F 
 
 THE HISTORICAL STA fUS 
 
 ... OF THE . . . 
 
 NEGRO IN CONNECTICUT 
 
 A PAPER READ BEFORE THE 
 
 New Haven Colony ^ ^ 
 
 EJ' S' ^ Historical Society 
 , . . BY . . . 
 
 William C* Fowler^ LL. D. 
 
 . . . AND , . . 
 
 SOME BRIEF REMARKS 
 
 ON THE ADDRESS OF THE 
 
 Hon^ Charles Francis Adams^ LL. D. 
 
 ji PRONOUNCED ON THE OCCASION ^ 
 ^ OF THE DEDICATION OF A NEW Jt< 
 ^ LIBRARY BUILDING FOR THE USE «^ 
 
 ... OF THE . . . 
 
 Otate riistorical oociety of Wisconsin/^ 
 
 FOUNDED BY THE LATE 
 
 LYMAN C. DRAPER. 
 
 5^* e^* ?^* ;^* ^* ^* <^* 5(?* 
 
 (•FROM THE CITY YEAR BOOK Fi. ? 1900.) 
 
 
F/os 
 
 Glass. 
 
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 fi 
 
•THE HISTORICAL STATUS 
 
 OF .THE 
 
 Negro in Connecticut 
 
 A Paper read before the New Haven Colony Historical Society, 
 
 BY 
 
 WILLIAM C. FOWLER, LL,D., 
 
 Copied from the Historical Magazine and Notes and Queries concerning the 
 
 Antiquities, History and Biography of America. 
 
 Vols. XXm-XXrV, 1 874-1875. 
 
 Edited by HENRY B. DAWSON, New York. 
 
 AND 
 
 SOME BRIEF REMARKS ON THE 
 ADDRESS OF THE 
 
 Hon* Charles Francis Adams^ LL^D*^ 
 
 Pronounced on the occasion of the dedication of a New Library Building 
 
 for the use of the "State Historical Society ot Wisconsin." 
 
 Founded by the late LYMAN C. DRAPER. 
 
 PUBLISHED IN YEAR BOOK OF CITY OF CHARLESTON 
 FOR 1900 A. D, 
 
 PBF.'S OF 
 
 WALKER, EVANS * COGSWELL CO., CHARLESTON, S. C 
 
 1901 
 
The Histflfical Status of tlie Negro in Connecticut, 
 
 A Paper Read Before the 
 New Haven Colony Historical Society, by 
 
 WILLIAM C. FOWLER, LL.D. 
 
 Copied from the Historical Magazine, and Notes and Queries, Con- 
 cerning the Antiquities, History and Biography of America, 
 Volumes XXIII-XXIV, 1874-1875, Edited by 
 Heney B. Dawson, New York. 
 
 Negroes were first introduced into Connecticut, as slaves. 
 
 to 
 
 Slavery existed in Connecticut, two centuries or more. 
 
 Tlie slaves were not, in all cases, negroes. 
 
 "On May 3d, 1638, William Holmes, by authority of a 
 "power of attorney, executed on the 20th of October previous, 
 "l)y the Company of New Plymouth, sold to Mathew Allyn, 
 "of Hartford, all the lands, houses, servants, goods and cbat- 
 "tels of the Town of Windsor." * 
 
 Lithe year 1644, "one Hagar" is mentioned, as having 
 died. She was, probably, a negro ar Indian slave. 
 
 Whether these "servants," mentioned as being "sold,'' 
 were negroes, or Indians, or whites, it is impossible to say. 
 Negro slaves had been introduced as early as 1620, eighteen 
 years befo)-t, into one of the C^olonies; Indian slaves were 
 owned in Massachusetts, at or near tliis time; white slave., 
 wei-e owned in England, in the reign of Queen Elizabeth^ 
 who died in 1603, and also in the reign of James I, who 
 died in 1625. This is stated on the authority of LordCamp- 
 
 * Stile's Ancient Windsor, 43. 
 
bell. Indian slaves were held in Massachusetts as earlj as 
 1638. Negro slavery existed in the Colony of New Haven 
 as early as 1644, or earlier. 
 
 Slavery in Connecticut was the equivalent of tha slaverv 
 which had existed in England for centuries, and with which 
 the emigrants were familiar. It was the equivalent of the 
 slavery which existed among the tribes of Israel, with which 
 the Bible had made them familiar. It was the equivalent of 
 the slavery which existed in the classic lands of Greece and 
 Rome, with which their educated men were familiar. X-o-ro 
 slaves were owned by Theopliilus Eaton, the first Governor 
 of Js^ew Haven Colony; by John Evance, a prominent man 
 in tlie same Colony; by Hon. John Talcott; bv Edward 
 Hopkins, second (^vernor of Connecticut; and by Joseph 
 Talcott and Samuel Huntington, both Governors, after the 
 Colonies were united. 
 
 "In the Articles of Confederation of the four Colonies of 
 I'New England, in 1643, provision is made for an equitable 
 distribution, to the Confederates, of ' persons,' 'e.^ well as 
 'iands and goods, taken as the spoils of war." 
 
 "The same Articles contain a provision from which, prob- 
 I'ably, that Article of the Federal Constitution was borrowed. 
 '|for the recapturing and rendition of servants escaping into 
 I 'other jurisdictions. In the Xarragansett War of 1675-6, 
 1 1 Massachusetts credits her general account of the war wi til 
 " ' 188 prisoners of war, sold for £'397,13.' " 
 
 "In Connecticut, the hostile Indians, who had surrendered 
 1 1 before the termination of the war, were disposed of, for 
 "the benefit of the Colony in service in English families." 
 ^^ "In November, 1639, Gysbert Opdyck, Commissary at 
 the Dutch Fort, Hartford, by accident or otherwise, killed 
 "a negro boy, Louis Berbice, from Dutch Guiana, belong- 
 ing to him." ^ 
 
 ^^ In the language of Mr. Trumbull, "This is the first black 
 
 "servant, or slave, of whom I can find trace in Connecticut." 
 
 "One of the principal grounds of complaint urged, in 
 
"1645, against the Dutch in Hartford, was their refusal to 
 '' surrender an Indian woman who had escaped from her 
 "master, and was detained at the Fort of Good Hope. The 
 "Commissioners of the Colonies protested against this out- 
 "rage, for such a servant is a part of her master's estate, 
 "and a more considerable part than a beast,' and thought 
 "that their 'children would not long be secure, if this was 
 "suffered.' " 
 
 As early at least as 1653, John Pantry, of Hartford, held 
 slaves, as appears l:)y the inventory of his estate. Joseph 
 Clarke, of Saybrook, by his will, "gave £15 to his father to 
 "bii}^ him a servant." 
 
 "In May, 1660, Col. George Fen wick; in 1662, John 
 "Latimer; in 1686, Eichard Lord; in 1688, Hon. John 
 "Talcott, as appears by tlieir inventories of those dates, were 
 "the owners of slaves." 
 
 "In April, 1717, a Town Meeting, in ISTew London, voted 
 "to 'utterly oppose and protect against Robert Jacklin, a 
 "negro man's buying anv land in the town, or being an 
 "inhabitant;' and instructed their Representatives to move 
 "the General Assembly to t.ake some prudent care that no 
 '^person of that color may ever have any possessions or free- 
 "hold estate within tlie Government." 
 
 "In May, 1717, the Lower House passed a Bill prohibit- 
 "ing negroes purchasing land, without liberty from the town, 
 "and also from living in families of their own, without such 
 "liberty."* 
 
 Negro slaves were owned by Rev. John Davenport, of 
 New Haven; by Rev. Timothy Woodbridge, of Hartford; 
 by Rev. Joseph Eliot, of Guilford; by Rev. Jared Ehot, of 
 Killingworth, now Clinton, by Rev. Nathaniel Chauncey, 
 of Durham; by Rev. Noadiah Russell, of Middletown; by 
 Rev. William Worthington, of Saybrook; and by many 
 otner clergymen. Negro slaves were also owned by clergy- 
 
 * J. Hammond Trambull. 
 
men who originated in Connecticut, but were settled else- 
 w])erc. By Rev. John Paissell and Rev. Isaac Cliauncej, 
 of Hadley; by Rev. Jonathan Edwards, of Northampton; 
 and by Rev. Ezra Stiles, of Newport. These meii were the 
 exponents of the slave-owners in Connecticut. In their wills 
 or the inventories of their estates, slaves were regarded as 
 chattels, to be bequeathed or distributed. 
 
 While the leading men, the Clergy and the Deacons, thus 
 held slaves and employed them, in the family and in the 
 field, they were distinguished for their Puritan piety and 
 their high appreciation of civil and religious liberty They 
 practised family slavery; but they abhorred political slavery, 
 religions slavery, and military slavery. They believed in 
 the distinctions of superiors, equals and inferiors. They 
 spoke of these distinctions in tlieir prayers, and acted in 
 accordance with them, in public and private life. 
 
 The emigrants from England were accustomed to distinc- 
 tions in society there. The Clergy, after their settlement in the 
 two Colonies, practically united, in themselves, a large part of 
 the authority and influence enjoyed by the Clergy of the Church 
 of England. They were addressed by the title of ' ' Reverend, ' ' 
 or "Reverc]]d Sir," or "Mr." The Governor and assistants, 
 and the Justices of the Peace, and others in authority, were 
 treated with great res})ect, and addressed by the title of 
 "Worshipful," or "Your Worship," or -'Esquire." Equals 
 were addressed by the title "Mr.," "Neighbor," "Brother." 
 Inferio>s were addressed by the title "Good man," or with- 
 out a title. 
 
 When they and their descendants, for several generations, 
 took their seats in the House of God, they were reminded of 
 these distinctions, inasmuch as these distinctions furnished 
 the rule for seating the house. When they listened to the 
 prayers, or it mnybc to the sermon, they heard the same 
 distinctions referred to. As they read the New Testament 
 they saw. distinctly, the relation of superior and inferior 
 between God and man, in which obedience was required by 
 
the one, and yielded by the other. They saw the relation of 
 superior and inferior between ruler and sul)ject, in which 
 obedience was required by the one, and yielded by the other. 
 They saw the relation of superior and inferior between hus- 
 band and wife, in wjiich obedience is required by the one, 
 and yielded by the other. They saw the relation of superior 
 and inferior between parent and child, in which ol)edience is 
 required hy the one, and yielded by the other. They saw 
 the relation of superior and inferior between master and 
 slave, in which obedience is required by the one, and yielded 
 by the other. Moreover, they read in tiie Hebrew Law, 
 "Both thy bondmen and thy handmaide, which thou sh alt 
 " have, shall be of the heathen which are round about you; 
 "of them shall you l)uy bondmen and handmaids," 
 
 It is true that they believed that Eve was the mother of 
 all living; just as they or others believed that "the sun 
 "riseth, and the sun goeth down, and hasteth to the ]ilace 
 "whence he arose;" just as they or others believed that, in 
 six natural days, God created tlip. world. But this belief of 
 their' s, in regard to the oneness of the races, created no 
 embarrassment in their minds, in regard to slavery; for as 
 they looked upon the form, features and color of the negro, 
 they saw a standing miracle in attestation of the curse pro- 
 nounced upon Canaan and his descendants — "a servant of 
 "servants shall he be unto his brethren," 
 
 While the Puritans of Connecticut thus looked into the 
 Bible for the rules of duty and the doctrines of religion, 
 they could not help seeing that tlie chosen people of God, 
 distinguished, among contemporary nations for their high 
 civilization, held slaves under the sanctions of the great 
 Lawgiver. So that every time they repeated the Decalogue, 
 whether as children in the family, or at school, they saw 
 what, to them, was full proof that their neighbor's "man 
 servant and maid-servant" were his property, which tliey 
 had no right to covet. Moreover, ^-hey felt bound to send 
 back to their masters fugitive slaves; just as the Angel sent 
 
8 
 
 back tlie fugitive slave, Hagar, to her mistress, Sarah; just 
 as the Apostle Paul sent back the fugitive slave, Onesimus, 
 to his master, Pliilemon. 
 
 Moreover, if they studied liistory, they found that the 
 highest specimens of the human race, in mental and moral 
 woith, had been exhibited in slave-holding countries, like 
 Greece and Rome. 
 
 Slavery, too, had existed in England, in form and in fact, 
 for many generatious; and still existed, in fact, when the 
 first immigrants came to this country. It existed in the other 
 Colonies east, north and west of Connecticut; and after 
 Locke became a standard author in New England, his readers 
 found, in his Fundamental Constitutions of Carolina, this pro- 
 vision, "Every freeman shall have Absolute power and 
 "authority over his Negro Slave," 
 
 The views of thinking people of Connecticut on the subject 
 of slavery in former times, can be more fully understood 
 from the following argument. It would exceed my limits to 
 give the whole history of the case. 
 
 GOVERNOR SALTONSTAL'S ARGUMENT, IN 
 FAVOR OF SLAVERY. 
 
 Capt. Thomas Richards' s Case, laid before the Honh'l 
 Gcn'll Assembly in New Haven, Oct. 12th, 1704. 
 
 "The Complaint is tliat sever.al applications which he lias 
 "made to severali officers in the Government, and to the 
 "former Gen'll Assembly, in May, 1703, for the regaining of 
 "Abda, a slave of his, the said Richards; an supposed to be 
 "a Molatto; have been ineffectuall; and he thereupon prays 
 "an Order of this Court, for the said Abda beirg returned 
 "to him. And sheweth. That the said Abda was, and ouglit 
 "still, to be held, in actuall possession by the Complainant, 
 "for life, for 
 
 "1. He was born of a negro woman, called Hannah, who 
 "was a servant, for life, to the Complainant's father: James 
 
'Richards, Esq., which appears by the testimony of 2 
 'women, who were at the said negro woman's travaile, 
 'which are herewith presented. 
 
 ''2. He was held as a servant, for life, by the said Jas. 
 'Eichards, and, at the decease, of the said Richards, was 
 'inventoried and apprised, as chattells, belonging to his estate: 
 'which appears by a copie of an article in said Inventory 
 'herewith presented. In which article were included sev- 
 'erall other slaves; one of which was bought by Capt. 
 'Wadsworth, of Hartford, and held as such, during her life; 
 'and another is still held as a slave, by the Complainant. 
 
 "3. It also appears that the said x\bda was, since the 
 'decease of the said James Richards, and after tlie aforesaid 
 'apprisement of said Abda, as chattels belonging to the said 
 'estate of said James Richards, viz: in the Year of Grace, 
 '1702, in the said Complainant's actual possession, as a 
 'slave, by the said Abda's confession; attested by severall 
 'officers in this Government; as appears l)y the copies of 
 'seveiall Wintts, herewith presented, which declare that the 
 'said Abda complains to them, that the Complainant held 
 'him in servitude unjustly, for a year's space, last past. 
 
 ' ' Which Writts bare date and are signed as f olloweth : 
 
 "The first is dated, 'March the 2d, 1703.' signed by 
 
 ''(ELEAZER KIMBERLY, Justice of Peace. 
 "(WILLIAM PITKIN, Assistant." 
 
 " The second is dated 'March the 9th,' 1703, signed, 
 " 'WILLIAM PITKIN, Assistant ' 
 
 "The third is datea 'March the 29th, 1703, 'signed by 
 "JOHN HAYNES, Ju. Pa.' 
 
 "And that the Complainant did hold the said Abda in 
 "such servitude, is not only evident, as aforesaid; by said 
 "Abda's confession; but also by the acknowledgment of Mr. 
 "Edwards, allowed by this Court to appear as an Attorney 
 "for the said Abda; the said Edwards having often declared, 
 "in this Court, that the Complainant did hold the said Abda 
 "in cruell servitude and was very severe to him. 
 
10 
 
 "The matter of fact being thus cleared and agreed, your 
 "Complainant conceives that he ought to have the said Abda 
 "returned to him; in the; state wherein he formerly held him. 
 
 ■'For the reasons following : 
 
 '•1. Aecorrling to the laws and constant practice of this 
 "Colony, and all other Plantations, (as well as the Civil 
 "Law :) such persons as are born of Negro bond women are 
 "themselves in like condition, that is born in servitude : Nor 
 "can there i)e any precedent in this (Tovernment or any of 
 "her Majesties Plantations produced to the contrary : And 
 "the laws of this Colony doth not say that such persons as are 
 "born of negro women and supposed to be molattos shall be 
 "slaves, (which was needless because of the constant practice, 
 "by which they are held as such,) Yet it saith, expressly', 
 "that no man shall put away or make free his Negro or 
 "Molatto slave, &c, which undeniably shews and declares an 
 "approbation of such servitude : and that molattos may be 
 "hiild as slaves within this Government. 
 
 ''2. Whereas the first law of this Colony forbids the 
 "taking away of any man's estate from him; without some 
 "express law of this Colony, or (in want thereof) the word 
 "of Grod page 1st. It has been alleged (to justiiie the said 
 "Abda's freedom) that such servitude, for life, is contrary to 
 "the word of God : Against which, the Complainant offer 
 "to this Honourable Court; that his holding the said Al)da, 
 "as a servant for life, is not contrary to the wordof God: for 
 
 "1. It was established, by tlie Judiciall Law, that the 
 "Jews might hold, as servants for life, the children of those 
 "that were of a strange nation, although born among them : 
 "Sec; Levit. 25th, 45th and 4<3th. 
 
 "Again : The Jews were obliged by the 4th Command- 
 "ment, that their bond men, and bond women, should san- 
 "tiiie the Sal)bath day; aud that (/omnunidnKiiit was given 
 "to be a rule to them, as mucb v\-ith relation to tlieir bond 
 "men and women, as any other servants : So that the nu)rall 
 "law, doth allow of such servants, as well as of any others. 
 
11 
 
 "Nor can it be thought that if slavery were, in itself, 
 ''contrary to the morall law, it could be established in the 
 "judiciall. 
 
 "Nor, doth Christianity, as is pretended, make a bondman 
 "to become free : for it is very evident, that, when the 
 "heathen were first converted to the faith of the Gospel, 
 ''that conversion did not make any change at all in the state 
 "of the person, considered in relation to l)ondage or liberty : 
 "bnt if the person so converted, was a bondservant, before 
 "that conversion, he remained so, notwithstanding that con- 
 " version. See 1st Cor. 7: 21st. The word there rendered, 
 "servant;' is the same with that which signifies a bondser- 
 "vant, or servant for life, as it is used. G^aZ: 3, 28, and 
 "fo/L- 3d, 11th. In both which places it is declared that, 
 "in relation to Christianity, it matters not whether a man 
 "be bond or free. 
 
 "On the contrary side it is pleaded : 
 
 "1. That Abda has English blood in him, and therefore 
 "is born free. 
 
 ''Answer. To which the Complainant answers : That no 
 "such thing can be made to appear. Because the said Al)da 
 "is a bastard, begotten and born out of marriage, as is proved 
 "by the lorecited testimonies, and is also confessed. And 
 "where there is no marriage; there the law saith there is no 
 "father. Paternity being a relation which can have no 
 "being, in the sense of the law, but where there is a lawfuU 
 "coupling of two by marriage. 
 
 "And, whereas it is pleaded that one Jennings, an Eng- 
 "lish man, was the said Abda's naturall father; the Com- 
 "plainant replies, that that is a point uncapable of demon- 
 "stration. 
 
 "It is said that Hannah, mother of Abda, did accuse said 
 "Jennings of lying with her; and so she did others, and 
 "some Indians; so that her accusations, if that could possibly 
 "prove anything, cannot prove that his blood is more Eng- 
 "lish than Indian. 
 
12 
 
 "But it is said that our law is, tliat, whomsoever the 
 ' ' mother of a bastard child accuseth of being the father of 
 "it, shall be reputed, therefore Jennings is his father. To 
 "which the Complainant answers : 
 
 "1. That tlie law necessarily supj^oseth tlie mother of 
 "such bastard child to be a Christian, because she must be 
 "able to confirm upon oath, in Court, the accusation she 
 "makes in the time of her travail; which the aforesaid Han- 
 "nah, mother of Abda, could not do, because ohe was an 
 "infidell, at the time and since, and therefore her bare accu- 
 "sation could not make Jennings to be so much as the reputed 
 "father. 
 
 "2. If Jennings were his re})uted father; the true mean- 
 "ing of that is, that he shall l)e reckoned to be his father, so 
 "as to be lined for his fornication, and to his maintenance 
 "in his infancy; and he cannot by being thus reputed Abda's 
 "father, merely in order to punishment, convey any benefit 
 "to him. 
 
 "Objection 2. The Jurj^ have judged Abda to be a freeman. 
 
 "Answer : There is no such judgment of any such Court, 
 "or verdict of any Jury produced; said Abda, never took 
 "out any Writt (?e lihertate probanda; and consequently, no 
 "such judgment can be made or verdict given by any Jury. 
 "And yet if any Jur}' had so judged him; the Complainant 
 "hopes this Honourable Court will see by what is herein 
 "offered, they could have no just ground for any such judg- 
 "ment. 
 
 "Objection 3. He is a (christian and therefore ought to be 
 ' ' free. 
 
 "Answer 1. It appears not that he is a Christian. 
 
 "2. Christianity does not dissolve his bonds of servitude, 
 "as has been shewn above. 
 
 "3. If lie ought upon the account of Christianity, or 
 "for any other reason, to be free, yet he ought to come at 
 "that freedom by suit; for said Abda being held by the 
 "Complainant, in servitude (as is confessed,) the law, Title, 
 
lo 
 
 ''Indian and Negro servants, page 85, provides that upon his 
 "deserting the Complainant's service, he shall be taken up 
 "and returned to the Complainant, and must be at least 
 "reputed the Complainant's servant, till he sues for and 
 "recov-ers his liberty. "G. SALTONSTALL, 
 
 "WILL WHITI^^G. 
 "N. HA YEN, October the 12th, 1704." 
 
 The result of the trial was, that the damages were awarded 
 to Abda against his master; £12 thus virtually establishing 
 iute freedom. The plea for his freedom rested on the fact 
 that his father was a white man — "that Abda had English 
 "blood in him, and, therefore, was born free." This con- 
 sideration seems to have had an influence, as well upon the 
 General Court, as upon the community. 
 
 There appears to have been little or no objection to enslav- 
 ing negroes, though this case shows that there was some 
 opposition to enslaving mulattoes Still negroes and mulat- 
 toes continued to be enslaved. 
 
 The following is the Deed of Conveyance of two negroes, 
 once owned by Rev. Jonathan Edwards, the great Divine : 
 
 " KNOW ALL MEN BY THESE PRESENTS, that 
 •'we, Timothy Dwight. Jr., of Northampton, and Timothy 
 "Edwards, of Stockbridge, both of the County of Hampshire, 
 "and the Province of Massachusetts Bay, in New England, 
 "Executors of the last Will and Testament of Sarah Edwards, 
 "late of Stockbridge, in the County aforesaid, deceased, who 
 "was Executrix of the Will and Testament of Rev. Jona- 
 "than Edwards, late of Stockbridge aforesaid, deceased, for 
 "and in consideration of the sum of twenty-three pounds, 
 "lawful money, to us in hand paid by John Owen, of Sims- 
 "bury, in the County of Hartford, and Colony of Connec- 
 "ticut, in New England, the receipt whereof we hereby 
 "acknowledge, have sold, conveyed, and in open market 
 "delivered, two negro slaves, viz : the one a negro man 
 
14 
 
 "named Joseph, the other a negro woman named Sue, and 
 "is wife to the said Jo, which slaves were lately the proper 
 "goods of said Jonathan Edwards, deceased, and were, by 
 "him, bought of one Hezekiah Griswold, of Windsor; and 
 "we, the said Timothy Dwight, Jr., and Timothy Edwards, 
 "do covenant to and with the said John Owen, his heirs and 
 "assigns, that we have good right, in ourselves, to sell and 
 "convey the said negroes, Jo and Sue, to him, as above, and 
 "that he shall and may hold them, as his own proper goods, 
 "from and after the date hereof. 
 
 "In witness whereof we have hereunto set our hands and 
 "seals, this fourth day of August, in tlie 33d year of his 
 Majesty's reign. Anno Dora, 1759. 
 
 "T. DWIGHT, JR. (L. S.) 
 "TIMO. EDWARDS. (L. S.) 
 
 "Signed, Sealed and delivered 
 "in the presence of us. 
 "EBENEZER HUNT. 
 "SETH POMEROY." 
 
 The largest slave holder in Connecticut was Godfrey Mal- 
 bone, who had been educated in Oxford, England. He 
 owned fifty or sixty slaves on his large estate, in Brooklyn, 
 some of whose descendants are living still, in the eastern 
 part of the State. 
 
 II.— THE SLAVE TRADE. 
 
 When I was young the slave trade was still carried on by 
 (Connecticut ship masters and merchant adventurers, for the 
 supply of Southern ports. This trade was carried on by the 
 consent of the Southern States, under the provisions of the 
 Federal Constitution, until 18u8, and after that time, clan- 
 destinely. There was a good deal of Cduversatioii on the 
 subject in private circles. 
 
 1 had read some of the Delia Cruscau poetry, which con- 
 
15 
 
 tained sentimental descriptions of the African rJave trade. 
 Some of tliis poetry I repeated to an intelligent Christian 
 man, born ia 1727. I remember what he said in reply. 
 
 "It was a great favor to the bondmen, among the children 
 "of Israel, to be taken from the ignorant and sinful nations, 
 "and admitted to some of the privileges of the chosen people 
 "of God, in the land of Israel; where they could become 
 "good men, and go to heaven when they died. It is a great 
 "privilege for the poor negroes to be t^ken from the igno- 
 "rant and wicked people of Guinea, and placed in a Christian 
 "land, where they can become good Christians, and go to 
 "heaven when they die." 
 
 Yiews like these I often heard expressed in conversation. 
 They are something like the argument addressed by John 
 Hawkins, the first Englishman who engaged in the traffic, to 
 Queen Elizabeth, who had reprimanded him for it. 
 
 He declared that "he considered it an act of humanity to 
 "transport men from a state of heathenism to the enjoyment 
 "of the Christian religion." 
 
 I do not know that she was convinced by his argument; 
 but at any rate, she afterwards conferred on him the honor 
 of knighthood; and he, as if perfectly sincere, took for the 
 crest of his coat of arms, a naked demi-moor. 
 
 Their plan was, instead of sending missionaries to Africa, 
 to die of disease, or to be killed and eaten by the cannibals 
 there, to bring the negroes here and convert them. 
 
 The celebrated George Whitefield, who preached power- 
 fully in Connecticut, recommended the employment of negro 
 slaves in Georgia; which he advocated on the ground of the 
 great difficulty of procuring servants. And how could they 
 be employed there, unless they were carried there by slave 
 traders ? His friend and patron. President Jonathan 
 Edwards, wrote a vindication of the slave trade. This 1 
 state on the authority of Professor Moses Stuart. 
 
 President Ezra Stiles, when a clergyman in Viewport, 
 ''sent a barrel of rum by a slave ship to the coast of Africa, 
 
16 
 
 "to be exchanged for a negro; and one was procured and 
 "brought home to him." 
 
 All this was in accordance with tlie views wiiicli prevailed, 
 and the course pursued by the authuiities in Connecticut and 
 Massachusetts, in their reducing to slavery the Indians taken 
 captive in 1637. 
 
 "The Pequot women and children, who had been capti- 
 "vated, were divided among the troops. Some were carried 
 "to Connecticut, and others to Massachusetts. The 'people' 
 "of Massachusetts (^/ifl^ is, the Colony, by legislative aetion,) sent 
 "a number of the women and boys to the West Indies, and 
 "sold them for slaves." * 
 
 If slaves could thus be exported, why could they not be 
 imported ? 
 
 For a considerable time ship masters in the several ports of 
 Connecticut were engaged, more or less, in the slave trade 
 with the West Indies and the coast of Africa. 
 
 I take the following statement from a newspaper article, 
 prepared by Hon. Edwin Stearns, of Middletown, who was 
 very careful in the collection of facts : 
 
 "Upon a cursory examination of an old map of the Village 
 ^ ' of Middletown, about the date of the Revolution, it is esti- 
 " mated that there were nearly one hundred families in what 
 "now comprises the city limits. Tlie names of all the Ilouse- 
 " holders are given, with their occupations, as well as their 
 "localities. Among these, are noted twenty two persons 
 "denominated 'Sea- Captains.' There are, also, three persons 
 "denominated 'Sea-captains engaged in the slave-trade.' 
 "There are, also, three notables living in the village, desig- 
 "nated 'Slave-dealers.' These were, D, Walker, Captain 
 "Gleason, Captain Easton, or Eason. We have heard people 
 "in Middletown say that. 
 
 "A large and profitable trade, in live-stock, was carried on, 
 "between Middletown and the West Indies; the outward- 
 
 * Trumbull's History of Connecticut, (., 92 
 HIS. MAG. Vol. HI, 2 
 
17 
 
 "bound cargo would consist of liorscs, on deck, with hoops, 
 "staves, and cornmeal, in the hold; and a full load of Guinea 
 "negroes, in return. Captain Easton, who was one of tlie 
 "most successful of these Yankee ship-masters and slave 
 "dealers, would take droves of negroes to JSTew Hampshire 
 "and Vermont, when the market here was dull, and exchange 
 "them for horses and hoop-poles. D. Walker was, probably, 
 "a speculator in slaves; and may have sold them to the fathers 
 "of the present race of philanthropists." 
 
 Mr. William Lyman, now living in Middlefield, and past 
 eighty years of age, states that Nehemiah Hubbard, of 
 Middletown, who, if now living, (1873) would be past a hun- 
 dred years of age, told him that he saw a cargo of slaves 
 placed in the old jail in Middletown, and sold at auction. 
 
 Other ports in Connecticut were supplied with slaves from 
 Guinea or the West Indies, or sent their vessels to supply 
 other States with slaves. Thus, in the year 1804, a vessel 
 from Hartford brought two hundred and iifty slaves to the 
 city of Charleston. New Haven and N^ew London were also 
 engaged iti the slave trade. When I resided in jSTew Haven, 
 two handsome houses were pointed out to me, which were 
 built by rich slave traders. Indeed, a well-appearing gentle- 
 man was pointed out to me as a native of New Haven, whose 
 father had made a fortrne in the slave trade. 
 
 The same year that I took my degree at Yale College, I 
 went in a coasting vessel to Yirginia, the captain of which, 
 John Anderson, a citizen of Connecticut, it was said, had been 
 engaged in the slave trade. I had not the courage to ask 
 him if tlie fact vvas so; but, in my conversation with him 
 about (iuinea, the Gold Coast, the Tooth Coast, the Grain 
 Coast, and the Slave Coast, he showed such a familiar 
 acquaintance with the country, that, incidentally, he con- 
 vinced me that he had been engaged in the slave tradfi. 
 Abont the year 1820, I saw that he was on trial, before a 
 Court in New York, for being engaged in that trade. 
 
 An Act was passed before 1760, by the Colonial Assembly 
 
 B 
 
18 
 
 of Connecticut, prohibiting the importation of slaves, for 
 economical reasons. The Preamble reads thus : "Whereas, 
 "the increase of slaves is injurious to the poor, and incon- 
 "venieut, therefore, EESOLA^ED," etc. 
 
 The slaves, boug-ht at a low price, were injurious to the 
 poor in the way of competition, and thus brought down the 
 price of labor, or threw the whites out of employment, and 
 increased the taxes for supporting the poor; besides, in other 
 ways, being "inconvenient." 
 
 The slave trade, nevertheless, continued. In an old news- 
 paper 1 found that, in 1788 a petition was presented, by the 
 Quakers of Providence, signed by Thomas Arnold, Clerk, 
 to the Legislature of Connecticut, praying for the abolition 
 of the slave trade in Connecticut, in which petition it is said, 
 that they "have heard of one or two vessels being fitted out 
 "by inhabitants of this State, that are engaged in this crimi- 
 "nal traffic." It is also stated in it, that citizens of other 
 States, where the trade was prohibited, were in the practice 
 of clearing out their vessels to Connecticut. 
 
 After the Act of 1784, prospectively emancipating the 
 slaves, slaves were transported out of the State to other 
 States. A more stringent law was passed in 1788, for the 
 suppression of tli.e slave trade; and also a law forbidding the 
 transportation of slaves from the State; as they had been 
 transported to the other States. This law allowed persons 
 going to reside in other States to take their slaves with them. 
 Many years since, when I was in Georgia, I heard of a family 
 of Connecticut slaves there. But whether they were sent 
 there on sale, or were carried by those who went to reside 
 there, I did not learn. 
 
 In the period between 1788, when the Federal Constitution 
 was adopted, and 1808, when, under that Constitution, by 
 Act of Congress, the trade was prohibited, there were many 
 engaged in carrying slaves to Southern ports, though Con- 
 necticut was not as extensively engaged in this business as 
 some other States, nor as Great Britain. 
 
19 
 
 As already nientioned, the first Act of the Connecticut 
 Colony, for the prohibition of the slave trade, was prompted 
 by economical reasons. The people felt that a white popu- 
 lation was preferable to a black population ; that every negro 
 imported, occupied tlie place of a white man, and they 
 preferred to encourage the superior race. Besides, in the 
 language of Dr. Belknap, "The winter here was always 
 "unfavorable to the African constitution. For this reason, 
 "white laborers are preferable to blacks." 
 
 It appears that Connecticut was one of the first Colonies 
 to pass a law abolishing the slave trade. This was done in 
 1769. The Legislature of Massachusetts made an attempt, 
 in 1767, to do the same, but failed; but in 1788 it passed 
 such an Act, prohibiting the slave trade. 
 
 ni._SOCIAL COXDITIOX OF NEGROES. 
 
 Slavery in Connecticut was a family, or patriarchal institu- 
 tion. At the first, and for some time, it was almost purely 
 such, as there were no Colony laws respecting it. Even to 
 the last, it was largely such. The slave was under the laws 
 of family government; and if, in any way, he should injure 
 the public, the master was considered as largely responsible 
 as, in the case of a minor child, the father is largely respon- 
 sible. Accordingly, the Apostle, in the Epistle to the Gala- 
 tians, says, "Now I say, that the heir, as long as he is a 
 "child, diftereth nothing from a servant, though he is Lord 
 "of all." Now, the difiierence between the tw^o was, that 
 the slave was reckoned as always a cliild, and had, by public 
 law, no inheritance from his master. And he had largely 
 the rights of a child, which he understood, as well as the 
 child. He had a right to food, clothing, shelter, medical 
 attendance when sick, support when he was old, and a decent 
 burial when he died. The master stood in loco parentis, aiid 
 the slave stood in loco filii. And, not unfreqiiently, there 
 was the reciprocal aft'ection implied by these relations. 
 
20 
 
 According to the genius of Puritan government, which is 
 a government by local law, everything was left to the parent 
 and master, whidi could safely be left; and Colony laws 
 were enacted in aid of their authority over the child, and 
 over the slave. The parent and the master were expected to 
 administer correction at home, when an offence had been 
 committed by the son or the slave, unless there were public 
 reasons for applying to the civil authority. 
 
 In Doctor Leonard Paeon's Historical Discourses, page 302, 
 the case of Anthony is mentioned, a negro slave of Governor 
 Eaton. He had been intoxicated by drinking "strong water;" 
 so the Governor brought the matter before the Court, 
 instead of administering the necessary punishment, as he 
 would have done, if the knowledge of the crime had l)een 
 coniined to his own family. 
 
 "The Court thought it fit, and agreed not to inflict any 
 "public corporal punishment for this time; but as the Gov- 
 "ernor's zeal and faithfulness hath appeared (not conniving at 
 "sin in his own family) so they leave it to him, to give that 
 "correction, wdiich he, in his wisdom, shall judge meet." 
 
 The negroes preferred that their master should punish 
 them, and not turn them over to the civil authority. 
 
 "John Cram, and Lucretia, his wife, were slaves belonging 
 "to Governor Eaton. They were growing old; and the 
 "woman being troublesome in the family, the Governor 
 "built for them a small house, at the head of the lot, and 
 "allowed them the use of two acres of ground, and they 
 "worked for him, three days in the week." — Colony Records 
 of Connecticut, iv.. 172. The masters of slaves felt bound to 
 provide for them in their old age. 
 
 The Guinea slaves brought into Connecticut were generally 
 young; they were placed in what might be considered the 
 best families in the Colony, if regard be had to intelligence, 
 piety and social standing; they were taught to form regular 
 habits in eating, drinking, sleeping and working, attending 
 family prayers, and hearing the Scriptures read. They had 
 
21 
 
 before them examples of virtue and religion, in strong con- 
 trast to the moral degradation, everywhere around them, in 
 their native country. 
 
 Pews were set apart for them in the meeting-houses, 
 where they generally Avere present; they were often ques- 
 tioned about the sermon heard on the Sabhath. They joined 
 the church, if qualified; their children were often offered in 
 baptism, by their believing masters or mistresses. They were 
 encouraged to marry and rear families. Some of these facts 
 I get from ancient Church Kecords; some from tradition; 
 and some from statements which I heard, when young, made 
 by owners of slaves, or by those who were bred up in families 
 with them. In some of these Records of Baptisms and 
 Marriages, the names of the negro children, and tiie names 
 of their masters and mistresses who offered them in baptism, 
 are given; and the names of the negroes married, and the 
 names of their masters, and their consent to the marriage, 
 are given. 
 
 The negroes being an imitative race, readily adopted the 
 customs of the whites. They adopted church going, military- 
 musters on a small scale, balls, had their annual election of 
 Governors — some of whom were called Kings, in remem- 
 brance of the Kings in Guinea. The last of the dynasty in 
 Durham was (^sesar, whom I have often seen. On election 
 day he wore upon his brow what seemed a kingly crown, 
 "the round and top of sovereignty;" and, from his admiring 
 subjects, he received their voluntary homage. He wore a 
 sword; but whether a "dagger of lath" or of steel, I do not 
 remember. He was escorted by an indefatigable drummer 
 and a fifer of en)inence. After the election ceremonies were 
 finished, all the negroes rejoiced in a feast. The whole was 
 a farce; but it had its attractions. It was something like tlie 
 Saturnalia of the Romans, the Carnival of the Catholics, or 
 the pastime of High Jinks, in which Pleydel personated a 
 monarch, as described in Guy Mannering. This, I believe, 
 was the expiring effort of negro loyalty in Durham. Cassar, 
 
not long after, like Charles the Fifth, abdicated his crown, 
 and retired to the "mild majesty" of private life, and had 
 "troops of friends" in old age. 
 
 Miss Canlkins, in Iier History of Norwich, gives a very 
 
 amusing acconnt of tlie negro elections. She speaks of a 
 
 decent gravestone in the burying ground there, bearing this 
 
 inscription : "In memory of Boston Trouwtrow, Governor 
 
 "of the African tribe in this town, who died 1772, aged 66." 
 
 "After the death of this person," she says, "Sam Hunt- 
 
 'ington was annually elected to this mock dignity, fur a much 
 
 'greater number of years, than his honorable namesake and 
 
 'master was to the gubernatorial chair of tlie State. It was 
 
 'amusing to see this sham dignity, after his election, riding 
 
 'through the town, on one of his master's horses, adorned 
 
 'with plaited gear, his Aides, on each side, a la militaire, 
 
 'himself puffing and swelling with pomposity, sitting bolt 
 
 'upright, and moving with a slow majestic pace, as if the 
 
 'Universe was looking on. When he mounted or dis- 
 
 'mounted, his Aides flew to his assistance, holding his bridle, 
 
 'putting his feet in the stirrup, and bowing to the ground 
 
 'before him. The Great Mogul, in a triumphal procession, 
 
 'never assumed an air of more perfect self-importance than 
 
 'the negro Governor, at such a time." 
 
 In many of the towns some negro, by his drollery and 
 good nature, was a great favorite, affording the people as 
 much amusement as the King's fool of the olden times did 
 inmates of a palace. Sixty years ago odd sayings and queer 
 remarks of negroes were current. They were generally very 
 willing to be the fool of the play, with the full consciousness 
 that the}^ were so. 
 
 In the Revolutionary War a negro, named Caesar, from 
 Lebanon, when a soldier, I believe on guard, took prisoner a 
 British soldier, and brought him into camp. He was much 
 applauded for his adroitness and bravery. But, in perform- 
 ing this feat, he had violated some imperative order. The 
 young officers, who were lying idle, determined that they 
 
23 
 
 would have some merriment by bringing him before a Court 
 Martial for a violation of orders. The Court was organized, 
 and the trial conducted with a scrupulous regard to forms 
 and ceremonials. When called on for his defence, he entered 
 into the joke, and only said, if I remember, "I took him," 
 thus making success the measure of merit, though not secun- 
 dum artem. When LaFayette, who, if not Judge Advocate, 
 was one of the Judges, made a very earnest speech, in which 
 he showed the enormity of the offence, magnified the impor- 
 tance of obeying orders, proving that success in tlie war must 
 depend on a strict obedience to orders, and saying that, in 
 his country, disobedience to orders was punished by death, 
 the culprit was condemned, but recommended to mercy. 
 Caesar, though pardoned, could not quite forgive this terrible 
 speech of "Old Fayte," as he called him. He enjoyed a 
 practical joke himself, but he thought "Old Fayte" carried 
 the joke too far. 
 
 Many of the negroes were musicians; most of them were 
 good whistlers; some of them were drummei's, lifers or 
 fiddlers. Caesar, just mentioned, was met by Eev. Doctor 
 Solomon Williams, the Pastor of Lebanon, who said to him : 
 "Caesar, I am told that you play your fiddle on the Sabbath; 
 "is it so?" "Yes, master," he replied, "I do a little, 
 "now and then, for my conversion ! " 
 
 The Kev. Jonathan Todd, who was a Minister hi Madison, 
 then East Guilford, nearly fifty-eight years, had, among his 
 neo-roes, a ffood fiddler. I tliink his name was Tom. He 
 performed the same office in the family that the Scottish 
 harpers did hi the Halls of the Lords. On Thanksgiving 
 Evenings the young people would collect together at the 
 house of the Minister, to listen to the negro'h violin; to 
 dance a few figures in the presence of Mr. and Mrs. Todd, 
 who had no children; to eat pumpkin pie from the hands of 
 their hostess; and always to retire after a prayer, at nine 
 o'clock. 
 
 Many of the negro slaves in Connecticut became ho])efully 
 
24 
 
 pious under the Chnstiau training wliicli they enjoyed in 
 
 Christian families. On the three liundred and twenty-sixth 
 
 page of the first volume of tlie Annals of the American Pulpit, 
 
 it is said of Eev. Doctor Solomon Williams, of Lci)anon : 
 
 'Mr. Williams had little apprehension of the evils of African 
 
 'slavery, herein agreeing with his cousin, Tresidunt Edwards. 
 
 'He looked U])on the captives brought hither as rescued from 
 
 'immediate death, and considered it a mercy to the poor 
 
 'Pagans to have found a home, even as slaves, in this land 
 
 'of Gospel light. He l)Ought an African boy and girl, and 
 
 'taught them to read the lUble; and the boy gave «>vnry 
 
 'evidence of being a sincere believer in Christ, He died, 
 
 'in old age, in tlie full assurance of Heavenly joys." 
 
 "An old gentleman, at the point of death, called a faith- 
 'ful negro to him, telling )iim that he would do him an 
 'honor before he died. The fellow thanked him, and hoped 
 ' 'Massa would live long.' 'I intend, (^ato,' said the master, 
 ' 'to allow you to be buried in the family vault.' 'Ah ! 
 'Massa,' returns Cato, 'me no like dat. Ten pounds would 
 'be better to Cato. He no care where ho be buried; 
 'besides, Massa, suppose we be buried together, and de 
 'devil come looking for Massa, in de dark he might take 
 'away poor negro man in mistake.' " 
 
 In the house which I now occupy in Durham, died a 
 Guinea negro woman, more than one hundred and five years 
 old, named Ginney. When she was near her death, and 
 Rev. Doctor Goodrich was requested to converse with her. 
 "Yes, Massa Goodrich," said Ginney, "■when I die I shall 
 "go right to heaven, and knock at de door, and inquire for 
 "Massa Worthington," — Rev, William AVorthington, of 
 Saybrook, with whom she had lived. "^Nfassa Worthington 
 "will come right tome, and I will say Ginney 's come; I 
 "want you to tell God that Ginney was always a good ser- 
 "vant. She never lie, never steal, never use bad 'language.' 
 "Massa Worthington will go right and tell God, 'Ginney 
 "was always a good servant. Slie never lie, and never steal, 
 
25 
 
 "never uee bad laiiiijuage. ' And then He will come back to 
 " the door and say, 'Ginney, you may come in.' And I 
 "will 'go right in, and sit down in the kitchen.' " 
 
 As already mentioned slavery in Connecticut was a family 
 institution. There was often a strong mutual attachment 
 between tlie master and the slave. The one defended the 
 interests, and it im\j be person, of the other, as patron or 
 client. 
 
 A Mr. Meigs, of East Guilford, now Madison, after wovk- 
 inff with his slave on a small island near the main -land, called 
 "Taxis Island,'' now in the possession of the Meigs family, 
 was returning from it in a boat, wdiich being, by the waves, 
 partially filled with water, could carry only one, which one 
 should ii be ? The master sprang into the water, and left 
 the slave safe in the boat. Being asked why he did so ? he 
 replied, "If I was drowned, I should goto heaven; but I 
 "do not think Tom would." 
 
 In many families negroes had an important position, espe- 
 cially as cooks. As compared with the Indians or the Irish, 
 they were epicures. They generally took care to know what 
 they carried upon the table, being their own tasters. In 
 other respects they showed a strong good sense that was 
 often sorvdceable in fmnilies. 
 
 President Dwight, on one occasion, in illustrating their 
 good c[ualities, spoke of a negro woman in his family who 
 was often consulted as to the management of his family con- 
 cerns. Amused by this eulogy, some of my classmates 
 laughed outright, when the Doctor broke out upon them : 
 "If I thought, young gentlemen, that you would have as 
 "much good judgment and good sense as my servant woman 
 "has, I should have a higher opinion of you than I now 
 "have." There was no more laughing. 
 
 In the Minister's Wooing, by Mrs. Harriet Beecher Stowe, 
 there is a negro woman, perhaps her name is Candace, who 
 is a pretty fair representative of a class which has now disap- 
 peared from Connecticut, though still found elsewhere. It 
 
26 
 
 strike me that it is a more correct portrait of a negro woman, 
 than that given in Norwood, of Pete Towmill, is of a negro 
 man, by her gifted brother; though in the latter, tliere are 
 occasional descriptions true to the negro's nature. 
 
 Tlie negroes were considered as lazy and improvident. 
 
 Rev. Doctor Jared Eliot had a negro slave named Kedar, 
 and Kate, his wife. One Monday, on a spring morning, he 
 took them to a house and farm two or three miles from the 
 landing in Kilingworth, where he resided, and gave them 
 provisions and tools, telling Kedar what work he should do. 
 IVext Monday he rode over to the farm to see them. He, 
 finding none of the work done, called Kedar to account. 
 "Why, Massa,'' he replied, "it takes me all the time to 
 fetch wood and water to Kate," So this excuse became 
 current, as applicable to lazy husbands. 
 
 EMANCIPATION OF THE NEGROES. 
 
 "And, whereas sound policy requires that the abolition of 
 "Slavery should be effected, as soon as may be consistent 
 "with the rights of individuals and the public safety and wel- 
 "fare, Therefore, Be it enacted that no Negro or Molatto child 
 "that shall, after the first day of March, one thousand, seven 
 "hundred, and eighty-four, be born within this State, shall 
 "be held in servitude, longer than until they arrive to the 
 "age of twenty-five years, notwithstanding the mother or 
 "parent of such child was held in servitude, at the time of 
 "its birth, but such child, at the age aforesaid, shall be free, 
 "any law, usage, or custom to the contrary notwithstanding. " 
 
 This Act was passed by the Legislature of 1784, the year 
 after the close of the war, by which the State freed itself 
 from political slavery. 
 
 A law was passed in 1792, allowing the owners of slaves 
 to emancipate them, on certain conditions. 
 
 A law was also passed in 1797, by whicli negro children 
 were free at twenty-one years of age. 
 
27 
 
 This Emancipation Act of Connecticut, 1 consider as a 
 model for wisdom and statesmanship. It was a matter of 
 political economy, about which the Legislature was competent 
 to form a correct jugmeut. They legislated only for them- 
 selves, and not for others. 
 
 I once had an opportunity of referring to this Act of 
 Connecticut, very much to my satisfaction. In the year 
 1852 it so happened that, at the meeting of the British 
 Association for the Advancement of Science, at Belfast, I 
 was the accredited Representative of the United States, in 
 that body. Archbishop Whately presided over the Statistical 
 Section. To a large and crowded audience a paper was read 
 upon the results of emancipation in Jamaica. A very violent 
 debate, though personally courteous, soon followed, in which 
 the arguments, from political economy, were all on one side. 
 To sustain themselves, some of tlie speakers launched forth 
 in extolling the glory of P^ngland in this matter, in contrast 
 with the shame of the United States, and the wisdom of 
 Parliament in contrast with the folly of Congress. I felt 
 bound to put the thing on its true ground, so far as this 
 country was concerned; and sent my card, by one of the 
 committee, to the President of the Section. As soon as the 
 speaker closed, there was a great struggle for the floor, which 
 ttie Archbishop regarded -wdth entire unconcern, and holding 
 my card high up, he read, "Mr. Fowler, from Massachusetts." 
 
 Having stated that Congress had no power to emancipate, 
 and ought to have no power to emancipate the slaves, I then 
 went on to say, that tlie States had the power to do so, and 
 had successfully exercised that power; and would, I trusted, 
 do so hereafter. In doing this, I distinctly described the 
 policy and wisdom of Connecticut. 
 
 There was a shower of applause, and the Section proceeded 
 to consider another subject. The next day when I took my 
 seat in the Section, the Archbishop left his chair and came 
 down, and took me by the hand, and said : "I was very 
 "much struck wi<-h what you said about profit and loss, as 
 
28 
 
 "connected with the emancipation of tlie slaves. It reminded 
 "me of what I saw in a pamphlet written about twenty years 
 "since, by a Mr. Smith, who had resided in the West Indies. 
 "Have you ever seen that pamphlet? If von liave not. if 
 "you will irive me your address, when I return to Dublin, 
 ''I will send it to you. " I gave him my address; he sent 
 me the pamphlet, which I now have. Others, likewise, 
 expressed theii approbation of the course pursued by Connec- 
 ticut, and of the spirit with which she pursued that course. 
 
 In 181:8 an Act was passed by the Connecticut Legislature, 
 emancipating the few remaining slaves in the State. There 
 is no Preamble to this Act, and no reasons given for it, if 
 there were any sufficient reasons, either in the good accom- 
 plished for the slaves or to their owners. The owners were 
 still required to provide for their support. It is not, in its 
 spirit, entirely in harmony with the Act of 1784. 
 
 CAUSES OF EMANCIPATION. 
 
 In the War of the Kevolution, negroes were enijjloyed in 
 the Connecticut troops, who thus, in ]~»ul)lic estimation, 
 became entitled to their freedom. 
 
 In 1777 petitions were presented to the Legislature, in 
 favor of the emancipation of negro slaves, some of whom 
 were expected to act as soldiers. From Danburv, Eeading, 
 and other places, petitions were sent to the Legislature, for 
 remuneration for slaves killed in the war. 
 
 The vagne and "glittering generalities" in the Declaration 
 of Independence, -were, by some, so construed as to have an 
 application to slaves; though not intended to have such an 
 application. 
 
 Moreover, as in (>onnecticut as elsewhere, there have been 
 vibrations in theology, so there have been fashions in morality; 
 and it happens, sometimes, that vibrations in the one are in 
 accordance with fashions in the others. Doctor Samuel 
 Hopkins, a native of Connecticut, brought in anew theology, 
 
29 
 
 entitled, "Hopkiiisianism," and he also, in 1776, published 
 a Dialogue, in which he endeavored to show that it was the 
 duty and tlie interest of the American States to emancipate 
 their slaves. This had its influence. Doctor Jonathan 
 Edwards, the younger, who resided many years in Connecticut, 
 and who was an adv^ocate of what w^as called ' ' New Divinity," 
 published a Sermon in J 791, on the Injustice and Impolicy of 
 the Slave Trade. 
 
 But the grand cause of the abolition of slavery in Connec- 
 ticut was, that it became unprofitahle to tJw owners and the State. 
 
 It is to be considered that, during the lievolutionary War, 
 and after the Peace of 1783, business was in a very depressed 
 condition. The States had gained their independence, but 
 had, to a large extent, lost their commerce with England 
 and the West Indies. The agricultural interest of Connec- 
 ticut, of course, ceased to be profitable. The people of New 
 England, we are told by Pitkin, instead of being satisfied 
 with the political liberty which they had gained, were begin- 
 ning to remove to the British Provinces, where they would 
 have greater advantages of a commercial character, though 
 they must suffer the same political disabilities whicli they 
 had fought several years to remove. As this 'state of things 
 was beginning to be understood, the Legislature, in 1784, 
 abolished slavery. The preamble to the law is in these 
 words : "And, whereas, sovmd policy rerjuires that the 
 "abolition of slavery should be effected, as soon as may be 
 "consistent with the rights of individuals, and the public 
 "safety and welfare, therefore," &e. 
 
 This places the abolition of slavery in Connecticut, upon 
 the real grounds. There is no pretence of religion, or 
 morality, or humanity, about which men might differ, and 
 quarrel, and sacrifice the interests of others, to satisfy their 
 own notions of right. Connecticut had always claimed the 
 right to say what is property, and what is not property, and, 
 generally, to manage her internal concerns; and now she 
 exercises that right, in her own time, in her own way, and for 
 
30 
 
 her own reasons. In her union with Great Britain, by 
 Charter, in her iinio!i with the iS'ew England Colonies, by 
 the Federal Constitution of 1643, or with the other States, 
 by the Federal Constitution of 1787, she had always insisted 
 on tins right, and cheerfully accorded it to the other Colonies 
 and States. 
 
 Connecticut was not stimulated to this act by anything ab 
 extra, by no English emissary, no conceited self-righteous 
 agent, or moral demagogue; but was moved by considera- 
 tions of "sound policy," and by a careful regard to ''the 
 rights of individuals," and the interests of all. 
 
 During the time that the restriction on the admission of 
 Missouri was ponding, T resided in New Haven, where tlie 
 subject of slavery was frequently discussed. From men like 
 Hon. Elizur Goodrich and Judge Simeon Baldwin, I learned 
 that, in passing the Emancipation Act of 1784, the Connec- 
 ticut Legislature were influenced by economical reasons, as the 
 moving cause. In the early periods of the Commonwealth, 
 there was more labor to be performed than there were laborers 
 to da it. After the war, tliere were more laborers than 
 could find profitable employment. 
 
 By the provisions of tiie Act of Emancipation, twenty-five 
 years must pass away l)efore a single slave would be freed; 
 so that there would be an opportunity to qualify those who 
 were to be made free, to take care of themselves. The older 
 slaves would be taken care of hy their owners. The rights 
 of the owners were taken care of, inasmuch as, in the inter- 
 vening twenty -five years, they could arrange their business 
 so that there would be but little loss, when the slave was 
 emancipated. And if any one was disposed to complain of 
 the law, lie could sell his slaves, in the State or elsewhere. 
 
 Twenty-five years from 1784 reach to 1809, the year after 
 the slave trade ceased, under the provisions of the Federal 
 Constitution. The first of March, of tliat year, was Emanci- 
 pation Day for the slave, born twenty-five years before, if 
 there was any such. I recollect that, for a number of years 
 
31 
 
 after that date, the inquiry used to be made, when this slave 
 or that slave was to have his freedom ? The slave thus to 
 be emancipated at the age of twenty-five, felt very much as 
 the apprentice who was to be emancipated when twenty -one 
 vears of age. The great system of apprenticeship, which 
 prevailed in Connecticut, brought a great many of the white 
 youth into the same category as slaves, so far as service or 
 labor was claimed by the master. Indeed, in the Federal 
 Constitution, the provision for restoring fugitive apprentices 
 is the spvme as that for restoring fugitive slaves. All tlie 
 States, tlierefore, were interested in having that provision in 
 the Federal institution. 
 
 As the new Federal Constitution, under which we now 
 live, had not been adopted, the inquiry arises as to the 
 security for property in slaves and apprentices who might 
 run away. 
 
 Tlie security was found in this, that the several Colonies 
 and States had very strict laws against the coming in of pau- 
 pers and vagabonds from other States; and also for the 
 protection of the several towns against their coming in, from 
 other towns. While the laws and sentiments of the people 
 were opposed to intrusions of this kind into Colonies and 
 Towns, there was, practically, no difficulty in the restoration 
 of such persons, when they could be found. As Christians, 
 they felt disposed to imitate the Apostle of the Gentiles who 
 sent back to his master, Onesimus, a slave; as gentlemen, they 
 felt that comity demanded this course; and, as statesmen, 
 they saw the justice of freely doing that which was expressly 
 stipulated to be done in the Constitutions of 1643 and 1789. 
 
 As an illustration of tlie spirit that generally prevailed hi 
 the State, it may be sufficient to mention that, in 1783, after 
 tlie Articles of Confederation hal been adopted, Governor 
 Guerard, of South Carolina, wrote to John Hancock, Gov- 
 ernor of Massachusetts, hi regard to nine slaves, belonging to 
 Percival Pawley, of Georgetow n, South Carolina, who vt^ere 
 
 HIS. MAG. VOL. Ill, 7. 
 
32 
 
 then in Boston, in order that they might be restored. The 
 whole matter was l)rought before the General Court of Massa- 
 chusetts. Governor Hancock, Samuel Adams, and Tristani 
 Dalton, ""Speaker of the House, united in restoring them to 
 their owners. This was live years before the present Federal 
 Constitution was adopted, which, by compact, rendered this 
 course obligatory. 
 
 The same spirit of Christianity, comity and statesmanship 
 still prevailing, when the Federal ConstitutioQ of 1787 was 
 framed, there was no objection raised to placing in that 
 instrument the provision for the restoration of fugitive slaves 
 and apprentices. It was felt to be a reasonable provision in 
 all the States. 
 
 v.— SPECIMEN ADVEKTISEMENTS. 
 
 "To be sold, a strong and healthy negro man, 29 years of 
 "age, and brought up in the country to farming business. 
 "Also, an able body'd wench IG years old (with a sucking 
 "child) can do all sorts of housework — for no other fault but 
 "her breeding. Enquire of the printer." — New London 
 ^"Gazette, October, 1766. 
 
 [I. 
 
 "Itan away from the subscriber, a negro girl named (tin 
 "24 or 25 years of age, a good looking girl. Wliosoever 
 "will return her to the subscriber, or secure her, and give 
 "notice shall be generously rewarded, & have all charges 
 "p:\id. 
 
 "MERIDEN, March 17, 1787. ELIJAH SCOVEL." 
 
 III. 
 
 " FIYE DOLLARS REWARD. Run away from the 
 "subscriber, of Windsor, on the I3th of May, a negro fellow 
 
83 
 
 "named Tom, about five feet four inches high, is about 40 
 "years old. All Masters of vessels and others are forbid 
 "harboring or takineraway said negro, as I shall pay no cost 
 "if he become chargeable. 
 " FREDERIC PHELPS. 
 
 " HARWINTON, Aug. 27. 1790." 
 
 lY. 
 
 "To be sold at public vendue, oji Tuesday, 29 of Nov. 
 "instant, at the dwelling house of Capt. Enos Atwater of 
 "Cheshire, deceased, a good negro wench, about 20 years 
 "old." 
 
 New Haven Gazette, JSTovember, 1786. 
 
 Elsewhere similar advertisements were published. 
 
 EFFECTS OF EMANCIPATION. 
 
 The eifects of emancipation were diverse in different cases; 
 sometimes being a benefit, and sometimes an injury to the 
 slave or his master.. In most cases, so far as I have heard 
 testimonies on the subject, for the last forty or fifty years, 
 it was more advantageous to the master, and less injurious, 
 than it was to the slave. 
 
 Charles James Fox, in the British Parliament, when the 
 slave trade was under consideration said, w^ith truth : "That 
 "it might be as dangerous to liberate a man used to slavery, 
 "as, in the case of one who had never seen daylight, to 
 "expose him, at once, to the Meridian Sun.'' 
 
 But, in Connecticut, the emancipation was so gradual, 
 that it gave no shock to the feelings or the interest, and no 
 great advantage, to the parties concerried. And yet, even 
 in Connecticut, in 1793, when the process of emancipation 
 had been going on, and was to be completed by the Legisla- 
 tive enactment, there were seen to be evils connected with 
 
 
u 
 
 it. In an Essay, published that year in Hartford, where he 
 tlien resided. Noah Webster, Junior, Esqr,, made the fol- 
 lowino- remarks : "Nor does the restoration to freedom 
 "correct the depravity of their hearts. Born and bred 
 "beneath the frowns of power, neglected and despised in 
 "youth, they abandon themselves to ill company, and low, 
 "vicious pleasures, till their habits are formed; when manu- 
 "mission, instead of destroying their habits, and repressing 
 "their corrupt inclinations, serves to afford them more 
 "numerous opportunities of indulging both. Thus an act of 
 "strict justice to the slave, very often renders him a worse 
 "member of society." 
 
 In conversation with intelligent men, born not far from 
 the year 1760, I often heard the sentiment expressed that 
 the slaves, in Connecticut, were more moral, more religious, 
 had larger families of children, and lived longer, than the 
 free blacks. 
 
 From undoubted testimony I have learned that many of 
 the slaves lived to a great age — to a greater age tnan the free 
 blacks. It is to be considered that there are now a greater 
 number of mulattoes, in proportion to the wdiole number of 
 blacks, than there were in the last century; and mulattoes 
 are not as hardy, and do not live as long, as the pure negro 
 or the pure white. 
 
 In the year 1822 I visited the State Prison, or Newgate, 
 as it was called, at Granby. If I recollect right, som.ething 
 like a quarter of all the prisoners were blacks. In the July 
 number of the Christian Spectator, for the year 1828, it is 
 said, that "in Connecticut, one out of thirty-four of the 
 "whole population are blacks, and one out of three of the 
 "convicts, are blacks." This is an enormous disproportion. 
 It shows that there were more than ten times as many blacks 
 as whites who were convicts, as compared with the whole 
 population. In the same article it is said that, in Connecti- 
 cut, "in fifteen years, thirty-seven thousand dollars" were 
 expended in supporting the black convicts. 
 
From the "Warden of the Connecticut State Prison, in 
 Wethersfield, I learn that, in the year 1839, tlie total num- 
 ber of convicts was one hundred and eighty- three, of which 
 the whites were one hundred and thirty-live, and the blacks 
 forty-eight. In 1849, total, one hundred and fifty seven — 
 whites, one hundred and fifteen; blacks, forty-two. In 
 1859, total, two hundred — whites, one hundred and seventy- 
 four; blacks, twenty-six. In 1867, total, two hundred and 
 seven — whites, one hundred and seventy-seven; blacks, 
 thirty. 
 
 In view of these and other facts, it is impossible for me 
 to resist the conviction that there has been a great falling off 
 in the morals of negroes, in the successive generations, since 
 their emancipation in Connecticut. 
 
 To this there may be exceptional cases, in those cities 
 where especial pains have been taken to promote the moral 
 improvement of the negroes. 
 
 As to the increase or diminution of the negroes and mulat- 
 toes, I have the following statistical statements. Before 
 presenting them, I would say that, as a general fact, the 
 blacks, in the agricultural towns, are not as numerous, abso- 
 lutely or relatively, as formerly. In Durham, for instance, 
 in 1774, there were forty-four blacks, the most, or nearly all 
 of them, slaves. In 1868 there were three. In the cities 
 there have been, in some cases, an increase absolutely, but 
 n(»t relatively. They do not incline to agricultural labors so 
 much as they do to domestic service, as cooks, w^aiters in 
 hotels, barbers, shoeblacks, or other menial servants. 
 
 It should be mentioned that the negroes have tM'O Congre- 
 gational Churches — one in Hartford, the other in Is'ew 
 Haven; four Methodist Churches — one in Hartford, one in 
 New Haven, one in Norwich, and one in Bridgeport; also a 
 Union Church, in JSTew Haven ; also an Episcopal Church, 
 in Eew Haven. What is the wdiole number of churchgoers, 
 
 HIS MAG. Vol. Ill, 11. 
 
36 
 
 and the wliole niimher of communicants, compared with those 
 of former times, I have no means for determining. 
 
 CENSUS OF THE NEGROES, IN CONNECTICUT. 
 
 In 1756 there were one hundred and twenty-six thousand, 
 nine hundred and seventj-six whites; and three thousand, 
 six hundred and thirty-six blacks. In 1774 there were one 
 hundred and ninety-one thousand, four hundred and forty- 
 eight whites; and six thousand, five hundred and sixty-two 
 blacks. In 1782, in Hartford County, including Middletown 
 and Tolland, there were fifty -five thousand, six hundred and 
 forty-seven whites; and one thousand, three hundred and 
 twenty-six blacks. In New Haven County there were 
 twenty-five thousand, and ninety-two whites; aud eight hun- 
 dred and eiffhty-one blacks. In New London County there 
 were thirty-one thousand, one hundred and thirty-one whites; 
 and one thousand, nine hundred and twenty blacks. In 
 Fairfield County there were twenty-nine thousand, seven 
 hundred and twenty-two whites; and one thousand, one 
 hundred and thirty-four blacks. In Windham County there 
 were twenty-eight thousand, one hundred and eighty-five 
 whites; and four hundred and eighty-five blacks. And in 
 Litchfield County there were thirty-three thousand, one hun- 
 dred and twenty-seven whites; and five hundred and twenty- 
 nine blacks. Making a total, in the entire State, of two 
 hundred and two thousand, nine hundred and two whites; 
 and six thousand, two hundred and eighty-one blacks. 
 
 In 1800 there were two hundred and forty five thousand, 
 six hundred and twenty-one whites; four thousand, three 
 hundred and thirty free blacks; and nine hundred and fifty- 
 one slaves. In 1820 there were two hundred and sixty-seven 
 thousand, one hundred and sixty-one whites; free blacks, 
 seven thousand, eight hundred and forty -four; and ninety- 
 seven slaves. In 1840 there were three hundred and one 
 thousand, eight hundred and fifty-six whites; eight thousand 
 
37 
 
 one hundred and live free blacks; and seventeen slaves. In 
 1860 there were four hundred and fifty-one thousand, five 
 hundred and four whites; eight thousand, six hundred and 
 twenty-seven free blacks; and sixteen Indians. And in 
 1870 there were five hundred and twenty-seven thousand, 
 five hundred and forty-nine whites; and nine thousand, six 
 hundred and sixty-eight free blacks. 
 
 From the statements above, it appears that in 1782, two 
 years before the iVct of Emancipation was passed, the number 
 of the blacks, as compared with the whites, was one black for 
 every thirty- two whites; and that in 1860 the immber of the 
 blacks, as compared with the whites, was one black for every 
 fifty -two whites. This shows a great relative diminution of 
 the blacks. But, in order to come to an exact opinion, it 
 would be necessary to take into the account the great emigra- 
 tion of the whites to other parts of the country, and the great 
 immigration of foreigners for the last thirty years, on the 
 one hand, and the coming in of fugitive slaves on the other. 
 It is believed, however, that the negroes have not, since their 
 emancipation, by natural increase, kept their number good, 
 as compared with the whites. It is also believed that the 
 number of mulattoes, from illicit intercourse, has increased, 
 as compared with the pure negroes. 
 
 Whether the emancipation af the negroes in Connecticut, 
 in its effects, was a mercy to them, in improving their condi- 
 tion, or a punishment for their heing unprofitable servants, I 
 leave for others to say. 
 
 THE NEGHO MADE PROMIi^ENT, AT 
 CERTAIN EPOCHS. 
 
 In 1819, '20, and '21, the public mind in Connecticut 
 was excited, for the first time, to a high degree, on the 
 subject of slavery, by a proposed restriction on Missouri. 
 On the thirteenth of February, 1819, a Bill was called up in 
 the Federal House of Bepresentatives to admit Missouri as a 
 
38 
 
 State. Mr. Tallmage, of New York, moved an amendment 
 to the Bill, by which slavery would be prohibited. Missouri 
 was admitted, without restriction, on the twenty-eighth of 
 February, 1821, three years after the Bill was presented. 
 In this period an excitement was got up in Connecticut; and 
 when the Bill passed, a Senator of the State, who voted for 
 it, was burned, or hung in effigy, I think in Norwich; and 
 one of the Rej)rosentatives was, for a time, put under the 
 ban. I remember seeing in College Street, New Haven, a 
 company of boys marching to music, and bearing pictures 
 adapted to make slavery and slave holders in Virginia, odious. 
 A pamphlet, entitled PoehaJiontas, was prepared and published 
 at the same place, for the same purpose. This demonstra- 
 tion took place not far from the time of Mr. Monroe's elec- 
 tion for the second term — the fourth President elected from 
 Virginia, for two terms each. 
 
 If, in 1817, Mr. George Cabot, or Euf us King, orDeWitt 
 Clinton had been elected President, instead of Mr. Monroe, 
 the restriction on Missouri would not have been heard of. 
 
 NEGRO COLLEGE. 
 
 "NEW HAVEN, Saturday September 10th, 1831. 
 
 "It will be seen by an advertisement in this paper, that a 
 "call is made on our citizens, to meet this day, and express 
 "their opinion on the expediency of establishing a College, 
 "in this city, for the education of colored persons. AVe do 
 "not know, but we are slow of heart to believe, but we con- 
 "fess we cannot think there are just grounds to fear the 
 "establishment of any such institution in this town. Not- 
 " withstanding all the idle reports, we do not believe that 
 "money can be raised for such a purpose to make it worth 
 "while for any man or body of men to spend time in talking 
 "in favor or against such an institution. Besides, who would 
 "think of locating a School or College in a town where f orty- 
 " nine- fiftieths of the inhabitants are against the project? 
 
39 
 
 There is, to be sure, one individual citizen, who has publicly 
 engaged in favor of the project, and has, for some time 
 shown an honest and commendable zeal in the work of 
 civilizing and christianizing the blacks, among us. There 
 is, probably, not a man in the town of more honest and 
 upright intentions; l)ut, in this project, zeal has eaten up 
 liis better sense. If there are half a dozen others, whose 
 feelings correspond with his. it is enough to say that they 
 are somewhat delirious. We repeat it, we see no cause for 
 such an excitement (growing out of a project that hardly 
 begins to be talked of, by its friends) as to call for a City- 
 meeting, at piesent. We dislike these hasty City-meetings. 
 We once knew our citizens vote, in a hurry, to involve 
 themselves in a debt of oae hundred thousand dollars. 
 We say, give us time to hear, with ears. 
 "One word more — if it is necessary to have an African 
 College, in Connecticut, may not the projectors of it, on 
 mature consideration, conclude to locate it in the town of 
 Cornwall, and there occupy the buildings prepared to their 
 hands by the friends of Indian Colleges, who flourished, in 
 these parts, a few years ago ? Cornwall possesses many 
 advantages for such an institution, over other places; and 
 it is not among the least of them, that the ladies of that 
 town readily give themselves, better for worse, and worse 
 for better, to the colored gentlemen This and other con- 
 siderations may have a strong tendency to draw the proposed 
 College to that town. We hope, therefore, that our citizens 
 will act with coolness, on this subject." 
 
 The inhabitants of New Haven met, according to appoint- 
 ment, and passed strong votes, by great majorities, in oppo- 
 sition to the establishment of a ]S'egro College in New Haven. 
 
 On the tenth of September, 1831, the demonstration 
 already mentioned took place, designed to prevent the estab- 
 lishment of a Xegro College in New Haven. At this 
 meeting of the Mayor, Aldermen, Common Council and 
 
40 
 
 Freemen of the city of New Haven, resolutions were passed 
 in opposition to tlie propagation of abolition sentiments, and 
 to the establishment of the pro})osed Negro College; and the 
 reasons for this opposition were distinctly set forth. 
 
 In 1833 the Legislature of Connecticut passed an Act by 
 which it was rendered penal to establish schools in the Com- 
 monwealth for the instruction of negroes from other States. 
 The reason is given in the Preamble to the Act, namely : 
 " That they would tend to the great increase of the colored 
 ' ' population of the State, and thereby to the injury of the 
 "people." Substantially the same reason which was given 
 for the suppression of the slave trade. In Connecticut, 
 under this Act, Prudence Crandall was convicted of having 
 set up such a school in Canterbury. In administering the 
 law in that trial. Judge Daggett, who presided, said : " The 
 "persons contemplated in this Act are not citizens within the 
 "obvious meaning of that Section of the Constitution of the 
 "United States, which I have just read." 
 
 In 1835 public meetings were held in Hartford and New 
 Haven, which passed resolutions condemning the operations 
 of the Abolitionists for sending incendiary and seditious 
 publications into the Southern States. The sentiments 
 embodied in those resolutions were in harmony, it is believed, 
 with the sentiments generally entertained by the intelligent 
 and patriotic people of the State. 
 
 In the year 1838 the Legislature of the State passed an 
 Act nullifying, in part, the fugitive slave law of 1793, which 
 was signed by George Washington, and voted for by the 
 Connecticut delegation at that time. For such an Act the 
 title was remarkable : An Act for the fulfillment of the ohliga- 
 tions of this State, imposed by the Constitution of the United 
 States, in regard to persons held . to service "-or labor in one State 
 and escaping into another State, and to secure the right of trial 
 by jury, in the cases herein mentioned. 
 
 In the year 1854 the Legislature of the State passed an 
 Act nullifying the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850. The Act 
 was entitled. An Act for the defense of liberty in this State. 
 
41 
 
 In 1865 the Legislature of Connecticut voted to amend 
 the Federal Constitution for the abolition of slavery in other 
 States. 
 
 PKIVILEGE OF SUFFRAGE. 
 
 From the first through a period of something like two 
 hundred years, it was no more expected that negroes should 
 have the right of suffrage in freemen's meetings and in town 
 meetings, than that Indians or women or children should 
 have that right. No law was necessary on the subject as to 
 either of these classes. It is not known that they wished to 
 vote, or that respectable freemen wished them to vote. A 
 property qualification for voting effectually prevented the 
 great mass of them from exercising the privilege of suffrage, 
 even if public opinion had allowed it. The people of Con- 
 necticut were practical, and believed that our two-fold 
 Government was created by and for luhite men. 
 
 In the May Session of the Legislature in 1818, an Act was 
 passed confining the privilege of suffrage to white male 
 citizens of this State. 
 
 By the State Constitution, adopted by the people, on the 
 first Munday of October, 1818, the privilege of suffrage was 
 confined to "white male citizens of the United States." 
 
 In 1847 an amendment to the Constitution was proposed, 
 by which negroes should have the right of suffrage, but the 
 people of the State, by their vote, refused to alter tlie Con- 
 stitution.* 
 
 In 1865 a similar amendment was acted on by the people 
 who, by their vote, refused to alter the Constitution. f 
 
 * In the year 1847 the question of striking out the word "white"' 
 was first submitted to the people— Yesis, 5,353 ; Nays, 19, 148. Majority 
 against the Measure, 13,795. 
 
 t In the year 1865 the same question. Result— Yeas, 37,217; Nays, 
 33,439. Majority against the Measure, 6,272. 
 
 In the year 1869, at the May Session, the Legislature ratified the 
 
42 
 
 INDIAN SLAVES. 
 
 It is not the purpose for which this paper is prepared to 
 present tlie history of Indian slavery in this Commonwealth, 
 It may not, however, be out of place to say, in addition to 
 what has already been stated, that, in the wars with the 
 Indians, slaves were distributed in small numbers in the 
 Colony or elsewhere. There grew up a mixed race, to some 
 extent — a cross between the Indian and the negroes, some of 
 whom I have seen. I heard aged people discuss the com- 
 parative merits of Indian slaves and negro slaves; and they 
 always gave the preference to the latter. They entertained, 
 to some extent, the opinion of Mr. Palfrey, as to the 
 inferiority of the Indian race. 
 
 As to the origin of this inferiority, they could get no clue 
 from the Bible, their text-book in science as well as in 
 religion; and, when the old question came up, in regard to 
 the descent of all men from one pair, some rustic philosopher, 
 abnormis sapiens erassaque Minerva, seeing before him speci- 
 mens of three great races — the Caucasian, the African, and 
 the American — would say a miracle, recorded in the Bible, 
 produced the African, and a greater miracle may have pro- 
 duced the Indian. 
 
 As compared with the negroes, the Indian slaves were not 
 favorites. Their passions were stronger, though their appe- 
 tites were weaker; they were equally lazy, improvident and 
 unprofitable. 
 
 In the inventory of Gabriel Harris, of New London, in 
 1684, an "Indian maid-servant" is valued at £15. 
 
 In the History of New London, it is stated that John Prentis, 
 in his will, in 1711, distributed his "Indian servants" as 
 
 amendment to the Federal Constitution, allowing negroes to vote. 
 Senate — Yeas, 13; Nays, 5. House — Yeas, 126; Nnys, 104. 
 
 Had this question been subraitte 1 directly to the people for decision, 
 in 1869, it is believed that the decision would have been different, and 
 in accordance with former decisions. 
 
43 
 
 follows : ''To mj son-in-law, Thomas Hosmer, of Hartford, 
 "one black girl, Simone, till she is 30 — then she is to be 
 "free. To my son-in-law, .Tohn Bulkley, Bilhah — to be 
 "free at 32. To my daughter, Sarah, Zilplm — to be free 
 "at 32. To my daughter, Elizabeth, a black boy named 
 ''Hannibal, to be free at 35. To Scipio, I have promised 
 "freedom at 30. Rachel, the Mother, I give to Irene — also 
 "little one, with her, named Dido, who is to be free at 32." 
 
 APPRENTICESHIP. 
 
 ^ Formerly, a great system of apprenticeship, bori-owed from 
 England, prevailed in this country. In that system, parents 
 of Selectmen of the town indentured boys at fourteen years 
 of age, and girls, perhaps younger — the former to stay with a 
 master or mistress until twenty-one years of age, and tlie 
 latter until eighteen. Parents often felt that it was a great 
 privilege to place their children in this way in respectable, 
 intelliofent and religious families. Like the children of the 
 family, like the slaves, they were to receive family instruc- 
 tion, and, when necessary, family punishment. 
 
 When apprentices or slaves became discontented and ran 
 away from their masters, they were advertised in the news- 
 papers, after they were established. It must be in the 
 recollection of some present, that runaway apprentices were 
 advertised in almost every paper published in the State, or 
 in some parts of the State. 
 
 In the same way, at an earlier period, runaway slaves were 
 advertised. 
 
 LAWS RELATING TO SLAVERY. 
 
 There have never been any laws in the Commonwealth of 
 (Connecticut creatine: property in slaves, any more than there 
 have been laws creating property in horses. Such laws were 
 deemed unnecessary, inasmuch as property can exist indepen- 
 
44 
 
 dently of law. The dogma that property in slaves is the 
 creature of local law, and the figment that all property is the 
 creature of law, were not accepted in ancient Connecticut. 
 These slaves, whether purchased or inherited, the pt^ople 
 regarded as, in the language of Scripture, their "money." 
 There were, however, many laws passed recognizing slaves 
 as property, chattels. The people did not regard slaves as 
 having any political rights which they were bound to respect. 
 'Z In the year 1 660 Massachusetts passed the following law 
 establishing negro slavery in the Colony : 
 
 AN ACT RESPECTING BOND-SLAVERY. 
 
 "It is ordered by this Court and by Authority thereof : 
 "That there shall never be any bond-slavery, villianage, or 
 "captivity amongst us, unless, it be Lawful captives, taken 
 "in just Wars, (or such) as (shall) willingly sell themselves, 
 "or arc sold to us; and such shall have the liberties, and 
 "Christian usuage which the Law of God, established in 
 "Israel, concerning such persons, doth morally require, 
 "provided this exempts none from servitude, who shall be 
 "judged thereto by Authority. — 16-1:1." 
 
 Massachusetts Laws, Ed. 1660, P. 5. 
 
 This law establishing slavery in that Colony. Connecticut, 
 thousih often disposed to "trot after the bay horse," appears 
 not to have been adopted; though, in many respects, the 
 legislation of Connecticut, in regard to slavery, was similar 
 to that of Massachusetts. 
 
 SLAVERY, IN 1816. 
 
 The following from Judge Reeves's work on ''Domestic 
 Relations," page 483, illustrates this subject : 
 
 "At present, 1816, it is difficult to find, in the State of 
 "Connecticut, a slave. A Statute of this State, previous to 
 "March, 1784, was enacted, declaring, that all persons born 
 
45 
 
 "of slaves, after the first of March, 1784, should be free at 
 "the age of twenty-five; and a subsequent Statute enacts, 
 "that all so born, after the first of August, 1797, should be 
 "free at twenty -one. These Statutes, with a Statute forbid- 
 "ding the importation of slaves, by land or water, will, in a 
 "short time, put a period to slavery in this State; as those 
 "born before 1784, most of them, have been emancipated by 
 ' ' their masters, so that scarcely a slave can be found. The 
 "law, as heretofore practiced, in this State, respecting slaves, 
 "must now be uninteresting. I will, however, lest the slavery 
 "which prevailed in this State, should be forgotten, mention 
 "some things, that show that slavery, here, was very far 
 "from being of the absolute, rigid kind. 
 
 "The master had no control over the life of his slave. If 
 "he killed him, he was liable to the same punishment as if 
 "he killed a freeman. The master was as hable to be sued 
 "by the slave, in an action for beating or wounding, or for 
 "immoderate chastisement, as he would be, if he had thus 
 "treated an apprentice. A slave was capable of holding 
 "property, in character of devisee or legatee. If the master 
 "should take away such property, his slave would be entitled 
 "to an action against him by his proehein ami. If one should 
 ' ■ take away a slave from the owner, without his consent, 
 "trover could not be maintained; but a special action on the 
 "case. From the whole, we see, that slaves had the same 
 "rights of life and property as apprentices; and that the 
 "difference betwixt them, was this : an apprentice is a ser- 
 "vant for time, and the slave is a servant for life. Slaves 
 "could not contract, in Connecticut; for this is specially 
 "forbidden by Statute. 
 
 "If a slave married a free woman, with tlie consent of his 
 "master, he was emancipated; for his master had suffered 
 "him to contract a relation inconsistent with a state of 
 "slavery. The right and duties of a husband are incompati- 
 "ble with a state of slavery. The master, by his consent, 
 "had agreed to abandon his right to him as a slave. So, 
 
46 
 
 "too, it has been holden, that a minor child is emancipated 
 "from his father, when he is married. Ld. Raym., 356. A 
 "slave might be sold, in Connecticut, and the evidence of 
 "the sale must be a Bill of Sale, and he might be taken in 
 "execution, and sold at the post. When it is observed, that 
 "slavery is not known at Common Law, it is not denied that 
 "men may be punished with slavery for life, for crimes, with 
 "perfect consistency with the principles of the Common Law. 
 "If the Legislature can make laws, the transgression of which 
 "may be punished with death, they can surely condemn to a 
 ''loss of liberty." 
 
 LAWS OF CONNECTICUT, EESPECTING 
 NEGEOES. 
 
 I. 
 
 AN ACT for the punishment of Defamation. 
 
 And that if any Negro, Indian, or Molatto Slave, shall Utter, 
 Publish, or Speak such words of, or concerning any other 
 Person that would by Law be Actionable if Uttered, Pub- 
 lished, or Spoken, by any Free Person of. or concerning any 
 other; such Negro, Indian, or Molatto-Slave, being thereof Con- 
 victed before any one Assistant, or Justice of tlie Peace, 
 (who are hei*eby Impowered to Hear and Determine the same) 
 shall be punislied by Whipping on the naken Body, at the 
 Discretion of the Assistant, or Justice before whom the 
 Trial is, (Kespect being had to the Circumstances of the (^ase) 
 not exceeding Forty Stripes. And such Slave so Convict, 
 shall by such Authority be Sold, or Disposed of to defray all 
 Charges arising thereupon : Unless the same be by his or 
 her Master or Mistress paid and answered, 
 
 Provided nevertheless. That such Slave be not debarred from 
 making such Pleas, and offerirg Evidences as his, her, or 
 their Defence or Justification on such Trial as any other Per- 
 
son might make Use of, being Sued in an Action of Defama- 
 tion, so far as relates to the Trial before said Assistant or 
 Justice, any Thing above to the contrary not withstanding.* 
 
 II. 
 
 And whereas Indian, and Molatto- Servants, and Slaves are 
 very apt to be Turbulent ; and often to be Quarrelling with White 
 People, to the great Disturbance of the Peace, 
 
 Be it therefore further Enacted by the Authority afore said 
 That if any Indian, Negro, or Molatto-Servant, or Slave, shall 
 Disturb the Peace, as afore said; or shall Offer to Strike any 
 White-Person, and be thereof Convicted, such Servant, or 
 Slave shall be punished by Whipping, at the Discretion of 
 the Court, Assistant, or Justice that shall have Cognizance 
 thereof : Not exceeding Thirty Stripes for One Offence, f 
 
 III. 
 
 AN ACT concerning Indian, Molatto, and Negro 
 Servants and Slaves.^ 
 
 Be it Enacted by the Governor, Council, and Representatives, in 
 General Court Assembled, and by the Authority of the same. That 
 wliatsoever Negro, Molatto, or Indian Servant, or Servants 
 shall be found Wandering out of the Bounds of the Town, 
 or Place to which they belong without a Ticket, or Pass in 
 Writing under the Hand of some Assistant, or Justice of the 
 Peace, or under the hand of the Master, or Owner of such 
 Negro, Molatto, or Indian Servants, shall be deemed, and 
 Accounted to be Eun-aways, and may be treated as such : 
 And every Person Inhabiting in this Colony, Finding, or 
 
 * Appears in the Revision of the Laws of 1750, p. 40. Passed May, 
 1730. 
 
 t Revision of 1750, p. 185. Passed May Session, iHOH.- -Colonial 
 Records, v., 52. 
 
 t Revision of 1750, p. 229 
 
48 
 
 Meeting with any such Negro, Molatto, or Indian Servant, or 
 Servants not having a Ticket, as aforesaid, is hei-eby Iinpow- 
 ered to Seise, and Secnre him, or thera, and Bring him, or 
 them before the next Authority to be Examined, and Returned 
 to his, or tlieir Master, or Owner, who shall satisfy the 
 Charge Accruing thereby, 
 
 And all Ferry-Men within this Colony, are hereby Required 
 not to su£fer any Indian, Molatto, or Negro Servant, without 
 Certificate, as aforesaid, to pass over tlieir Respective Ferries, 
 by Assisting them therein Directly, or Indirectly, on the 
 Penalty of paying a Fine of Twenty Shillings for every such 
 Offense, to the Owner of such Servants. 
 
 And all Vagrants, or Suspected Persons may be Used in 
 the like Manner, when found "Wandering from Town to 
 Town having no Certificate, or Pass, as aforesaid, who shall 
 be seised, and Conveyed before the next Authority, to be 
 Examined, and Disposed of according to Law, 
 
 And if any Free Negroes shall travel without such Certifi- 
 cate, or 'Pass, and be Stopped, Seised, or Taken up, as 
 aforesaid, tliey shall pay all charges arising thereby.* 
 
 And for the Preventing such Servants from Stealing from their 
 Masters, and Others; and for the better Governing them. 
 
 Be it further Enacted by the Authority aforesaid. That every 
 Free Person which shall presume, either Openly, or Privately 
 to Buy, or Receive of, or from any Indian, Molatto, or Negro 
 Servant, or Slave any Money, Goods, ]\[crchandizes. Wares, 
 or Provisions without order from the Master, or Mistress of 
 such Servant, or Slave; every Person so Offending, and 
 being thereof Convicted, shall be Sentenced to Restore all 
 such Money, Goods, Merchandizes, Wares, and Provisions 
 unto the Party Injured, in Specie, (if not Altered) and also 
 Forfeit to the Party Double the Value thereof, over, and 
 above; or Treble the Value where the same are Disposed of, 
 or Made away; And if the Person so Offending be Unable 
 to, or shall not make Restitution, as Awarded, tlien to be 
 * Passed October, \Q^Q. — Colonial Records, iv., 40. 
 
49 
 
 Openly Whipt with so many Stripes, (not exceeding Twenty) 
 as the Court, or Justice that liath the (Cognizance of such 
 offence shall Order; or make Satisfaction by Service, To be 
 Assigned therein by such Court, or Justice. And every 
 Indian. Negro, or Molatto Servant, or Slave, of, or from whom 
 such Money, Goods, Merchandizes, Wares, or Provisions 
 shall be Keceived, or Bought, if it appear they were Stolen; 
 or that shall Steal any Money, Goods, Merchandizes, Wares, 
 or Provisions, and be thereof Convicted, (although the Buyer, 
 or Beceiver be not found) shall be punished by Whipping; 
 not exceeding Thirty Stripes, and the Things Stolen to be 
 Restored to the Party Injured, if found, or the Value thereof 
 if not found : To be determined, as aforesaid.* 
 
 That if any Negro, Molatto, or Indian Servant, or Slave shall 
 be foni\d Abroad from Home in the Night Season after Nine 
 of the Clock, without special Order from his, or their Mas- 
 ter, or Mistress, it shall be Lawf nl for any Person, or Persons 
 to Apprehend, and Secure such Negro, Molatto, or Indian 
 Servant, or Slave so Offending, and him, her, or them Bring 
 before the next Assistant, or Justice of the Peace; Which 
 Authority shall have full Power to pass Sentence upon such 
 Servant, or Slave, and Order him, her, or them to be pnb- 
 lickly Whipped on the Naken Body; Not Exceeding Ten 
 Stripes, and t() pay Cose of Court; Except his, or their 
 Master, or Mistress shall Bedeem them, by p'vying a Fine, 
 not Exceeding Ten Shillings. 
 
 And if such Servants, or Slaves shall have Entertainment 
 in any House after Nine of the Clock, as aforesaid, (Except 
 to do any Business they may be sent upon) the Head of the 
 Family that Entertains, or Tolerates them in his, or her 
 House, or any the Dependences thereof, shall Forfeit, and 
 Pay the Simi of Ten Shillings.- One Half to the Complainer, 
 and the other Half to the Treasurer of the Town where the 
 Offence is committed. 
 
 ■ This section passed May, 1708.— Colonial Records, v., 52. 
 D 
 
50 
 
 And all Constables, and Grand- Jurors, and Ty thing-Men 
 are Eeqiiired to make Enquiry into and Present all Breaches 
 of this Act.* 
 
 And for Preventing Disorders, and Insolences from being Com- 
 mitted by Indians brought from other Plantations ; and for Pre- 
 venting Charges coming upon Towns by Negro, Indian and 
 Molatto Servants, and Slaves Coming, and being made Free, And 
 that all Slaves set at Liberty by their Owners; and all Negro, 
 Molatto, or Spanish Indians who are Servants to Masters for 
 Time, in case they come to Want after they shall be so set 
 at Liberty, or the Time of their said Service be Expired, 
 snail be Relieved by sucli Owners, or Masters respectively, 
 their Heirs, Executors, or Administrators; and upon their, 
 or either of their Refusal so to do, the said Slaves, and Ser- 
 vants shall 1)0 Relieved by the Select-Men of the Towns to 
 which they 1)elong: And tJie said Select- Men shall Recover 
 of the said Owners or Masters, their Heirs, Executors or 
 Administrators all the Charge, and Cost they are at for such 
 Relief, in the Usual Manner as in the case of any other 
 Debts, t 
 
 IV. 
 
 AN ACT for prohibiting the Importation of Indian, 
 Negro, or Molatto Slaves.'!!^ 
 
 Whereas the Increase of Slaves in this Colony is injurious to 
 the Poor, and inconvenient : 
 
 Be it Enacted by the (Tovernor, Council, and Representa- 
 tives, in General Court assembled, and by the Authority of 
 the same. That no Indian, Negro, or Molatto Slave, shall, at 
 any Time hereafter be brought or imported into this Colony, 
 by Sea or Land, from any Place or places whatsoever, to be 
 disposed of, left, or sold within this Colony. 
 
 * This section passed May, 1723. 
 
 t Passed May, 1711. — Colonial Records, v., 233. 
 
 X Passed October, 1774. 
 
51 
 
 Be it further Enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That any 
 Person or Persons, who shall hereafter, contrary to the true 
 intent of this Act, import or brincr any Indian, Kegro, or 
 Molatto Slave or Slaves into this Colony, to be disposed of, 
 left, or sold within the same, or who knowing such Slave or 
 Slaves to be so imported and brought into this Colony, shall 
 receive or purchase them or any of them, shall forfeit and 
 pay to the Treasurer of this Colony the Sum of One Hundred 
 Pounds lawful money, for every Slave so imported, brought 
 into this Colony, received, or purchased, to be recovered by 
 Bill, Plaint, or Information, in any Court of liecord proper 
 to try the same. 
 
 And that it shall be the Duty of all Constables and Grand 
 Jurors to enquire after, and make Presentment of all Breaches 
 of this Act, 
 
 V. 
 
 AX ACT in addition to, and alteration of an Act, entitled 
 
 "AJX ACT concerning Indian, Molatto, and 
 
 "Negro Servants and Slaves." 
 
 Whereas it stands Enacted in said Act, "That all Slaves set 
 -at Liberty by their Owners, and all Negro, Molatto or Spanish 
 "Indians who are Servants to Masters for Time, in Case they come 
 '•to Want after they shall be set at Liberty, or the time of their 
 "said Service be expired, shall be relieved by such Owner, or Mas- 
 '■tcr respectively, their Heirs, Executors, or Administrators." 
 
 Therefore, Be it enacted by the Governor, Council, and Repre- 
 sentatives, in General Court assemUed, and by the Authority of 
 the same. That if any Master or Owner of any Servant or 
 Slave, shall apply to the Seiect-men of the Town to which 
 he belongs, for Liberty or Licence to Emancipate or make 
 Free any such Servant or Slave it shall be the Duty of such 
 Select-men to inquire into the Age, Abilities, Circumstances 
 and Character of such Servant or Slave, and if they or the 
 major Part of them, shall be of Opinion that it is likely to 
 
52 
 
 be consistant with the real Advantage of such Servant or 
 Slave, and that it is probable that the Servant or Slave will 
 be able to support his or her own Person, and that he or she 
 is of good and peaceable Life and Conversation; such Select- 
 men or the mai'or Part of them, shall give to tlie Owner or 
 Master of such Servant or Slave, a Certificate under their 
 Hands of their Opinion in the Premises, and that the Master 
 or Owner of such Servant or Slave hath Liberty to emanci- 
 pate and set at Liberty such Servant or Slave. And if the 
 Master or Owner of any Servant or Slave shall, on receiving 
 sucli Certificate, emancipate and set at Liberty such Servant 
 or Slave, he, his Heirs, Executors and Administrators, shall 
 1)6 forever discharged from any Charge or Cost which may be 
 occasioned by maintaining or supporting the Servant or Slave 
 made Free as aforesaid; any Law, Usage, or Custom to the 
 contrary notwithstanding."" 
 
 And Whereas sound policy requires that abolition of slavery 
 should be effected as soon as may be consistent with the rights of 
 individuals, and the public safety and welfare. Therefore, Be it 
 enacted, That no negro or molatto child, that shall after the 
 first day of March, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-four, 
 he l)orn within this State, shall be held in servitude, longer 
 than until they arrive to the age of twenty-five years, not- 
 withstanding the mother or parent of such child was held in 
 servitude at the time of its birth; but such child, at the age 
 aforesaid shall be free : any law, usage, or custom to the 
 contrary notwithstanding. f 
 
 * Passed in October, 1777. 
 
 f Passed at the Revision, in 1784. 
 
53 
 
 VI. 
 
 CHAP. II 
 
 AN ACT in addition to, and alteration of "AN ACT, 
 
 *' concerning indian, mulatto, and negro 
 
 "Servants, and Slaves. " * 
 
 Be it enacted by the Governour and Council and House of Repre 
 sentatives in General Court assembled, Tliat if any Master or 
 Owner of any Slave, shall be disposed to emancipate and 
 make free such slave, and shall apply to any two of the civil 
 authority, or one of the civil authority and two of the select- 
 men of the town, to which he belongs, it shall be the duty of 
 said authority, or authority and selectmen (as the case may 
 be) to enquire into the liealth and age of such slave, and if 
 they find upon examination, that such slave is in good health, 
 and is not of greater age than forty-five years, or less age 
 than twenty-five years, said authority, or authority and 
 selectmen shall give to the owner or master of such slave a 
 certificate thereof under tlieir hands. Provided that previous 
 to giving such certificate, the persons giving the same shall 
 be convinced by actual examination, of the slave to be made 
 free by such certificate, that he or she is desirous thereof. 
 
 And if the master, or owner of any slave, shall on receiv- 
 ing such certificate, emancipate and set at liberty such slave, 
 he, his heirs, executors and administrators shall be forever 
 discharged from any charge, or cost, which may be occasioned 
 by maintaining or supporting the slave made free as afore- 
 said, Provided, That the letter of emancipation and certificate, 
 shall be recorded in the records of the town where the master 
 of such slave resides. 
 
 * Enacted in May, 1793. 
 
54 
 
 YII. 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 AN ACT in addition to an Act entitled "AN ACT coyieerning 
 "indian, mulatto, and negro Servants and Slaves."* 
 
 Be it enacted by the Governour and Council and House of Repre- 
 sentatives, in General Court assembled, That no negro or mulatto 
 child, horn within this state after the first day of August, 
 1797 shall be held in .'^ervitude longer than until he or she 
 arrive to the age of twenty-one years; not withstanding the 
 mother or parent of such child was held in servitude at the 
 time of its birth, but sucli child at the age aforesaid shall l)e 
 free : any law, usage or custom to the contrary notwith- 
 standing. 
 
 VIII. 
 
 CHAP. lY. 
 
 AN ACT to repeal certain Paragraphs of an Act entitled 
 
 "AN ACT concerning indian, mulatto, and 
 
 "negro Servants and Slaves." f 
 
 Be it enacted by the Governour and Council and House of Repre- 
 sentatives in General Court assemhled, That the first, second, 
 third, fourth, fifth, sixth, seventh and eighth paragraphs of 
 said act be, and they are hereby repealed. 
 
 "" Enacted in May, 179.7. 
 t Enacted in October, 1797. 
 
55 
 
 IX. 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 AN ACT to prevent the\Slave Trade* 
 
 Be it enacted by t/te Governonr and Council and House of Repre- 
 sentatives in General Court assembled, That no citizen or inhabi- 
 tant of this state, shall for him self, or any other person, 
 either as master, factor, super cargo, owner or hirer, in 
 whole, or in part, of any vessel, directly or indirectly, import 
 or transport, or buy or sell, or receive on board his or her 
 vessel with intent to cause to be imported or transported, 
 any of the inhabitants of any country in Africa, as slaves or 
 servants, for term of years; upon penalty of one hundred and 
 sixty seven dollars, for every person so received on board as 
 aforesaid; and of one thousand six hundred and sixty seven dol- 
 lars for every such vessel employed in the importation or 
 transportation afore said; to be recovered by action, bill, 
 plaint, or information : the one half to the plaintiff, and the 
 other lialf to the uses of this state. And all insurance which 
 shall be made in this state, on uny vessel fitted out to the 
 intent afore s;iid, andemploj'ed as aforo said, or on any slave 
 or servants shipped on board as afore said for the purpose 
 afore said, shall be void. And this act may be given in 
 evidence, under the general issue in any suit commenced for 
 the recovery of such insurance. Be it further enacted That if 
 any person shall kidnap, decoy or forcibly carry off, out of 
 tfiis state, any free negro, Indian, or mulatto, or any person 
 entitled to freedom at the age of twenty-five years inliabitants 
 or residents within this state; or shall be aiding or assisting 
 therein, and be thereof iluly convicted, shall forfeit three 
 hundred and thirty four dollars to the use of tliis state; to be 
 recovered by bill, plaint, or information, presented by any 
 
 * Enacted in October, 1788. 
 HIS. MAG. Vol. Ill, 19. 
 
56 
 
 friends of such inhabitant or resident, which ,he is hereby 
 authorized to do. And the court before whom the trial shall 
 l)e, shall, in addition to said penalty, on conviction, ii:ive to 
 the prosecutor, for the use of such injured inliabitant, or his 
 family, (if any he have) such sum in damages, as they shall 
 judge just and reasonable, to be applied in such way and 
 manner as the court shall direct; and the said prosecutor 
 shall give bond, with surety, before the ctnirt, fur the appli- 
 cation of the sums recovered, before he has execution thereof. 
 Provided, That nothing in this act shall operate to prevent 
 persons removing out (jf this state, for the purpose of resi- 
 dence, from carrying or transporting with them, such negroes 
 or mulattoes, as belong to them, or to prevent persons living 
 within tlus state, frojn directing their servants out of this 
 state, about their ordinary and necessary business. And be it 
 further enacted, That all persons who now are, or hereafter 
 shall be possessed of any child, or children, born after tlie 
 first day of March, 1784, and which by law shall be free at 
 the age of twenty-five years, shall within six months from 
 the rising of this assembly, or within six months after the 
 birth of any such child, deliver, or cause to be delivered to 
 the town clerk of the town where such 2>ossessor belongs, the 
 name of such ])ossessor, as also the age, name, and sex of 
 every such child or children, on oath to the best of his or her 
 knowledge, under the penalty of seven dollars, for each and 
 every month's neglect, to be recovered before an assistant or 
 justice of the peace; the one half to the complainant, and 
 the other half to the use of the poor of the town where such 
 child or children live. 
 
67 
 
 At a General Assembly of the State of Connecticut holden at 
 New Haven in said State, on the 2d Thursday of Oct. A. D. 1788. 
 
 AN ACT to prevent the Slave-Trade. 
 
 Be it enacted by the Governour, Council and representatives in 
 General Lourt assembled, and by the authority of the same ; That 
 no citizen or inliabitant of this State shall for himself or any 
 other person, either as a master, factor, super cargo, owner 
 or hirer, in whole or in part, of any vessel, directly or 
 indirectly, import or transport, or buy or sell, or receive on 
 board his or her vessel, with intent to cause to be imported 
 or transported, any of the inhabitants of any country in 
 Africa, as Slaves or servants for term of years; upon penalty 
 of fifty pounds for every person so received on board as 
 aforesaid; and of five hundred pounds for every such vessel 
 imployed in the importation or transportation aforesaid; to 
 be recovered by action, bill, plaint, or information, the one 
 half to the plaintiff, and the other half to the use of the 
 State : and all insurance, which shall be made in this State, 
 on any vessel fitted out to the intent aforesaid and employed 
 as aforesaid, or on any slaves or servants shipped on board 
 as aforesaid, for the purpose aforesaid: shall be void, and 
 this act may be given in evidence, under the general issue, 
 in any suit commenced for the recovery of such insurance. 
 
 Be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that if any 
 person shall kidnap, decoy or forcibly carry off out of this 
 State, any free Negro, Indian, Mulatto, or any person enti- 
 tled to freedom at the age of twenty-five years, inhabitants 
 or residents within this State, or shall be aiding or assisting 
 therein, and be thereof duly convicted, shall forfeit one 
 hundred pounds to the use of this State, to be recovered by 
 bill, plaint or information, presented by any friend of such 
 inhabitant or resident, which he is hereby authorized to do; 
 
58 
 
 and tlie conrt before whom the tiial shall be, shall in addition 
 to said penalty, on conviction, give to the prosecutor, for tlie 
 use of such injured inhabitant, or his family, if any he have, 
 such sum in damages, as they shall judge just and reasonable, 
 to be applied in such way and manner, as the court shall 
 direct; and the said prosecutor shall give bond, with surety, 
 before the Court, for the due application of the sums recov- 
 ered, before he has execution thereof. Provided that notliing 
 in this act shall operate to prevent j)ersons removing out of 
 this State, for the purpose of residence, from carrying or 
 transporting with them, such N"egroes or Mulattoes, as belong 
 to them, or to prevent persons living within this State, from 
 directing their servants out of this State, about their ordi- 
 nary and necessary business. 
 
 And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid ; That 
 the owner, master or factor of each and every vessel clearing 
 out for the coast of Africa, or suspected by any citizen of 
 this State, to be intended for the slave trade in any part of 
 the world, and the suspicion being declared to the naval 
 officer, by such citizen, on oath, and such information being 
 to the satisfaction of such naval officer, shall first give bond 
 with sufficient sureties, to the treasurer of this State, in One 
 thousand })ounds, that none of the natives of Africa or any 
 other foreign country, shall be taken on board said ship or 
 vessel, during her voyage, with intent to be transported as 
 slaves, to any other part of the world. 
 
 And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid ; That hH 
 persons who now are or hereafter sluill be possessed of any 
 children born after the first day of March 1784 and wliicli by 
 law shall be free at the age of twenty five years, shall within 
 six months from the rising of this Assembly, or within six 
 months after the birth of any such child, deliver or cause to 
 be delivered to the town clerk of the town, where such pos- 
 sessor belongs, the name of such possessor, as also thn age, 
 name and sex of every such child or children, on oath, to the 
 best of his or her knowledge under the penalty of forty 
 
59 
 
 shillings for each and every month's neglect, to be recovered 
 before an assistant or justice of the peace, the one half to the 
 complainant and the other half to use of the poor of the 
 town where such children live. 
 
 XI. 
 
 CHAP. YI. 
 
 AN ACT in addition to an Act, entitled ' ' AN ACT to 
 "prevent the slave trade. " * 
 
 Be it enacted by the Governour and Council and House of Repre- 
 sentatives in the General Court assembled, That any forfeiture 
 incurred bv the breach of the third paragraph of said act, 
 may l)e recovered by action, bill, plaint, or information, the 
 one half to the plaintiff, and the other half to the use of this 
 State. 
 
 XII. 
 
 CHAP. YII. 
 
 AN ACT in addition to an Act, entitled "AN ACT to 
 "prevent the Slave Trade." f 
 
 Be it enacted by the Governour and Council and House of Repre- 
 sentatives in General Court assemhled, That no citizen or inhabi- 
 tant of this state, shall transport out of this state for the 
 purpose of selling into any other state, country or kingdom, 
 cither directly or indirectly, or buy (»r sell with intent to 
 transport out of this state, or shall sell if transported, or 
 shall aid, assist, or abet in buying or selling for the purpose 
 aforesaid, or transporting into any other state, country or 
 kingdom, any negro, mulatto, slave or servant, for years, 
 upon penalty of three hundred and thirty four dollars, to be 
 
 * Enacted in October, 1789. 
 t Enacted in May. 1792. 
 
60 
 
 recovered by action, bill, plaint or information. The one half 
 to the plaintiff, and the other half to the use of this state. 
 And all notes, bonds, mortgages, or securities of any kind or 
 description, made or executed in payment, or part payment, 
 for any negro, indian, mulatto, slave or servant, bought or 
 sold, contrary to the true intent and meaning of this act, are 
 hereby declared void, and of no effect. Provided, That 
 nothing in this act shall opej'ate to prevent persons removing 
 out of this state for the purpose of residence, from carrying 
 or transporting with them such negroes, Indians, or mulattoes, 
 as belong to them, or to persons living Avitliin this state, from 
 directing their servants out of this state, about their ordinary 
 business and necessary business. Be it further Enacted by tJic 
 Authority aforesaid, That all Indians, Male, or Female, of 
 what Age soever, Imported, or Brought into this Colony by 
 Sea, or Land from any Place whatsoever, to be Disposed of. 
 Left, or Sold within this Colony, shall be Forfeited to the 
 Treasur}' of this Colony, and may be seised, and Taken 
 accordingly; Unless the Person, or Persons Importing, or 
 Bringing in such Indian or Indians shall give Security to 
 some Naval Officer in this Colony of Fifty Pounds per Head 
 to Transport, or Carry out the same again within the Space 
 of one Months next after their coming, Tiot to be Returned 
 back to this Colony. 
 
 And every Master of Ship, or Vessel, Merchant, or Person 
 whatsoever Importing, or Bringing into this Colony, by Sea, 
 or Land any Indian, or Indians, Male, or Female, as aforesaid, 
 shall within the Space of Twenty Four Hours after their 
 Arrival, or Coming in. Report, and Enter their Names, 
 Numl)er, and Sex, and give Security to some Naval Officer, 
 as aforesaid, on pain of Forfeiting to the Treasury of tliis 
 Colony the Sura of Fifty Pounds per Head : To be Sued for, 
 and Recovered in any of His Majesty's Courts of Record, 
 by Action, Bill, Plaint, or Information. 
 
61 
 
 XIII. 
 
 Sections 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, T, 8, repealed in 179T, are the 
 first eight Sections of the law, on Page 229 of the Laws, 
 Edition of 1769. 
 
 In May 1717. In the Lower House, a bill passed prohibit- 
 ing negroes, purchasing land without liberty from the House 
 and also from living in families of their own, without sucli 
 liberty. 
 
 XIV 
 
 An Act was passed in 1838 entitled, An Act for the fulfil- 
 ment of the obligations of this State, imposed by the Constitution 
 of the United States, in regard to persons held to service or lahor 
 in one State escaping into another, and to secure the right of Trial 
 by Jury, in the cases herein mentioned. 
 
 The Act is too long to be copied here. The real object of 
 the Act was, to nullify the Act of Congress, passed in 1793, 
 for the return of fugitive slaves.* 
 
 XV. 
 
 (Law of 1844.) 
 
 SECTION 5. No Judge, Justice of the peace, or other, 
 appointed under the authority of this State, shall be author- 
 ised as snch, to issue, or serve any warrant or process, f(^r the 
 arrest, or detention, of any person escaping into this State 
 claimed to be a fugitive from labor or service, as a Slave; 
 under the laws of any other State or country, or to grant a 
 certificate of the title of any claimant to the services of any 
 such person, with a view to his detention, or his removal out 
 of this State, and any such Warrant or process so issued, and 
 any certificate so granted by any Judge, Justice of the peace, 
 or other officer of this State, shall be utterly void, and sliall 
 
 * See Local Law, pp. 97, 98. 
 
62 
 
 constitute no justification for any act done under the same; 
 provided, that nothing herein contained shall be construed to 
 impair any rights, which by the Constitution of the United 
 States, may pertain to any person, to whom, by the laws of 
 any other State, labor or service may be due, from any 
 fugitive escaping into this State, or to prevent the exercise 
 in this State of any powers which may have been conferred 
 by Congress, on any Judge or other oihcer, of the United 
 States, in relation to such rights. 
 
 XYI. 
 AN ^CT TO PEEVENT SLAYEEY. 
 
 SEC. 1. BE IT ENACTED hy the Senate and House of 
 Representatives, in General Assembly convened, that no person 
 shall hereafter be liolden in Slavery. 
 
 SEC. 2. All persons until this time held in Slavery, and 
 all pei-sons heretofore Slaves, who have been emancipated by 
 their masters, if they are reduced to want, shall be supported 
 by their former Masters, their heirs, executors, and adminis- 
 trators, and on their refusal, the Select-men of the town 
 where such persons belong, shall provide for their support; 
 and the town shall be entitled, in proportion on the case, 
 to recover all the expense of such support from the former 
 Masters of such persons, or their heirs. Executors or Admin- 
 istrators, provided that nothing herein contained shall a])ply to 
 cases where the Master emancipating his slave, has been 
 heretofore exempted by law from lial)ility for his sup])ort. 
 
 SEC. 3. The first, second, third, sixth, and seventh 
 Sections of an Act entitled an Act to prevent slavery are 
 hereby repealed. 
 
 Approved June 12, 1848, 
 
6S 
 
 XYll. 
 
 AN ACT for the Defense of Liberty in this State, 
 passed in 1854. 
 
 SECT. 1. Every person wlio shall falsely and maliciously 
 declare, represent, or pretend, that any free person entitled 
 to freedom, is a slave, or ovt^es service or lal)or to any person 
 or persons, with intent to procure or to aid or assist in pro- 
 curing the forcible removal of such free person from this 
 State as a Slave, shall pay a fine of five thousand dollars and 
 be imprisoned five years in the Connecticut State prison. 
 
 SECT. 2. In all cases arising under tliis Act, the truth of 
 any declaration, representation or jDretense, that any person 
 being or having been in this State is or was a slave, or owes 
 or did owe service or labor to any other person or persons, 
 shall not be deemed proved, excej)t by the testimony of at 
 least two credible witnesses testifying to facts directly tending 
 to establish the truth of such declaration, pretense or repre- 
 sentation, or by legal evidence equivalent thereto. 
 
 SECT. 3. Every person who shall wrongfully and 
 maliciously seize, or procure to be seized, any free person 
 entitled to freedom, with intent to have such free person 
 held in slavery, shall pay a fine of five thousand dollars and 
 be imprisoned five years in the Connecticut State prison. 
 
 SECT. 4. Upon the trial of any prosecution arising 
 under this act, no deposition sliall be admitted as evidence 
 of the truth of any statement in such deposition contained. 
 
 SECT. 5. If, upon the trial of any prosecution arising 
 under this act, any witness shall, in behalf of the party 
 accused, and with intent to aid him in his defense, falsely 
 and wilfully, in testifying, represent or pretend, that any 
 person is or ever was a slave, or does or did owe service or 
 labor to any person or persons, such witness shall pay a fine 
 of five thousand dollars, and be imprisoned five years in the 
 Connecticut State prison. 
 
64 
 
 SECT. 6. Whenever complaint or information shall be 
 made against any person for any offense descril)ed in any 
 section of this act, and upon such complaint or information. 
 a warrant shall have been duly issued for the arrest of such 
 person, any person who shall hinder or obstruct a Sheriff, 
 Deputy Sheriff or Constable in the service of such warrant, 
 or shall aid such accused person in escaping from the pursuit 
 of such officer, shall be imprisoned one year in the Connecti- 
 cut State prison. 
 
 SECT. 7. No declaration, pretense or representation that 
 any jierson is or was an apprentice for a fixed term of years 
 or owes or did owe service merely as such an apprentice, for 
 such fixed term, shall be deemed prohibited by this act, and 
 no such declaration, pretense or representation that any person 
 is or was such an apprentice for such fixed term, or owes or 
 did owe service merely as such an apprentice lor such fixed 
 term, shall be liable to any penalty under tliis act. 
 
 X\^III. 
 
 I. In the year 181S, when the Constitution was adopted, 
 in tliat instrument, white citizens only were allowed to vote. 
 
 II. In the year 1 8-1-7, the question of striking out the 
 word "white'"' was first submitted to the people — Yeas five 
 thousand, three hundred, and fifty-three; Nays nineteen 
 thousand, one hundred, and forty-eight; Majority against the 
 measure, thirteen thousand, seven hundred, and ninety-five. 
 
 III. In tlie year 18(j5, the same question was sul)niitted 
 and resulted. Yeas twenty-seven tliousand, two hundred, and 
 seventeen; Nays thirty-three thousand, four hundred, and 
 eighty-nine; Majority against the measure, six thousand, two 
 hundred, and seventy-two. 
 
 IV. In the year 1869, at the May Session, the Legislature 
 ratified the amendment to the Federal Constitution, allowing 
 negroes to vote. Senate, Yeas twelve, Nays five; House, 
 Yeas one hundred and twenty-six, Nays one hundred and four. 
 
 This vote of the Legislature seems to have been a partisan 
 vote. 
 
SOME BRIEF REMARKS 
 
 ON 
 
 The Address of the 
 
 Honofable CHftRLES FRAfiCIS AOAMS, LL,0,, 
 
 PRONOUNCED ON THE OCCASION OF THE DEDICATION OF A NEW 
 
 LIBRARY BUILDING FOR THE USE OF THE 
 
 " STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY, OF 
 
 WISCONSIN," 
 
 Founded by the late 
 LYMAN C. DRAPER. 
 
SOME BRIEF PEMAP.KS 
 
 OK THE ADDKESS OF 
 
 Hon. CHAPLES FRANCIS ADAMS, LL. D. 
 
 At Madison, WiBconsiij, on the 19tli Octo)>er last, there 
 was a notable gathering, aissenabled for the dedication of a 
 new, ispaeiouB «nd handsomelj apjx>inted library boilding, 
 needed for the accommodation of the vast accumulation of 
 books, newspapers, pamphlets and manoscriptB of the ''State 
 Historical Society of AViseonsin." The orator of the day 
 wa« the Hon. Charles Francis Adams, LL-D., President of 
 the Massachasetts Historical Society. The writer's purpose 
 is, to comment on a portion of this somewhat remarkfible 
 address on slavery. Before doing so, he is impelled to refer 
 to the splendid life work of the late Lyman C Draper as 
 there exhibited I A public-spirited citizen, to whose intelli- 
 gent foresight and eontinaons labors thif truly great library, 
 in a distant Korthwestem State, owes its existence, in a little 
 more than a generation of time ! 
 
 Our late gifted townsman, William Gihuore Simms, many 
 years ago, wrote these expre^ive lines, which might l>e truth- 
 fully included in ^ir. Drapers epitaph : 
 
 ^*0 ! Boy ! Man ! Wliat a world is m tbe keeijmg. 
 
 Of Mm wlio nobly aiias and Tararely toilfs ; " 
 
 Speed to tlie Trork, well all hare tiiae for sleeping. 
 When we have Bhuffled off these mortal oolIb.'' 
 
 The late Mr. Draper evidently lived in an appreciative 
 community, who were responsire to his high aims: among 
 people who believed that history, literature, scholarship, 
 represent the higher development of every community, with 
 the capacity to value the genius, which cannot work with 
 material instruments; yet, which once recognized, stands 
 thenceforth, as a part of the glory of the whole people ! This 
 splendid example of individual efiort should be an incentive 
 to older communiti^; to be imitated, with the certainty of 
 beneficent results ! 
 
68 
 
 The Truth of History. 
 
 ]\rr. Adams represents the fourth generation of a family, 
 with prominent representatives in each, and identified witli 
 the public life of the "Federal Union" for a centiny and a 
 quarter. His topic was "the sifted grain and the grain 
 sifter," and he has referred to African Slavery, and its 
 political sequences in so new and interesting a fashion, as to 
 make his views of consequence, containing as they do, some 
 most surprising statements of facts not heretofore appearing, 
 while he carefully omits, many pertinent matters which should 
 have been most certainly included in a so-called historical paper. 
 The implication of this able and eloquent address is, to 
 separate the "Southern, or late Slave States"of the "Federal 
 [Jnion"from the Northern States; the former are made to 
 represent all manner of wickedness, while the latter, from the 
 implied altitude of superiority, have moved on the elevated 
 line of " the stars in their courses." 
 
 " The Sifted Grain and the Grain Sifter." 
 
 We make some quotations from his address relating to 
 slavery, and will comment on them with the purpose of 
 supplying imi>ortant inf«>i-niation which, in an historical address 
 on African slavery in the "Federal [//zio/z, "should be regarded as 
 obligatory, and cannot very well be ignored, or attempted, 
 as in this case. 
 
 In doing so the writer disclaims any hitention of initiating 
 anew a discussion or controversy on African slavery; the 
 institution has passed away long years ago, and no intelligent 
 Southerner desires, or would consent to its recall; when the 
 slaves were set free, their owners were emancipated from a 
 colossal burden; yes, forever released ! More than a gener- 
 ation has passed since, with absolute governmental control of 
 the freedman, even under " War Powers;'* with several 
 varieties of damaging e>.i>criments tried, and ending in utter 
 failure, and the question is, as yet unanswered, what best to 
 
69 
 
 do ? Like Banqno's ghost, it -will not flown ! Unfortunately 
 for the whole country, the end is not yet! 
 
 The writer has seen a cargo of naked Africans crowded 
 into a slave ship, brought into the port of Charleston by 
 capture, on its way to the West Indies, just previous to 
 "the War between the States;" the scene is fixed in memory; 
 and life-long thoughts have been present since. Here was 
 witnessed barbarism, thousands of years old, at the portal of 
 civilization, and these African? were remanded to barl)arism. 
 There has remained since, the reflection that for six genera- 
 tions — the cave and responsibility for such barbarism has been 
 fixed on the Southern people by the ship owners and mariners 
 of Old and New England, who each amassed and put away vast 
 wealth from this sinister traffic ! Again, the knowledge of 
 the marvellous change from these specimens of barbaric 
 Africans, compared to their numerous descendants, in and 
 out of the South, civilized and Christianized, and the alleged 
 despised masters who wroue^ht this marvellous change, 
 through six generations of time, did so as charged, "against 
 the stars in their courses." 
 
 A gifted wTiter has recently said: "They had to train and 
 
 teacli a race of savages — a race which hud never known the 
 
 rudiments of decency, civilization or religion; a people 
 
 which, despite the labors of colonists and missionaries, is seen 
 
 in Africa to-day, as they were a thousand years ago; but a 
 
 race which, influenced by these lives, taught by these 
 
 Southern people for six generations, proved in the day of 
 
 trial the most faithful of servants, and was declared in 1863, 
 
 by the Northern people, to be its equal in civil and political 
 
 rights. ' ' 
 
 w -X- ^- * * * 
 
 (1) "Two and fifty years ago, when, in the summer of 
 1848, Wisconsin first took shape as a recognized political 
 organization — a new factor in man's development — human 
 evolution was laboring over two pr()])lems — nationality and sla- 
 very. Slavery — that is, the ownei'ship of one man, or one 
 
70 
 
 class of men, by another man, or class of men — had existed, 
 and been accepted as a matter of course, from the beginning. 
 
 Historically, the proposition did not admit of doubt. In 
 Great Britain bondage liad only recently disappeared, and in 
 Russia it was still the rale; while, among the lyss advanced 
 nations, its rightfulness was nowhere challenged. With us 
 here in America, it was a question ot race. The equality of 
 whites before the law was an article of political faith; not so 
 that of the blacks. The Africans were distinctly an inferior 
 order of being, and, as sucli, not only in the Southern, or 
 Slave States, l)ut throughout the North also, not entitled to 
 the unrestricted pursuit on equal terms of life, liberty and 
 happiness. Hence a herce contention — the jAase, as it 
 prestMited itself on the land discovered by Columbus in l-i*J2, 
 of the struggle inaugui'ated l)y Luther in 1517, Its work 
 w^as thus, so to speak, cut out for Wisconsin in advance of 
 its being. Its place in the design of the great historical 
 scheme prenatally assigned to it. How, then, did it address 
 itself to its task ? How perform tlie wt)rk thus given it to 
 do ? Did it, standing in the front rank of progress, help the 
 great scheme along ? Or, identifying itself with that reac- 
 tionist movement ever on foot, did it strive with the stars in 
 their courses ? ' ' 
 
 (2) "Here in the United States the form in which the 
 issue of the future took shape between 1830, when it iirst 
 presented itself, and 1848, when Wisconsin entered the sister- 
 hood of States, is even yet only partially understood, in such 
 occult ways did the forces of development interact and exer- 
 cise influence on each other. For reasons not easy to explain, 
 also, certain States came forward as the more active expo- 
 nents of antagonistic ideas — on the one side Massachusetts; 
 on the other first, Virginia, and later South Carolina, The 
 great and long sustained debate, which closed in an a}>peal to 
 force in the spring of ISGl, must now be conceded as some- 
 thing well nigh inevitable from fundamental conditions which 
 dated from the beginning. It was not a question of slavery ; 
 
71 
 
 it was one of nationality. The issue had presented itself over 
 and over again in various forms, and in different parts of the 
 country, ever since the Constitution had been adopted — now 
 in Pennsylvania, now in Tennessee, now in New England, 
 even here in Wisconsin; but, in its most concrete form, in 
 South Carolina. It was a struggle for mastery between 
 centripetal and centrifugal forces. At the close slavery was, 
 it is true, the immediate cause of quarrel, but the seat of 
 disturbance lay deeper. In another country, and under 
 other conditions, it was the identical struggle which, in feudal 
 times, went on in Great Britain, in Franco, and in Spain, 
 and which, more recently, and in our own day only, we have 
 seen brought to a close in Germany and in Italy — the struggle 
 of a rising spirit of nationality to overcome the clannish 
 instinct — the desire for local independence." 
 
 (3) "In the beginning, Virginia stood forward as the 
 exponent of State Sovereigntv. Jefferson was its mouth- 
 piece. It was he who drew up the famous Virginia and 
 Kentucky Resolutions of 1798-99, and his election to the 
 Presidency in 1800 was the recognized victory of the school 
 of States' Rights over Federalism. Later the parties changed 
 sides — as political ])arties are wont to do. Possession of the 
 Government led to a marked modification of views; new 
 issues were presented; and, in 1807, the policy which took 
 shape in Jefferson's Embargo, converted the Federalist into 
 a disunion organization, which disappeared from existence in 
 the famous Hartford Convention of 1814-15. New England 
 was then the centre of the parly of the centrifugal force, and 
 the issues were commercial. Fortunately, up to 1815, the 
 issue between the spirit of local sovereignty and the ever- 
 growing sense of nationality had not taken shape over any 
 matter of difference sufficiently great and far-reaching to 
 provoke an appeal to force. Not the less for that was the 
 danger of conflict there — a sufficient cause and suitable occa- 
 sion only were wanting, and those under ordinary conditions 
 might be counted upon to present themselves in due course 
 
72 
 
 of time. They did present themselves in 1832, still under 
 the economical guise. But now the moral issue lurked 
 behind, though the South did not yet stand directly opposed 
 to the advancing spirit of the age. But Nulliiication — the 
 logical outcome of the theory of absolute State Sovereignty^ — 
 was enunciated by Calhoun, and South Carolina took from 
 Yirginia tlie lead in the reactionary movement from nation- 
 ality. The danger once more passed away; l)ut it is obvious 
 to us now, and, it would seem, should have been plain to any 
 cool-headed observer then, that, when the issue next presented 
 itself, a trial of strength would l)e well nigh inevitable. The 
 doctrine of State Sovereignty^ liavin<>; assumed the shape of 
 Nulliiication, would next develop that of Secession, and the 
 direct issue over Nationality would be presented." 
 
 (4) ''Almost before the last indications of danger over 
 the economical question had disappeared, slavery loomed 
 ominously up. They did not realize it at the time, but it 
 was now an angry wrangle over a step in the progressive 
 evolution of the human race. The equality of man before 
 the law and his Maker was insisted upon, and was denied. 
 It was a portentous issue, for in it human destiny was chal- 
 lenged. The desperate risk the Southern States then took is 
 plain enough now. They entered upon a distinctly reac- 
 tionary movement against two of the foremost growing forces 
 of human development — the tendency to nationality and the 
 humanitarian spirit. Though they knew it not, they were 
 arraying themselves against the very stars in their courses. * ' 
 
 (5) "While in the South it passed from Virginia to Caro- 
 lina, in the North it remained in Massachusetts. Three men 
 then came forward tiiere, voicing more clearly than any or 
 all others what was in the mind of the community in the way 
 of aspiration, whether moral or political. These three were: 
 William Lloyd Garrison, Daniel Webster and John Quincy Adams ; 
 they were the prophetic voices of that phase of American political 
 evolution then in process. Their messages, too, were curiously 
 divergent; and yet, apparently contradictory, they were, in 
 
73 
 
 reality, supplementary to each other. Garrison developed 
 the purely moral side of the coming issue. Wehster preached 
 nationality, under the guise of love of the Union. Adams, 
 combining the two, pointed out a way to the establisliment 
 of the rights of man under the Constitution, and within the 
 Union." 
 
 (6) "Kecurrnig, then, to the three men I have named as 
 voicing systematically a message of special significance in 
 connection with the phase of political evolution, or of develoj)- 
 nient, if that word is preferred, then going on — Garrison's 
 message was distinctly moral and humanitarian, Jn a sense, 
 it was reactionary, and violently so. In it there was no 
 appeal to patriotism, no recognition even of nationality. On 
 the contrary, in the lofty atmosphere of humanitarianism in 
 which he had his being, I doubt if Garrison ever inhaled a 
 distinctly patriotic breath; while he certainly denounced the 
 Constitution, and assailed the Union. He saw only the 
 moral wrong of slavery, its absolute denial of the fundamental 
 principle of the equality of men before the law and before 
 God, and the world became his — where freedom was, there 
 was his country. To arouse the dormant conscience of the 
 commuidty by the fierce and increasing denunciation of a 
 great wrong, was his mission, and he fulfilled it; but, 
 curiously enough, the end he labored for came in the way he 
 least foresaw, and through the very instrumentality he had most 
 vehemently denounced — it came within that Union which he 
 had described as a compact with death, and under that Con- 
 stitution wliich he had arraigned as a covenant with hell. 
 Yet Garrison was undeniably a prophet, voicing the Gospel 
 as he saw it, fearlessly and without pause. As such, he 
 contributed potently to the final result. ' ' 
 
 (7) "Next Webster. It was the mission of Daniel Web- 
 ster to preach nationality. In doing so, he spoke in words 
 of massive eloquence in direct harmony with the most pro- 
 nounced aspiration of Jiis time — that aspiration which has 
 asserted itself, and worked the most manifest results of the 
 
74 
 
 nineteen til century in both hemispheres — iu Spain and Prussia 
 (luring- the Napoleonic war, in Ilussia during tlie long 
 Sclavonic upheaval; again more recently in Germany and 
 Italy, and finally in the United States. The names of Stein, 
 of Cuvour, and of Bismarck, are scarcely more associated 
 with this great instinctive movement of the century, than is 
 that of Daniel Webster. His mission it was to preach to 
 this people Union, one and indivisible; and lie delivered his 
 message. ' ' 
 
 (8) "The mission of J. Q. Adams, during his Ijest ajid 
 latest years, while a combination of that of the two others, 
 was different from either. His message, carefully thought 
 out, long retained, and at last distinctly enunciated, was his 
 answer to the Jelfersonian theory of State Sovereignty, and 
 Calhoun's doctrine of Nullification and its logical outcome. 
 Secession. With both theory and doctrine, and their results, 
 he had during his long political career been confronted ; on 
 both he had reflected much. It was during the administra- 
 tion of Jefferson, and on the question of Union, that he had, 
 in 1807, broken with his l)arty and resigned from the Senate; 
 and with Calhoun he had been closely associated in the cabinet 
 of Monroe. Calhoun also had occupied the Vice-Presidential 
 chair during his own administration. He now met Calhoun 
 face to face on the slavery issue, projjheticallv proclaiming a 
 remedy for the moral wrong and the vindication of the rights 
 of man, within the Union and under the Constitiition,*tlirough the 
 exercise of inherent war powers, whenever an issue between the 
 sections should assume the insurrectionary shape. In other words, 
 Garrison's moral result was to be secured, not through the agencies 
 Garrison advocated, but by force of that nationality which Webster 
 proclaimed. This solution of the issue, J. Q.' Adams never wearied 
 of enunciating, early and late, by act, speech and letter; and his 
 view prevailed in the end. Lincoln's proclamation of January, 
 IS 03, was but the formal declaration of the policy enunciated 
 by J. Q. Adams, on the floor of Congress in 1836, and again 
 in 1841, and yet again in greater detail in 1842. It was he 
 
75 
 
 who thus brouglit the abstract moral doctrines of Garrison 
 into unison of movement with the nationality of Webster." 
 
 "The time now drew near when Wisconsin was to take her 
 place in the Union, and exert her share of influence on the 
 national polity, and through that polity on a phase of political 
 evolution. SoutJi Carolina, by the voice of Calhoun, was 
 preaching reaction through slavery, and in defiance of 
 nationality; Massachusetts, through Garrison and Webster, 
 was proclaiming the moral idea and nationality as abstractions; 
 while J. Q. Adams confronted Calhoun with the ominous contention 
 that, the instant he or his had recourse to force, that instant the 
 moral wrong could he made good by the sword wielded in defense 
 of Nationality, and in the name of the Constitution." 
 
 "Returning now to the Presidential election of 18-i8, it 
 will be found that Wisconsin, the youngest community in tlie 
 .Union, came at once to the front as the banner State of the 
 West in support of the principles on which the Union was 
 established, and the maintenance and vindication of chose 
 fundamental principles within the Union and through the 
 Constitution ? ? ? In that canvas the great issues of the future 
 were distinctly brought to the front." 
 
 "For the disciples of J. Q. Adams in both political camps, 
 it was as if the cry had again gone forth : "To your tents, 
 O Israel ! " — and a first fierce blast of the coming storm 
 then swept across the land. In August the Dissentients met 
 in confereflce at Buffalo, and there first enunciated the prin- 
 ciples of the American political party of the future — that 
 party which, permeated hy the sentiment of Nationality, was 
 destined to do away with slavery through the war power, and to 
 incorporate into the Constitution the principle of the equality of 
 man before the law, irrespective of color or of race. " 
 
 "In 1836 Mr. Adams represented in Congress whoi was 
 then the Massachusetts "Plymouth" District. In April of 
 that year the issue, which, just twenty-five years later, was 
 to result in overt civil war, was fasit assuming shape; for, on 
 the 21st of the month, the battle of San Jacinto was fought, 
 
76 
 
 resulting immediately in the independence of Texas, and 
 more remotely in its annexation to the United States, and 
 the consequent War of Spoliation (1846-48) with Mexico. 
 At the same time petitions in great number were pouring 
 into Congress from the Northern States, asking for the aboli- 
 tion of slavery, and the prohibition of the domestic slave 
 trade, in the District of Columbia; the admission into the 
 Union of Arkansas, with a Constitution recognizing slavery, 
 was also under consideration. In the course of a long per- 
 sonal letter, dated April 4th, 1836 written to the lion. 
 Solomon Lincoln, of Hingham, a prominent constituent of 
 his, Mr. Adams made the following incidental reference to 
 the whole subject, indicative of the degree to which the 
 question of martial law as a possible factor in the solution of 
 the prolilem then occupied his mind : 
 
 "The new pretension of the slave representations in Con- 
 gress, of a right to refuse to receive petitions, and that Con- 
 gress have no Constitutional power to abolish slavery or the 
 slave trade in the District of Columbia, forced upon me so 
 much of the discussion as I did take upon me, but in which 
 you are well aware I did not, and could not sj^eak a tenth 
 part of my mind. I did not, for example, start the questioQ 
 whether by the Law of God and of Nature, man can hold 
 property, hereditary property in man — I did not start the 
 question whether in the event of a servile insurrection and 
 war, Congress would not have complete, unlimited control 
 over the whole subject of slavery, even to the emancipation 
 of all the slaves in the State where such insurrection should 
 break out, and for the suppression of which the freedom of 
 Plymouth and Norfolk Counties, Massachusetts, shoidd be 
 called by Act of Congress to pour out their treasures and to 
 shed their blood. Had I spoken my mind on those two 
 points, the sturdiest of the Abolitionists would have dis- 
 avowed the sentiments of their champion." 
 
 * -X- * * * * 
 
 Referring to the tirst (pioted paragraph (1), read in con- 
 nection wuth the Constitution of the "Federal Union," and 
 
77 
 
 with Mr, Adams' graphic description of the universalitj of 
 human bondage at that date in many forms, the writer finds 
 for the first time, this new declaration of two problems — 
 ''Nationality or Slavery?" It seems so strange that no 
 allusion is made, at this point of the address, to the organic 
 law of the land, which unquestionably recognized slavery as 
 property, and representation in Congress based thereon, tvitii 
 the equally conspicuous fact that there would have been no 
 "Federal Union" without such recognition, for at that date 
 slavery really existed in all the ' ' old thirteen ; ' ' writing, too, 
 of a period when slave property was represented in Congress; 
 when everv member before taking; his seat, was oblig-ed to 
 take an oath to support and defend that Constitution. This 
 new declaration must be accepted as the date of that " higher 
 law" than the Constitution, and of course, made in secret, 
 and it will be interesting to follow its subsequent course. 
 
 In the second paragraph quoted (2), the orator is quite 
 discoursive, and brings to his aid a presentation of conditions 
 abroad, running through four centuries of time, when, as a 
 matter o^' fact, the conditions in our "Federal Union," under 
 a written Constitution, were only properly to be considered. 
 To substitute for this, a sentimental picture of "the rising spirit 
 of Nationality, to overcome the desire for local indepen- 
 dence," to deny the naked fact that the true meaning of the 
 war issue with England in 1776, as presented in the "Decla- 
 ration of Independence," and achieved by a seven years war, 
 with costl}' sacrifices, in which South Carolina had borne the 
 larger share, was the purpose to secure the then most desired 
 end — "the consent of the governed " as a primal condition in the 
 new ''Federal Union," is what Mr. Adams goes on record 
 as asserting and believing. 
 
 In reading the third (3) quoted paragraph, one cannot but 
 admire the truthfulness of the narrative, in exhii)iting New 
 England as the orginator of secession and disunion, and 
 especially for purely local causes, asserting forcefully the 
 dogma of "the consent of the governed;" this is certainly 
 
78 
 
 treated historically, and in its proper place. And true it also 
 is, that disunion had its origin in New England, and but for 
 the peace of 1815, the purpose behind the Hartford Conven- 
 tion would have culminated in the withdrawal of those States 
 from the "Federal Union;" jet how remarkable is the 
 further fact, that the orator utters no word of regret or cen- 
 sure at the intentions of these selfish and deliberate Revolu- 
 tionists, fixed in purpose to go to the extreme of disunion, to 
 assert and defend their supposed local interests ! 
 
 In the fourth (4) quoted paragraph, Mr. Adams is again 
 eloquently sentimental — he refers pathetically to the "pi-ogres- 
 sive evolution of the human race," "the equality of man 
 before the law (?) and his Maker insisted on," "human 
 destiny challenged," "arraying themselves against the very 
 stars in their courses," etc. 
 
 Tlie writer reviewing these curious utterances, is forced to 
 think them out of place in an historical address; that the real 
 origin and progress of slavery, and its resultant conditions in 
 the "Federal Union," would have been more appropriate if 
 treated historically; and as it is absolutely necessary to amend 
 this faulty record, to have a proper understanding of the 
 subject, under the Constitution, the writer will supply some 
 of the omissions. 
 
 Ever since Captain William Hawkins, about 1531:, visited 
 the Guinea Coast and carried off Africans to slavery, followed 
 l)y his son. Captain John Hawkins, who founded on an 
 extensive scale, the English Slave Trade, England for 27() years 
 led the world in this dreadful traffic, in which New England 
 largely participated, as a good second ! It is a notorious fact, 
 that the African slaves in America were landed in Southern 
 ports, by the ship owners and mariners of Old and New 
 England; it was a lucrative trade, and was pursued relent- 
 lessly by these money-loving and money-getting people up to 
 the early years of the XIX Century. Large fortunes were 
 realized on a single successful voyage; when this is multiplied 
 by hundreds, and even thousands of voyages, the aggregate 
 
79 
 
 of wealth must have been enortnous on botli sides of the 
 Atlantic ! What, then, has become of this large wealth ? 
 Those immense profits from slave trading ? It will scarcely 
 be denied that much of it is still in existence; the thrift of 
 Old and New England, through careful investments and 
 reinvestm.ents, may be traced to-day into thousands of family 
 estates, paying to descendants their regular semi-annual 
 dividends. It is then highly probable that despite the 
 "stars in their courses," families in Old and New England are 
 yet receiving incomes from slavery and the slave trade, due 
 to that acquisitive phase of financial ])rescience, which, 
 towards the end of the infamous business, passed acts of 
 emancipation, to be effective at future dates, affording ample 
 time and full opportunity to turn their slaves into cash in 
 Southern markets ! If any emancipation act in a Northern 
 State ever caused the loss of the value of one slave, the writer 
 would like to have the evidence of that fact. The generally 
 received opinion is, that to get into a favorable position, to 
 move with "the stars in their courses," was skilfully accom- 
 plished without pecuniary loss. 
 
 Northern slave owners having successfully changed their 
 investments from slave property to numerous secure invest- 
 ments, unloading their slaves on the South, we have in the 
 fifth, sixth, seventh and eighth paragraphs the open declaration 
 of the deliberate purpose to destroy the property sold by 
 them, despite the explicit protection of the Federal Constitu- 
 tion. This effort for spoliation was made through long years, 
 and as the public is now authoritatively informed, with the 
 secret purpose of so shaping events as to evade all compensa- 
 tion for this property; to destroy it, and so prostrate the 
 twelve States interested materially and politieally by these 
 losses in this class of property. 
 
 While Garrison is reported as an open revolutionist against 
 the organic law, and is neither reproached nor censured by 
 Mr. Adams, the truly great Webster was pleading for the 
 Constitutional Union of the Fathers, and for this patriotic 
 appeal was politically ignored and publicly denounced ! 
 
80 
 
 "So earth's best teachers have been overborne 
 
 By the coarse crowd, and fainting, droop or die; 
 They bear the cross, their bleeding brows the thorns, 
 And ever hear the clamor — Crucify! " 
 
 "f Ex-Presi(iftnt J. Q. Adams, as herein recorded ])y his 
 grandson, was tlie author of the scheme by wliich the war 
 powers of the Federal Union, despite the Constitntion, which 
 lie had many times solemnly sworn as President and Member 
 of Congress to uphold and defend, was to be secretly the 
 means to the end ! ! ! 
 
 The wTiter fully understands, and as fully appreciates the 
 change of thought on the subject of African slavery; true 
 it is, that "the thoughts of men are widened with the process 
 of the suns." Yet it may be remarked that the poet's 
 thought was not exclusively accepted in Northern commu- 
 nities. 
 
 It may well be properly recalled that before England 
 abolished slavery, her Parliament provided compensation to 
 owners, and paid for the slaves she set free ! ! In the move- 
 ment against African slaverv in the Federal Union, continued 
 surreptitiously, according to Mr. Adams, through an entire 
 g-eneration of time, no instance can be recalled of an indi- 
 vidual, town meeting, or any convention of the party, that now 
 boasts of the destruction of the institution, where a voice 
 was ever raised to pay for the property to be so destroyed! 
 
 In this way, with untold millions of slave money still 
 in their possession, a revolutionary '"remedy for the moral 
 wrong, and the vindication of the rights of man, within 
 the Union, and under the Constitution ( ? ? ? ), through the 
 exercise of inherent war powers, was found." In the pres- 
 ence of such conditions it is well to note the very con- 
 spicuous fact, that in putting into execution this purpose, it 
 was done outside of the organic law of the Federal Union, 
 and not until after the act was the Constitution amended to 
 suit the new conditions. 
 
 Mr. Adams' address on slavery, with its unexpected admis- 
 
81 
 
 sions and omissions, its remarkable statements, should have 
 further comment, but the writer's limit of space is filled, 
 and a concluding paragraph must suffice. 
 
 While New England was plying its profitable vocation, in 
 the slave trade, the public records of South Carolina show, 
 tliat as early as 1698, and in 1712, 171-1, 1716, 1740, 1744, 
 1764, Acts of the Commons House of Assembly were publicly 
 protesting against these slave importations ! That after 
 making all the money possible, and themselves owning slaves, 
 they passed Acts of Emancipation to mature in afier years; 
 "ad interim" they sold their slaves to the South, and rein- 
 vested the proceeds in good interest-bearing securities. Hav- 
 ing successfnlly accomplished this, they began an anti- 
 slavery movement, antagonistic to Ihe Federal Constitution 
 and, that more than one who had solemnly sworn to uphold 
 and defend that Constitution, were for years secretly plotting 
 the destruction of the institution, without con)pensation, and 
 finally succeeded in destroyiiig $2,000,000,000 (two billions 
 of property) ! ! And this was not the sum total of loss — 
 the depreciation of lands in the South, was also enormous 
 and accounts for the physical prostration of the Southern 
 States through an entire generation of time! The pretend- 
 ers to superior sanctity, with their pockets stuffed full of 
 slave-trade money certainly achieved a great success ! ! ! In 
 the presence of such threatening and unparalleled losses, 
 is there any wonder that a brave people should have resisted 
 this spoliations ; believing that "It is better for us to die in 
 battle than to behold the calamities of our people — and our 
 sanctuary. ' ' 
 
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS