46, 47 
 
 48,49,59, 65 
 
 University of Georgia, Income 12, 35, 44 
 
 University of Georgia, Land Scrip diverted to, 32, 55 
 
 56, 57, 66, 67, 71, 72, 73 
 
 University of Georgia, Lottery for 29 
 
 University of Georgia, Sub-Freshman Department, 65, 66 
 
 University of Georgia, Unfair Policy 3, 4^ 37 
 
 V 
 
 Vicious and Oppressive Policy 85 
 
 Virginia, University of 12, 18, 39 
 
 Virginia, University of, Tuition Fees 39 
 
 W 
 
 Waddell, Chancellor 75 
 
 Washington and Lee University 39 
 
 Western and Atlantic R. R., Use of its Rental 4, 26 
 
 Wesleyan Female College 69 
 
 William and Mary College 83 
 
 Wrightsville, School at 16 
 
 Y 
 
 Yale College 36, 39, 89 
 

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