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LIBRARY OF CONGRESS.
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NlTKl) 8TATES OK AMERITA,
HISTORICAL
CAUSES AND EFFECTS
FROM THE
FALL OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE,
TO THE REFORMATION.
15 17.
In History, a great volume is unrolletl for our instruction, drawing the materials
of future wisdom from the past errors and infirmities of mankind."— Burke.
william'^ullivan,
Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences ; Member of the Massa-
chusetts Historical Society; and Honorary Member of the Histor-
ical Society of Pennsylvania : Author of Political,'
'Moral,' and ' "Historical Class Books.'
BOSTON:
JAMES B. DOW, 362 WASHINGTON-ST.
1838.
THE LIBRARY
OF CONGI^ESS
WASHINGTON f
Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1837, b}'
William Sullivan,
in the Clerk's office of the District Court of Massachusetts.
• Printed by Wm. A. Hall & Co.
a<o
i
% PREFACE.
M
The genius of History is represented as in the act o(" record-
ing PASSING EVENTS. It should rather he regarded as seated
among ruins and relics, and tasking imaginatioa to rehuild and
repeople the temples and abodes, whicli scattered fragments
prove to have existed. An outline of physical being, and of
actions, may be formed ; but motives, passions, perceptions of
good and evil, living life, are presented according to the histo-
rian's deduction or inference. He, unconsciously, portrays his
own views, Avhen he intends to delineate historical truth. Those
Avho treat of the same persons and events, are often found to
be inconsistent with each other; and on causes and motives
they are frequently irreconcilable. That history should be
overshadowed with doubts and uncertainties is inevitable, but
history is not, therefore, as is sometimes said, wer^e fable. -
There are certain causes and effects which may he discerned
among all the varieties of conflicting accounts. These are the
sources of historical instruction. They disclose the course of
events by which the world has been brought to its present con-
dition. They are the fads, however variously stated, from
w^hich its future condition is to be inferred.
From the review of these ten centuries it appears, tliat it is
man's destiny to be ever the cruel enemy of himself— the slave
of his own bad passions — the destroyer of his fellow— and qual-
ified only to repeat, from age to age, the same course of follies,
crimes, and miseries. No respite is found but in the exhaus-
tion of the power to do evil, or when a brief tranquillity is
secured by the terror of superior force. With all the light
which the three last centuries have given, bloody conflicts are
still seen among the people of the same nation. In several
Christian countries, an adroit priesthood still darkens and sub-
dues the mind, and armed despots hold millions in sullen bond-
age. Where civil liberty is known, there is dread of com-
motions, revolution, and anarchy ; or there is serious apprehen-
sion that despotism will gradually enthrone itself by the forms
of legislation, or by ruling the will of a miajority who are too
degraded and ignorant to perceive iheir own subjection.
Reason penetrates this discouraging gloom. It discerns that
the beneficent gift of the Deity is, the capacity to improve.
It finds, in the neglect of this capacity, the true cause of human
errors, and the deepest reproach to man's free agency.
Hitherto, improvement has been left to individual efforts, as
though it were too insignificant an object to merit the attention
of rulers. If the condition, of which human society is capable.
IV PREFACE.
should ever arise, it will be when governments have performed
their duties. Governments have something more to do than to
provide for the trial and punishment of criminals — for taxation
—for regulating the rights and uses of property— for keeping
arms to preserve peace, or wage Avars of aggression and defence.
It is their duty, also, to guard against the commission of misde-
meanors and crimes, and to prepare approaching manhood to
understand and respect a sound morality, as the best means of
security and welfare. No one will say, that society is more
safe from violence and confusion when only a few are instruct-
ed in social rights and duties. It is then the least safe, as some
of these few will yield to the temptation of acting on the gene-
ral ignorance, to secure benefits inconsistent with the general
good. Society will be safe only when all its members are in-
structed, and when all are competent to judge of the just and
beneficent exercise of power, and of its perversion and abuse.
It is not by prohibitory statutes that society can be made safe
and prosperous, but by the prevalence of enlightened public
opinion. Such opinion will prevail when Governments use
their trust, in unison Avith individuals, to teach, universally, the
rights and duties of human life.*
To know what can be done, it must be known, first, how this
capacity has been used, neglected, or perverted. This volume
is intended as a contribution to that object.
First. The state of society is examined at the close of the
fifth century, w^hen a new condition arose among nations on the
fall of the Roman Empire of the West.
Second. Events which had permanent effects on moral,
social, and political condition, are treated of separately and
continuously, as to each nation.
Third. International events are treated of in the territories
in which they principally occurred.
Fourth. The order of treatment is to begin Avith the most
AvestAvardly of European nations, and proceed thence through
each nation to the eastern end of Asia.
Fifth. To preserve the connexion of events, it has been
necessary, sometimes, to transcend the limits of these ten cen-
turies.
There remain, as the subjects of another volume, causes and
effects among European nations, and their colonies, during the
last three centuries.
Boston, November, 1837.
* " A Board of Education " has been established (in 1837) by legis-
lative cnUhority, for the instruction of the young in common schools.
This system is going into full effect under a AAdse and faithful adminis-
tration, and is every Avhere gratefully and respectfully received. There
is better hope, from these measures, that rational civil liberty may be
preserved, than from any thing done since Massachusetts became a
sovereign State.
CONTENTS.
Chapter ^, ^ Page
I.— The slate of Europe at the close of llie fifth Century 1
II._The Population of Europe at the close of the fifth Cen-
tury ^
IIL— The Roman Empire of the East ....
IV.— The state of Religion at the end of the fifth Century 13
v .— The Feudal S3^stem _J£^
VL— Ireland.— Original Population — Poems of Ossian— St.
Patrick— Pela^an Heresy— Learning — Conquest of
Ireland by Henry II.— Causes of Affliction— Prmce
John— Government of English Kmgs— State of Ire-
land in 1500 32
VII.— Scotland —Original Population — Divisions of Socie-
ty—Macbeth— Stuart Origin— Maid of Norway— Suc-
cession of Baliol and Bruce to the Crown— Wallace-
Succession of Kings— English and Scotch Wars-
Marriage of Henry VII.'s daughter with James IV. 44
VIII.— Saxoxs— England.— Caesar's Conquest of England— Ro-
man Dominion— The Saxons ... 54
IX.— Saxons in England —Heptarchy — Consolidation— Eg-
bert— Danish Invasion— Alfred .... 59
X.— Alfred's Reign— Danes— State of England— Religion 63
XI— Alfred's Labors— His own Acquirements— His Gov-
ernment—Its Effects on his Subjects- The Difficulties
he encountered "'
XII.— Social and Political Condition of the Saxons after Al-
fred's Death— Saxon Language .... 73
XIII.— Succession of Kings from Alfred to William the Con-
queror-Saint Dimstan— Danish Kings— Battle of Has-
tings— William in 106G . . • . . 81
XIV— The Reign of William— Introduction of the Feudal
System— Dooms-day Book— Game Laws — Williani
Rufus— Henry I -Stephen— Henry II.— Thomas a
Becket— Events in Henry's Reign— His Death— State
of Society . . • ^^
XV— Richard I.— Crusade— Jews— Richard's Imprisonment-
His Death— John— murders Arthur— Submission to
the Pope— Loss of French Provinces— Magna Char-
ta— John's Death • ^^
XVI— Henrv III.— Civil Wars — Confirmation of Masfna
Charta— First House of Commons— De Mountfori—
Death of Henry III— State of Society . . 106
VI CONTENTS.
Caapter Page
XVIL— Edward I.— Conquest of Wales— Wars with Scotland
— War with France — William Wallace — Internal
Administration — Confirmation of Charters — Com-
merce — Edward II. — Battle of Bannockburn . 114
XVIII.— Edward III.— War with France— Battle of Crecy—
Edward the Black Prince — Ich Dien — Order of the
Garter — Battle of Poictiers— King- of France cap-
tive — Peace wilh France — New War with France
—Death of Black Prince— Death of Edward III. 122
XIX.— Richard II.— War with Scotland— W' at Tyler's Insur-
rection — Richard's Internal Administration — Trou-
bled state of the Kingdom — Richard goes to Ireland
— Henry IV. usurps the Crown — Richard Deposed
and Murdered — Internal state of the Kingdom —
Distinguished Authors . . . . 127
XX, — Henry IV. — Origin of the Two Roses — Rebellions
against Henry iV. — WicklilTe, the Reformer — Hen-
ry V, — Conquests in France — Henry VI. . 135
XXI. — Henry VI. — Principal Actors in this reign — Margaret
of Anjou — Internal Dissensions — Jack Cade — Duke
of York Regent — Commencement of Civil Wars —
Warwick the King-maker — Edward IV. . . 143
XXII. — Reign of Edward IV. — Continuation of Wars between
the Roses — Edward's Q.ueen, Elizabeth Woodville
— Rebellions — Edward's Flight — His Restoration —
Death of Warwick — Glaecn Margaret captive —
Death of Henry VI 151
XXIII.— Richard III. — Principal Actors in his Time — Murder
of Edward's two Suns — Richard's attempt to marry
Edward's datighter Elizabeth -Earl of Richmond
— Battle of Bosworth — Henry VII. — Distinguished
Writers 158
XXIV. — Spain. — Early Population — Gothic Kingdom — Intro-
duction of Catholic Religion — Northern Kingdoms
of Spain — Invasion of the Moors — Wars between
Northern Kingdoms and the Moors . . 1G9
XXV. — The Moors in Spain — Their Riches and Magnifi-
cence — Their Learning — Their Decline . . 175
XXVI. — Goihic Kingdoms— Wars with the Moors — Spirit of
Freedon— Cortes — Justiza — The Cid— Peter the
Cruel-Ferdinand and Labolla-Conquest ofGianada 178
XXVIL— Po:n'UG.\r 190
XXVIII. — Hoi-r.AND — Belgium — NETniiRLANDs , v . . 192
XXIX. — Franck. — France, from 500 to the Reign of the Carlo-
vingians 198
XXX. — The Reign of the Carlovingians — Charlemagne . 203
XXXI.— The state of France in the year 1000 ... 210
XXXIl.— The Succession of French Kings — Papal Power —
Truce of God— Hildcbrand, Gregory VI I.— Crusades 213
1/
CONTENTS. Vll
Chaptkr Page
XXXIII.— Louis the Fat— Third Estate— Crusades— Louis VII.
— Divorce of his dueen, Elenora — Her marriage
^vith Henr}^ II. of England— Crusade ol Richard
and others — Troubadours — Persecution of the Albi-
genses — Origin of the Inquisition . . . 2*20
XXXIV. — Saint Louis— His first Crusade — His Internal Gov-
ernment—His second Crusade— His Death . . 229
XXXV. — The five Kings, descendants of Saint Louis — Inter-
nal state of France — Warfare between Philip and
Pope Boniface — The Papal Seat removed to France
—Destruction of Knight Templars— Deathof Philip 233
XXXVI. — Philip VI. — Wars of France and England— Comn^o-
tions in France — Its miserable Condition — Battles
between the English and the French — Jacquerie —
Peace 237
XXXVII. — Renewal of'the War— Henrv V. in France— Peace-
Marriage of Henry V.— His Death- Henry VI. —
Charles VII. — Maid of Orleans — Recovery of his
Kmgdom by Charles VII 243
XXXVIII.— The Reign of Louis XL of France . . .249
XXXIX —Charles VIII.— Louis XII; 253
X- XL. — Northern and North-eastern Europe . . 257
XLI. — Germany. — Separation of Germany and France —
-^ Classes of People — Elements of German History 259
XLII. — Succession of Emperors 264
XLIIL— German Emperors from n52 to 1308 ... 270
XLIV.— German Emperors from 1308 to 1519 . . . 278
XLV. — Switzerland. — Origin of the League of the Swiss Can-
tons • . . 285
XLVI. — The Wars between the Swiss Cantons and German
Emperors, and the Swiss and Dukes of Austria, from
131G to 1450 292
XLVII. — Wars of the Swiss and Emperors, and vdth Louis XL
of France and with Charles of Burgundy — Remark-
able Battles— Character of the Swiss in 1500 . . 298
XLVIIL— ITALY—Gothic Kingdom— Reign of Theodoric— Lom-
bards— Belisarius — Narses— Italian Language . 209
~ XLIX. — Lombardy, — Lombard Kingdom— Conquest by Pepin
of France — Dominion of Charlemagne and of his
Successors — Normans in Italy . . . 316
L. — Northern Italy. — State of Northern Italy in 1100 —
Gueli^ and Ghibelines— Frederick Barbarossa's Wars
with the Italian Republics .... 320
LI. — From the Peace of Constance, in 1183, to the Death
of Frederick II., Emperor of Germany and King of
the Two Sicilies, in 1250 328
LIL— The Republic of Venice 339
LIII. — Bologna — Ferrara — Genoa— Pisa . . . 350
LIV.— Middle Italy— Tuscany— Republic of Florence from
1000 to 1500 357
VH) CONTr.STvS.
LV.~TKe ISfKi>»v'« r«nuly :Cl
LVl.— N'Ar>.Ks and Skua, l\xMU 1147 uU:>lO . . :^U
LVMU— Coni^uosi of NnpUv?. by Chwrlos Vlll. of Pr^noo . iOO
LVin.—Uv^MK— Tho l\M>Ks— Tho ChiuvU, l\\un l()(H> to UhX) 111
LIX.— Mr\^sm\\s i>t iho IVjvjj to subject all TtMujvnU Au-
thority to tlvotuNvU-cs ..... 4*i5
LX. — ro|H^ in France— '05 ix?atSchisn\— Council of Ooiistanct? iM
LXr— The CKCSAt^KJ*. tkxni UW> to b^lU .... IIG
LXll — Kr»>vi^ vH^ ttiK OKCsxt^Ks— Inct^RNX* of Pa|H\l Power
— EtlWt on 'r<MuiH>rxU Powxu^ — Five Ci^ie^ — Eticcl
on Agriouhural l.vt'o— Ohi\^\lry— Nobiltty— Oixlers
of Kuij^rlvthvHHl— L^ti Couuuewe — SUk — Sujj^ai^ — Et-
livt on 8vHm;\1 Character— Kvib of i^-us;\des . -I'vl
LMU,— Reti\v>*jH\t of the ftve CenturiCvS Axmu UKH) to IMX) . Km
'"LXIV» — KxsTKKxl%MtMUR.— CvMu^iautitte-Oonstrttitinople-xTustin-
iau— l^xctivHus ^^f the Oitvus— Theixlom— Helivsarius
— Na^-^^s—Evlitices— Civil L^iw— Hettiarlo.ible events -47 4
LXV. — The EtuiHMvr Heraclius and the Persians— IV^storat ion
ot~ the Holy Ct\v^—Sueeessiot\ of GiXH.^k E»nj>ei\>rs
-Basilican Cvxle — The L{\tin Kinjjxloni . . iJv^
lA^ I — Oivek K.tujntv- Military AdventutXM^— Sueci\ssion of
Et\i }v<M\M>— A 1 1 ao k vM' t he Tu rk-s — Baja zet — Cone i I i-
ativ^n ofGtXH^k and rv:^tin Chuivhes — Cotistaiuit»ople
taken by tlu^ Turks— Note on the Giwk Chtttvh .VK^
LXVn. — \Vk5«tknn Astx — Prr5!«a — Cities on the Euphrates aiul
Tvi^ris— Pci^ian Grandeur . • . . .MS
LXVllL— Mamomkvan Rk« ^uon— Akabia —Ancient Relijiion —
Mahomet, or Mohan\tnei , ♦ . . . .V20>
LXIX.— Mahou\et\s Pi\%4itvss— Death— Abul>ek«ei^— Omar . SJ^i
\ W — Cvmquest of E^viM— A lexatxdrian Library — Conquests
in Barlviry— Mixtutv ot' Arabs and Moors . . MS
LXXt. — M?»hoinetat\ Etnpii^e in the Kiusi — House of Ommiades
— AbK^ssiides . » STh)
LXXU, — House of .\bh\^side> — Sr»lendv>r of the Caliphate— De-
cline «nd l-^\U of the Arabian Power — Origin of the
Otionuux Etupitv ...... 55(»
LXXIU.— Ckvtkax. As* v.— The Cradle of Nations^Zotxxastei^
His Hchgiim . rHV4
LXXIV,— T\»>«A.— Pv>^>ulativM\ — Relisri^Mi — Ancient Te»«ples-Sitt-
gttlar Optniv>ns . ." 56S
LXXV.— Im^a — CvMUtmnve — Pv^itical RewUutions — Conquests
v^f EuivixN\t\s 577
LXXVI. — British Conquests and Passersiows in India 583
LXXVIK— CwN-lM^A 58;^
LX X Vlll. — Cmiv * — i^ywi-^rhv *>f China — Orisr»n otX^'hinese — Otxvai
W ■' ' ^ ^^V^ '' '^ ^ ■ '"I
Oc<^\nia . . 51*0
HISTORICAL CAUSEB AND EFFECTS FROM
A. D. 5<KJ TO A. D. l.!KX).
CHAPTER I.
THE STATK OK EHfJOPE AT THK CLOHK OP THf, HFTH C;:?TTT:rV.
In the firnt j;?jrt of these Ijj-itoncai Si<et/;ne», n^XioriH and
evemts were exarnin^yJ from the earlif^ times to the fall of the
Roman empire of the West, A. D. 476- It ia intended to
comprise in this volume, nations and events from that p^^riod
to the Reformation, in the beginning of the sixteenth century.
At the end of the fifth ceiitury, the West of Europe had
undergone an entire revolution. The Roman empire of the
East continues] nearly one thousand y^^rs after that time, and
was then subdued by the Turks. Distinct nations, whom the
Greeks and Romans compri.«ed under the general name of
bo/rbariana, had possessed thern.selves of the West, This
revolution involved not only the tenure of the land: a new
order of things arose in govemmerjt and religion — in the
objects of desire and aversion — in the orders of society, and,
necessarily, in customs and habits. German barbarism inter-
mingled with Roman civilization. As the former had a cor/v-
manding influence, the latter entirely disappeared. From this
revolution are derived the several nations which now hold all
the West of Europe. From this epoch are to be traced the
corruptions and abuses of Christianity ; the new charzicter
and consequences of war; new languages: new divisions in
the orders of society ; the ri.se of the various employments in
which the members of society are now seen to be engaged ;
the rank and influence of woman in the social and domestic
relations of life. Over these various subjects is to be noticed
the effect of polilico.l power ; that is, the command over phys-
ical strength, by which one, few, or many have been able to
prescribe rules and enforce obedience as to all others.
1
2 THE STATE OF EUROPE AT THE
Before the Romans had passed the Alps into the country
now called France, it was inhabited by a people known under
the general name of Celtte, or Celts, and who called them-
selves Gael, or Gales, and whence the Roman name for them,
Gauls, was derived, and their territory known by the general
name of Gaul. Tribes are supposed, at some unknown time,
to have emigrated from Asia, and to have occupied a large
portion of the West of Europe. They are thought to have
been a distinct, and, in many respects, a different people from
those who formed the German tribes, and to have come, before
these tribes, into Europe. From the Celts, the population of
England, France, Wales, Scotland, and Ireland was undoubt-
edly derived ; though the names among this population were
different, and the languages spoken by them so variant from
each other as to have lost the proof of common origin.
The Celts were distinguishable from other barbarous peo-
ple by their religion and their bards. In their religion, we
find the same causes producing the same effects, as we have
noticed in the religion of Egyptians, Persians, Greeks, and
Romans ; that is, awful and terrifying mysteries, conducted by
an initiated and sacred fraternity, corresponding to the common
name of priests. They were called Druids. Like the Bra-
mins of India, and the priests of Egypt, they formed a dis-
tinct class or caste ; and like these, and like the magi of Per-
sia, they were not only the ministers in all holy things, but
also the learned in the superstitions, mysteries, and worship
which they had invented. They possessed the highest author-
ity in all affairs of government and in the administration of
justice ; they appointed officers, and governed absolutely in all
things but in warfare, in which they were not held to engage.
They denounced the punishments of their religion against
those who were sinful or disobedient. Thus we see among
the Druids, only one more form of the same propensities
which have appeared in most nations and ages where there was
only the religion of human creation. In such religions some
animal or plant has usually been held sacred. The Druids
considered the misletoe (which is called a parasitical plant,
because it does not grow from the ground, but from another
plant, especially the oak,) as the holiest object in nature ; as
the lotus was in India and Egypt. The principal seat of this
Druidical power was in England. Some of the wonderful
stone structures seen in the British isles, were Druid temples.
The Celtic bards were singing poets, who, as such, were
historians, common to most barbarous and warlike nations*
CLOSE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY.
3
There were such persons among the Greeks, in the early
leriods of their history. The Scotch, Welsh, and Irish pipers,
ire relics of the Celtic bards. The poems of Ossian, purport-
ing to be translations of ancient Celtic productions, give some
impression of the character and effect of this exciting melody.*
The Celts were a numerous and powerful race at an early
period, and sufficiently so to have invaded, and to have con-
quered, a part of Spain, and portions of country along the
Danube, and to have extended themselves even into Greece.
As these nations had no records of themselves, their territo-
ries, conquests, and condition are not to be ascertained. Their
migrations, changes and revolutions were, doubtless, like
those which occurred among the Indians of America, for cen-
turies before they were known to Europeans. The Celts were
subjected to the action of the Romans for nearly four centu-
ries, and then to the German barbarians ; so that towards the
end of the fifth century, their distinctive name, their Druids,
and their bards, had been lost by mingling with other people.
They were like great rivers which come, in their course, to a
still greater volume of waters, in which their origin, and their
name, and their peculiarities, are no longer distinguishable.
CHAPTER IL
THE POPULATION OF EUROPE AT THE CLOSE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY.
Before the year 500, the Roman empire had extended
itself beyond the Alps to the north and west. It ruled in what
is now called Switzerland, and still further north, from the foot
of the Alps, a small distance into Germany, as it now is.
The line of Roman possession was different at different times.
The forty-seventh degree of north latitude is near their most
northern boundary. These regions, which Rome had acquired
by conquest, were distinguished by various names, not neces-
sary to be mentioned, as few of them are now so called. West
of the river Rhine, and thence to the Atlantic, was Gaul, as
the Romans called it, and the same which is now called
France. Over the whole of this country the Romans had
* Thomas Moore, in his History of Ireland, has investigated the
authenticity of the poems of Ossian, and has shown their true origin, as
will be noticed in sketches of Ireland.
4 THE rOPULATION OF EUROPE AT THE
acquired dominion by long-continued and bloody wars. They
had also passed over to England. Caesar was the first Ro-
man general who appeared on the island, 53 B. C. England
was held as a Roman province till the beginning of the fifth
century, and between that time and the year A. D. 446, it was
abandoned, and all Roman authority withdrawn. (Mcintosh,
chap. I.)
If we begin at the forty-seventh degree of north latitude,
where it crosses the river Rhine, and follow that line thence
eastwardly, towards the Caspian sea in Asia, we shall mark
the line, on the earth's surface, which was (in Europe) the
boundary, alternately of Romans and barbarians, as the one or
the other prevailed in their conflicts. From this line of lati-
tude northwardly to the Northern Ocean, both in Asia and
Europe, is found that vast territory in which millions of human
beings dwelt in a state of barbarism. Their origin is un-
known. The little that is known of them is obtained through
the Greeks and Romans, in describing wars to conquer or
repel them, on the frontiers of the empire. The historians
who are followed in the accounts given of these nations, are
the Grecian Herodotus, and Csesar and Tacitus among the
Romans. By the two latter writers, especially, these tribes are
distinguished by national names. They knew how to use iron
in their warfare, and they had horses, cattle, and sheep.
It is said by Hallam, in his learned and elaborate history of
the Middle Ages, that before the end of the fifth century, bar-
barous nations had thus possessed themselves of the west of
Europe. The Suevi held part of Spain ; the Visigoths pos-
sessed the remainder, and a part of Gaul, or France, next to
Spain ; the Burgundians had established themselves in France,
between the rivers Rhone and Saone, on the south-eastern part of
France. The Ostrogoths possessed nearly the whole of Italy.
The Vandals, who came first of these nations, had traversed
Europe into Spain, passed thence into Africa, and penetrated
to Carthage, which was their seat of empire. This account
by Hallam agrees with those of other writers, through whom
it is known, that the northern part of France was held by a
people who were called Franks, and who held also the Neth-
erlands, now called Belgium. The Franks were a confede-
racy of tribes, who dwelt in Westphalia, and the surrounding
country east of the Rhine. They confederated to resist the
Romans, and took the name of Franks, or Freemen. From
this nation, and from the Burgundians, with some other inter-
mixture of the Celtic race, and including that population
CLOSE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY. 5
which the Romans had brought into Gaul, the French nation
of the present day are descended.
The present population of Spain are the descendants of
Grecian colonists, who had settled on the eastern side of the
peninsula before the Romans had risen into power, and also of
persons introduced while Spain was a Roman province. To
these are to be added the Suevi and Visigoths, and the Sara-
cens or Moors. The latter conquered and held the south of
Spain for some ages. The people of Italy, of the present day,
are the descendants of the mixed race whom the tribes of
barbarians found there, as Roman subjects, and of themselves.
In the last ages of the Roman empire of the west, great
numbers resorted to Italy from the Greek, Asiatic, and Afri-
can provinces. In the decline of the empire, barbarians were
enlisted in the Roman legions. Besides these, there were
many thousands who were held in servitude, and who were
gathered from all the countries which the Romans had con-
quered. Thus, the population of Italy, at the end of the fifth
century, was the most mixed of any in Europe.
In the territory before mentioned, having the Rhine for its
western boundary, and the forty-seventh degree of north lati-
tude for its southern boundary, many different nations dwelt, to
whom Tacitus assigns names and countries. These nations
are said, by the German historian John Von Muller, to have
had the general name of Teutonic, because they worshipped a
God whom they called Tuist, or Tuet. The Teutonic, or
ancient parent German language, comprised the Scandinavian,
that of a people so called, who dwelt where the kingdoms of
Denmark and Sweden now are. It appears, (Wheaton's His-
tory of the Northmen,) that the Scandinavians had a literature
of their own, and an alphabet of sixteen letters, believed to be
derived from the Phoenicians. It was called Runic, a term
supposed to imply mystery; and was, undoubtedly, the pecu-
liar property of the priesthood. It must be admitted, that no
small part of the narratives concerning these ancient German
people, is founded more in conjecture than in positive facts.
Most of the languages of the north of Europe are of this
Teutonic class. The name of the Saxons occurs in this north-
ern region. They are supposed to have dwelt on the shores
near Jutland, and near the mouth of the Elbe, and west of that
river towards Westphalia. They were afterwards known as
the Saxon race in England, and the same race who gave their
name to a part of Germany now known as Saxony. •
Gibbon, in his history of the Decline and Fall of the Roman
6 THE POPULATION OF EUROPE AT THE
Empire says, that the Goths and Vandals were similar, if not
the same people originally, and that the Goths divided into the
Ostrogoths, (western,) and Visigoths, (eastern,) and theGepidas.
The Vandals he considers to have been divided into the Her-
uli, Burgundians, and Lombards, (long beards.) About the
beginning of the Christian era, (according to this historian,)
the Goths were established near the mouth of the river Vis-
tula, in the country where the cities of Thorn, Elbing, Ko-
ningsburg and Dantzic now are; and the Vandals in the
countries where Mecklenburgh and Pomerania now are.
From these abodes the Goths and the Vandals migrated to the
country which lies north of the Black Sea, within the two
first centuries of the Christian era, which country was called
Scj'-thia. The supposition is, that all these nations were origi-
nally of Asia, and this is more certainly assumed of the Scla-
vonians, (so called from slava, fame,) who are first referred to
Sarmatia, northwardly of the Caspian Sea. It is, however, of
as little importance as of certainty, whether these conjectural
localities of the barbarians are well founded or not. Like the
natives of America, it is probable that they had wars, vicissitudes,
and changes,^ throughout centuries, of which they had neither
record nor tradition.
There was one other and distinct people, called the Huns,
of whom no doubt seems to be entertained of origin or prog-
ress. All writers who mention this people's origin, concur,
that they were masters of the extreme east of Asia, and occu-
pied a country of vast extent north of the Chinese wall, (said
to be fifteen hundred miles in length,) and that their empire
extended to the North Sea. In the third century they moved
westward by the north of the Caspian Sea, and subdued all
nations with whom they came in contact; or forced them
toward the west. In person, habits, and manners, the Huns were
a very different people from the barbarians of Europe. They
were'^short, swarthy, and ill-formed; but some of the nations
who have been mentioned, are described as tall, well-formed,
of light complexion, blue eyes, and of pleasing expression.
The approach of the Huns \vas the cause of the final over-
throw of the Romans. The nations who have been mentioned
as having been established in the country northwardly of the
Caspian, were driven on to the Roman territories. The Huns
occupied the country which was thus deserted, until their
increasing numbers, or other motives, urged them to the west.
Hungary, so called from them, was their European establish-
ment. But, as has been before (in the first volume) remarked,
CLOSE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY. 7
they appeared in Italy, and even beyond the Rhine in France,
under their great chief, Atilla.
We have further to notice the barbarians, in regard to their
characteristic qualities, because these have a direct relation to
the present occupants of Europe. It is believed that all these
qualities are described by historians from the writings of Cse-
sar and Tacitus ; the former, in a great degree, from his own
observation; the latter was a highly accomplished civilian,
who wrote at Rome towards the close of the hrst century, and
whose authority, for what he says of the Germans, may have
been works now unknown. However this may have been,
his writings on this people are regarded, by all subsequent
historians, as worthy of confidence. There is another writer
who is quoted by Gibbon, Hallam, and others, by the name of
Jornandes, who left a work " on the origin and affairs of the
Goths." He died towards the close of the sixth century, his
work coming down to the year 552. From such sources, and
with the aid of the late work of Von Muller, we shall con-
dense an account of these founders of European nations.
Men, civilized or savage, have the same natural wants and
passions, and the same necessity to fill up with action, the suc-
cessive hours of life, not given to repose. The difference is
found in the different modes of gratification. A savage may have
some notion of exchanging one thing for another, and some pleas-
ure in sounds, and in objects which please the eye. He has also
some idea of command and obedience, and, perhaps, of some
rule by which the one should be given, and the other rendered.
He has some sentiment of right and wrong, and consequently
of justice. But it belongs to a refined age to have carried out
these original perceptions into extensive commerce, music,
painting, literature, records of the past, comprehension of the
future, complex civil government, and solemn courts of justice.
The barbarians will be remarked upon in those prominent
qualities which will sho\v, that civilized and refined society
had its original elements among them; and thence afford the
inference, that what is now seen in society arises from the
capacity to improve. This capacity is far from having ex-
hausted its powers. It will be further used in extending man's
knowledge over the material objects, and in the utility and
duty of sound moral action.
Food. The barbarians depended on their herds, and on the
game which their forests yielded. They made an intoxicating
drink from wheat or barley, and must have known something
of the cultivation of the earth. Their herds afforded them
8 THE POPULATION OF EUROPE AT THE
not only milk, but they knew how to convert this into cheese.
There were some native fruits.
Clothing. For this they depended on the skins of the ani-
mals which they took, and on their flocks and herds. Articles
were wrought into garments, in a rude manner, by females.
Dwelling-places. They had not cities, nor towns, nor com-
pact villages ; their abodes were placed wherever a stream or
some other inducement invited.
Domestic condiiio/i. The Germans are highly extolled by
Tacitus, for some conjugal virtues ; so much so, that he was
thought to have intended to satirize Roman matrons, in his
praise of these virtues. Certain violations of these rights, of
rare occurrence, were punished with death. Chiefs were
allowed to have more than one wife.
Religion. In this respect, the barbarians were a rude peo-
ple. They adored whatsoever objects appeared to them to
have power or influence over their good or ill fortune. Hence
arose imaginary deities, as common among all savage nations.
They supposed these objects of their worship to reside in the
recesses of their thick, dark forests, into which no one dared
to penetrate. Certain of these places were held to be sacred.
They had a class of persons who resembled a similar class
among the American Indians, and who ministered in their
sacrifices and ceremonies. Some of these nations sacjificed
human beings. Their ministers of religion held a superior
rank, since they were supposed to be able to foretell the will of
their gods, to invoke their favor, or appease their wrath. This
was the otflce of the priest among the pagan Greeks and
Romans.
Bards. All these nations (like the Celts) had a class of
persons who said, or sung history. They were listened to at
festivals; and they roused the courage of warriors at the com-
ing on of battle. In this is seen the natural desire of our race
to extend existence beyond the short term allowed to individual
life, by cherishing and transmitting the memory of the past.
It shows, also, the force of example, and the propensity to
imitate, and that they must be truly a rude people, who do not
feel that they have a property in the deeds of their ancestors.
Employment of time. These savages, like civilized people,
had a life to dispose of, time to fill up, and the necessity of
doing something. Having neither commerce, literature, the
arts, nor agriculture, — and the supply of bodily wants being had
from their herds or the chase, — their time was mostly given to
preparations for war, and to carrying it on, — to noisy feasting
CLOSE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY. 9
and to gaming. They staked all their possessions, and even
personal freedom, on the chances of fortune. A warrior, who
would have thought it the highest glory to be where the
hottest battle gave the certain alternative of victory or death,
would submit to be bound and led away as a slave, if so the
result of the game determined his lot. This desire of excite-
ment is equally shown in what is called civilized life. It is to
be regretted that gamblers cannot dispose of their persons as
the barbarians did. The chief occupation in barbarian life
was war, waged for plunder and for glory. This serious
measure was preceded by councils, in which the civil or
religious chiefs stated the case, and the multitude expressed
their negative by hisses and groans, and their assent by strik-
ing their lances on their shields. They were brave and pow-
erful warriors, as the Romans had frequent occasion lo know.
Their conflicts were not at the long distance which the use of
gunpowder permits, but with hand weapons, as, some sort of
pointed lance, or short sword. The women were often spec-
tators of the battle, and have been known to urge their flying
husbands and sons back upon the foe, and sometimes to kill
their children, and then themselves, rather than to be taken
and made slaves.
These are some of the traits of the rude nations who were
destined to extinguish the learning, philosophy, the arts and
sciences of Greeks and Romans — to cast their proud monu-
ments to the earth — and to give, in the long course of ages, a
new and worthier character to the world.
CHAPTER III.
THE ROMAN EMPIRE OF THE EAST.
• The part of continental Europe which remains to be
noticed, as it was at the close of the fifth century, is that which
the Romans still held. It will be remembered, that Constan-
tine, in the year "9^ removed the seat of empire from Rome
to ancient Byzantium, and gave to that city his own name,
which it still retains. Here the Roman name continued until
the early part of the seventh century, when the eastern empire
began to be called by the name of the Greek empire, and so
continued to be, (with the exception of 57 years, from 1204 to
10 THE ROMAN EMPIRE OF THE EAST.
1261,) until the Turks, in the year 1453, possessed themselves
of Constantinople, and have held it to the present day. The
limits of the eastern empire in Europe, varied in this long
lapse of years. They sometimes extended to, and beyond the
Danube, northwardly ; and to a line drawn from the north end
of the Adriatic Sea, nearly north to the Danube, and included
all the territory in Europe between the Danube, the Adriatic,
and the waters w^hich flow between Europe and Asia, and,
consequently, including Greece and its isles. This is very
nearly the same territory over which the Turkish empire
extended in Europe, before Greece was severed and erected
into a separate kingdom, in our own time.
Before the end of the fifth century, Constantino and his
successors had enlarged and embellished Constantinople, and
had made it one of the most beautiful cities of the world. Its
site is on the extreme point of Europe, near the forty-second
degree of north latitude, opposhe to the western shore of Asia
Minor, and separated from that shore by the waters which
flow from the Black Sea into the sea of Marmora. This cur-
rent of water is called the Bosphorus, and is said to be so
called (from the Greek) because oxen could swim across it.
It is sixteen miles long, and of an average breadth of one mile
and a half; but, in one place only, thirty-three hundred feet ;
at which point, Darius, of Persia, in the year 513 B. C, con-
structed his bridge of boats, in pursuit of the Scythians. This
place is capable of resisting almost any assault, being of trian-
gular form, and having two sides bounding on deep waters,
and the third protected by a wall. In eleven centuries, (330
to 1453,) it had been taken but six times.
Whether Constantino foresaw the necessity of defence against
the barbarians, and that Rome could not, and that Constanti-
nople could be defended, is questionable. It is more probable
that vanity, and a view to his dominions in Asia, may rather
have been among his motives. He still ruled over Asia
Minor, Armenia, Syria, and Egypt, having the ancient foes of
the empire, the Persians and Parthians for his eastern bor-*
derers, in the valley of the Euphrates.
The population of the European part of the Roman empire
in Europe, had become a very mixed one before the end of the
fifth century, and was especially so in Constantinople. There
were the descendants of Romans, who had removed from Italy,
in Constantino's time ; there were descendants of Greeks,
Asiatics, barbarians, and a multitude of slaves. There were
also ecclesiastics of all descriptions. There were patricians,
THE ROMAN EMPIRE OF THE EAST. 11
and plebeians, great riches, and great poverty ; the military
class, comprising many grades, and of motley compound, inso-
lent and rapacious. The forms of the Christian religion were
well known to this collection of human beings, who were,
nevertheless, strangers to its morality. One cannot easily
decide which that city of the earth is, wherein there has been
the greatest amount of splendor, crime, wickedness, and mis-
ery. It is probable that this city would stand high, if not
highest, in the claim to this distinction. In the notices of
"the Church," which are hereafter to be made, there will be
occasion to return to Constantinople. At present we have
only to inquire how the people of this city disposed of their
time, and what were the objects of desire, and means of grati-
fication.
This numerous collection of persons were to be fed, clothed,
and sheltered. Food must have been had by agricultural
labor, which was applied mostly by the slaves of great landed
proprietors, who held estates in Asia Minor, and in ancient
Greece, and in the country around Constantinople. Supplies
of grain were had from Egypt and from Sicily, and perhaps
grain, and certainly fish, from the Black Sea. There must
have been some means of paying for these necessaries, which
were found, in the expenditures of the Emperor, to sustain the
numerous officers and agents necessary to his magnificence;
and his treasury was supplied by various forms of taxation.
Within the city there must have been artificers of many sorts,
Avho derived their subsistence from the afiiuent. The means
of knowing by whom, and to what extent, commerce was
carried on, are few ; but there is no doubt that there was a
valuable commerce between Constantinople and Asia Minor,
Egypt, and the east end of the Mediterranean Sea ; and prob-
ably from the east, by the way of the Caspian and the Euxine.
Whatsoever may have been the employments in serious
labor, to supply continually returning wants, there must have
been no small portion of time which was given to pleasures
and amusements, and perhaps to the perform.ance of some sorts
of duty. The church ceremonies may have furnished some
occupation. The movements of the Emperor, and of his reti-
nue, may have furnished objects of attention, because it ap-
pears that the people retained some sense of the ultimate sove-
reignty which had been formerly exercised in Rome. The
wars in which the Emperors were engaged, either on the
eastern frontier, or with the barbarians nearer home, were
subjects of excitement. As there were no printed bulletins in
12 THE ROMAN EMPIRE OF THE EAST.
those days, curiosity must have depended on verbal communi-
cations. There vv^ere, probably, popular orators, who had
numerous auditors. The succession to the throne was an
object of general interest. This was frequently effected by
violence and crime, and every new Emperor or Empress, had
numerous favorites to reward, and enemies to punish. There
were besides, pageantry and shows, which were connected
with the court, and some amusements intended more especially
for the populace. There is, in Gibbon, some illustration of
the manner in which time was passed in this city.
The entertainment of the chariot races was conducted at the
public expense in the hippodrome, a word composed of two
Greek words, signifying horse and race-course. This place
was a splendid edifice, surrounded by columns and adorned by
statuary ; it still exists. It was nearly two thousand feet in
length, and five hundred in breadth. It was capable of con-
taining a great multitude, and leave space for the exhibition.
There were charioteers by profession, and the races were con-
ducted by them, and not as at the Olympic games, where the
contest for skill was among the most eminent of the Greeks.
The contending parties were distinguished by four difli^rent
colors in their dress, blue, green, white, or red. This distinc-
tion had prevailed in Rome. Out of these colors, parties were
engendered of hostile character, which involved all the inhab-
itants of the city, and even the Emperor. In the time of Jus-
tinian, about the year 532, these factions perpetrated the most
horrid crimes, filled the whole city with terror, and came near
to forcing the Emperor to seek safety by flight into Asia.
There were splendid theatrical exhibitions and dancing
women. These entertainments were also conducted at the
public expense. The reputation of those who were perform-
ers was of the lowest order. Yet Justinian (whose name is
associated with the code of laws, which is the lau\ with vari-
ous modifications, in most of the present nations of Europe,)
raised Theodora, a theatrical performer, to the throne. If
Gibbon's account of this female be credited, she was, in some
respects, much the superior of her husband. The wife of the
renowned Belisarius, whom there will be occasion to men-
tion in Justinian's reign, was a person of the same order, and
even more infamous than Theodora, with whom she was, at
different times, the subservient friend and implacable foe.
From such facts, some conclusion may be drawn as to the
manners and morals of this splendid seat of empire, about the
close of the fifth century; and in what manner its inhabitants
RELIGION AT THE END OF THE FIFTH CENTURY. 13
supplied the demand for occupation. These remarks are not lim-
ited to the city of Constantinople. They are equally applicable to
most of the 935 cities within the sixty-four provinces, over which
Justinian was monarch, near the middle of the sixth century.
The utility of stating these facts may be found in this : They
furnish the means of making a comparison on the condition
of the Roman empire of the east, and that of communities in
modern days, especially in the United States.
CHAPTER IV.
THE STATE OF RELIGION AT THE END OF THE FIFTH CENTURY.
The history of nations and events would be greatly defec-
tive, if it did not notice the religious belief which has prevailed
from time to time, and the effect which it has had in producing
temporal good or evil. This subject, on such an occasion as
this, can only be treated of with regard to mere historical facts.
At the time of the revelation of Christianity, there existed
the Jewish faith, debased and perplexed with sects, each of
which had its own forms and ceremonies. Among nearly all
other people, who professed any religion, polytheism (two
Greek words, which signify many gods,) prevailed. This
portion of mankind were called heathen by the Christians.
They are spoken of by historians under the name of pagans,
which word, as well as heathen, like many others, indicate
nothing of original use. The word pagan was not in use
until about the year 333, when Constantino, in support of
Christianity, prohibited, under severe penalties, all sacrifices
to imaginary gods. Those who still adhered to polytheism,
withdrew to the villages, the Latin name for which is jyagiis,
whence the name of pagans was given to the polytheists, or
idolaters. The word heathen is of like origin. It is derived
from a Greek word which means heath, and grew into com-
mon use to distinguish the rest of mankind from the Jews, and
after revelation, to distinguish them also from Christians, as
well as from the Jews.* It is supposed, that the world was
* Such'is the commonly received origin of the terms pagan and hea-
then. But Gibbon, (Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire,) in a note
to chapter xxi. says: nayij/m the (Doric) Greek signifies fountain ; the
rural neighborhood which frequented the same fountain, had the appel-
lation of pagus or pagans. This word was corrupted into peasants, in
2
14 THE STATE OF RELIGION AT
never more depraved and profligate, at any time, than at the
beginning of the Christian era. The oracles had lost their
influence; fear and reverence for the gods, so conspicuous in
Grecian and Roman ceremonies, had declined, and had become
forms which habit only consecrated. If there were ever a
time when the accountableness of man for acts done in this
life, required a new revelation, it was at the time when it
came.
During the first century, there appears to have been churches
established at Antioch, and in several cities in Asia Minor,
and especially the " seven churches," in one of which, that of
Ephesus, St. John ministered towards the close of his long
life. Other churches arose in the Grecian territory, and
afterwards at Rome, and in the west of Europe. The Chris-
tians were, at first, merely brotherly associations, governed by
their own rules, and so continued to be, throughout the three
first centuries, and the beginning of the fourth. During this
time the ten persecutions occurred, and the martyrs suffered.
Some of these persecutions were carried on by order of the
Emperors, especially Diocletian, and some of them are said to
have been popular tumults excited by polytheists. In this
space of time arose numerous heresies, which were supported
and resisted with party zeal, among the Christians themselves.
The original meaning of the word heresy, was choice ; but it
soon acquired, and has retained, a very different meaning.
When it is considered that the subtle, metaphysical learn-
in «• of the Greeks, was almost the only learning which then
prevailed, it is easy to suppose that it would find its way into
the societies of Christians. It certainly did so ; and, from the
natural propensities of human nature, as well known at this
day as then, opinions v/ere maintained with very honest and
unyielding pertinacity. Already there were bishops, which
word, originally, meant overseers. There were, also, 'pres-
byters, the original meaning of which (from the Greek,) was
elder ; a word since used to designate a denomination of Chris-
tians. The bishop and the presbyters formed the council for
the government of the church, and they held their offices in
virtue of election by the members. In the differences which
arose on matters of faith, there Avas no mode of expressing
dissatisfaction but by excommunication ; that is, by denying to
the modern languages of Europe. He says, also, that all who were not
of the military classes among the Romans were called, contemptuously,
pagans. As Christianity prevailed, the ancient religion retired, and
languished in the villages.
THE END OF THE FIFTH CENTURY. 15
the person who thought differently from those of his society,
the rights and benefits of fellowship. It amounted to no more
than turning a member out of a society, a power which cannot
be denied to any voluntary association. We shall hereafter
see what a tremendous and terrifying authority this act of
excommunication came to be, throughout the whole of Christ-
endom. It will not be attempted to define the numerous here-
sies, as they were called, which arose in the three first centu-
ries, nor any of them ; nor to notice, by name, the writers,
who are commonly called the Fathers, and who took part on
the one side or the other. This properly belongs to church
history.
Some of the Christians were driven, by cruel persecutions,
out of the Roman territories. They had no resort but to the
barbarians, who were already every where on the Roman
frontiers, in Europe. The knowledge of the Christian faith
was communicated to the barbarians by these fugitives. In
the middle of the fourth century, Christians had become divi-
ded into two parties, the one of which were called Arians,
after a presbyter of the church of Alexandria, in Egypt, and
the other were the followers of the Nicene creed, solemnly
adopted by a numerous convention of bishops and prelates at
the city of Nice, about seventy miles south-east of Constanti-
nople, in Asia Minor. This council was held in the year
325. Constantino was present. These two divisions seem
to have included, on the one side and the other, all other divi-
sions. Towards the close of the fourth century, a person by
the name of Ulphilas, employed himself in teaching the Arian
tenets to the Goths, who were then established southwardly of
the Danube. He translated the Gospels into the Gothic lan-
guage. The opinions which he taught were transmitted to
other tribes, and circulated extensively into Germany. Other
barbarians afterwards adopted the Nicene tenets, and those of
Arian ceased among them all, in the course of the sixth
century. It will be seen, hereafter, that the conversion of the
barbarians forms an important circumstance in the great train
of events.
But a much more important event is the real or supposed
conversion of Constantino, about the year 320, and the estab-
lishment of the Christian religion as the only one to be known
in the empire. Christians were now honored and employed
by the political authority ; and the Emperor was the supreme
potentate in the church. This we take to be the first step in
what has since been called the union of the church and state ;
16 THE STATE OF RELIGION AT
a union which has produced no small portion of the miseries
of the civilized world. It was placing Christianity in the
same relation to political authority, which religion had sus-
tained with Asiatics, Egyptians, Greeks, and Romans. Among
idolaters, who had no vindictive sects, that relation had its
benefits. There are many (at least in Europe) who think the
like relation, as to Christianity, should be sacredly preserved.
Such opinions are probably rare in the United States, if they
exist at all. As early as the middle of the second century,
there were conventions of the leading men in the churches.
These conventions afterwards had the name of councils, and
also of synods, from a Greek word of the same signification.
When difficulties in matters of faith arose among the Christ-
ians, conventions of bishops, presbyters, and sometimes of
other prelates or persons, were held for the purpose of settling
them. When Christianity became the established religion,
these councils became authorative, and their decisions conclu-
sive in matters of faith and practice. They were of frequent
occurrence until the supreme authority was assumed by the
bishop of Rome, under the name of Pope ; (papa, father.)
In all assemblies there is one, or there are a few, to whom
the first rank is, from some cause, assigned. This rank fell
in consequence of causes, which it will come in course here-
after to state, to the bishop of Rome. At the close of the fifth
century the bishop had, by consent, or gradual assumption, an
authority in the affairs of the church, which belonged to no
other one. It will be seen how this authority was extended
and enforced in future ages, and what a commanding power
arose and was exercised throughout Europe, in the name of
the representative of St. Peter.
It thus appears, that the Christian religion had become the
only religion professed throughout the whole extent of the vast
empire of the Romans, Judaism only excepted. It had pene-
trated beyond Roman limits, among barbarians. It had, how-
ever, already become corrupted and debased, from many
natural causes. The church had acquired riches and influ-
ence, and some of its prelates sought and exercised very
important powers. Before this time, (the end of the fifth cen-.
tury,) the opinion was entertained, by some Christians, that|
revelation enjoined privations and austerities to the full extent;
which human nature can endure without destroying life. It
was also believed, by some, that the true faith demanded a
separation from the world, celibacy, (from the Latin ccelibatus,
a single life,) and a whole life of penance. Hence arose
THE END OF THE FIFTH CENTURY. 17
monastic (sole, or separate) establishments, first in Egypt and
western Asia, and afterwards throughout Europe. St. Bene-
dict may be considered the principal promoter, if not the
founder, of monastic establishments. He was born at Norcia,
in the duchy of Spoleto, near Rome, in 480. When he was
only fourteen years old, he retired to a cavern, in the desert of
Subiaco, forty miles from Rome, and dwelt there for three
years in solitude. He came forth, and founded several monas-
teries. About the year 515, he drew up the rules of monkish
life, which were observed by all the monks in the west of
Europe. By these rules, he required instruction in reading,
writing, cyphering, and in the doctrines of Christianity, and
also in the mechanic arts. There were rules for dress and
food. He established libraries, and employed those who could
write, but who were unable to labor in any other way, to copy
manuscripts. The Benedictine orders bear his name ; and
some of this order contributed to preserve ancient manuscripts,
some of which proved to be literary treasures. The memory
of St. Benedict is cherished among Catholics. His rules fur-
nished the models for subsequent orders.
In Egypt, and the country east of the Mediterranean, quite
to the end of the empire in that direction, the most secluded
spots were chosen for these devout abodes. Some individuals
dwelt in perfect solitude, subsisting on such products of the
wilderness as could be had without labor ; while others formed
societies and erected places of abode. The most remarkable
of all the modes of devotion to a holy life, is found among the
Stylites, or pillar-saints ; and the most remarkable among
these was Symeon. Of this person, several writers relate,
that, about the year 427, he retired to a mountain in the neigh-
borhood of Antioch, where he erected a pillar, which was
gradually increased to the height of sixty feet. On the top of
this pillar he established his residence, and endured there the
heat of thirty summers, and the cold of as many winters,
without descending from it, and there ended his life. If the
wonderful narrations concerning this person are credited, he
supplied the wants of nature by one frugal meal in a week,
and the need of clothing by a wrapper of skin, and the demand
for occupation by bodily action, in homage, worship, and
prayer. Sometimes he bent forward his slender frame till his
forehead touched his feet ; and Gibbon says, that one spectator
counted 1244 repetitions of this act, and "then desisted from
the endless account." Symeon was visited by thousands, and
by one, if not by two Emperors, and was regarded as a person
2*
18 THE FEUDAL SYSTEM.
worthy to be counselled with in serious affairs. It does not
appear whether he was the first of this class of devotees, but
his eminence gave names to the class ; and a modern writer of
hig-h respectability says, " that the Stylites, under the names
of ' Holy Birds ' and ' Aerial Martyrs,' peopled the columns
of the east." (Waddington's Church History.)
One who considers the condition of mankind in all the long
course of time over which history extends, may imagine that
the Creator has some great purpose to effect with our race,
however incompetent mortals may be to discern it. One pur-
pose has been solemnly revealed as to this life and future
destiny, first by inspiration, and then through secondary
causes, or human action. Displeasing as the corruptions,
absurdities, abuses, persecutions, and fanaticism of the early
ages may appear to this comparatively enlightened one, these
may have been means of advancing the Christian faith. This,
like pure gold, however alloyed, changed in form, or renew-
edly stamped, is still the same in its original nature, and may
be made to reassume that by human skill. Counterfeited it
may be, suspected and doubted, but this tends only to show its
real worth, when that can be discerned. Nothing has hitherto
occurred concerning the Christian revelation, 'which its Di-
vine author did not foretell. Be it remembered, also, as com-
ing from the same high authority, that Christianity shall be
the religion of all the earth.
CHAPTER V.
THE FEUDAL SYSTEM.
In the work entitled Universal History, •' by the Hon. Al-
exander Fraser Tytler, Lord Woodhouselee," the pages 63 to
69 of the second volume, are devoted to the origin of the
Feudal System. The author first discusses the relation of
patron and client, which he considers to have been known to
the ancient Gauls, as well as to the Romans ; and to have
been distinct from the feudal tenure of land. His next posi-
tion is, that the distribution of lands was of Roman origin, and
made as a reward to the soldiery; and the beneficiarii, so fre-
quently mentioned in Roman authors, was the Roman name
for these rewards. His third position is, that when the Franks
invaded Gaul they found that country so partitioned ; and that
THE FEUDAL SYSTEM. 19
they (the Franks) did nothing more than to confirm the ten-
ants, on certain conditions, mutually acceptable. Mr. Tytler's
fourth position is, that " the chiefs^ or kings, had no land to
bestow." (page 66.) He cites a passage from Eginhart's Life
of Charlemagne, (which relates to the state of affairs in the
early part of the ninth century,) to show the poverty of the
Frankish kings. The views of this learned author are open
to many objections ; and no one who has studied the feudal
system, can admit that Mr. Tytler has successfully contro-
verted the opinions of Pasquier, Mably, Condillac, and Rob-
ertson, whom he mentions as being in error.
The opinions of this gentleman are entirely his own ; and
differ from those of every author on the feudal system, with
whose w^'itings we are acquainted. Among those who may
be mentioned as opposed to him, are, Caesar, Tacitus, Jornan-
des; the celebrated lawyer, Thomas Littleton 5 his learned
commentator. Lord Coke; Sir Matthew Hale, Sir W. Black-
stone ; Francis S. Sullivan, Royal Professor of Common Law
in the University of Dublin; (Treatise on Feudal Tenures;)
Baron Montesquieu, Dr. Robertson, Hume, Gibbon, Hallam,
Mcintosh. Lastly, M. Koch, a German, whose work appears
in a French version under the name of Tableau des Revolu-
tions de L'Europe, and which received the highest commenda-
tion from many learned men and literary institutions.
The substance of all the opinions of these writers, and of
many others who might be mentioned, are summed up by
Koch, vol. i. p. 22 : " It was usual among the chiefs of the
ancient Germans, both in peace and in war, to have a numer-
ous train of young brav« warriors attached to their persons.
Besides food, these chiefs furnished them with arms and
horses, and divided with them the spoils of war. This usage
existed after the Germans established themselves in the empire
of the west. The kings, and, after their example, the chiefs,
continued to entertain a great number of companions and fol-
lowers, and, for the purpose of having them subjected to com-
mand, gave them, in place of arms and horses, the enjoyment
of certain portions of land, which they (the chiefs) separated
from their own dominions."
If Tytler is right, and Koch and all others wrong, he is
not consistent with himself in his account of the conquest and
partition of England, by William I., commonly called the
Conqueror. He agrees with other historians on this subject,
vol. ii. p. 131 and seq. That partition may be considered as
an exact representation, in principle, of the manner in which
*I0 THE FKTDAL SYSTEM.
tho in^-^idors of iho empire ot" the west disposed ot the iiewly-
acqiiiri^ lands. The liistory oi' western Europe depends on
the admission of this feudnl theory, and is irreconcilable with
any other.
The chain ot cause and etfect. from 500 to 1500, cannot be
traced in western Euro}x\ without the feudal system (as com-
monly receiveti) for a guide. The social, the political, the
miliuiry, and even the ecclesiastical condition of society, were
only moditications of that system. So much of the present
state of nations in western Europe, and even of our own
nation, is derived from that system, that no apology is neces-
sary for sketching its origin and progress. The subject is
uninviting, dry. tedious, but is essential. Whoever will take
the labor of understanding it, will find in it the solution of all
historic;\l difficulties.
By the "Feudal System" is meant, the rights of property
in lands, the manner in which they were held, used, surren-
dered, conveyed, or forfeited : the A-arious and reciprocal obli-
gations of the land proprietor, and of his tenants ; having, for
their principal end. a military organization for wars of defence
and aggression.
The xcrm fc?t(ial is derived from frorinm, and this from od,
which meant, in the language of the ancient Germans, pos-
session, or estate in lands : and from feo. meaning wages or
pay: and both together signitied that it was a right to posses-
sion and nse. granted as a recompense for services to be per-
formed. From this root come the words fee, feud, feif, feudal,
all of which had reference to the tenure of lands on some
conditions of service^ The feudal tenures, although they
became, linally. almost the only ones throughout Europe^
were essentially distinguished from the tenure called <7lhdiaj\
Allodial lands were those held by lot, among tiie original con^
querors of the country. The word allodial is derived from
two words, an, signifying land, and /o/, meaning land obtained
by lot, on the original partition. The owner of allodial lands^
held of no superior, but was absolute owner. He was, never-'
theless, obliged to perform duties in warfare, not in virtue of
the tt^nure of land, but in his character of citizen or subject.
Although the feudal system, properly so called, was not estab-
lished in Europe till the tenth century, yet the elements out o{
which it arose, are found as early as the barbarian conquests
which occurred live hundred years earlier. It is. therefore,
necessary to consider the barbarian practices on the acquisition
of anv new territorv.
THE FEUDAL SYSTEM. 21
The feudal system is supposed to have originated Avith the /
ancient inhabitants of Germany, who were known under vari-/
ous names. From Tacitus, (the writer commonly cited by
historians on the usages of these tribes,) it appears, that their
principal occupation was war. Some highly distinguished
chief gathered around him a band of volunteers, who devoted
themselves to follow him ; and it was the object of his am.bition
to have the greatest number of the most skilful and valiant.
They were his companions in peace, his faithful supporters in
battle. They were sustained by the chief, and his means were
derived from the plunder of enemies. These chiefs, with such
followers, became terrible as enemies, and were courted and
compensated as allies. Tacitus says of them, — " In the day of
battle it is infamous for the prince to be surpassed in feats of
bravery; infamous for the followers to fail in matching the
valor of the prince; an indelible reproach to return alive from
battle wherein the prince was slain." The barbarians, who
possessed themselves, as has been before shown, of France,
Italy, and Spain, had similar usages. They made slaves of
all conquered persons, and divided new territories among
themselves. The chief, it is supposed, had a much larger
allotment than his followers, and these, probably, shared accord-
ing to some scale of rank and merit. It is probable, also, that
this partition of lands was not originally attended by any obli-
gation to serve in the wars of the prince, as this obligation
existed at all times. But it may be presumed, that those infe-
riors who became tenants of the lands reserved to the chief,
and those who were tenants of the chief's companions, ^fere
held to some service from the earliest times. It is no other-
wise important to know how this original tenure and posses-
sion was managed, than to find in them the elements of that
policy, Avhich, at a future time, settled all the political and
social relations of society. So much seems to be certain, that
the prince and his friends or companions shared the conquered
territory, and that both he and they had tenants and depend-
ants, who held under them ; and that there were slaves who
were employed in the labors of agriculture. The prince, or
chief, was the lord over all, from the original form of barbarian .
association ; but his followers and companions were lords over |
those among whom they parcelled out their lands. It often I
happened that the same person held lands of two or more /
lords, at the same time. Those who were enfeoffed, or consti-/
tuted tenants, were called vassals, a word taken from the Ger-
man, gesellen, meaning companions, and converted into the
22 THE FEUDAL SYSTEM.
barbarous Latin word vassallus, whence vassal ; and this word,
in time, acquired the meaning of servitude, as the feudal sys-
tem changed from its original structure.
There may be discerned, in these usages, the origin of the
orders of society which afterwards arose in Europe, and
which, with some inevitable changes, still continue. The
great landholders assumed dignity correspondent to territorial
possessions. They were soon regarded as the lords of the
soil. Thus nobility sprang from the right of property in the
land. Besides this claim to distinction, the chief bestowed
upon his favorites portions of the territory allotted to him ; and
in virtue of this benefice, as it was called, they also became
lords. Wealth or talents, or the having that which others
have not, and cannot have ; or the being that which others
would, but cannot be, naturally inspires the sentiment of supe-
riority. Hence, one can readily account for that lordly gran-
deur which the great landholders assumed in the middle ages.
However contemptible this assumption may, in some instan-
ces, appear to be at the present day, it was founded then on
the distinction of military glory, which has had a powerful
influence in every age. The only renown then desired or
known, was skill and success in arms. The only riches then
known, were lands, which yielded the right to service in war,
and to the products of labor. Hence, the warrior, who was
also a great landholder, enjoyed a substantial superiority,
which he could not but feel and manifest. Though grants,
or permissions to possess and use were, originally, for a short
time, the immediate grantees of the prince, by gifts or pur-
chases, extended their rights to a tenure for life ; and then
motives became very strong to secure an inheritance to pre-
serve family dignity and power. This object was gradually
accomplished; and, before the tenth century, a large propor-
tion of Europe was held by great lords, with power to trans-
mit possession to their children, under various conditions.
The same right of inheritance was gradually acquired by the
inferior feudal lords.
These landed proprietors were the class from whom the
chiefs (or kings, as they soon were in fact) selected officers,
who were usually employed to exercise civil as well as military
power, in the districts of country committed to their charge ;
and, in their own territories, they had the right to hold courts
and administer justice. These officers were known under
various names descriptive of their employments, and these
names settled into titles of nobility, though the original as-
THE FEUDAL SYSTEM. 23
sumption of nobility was undoubtedly founded in territorial
property.
In the end of the eleventh century, society was divided
into separate orders, in all the countries now known under the
name of Germany, Holland, Belgium, France, England, the
1 northern part of Spain and Italy : 1. The King or Emperor ;
I 2. The high church dignitaries or bishops ; 3. Dukes, from
the Latin duces, (leaders,) who exercised civil and military
power over several districts or counties; 4. Counts, from the
Latin Comes, (companions or followers of the prince,) who
exercised like authority under the Dukes, in their respective
counties ; 5. Marquis, from the Latin Marcha, signifying
boundary ; marquises were entrusted with the defence of the
frontiers ; 6. Earls, said to be derived from a Danish word,
meaning elder, who were, in virtue of the wisdom Avhich age
[is supposed to impart, counsellors, but whose employments
fwere similar to that of counts; 7. Barons; it is supposed that
«all the great landholders, and especially those who were such
jfrom the king's bounty, and who had not employments which
I authorized them to take either of the before-mentioned titles,
i were called Barons. The root of this word is found in many
I languages, and originally signified man, or strength. In this
view of the origin of nobility, all the military and civil officers
before mentioned may have been barons.
Though the ownership of great territories was the natural
cause of the assumption of nobility, the distinction became
personal in the course of time, and remained to individuals
and their families. It is supposed the nobility began to assume
sirnames in the thirteenth century, and to designate themselves
by the names of their manors and castles.
Manors were so called, because these were the estates on
which the feudal lords dwelt, or remained, when at home.
Manor is from the Latin word manere, to remain. These
Latin derivations, in feudal names, arose, because the Latin
was the only written language when these feudal relations
were settled.
When chivalry (of which the origin is stated in another
chapter) flourished, then armorial bearings were assum^ed as
/the indications of nobility. In the year 1271, Philip the
* Hardy assumed to confer the rank of nobility, to balance those
who had become noble from their lands. Since that time, all
kings have exercised the privilege of creating nobles ; and
have usually given a title which refers to some landed estate,
in sound, though the new noble may not own an acre.
24 THE FEUDAL STSTEM.
Next to these noble orders were a class of inferior land-
holders, inferior orders of clergy, and, probably, civil and
military officers, who, collectively, may have been considered
as inferior nobility, but more properly as gentry, as that word
is now understood in England. Next were free men, who
were proprietors of small allodial estates, and who cultivated
these, and sometimes adjoining lands, which they held of some
proprietor, rendering some kind of rent. Then followed the
villains, who were bondmen or slaves, annexed to the soil,
and who were sold with it, as mere property. The word vil-
lain is a striking example of the changes which time pro-
duces in language. This word was from the Latin villa^
meaning village, and was intended to designate the inhabit-
ants of villages, -who were tenants of the land-owner. Lastly,
the slaves, who were the lowest form in which human life
can appear. They were subject to the absolute will of their
masters, not allowed any civil rights, incapable of holding any
property, and liable to any suffering which caprice or malice
could inflict, even to the loss of life — and all this without the
imputation of crime or fault to their owners.
Such w'ere the orders of society from 800 to the middle of
the eleventh century, in which space of time the great land-
holders gradually encroached on the royal authority, and many
of them became petty kings in their own territories. They
assumed the right of making war on each other, of adminis-
tering justice according to their own will, of coining money,
and even of resisting their own sovereign by military force.
This state of things was suspended, in some degree, by the
masterly genius and commanding authority of Charlemagne,
(from the year 768 to the year 814,) after which, all his efforts
to improve and enlighten society were lost, in the bloody con-
flicts among his descendants, and among the nobility, who
took sides in these conflicts. When no civil authority, where-
by to ascertain right and administer justice peaceably, exists in
a community, all that is claimed, demanded, or denied, must
be yielded or retained by violence. This was the state of
'things throughout the vast extent over which Charlemagne
vhad established his domiinion, and w^as the true cause of per-
Ifecting the feudal system. In this age of ignorance, violence,
? and barbarity, every member of society was compelled to
place himself under the protection of some superior, and to
pay for that protection by submitting himself to some kind of
military or other service, and to give the most solemn assur-
ance of fidelity, by oath.
THE FEUDAL SYSTEM. 25
A principle arose out of this system, which still is recog-
nized in England, and on the Continent, that the king is the
paramount lord of all, and that all lands are held directly, or
through subordinate lords, of him. This is now, practically,
a mere fiction, but is the foundation of the sovereignty, in
virtue of which, all lands which never had, or had ceased to
have, any other owner, belong to the king. This is the prin-
ciple on which the several States in the American Republic
own all that individuals do not own; and whereby the State
is in the place of heir to those who leave no other heir. In
legal language, it is called escheat, or return to the sovereign.
A consequence of this eminent sovereignty was the right to
enter on the lands, on failure to perform the duties of a vassal,
especially for the cause of treason or rebellion. This is the
original principle of the forfeitures so frequently occurring,
especially in the civil wars of England.*
As the tenure of property, by means of written instruments,
(now called deeds, from the Latin factum, a deed or act done,)
was wholly unknown, the lord of the soil gave the possession
and the right to hold and use, by going on the land with his
intended tenant, and calling the neighboring tenants to witness
the ceremony, By this act, the relation between lord and
tenant was made public, and easily proved ; and the tenants
were thus informed who they were who might be called on
for the performance of similar and joint services. These were
graduated by the extent of territory held, and generally regu-
lated the number of men, horses, and days of service which
might be required in wars. Service or compensation was not
always of this nature, but sometimes was limited to labor on
lands, or payment in the products of the soil. Of this kind
are compensations, to the present day, in several parts of Eu-
rope derived, no doubt, from these ancient usages. Besides
these services, the vassals were required to attend the courts
held by the great lords for the trial of suits which arose within
* One of the most distressing consequences of the wars of the houses
of York and Lancaster, was the attainder of the opponents of the suc-
cessful pretender. This penalty was the stain or corruption of blood of
the condemned criminal. It involved not only the loss of life, but the
forfeiture of title and estate to the king ; and, consequently, no one could
claim any thing by descent or heirship, from or through, the condemned.
This grievous affliction fell on almost all the noble families of England
in these wars. The success of any claimant of the crown was followed
by the restoration, to his partisans, of the losses incurred, of title and
estate, by their condemned predecessors; and was followed, also, by new
attainders; and hence these wars were carried on with singular and
vindictive bittemes'='.
3
'26 THE FEUDAL SYSTEM.
their territories. They attended to aid in the administration
of justice, either in the character ol jurors or witnesses. The
office of juror was mingled with that of judge, and the vassals
sat in the baronial courts with the lords as his pares or equals
in the trial. The invaluable right of trial by jury, as now
known in England, and from thence in the United States, is
derived from this usage; but it is not a usage on the continent
of Europe.*
The nature of the relation between the lord and the tenant,
may best be understood by the oath which the latter was
required to take. It was. on the continent, in substance, thus :
" I, A. B., vassal, swear on the holy evangelists of God, that
trom this hour to the last day of my life, 1 will be fliithful to
you, C. D., my lord, against all men, except the supreme
bishop, the emperor, the king, or any lord whom I have here-
tofore acknowledged as such.' In this ceremony, the vassal
was on his knees before the lord, having the palms of his
hands joined, as though in the act of prayer, the lord enclos-
ing them in his hands ; and in this attitude the oath was
taken. Btit when the vassal was ignorant of the comprehen-
sive meaning oi fidelity, this was explained in a more extend-
ed oath, o( this tenor : " I swear that I will never be of any
council, nor do any act. whereby your life or members maybe
endangered, or whereby you may receive injury or reproach,
or lose any honor which you have, or may have : and if I
shall know or hear of such design against you, I will do my
utmost that it be not carried into etfect. If I cannot prevent
it, I will give you notice thereof as soon as possible, and will
atibrd my best counsel to prevent it. If you lose any thing. I
will do all I can to recover and restore it. If any wrong be
done to you. I will give you my best counsel and aid to avenge
it. I will faithfully keep your counsels, and never divulge
any thing but under your orders : and never will I do any
act which may occasion injury or reproach to you or yours."'
This oath, carried into practice, was still more comprehensive.
The tenant, or vassal, accomj>anied his lord to the battle, and
fought side by side : if the lord lost his horse, the tenant dis-
mounted and gave him his own ; if his lord was taken pris-
oner, the tenant went into captivity as his hostage, and was
bound to contribute to the sum necessary to his lord's ransom.
The process of transferring the right of possession from the
landlord to the tenant, was not only the going on the land and
♦ Lately, there is a jury in Fraiice, in some case?.
THE FEUDAL SYSTEM, 27
declaring their relation, and taking the oath, but by a delivery
from the landlord to the tenant of some symbol of the transfer,
as, a piece of the soil and a twig of a tree, whence came deliv-
ery and possession, (anciently and still called livery and seizen,
by lawyers,) by the giving of " turf and twig." Afterwards,
when writing came into use, the contract was expressed in
'V/^e/'/5," but was still accompanied by symbolic livery and seizen.
It is uncertain at what time the conveyance of lands by deed
came into use. Deeds were not unknown to the Saxons, but
are supposed not to have been in common use after the Nor-
man invasion, until the time of Edward IV. (1480.) Then,
and before that time, they were not signed by the parties nor
witnesses, but the seal of the party was thereunto affixed.
Feudal ceremonies were relied on as evidence of the transfer
of estates, when that system was carried to England by Wil-
liam, in 1CJ66. The landlord clothed the tenant with a vest or
garment, in the presence of witnesses, whence was derived the
term "investure" of an estate. Customs arising from livery
and seizen were long preserved in Europe, and were transfer-
red to the United vStates by our ancestors. There are person.'?
still alive, who can remember that lawful possession of an
estate was acquired by the ceremony of delivering turf and
twig. Lawyers still speak of possession of real estate, or of a
right to possess, as a seizen. At present, now that the utility
of written and recorded conveyances has been experienced,
the ceremony of livery and seizen has disappeared. It is the
practice to transfer landed estate by written instruments, under
seal, acknowledged to be voluntary acts, and so certified by
some competent authority, and recorded. In some of the
States there are statutes declaring that such alienations by
persons lawfully authorized to make them, shall be good and
valid without any other ceremony. It is the practice here, to
consider the proper execution of a lawful deed as a legal
transfer, though neither of the contracting parties ever saw the
property transferred.
In the ninth and tenth centuries, the engrossing employment
of all the free people of Europe was war. It was carried on
for the gratification of the most malignant passions, as well as
to obtain whatsoever the conqueror desired. The purpose, on
both sides, was the absolute destruction of the enemy's place
of abode ; laying waste his cultivated lands ; carrying away
all personal property, and destroying such as could not be
carried away; taking the lord and his family and his armed
vassals and putting them to death, or carrying them into cap-
28 THE FEUDAL SYSTEM.
tivity to serve as slaves, or detaining them as prisoners in the
hope that they would be ransomed.
The baronial wars are supposed to have given to the Eng-
lish language the word feud, in common use, as in some
degree expressive of the spirit in which these wars were
conducted. It was this barbarous warfare which caused the
building of castles. These were habitations as well as for-
tresses, and were placed where access was most difficult.
They were spacious enough to contain a large armed force,
and provisions enough to sustain all who were within, during
a siege. The ruins of these castles yet remain as monuments
of the barbarism which made them necessary. In these
times, the free allodial proprietors were subjected to the rapaci-
ty of those who were engaged in war, without having any
protection from feudal lords. They had no resource but to
surrender their lands to such as could protect them, and to
take back the same lands under feudal tenure. In general,
the surrender was made to the sovereign of the country, but
in many instances to other lords, or to monasteries, or to supe-
rior bishops, who were lords themselves, and proprietors of
extensive territories. The feudal duties of the bishops and
abbots, (the latter were chiefs in the monasteries, and so called
from a Hebrew word, meaning father,) were sometimes per-
formed even in battle by the prelates themselves. Their ten-
ure was more commonly of a clerical character, as the offering
of prayers and bestowing benedictions. The motive in sur-
rendering to monasteries, was the belief that the lands surren-
dered and received again from the monastic chiefs in feudal
tenure, and also the vassals themselves would be taken into
the immediate protection of the saints, to whom the monas-
teries were respectively dedicated. Meanwhile, the number
of slaves was much increased. Besides the slavery which
arose from conquests, delinquences and offences under feudal
tenure were punished with the loss of freedom; other causes of
this loss were common, but the strongest proof of the misery of
these days is found in the fact, that. great numbers of freemen
voluntarily relinquished that condition and gave up their
property, and submitted to the ignominy of irrevocable slavery
for themselves and descendants, rather than bear the violations
and afflictions to which the defenceless and unprotected were
liable. Thus it arose that the major part of all the population
of Europe became slaves.
As nothing of human institution can be stationary, but must
grow better or worse, the feudal system became an insupport-
THE FEUDAL SYSTEM. 29
able evil. It threw a power, most tyrannically used, into the
hands of dukes, counts, barons, and inferior lords. As each
superior oppressed his immediate vassals, so these indemnified
themselves by oppressing their inferiors, until, at length, the
actual cultivators of the soil were arrived at, by whom all
above them were, in some respects, to be sustained. Origi-
nally, the burthens of the vassal were not burthensome. They
were bound to serve in war, and had a personal interest in
rendering that service. But the wants of superiors led to a
settled system of claims, which are found, at an early age, to
have been thus classed :
Aids to the lord ; 1. To ransom the lord's person. 2. To
contribute to the expense of making the lord's eldest son a
knight. 3. To contribute to the portion of the lord's eldest
daughter on her marriage. Reliefs. This was a payment
made by the succeeding heir to a feud or estate when the ten-
ant deceased. Premier seizen w^as the right to one year's
possession and profits of the estate after the tenant's death,
and before the heir could take possession. Originally this
was a privilege of the king only, as to his tenants. Wardship.
If the heir was not of age, the lord took him into guardian-
ship, and took all the profits to his own use. Marriage. The
lord had the right of deciding on the marriage of his ward,
and his consent was obtained for a com.pensation. 6. A Ji7ie
(or compensation) was paid to the lord when a vassal alienated
his possessory estate to another. Neither the lord nor the
vassal could terminate their relation but by mutual consent ;
and the lord had the right to take the estate himself and pay
the price at which the vassal desired to sell.*
Out of these original provisions (which could be shown to
be sufficiently reasonable on the principle of feudal tenure,
which was military strength,) the most intolerable abuses
gradually arose. The tendency of power to increase and
strengthen itself, and to encroach upon and oppress the weak,
is no where more strikingly proved than in the abuses of the
feudal lords.
The feudal system was carried to England by William the
Conqueror, 1066. Blackstone thus mentions the complaint
of Sir Thomas Smith : — " When he came to his own after
he was out of wardship, his woods decayed, houses fallen
down and gone, lands let forth to be ploughed and barren, to
* In Lower Canada, this is the law to the present da}^ ; most of the old
cultivated lands there are now held under feudal tenures.
99 THF FFIPAT, 5YSTFM.
rodaco him still fi\rther. ho was yet to jviy half a yonr's profits
as a tine for suing out his livory. (that is. for tho ilolivery of
ixvssession to him:) and also tho prioo or A-;\lno of his mar-
riage, if ho rofustnl suol\ wifo as his lord and gfuardian had
bartorotl tor and imjv^soii on him : or twioo that value if lie
married another woman. Add to this tho expense and un-
timely honor of knighthood. And when, bv these diHluoiions.
his fortune w:\s so shattoroil. that a sale of liis jwtrimony \>-ns
necessary, even that poor privilegre a\*;is not obtained without
an exorbitant tine for a license of alienation." But these
grievances went only to propcrtif. There were others con-
cerning the >"ass;\ls and the members of their t^\milios. which
\rere far greater : some of which are too odious to Ih^ men-
tioned. It was not until the l2thof Charles II. that all these
feudal abuses wore aK^lishotl. by act of Parliament, They
continued much longer on the continent,*
This military and slavish ^vlicy reigneil in" Europe in full
rig-or from aK>ut SOO to the sixteenth century, ana in some
parts of it still longer. Its gradual dissolution arose from the
increase ot jv>wer which kings obtained over their nobles.
Many large tends (or territories) came to the jx^ssession of
kings as feudal lords. Their \A-ars obliged them to keep a
military force in the field longer than the rules of feudal law
permitJod the exaction of service from vassals. They began
by j>aying their \-assals for longer service. In process of
time, kings were enabled to keep small bodies of armed men
in constant service. Thus arose standing armies, or a class of
men separated from all others, and whose only vocation ^*as
war. EVependence on vass,ils was thus sujvrseded. But other
• Time has not vet relievied the \-assal or boudman from servitude,
every where. They are siill such in uoiiheasjem Eurv^pe. There,
feuvial obliiiaiions (as in Russia and Huuini! y) :Niill continue. lu other
par* ' ' :..v ,,^..,-., t-"--,Nj>e. the \-assah\co \\-as mitigaied by a certain
as: ;\nd svMnerimesW giving up pan of the land
to I paymem of mvuiey. Li ihis way, vassalage
ffraoiiaiiv aiSiipi-earovi iu Prussia about the year ISft). Sismondi says,
(HiSL ot' Iial. Ren.> that, in the tourteonth century, vassalai^? was given
up V * : ■ \ nhera Iialy from' the conviotion that it
Wv u. and that they could profit more by
bav _, V . by five lenaius than by bvMidmen. lii
France, vassalage was uih eiuiroiy ejsiirpaied till the close of the last
century, one of the e:fects of the revolmion. In Russia, the serfs are,
str;: " - ' ' ■ to the soil.> and cannot be se vetoed from
tho ^ th iu The late Emperor Alexander is
sai,: .. .... ...> ,...-. .. ..; ;ohave thereby given great offence to his
nobles, in the Austrian dominions, servitude still continues, as in Rus-
sia. Lar^ villages are j>eopled with serfs, especially in Hungary.
THE FEUDAL flYMTRM. 3l
feudal hmihftnn conlinuer]. 7'he first kinj( who had his own
troopH or fttaridirj£( arrny, was, it is said, CharU-s VII. of
France, in 1444: though the practice of Jiaving soldiers to
hervc during.; a war, is of much older date.
As military Ktrenrnh j.;radually ceased to be dependent on
the feudal tenure, that syr-Aem fell into disuse as to its original
purpose. But it had continued through so many centuries,
and had so incorporated itself with all landed estates, and with
all social rights and duties, and with all distinctions in the
order of society, that in the present day, nc-arly all that is seen
in Europe in all these respects, can he traced to that system.
Out of it arose a body of laws, customs, and usages, and
forms of proceeding in courts of ju.stice, so that no one now is
considered to he learned in the law who is not master of feu-
dal law. Fortunately, the progress of improvement ha,^ done
much to free the states of Europe from forms and ceremonies
inapplicable to the present age. It is seen in England that
attempts are made by wise men to free the forms of convey-
ance of real estate from that complexity which g-rew out of
ffjudal u.sages; and to reduce the admin i.stration of justice as
to landed property, to simple and plain process<'S, alike to be
desired by all parties who are under the necessity of appear-
ing in courts of justice. This was never otherwise in some of
the States of the Union. Yet the feudal system is far from
deserving unqualified reproach. It was suitable and indis-
pensable to the age in which it arose. The design of those
who framed it and gave it efficacy, is to be di.stinguished from
the grievous perversions and abuses to which it gave rise.
The opinion of the discriminating Hallarn, at the close of his
second chapter in his history of the Middle Ages, deserves
g-rcat respect. He considers the S}'Stern to have extinguished
the vices of falsehood, treachery, and in^atitude which dis-
graced the decline of the Roman empire. The faithful and
honorable performance of duty to superiors arose, while supe-
riors were equally bound to like performance of duty to their
dependants. He regards the participation in administering"
justice as having had a salutary influence on the character of
freemen ; and maintains that the ample field which wa.s opened
for the cultivation of the sentiments which might be felt be-
tween an obedif-nt vassal and a beneficent superior, was availed
of to the great benefit of both parties. It is his opinion that
the sentiment of loyalty which is yet felt in monarchical gov-
ernments in Europe, is one of the benefits which arose from
this system. Whatever may be thought of these opinions in
33 IRELAND.
our republican country, all must agree with him that the feu-
dal system, from its preventive power, and from its unfitness to
be used as an instrument of conquest in the hands of an am-
bitious monarch, saved Europe from a universal monarchy.
This brief summary of feudal law will be found to have
been indispensable to the intelligent perusal of causes and
effects among nations in the ages which we are to examine.
The design is now to pass from the west of Europe to the
eastern extremity of Asia, taking each country by itself Ac-
tions, or events and consequences, will be noticed in the coun-
tries in which they occurred. If, for example. Frenchmen,
Germans, or Spaniards act in Italy, their acts are to be noticed
in Italy, and not in their own countries respectively. As
another example, the crusades, though beginning in several of
the western states, are to be noticed in sketches of the Roman
Church, because all of them, but the last, were put in motion
by the popes ; or they are to be noticed at the scenes of action,
as Constantinople or Palestine. It will be convenient, perhaps
necessary, sometimes, to deviate from this rule. Pursuant to
this general design,, we are to begin with Ireland,
CHAPTER VI.
IRELAND.
Original Population— Poems of Ossian — St. Patrick — Pelagian Heresy
— Learning — Conquest of Irelaiid by Henry II. — Causes of AJliction —
Prince John — Government by English Kings — State of Ireland in 1500.
This island, lying between the fifty-first and fifty-sixth de-
grees of north latitude, is two degrees further west than any
part of Spain or Portugal. Its length, from Malin Head in
the north to Cape Clear in the south, is 280 miles ; its breadth
from the east side of the island, near Dublin, to the extreme
west at Ireconnaught, is about 125 miles. The surface of the
island is diversified with ranges of hills, valleys, and bogs ;
the latter formed by the filling up of shallow lakes. The
ranges of hills, if they have any general course, are from east
to west. Some of them approach to the character of moun-
tains. The highest point is in Kerry, in the south-west, near
Killamey, Gurrane Tual, 3410 feet above the sea. Ireland
has no forests, neither has it any venomous insect or reptile.
IRELAND. 83
The river Shannon is without a rival in the three kingdoms.
Its course through the middle of the island, from north-east to
south-west, is 170 miJes. There are many other rivers, many-
lakes, and hundreds of bays and harbors. Of the thirty
thousand square miles far less is cultivated than might be. Its
climate, though moist, is exceedingly genial to vegetation. Its
name is derived from its verdure. It is called the Green Isle,
the Emerald Isle, Erin, lerne, Ireland. The Romans gave
their own termination to this name, and called it Hibernia.
This beautiful isle is full of natural riches, and capable of
sustaining a very numerous population, and of imparting
every benefit which human life is adapted to enjoy ; but no
part of the earth, within the range of civilization, has been so
invariably miserable. The causes of this misery will become
apparent as we proceed in these sketches.
Leland and Thomas Moore are the two latest historians
who have written of Ireland. The latter has suggested some
corrections in the work of the former. The origin of the
peopling of Ireland and its ancient condition are treated of by
Moore with much research and learning. There is no doubt
that the Phoenicians and the Carthaginians were acquainted
with this island, and not improbable that they had settlements
there. The relics of antiquity are discussed by Moore in
reference to its earliest inhabitants, some of which he refers to
eastern origin ; but he does not assume to account for the
round, slim, high towers which are here found, and which
have survived even conjectural origin. There is one fact
equally difficult to be accounted for. From the second century
of the Christian era, the Irish had written historical annals.
Sir James Mcintosh (Hist, of Eng. vol. i. p. 82) considers
them to be authentic. He says, — " In one respect, Irish his-
tory has been eminently fortunate. The Chronicles of Ire-
land, written in the Irish language, from the second century to
the landing of Henry Plantagenet, have been recently pub-
lished with the fullest evidence of their genuineness and ex-
actness. The Irish possess genuine history several centuries
more ancient than any other possess, in its present spoken
language. No other nation possesses any monument of its
literature, in its present spoken language, which goes back
within several centuries of the beginning of these Chronicles."
This writer ofTers no conjecture on the singularity of this fact,
in relation to the universal ignorance of all other nations of
that time, but Greeks and Romans. The translator of these
Chronicles, Dr. Charles O'Connor, lineal descendant from a
34
IRELAND.
king paramount of Ireland, claims a high degree of civiliza-
tion for his ancient countrymen. Moore thinks (vol. i. p. 146)
that Mcintosh assigned a higher antiquity to these Chronicles
than is consistent witn truth; and. if Moore is right in his
account of the Irish, little can be inferred from it in favor of
civilization at that early period.
Whatever ma)/- be conjectured as to the ancient state and
relics of Ireland, it is considered as settled, that the original
population were like those of France, England, and Spain,
Celtic. It is improbable that there was permanent intermix-
ture of Phoenicians or Carthaginians with tlie original race.
If they had attained to any higher degree of civilization than
their Celtic neighbors on the continent, it seems to have been
lost before they became the subjects of history. When first so
known, the island was divided into four kingdoms : 1. Ulster,
comprising the north end. 2. Munster, comprising the south
end. 3. Leinster, midway between the two, on the east side.
4. Connaught, midway between the two, on the west side.
These four kingdoms were divided into numerous small ones.
Over the whole was a paramount king, whose place of abode
was in Connaught. They had several cities at an early peri-
od, as Waterford and Cork on the south side of the island ;
Dublin on the east ; Limerick on the Shannon in the west.
Perhaps the early commerce in tin may account for these
cities. The Phoenicians and Carthaginians are supposed to
have gone to Ireland for that article, and perhaps for some
others.
The presumption is irresistible, that for more than a thou-
sand years before Henry II. conquered Ireland, (in 1172,)
that country was subjected to incessant wars and convulsions
from the nature of its political condition. In all the Irish
kingdoms, great or small, succession to the royal authority
depended on choice, though limited to royal blood. Property
was subject to partition anew among a whole tribe, when any
one of its members deceased. Here were two elements (to
say nothing of many others incident to that rude state of soci-
ety) sufficient to have kept up incessant, vindictive, bloody
warfare throughout the island. Such was undoubtedly its
condition. No historical records are necessary to prove this.
The people of Ireland had no other occupation. Such a state
of society may be considered as admitted by Moore, who has
every disposition to give the best account, consistent with truth,
of his native land.*
* The celebrated poems of Ossian, by Macpherson, arose out of Irish
IRELAND. 35
Whatever melioration arose in this state of things, Ireland
is indebted for it to the presence and ministry of St. Patrick.
Moore assigns Boulogne, fourteen miles south of Calais,
France, for his birth place, A. D. 387. Gibbon thinks his
name is derived from the custom among certain classes, in
Roman colonies, to take the name of patrician. "While a
youth, St. Patrick was carried to Ireland as a slave. After
seven years he escaped and returned to France, and devoted
himself to the church. In 422 he returned to Ireland, consid-
ering himself commissioned, in a vision, to preach Christian-
ity. His piety, eloquence, and personal influence accom-
plished his object. He established the bishopric of Armagh,
about sixty miles nearly north of Dublin. His pious and
useful life was prolonged to the seventeenth day of March,
448, and was closed in the land of his adoption. That day is
commemorated by the Irish in honor of their Saint. All
notices of the life of this person are concurrent, as to the fact
that he is entitled to an eminent rank among the wise and the
worthy, who have arisen from time to time, to mstruct and
benefit their fellow-men.
Near the close of the fourth century arose the Pelagian
heresy. Moore (vol. i. p. 178) maintains that Pelagius and
his disciple Celestinus, were both natives of Ireland. Gibbon
mentions Pelagius as a Briton. They were both eminent
men, and, if born in Ireland, went early to the continent, and
were distinguished at Rome and Alexandria. They were
sufficiently known to call forth St. Augustine and Jerome as
opponents. In Cunningham's translation of Gieseler's Eccle-
siastical History, vol. i. p. 218, there is an account of this
controversy. The subject was the freedom of the will, the
conflicts. James Macpherson was born in Scotland in 1738, and died in
1796, and was buried in Westminster Abbey. He professed to have
translated from the original Gaelic of Ossian, scenes which occurred in
Scotland in the third century. According to Moore, (vol. i. p. I'iO,) the
scenes described in Ossian's poems, so far as they have any historical
foundation, occurred in Ireland, in civil wars, about the close of the third
centur)\ This historian has devoted several pages to prove Macpher-
son 's imposition upon the literary community. " Had the aim," says
Moore, " of the forgery been confined to the ordinary objects of romance,
viz. to delight and interest, any such grave notice of its anachronisms
and inconsistencies, would have been here misplaced. But the impos-
ture of Macpherson was, at the least, as much historical as poetical."
The foundation of Macpherson's poetical ingenuity was the songs of
Irish bards. The fatal battle of Gabhra was one of the principal scenes
therein described. On this, Macpherson is accused of founding his
poem of Temora, (p. 121.) Admit them to be fictions or forgeries, they
are eminent poetical effusidns.
36 IRELAND.
evil consequences of the fall, and the necessity of divine grace.
Pelagius and Celestinus denied this fundamental doctrine of
the church, and insisted that there is no original sin ; that
man can, by his own free will, choose good as well as evil,
and every one, therefore, cobn secure future happiness. This
heresy, though at one time widely spread, was crushed by
the power of the church. Pelagius died at Jerusalem in 420,
at the age of ninety years.
In the sixth, seventh, and eighth centuries, Ireland was
much celebrated for its scholarship. " The venerable Bede,"
as he is called, mentions the learning of Ireland. Bede was
a native of England, born near Durham in 672, and died at
the age of si-xty-three. He is often referred to with respect
and confidence. Many persons, distinguished for their learn-
ing, were educated at the monastic establishments at Armagh,
near the middle of the northern kingdom of Ulster. The
original impulse was probably from St. Patrick. They were,
however, learned only in the church doctrines of the day, and
to be so, must have been instructed in Latin. It cannot be
assumed that the commendation bestowed on several clerical
men who appeared on the continent from this island, in the
court of Charlemagne, 800, and of Alfred in 890, was founded
in any thing higher than the teaching and studies of monas-
teries. They excelled the students of other countries in theo-
logical mysteries, and perhaps in the art of disputation.
The work of Thomas Moore (towards the close of vol. i.)
notices the customs and the manners of the Irish, which do
not disclose a better condition than then existed on the conti-
nent. It might be expected of him to notice the Irish harp,
and he is full in its praise. He quotes Bacon as saying, —
♦' The harp hath the concave not along the strings, but across
the strings, and no harp hath the sound so prolonged and
mehing as the Irish harp." And the following from Evelyn's
journal : — " Came to see my old acquaintance, and the most
mcomparable player on the Irish harp, Mr. Clarke, after his
travels. Such music, before or since, did I never hear, that
instrument being neglected by its extraordinary difficulty ; but,
in my judgment, far superior to the lute itself, or whatever
speaks with strings." *
In the year 1152, Ireland had attracted the notice of Pope
Adrian, who considered, in common with most all others who
filled the papal chair, that his empire extended to every hab-
* Evelyn died in 1705.
IRELAND. 37
itable portion of the earth. Accordingly, he commissioned
Cardinal Paperon to appear in Ireland, and to establish there
the papal authority. It was not difficult to persuade the
Christian priests that they would increase their power by
admitting the acknowledged sovereign of the Holy Church as
their sovereign, in all spiritual concerns and in all their con-
sequences. With the usual forms the priesthood was recog-
nized, and Ireland was received into the church dominion,
which then pervaded all the civilized parts of Europe. Bish-
ops and priests and all the ceremonies of the Roman Church
were duly established, and there they have remained, from age
to age, to perplex the generations which have successively
arisen.
About this time Henry the Second (in 1154) had ascended
the English throne. He was the grandson of Henry the
First, by Matilda, and was the first of the Plantagenet race.
His mother was the widow of Henry Fifth, emperor of Ger-
many, when she married the French count of Anjou, Henry's
father. Being the son of one who had been an empress,
Henry used to add to his name Fitz-Empress, Fitz being an
old French word, meaning son. Henry aspired to add Ireland
to his dominions ; but, having no justifiable cause to invade
and conquer the island, he applied to Pope Adrian, the fourth
of that name, and the only Englishman that ever filled the
papal throne. Adrian, it may be presumed, was pleased to
have such an application from so distinguished a monarch, as
it implied the right, assumed by the popes, to dispose, at their
pleasure, of the whole earth. On Henry's application, Adrian
issued his bull, in the year 11 56, and therein declares that all
countries " which have received the Christian faith, do belong
to the jurisdiction of Saint Peter and of the Holy Roman
Church." Wherefore he authorizes Henry to enter upon Ire-
land and take possession of it, and " to reduce the people to
obedience ; " provided Henry " reserved and paid, from each
house in Ireland, a yearly pension of one penny to St. Peter,
and preserved the rights of the churches of this land whole
and inviolate." Thus, the chief priest of the Christian relig-
ion, (as he called it,) at the distance of more than twelve hun-
dred miles from Ireland, authorizes a neighboring king to
subdue, by force of arms, a whole nation, and to possess their
land, on condition of paying to himself and his successors an
annual compensation for this favor. This is but one of a
thousand similar examples of the meaning of the Gospel of
peace and righteousness.
4
38 IRELANI>.
It SO happened that Henry was too much engaged in his
English and French dominions to avail himself, forthwith, of
this munificent grant. But the benefit was not then entirely-
lost, as a state of things had occurred in Ireland which favored
his interference in its affairs. There had long been an invet-
erate hostility between two of the kings there, named O'Ruarc
and Dermod. Dermod had carried away the beautiful and
not unwilling wife of O'Ruarc. This, and other aggressions,
combined a powerful force against Dermod, and he was de-
feated and compelled to abandon his kingdom of Leinster,
He had no hope of reinstating himself unless he could obtain
assistance from abroad. He repaired to Henry, then in
France, who was already in possession of the Pope's bull.
Henry was so engrossed with his own affairs and troubles,
that he coald not avail himself of this application, but he gave
to Dermod a letter of credence addressed to all his subjects,
notifying them of his grace and protection of king Dermod,
and declaring that " whosoever, within his dominions, should
be disposed to aid him in the recovery of his territory, might
be assured of free license and royal favor."
In the south of Wales, on the northern side of the Severn,
dwelt, at this time, Richard, earl of Chepstow and Pembroke,
of the illustrious house of Clare, surnamed Strongbow, from
his superior strength and skill in archery. To him Dermod
applied and made great promises, and among others to bestow
in marriage his daughter Ava, with assurances of inheriting
the kingdom of Leinster. Having secured Strongbow's assist-
ance, Dermod returned secretly to Ireland to prepare for his
reception. In 1170, the first division of Strongbow's forces
arrived near Wexford, in the south-east corner of Ireland, and
in May of the following year, Strongbow arrived with the rest
of his forces. In the few following months, Strong^bow sub-
dued the south-east parts of the island, extending his conquests
to Cork, (midway of the southern shore,) and thence north-
wardly to Limerick on the Shannon, and thence still further
north to the south boundary of Ulster, and thence eastwardly
to the sea. By these conquests, Dermod was restored to his
kingdom Of Leinster, and had added thereto on the south, the
eastern half of Munster. But there were, within these limits,
many Irish chieftains and their adherents, who had submitted
to a force which they could not resist, and who retained the
determination to free themselves from this new subjection, and
take ample vengeance whenever the opportunity should arise.
When Henry heard of Strongbow's conquests, he feared
IRELAND. 39
that he might be deprived of the sovereignty of Ireland, and
that Strongbow might feel potent enough to assume indepen-
dence. He, therefore, commanded Strongbow to appear before
him, and to acknowledge his vassalage. He did so, and as-
sured Henry that whatsoever conquests he had made, were
made in Henry's right. The way was now clear for Henry
to appear in Ireland, and having made a proper provision of
force for this expedition, he arrived at Waterford, on the south
coast, in the month of October, 1172. He brought with him
a formidable army, and passed unmolested to Dublin by slow
marches, and with great pomp and parade. Many Irish chiefs
who had not submitted to Strongbow, voluntarily appeared
and took the oath of allegiance to Henry. During the half
year that Henry spent in Ireland, three months were passed
at Dublin in forming the acquired territory into counties, in
settling the affairs of the church, in arranging for the future
government of these counties, and in making grants of land to
his- followers ; and, lastly, in establishing a vice-royalty, to
represent the English sovereign. Thus, the Roman church
w^as fistened on Ireland, and a tenure of English subjects was
established. But the old Irish character remained among the
natives of the island, unchanged and unchangeable. From these
causes have sprung the miseries which have afflicted Ireland
in all future times ; and the reasons why the improvements
and civilization w^hich appear in England have never found
their way to this beautiful region.
The troubles in which Henry had involved himself in Eng-
land, hastened his departure, and in the month of April, 1173,
he landed in Pembrokeshire in Wales, not leaving (as Sir
John Davis says) one true subject in Ireland more than he
found there; but leaving an exasperated and vindictive enemy,
however disguised by apparent loyalty and submission.
The seeds of discord, violence, and misery had been pro-
fusely sown in Ireland. They seem to have partaken of the
natural productiveness of the soil, and to have borne abundant
harvests. From the time that Henry departed, in 1173, to
the year 1509, (a term of 336 years,) when Henry the Eighth
ascended the English throne, the history of this island com-
prises only a long train of afflictions from the operation
of natural causes. If any twenty of these 336 years were
selected, and the events therein occurring were detailed, they
would be the events of any other twenty years, with no other
variation than in particular places and agents. The events in
all this term, and in subsequent years, have been described
40 IRELAND.
with extraordinary patience and perseverance by several histo-
rians. But this minuteness is inadmissible on this occasion.
It is only necessary to show in what manner Ireland has been
treated by the government of England — in what manner Eng-
lishmen have conducted themselves in Ireland — in what
manner the Irish people have conducted themselves, and
herein to find the causes of the present miseries of this coun-
try. It will make the subject more easily understood if the
relation of all the several parties who appeared in these scenes
are distinctly stated.
1. All the kings of England, from Henry the Second to
Henry the Eighth, were involved either in rebellions, civil or
foreign wars, or in controversies with the pope, besides many
minor difficulties, and had no time to devote to Ireland.
2. The administration of Irish affairs was necessarily dele-
gated to agents, some of whom were violent and belligerent,
and disposed to force obedience ; others, timid or weak ; and
very few of the whole number competent and equal to the task.
3. The English subjects were ever encroaching on the
Irish, despoiling them of their lands, and treating them as a
conquered people.
4. Grants were frequently made of lands in possession of
the Irish, which were to become the property of the grantees
as soon as they could expel the Irish, and get possession for
themselves.
5. English subjects, taking advantage of the embarrassments
of their kings, sometimes renounced their allegiance, joined
the Irish, and assumed their manners, dress, and habits.
6. The more recent English settlers in Ireland, and the
ancient settlers, came into collision, and engaged in warfare
with each other.
7. The Irish considered all the English as intruders and
usurpers, and either held all treaties to be forced, and of no
validity, or else they considered treaties to be valid no longer
than they could find themselves sufficiently powerful to disre-
gard them.
8. In those parts of the island which were not subdued,
the Irish continued their vindictive wars, which were fre-
quently fomented by the English, and often the English joined
in those wars, on one side or the other.
9. The Roman church was, in the mean time, extending
its power over the minds of the ignorant and superstitious
people of the country, and enriching itself with the acquisition
of lands, donations, and exactions.
IRELAND. 41
10. The necessities of the English kings compelled them
to exact supplies from the church and the laity, which it was
difficult at any time, and sometimes impossible to comply
with.
11. The laws of England and the customs of the native
Irish were in continual conflict, and, consequently, the admin-
istration of justice was generally nothing else than the power
of the strongest.
One cannot imagine a state of society less adapted to peace
or to the promotion of security and welfare, nor any more
adapted to promote contentions, violence, and crime.
Among the events of these 336 years, there are very few
which are worth selecting ; and none need be selected but for
the purpose of showing how these discordant elements operat-
ed to effect the general wretchedness of the country.
One of the misfortunes of Ireland was the appointment of
Henry the Second's son John to be lord of Ireland. John
was only nineteen years old when his father sent him, with a
numerous train of associates, most of them nearly of his own
age, to administer the government. Henry supposed he had
sufficiently guarded against youthful indiscretion by sending
over with his son an eminent lawyer, Glanville, as his moni-
tor and minister. The expectation of the king's son in Ire-
land had a favorable effect, both with the English and Irish.
The former hoped to have John's aid in advancing their
objects ; the latter hoped that restraints would be put on Eng-
lish usurpations. Both parties were greatly disappointed.
John landed at Wexford with his train of young French
nobility, gaily adorned; and thither came the rude rough
Irish chiefs, in their national cloaks and bushy beards, to ren-
der homage to the young prince. They approached the glit-
tering throng, and, according to their custom of reverence,
meant to kiss the prince. This the young lordlings interposed
to prevent, and turned these visiters into ridicule, and even
went so far as to pluck the beards of the Irish, and otherwise
insult them. This was an unfortunate beginning for 'the
prince. The proud chiefs retired indignant and revengeful,
and soon united their countrymen in the design of making an
effort to expel the insolent English. Meanwhile, John be-
stowed on his followers the lands of the Irish who still
remained within the English part of the island, enriched the
church, and spent the money intended to sustain the soldiery.
In the midst of his gay career he was astonished to find that
the Irish were embodied, in formidable numbers, to take ven'
4*
42 IRELAND.
geance. At the end of eight months, Henry, perceiving that
John's administration was adding to the evils which he was
sent to remedy, and creating others which might be irremedia-
ble, ordered him to return to England, and a new viceroy
was sent to Ireland.
Henry died in 1189, and was succeeded by his son, Rich-
ard the First, who died in 1199. During his reign, John, lord
of Ireland, ordered its affairs without any interference on
Richard's part. On the death of Richard, John succeeded to
the English crown, and the lordship of Ireland was merged
in the royal right. John's eventful and troublesome reign
ended in 1216. Affairs, during his reign, present only
the renewal of combinations, sometimes of Irish chiefs against
Irish chiefs, assisted on the one side and the other by English
subjects, and sometimes combinations of English and Irish
against the authority of John. The whole presenting scenes
of perfidy, treachery, cruelty, superstition, sudden reverses,
and poignant misery, not surpassed in any history. These
troubles induced John to go to Ireland in 1210. His presence
was attended with a better state of things. He found that the
Irish had been much enfeebled by their mutual contentions,
and that the English, reinforced by new adventurers, had pen-
etrated to almost every part of the island. Having made some
new counties, and having declared some new laws, and taken
measures for future security, he returned to England.
Henry III. was only nine years old when he became king,
on the death of his father, John. His long reign of fifty-six
years, was full of troubles, and Ireland had little of his atten-
tion. Had his reign been ever so tranquil — had he been the
wisest and the ablest of men — had he done all that wisdom
and ability could permit, Ireland had now too many discordant
and irreconcilable interests, among its inhabitants, to be brought
to a state of order and peace. Nothing but an overawing
military power could have kept the rapacious and turbulent
English, and the exasperated and belligerent Irish, in subjec-
tion. There is nothing, therefore, in this long reign which
varied the fortunes of Ireland. Viceroys appeared in Ireland
in rapid succession, seldom well selected, and never successful
in their efforts to govern. Meanwhile, the church, which
never slumbers over its interests, was inserting, slowly and
surely, its roots on Irish soil ; and the consequences of this
indefatigable industry are felt at the present day, both by Eng-
lish and Irish, in both islands. Parliaments had often been
held in Ireland before the reign of Henry III, ; and complaints
IRELAND. 43
had been before that time made, that the miseries experienced
there were partly occasioned by the absence of English land
owners from Ireland. This, as is well known, is still a cause
of complaint. Many proprietors of large estates pass their
lives without ever seeing them, trusting only to agents, who
have no interest to better the condition of tenants.
During the reign of the three Edwards, in regular succes-
sion from 1272, to 1377, including 105 years, the history of Ire-
land is a repetition of the scenes of former years, from the
same causes. The English were incessantly at variance with
the Irish, who were ever in arms in one part of the island or
another. Within this time they sought the aid of the Scotch.
In the year 1315, Edward Bruce, brother of Robert, who had
ascended the throne of Scotland, appeared in Ireland with an
armj^ and caused himself to be crowned at Dundalk, which is
on the East coast. North of Dublin. He penetrated to Dublin,
and still further South ; but after three years of severe conflicts
he fell in battle, having been found dead with the dead body
of his conqueror stretched over his own. They are supposed
to have destroyed each other in the conflict.
From 1377 to 1509, a period of 131 years, ending with the
accession of Henry Eighth, there were eight English kings
who regarded Ireland as part of their dominions. There will
be occasion to mention these kings in the sketches of England,
and they are not, therefore, further noticed here, in the order of
succession. These 132 years were a portion of time in which
England was involved in great difficulties. No effective meas-
ures were taken to remedy the troubles which existed in Ire-
land, from the causes to which we have so often adverted.
It is apparent, from this rapid sketch, that whatever might
have been the destiny of this unfortuate and beautiful island, it
could not have been more miserable than it was, from the inva-
sion of Henry to the end of the fifteenth century. Its miser-
ies were not diminished in the next three centuries, and this
could not have been otherwise. The sovereign, always an alien
to Ireland, governed that country by delegates, who were igno-
rant of the language spoken hy those who were to be govern-
ed, and who did not, and could not understand the laws pre-
scribed to them. The English possessed nearly the whole ter-
ritory by conquest, or by grants, made by an authority towards
which the natives maintained an implacable enmity, and for
very justifiable reasons. An exasperated and vindictive people
w^ere intermingled with their invaders, and those who were
not wholly subdued, as well as those who were, awaited only
44
SCOTLAND.
opportunities to revolt, and attempt to regain their indepen-
dence, however desperate the effort. The English proprietors
of Irish estates, rarely saw, and more rarely dwelt on the
island, and the immediate tenants and cultivators were subject-
ed to the rapacity and insolence of stewards and agents. The
English sovereigns enforced taxation to maintain themselves
in wars in which the Irish had no interest. The Roman
Catholic priesthood enforced their exactions while they cul-
tivated a superstitious obedience among ignorant communi-
ties. These are among the elements of the wretchedness
which was the lot of Ireland, from the year 1500 to the present
day. There have been abundant facts to prove, that when na-
tive Irishmen have had the advantages of education, and have
been placed in competition with those of other parts of the
neighboring island, they have not been found inferior. Among
those who have contributed to British renown, whether in the
cabinet, in parliament, at the bar, on the ocean, or in the field,
not a few of them were born in the Emerald Isle.
CHAPTER. VII.
SCOTLAND.
Original Population — Divisions of Society — Macbeth — Stuart Origin —
Maid of Norway — Succession of Baliol and Bruce to the Crown — Wal-
lace — Succession of Kvfigs — English and Scotch Wars — Marriage of
Henry VII. daughter with James IV.
The history of Scotland, like the country itself, is peculiar
and interesting. Very remarkable persons, and very extraor-
dinary events have been known in Scotland. This country is
almost an island by itself; and is part of the island of Great
Britain. On the West, North and East, the boundary is the
ocean ; on the South, it bounds on England. Its position on
the globe is far to the North ; the Southern extremity being in
54° 45' N. lat., and its Northern one in 58° 40'. Its great-
est length from North to South is about 280 miles ; its breadth
very various, between 50 and 130 miles. Its square miles are
about 30,000. Geographers divide the surface into two nearly
equal parts ; the Northwestern part they call the highlands,
the Southeastern the lowlands. The highlands are truly such,
SCOTLAND. 45
having many ranges of mountains between 3 and 4000 feet
high, and some still higher. Between these ranges, in deep
and narrow vallies, are extensive fresh water lakes. Most of
these highlands are barren and desolate, and form a dreary-
country ; a very fit habitation for the imaginary agents, which
make a striking figure in the old Scottish legends. The low-
lands of Scotland are Southeast of a line running about mid-
way from Southwest to Northeast. Parts of these lowlands
are described as fertile and beautiful, and would be so consider-
ed anywhere, if the poetical descriptions of natives were fully
credited. The historical events of Scotland have occurred,
with few exceptions, on the Southeastern side, or in the low-
lands, and often very near the separating line between the high
and lowlands, and along the South border, adjoining England.
On this border an almost incessant warfare was carried on,
from a time when historical records begun, to 1603, when Scot-
land and England were united.
Scotland was, probably, peopled, as all the West of Europe
must have been, by some portion of the Celtic race. It is from
the Romans that the first knowledge is derived. When Csesar
possessed himself of the South parts of Great Britain, Scotland
is spoken of as being held by tribes of different names, but
who had the general name of Caledonians. The most known
of these tribes were those whom the Romans called the Picts,
who often met the Romans as formidable enemies, having their
bodies ■painted, — whence the name. These ancient Caledoni-
ans on the extreme West of the Roman Empire, have the
proud distinction which belongs only to them, and to the bor-
derers on the extreme East of the Empire, the Parthians, that
they had never been numbered among the conquered. In the
four centuries and an half that the Romans held England, there
were very able generals, and numerous armies employed
against the Caledonians; and within those years no less than
six Roman Emperors were personally present, and engaged in
this warfare. Down to the present day, there are remnants
along the borders of Scotland and England, of fortresses and
walls, erected, not by the Caledonians to keep the Romans out,
but by the Romans to prevent the coming of the Caledonians.
This unquestionable fact is conclusive evidence that the north-
ern part of the island was originally held by a powerful and
warlike race, whoever they may have been.
In the middle of the fifth century, the Roman Empire was
falling into ruins, and the island of Great Britain was aban-
doned by the Romans about the year 446. About half a cen*
46 SCOTLAND.
tury afterwards (in 503) an invasion of the Southwest part of
Scotland is said to have been made from Ireland. The invaders
were called Scots, from an Irish term, which means wander-
ers; and thence, probably, came the name of this people. After
a struggle of 350 years, the Scots became masters, and gave
their name to the country, and united the whole under one
monarch. From this time, about the middle of the ninth cen-
tury, the country is called Scotland, and its inhabitants Scots.
Thence to the year 1000, that is, 150 years, if there were any
historical records which could be relied on, they could disclose
no other facts than such as are known to have occurred in
other parts of Europe about the same time. From the condi-
tion of society, there must have been wars between clans, re-
bellions against the sovereign, and crimes, punishment and ven-
geance; in short, the usual action of men in like circum-
stances : there are some peculiarities, however, to be noticed :
1. The nature of the country favored the independence which
the Scottish Lords assumed. Their strongholds were easily
defended in the mountains. 2. There was a practice among
these Lords to enter into covenants or mutual alliance to carry
on wars offensive and defensive. 3. The number of Lords
were remarkably few, and as they held nearly the whole coun-
try in Lordships, the dependants on each Lord w^ere numer-
ous. The chief, his subordinates and followers, constituted
the Scottish clans, each one having its own family name.
These are peculiarities which enter into the historical details
of Scotland. It may be supposed that in the year 1000, the
inhabitants of this territory were a rude, hardy people, familiar
with war, and subjected to the command of nobles ; and over
the whole a king, who was little more than the first among his
equals. Flocks, herds, horses, they had ; some knowledge of
agriculture, also ; perhaps some commerce with the North of
the European continent. Scotland is distant from Norway
about 350 miles.
Malcom II. was king in Scotland in the year 1003. At this
time the Danes, and other northern nations, infested the coasts
of Europe, and Scotland had its full share of invasion. The
successor of Malcom was Duncan, his grandson, who is indebt-
ed to Shakspeare for a lasting fame. This is the person whom
Macbeth slew, and then usurped the throne. How near the
immortal poet pursued the truth of history, in his unequalled
drama, is very uncertain, and equally unimportant. His merit
is found in showing how human nature might have conducted
itself, if there had been such persons and suph scenes as he in^^
SCOTLAND. 47
agines. It is easy to believe, from the character of the age,
that the ambitious Thane, or Ijord Macbeth, aspired to the
Crown, and removed the man who wore it out of the way, and
from the world, if that were necessary to his purpose. For the
details of Macbeth's agency, and of those who conspired with
him, the reading community are indebted to the poet's imagina-
tion. Macduff, and a son of Malcom, who met in England as
fugitives from Scotland, with the aid of an army furnished by
the English King, Edward the confessor, overcame and slew
Macbeth, and this Malcom became King in 1057 — the third of
that name-
The royal name of Stuart, so familiar in Scottish and Eng-
lish history, was first known in the reign of this King. Walter,
the grandson of Bancho, having rendered essential service in
suppressing a rebellion, was made Lord Steward of Scotland,
a great and hereditary dignity. This was about the year 1060.
It was not until 1371 that a descendant from this person came
to the throne, at which time this name of dignity had become a
family name, Stuart. A person called Gautier Stuart had mar-
ried Margerie, the daughter of king Robert I. The son of
this Margerie was king under the name of Robert II. From
this person the Royal race of Stuart, first in Scotland, and then
in England, is descended.
Malcom III. had become acquainted with the Saxon prince
Edgar Etheling, while in England, and when William the
Conqueror made it- perilous for any Saxon prince to remain
in his dominions, Edgar and his sister sought an asylum in
Scotland, and nis sister became the Queen of Malcom. This
king died in 1093. During the next two hundred years, that
is, to the death of Alexander the third, in 1286, there is very
little worth mentioning in Scottish history. All that is impor-
tant might be arranged under these heads: — 1. The wars be-
tween the Scotch and English. 2. The internal commotions or
civil wars between kings and nobles. 3. The unsuccessful at-
tempts of the Roman Church to subject Scotland, as it had
done most of the Christian world, to its own absolute domin-
ion.
Alexander III. and Edward I. of England, were contempo-
raries about 1280. They had frequent trials of strength in
arms with various success. The day of peace and friendship
at length came in an agreement to unite the prince of Wales,
son of Edward I., with Margaret, the grand daughter of Alex-
ander, who was to be heiress of the Scottish throne, in right of
her mother, Alexander's daughter, who had married Eric,
48 SCOTLAND.
king of Norway. The young heiress was called the Maid of
Norway. She became entitled to the crown on the death of
her grandfather, in 1286, but did not leave Norway till 1294.
The princess (from sickness) died on her passage, at or
near the Orkney Isles. However insignificant this event
may seem, it is probable that it had a most enduring and
unfortunate effect on the peace and welfare of Scotland and
England. If the two kingdoms had been united at the end of
the thirteenth century, or in 1307, as they would have been if
the Maid of Norway had lived, the history of England and of
Scotland would have run in very different channels from that
time to this. It is very probable that no such person as Eliza-
beth would have worn the English crown ; and that the Scot-
tish crown would not have been torn from the head of Mary, and
that head consigned to the block, by the relentless Elizabeth.
The afflictive consequences of this young Queen's death
were immediately felt. The Scottish crown appears to have
been inheritable, though not limited, clearly, to the first-born.
The young Queen was the last of the descendants from her
ancestor king William, who died just 80 years before her, in
1214. To find an heir to the throne it was necessary to go
back to the brother of William, who was David, Earl of
Huntington, and to trace the descent from him. This Earl
had three daughters. 1. Margaret, who married Allen, Lord
of Galloway, and had a daughter Dervigilda, who married
John Baliol. Of this marriage there was living, in 1294, a
son, John Baliol, who claimed the crown. 2. Isabella, (sec-
ond daughter of the Earl,) who married Robert Bruce. Of
this marriage there was living, in 1294, a son, Robert Bruce,
who claimed the crown. 3. Adama, who married Lord Hast-
ings. Of this marriage there was living, in 1294, a son, John
Hastings, who considered the kingdom to belong equally to
himself and his two cousins. These competitors agreed to
abide by the decision of Edward I., of England, who awarded
the crown to John Baliol. Historians say that his motive was
entirely selfish, and that the selection of Baliol was made, be-
cause he would be most easily managed by Edward, for his
own purposes. From the time that Baliol assumed the crown,
until 1371, (75 years,) Scotland was harassed by civil wars of
the most vindictive character, carried on by the parties of Ba-
liol and Bruce, assisted, on the one side or the other, by the
English. In 1306 Robert Bruce became king, and held the
throne till 1329, His successor, David, the second of the
Bruces, had to yield the crown to Edward Baliol, the son of
SCOTLAND. 49
John, in 1332. At the end of ten years David had expelled
Edward, and was again king, and so continued till his death,
in 1371. Thus the Bruces became the royal race.
These 75 years are an exceedingly interesting portion of Scot-
tish history. It was in the conflicts of these years that the no-
ble William Wallace appeared. This " greatest hero, and no-
blest patriot of any age," as he is sometimes called, was betray-
ed into the power of the English, and beheaded on Tower Hill,
London, the 23d of August, 1305. There is a well written
novel, called the Scottish Chiefs, of which William Wallace
is the hero. In the year 1298, July 22d, was fought the
mournful battle of Falkirk, where Wallace would have tri-
umphed if his associates had conducted like himself. There
is a poem on this battle by Anna Seward. On the 25th of
June, 1314, the Scotch well avenged upon the English the
death of Wallace, at the battle of Bannockburn, where 30,000
Scots, under Bruce, completely vanquished the English army
of 100,000.
Our limits do not permit even the mention of the several bat-
tles which were fought in this contest between the Bruces and
the Baliols. The whole territory, on both sides the border,
and thence northwardly to the river Forth; and up the valley,
northwestwardly, to the highlands, has been again and again
saturated with the best blood of the Scotch and English. The
river Forth rises near the lake Ben Lomond, and runs east-
wardly into the frith of Forth, which empties into the North
sea. Edinburgh is on the south side of the Frith, and about
two miles from it. Within 50 miles, northwestwardly from
that city, and in the valley through which the river Forth runs,
are some memorable places ; Linlithgow, the ancient castle of
Sterling, the battle-ground of Falkirk and Bannockburn. The
river Tweed, which divides Scotland and England, is about 50
miles south of the Frith of Forth.
The first king of the name of Bruce. Robert I., had a
daughter Margerie, who married, as before mentioned, Gautier
Stuart; and of this marriage the son Robert II. became king
in 1371, and died in 1390. This Robert the second united the
families of Bruce and Stuart as the reigning Royal House.
From the death of Robert II. (1390) till Scotland and England
came under the dominion of James VI. of Scotland, (who was
James I. of England) is a space of 213 years, ending in
1603. It will be most convenient to state the succession of the
Scottish Stuarts, and then to notice such events as should be
noticed in these 213 years.
5
50 SCOTLAND.
Robert III, son of Robert II., crowned 1390, died 1406.
James I., son of Robert III, crowned 1406, assassinated
1437.
James II., son of James I., crowned 1437, killed 1460.
James III., son of James II., crowned 1460, killed 1488.
James IV., son of James III., crowned 1488, killed 1513.
This person married Margeret, the daughter of Henry VII.,
of England, in right of whom the Stuart family of Scotland as-
cended the English throne.
James V., son of James IV., crowned 1513, died 1542. This
person married a French princess, who was the mother of
Mary Stuart, who succeeded to the Scotch throne on her father's
death. Mary abdicated the throne in 1567, and her son, James
VI., (by Henry Stuart, called Lord Darnley,) became king
while an infant. On the death of Elizabeth of England, in
1603, James became king of England, by the name of James I.
It is repugnant to common sense, that a particular family
should have an exclusive and hereditary right to govern a
whole nation. Yet this is the mode of government to which
most nations, in all ages, have submitted. Hence the immedi-
ate successor of an able and virtuous king may be the feeblest
and most unworthy among millions, and may be even an in-
fant, and that infant a female. The evils incident to this kind
of succession are among the most sorrowful pages of history.
If there should be a sovereign, in his own right, by the mere
accident of birth, it must be on the principle that the sovereign
has the power and the will so to govern his subjects, as to se-
cure to them peace and happiness, and thereby entitle himself
to obedience and support. But this ground-work of power on
the one side, and submission on the other, disappears when
the sovereign is too young, or too feeble to have any will of his
own.
The historian, Robertson, (speaking of his own country,)
says, — " Never was any race of monarchs so unfortunate as the
Scottish. Of six successive princes, from Robert HI. to James
VI., not one died a natural death; and the minorities, during
that time, were longer and more frequent than ever happened
in any other kingdom. From Robert Bruce (1306) to James
VI., (1567) we reckon ten princes; seven of these were called
to the throne while they were minors, and almost infants."
The object of all rulers, whether elected or hereditary, cer-
tainly should be to secure the country and people from invasion
by foreign enemies: to cause justice to be administered ; and
to enable every individual, under the protection of righteous
SCOTLAND. 51
laws and just magistrates, to enjoy the blessings of life.
Whether these rational purposes of civil government can be
obtained or not, depends on the ability of rulers and the dispo-
sition of a people to be ruled. No people ever had worse
rulers, and no people were ever worse fitted to be ruled, than
those of Scotland from 1306 to 1567. It will be sufficient for
the present purpose to show how such a state of things was
peculiar to Scotland.
The manner in which the princes of Scotland came to their
deaths, (as Robertson says,) shows a rebellious and turbulent
state of society. While the chief person (by whatever name
called) of many warlike tribes or clans, could lead them
against a common enemy, he was likely to be confided in and
respected. When there was no such object of employment,
these tribes or clans must have employed themselves against
each other and against their sovereign : against each other,
from motives ot rivalry and jealousy ; against the sovereign,
in resisting his attempts to control and govern. The history
of Scotland is nothing else than a series of internal conflicts
and external wars. During the whole lapse of years from
Robert III. to James VI., the successive kings of England
were jealous of the power of Scotland, and always ready to
take advantage of its internal commotions to subdue the coun-
try, or aid its inhabitants to weaken and destroy each other.
The cessation of war on the borders occurred only when the
English kings were too much engrossed by wars on the con-
tinent, or by civil wars or rebellions, to let Scotland alone.
From such causes, the Scottish nation had made less advances
from the ignorance and barbarity of the dark ages than the
French or English.
The great lords of Scotland were absolute sovereigns in
their own territories. They made laws and caused them to
be executed, without regard to the king or national govern-
ment ; and were ever ready to maintain what they considered
to be their rights, by the sword. It was one great object with
the Scottish kings to extend the laws of parliament over the
nobles, and to establish courts of justice to which the nobles
might be compelled to submit. Though James I. took the
first measures towards establishing such courts, it was not
until the reign of James V. that the courts were fully organ-
ized and in action, about 1540.
Henry VII. of England succeeded in establishing a friendly
relation between himself and James IV. of Scotland, by be-
Btowing his oldest daughter, Margaret, in marriage. Henry
52
SCOTLAND.
conducted his daughter, with great pomp and ceremony, through
Northamptonshire, on her way to Scotland. James came to
the borders of his kingdom to receive his intended bride,
accompanied by a numerous train of Scottish nobles. James
conducted the English princess into Edinburgh, seated behind
himself on the same horse, and the marriage was solemnized
at the chapel of Holyrood house, in the year 1504.
This family alliance was not sufficient to preserve peace
between the two countries. Scotland had long been in a state
of very friendly relation with France. When Henry VIII.
of England was drawn into a war with Louis XII. of France,
and actually invaded that country, Louis called on James to
aid his cause by invading England. This call was enforced
by Anne of Brittany, the Queen of Louis, whose champion,
in the courts of chivalry, James had assumed to be. A cause
of war and invasion was easily found in these days. A Scotch-
man, who had conducted a vessel to Portugal, had been so treated
there, and dispossessed of his property, as to obtain an authority
from his sovereign, James, to go to sea armed, and make repri-
sal on any Portuguese subjects, and satisfy himself This
Scotchman so conducted himself in the English channel as to
be considered a pirate, and was carried into England and
hanged. James affected to regard this act as a sufficient justi-
fication for invading England, Henry VIII. being then en-
gaged in carrying on the war in France. James IV. appears
to have considered the invasion more as an excursion for mili-
tary exercise than as an affair of serious war. Having had
the good fortune to be more generally esteemed and respected
by his nobles than any of his predecessors, he was attended,
on this occasion, by many and the highest in his kingdom.
An English force, hastily gathered, with about five thousand
men sent from France by Henry, met James at Floivden fields
just on the borders, and not far from Berwick on the Tweed.
Here was fought, in the year 1513, a battle of mournful and
disastrous result to the Scotch, and with little loss to the Eng-
lish. By some unaccountable negligence on the one side, and
mere good fortune on the other, James, and all the chief nobles
of Scotland perished, while hardly one person of any distinc-
tion fell on the side of the English. By this event, James V.,
then less than two years of age, became king of Scotland.
The marriage of James IV. of Scotland, with Margaret,
the daughter of Henry VII. of England, was the cause of
that serious and complicated misfortune, the placing the Stuart
family on the English throne.
SCOTLAND. 5^
We have come down to a period in Scottish history within
three centuries of the present time. It is remarkable that his-
torical records, so far, afford very little information of the
interior state of Scotland. Whatever the just claims of the
Scotch nation may be, at this day, to literary and scientific
distinction, (and these are not now second to the claims of any
other nation,) they had few such claims three hundred years
ago. The Scotch, though surrounded by ocean, had not made
much figure as a commercial or naval people. They do not
appear to have been extensively a manufacturing people. In
Macpherson's first volume on Commerce, there are several
notices of the Scots as engaged in the herring fishery, and
in commerce, but not a valuable one on their part. Their
country is not adapted to profitable agriculture, generally.
More than one half of it is unfit for any cultivation, and large
portions of it are barren and desolate. These facts lead to the
conclusion, that the great lords of Scotland lived in their spa-
cious and fortified enclosures, in a rude grandeur, with numer-
ous dependants, and as separate and independent femilies. It
is probable that harmony and subordination were preserved in
these families by the supreme authority of the laird or chief,
sole proprietor of the whole territory over which he ruled;
and also by the fear which each family entertained of the
enmity and power of other families. This was a state of
society well adapted to bring out and to invigorate certain he-
roical virtues, and to give illustrious names to some individu-
als. Hardihood, courage, magnanimity, are well known to
have been qualities of Scottish chiefs, from the ballads and
popular songs of the country.* But, side by side with these
qualities, must be placed the thirst for dominion, revenge, and
unrelenting hold on ancient enmities, from sire to son. These
are indications of qualities, out of which fine national traits
may be wrought. Probably the modern Scots may not fear
comparison with any people.
We must leave these sketches of the Scots here, at the time
when James V, came to the throne, in the year 1513, he being
then only eighteen months old. This person was the father
of Mary Stuart, known in history as Mary, Queen of Scot*.
* Oat of these ballads, or what he assumed to be such, Macpherson
made up his celebrated work, called " Ossian's Poems." Thomas
Moore, in his History of Ireland, (as has been noticed in sketches of
that country,) has demonstrated that Macpherson is indebted to Iriih,
bards for his renown, and that he is chargeable with a designed imposition
on the literary world.
6»
54
SAXONS ENGLAND.
Notices of her father, of herself, and of her son James, come
within the next intended division. The personal and histor-
ical facts of these three individuals are so interwoven with
English history, and especially with English events while
Elizabeth was the English sovereign, that it will be more
intelligible as well as convenient, to treat of them in notices of
England. From the death of Elizabeth, in 1603, the sovereign
of Scotland and of England has always been the same person.
CHAPTER VIII.
SAXONS ENGLAND.
Casar's Conquest of England — Roman Dominion — the Saxons.
England is bounded on the south by the English channel,
which is between it and France ; on the east by the German
ocean ; on the north by Scotland, from which it is separated
by the Tweed, the Cheviot hills, and the Frith of Solway ; on
the west by the Irish sea and St. George's channel. The
greatest length of England is about 400 miles from north to
south, between 49° 58' and 55° 45' north latitude. The greatest
breadth is in the south part, 280 miles, while in the north, the
narrowest part is less than 100. The eastern parts are gene-
rally level : along the western side of England are hills, some
of which are called mountains, and between these high lands
and the salt water on the east, are territories of varied surface.
The principal rivers, with two exceptions, the Severn and the
Mersey, flow from west to east. England is most favorably situ-
ated for commerce and maritime power, and has, within itself,
abundant riches in minerals ; but far more important riches in
the industry and ingenuity of its inhabitants, and in its social
and political relations. As this is emphatically the land of
American ancestry, a more comprehensive notice is required
in these sketches than of any other country — beginning with
the Saxons, the common ancestors of the English and Ameri-
cans.
The following compilation on the Saxons is made from the
elaborate, accurate, and extensive research of Sharon Turner,
a gentleman bred to the profession of the law, and who has
bestowed on his countrymen other valuable works on Eng-
land, He is still living. Americans, as well as the English,
SAXONS ENGLAND. 55
may be justly proud of their Saxon progenitors. Their social
and political principles are alike respected in both nations,
and both of them speak a language which is undoubtedly
of Saxon origin. Notwithstanding the intermixture, first of
Danish, and then of Norman laws, custom, and language,
happily, the Saxon has finally prevailed over them, and they
are now hardly discernible. The best informed historians,
and Sir James Alclntosh among others, consider the Saxons to
have been the founders of English liberty, and as such enti-
tled to respect and gratitude. They are equally entitled to
like sentiments from all who claim to be of English descent ;
nor from these only, but from all American citizens, as all
enjoy the benefit of Saxon freedom, modified and improved
under republican institutions.
The name of Britain was given to the island by the Romans.
Brit w^as said to mean parti-colored, from the custom of paint-
ing the body. Other derivations are also given. The Ro-
mans called it Britannia major, and a part of the opposite
French coast (Brittany) Britannia minor. Pliny, in his natu-
ral history, says, (1. iv. c. 16,) that the island was formerly
called Albion. The name Albion (perhaps from the white
clifis) was of Latin origin. England is derived from one
of the Saxon races, the Angles, Avho came from the north.
Csesar undertook the conquest of Britain in the year 52
B. C. It was then possessed by a people of Kimmerian ori-
gin, (Turner says,) but called 'Celts. They had Druids for
their religious teachers, and bards for poetical historians. The
Romans finally conquered what is now England, and held it
as a Roman province about five hundred years. The emperor
Vespasian was in England and appointed Agricola to the
command there, who, about the year 79, defended the northern
frontier by a chain of posts from the Frith of Forth to that of
Clyde. In 120, the emperor Adrian repaired and strength-
ened the fortifications of Agricola, and erected a second wall
from Solway Frith to the north of the Tyne, of which there
are some remains. In 138 another wall was erected^ in the
time of Antoninus, along the northern frontier. The Romans
were unable to subdue the mountainous regions of Wales.
Thither many Britons retired from Roman dominion, and
there preserved, from generation to generation, their implaca-
ble enmity to the Romans. They preserved, too, their national
language and customs, which still appear among them, chang-
ed as they may have been in the lapse of ages.
About the beginning of the sixth century, a person appeared
5(5 SWONS KNUl.ANr*
ir\ ll\o Wol^li iWvMJuinins In tbo n:in\o of King' Arthur. The
IvxiMiJ mavio hi»n a subjtvi of sonji' ami t^iblo, which nothiuvf
mvr s;nd or ilono hv hiin or any othor man. couhl \varn\ut.
His in\aiiinarv aohunoiuonis liavo dosoontlod to tho prosout
day. It »i5 saul that tho round taMo of Kiuij Arthur's twonty-
ft>ur kuis^fhts is still shown at or near Winolustor. in Kni^httul,
thouii'lx no woUij\lorn\od pors\Mi Ivliovos that Artliur ovor saw
his kniji'hts (it' ho had any) around tl\is tabK\ or ovor saw this
table itst^lt'. Tho wholo truth about this noi^sonaco prolxibly
is, (as Tumor s;\y^.) that ho w^as a boKl and powort'ul warrior,
mrtakiusj ominontlv in tho rudo qualities which o-ave celebrity
tron\ the successt'ul use of arms. Vie is supposed to have
been Ihuu in South Wales, alxnil the year 501, and to have
dicil iu r>4'2. His remains were discovered at (.Glastonbury,
tw\Mity miles south-wi^st of the city of Bath, in llSl\ Monk-
ish traditions pointed out the place of burial. At the abl>ey
theri\ Iviwivn two stone pillars, seven ttvt Ivlow the surt^ice,
a Kwden cri>ss \\i\s t'ound. under a stone : nine fotn below the
stone an «.v\keu cothu w;^s found, containiuir the remains of
Anhur. A Latin inscription showed this to be Arthurs
grave.
The fallinsj fortunes of the Ivoman empire, at the beginning
of the tilth century, oausoil Britain to l>e alvmdoued beiwtH?n
the ye{\rs (10 ami 440, In the tive ceiuurie^ which elapsed
under Roman dominion, laws, customs, arts, sciences had
been introduct\l. and there was such refinement and such de-
basement as would arise from Koman example;^. The ^x)wer
of the conquerors w;\s maintainecl by the presence of Roman
legions, and these the Britons were comix>lled to support,
Burthensome as they held this im^x^sition to be, the legions
were hanily gv>i\e betore their utility was discerned, as the
oi\ly defence and security ag:\inst the ancient enemies of the
BriK>ns in the nonh. Their humiliation is found iu the
prayer transmitted to the Roman general. .Etins, in Gaul, to
come to their relief: — " The barlwrians chase us ii\io the sea ;
the sesa throws \is b:\ck on the hirlvirians: we have only the
iMLid choice left us ot perishing by the sword or by the
wmres." (Hume, chaiv i.) The Romans were too much
mgmged in defending themselves from the Franks, who were
coming ujx^n them from beyond the Rhine, to attend to any
Beoples Svitety but their own. It is well ascertained that the
dominion of ihe Romans in Britain had become corrupt and
oppre^ive to an extent, which would have made their presence
hudly less tolerable than eithex of the erib of which the Brit-
ons complained.
BAJLOM* KVOLASD, Sff
TheBritonf were thou clriv«-.n Uj the m-cf-ftuity of ^."-.kiriCf aid
from the Saxorm, and thi* event inlrrxlucerj a lor)</ trajri of r-on-
nerjuences in which every one, who Kpeak» the Enj/n.rh lari-
jpia^e, an hi* native tongue, in direrrtly inttrtiied. it i* a* dif-
ficult aa unnt-cefthary to M-ule whether the people who dwelt
around the hanks of the El^^, and thenc* northwardly and
r^aMwardly, tr^ the ahort-n of the Baltic, were of the ancient
Kernrnerian »t/>ck, or whether they were of thesmjppoj'ed Goth-
ic atock, that, at aorne unknown time, had followed the Ketftme-
rianft from A«ia ; or whe-iher they were of that intermixture
(throuj^h niimeroufj wars and conrjue«tij) which rnuAt have oc-
currerJ in the lapse of ages. When the Saxon* were thus in-
vited to come to Britain, it was not the act of all the people but
of some few of the many tri^>e« or kingdoms, whif h had divid-
ed the territory after the Romans withdraw ; and a. hr^ were aji
hostile towards each other, a* they were united again.n their
northern fr^es.
'J h*- setihrment of the SaxoiM in England, and its coniie^
quences, will Ije U^tter understood if a brief description of them
be first given. Like the early Greeks, most of the northern
tribes were sea-rovers, or pirates. They were driven to soch
(tmrAoymf'.utH by the want of ffx>d in proportion to nurnben,
and by a spirit of adventure and refttle>«nr««, which had no
means of satisfying itself at home. They had no ernploymenC
for the mind, none for the hands, on the shore, while the hope
of plunder, and the exciting action of seafering incidents, gave
employment to yx»rh. They formed theniselves into companies,
and embarked, in greater or smaller numbers, in vessels under
the command of *<« kings, as they were called, and suddenly
threw themselves upon coasts, near or distant, where they hoped
a reward for their daring enterprise. Their vessels are tha«
de.«!cribed by Gibbon, chap. XA V. : ** The keel of their large
flat-bottomed boats was framed of light timber : but the sides
and upper works consi.sted only of a wicker, with a covering
of strong hides. The Saxon I oats drew so little water that
thtfy could easily proceed fourscore or KX) miles np the great
rivers: their weight was so inconsiderable, that they were
transp<irted on wagons, from one river to another."
Their religion was the worst form of pagan worship, bat
not much worse, nor much unlike, that of early Grreeks and
Romans. Here, as elsewhere among barbarians, religions
ceremonies consisted, not in adoration and gratitude for bless-
ings, but in sacrifices and offerings to propitiate malevolent dei-
ties. Hostile tribes sacrificed their prisoners ; parents 8ome»
58 SAXONS ENGLAND.
times offered up their children, and kings their subjects, to avert
individual suffering, pestilence, famine or disastrous war.
(Wheaton's History of Northmen, 125.) Among all barbarous
people, wherever there is religion, there are ministers of relig-
ion ; and where these are, there are ever mysteries, ceremo-
nies, and superstitions, adapted to keep the uninformed in sub-
jection and awe. It is not surprising that the kings and mili-
tary chiefs should add to their own authority that of the
priesthood, because such was often the case among the Jews,
Greeks, and Romans. It is seen, in every age, that civil author-
ity has leaned on that assumed by the priesthood until very
recent times. An earthly potentate who assumes to act under
the will of Heaven, and who can enforce his own will by the
terrors of a future world, has little need of swords and bayon-
ets to make his subjects obedient.
The love of glory, the renown of heroes and of ancestry,
are dear to men, civilized or savage. History, as now known
through the press, was preceded by narrations, by traditionary
songs and recitals. Thus, the Celts had their bards, the Sax-
ons had their scalds. This historical poetry demanded a dis-
tinct profession of men, alike indispensable at the rude carou-
sal, in popular assemblies, and at the eve of battle. The ele-
ments of existence were, among Saxons as among other rude
people, few, simple and decided — food, shelter, war, religion,
sensual indulgence. These elements contained the propensi-
ties susceptible of being fashioned into commendable and wor-
thy qualities.
The Saxons are represented as persons of the largest size,
light complexion, blue eyes, and long hair, and of this they
were proud as an ornament. They were disinclined to inter-
marry with other tribes. They wore loose linen vests, adorn-
ed with trimmings, interwoven in different colors. Their ex-
ternal garment was a cloak. Their arms were small shields,
long lances, great knives, or crooked swords. Their shields
were suspended from their necks by chains; their horsemen
wore heavy armor, and used iron sledge-hammers. (Turner,
book 7, ch. 1.) Their females wore gowns, and had ornaments
for the arms, hands and neck. The ancient distinction of class-
es appeared afterwards in the English laws ; the noble, the free
man, the freed man, and the slave. These classes did not inter-
marry, for this was prohibited ; especially the nobles were
jealous of their race and rank. Their forms of government,
like most of those of early Asiatic origin, was patriarchal or
that of elders, m virtue of their experience and wisdom. Earl
SAXONS ENGLAND. 59
signified Elder, and Alderman was a Saxon general. The
distinction of Earl and of Alderman, at the present time, is
thus easily traced. The continental Saxons had no king, but
many chiefs set over the people — from among whom, when war
occurred, was selected a leader, whose power ceased with the
war.
The early stages of all nations who have been known to ad-
vance from a state of barbarism to civilization, seem to be
much alike. Some renowned chief is made a deity, and in a
few generations, by poetical fancy, however rude, is easily
associated with religious reverence, and converted into an
object of worship. Time, instead of wearing out these delu-
sions, throws an awful sanctity around them, which reason
dares not to investigate. When it is seen that the learned and
elegant Greeks, cherished the memory of Hercules, and offer-
ed prayers to him, and that the intelligent and refined Romans
worshipped their Numa, and many others who were once mor-
tals, the Saxons may not deserve reproach for believing that
they should meet with Oden, and feast with him in his blessed
halls, when the toil of life should be accomplished.
CHAPTER IX.
Saxons in England — Heptarchy — Consolidatian — Egbert — Danish Inva-
sion — Alfred.
In the year 449, Hengest and Horsa appeared in England,
with three vessels, and 1600 followers. They were successful
in helping the Britons to drive back their northern foes ; but
these friends in that warfare soon became the enemies of those
whom they were invited to protect. During one hundred years,
next following, a succession of adventurers from the same
northern region, arrived in England. They were not all Sax-
ons, but were distinguished by names derived from the name
of the land, or districts of country from which they came.
Thus, the Angles, the Jutes, and the Frisians, are among those
who appear among the invaders of England in this time.
About the middle of the sixth century the Saxons and their as-
sociates, had conquered the whole of Britain, and had reduced
60 SAXONS ENGLAND.
the Britons to subjects, or slaves, and the Angles appear to
have given their name to the country. About the year 550,
England having been conquered, the ancient Britons no more
appear as a people. Whoever and whatever existed there,
whether Britisher Roman, were intermingled with and lost in
the Anglo-Saxon population, and customs.
The Heptarchy, or seven distinct Saxon kingdoms, are spok-
en of by all historians of England; but Sharon Turner says
they ought to have been treated of as an Octarch3% or eight
kingdoms. He says, that before 500, Hengest in Kent, and
Ella, in Sussex, made two kingdoms. In 519, Cerdic, in Wes-
sex, with Essex, and East Anglia, made three more; in 547,
Bernicia, in 500, Deira, and in 5S6, Mercia, made three more,
ei2:ht in all. Bernicia and Deira are usually considered as
one. which accounts for the Heptarchy Between 586 and 827,
all these Saxon kingdoms were consolidated into one, under
Egbert. In these 241 years an almost incessant war existed
in England, among these Saxon princes. Instead of narrating
when, where, by whom, and with what consequences the bat-
tles were fought which subjected all these kingdoms to one
chief, it will be much more instructive to consider what that
state of society was which forced upon a people of the same
origin, manners and habits, and who were connected by mar-
riages and consanguinity, a merciless and incessant warfare.
This may be accounted for by applying to them some well-
known principles.
Our Saxon ancestry were obliged to obey the impulses of
human nature in finding some employment tor their minds, and
their hands. Agriculture afforded but little employment, and
that little was mostly confined to the servile class. In that
space of time there was little or no foreign commerce, few
products of industry, whether from the mines, or from the
loom, or from the arts now familiarly known. The Saxons
had ceased to be pirates ; the}' had no literature, and though
they had Christianity among them it did not make them wiser
or more moral. Then they had nobles and princes, who were
ambitious, restless, covetous and brave. What should such a
people do, but make it the principal occupation of life to con-
quer and despoil each other 1 The passions and propensities
which, with well-instructed and moral minds, tend to elevate
and refine human nature, were, in general, perverted and mis-
applied. It must be admitted of our Saxon ancestry that they
exhibited, in these 246 years, every variety of crime that ever
appears among a craving, unrestrained, warring people. Per-
SAXONS ENGLAND. 61
fidy, cruelty, and murders of every description, besides all the
horrors of vindictive war, were of common occurrence. A
successful aspirant to a throne often found it necessary to his
own security to dispose, by force or fraud, of every human
being who could, by any means, disturb him in his tenure.
There is nothing- new or surprising in such a state of things,
nor any remedy for such miseries as were experienced, but to
obtain better knowledge of the purposes of human life, and
to find better employments. The very qualities which made
the Saxons so odious when these were misapplied or pervert-
ed, made them a people, under other circumstances, from
whom their descendants need not blush to have sprung.
Egbert's reign was one of " prosperity seldom rivalled."
In 836 he was succeeded by his son, Eihelwulf, qualified, by
ecclesiastical dispensation from monkish vows, to wear the
crown ; for which he was little qualified by nature or attain-
ments. His fourth son, Alfred, was born in 849, whose
character as a man and as a prince has illustrated the Saxon
name. From the powerful influence acquired by the Roman
church, and Ethelwulfs devotion to it, Alfred was sent, in his
fifth year, as one of an embassy to the pope. In his seventh
year, he went with his father to Rome. Splendid gifts were
borne on this occasion.
Hence it appears that the Saxon monarch had the command
of gold in abundance, and that the art of making it into gor-
geous ornaments was known to the Saxons. While the king
was absent, one of his sons conspired to dethrone him. On
his return he consented to a partition, and, in two years,
Alfred's brother, Ethel wulf, became sole monarch.
Though Alfred had been twice to Rome, he had not learned
to read, nor could he read before his twelfth year. His moth-
er, holding a book of Saxon poems in her hand, promised to
give it to that one of her sons who would learn to read it.
Alfred sought the aid of a monk, and acquired the prize.
From this time he was a diligent student, though not neglect-
ful of the manly exercises which qualified him for the mili-
tary achievements of his future life.
The Saxons and others came to Britain from the countries
which now comprise the kingdom of Denmark and a part of
Prussia, about the year 450. They continued to come for more
than a century, and may be supposed to have diminished the
population of those countries. If so, numbers had increased
to overflowing before 800. Near this time England was terri-
fied with the incursions and piracies of " the Northmen "
6
62 SAXONS ENGLAND.
who appeared along the coasts, and even ventured to ascend
rivers far into the country. Their object, in general, was
plunder, and not the conquest of territory. They answered
to the name now given to pirates, that is, " enemies of the
human race," with this great difference, that piracy was not
only an employment, but it was honorable and glorious. Their
deeds of piracy were celebrated by their scalds (or historians
in song) as deeds of glory are now celebrated in the conflict
of armies. There may not be much to choose in the morality
of the two cases ; the piratical plunderings of the Northmen
were the worst of the two in their cruelties and miseries.
These were inflicted on people of any country whom the
Northmen could approach. The only way in which one can
acquire an idea of the manner of coming, and of the conse-
quences of coming, is to suppose thousands of men, well
armed, skilled in the use of arms, brave, cruel, and educated
to think it glorious to seize, plunder, kill, lay waste and de-
stroy, to appear unexpectedly on the shores of our own coun-
try ; and to suppose them to exercise their power on all per-
sons and property before a competent force could be gathered
to resist them, and as suddenly retiring with their booty. It
was their practice to carry away as slaves those whom they
did not prefer to kill. Sometimes they came with force
enough to take and hold a territory; at least during winter,
while the seas could not be traversed with safety.
At the end of the eighth, and beginning of the ninth cen-
tury, the Northmen had appeared in England repeatedly, and
had been sometimes successful, and sometimes repelled. In
the year 839 an accident led to consequences which filled
England with the heaviest calamities, and at length subjected
a large portion of it to the dominion of the Northmen, who
appeared under the name of Danes. Ragnor Lodbrog, a cele-
brated sea-king, whose fame is preserved by the scalds, fitted
out two vessels of extraordinary size, and came to the British
coast. His vessels were wrecked ; himself and a part of his
followers gained the shore. They were met, defeated, and
Ragnor v/as taken alive by the Saxon king Ella, and thrown
into a pit which had been prepared with venomous serpents
for his reception. When the news of his capture and death
reached Norway, (from which country he came,) his two sons,
Ingwar and Ubbo, prepared themselves to avenge his fate.
They came with a numerous force, in 866, while Ethelred was
the Saxon king, a brother of Alfred. The two sons had the
gratification of taking the same Ella alive, who had destroyed
SAXONS ENGLAND. 63
their father. They divided his back and spread out his ribs,
and tortured ingenuity to augment his sufferings while life
remained.
These invaders were followed by others from the same
regions, year after year, until a force was accumulated suffi-
cient to overwhelm England, and before the end of that cen-
tury it had become the country of the Danes. It would be as
useless as painful, to recount the sufferings and miseries of
the Saxons while the Danes were subduing them, Imagina-
tion may give itself full scope without transcending realities.
In the course of these conflicts Ethelred was slain in battle,
which opened the way for Alfred to the throne, and he became
the Saxon king in 871. It would seem, from the manner of
his accession, that the right to succeed did not then depend
on the will of the deceased sovereign, nor on lineal descent,
because some of Alfred's brothers left sons. It depended on
the wall of the nobles, by whom Alfred was placed on the
throne, at the age of twenty-two.
CHAPTER X.
Alfred's Reign — Danes — State of England — Religion.
Alfred did little to resist the Danes, and still less to pro-
mote his own honor, in the first seven years of his reign. In
these years he lost the confidence of his people, and, from the
hints of some monkish chronicler, had committed some griev-
ous sins. What these really were, does not appear. From
some causes, it is certain, that Alfred, in 878, fled in the dis-
guise of a soldier, and secreted himself as an obscure individ-
ual ; was often reduced to extreme distress for daily food, and
was, for some time, sheltered in the hovel of a swine-herd,
who was ignorant that he was the Saxon king. He was
employed in the humblest services, and was sometimes rebuk-
ed by his hostess for his neglect. In the course of this year
he had taken up his abode on a small extent of firm land,
surrounded by morass, near the conflux of two small streams,
called the Perrot and the Thone, in the west of England, near
to Wales, Here he was joined by other fugitives, until a
number was gathered sufficient to enable him and his adher-
ents to venture on sudden and predatory excursions against
64 SAXONS — ENGLAND.
the Danes. In this time he had profited in the school of
adversity, and had recovered the confidence of some of his
subjects.
Before the end of 878, Alfred came forth, disclosed himself
to his countrymen, and assembled a sufficient force to enable
him to contend successfully with a division of the Danes, and
then to effect a treaty by which he secured to himself a part of
the country, and recognized their right to that which they
held. It then became the policy of Alfred to civilize and
Christianize the Danes, and to direct their attention to agri-
culture and peaceful pursuits. Some success followed these
efforts. Within the next twelve years, the powerful genius
and steady efforts of Alfred had made him capable of present-
ing a formidable resistance. He had seen the necessity of
meeting them on their own element, and had constructed
larger and better vessels than they possessed.
A sea-king, named Hastings, had made himself an object of
terror on the coast of France and England, for some years.
He came again to England in 891. Hastings devoted him-
self, for six years, to the overthrow of Alfred. His military
genius, and resources, w^hich that genius called forth, enabled
Alfred to resist Hastings successfully, and finally to drive him
away, about the year 896. This may be considered as the
period of Alfred's military renown. During the five years of
life that remained to him, he established, rather by his pacific
labors than military force, an ascendancy, and at length an
absolute dominion over all England, and was respected and
honored in Wales, though that country was not subjected to
him. It is not as a victorious warrior that Alfred is to be
esteemed and remembered, but as a sagacious statesman and
as a potentate who knew not only how to acquire power, but
how to use it for the benefit of his subjects. He died the 26th
of October, 901, at the age of fifty-two.
Alfred may be considered as one of the greatest men that
ever lived. In the term great, should be included goodness,
the having had, and the having used, wisely and successfully,
extraordinary means in advancing human welfare. Caesar is
called great, but, setting aside his mere military renown, and
considering the opportunities which he had to be useful, Alfred
was eminently his superior. Alfred stands in the like relation
to such men as Alexander, Napoleon, and many others, who
exercised great power only to illustrate themselves. In mili-
tary genius, Alfred was not the inferior of such men ; but that
which distinguishes him from most of them, is, that his great
SAXONS — ENGLAND.
^
talents, his royal authority, his whole life, were devoted to his
country ; and he seems never to have thought of himself but
as an instrument, under the will of Providence, to save his
countrymen from slavery, and to make known to them the
true sources of security and happiness.
He is regarded with respect and gratitude by all well-
informed Englishmen. Sir William Blackstone, in his Com-
mentaries on the laws of England, renders a just tribute to the
exalted genius, benevolence, and achievements of Alfred. This
commentator considers him as the founder of English liberty.
This is the liberty which our ancestors brought to our own
country, and which their descendants have formed into the
republican rights which are now enjoyed. As the most im-
portant object in writing history is to teach, by showing what
men have done, so that their good deeds may be imitated, and
their bad ones avoided, no time will have been misused that is
given to a consideration of the life and character of this illus-
trious person. But to know under what circumstances he
lived and acted, what embarrassments he encountered, and
what difficulties he surmounted, the condition of his country
and of his subjects must be considered. This involves the
inquiry, what were the objects which employed the hands and
engaged the minds of the Saxons, in their serious hours, and
^n their hours of pleasure or amusement.
S It does not appear that they had any foreign commerce ;
that is, they produced nothing which they sent abroad ; they
imported no products of other countries, unless to a very lim-
ited extent, and only some articles of luxury for the use of the
nobles. Their knowledge of agriculture was limited to the
supply of indispensable wants. They had no learning. The
arts which they cultivated were only such as to supply them
with the implements of husbandry, hunting, and war. They
had religion, which was barbarous paganism, up to the end of
the sixth century, and after that time a corrupted, superstitious
Christianity, imported from Rome. There remain to such a
people little else than continual warfare among themselves,
(fomented by the base passions of petty kings and jealous and
revengeful nobles,) hunting, gaming, and noisy festivals. All
which shows a depraved and barbarous state of society, yet
containing elements, which, under the masterly genius of
Alfred, could be fashioned into qualities, individual and nation-
al, of which their descendants may be justly proud.
As religion, in Alfred's time, had become an important and
engrossing object of attention, it must be shown whence it
a»
66 SAXONS ENGLAND.
came. There was a person at Rome, whose name was Mau-
rice. He was of noble descent, and inherited great wealth.
At about the age of thirty he devoted himself to the church,
and employed his riches in building seven monasteries. As
he was passing through the slave market, he saw some youths
there exposed for sale, whose light complexions, blue eyes,
flaxen hair, and striking comeliness, arrested his attention.
He inquired who they were and whence they came, and was
informed that they were pagans from England. He conceiv-
ed the project, on the spot, of converting the Saxons to Chris-
tianity, and intended to go himself to effect his purpose. This,
however, he was prevented from doing ; but when he was
raised to the papal throne in 590, (in which station he acquired
the name of Gregory the Great,) it was among his first ob-
jects to send Saint Austin, (or Augustin,) with several monks,
to England. These missionaries appeared first in Kent,
where Ethelred was king. It was a favorable circumstance
that his Glueen, who was a Frankish (French) princess, was
a Christian. They were kindly received ; a place of abode
and subsistence were assigned to them. They so conducted
themselves as to attract very general respect and esteem ; and
by their exemplary and gentle deportment and judicious adap-
tation of their teachings to the long-rooted prejudices of the
Saxons, their converts increased, and Christianity made a rapid
progress. In some instances the Saxon kings, their nobles,
and pagan priests assembled to hear the missionaries and to
discuss the reasonableness of the faith which they taught. In
a few years Christianity became the prevailing religion
throughout England.
Though this great change was followed by most important
consequences as well among the people as among rulers, yet
it was a corrupted, monkish form of religion, which the Sax-
ons received, and not the simple apostolic faith and practice
which preceded the corruptions of the Roman church. It
would not be worth the labor to detail the succession of events
by which the popes of Rome established their power in Eng-
land, as they did every where else, in those days, where Chris-
tianity was professed. In the course of the first hundred
years after Saint Austin's appearance, monasteries, abbeys,
churches, prelates and monks, were as common here as in all
other countries which acknowledged the papal authority.
Kings, princes, nobles, here, as in other countries, sometimes
resigned the v^orld to lead a holy life, and gave their worldly
possessions to enrich the religious establishments. Thus Ina,
a very respectable man, and a useful king, several years in
SAXONS ENGLAND. 67.
Wessex, (afterwards Alfred's) resigned his crown in 721, and
went to Rome. He there founded a Saxon school and church ;
these he had provided for, before he gave up his power, by im-
posing a tax on every family, in his dominions. But, notwith-
standing tins show of religion, there is no part of the Saxon
annals which is more disgraced by violence and crime among
the princes and nobles, than those which occurred in the
eighth century. Yet, among individuals, no doubt the effects of
Christianity (even such as it was) were beneficial among the
great mass of persons. The priests may have had some valua-
ble influence in the royal courts. Being the only persons who
could read or write, their services were often indispensable. In
the summary notice, hereafter to be made, of the progress of the
papal authority of Rome, there will be occasion to recur to
Gregory the Great, whose acts, though he died in 604, are still
felt in the world.
CHAPTER XI.
Alfred's Labors — His oivn Acquirements — His Government — Its effects on
his Subjects — The Difficulties he encountered — His Death.
Having endeavored to present a condensed view of the state
of England, when Alfred came to the throne, it is next to be
shown, what this eminent man did for the benefit of his coun-
trymen. His indefatigable exertions and success, will be re-
garded with admiration, when it is considered that he reigned
but thirty years, that eight of them were of little use to his
country, and that he was afflicted, throughout his manhood,
with some unknown, incurable, and painful disease, which Tur-
ner conjectures to have been an internal cancer. This writer
says, (vol. 1, page 331,) " At the age of twenty a disease oc-
curred of the most tormenting nature. It attacked him before
all the people suddenly with an imm.ense pain, and never left
him. Its seat was internal, invisible, but the affliction it caus-
ed was incessant. Such was the dreadful agony, that if for
one short hour it happened to intermit, the dread and horror of
its inevitable return poisoned the little interval of ease. The
skill of his Saxon physicians was unable to detect its nature
or alleviate his pain. Alfred had to endure it unrelieved."
What an individual thus affected was able to do in the course
of about twenty years, is one of the most remarkable occur
68 SAXONS ENGLAND.
rences in the history of men. In modern days, the greatest
men, who happen to sustain public relations, can command the
aid of exalted talents in all the departments of duty ; and with
such aids, even women and infants sometimes norr^ally man-
age empires. But Alfred stood alone; there was not a man in
all his realm with whom he could compare opinions, nor one
who could help him to a thought.
When he was sufficiently instructed he became a writer. Some
of his works are now extant. In one of them he says, — " Very
few were they on this side the Humber (the most improved parts
of England) who could understand their daily prayers in Eng-
ligh, (their prayers were in Latin,) or translate any letter from
the Latin. I think there were not many beyond the Humber;
they were so few that I cannot recollect one single instance on
the south of the Thames, when I took the kingdom." His
personal friend and biographer, Asser, says, — " What of all his
troubles and difficulties, he affirmed, with frequent complaint
and deep lamentations of his heart to have been the greatest,
was, that when he had the age, permission, and ability to learn,
hecould find no masters." In this distress he sought instruc-
ters, but found none who were not ecclesiastics, and whose
learning was confined to the church. His first acquisition was
Werfrith, skilled in the scriptures; then Plegmund, a wise and
venerable priest; and two others of the like order. These he
called to his court, and they were, in every leisure moment,
employed in reading translations, and in teaching their royal
pupil. The more he thus acquired, the greater was his thirst
for greater acquisition. He obtained Grimbald, a learned priest
from France ; Johannes Eregina, (called John the Irishman,)
from Ireland, an accomplished scholar, for that day ; * and
Menevensis Asser, (or Asserius,) a learned Welshman. As-
ser became the intimate friend, daily companion, and sincere
admirer of his patron, and, at last, his biographer. It is from
Asser's minute accounts, that Alfred's merits are now so well
known. From Asser it is known that, in 887, when Alfred
was 38, he had the inexpressible delight of being able to read
the Latin language, in which, only, learning was then to be had.
Alfred then became a diligent writer and translator.
What he did to instruct his subjects. In one of his letters
to one of his bishops, he says, — " I think it better, if you think
so, that we also translate some books, the most necessary for
all men to know, into our own language, that all may be
* Moore, in his history of Ireland, says, that John the priest, who was
in the service of Alfred, was not the famous Eregina.
SAXONS ENGLAND. 69^
acquainted with them ; and we may do this, with God's help,
very easy, if we have stillness ; so that all the youth that now
are in England, who are freemen, and have wealth so that they
may fill themselves, be committed to learning, so that they may
apply to no other duty, till they first well know how to read
English writing. Let them learn further the Latin language ;
they who will may further learn, and will advance to a higher
state." Elsewhere, he says, " Then began I, among much oth-
er manifold business of this kingdom, to turn into English the
book named Pastoralis, or the Herdsman's book, sometimes
word for word, sometimes sense for sense, so as I had learned
from Plegmund, my archbishop, of Asser, my bishop, of Grim-
bald, my mass priest, and of John, my mass priest." Besides
this, it is known that Alfred translated the works of Drosius,
of Bede, of Boethius, and the curious work of Gregory the
Great, called Pastorals, wherein this pope prescribes to prelates
their official duties. There was also a manual or memoran-
dum book of Alfred's, which existed in 1 143, because it is quot-
ed by William, of Malmsbury, a historian who died in that
year, and who mentions it as known to him. This is a loss,
it is said, much to be regretted ; there is not a remnant of it.
Architecture, ship-building, and workmanship in gold, were
among the special objects of Alfred's attention.
Political and social objects. He established schools, pro-
vided masters, and had his own son educated among the common
pupils, by way of example. He compelled his nobles to build
castles to protect them against the Northmen. He was inflex-
ible in exacting from all public officers a competent knowledge
to perform their duties. Earls, governors and ministers, who
had been illiterate from infancy, were required to learn to read,
and write, or to lose their employments. He was severe in the
administration of justice. There was an appeal to him in per-
son, and he patiently heard and decided trials himself, especial-
ly of the inferior classes. The anglo Saxons undoubtedly had
juries in Alfred's time, though it has been said they were not
known till 150 years afterwards. Whether they were institut-
ed by Alfred or not, is questionable. However this may be,
an ancient lawbook, called the mirror, shows that Alfred was
assiduous in protecting the rights of juries ; for it is therein
said, — "He hanged Cadwine, (ajudge,) because he condemned
Hachary without the assent of all the jurors. He hanged Tre-
berne, because he adjudged Harpin to death, when the jurors
were in doubt about their verdict.
To Alfred, England is indebted for the well know division
70 SAXONS ENGLAND.
of territory into counties. It is believed that this division does
not exist in any country but the British Isles, and in countries
settled by emigrants from them. Our English ancestry made
this division of our own country at an early period. It was
suggested to Alfred as a remedy for existing evils. England
had been broken up into small belligerent kingdoms. The in-
vasions of the Northmen, and domestic contentions, had intro-
daced disorder and confusion. It required such power and
such ability as Alfred had, to find an effectual remedy. First,
he divided his whole kingdom into convenient districts, nearly
such as ihey are at the present day. These had their name
from being put under the government of a count or earl; the
latter word means an elder or chief; the former, count, is sup-
posed to have been a term used to signify a companion of the
king, and was borrowed from the Franks. Besides the count,
there were divers other civil officers, from which these county
officers, now known, arose. Then, counties were subdivided
into hundreds of families, which distinction is still known in
England ; and hundreds were divided into tens of families, or
tithings, (tenths.) Every subject was compelled to belong to
some tithing. The inhabitants of each tithing were responsi-
ble for the conduct of every member of their division. Every
hundred was made responsible for each breach of public law ;
they were compelled to produce the offender, or to bear the
fine or compensation which the offender, if known, would be
liable for. Thus, Alfred made it necessary for each tithing to
know who came within their territories, and to guard them-
selves against the injuries which vagrants and criminals might
occasion. Every one who could not show that he belonged
to some tithing, became an outlaw, and could find no rest-
ing-place. This police became so perfect, that crimes almost
ceased. Turner says (vol. i. 327) that " Golden bracelets were
hung up in the roads, and were not stolen." Such severity may
have been indispensable in Alfred's time. In these days, com-
mercial business and the voluntary movements of individuals,
would make such restrictions on personal liberty, intolerable.
One consequence of these measures of Alfred's was highly
beneficial, and may or may not have been intended by him. The
members of each tithing were compelled occasionally to meet,
and confer on their common interests, and thus to cultivate an
acquaintance and fellowship. The chief men of the hundreds
were required to meet at stated periods, to consult on the com-
mon good ; and thence arose the still greater, though less fre-
quent meetings of the chief men of the counties. From these
SAXONS ENGLAND. 71
meetings may have sprung the national meetings now known
under the name of parliaments. Similar meetings exist in our
own country. Instead of lithings and hundreds throughout
New England, there are {owns. These were probably thought
of by the first settlers, in imitation of what are called boroughs
in England, which are certain portions of territory, within
which persons had acquired, from immemorial usage, certain
rights and privileges, and especial!}' those of governing them-
selves as a kind of corporations, and as having certain rights
of representation. If the dust of nine hundred years could be
swept off, most of these institutions could be traced, probably,
to the illustrious Alfred.
The comparatively accurate knowledge which has been
transmitted of this truly great man, authorizes the declaration,
that from the time when he emerged from obscurity, and re-as-
cended the throne, his private life and individual virtues, and
honorable example, make him no less worthy of veneration than
do his public labors. He is represented to have been the most
exact economist of time ; gentle yet firm, modest but undaunted;
pious, charitable, munificent; exemplary as a husband, and as
a father. It may be truly said that he lived for every body but
himself, but in so living he had lived best for himself, in the
resnect and gratitude of all ages which speak the lansfuage of
Altred.
The person of Alfred has not been described. His habits,
purposes, and modes of life may be inferred from the writings
of his mass priest, Asser. His whole reign, after his restora-
tion, appears to have been most assiduously devoted to improv-
ing himself, that he might be the better qualified to instruct
and improve his countrymen. Whatever his malady may
have been, it prevented neither the action of his mind or body.
He excelled in all the manly exercises of his time, and espe-
cially in athletic hunting. Though he used a kingly authority
with the independence of a king, it is no where said of him
that it was unduly used. It was with him a principle, so rare
among all whom birth or accident has raised to the dignity of
a crown, that cveri/ Saxo?i\s flioughis should he as free as the
wi/NtS. In the whole range of history his superior is not to be
found, in the qualities of an able, indefatigable, patriotic king,
adorned with all the excellences of an amiable, upright and
virtuous man. He was the founder of the British na\-}^ ; the
benefactor if not the founder of the university of Oxford. But
that which gives him a rank before all other kings, is, that he
conceived and executed the design of bringing into action the
72 SAXONS ENGLAND.
intellectual and moral capacities of his people, not only by pre-
cepts, but by unsparing efforts and exaniple. He not only dis-
closed what should be done, but how it should be done.
The difficulties which he had to contend with cannot be com-
prehended, unless one could know the difference between the
condition of human life, in his time, and at the present day.
For example, there are very few now who are at a loss to know,
by some artifical means, what the lapse of time is, or when one
hour is gone and another is begun. Alfred had no such means
of measuring time, and was compelled to invent one for him-
self. When the sun casts no shadow, and when night per-
mits no distinction, perceptible by the senses, between its first
coming, and its end, there is no natural measure of time. Al-
fred caused six wax candles to be prepared, of equal length,
(12 inches,) which required one sixth of the space, of twenty-
four hours for each one to be consumed. If one was lighted,
and when that ended another, one of them would burn 240
minutes, and each inch w^ould be consumed in 20 minutes. To
prevent the waste by the action of the wind, he provided a
guard of thin transparent horn.
It is thought that the ancients before the Christian era, had
only dials, and sand-glasses, and clepsydra, (from two Greek
words signifying I steal — and water, or the steaUng away or
dropping of water,) which last mode of measuring time Caesar
is said to have introduced into Britain ; yet this does not ap-
pear to have been known to Alfred, in the same island, nine
hundred years afterwards. [The Saracens (Arabians) are be-
lieved to be the inventors of some improved kind of chronom-
eters. Charlemagne had, in 809, a present from some chief of
this people, of a chronometer, of curious workmanship; but it
must have been some centuries after this time, before the ap-
plication of a weight to wheels to measure time, and the use of
the pendulum were known ; and the application of the spring,
as in the common watch, is less than 290 years old.]
His exhortation to his son and successor, Edward, was wor-
thy of the man, and the sovereign :
•' My son, set thou now beside me, and I will deliver thee
true instructions. I feel that my hour is coming. My counte-
nance is wan — my days are almost done — I shall go to another
world ; and thou shall be left alone in all my wealth. I pray
thee, strive to be a father and a lord to thy people. Be thou the
children's father, and the widow's friend. Comfort thou the
poor, and shelter the weak ; and with all thy might, right that
which is wrong. And, son, govern thyself by law ; then shall
SAXON CHARACTER. 73
the Lord love thee, and God, above all things, shall be thy
reward. Call thou upon him to advise thee in all thy need,
and so shall he help thee the better to compass that which
thou wouldst."
CHAPTER XII.
Social and Political Condition of the Saxons after Alfred* s Death —
Saxon Language.
In Alfred's time the Saxon people were, as they long had
been, thus classed ; the king, princes, nobles, ecclesiastics of
all grades, free men, freed men, and slaves, who were such
from birth, and who were sold or disposed of by will, like
cattle. The proportions of the different classes cannot be as-
certained. Females were not excluded from the society of the
other sex, as in the east, nor did such custom exist among any
of the northern nations. They were at liberty to move abroad,
as is customary among their descendants, and they met
their husbands, brothers, sons, and guests at the same table.
The princes, nobles, and wealthy, of both sexes, wore orna-
ments of gold, and were proud of personal decoration. All
the males, at an early age, were trained to hunting and to
arms, except those who were held to servile labor. As they
had horses, cattle, sheep, abundance of swine, which lived in
the woods, and fish, among which eels make a prominent
article, and also wheat and barley, they fared well. Drinks of
various kinds were prepared from honey ; mead was the
drink of luxury, but wine and cider are spoken of; what
kind of wine, and whence it came, does not appear, as none
was made in England. Their places of abode were rude and
inconvenient, their furniture simple and heavy. Some of their
interior apartments were adorned with hangings against the
walls, part of which were ornamented with needle-work.
Silk is said to have been in use, which is remarkable, as silk
was a rare and precious article of commerce, and came from
China, either in caravans over land, or by a tedious voyage
from India to the Red Sea, and thence through Egypt. The
origin of the culture of silk in Europe dates from the year
536, in Justinian's time. The complicated process of making
silk was much above the attainments of Europeans in Alfred's
time. It was not attempted, even in Sicily and Italy, until
7
74 SAXON CHARACTER.
about two hundred and fifty years later. The Saxons had
not glass, but used horns to drink out of, some of which were
highly ornamented.
Gold seems to have been abundant, and they had some gems,
which articles they knew how to work into vessels and orna-
ments. There could not have been much foreign commerce
while piracy was the business of the Northmen. But there was
some foreign commerce, for London is mentioned as a place
which ships frequented, in the seventh century. Several places
are mentioned in which payments, resembling modern commer-
cial duties, were exacted. Whether their gold and luxuries were
thus introduced is uncertain. Coins of various denominations
existed among them, which shows, at least, a beginning of
commerce. They had various mechanical arts. Implements
of husbandry and of hunting, and swords, spears, helmets,
and shields, were of their own manufacture. The manufac-
turer in iron was held in high esteem.
It is to be inferred, that such a people, who were not com-
pelled to labor for daily subsistence, and whose food came
mostly from the hands of slaves, must have found occupation.
War, hunting, gaming, festivals, contentions, must have essen-
tially contributed to supply this demand. At their feasts,
harpers attended, and it was common to send round the harp,
that each one might show his skill. Their songs were narra-
tive, and commendatory of heroic deeds, so far as can be
judged from the fragments which are preserved. It is dis-
cernible that here were materials for the forming a fine race
of human beings, and that the means of social and intellectual
advancement needed only to be allowed a free and natural
action. But their monkish Christianity and their slavish su-
perstition were, and long continued to be, serious obstacles.
Yet it is probable they were indebted to Christianity and to
their intercourse with Rome, for some advances from barba-
rism. Their luxuries may have been thence derived.
There was a custom among the Saxons, which, so far as is
known, was peculiar to them. They formed fraternities, clubs,
or guilds, as they were called. The members contributed to a
common fund, and that fund was used for charitable purposes
among themselves, and the families of such as deceased.
Guild Hall, in London, of the present day, may have had
such origin. England is remarkable at the present time for
such associations. In some instances they seem to have had
a connexion with religious observances, and mass priests were
connected with them. The general object appears to have
SAXON CHARACTER. 75
been a friendly union for mutual aid and contribution : and to
meet the payments which were continually required for fines,
legal exactions, burials, compensations, &c. All which tends
rather to show a state of severe political policy and of clerical
impositions ; and to show that these associations arose from
the vices of a rude society, and not from the desire to make
the most of a refined and orderly one.
It is not a reproach to the Saxons that they were an exceed-
ingly superstitious people, for this is common to all people in
all ages, in proportion to their ignorance of the laws of the
natural world. Sound knowledge and degrading superstition
are no where found together. Among an ignorant people, the
daily occurrences, whether in the ordinary action of the ele-
ments, or in the incidents affecting the person, are attributed to
the agency of some unseen and malignant influence. Super-
stitious notions arise, and are passed down, from generation to
generation, and grow venerable from their antiquity. Even
in the best informed nations of the present day, remnants of
these proofs of ignorance are still discerned. The Saxons had
lucky and unlucky days, charms, ominous dreams, fearful
apprehensions from the occurrence of thunder, and from uncom-
mon appearances of the sun and moon. They were believers in
the puwciis which pass under the name of witchcraft, (a word
of Saxon origin,) and in that of letting loose tempests ; and
also believed that if one could be made to take certain sub-
stances into the stomach, he could be made to hate and love
according to the will of the party by whom they were secretly
administered. So, also, they carried about their persons some
holy relic or some charm, which would keep off evil spirits
or resist the approach of disease. Such weaknesses and
proofs of ignorance were common among the Northmen, and
still are among ignorant Africans, and among the natives of
the American woods.
The ancient Saxon tenure was not the feudal tenure, though
bearing a strong similitude. All the lands of England, how-
ever title may have been originally derived, were subjected to
furnishing a proportion of men for the service of the king in
warfare. Even grants of land to monasteries were commonly
subject to this right to service. Sometimes this service could
be avoided by the payment of money. Lands were also sub-
jected to the burthen of repairing bridges, fortresses, and walls,
and especially to the building of castles ; and, on non-perform-
ance, were liable to forfeiture. There is an endless variety of
conditions and exemptions in grants ; and it seems as though
76 SAXON CHARACTER.
a large proportion of the English territory was held (even
before feudal days) by the king, princes, nobles, and church-
men, and that the grants proceeded from them. These
grants were of the whole right, or, in law-language, fee
simple, or freehold for life, or for term of years, with
various conditions. Their tenures, therefore, resemble those
of England as now existing, freed from feudal burthens,
as our own resemble those of England. Lands passed under
the name of hides ; one hide equal to one hundred and twenty
acres, or so much as one plough could work during a year.
There were courts of law of various descriptions, which it
would be useless to name. Out of the county meetings, in
which the affairs of the hundreds were discussed, probably
arose courts of sessions. The great power of the kingdom
resided in the national council, called Witena-gemot. This
was composed of the nobles, high prelates, and great land-
holders. Anciently, the Saxons elected their kings only dur-
ing a war. But it appears, that, in the eighth century, and
perhaps earlier, the royal authority continued after the war
had ended, and until the king's death. The successor (the
cyning, king) was chosen by the Witena-gemot. Edgar was
chosen by the " priests and elders," w^ho were this national
council ; they are also spoken ot as " the chiefs uf the Eng-
lish." This council is now seen in the Parliament of Eng-
land. The riches and prerogatives of the Saxon monarch
were very great. They were composed of the acquisition of
eight (not seven) distinct monarchies, for Alfred succeeded to
the rights and emoluments which belonged to all the Saxon
kingdoms, w^hich included all England except so much as he
permitted the Danes to hold in Northumbria and East Anglia.
Alfred had lands all over the kingdom as his own property,
and many royal residences ; and, among others, Windeshore,
which is now Windsor, and rather the king's home than his
palace in London. The king's revenues were from these
lands and various other sources. His military power was
rather the authority to exact service of a militia, than the
command of a standing army.
It would extend these notices of the Saxons beyond pre-
scribed limits, if their penal code were detailed. There may
be seen in it, that it was derived from the Northmen, whose
custom it was, in common with the ancient Germans, to pun-
ish murder and all inferior crimes by imposing a fine (in
money) on the offender, which went, in the case of murder, to
his family connexions or some one of the number ; and also a
SAXON CHARACTER.
•r?
fine to the king, or some chief, as the case might be. Besides
this, there were offences which were punishable with death,
and sometimes by cutting off the hand. Certain kinds of theft
were so punished. It is curious that the law of England at
this day, that no one shall lose his life for stealing only twelve
pence, was the law in Alfred's time. There were certain
offences against domestic rights, which the Saxons, like the
ancient Germans, punished with the utmost severity, but which
are now only ecclesiastical or civil offences ; and which, in
some countries, where German rules once prevailed, have long
ceased to be an offence against any law.
The ordeal was brought by the Saxons from the north. It
has been supposed by some to be an absurdity which arose
from the corruptions of the church ; but it undoubtedly was a
Gothic practice, and was easily incorporated among the cere-
monies of the ecclesiastics. One test of the guilt or innocence
of the accused, was to plunge his naked hand and arm into a
vessel containing boiling hot water, with a stone at the bottom
of it. He was then to snatch the stone out, and carry it nine
feet and drop it. His hand and arm were immediately bound
up and kept so for three days. At the end of that time they
were examined, and the priests could tell, from their appear-
ance, whether they showed the marks of innocence or guilt.
Another form was to carry a red-hot iron nine feet, in the
naked hand, and the same measures were taken to ascertain
the truth as in the case of hot water. Another form was for
the accused to walk, with a bandage over his eyes, with naked
feet, among red hot ploughshares. The theory was, that God
would work a miracle in every case, to prove the innocence of
one who so appealed to him. If the miracle was not wrought,
the offender was subjected to punishment, as in case of con-
viction on any other form of trial. It is obvious that this
absurd mode of trial threw an extraordinary power into the
hands of the priests, by whom it was always conducted with
solemn religious ceremonies.
These ordeals, or judgments of God, have prevailed in
many countries and nations, and were, perhaps, brought from
the east. It is said they do exist, or have existed in Hindos-
tan. They have had a variety of forms, and when they were
borrowed by the ecclesiastics, they assumed new forms.
Among others, the touching of relics and placing the sacred
bread between the lips. From the same source came the
easting of witches into water, and the requiring of a suspected
person to touch the body of one who had been murdered.
7*
78 SAXON LANGUAGE.
Also, the very common, and even modern practice, of deter-
mining the truth or falsehood of accusation, and even the right
of property, by battle. Of the same family is the modern
duel, though in this last case the appeal to God is not supposed
to be an element, the parties depending entirely on their skill,
pistols, and steadiness of nerves ; and the attendants are chang-
ed from priests into surgeons.
As the Saxon language (which is really the English lan-
guage of the present day, modified, as all living languages
are, by the lapse of time) was as perfect, probably, in Alfred's
time as at any subsequent one, it will be convenient to notice
it here. Before that time it was a spokeri language, and the
language of poetry as used by the harpers, but rarely a ivrit-
ten language. The Latin was the written language, and that
was mostly unknown except among the churchmen. It was
Alfred who caused the Saxon language to be a written one.
It is foreign to the present purpose to state the opinions which
learned men have entertained on the origin of languages.
Were all the languages that have been and now are spoken
on the earth, derived from some original primitive language?
Are these languages in their own nature so radically distinct,
that they could not have been so derived ? Were all lan-
guages the gift of the Deity, or from his inspiration ? Are they
of human invention, and carried on in the lapse of ages from
some original sounds or elements, to the present perfection ?
These are questions on which learned men of different ages
and countries have exercised all their ingenuity.
Turner has attempted (towards the close of his second vol-
ume) to apply the theory of Tooke on the formation of lan-
guage (Diversions of Perley) to the Saxon. Mr. Tooke's
theory is, that there are only two original parts of speech, the
noun and the verb, and that the other parts are abbreviations of
these two. The nouns rank first, as they are the objects of
the senses, in the origin ; and then the verb, as this implies
acting or being acted upon, by nouns ; and thus these two are
the primitive stock of language. The verb is formed by
adding to the noun a word which signifies acting. Thus, in
the Saxon, ian or an is the verb, which is added to any noun,
as the Saxon word borg means a loan ; borg-ian means to
lend. Car was the Saxon word for care ; full, a word signi-
fying some quantity : the addition of 7iysse (a common Saxon
termination) makes a new class of nouns, as car-ful-nysse.
Ac, signifies oak, corn, the well-known plant, ac-corn, or acorn
is the corn of the oak. It is said (by Turner) that all the
SAXON LANGUAGE. 79
adjectives are formed from the participles of verbs, or from
some qualifying addition to nouns. Er or ar, implies priori-
ty, whence the comparative degree, and est, implies munificence
or abundance, and, being added to an original noun, formed the
Saxon superlative. These few remarks may serve to show
how the Saxon language is supposed to have been constructed;
but as to the wonderful difference between the original efforts,
and the perfect language, the difficulty of the process is not re-
moved. Some of the languages of the American Indians are
found to be as copious, as flexible, and expressive, for all the
ideas which such a people can have, as any of those which are
spoken in Europe.
To show the similarity between the Anglo-Saxon, and the
English, as now spoken, the following is the Lord's prayer in
both languages, as stated by Turner.
Urin Fader thic arth in heofnes
Our Father which art in heaven ;
Sic gehalgad Ihin noma,
Be hallowed ihine name,
To cymeth thin rye ;
To come thine kingdom ;
Sic thin willa sue is in heofnas and in eortho ;
Be thine -vvilJ so as in heaven, and in earth;
Urin hlef ofirwistlie sel us to daig ;
Our loaf, super excellent, give us to day ;
And Ibrgefe us scylda urna, sue we forgefan ;
Scyldum urum;
And forgive us debts ours, as we forgive debts of ours ;
And no inlead usig in custnung,
And not lead us into temptation,
Ah gefrig usich frun ifle
But free us from evil.
The Saxon, like all other living languages, was found, even
in Alfred's time, (by comparing him with the historian Bede,) to
have undergone, in a century and a half, great changes. One
tenth of the words, at least, had become obsolete. Besides such
changes, the Danes and the Normans introduced some words ;
churchmen and scholars have introduced many more from the
Latin. Science has depended almost entirely on the Greek
for the words which it has called into use; but still the basis is
Saxon.
This will appear the more obviously, from the following
lines; (all of those which are in italics are of Saxon origin;
the others from the other sources, principally Latin;) the lines
80
SAXON LANGUAGE.
are from Cowley, who lived in the time of Cromwell, and
died in 1667.
Mark that swift arrow I how it cuts the air ;
Hoio it outruns the following eye I
Use all persuasions nov:^ and try
If thou canst call ii back, or stay it there.
That loay it loeiit ; but thou shall find,
No track it left behind.
Fool! 'tis thy life, and the fond archer thou.
Of all the time thou'st shot aioay,
111 bid thee fetch but yesterday,
And it shall be too hard a task to do.
There are 76 words in these lines — 69 of them are Saxon,
and the remaining 7 are from other sources, mostly from the
Latin.
NAMES OF THE WEEK.
Sunda)^ — o"" Sunnan dseg — is the sun's day.
Monday — or Monan daeg — is the moon's say.
Tuesday — or Tiwes dseg — is Tiw's day.
Wednesday — or Wodnes dseg — is Woden's ^ay.
Thursday — or Thunre's daeg — is Thunre's day.
Friday — or Frige daeg — is Friga's day.
Saturday— or Seterne's daeg — is Seterne's day.
These names are of northern origin, brought by the first
Saxons, and have reference to the pagan Deities, who were
their objects of worship. Woden, of the Saxons, and Odin, of
the Danes, is probably the same, and is thought to be (as among
Greeks) a deified mortal. [Turner's Saxon History,]
CHAPTER XHI.
Succession of Kings from Alfred to William the Conqueror — St. Dunstan —
Danish Kings — Battle of Hastings — William, in 1066.
From the Great Alfred's death, in 901, to the time of the
conquest of England, by William of Normandy, in 1066, is
155 years. At the end of these years no more is heard of
the Anglo Saxons as a distinct people. In this space of time
there were fourteen kings ; three of them were Danes, as that
people obtained the mastery for about 38 years. From 1066
the political affairs of England became involved with those of
the kingdoms on the continent, and especially with that of
SUCCESSION OF KINGS EDWARD. 81
France, and have ever since continued so to be, in some re-
spects. If there be taken out of these 155 years, the history
of battles, and of crimes perpetrated in connection with efforts
to obtain, or to hold, the kingly authority, there remain but few
instructive events. We shall pass lightly over the battles, and
notice crimes but in few cases. Those events which tended to
change the character of society permanently, for better or worse,
deserve attention ; for these only affect the present condition of
the world.
KINGS OF ENGLAND FROM 901 TO 1066.
Anglo Saxon.
901 to 925. Edward the Elder, son of Alfred.
925 to 940. Athelstan, natural son of Edward.
940 to 946. Edmund the Elder, brother of Athelstan.
946 to 955. Edred, third son of Edward.
955 to 959. Edwin, or Edwy, son of Edmund.
959 to 975. Edgar, brother of Edwin.
975 to 978. Edward the martyr, son of Edgar.
978 to 1016. Ethelred the unready, brother of Edward.
1016 to 1017. Edmund, ironside, natural son of Ethelred.
Danish Kings.
1017 to 1035. Canute the Great.
1035 to 1040. Harold, second son of Canute.
1040 to 1042. Hardicnute, third son of Canute.
Anglo Saxon.
1042 to 1065. Edward the confessor, son of Ethelred.
1065 to 1066. Harold, son of Godwin.
1066. William of Normandy, the conqueror.
Edward the Elder, 901 — 925, spent most ofhis years in war-
fare with the Danes, who held a part of England during Alfred's
time, and who attempted to free themselves from the limits in
which they had been held, and to conquer the Saxons. Edward
resisted them successfully, and strengthened the Saxon domin-
ion. No events worth narrating occurred in his time. He was
twice married. He had an illegitimate son, Athelstan, whose
mother was a shepherd's daughter. Edward had nine daugh-
ters, who were distinguished for beauty. Five of them married
reigning potentates on the continent. He had four sons be-
82
ATHELSTAN EDWIN.
sides Athelstan. He died a natural death, and is considered to
have been a respectable king, and worthy of his father.
Athelstan, 925 — 940, acquired celebrity as a warrior, and
was the first of the Saxon kings who reigned over all England.
He was childless himself, but he had his sisters to bestow in
marriage, and through this circumstance, and the fame which
he acquired in subduing his enemies, whether Danes, Scots, or
Welsh, he was highly respected on the continent, as well as
within his own dominions. It is a remarkable circumstance,
that several young persons resided at Athelstan's court, by invi-
tation, or from having sought refuge there in political storms;
and, among others, three who afterwards became reigning po-
tentates on the continent, Alan, of Bretagne, Louis, of France,
and Haco, of Norway. The character which Turner gives
of him (vol. i. p. 364) is such as few monarchs acquire or de-
serve. " It is not at all surprising that he was a favorite, both
among his own people and in Europe. He was certainly a
great and illustrious character, and amiable as great. To the
clergy, attentive — to his people, affable and pleasant — with the
great, dignified — with others, condescending and decently fa-
miliar. His people loved him for his bravery and humility;
but his enemies felt his wrath." Turner attempts no pallia-
tion of the crime of Athelstan in sending his brother Edward
to sea in a shattered boat, without oars, with the design, and
with the effect, of having him drowned. The reign of Ed-
mund the Elder, 940 — 946, affords nothing worth notice. He
was assassinated at a festival ; precisely how, is not known.
The reign of Edred, 946 — 955, needs not a single remark.
In the reign of Edwin, 955 — 959, some extraordinary events
occurred. To introduce these, it is necessary to mention, that,
as far back as 480, Benedict, an Italian, was born. This per-
son saw fit to reside several years in a deep cavern, alone. His
food was let down to him by a friend, who, for a long time, was
the only person that knew his place of residence. In that age
it is not wonderful, that this man's singularities, as they were
connected with piety, excited curiosity, then veneration, and at
length gave him great celebrity ; and a powerful influence over
the Christian world. He was the founder of the order of
Benedictine monks, still known in Europe. Before the year
1462, there had been 18 popes, 200 cardinals, 1600 archbish-
ops, 4000 bishops, 15,700 abbots, 15,600 saints, all of whom
were Benedictines. This order had spread over Europe, and
its influence was felt in the west in the tenth century. In the
reign of Edwin, Benedictine monks had found their way into
SAINT DUNSTAN. 83
England. Here lived the celebrated Dunstan, who became
one of these monks, and who obtained such supremacy, as an
ecclesiastic, as to make kings, nobles, prelates, and the whole
kingdom submissive to his will. He effected a complete revo-
lution in church affiiirs, and made such impression on society
that it was felt through many centuries.
Saint Dunstan was one of those men who present the diffi-
cult problem, whether they are sincere in motives and measures,
or profound hypocrites; or whether they are sincere and hon-
est in motives, but who consider all means, however criminal,
proper, if adapted to accomplish their objects. This problem
is not confined to St. Dunstan, nor to any age, or country;
nor to religion ; it is equally a problem in politics, and occurs
in our own country, and in our own times ; and, in short,
wherever there is human society. He, only, who can read the
human heart can know motives. To human seeming no
small portion of what is done in the world may be referred to
one or the other of the above suppositions, or to a compound
of both. If any one will open his eyes upon what is passing,
he will have frequent occasion to ask,' Is this man doing wrong,
knowing it to be wrong, and because he thinks he can promote
his own purposes in so doing? or, does bethink himself right
and honest as to his objects, and that the means, whatever they
may be, are right, if those objects can be thereby accomplished?
It is not among the eminent only, in whatsoever department,
that these questions arise, but among all who have not learned,
that the true end of living is best attained by the pursuit of jus-
tifiable ends, by righteous means.
Dunstan was born at Glastenbury, in the southwest of Eng-
land, in 925. He was a person of extraordinary intellect, and
availed himself of the means of instruction. He acquired all
that was then known in mathematical science; he excelled in
music, in writing, painting, engraving, and in working gold,
silver, copper, and iron. ■ In early manhood he presented him-
self at the king's (Edred's) court. His accomplishments caused
him to be accused of demoniacal arts. He was expelled. He
then became a Benedictine monk. In the legends of that or-
der, he is as celebrated for supernatural and miraculous agen-
cies, as King Arthur was, in the poetical fictions of the bards,
for heroic achievements. Am.ong these legends was one on St.
Dunstan and the Devil, which is sometimes alluded to even in
these days.
The qualities of Dunstan were audacity, impetuosity, ambi-
tion. Like Benedict he prepared an abode in the side of a hill,
84 EDGAR.
five feet deep, two and an half wide, and high enough to stand
up in, closed by a door, an aperture in which let in light and
air. Here he exercised himself in piety and in working on
metals. The neighborhood were alarmed one night by terrific
howlings which proceeded from this abode. In the morning
multitudes appeared there to inquire the cause. Dunstan ex-
plained the matter to their entire satisfaction, by assuring them
that the Devil had made him a visit, and had thrust his head
through the opening in ihe door, whereupon Dunstan seized
him with his tongs, by the nose, and there held him, and that
the noises which they heard were the roarings of the Devil.
If this legend is to be credited, it serves as an illustration of
the character of Dunstan, and is unworthy of notice for any
other purpose.
The celebrity of Dunstan again introduced him to court in
Edred's time; and he was there in Edwin's time, and rose to
the highest honors of the church. At this time, Odo, the son
of a ferocious Northman, who was among the invaders of Eng-
land, was archbishop of Canterbury. Edwin was but 16, when
he was crowned. At the festival, on that occasion, Odo and
Dunstan were present. Edwin retired from the feast, and
went to the apartment in which were Elgiva, his wife, and her
mother. The company being displeased by his absence,
Dunstan, accompanied by the bishop, thrust himself into the
apartnjent, forcibly replaced the king's crown on his head, and
brought him back to the table. The king resented this indig-
nity, deprived Dunstan of his honors, and he fled to the conti-
nent. But Odo espoused his cause, and divorced Edwin from
Elgiva on the ground of kindred, and attempted to destroy her
beauty by branding her face with hot irons, then banished her
to Ireland. She returned : then these conscientious prelates
severed the muscles of her lower limbs, to make her incapable
of motion. These barbarous acts occasioned her death. The at-
tempts of Edwin to exercise his authority against his prelates
raised a rebellion under their guidance, and the unfortunate
monarch died, broken-hearted, before he had attained to man-
hood. Such occurrences show what the state of society was,
and what a tremendous power had already grown up under the
shadow of perverted religion.
Edgar, 955 — 975, the brother of Edwin, was but sixteen
when he came to the throne. Dunstan returned, and became
the real monarch of England. He expelled the clergy from
their offices and abodes, and substituted Benedictines through-
out the realm. In this way he secured partisans in all high
EDWARD THE MARTYR. 85
places in the church. The accounts which are given of his
pretended visions, of angelic missions to him from heaven,
and of his own pretended visits to heaven while in a seeming
trance, show the audacious aspiring of the priest. No charity-
will admit him to have been self-deceived. But he had not yet
attained to be primate of England. This required a still fur-
ther exercise of his ingenuity.
The reign of Edgar is commended because it was, fortunate-
ly, pacific compared with others. He was successful in such
wars as did occur, and also in suppressing, in some degree,
clerical ambition. But in the exercise of his power he was
strongly contrasted with Alfred. He lived for himself, pom-
pously and magnificently; yet performed kingly duties well, in
some respects. He is said to have enforced the laws, to have
suppressed robberies, and to have inspected his kingdom per-
sonally, in periodical circuits. As an instance of his vanity,
he went to Chester, to which place he had ordered certain petty-
tributary kings, of Wales, and of the north, to come, to the
number of eight; and he ordered these potentates to row him
in a barge on the Dee, while he sat at the helm. Alfred would
have blushed for such a descendant. Some odious aggressions
on private rights, of the most sacred character, stain the mem-
ory of this vain prince. He did not long disgrace his station :
his career was closed at the age of thirty-two.
Some question arose on the succession, between Edward the
Martyr and Ethelred. St. Dunstan assumed to end the contest
by crowning Edward. The contention seems to have been
between parties, who might be called clerical and anti-cler-
ical : or rather between those who favored the ancient cler-
gy, and those who favored Dunstan, as the Chief of the Ben-
edictines. He again resorted to miracles and to crimes. His
opponents were the nobles, better known in after times as the
barons. He assembled (Turner says, vol. 1. p. 405.) a council
of nobles at Calne in 975. It was so managed that the young
king was absent. While the senators of England were debat-
ing, and reproaching Dunstan, he made a short reply — closing
with the words, — "I confess that I am unwilling to be over-
come. I commit the cause of the church to the decision of
Christ." When these words were uttered, the supporters of
the flooring gave way, and all present, but Dunstan, fell amidst
the ruins to the earth below. His seat remained unmoved.
Many were killed, and more grievously wounded.
There was but one person in England who was able to cope
with Dunstan. This was Elfrida, own mother of Ethelred, and
8
86 ETHELRED — EDMUND IRONSIDE.
mother-in-law of the king. The efforts of this princess, to coun-
teract the measures of Dunstan, are a series of abominable
crimes, not worth a detail. The most conspicuous of them was
that by which she removed Edward, and enthroned her son.
While hunting in Dorsetshire, near Wareham, Edward was
separated from his companions, and came in view of Corfe
Castle, where Elfrida and her son resided. He rode up to the
entrance, and the Lady and her son came out to him. She of-
fered him some refreshment in a goblet, and while he was
drinking, an assassin plunged a dagger into his back, and in-
flicted a mortal wound. He fled, fell from his horse, was drag-
ged hanging by the stirrup, and found dead. This incident
has given him the dignified name of the martyr, for which he
was, probably, indebted to Dunstan,
Ethelred, 978 — 1016, had a long and disgraceful reign. He
acquired the surname oithe unready, as he was never prepared
to meet his adversaries, who again appeared in the Northmen.
One of his odious measures towards his enemies was, to order
secretly a massacre of all the Danes in England. This por-
tion of his subjects was intermingled with the Saxons ; friend-
ships, marriages, and various associations, had united the two
races. This cruel and useless perfidy, on his part, excited the
vengeance of the Northmen. They came with powerful forces.
Instead of contending with them in arms, he impoverished his
subjects by raising money to buy peace. He was at last com-
pelled to resist. But the want of confidence in him, the in-
stances of perfidy in those he employed, his incapacity to govern,
and his obstinacy in attempting to govern, reduced the realm to
a miserable condition. The only hope of saving it from
subjection was, that the power might devolve upon another
ruler. Ethelred died in 1016, but too late to save the kingdom.
Edmund, surnamed Ironside, 1016 — 1017, an illegitimate
son of the last king, was worthy of a better fate than befel him.
He struggled manfully against the Danes, about a year, and
fought some battles which do him credit as a king and a sol-
dier. To his honor, as a man, he mourned over the destruc-
tion of his subjects in these ruinous conflicts, and came to the
resolution of challenging Canute, the Danish chief, to settle
their pretensions by a single combat. This led to a pacification,
and England was divided between them. Canute was to reign
in the north, Edmund in the south. In the same year Ed-
mund was murdered, in what manner is uncertain, but the
northern sagas (historical poems) ascribe the murder to one
Edric, (an infamous traitor, who was alternately on either
CANUTE HAROLD. 87
side,) and intimate, that the act was done at the suggestion of
Canute. In this time arose a remarkable person called God-
win, a Saxon peasant, who sided with the Danes, and whose
son became a king, to which elevation Godwin had aspired
himself.
Canute, the Dane, 1017 — 1035, was called the brave: though
his fame is stained with some odious crimes, he was, for a
Northman of that age, entitled to be remembered with respect.
It was consistent with the common policy of the times, by fraud
or force, to remove all Saxon competitors to the throne. He
soon obtained dominion over all England. The infamous Ed-
lie was slain in Canute's presence. Canute reproached Edric
with his crime in murdering his own king, Edmund, because
he was, by treaty, Canute's friend and brother! An historian
says, — " The villain who perpetrated the act, was confounded
by the hypocrite who countenanced it." Canute married Em-
ma, (or Elgiva,) Ethelred's widow. He had the reputation of
reigning over six kingdoms ; three of them in the north. There
were traits of a great mind, in this person, who became wiser
nnrl hptter as he grew older. It is remarkable that such a man
should be mentioned with praise for his Christian piety. This
is the monarch who is said to have placed himself on the sea
shore, in a chair, in the presence of his nobles, to command the
rising tide to retire. Some historians mention that fact, as an
instance of the vanity and folly of a mortal who happened to
hold a high earthly dignity. But Turner gives it a different
version. He says, when the tide had risen to the monarch's
knees, regardless of his command to retire, Canute exclaimed,
" Let every dweller on the earth confess, that the power of
kings is frivolous and vain! He only is the Great Supreme —
let him only be honored with the name of majesty, whose nod,
whose everlasting laws, the heavens, the earth and sea, with all
their hosts, obey." Canute was the master of great riches,
and showed his liberality in dispensing them in a sort of proud
pilgrimage to Rome. He was, undoubtedly, a very respecta-
ble person among the order of men called kings, and is a rare
instance of one's growing wiser and better, both as a man and
as a king, in singular prosperity.
Harold the first, 1035 — 1042, surnamed Harefoot, second
son of Canute, had a short reign, stained with some disgraceful
deeds. He was succeeded by the third son of Canute, called
Hardicnute, who reigned two years, and died at a nuptial feast.
He was standing in a gay company, and drank copiously, fell
senseless, and soon died. With him ended the Danish reign,
in 1042.
88 HAROLD WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR.
The crown came again to a Saxon prince, who is historically
known as Edward the Confessor, surviving son of Ethelred.
This person is represented to have been very weak, and to
have been incessantly harassed by the aspiring Godwin, who
was rash, ambitious, and powerful. Godwin had great address
and talents, and may have entertained, very justly, the opinion,
that he should make a much better king than Edward, who is
said to have spent his days in praying and hunting. He
reigned from 1042 to 1066.
The glory of Saxon fame had long since been lost ; the
national name was also soon to be lost. Edward leaving no
child, there were two aspirants to the throne, with no other
rights than which of the two had the longest sword. Rollo,
a descendant from northern kings, had established himself, in
911, by force, in that part of France called Normandy. The
fourth duke of Normandy from Rollo, was Robert, father of
William the Conqueror. The other aspirant was Harold, the
son of Godwin. On the very evening of Edward's funeral,
Harold took the crown. Both William and Harold insisted
that the right was acquired by the voluntary gift of Edward,
a title not likely to be much respected by either, both pre-
pared to settle their right by that which settles all right when
it must be resorted to — which is the strongest. William had
strengthened himself by aids from the vicinity of Normandy,
and had called to his assistance some of the kings of the north.
Harold had assembled all the strength of England, as his was
a contest in which Anglo- Danes and Saxons could unite.
William and Harold met on the sea-coast of England, near
a place called Hastings, sixty miles south-east from London.
The battle of Hastings settled the fate of England, and turned
the tide of its affairs into a new and unexpected channel.
The battle was fought on the 14th of October, 1066, with a
bravery and skill proportioned to the prize on that day to be
won or lost forever. The numbers engaged in this battle are
differently stated by different historians. If, as seems to be
generally admitted, fifteen thousand Normans were slain, the
Norman army must have been more than double that number.
The united Saxons and Danes, as they had not the sea to cross,
but were gathered on their own territories, were probably
greater. William was often in imminent peril, having had
three horses killed under him. The fate of the day was long
doubtful, sometimes inclining to one side and then to the other.
When it seemed most favorable to the English, and when the
Normans were nearest to giving way in despair, William dis-
WILLIAM. 89
posed of the most powerful body he could command, so as
to take advantage of his intended movement, and then rushed
on furiously with the residue, as though for a last and deter-
mined assault. But, as he intended, his troops soon gave way,
and appeared to be retreating in confusion. The English then
quitted their strong ground and came on to reap the fruits of
victory. They were assailed, in their disordered ranks, by
the reserve of William, and became an easy conquest. Har-
old and his two brothers, with nearly all the young and gal-
lant nobles of the realm, fell in this battle. England beheld a
new race,"a new language, new laws, and new manners — new
and foreign customs, and grievous oppressions. To the manly
and elevated feelings and habits of rational liberty Avhich
Alfred had implanted, succeeded the force and brutality of the
feudal system, which William brought with him, and tyranni-
cally enforced. But the benefits and the glories of Saxon lib-
erty, though overwhelmed and lost for centuries, were not lost
forever. The day was to come when the effects of the Nor-
man conquest were to be rooted out and give place to the
institutions of Alfred, and again to make his memory precious,
to all who pride themselves in Saxon descent.
CHAPTER XIV.
The Reign of William — Introduction of the Feudal System—Doomsday
Book — Game Laus — William Rufus — Henry^ I. — Stephen — Henry II. —
Thomas a Becket — Events in Henry's Reign — His Death — State of
Society,
The contest between Harold the Saxon, and William the
Norman, at Hastings, on the 14th of October, 1066, settled
who should win the battle, and wear the English crown. If
this had been all that the contest settled, it would have been
like a thousand other battles, of little importance except to the
parties concerned therein. The result was not only victory
to William, and the throne of England to him and his heirs,
but the destiny of the Saxon people was thereby essentially
and most unfavorably changed. The consequences of that
victory are felt to this day, in England, and in every land
which has been, or still is, a colony of England. The desti-
nies of France were, also, unfavorably changed. The foun-
dation Avas laid, by this event, for the long, bloody, and ruinr
8*
90 WILLIAM.
ous wars which have been carried on between that country
and England. It may not be assuming too much to say, that
William's victory arrested the progress of civilization and
refinement in England, and brought back and prolonged igno-
rance and barbarism there, for centuries. It may, perhaps, be
justly said, that this victory was a calamity not only to Eng-
land, but to Europe,
Under the influence of the great Alfred's labors and exam-
ple, the Saxons of England were the best informed, the most
cultivated, and the most refined people of Europe. They had
acquired far better knowledge, than any other people, of the
principles of political justice and of the best means of pro-
moting social welfare. If the power of the Roman Church
was not to overshadow the understandings of the Saxons, they
had received an impulse from Alfred, which would have led
to the most beneficial attainments. Probably they would have
been wise enough to have resisted that pov/er. The conquest
of William deprived them of all they had attained, even of
their own language. He ordered that the only language of
his court should be his own barbarous Norman French ; that
the acts of the government and the administration of justice
should be in this language, and that none other should be
taught in the schools. Within five years, all public offices in
the state, in the church, and in the army, were filled by Nor-
mans ; and so oppressive and tyrannical were all the measures
of these new rulers, that, after some feeble attempts at resist-
ance, all who could leave England preferred exile to the new
dominion.
Hitherto, the Saxons had been strangers to the burthens and
oppressions of the feudal system. It now came on them with
all its rigor. The tenure of all the landed property in the
kingdom was entirely changed ; the territory was divided into
baronies, and assigned to the great barons or lords, who ac-
knowledged themselves to hold of William, as the supreme
lord over all, and as the owner of all the land in the kingdom,
subject to the uses of these barons and their tenants, according
to prescribed rules. Having elsewhere described the origin,
the nature, and the consequences of the feudal system, we
shall only add here, that William so firmly established it in
England, that, to this day, every estate owned there, still re-
tains the most obvious proofs of having been transmitted
through that system.
One of the most oppressive and odious acts of William,
was the forcible turning out from their lands and tenements
WILLIAM.
all the people who dwelt in a space of thirty miles around in
the south of England, near Winchester, for tlie mere purpose
of planting a forest for his own pleasure in hunting. He de-
molished not less than twenty-two churches, to accomplish his
object. This outrage is consistent with the well-known
character of this Norman race. They had but three princi-
pal occupations from choice, war, hunting, and boisterous
festivity. To William, the English nation of the present day
may look back for the origin, the rigor, and the vexation of
their game laws.
Though almost every thing in England, civil and social,
bears some stamp of the Norman conquest, there is one pecu-
liar monument of William in the volumes called Domes-da}^
or Dooms-day book. There are different opinions on the
meaning of the name which this book bears. But, whatever
this meaning may have been, originally, the book itself con-
tains what would be called a valuation, in modern language,
or an exact enumeration and record of all the property, real
and personal, throughout the kingdom, and to whom belong-
ing. This book served William for various purposes, and,
among others, to aid him in whatever exactions he saw fit to
make. The original book has survived all the commotions
and revolutions which have befallen England, and is now
safely kept at the charter-house in W^estminster, and is acces-
sible as a book of authority, or may be there seen as an object
of curiosity. It has been often reprinted.
It is not to be supposed that our Saxon ancestors endured
these tyrannical acts without murmuring or resistance. But
the despotism of William was too firmly established to be
shaken, though well-concerted attempts were frequently made
to free the country from the Norman 3^oke. William was
sensible that he ought to guard himself against the spirit of
hostility and hatred which he must have excited. He relied
for security on fear and terror only. Whenever the occasion
called for it, his punishments were terrible. In the northern
part of the kingdom, where aid might be expected from the
Scotch, the will to resist had most frequently manifested itself.
William appeared there with a formidable force, put one hun-
dred thousand inhabitants to the sword, and laid the whole
country utterly desolate, from York to Durham. No property,
nor any person of any age, or of either sex, was spared. He
established a Avatchful and energetic police throughout his
kingdom. At eight o'clock a bell was rung. This was a
signal that every fire should be covered, every person retire to
92
WILLIAM RUFUS.
bed, and every light be extinguished. This bell acquired the
name of curfeu, because, in William's Norman language,
couvre is the word to cover, and feu the word for fire.*
William died near Rouen, in France, in his sixty-third
year, in consequence of some accident in riding, (1087.) It
is not unacceptable to find it recorded of him, that he had
some contrition at the close of his life for his oppressions and
tyrannies. But he manifested his contrition no otherwise
than in donations to enrich the priests, and aggrandize the
church, and so buy his peace with Heaven.
William was a very able man for the day in which he
appeared, whether as a civil ruler or military chief; no doubt
the most capable and the most successful monarch of that age.
But he was a mere barbarian, and no history records of him a
single act of public spirit, humanity, or magnanimity. So far
as can be discerned, in looking back through the obscurity of
ages, it was a grievous and unmitigated misfortune to the
Saxon race, to England, and to the civilized world, that Wil-
liam the Conqueror had not been conquered and slain himself,
instead of Harold, at the battle of Hastings.
William left his Norman possessions in France to his old-
est son, Robert, and his kingdom of England to his son Wil-
liam Rufus, who was crowned in 1087, and is called, historic-
ally, William H.
By the Norman conquest, England was assimilated to the
continental nations of France and Germany, in the forms of
government, in policy, in religious duties and papal dominion.
England had also become so connected with the public meas-
ures of France, that few movements, in that country, were
without some influence, good or evil, and generally the latter,
on its dwn internal relations. As William divided his domin-
ions among his sons, contentions soon arose among them, and
wars followed, in vv'hich the monarch of England, for the
time, might feel deep interest, while the people of England,
certainly the Saxon portion, could have nothing to gain, though
often visited by severe sufferings from these wars. The char-
acter of that age, from the timie of William's death in 1087,
for a century next following, would lead us to expect nothing,
in historical details, but the exercise of tyrannical powder on
the part of kings, resistance, and sometimes rebellion, among
powerful lords ; the continual encroachment of the Roman
* The word curfew is used to denote this signal-bell in Gray's well-
known Elegy on a church-yard.
HENRY I. STEPHEN. 93
church ; the humiliation and oppression of the great mass of
the people. The course of events in England, for a series of
years, presents nothing that is instructive in principle, nor any
thing in the particular character or conduct of kings or rulers,
which is worth noticing in this general view.
William Rufus having been accidentally slain by an arrow
from the bow of one of his companions while hunting, his
brother Henry (called beau-clerc) hastened to London and
caused himself to be proclaimed king, in 1100. As his elder
brother, Robert, in Normandy, had the better right, William
Rufus not having left any child, Henry attempted to conciliate
his subjects by some relaxation in severity. He abolished the
curfeu, among other things. Henry reigned till 1135, and
died, leaving a daughter, Matilda, who was the wife of Henry
v., emperor of Germany. He lost his only son, who was
passing from Norway to England, and is said never to have
been known to smile afterwards. What acquirements one
must have had in the beginning of the twelfth century to
entitle him to the surname of /7ig scholar, (beau-clerc,) there
are no means of judeino-.
Stephen, the grandson of William, by Adela, the wife of the
Count de Blois of France, aspired to the throne and obtained
it, to the prejudice of Matilda, the rightful lieir. Then fol-
lowed a long and vindictive civil w^ar between Stephen and
Matilda, one of the most afflictive in English annals. This
was one of the deplorable consequences of the Norman con-
quest. The war ended by compromise. Stephen held the
throne till his death, in 1154, and Avas succeeded by Henry,
the son of Matilda, by the French Count of Anjou, whom she
married after the death of the emperor, Henry V. of Germany.
Henry was the son of a Frenchman, and was educated in
France. He called himself Henry, Fitz-Empress.* He is
called, in history, Henry H. ; also Plantagenet, (the surname
of his father, from his wearing a sprig of corn-broom in his
cap,) the first of the Plantagenet kings.
Henry was the Duke of Normandy, in France, in right of
his mother, and of the adjoining province of Maine, in right
of his father. Count of Anjou. He married Eleanor of Gui-
enne, whom the French king, Louis VH., had just divorced
from himself, and thereby acquired the lordship of Poictou, a
province adjoining and south of Maine, and of Guienne, a
province adjoining Poictou. Thus, Henry was feudal sove-
* Fitz is an old French word, meaning son.
94 HENRY II. BECKET.
reign of nearly one fifth of France, when he claimed the Eng-
lish throne against Stephen. He was 22 years of age when
his reign began, in 1 154. He died at the age of 58, having
reigned 35 years. Historians commend this king for his per-
sonal qualities, and his good intentions, as a monarch. Some
occurrences deserve notice. 1. Henry's controversy with
Thomas a Becket. Becket was the son (it is said) of a Lon-
don merchant, and a Saracen lady, whom he met with in Pales-
tine, and who followed him to London. He was educated at
Oxford college, founded, it is supposed, by Alfred. This was
the time when the popes of Rome were attempting, by every
means, fraud, threats, superstition, promises and terrors, to ex-
tend their power over the civilized world. The Norman princes
in England had resisted these papal usurpations as much as
they dared to ; and submitted to the authority of the Roman
pontiffs only when their own interests were promoted by the
submission. Becket found favor with Henry, and w^as honored
with civil and military trust. He had become wealthy, and
distinguished himself by his splendor of life. When Becket
was 43 yenrs nf ag'e, thp nrrbhishop*'''" nf nantprbiiry hpino-
varanf, H^^nry rni>!pd him to that dignity, expecting from this
appointment an important aid in resisting papal encroachment.
But Becket immediately laid aside his worldly habits, devoted
himself to an extreme austerity, and used his office and his
talents to strengthen the power of the church. He soon gave
great offence to Henry in attempting to draw matters in contro-
versy from the civil to the ecclesiastical authority. In short,
Becket became the devoted supporter of all the obnoxious pre-
tensions of the pope, and used his talents and official station to
subject Henry, his kingdom and subjects, to the papal suprem-
acy. Henry fortified himself by convening a general coun-
cil of prelates and nobles at Clarendon, Jan. 1164. This coun-
cil passed " The Constitutions of Clarendon," which defined
and circumscribed the clerical and papal authority in a manner
highly creditable to Henry's good sense, as a man, and as a
king. [Hume, chap. VHI.l Becket was compelled to sub-
scribe, and to swear to submit to these constitutions; but re-
pented of this concession and obtained absolution from the pope,
who issued a bull to annul the proceedings at Clarendon. Hen-
ry, giving way to his resentment, proceeded against Becket
with severity, and even injustice. Becket, equally resolute on
his part, provoked Henry to measures designed to humble and
ruin him; and, to avoid this extremity, he withdrew to France,
where he was graciously received by Louis VH , and pope
HENRY II BECKET. 95
Alexander III., at that time residing at Sens, an ancient city,
60 miles S. E. of Paris.
By the intervention of third persons, a forced and insincere
reconciliation was effected, and Becket returned to England,
but conducted himself with such insufferable arrogance, and
such offensive insolence in relation to the king personally, as
to draw from Henry, who was then in France, the words —
" Shall this fellow, who came to court on a lame horse, with
all his estate in a wallet behind him, trample upon his king,
the royal family, and the whole kingdom ? Will none of all
those lazy, cowardly knights, whom I maintain, deliver me
from this turbulent priest? " These expressions were under-
stood by four persons, who heard them, to be an invitation to
dispose of Becket. He was assassinated in the Cathedral
church of Canterbury, on the 29th of December, 1170. [The
manner of his death is stated by Mcintosh, vol. L 142 — 3.]
Whether Henry desired the death of Becket or not, he
cannot be considered as having been a party in this murder.
Henry was the most powerful monarch of that age; he was
not disposed to submit to papal usurpation ; he appears to have
been a man of strong mind, and to have been very decided in
supporting his own rights. Yet, such was the power of the
pope, that Henry was obliged to pass a day and a niglit with-
out food, at the tomb of Becket, and submit himself to be
scourged by monks. Among the humiliating terms of recon-
ciliation prescribed by the pope, Avas a solemn oath, that Henry
would engage in a crusade to the holy land.
Three years after his death Becket was canonized. There
were two volumes of records of the miracles wrought by the
relics of this man; and 100,000 persons are supposed to have
made a pilgrimage, in a single year, to the shrine of Becket,
at Canterbury. This city is S. E. by E. from London, about
50 miles, and 20 west from the straits of Dover; and south-
wardly of the Thames. Among the pilgrims at Becket's
shrine, in the year 1179, was Louis VII., king of France.
Littleton, Hume, Henry and Macintosh, have discussed the
character of this remarkable person, in their respective histories
of England. The conclusion to be drawn from their remarks,
is, that Becket was a man of extraordinary talents ; that he
sustained the pretensions of the church, at first, through poli-
cy, but soon became sincere and resolute, as the tendency of the
human mind is to believe that to be true, which it desires to be
true.
The pilgrimage to Canterbury (which was continued for
96 HENRY II.
centuries) furnished Chaucer with the plan of writing a poem
of great celebrity, entitled Canterbury Tales. He imagines
a company to have met at an inn, in Southwark, on their way
to the shrine ; and the tales recited by this company, for their
own amusement, are supposed to be an able delineation of pri-
vate life, in the fourteenth century.
The second thing to be noticed in Henry's reign is, the con-
quest of Ireland, as it is called, and the annexation of that
island to the dominions of the British crown. In the sketches
of Ireland, the causes and the manner of this conquest have
been described, and to these sketches we refer.
The third thing to be mentioned is the attention which Hen-
ry bestowed on the making and administering of salutary laws.
In every community wherein there are intelligent and honest
judges, authorized and employed to administer justice, systems
insensibly arise, by which right and wrong are ascertained.
Positive laws rather come in aid of such a system, than create
it. At a great national council, held at Nottingham, in 1177,
a most important provision was made, and which may have
been the foundation of the judicial glory which has long dis-
tinguished the government of England from all others in Eu-
rope. England was then divided into six circuits, each of
which was to be visited, at stated times, by three justices to hold
courts. At this time, also, attempts were made to abolish the
absurd customs of deciding right and wrong, truth and false-
hood, guilt and innocence, by ordeals of fire, and by other modes
of bodily pain. This may be considered as the period of be-
ginning to submit controversies to the judgment of juries. It
is believed, however, that trial by jury was not unknown among
the Saxons.
The fourth subject which deserves notice is, that the wars
which so long distressed England and Scotland were prosecuted
with great energy by Henry. William, then king of Scotland,
was taken prisoner, and obtained his liberty on the hard terms
of acknowledging himself the vassal of Henry, and as holding
his kingdom as a feud of the crown of England.
In the year 1188, Henry yielded to the earnest solicitation
of Pope Gregory VIII. to engage in a crusade. The Sara-
cens had taken Jerusalem, and threatened the same fate to An-
tioch. William, arch-bishop of Tyre, procured a conference
between Philip II., (Augustus) of France, and Henry, and it
was agreed to unite in an expedition to the east. While prep-
arations were making, Henry was called to another warfare
from the revolt of his son Richard ; which, how^ever painful,
was a less afflictive occupation than the perils of a crusade.
HENRY II. 97
It has been mentioned that Henry married Eleanor of Gu-
ienne. This person lived longer than Henry lived, and is rep-
resented to have been very able, and very troublesome. Hen-
ry had preferences for other ladies, who were objects of mal-
ice with Eleanor, in the degree of their superiority in attrac-
tions, over herself " Fair Rosamond," is a tale founded in
some realities, but highly embellished. There is no doubt that
Rosamond Clifford, the daughter of a gentleman of Hereford-
shire, was one of Henry's favorites. Her fame for singular
beauty seems to have been so thoroughly established, as to
have found its regular place in history. It is a fable naturally
suggested by Rosamond's loveliness, Henry's devotion to her,
and Eleanor's malicious jealousy, that Henry built for her a
place of abode at Woodstock, a labyrinth which could be enter-
ed only by the guidance of a thread, of which he alone was
master. Yet Eleanor is fabled to have found her way into the
labyrinth, and to have put an end to Fair Rosamond. Other
accounts represent Rosamond to have died a natural death, and
to have been buried in the Church of Godstow, opposite the
high altar. Addison wrote an opera, founded on the story of
Fair Rosamond, which has served to preserve the name of one
who has little claim to be remembered.
The declining years of Henry were far from being such as
the most intelligent and powerful monarch of his time, would
be thought to have secured to himself. His three sons rebelled
against his authority, and sought to deprive him of his domin-
ions. In these measures they were instigated, counselled, and
assisted, to the utmost of her power, by their mother. Sir J.
Mcintosh, (His. of Eng.) credits the fact that she appeared
at the head of the rebellious army of her sons, in Aquitaine,
(France,) and was made prisoner, in man's apparel. The dis-
tresses which befell this king, m.ore from the undutiful conduct
of the members of his own family, than from any other cause,
are supposed to have hastened his death, which occurred at the
castle of Chinon, in Normandy, on the 5th of July, 1189, in
the 35th year of his reign, and the 58th of his age. Hume
has drawn a very favorable character of Henry, (chap. IX.) in
comparison with the kings and distinguished men of that time.
The prominent events of Henry's reign have been preserved
and transmitted wath sufficient accuracy to enable us to judge
of them. But this is only a part of that knowledge which is
desired of ancient times. How the despotism of a powerful
monarch, the superiority of nobles over the common mass of
subjects ; and how the authority of the church, and of the feu-
9
ya AUTHORS — SOCIETY HENRY II.
dal system, affected social life, as a whole, can only be conjec-
tured. Very little is known of the rank which females held,
how they were educated, what influence they had. This, how-
ever, was the age of chivalry ; and also of the crusades. In
the distinct and separate notices of the church, and of the cru-
sades there will be opportunity to inquire into the private life
of this age.
In the year 1140 lived William of Malmsbury, an English
historian, who is always mentioned with the highest respect.
In 1152, Geoffrey, of Monmouth, was either the author or
the translator of a chronicle or history of the Britons, a work
abounding with fables, but sometimes quoted,
1180, Ranulph de Glanville, chief Justice of England, was
author of a work on the laws and customs of England, a work
of high authority. He is the person who accompanied John
to Ireland. He went with Richard to Palestine, and died at
the seige of Acre, in 1190,
1 190, Geraldus Cambrensis, of Wales, is often quoted as an
author of many esteemed historical works, though, according
to the fashion of the day, marvellous in some facts.
In the same year, William, of Newburgh, a native of York-
shire, is mentioned as the author of a chronicle; and Richard
Hoveden, of Yorkshire, also, is quoted as an historical writer.
At the close of the eleventh century, the state of society in
England was much debased, although it was the age of chiv-
alry. The royal family and the court were French, Henry
was the son of a Frenchman, his Queen, a French woman.
The Roman church, with all its abominations, had full domin-
ion. Some monks complained to Henry that they had been
deprived of three of their daily dishes. He asked how many
remained. Ten. He ordered seven to be taken from the ten,
for that they would then have as many as he had himself. It
w^as a practice, in this reign, for companies of men, sometimes
100, to combine in London, to commit robberies, and other fel-
onies, comprising persons of w^ealth and family. Henry was
very severe against these combinations.
Henry revived a law of his grandfather, abolishing the right
of proprietors of lands to vessels and goods, in case of wi'eck
on their shores. If any person, or live creature were found
on board, the property remained three months to be claimed.
Unclaimed, it belonged to the crown. (Macpherson on com-
merce, vol. 1. 342.) In 1 176 a new bridge of stone was begun
alongside the old wooden bridge, in London, In 1 181, Henry
prohibited the sale of British vessels to foreigners, and the em-
RICHARD I. 99
ployment of British sailors by foreigners, a measure of war,
not of commerce. Copper, iron, tin, lead, fish, (herrings and
oysters,) wool, cheese, beef, were exported, and silver obtained
from Germany, in return; and cloths and linen from Flanders.
Lead was used to cover roofs of churches, and palaces. Slaves
were exported, especially to Ireland. Wine, silks, spices, jew-
elry, furs, woad were imported. There were several manu-
factories of cloth in England, in this reign, established by the
aid of Flemmings, who had long been skilful in this employ-
ment. Henry prohibited the use of Spanish wool.
Instead of depending on the feudal military force, inefficient
and disorderly, Henry imposed taxes, and hired troops. He
relaxed the severity against the Jews, but they were otherwise
treated by his successors. The English goldsmiths had ac-
quired a high reputation about this time. A pair of candle-
sticks, made of silver and gold, were presented by a monk of
St. Albans to pope Adrian IV. They were of such exquisite
workmanship that the pope consecrated them to St. Peter.
(Macpherson, vol. 1. p. 348.)
CHAPTER XV.
Richard 1. — Crusade — Jeics — Richard's Imprisonment — His Death — John —
Murders Arthur — Submissioyi to the Pope — Loss of Freiich Provinces —
Magna Charta — John's Death.
In July, 1189, Richard I., called Coeur de Lion, (lion-heart-
ed,) the second son of Henry II., by Eleanor, of Guienne,
ascended the throne, being then 32 years old. He had been
invested, in the life-time of Henry, with the ducal sovereignty
of Guienne and Poitou, in France. He had engaged in hos-
tilities against his brothers, who had similar possessions, and
also with them, in rebellions against their father. The renown
of Richard as a skilful and valiant warrior, in the school of
chivalry, had procured for him his surname of Coeur de Lion,
or the lion-hearted. His reign continued ten years, no one of
which (says Mcintosh) was passed in England. Nearly one
half of these ten years were passed in his crusade to Palestine,
and most of the other half in wars with his neighbors, or re-
bellious subjects, in France. He was, in truth, a Frenchman,
in every respect but the place of his Ijirth. His residence in
the south of France, while young, had made him familiar with
100 RICHARD I.
the gallantry which prevailed there among the class of accom-
plished men, who united the professions of arms with music,
poetry, and love, under the name of the Troubadours.
As king of England there is very little to be said of Rich-
ard. As one of the most distinguished of the thousands of
valiant knights who engaged in the recovery of the holy land
from the infidels, the story of Richard is interesting, and rather
resembling the products of fancy, then history. The. proper
place, therefore, for noticing Richard is in the sketches of the
Crusades. Some things should be mentioned in connection
with his reign in England.
About the time that Richard came to the throne, a barbarous
and indiscriminate slaughter of the Jews occurred throughout
England. This people, scattered over the world, and dealing
almost exclusively in mpney, and the most valuable merchan-
dize, and ministering every where to luxuries which- they
could enjoy nothing of themselves, were subject to the most
unjust and cruel treatment. This slaughter of the Jews is
said to have been ordered by Richard. It is also said, that he
forbade any Jews to appear at his coronation ; that this order
was disobeyed, and that popular resentment arose, soon ran in-
to violence, extended over the kingdom, and ended in a general
pillage and massacre. A third account is, that when Richard,
in his second year, had resolved to go to Palestine, it was
deemed popular and pious to begin with a robbery and slaught-
er of the Jews ; and with making a bonfire of the bonds and se-
curities which they held for money lent by them, to-Christians.
Another circumstance should be mentioned to show what
royal government was in the days of Richard. In his return
from Palestine he was taken prisoner, and held in Austria, (as
will be shown in another place,) at a price of 100,000 marks,
as a ransom. His subjects were called on to pay this sum in
money, equal to about 333,333 dollars. To pay this sum the
plate of the churches and monasteries was taken ; and those
who had not plate were required to give up their wool, and
"England, from sea to sea, was reduced to the utmost distress."
This was to buy the presence of a man who could do no act so
useful to England, as one which would prevent him from ever
seeing it again.
Richard, in attempting to subdue one of his inferior vassals,
in the French province of Lamousin, in the south of France,
was wounded, on the 24th of March, 1199, by an arrow from
the castle of Chaluz. He soon after died of this wound. The
qualities and abilities of Richard were not such as to make him
JOHN. 101
a serviceable king. The terrors of his name had some ten-
dency to repress the seditious and rebellious propensities of the
age. In this last scene, it is said, that his vassal,.. Bertrand de
Gourdon had found a treasure, of which he sent Richard a part.
Richard claimed the whole, which was refused. Gourdon
shut himself up in Chaluz, and prepared for defence. Richard
having approached the walls was wounded by an arrow. The
castle was afterwards taken, and Gourdon brought before his
sovereign, who then knew he must soon die of the wound.
Being asked by Richard what induced him to inflict a mortal
wound, he answered, — " You killed my father and my two
brothers with your own hand, and you intended to have hanged
me. Inflict your severest torments ; I will bear them with
patience, since I have been so happy as to rid the world of
such a nuisance." Richard ordered Gourdon to be set at lib-
erty. But Macarde, unknown to Richard, flayed Gourdon
alive, and then hanged him.
In the last year of Richard's reign a battle occurred between
him and Philip of France, at a place called Treteval, between
Chateaudun and Vendome, 95 miles south of Paris. On this
occasion Richard assumed the motto '' Dieu et mon clroit^'**'
Virhich has ever since been used by British kings.
John, the brother and successor of Richard, surnamed Sans-
terre, or Lackland, was born in 1167, was 32 years of age
when crowned, reigned 17 years and a half, and died in 1216,
at the age of 49. When Richard I. died, there was living a
son of Geoffrey, (next brother of Richard,) named Arthur, a
youth of 15; John was next brother to Geoffrey. Whether
John or Arthur was best entitled to the crown, was a question
which was not settled by law, or custom. John's memory
would be less infamous than it is, if he had merely assumed
the crown, and defended his possession. He not only did this,
but he possessed himself of the person of Arthur, and put him
to death with his own hand, and if not, by the hand of Peter
de Mauley.
When John was crowned, nearly all the provinces along the
west coast of France, from near Calais to and beyond Bordeaux,
in the dukedom of Guienne, were held by the king of Eng-
land ; but the king of France was the superior lord, according
to the feudal law; and the king of England was consequently
a vassal of the French king, (as to the tenure of these prov-
inces,) who was then Philip Augustus, or Philip XL Philip
* God and my right.
103 JOHN.
supported Arthur's claims because Constance, mother of Ar-
thur, was sister of Philip. T*o give the greater importance to
Arthur's claim, Philip united Arthur and Mary, his daughter,
in marriage. Arthur was hereditary [duke of Britanny, in
right of his father, and as such was vassal of Philip. John,
now king of England, being charged with the murder of Ar-
thur, the vassal of Philip, was summoned, in his character of
duke of Normandy and of Aquitaine, (and consequently vassal
of the French King,) to appear before the court of peers, at
Paris, and answer to this charge. In this summons, John is
accused of having murdered a vassal of the French king— that
this vassal was John's own nephew, whom he was bound to
protect ; that the murdered vassal was the son-in-law of Philip,
and that Philip was bound to avenge the murder. John did
not appear, was pronounced contumacious, and all his prov-
inces in France, but one, were declared forfeited to the French
crown. Thus, by this murder, John lost one third of his do-
minions. By the death of Arthur the ducal sovereignty of
the great province of Brittany came to his sister Eleanor.
John carried this young princess with him to England, and
shut her up in a monastery, near Bristol, where she lived for-
ty years, a prisoner. (Brittany was annexed to the crown of
France in 1532.)
The murder of Arthur, and the loss of all the French prov-
inces, (but Guienne, on the Garonne, which seems not to have
been included,) added to the general detestation felt by John's
subjects in England. Other causes arose to make John one of
the most contemptible, as well as odious, of all men that ever
wore a crown.
At this time (1207) Innocent III. was on the papal throne,
and he was devoted to the great purpose of subjecting the civil
or temporal affairs of the world, to the spiritual dominion of
the church. Hitherto the encroachments of the church had
not been so great in England as on the continent. . Innocent
III. ingeniously brought himself into the controversy which
then existed in England on the question whether the archbish-
op of Canterbury should be chosen by the monks of St. Au-
gustin's abbey, in that city, or by the bishops of the province of
Kent. The monks would choose as the pope ordered ; the
bishops were subject to the influence of the king. The monks
elected Stephen Langton. John seized the ecclesiastical posses-
sions at Canterbury, and turned the monks out. He insist-
ed that the election of Langton should be annulled. The
pope sustained Langton. The controversy became more and
JOHN. 103
more serious, until, at length, the pope (in 1213) excommuni-
cated John, and declared his subjects absolved from their alle-
giance.*
The pope gave John's dominions to Philip Augustus of
France, who assembled a powerful army to take possession of
them. John gathered an army on the British coast to meet
the invasion. The pope was now driven to other measures.
He perceived that it was risking his supremacy as a spiritual
ruler, if he left the decision to the chance of arms.^ Availing
himself of John's weak points, he sent agents into John's
presence, who terrified him with accounts of the military force
which Philip had gathered, the certainty of defeat, and the
horrible vengeance of the pope. John was at length subdued,
and entirely surrendered himself to the pope's disposal. He
was required to give up his kingdom to the pope as his lord
and master, and to receive it back again as the vassal of the pope,
and to hold it as a fief or appendage of the papal crown. He
was also required to pay, annually, as a tribute, seven hundred
marks for England and three hundred for Ireland. At Dover,
on the 15th of May, 1213, John, kneeling before the pope's
legate, and having his hands raised and clasped, and enclosed
in the hands of the legate, (Pandulph,) he solemnly resigned his
kingdom, his power, and authority to the pope. The legate
retained the possession lor five days. John was then reinstated
in his kingdom, but only as fixo vassal and dependant of the
holy Roman church. Pandulph iten hastened to Philip Au-
gustus, and warned him not to interfeic with the possessions
of John, who had become a penitent and dwout son of the
representative of St. Peter on earth.
Philip Augustus was much displeased with this sudden turn
in afiairs, and disinclined to give up the hope of subduing
John. His arms were needed in another quarter. The em-
peror of Germany, and the earls of Flanders,. Boulogne, and
others, in the Low Countries, united to control the power of
France, which they considered to be growing too formidable.
John joined in this league against France. He employed his
maritime force, consisting only of small vessels, against- a
similar force of the French king, and was able to destroy
some of them, capture others, and destroy the provisions and
military stores which the French ships were carrying to the
French king's army. This is the first naval conflict between
these two nations, (1213.)
* The eflfect of an excommunication will be shown in the notices of
the Church.
104 MAGNA CHARTA.
John attempted to recover his lost provinces in France, but
was wholly unsuccessful. The murder of Arthur, the con-
temptible submission to the pope, the failure of his military-
attempts, the licentiousness and odium of John's private life,
had disaffected all his subjects, Stephen Langton, though
chosen at the pope's command to fill the high office of arch-
bishop of Canterbury, proved to be a man deeply interested in
the welfare of England. To remedy the existing evils, Lang-
ton required of John to take an oath to conform, in the exer-
cise of his power, to the laws of king Henry I. At a meeting
of peers and prelates in August, 1213, Langton declared what
these laws were, and how they ought to be observed. From
this time Langton appears at the head of the reformers ; that
is, the confederated barons, who had determined to control the
king.
Numerous meetings were held. The confederates took
arms, and their party became daily stronger. Conferences
were held with the king. The pope issued a bull in favor of
king John, — the dear son of his holiness, — and denouncing
conspiracies against his lawful authority. The king had
assembled whatever forces he could, and the two parties ap-
proached each other on a plain called Bunnymede, on the
banks of the Thames, on the 15th of June, 1215. The con-
federates called themselves " the ar«iy of God and of the Holy
Church," and were composed c^^'' " the whole nobility of Eng-
land." Here, on the nif^^teenth of this month of June, the
king signed the great ctiarter, (Magna Charta,) which has
ever since been regarded and honored as the foundation of
English liberties. Sir James Mcintosh was of opinion that
this famous instrument was drawn up by the same Stephen
Langton, who was elected by the Pope's order to the primacy
of England. By whomsoever drawn up, it is the foundation
of the constitutional law which afterwards raised England to
the highest rank among nations. Yet, the sentiments and
principles of this charter of liberties are not of Norman origin.
They came from the Saxons, probably from 'Alfred himself,
and had slept for ages under the foreign dominion of William's
descendants. They now re-appeared, and were the more
precious from their long absence. It is inconsistent with in-
dispensable brevity, to enter into a consideration of the great
charter. The following summary from Sir William Black-
stone will show its general purport. Magna Charta is the
basis of English laws and liberties. Besides redressing
grievances of feudal tenures, it protected the subject from
MAGNA CHARTA. 105
divers abuses of the royal prerogative. It fixed the law of
forfeiture for felony. It established many private rights of the
subject. It enjoined uniformity of weights and measures,
encouraged commerce, protected merchant strangers, and for-
bade the alienation of lands in mortmain. The administration
of justice was provided for by numerous and highly important
regulations. And, lastly, it protected every individual in thfe
nation in the free enjoyment of his life, his liberty, and his
property, unless declared to be forfeited by the judgment of
his peers, or the law of the land.
The purport of this declaration of fundamental rights, may
be further understood from the eulogy of Sir James Mcintosh,
in his History of England : — "The language of the Great
Charter is simple, brief, general without being abstract, and
expressed in terms of authority, not of argument ; yet com-
monly so reasonable as to carry with it the intrinsic evidence
of its own fitness. It was understood by the simplest of the
unlettered age for whom it was intended. It was remembered
by them, and though they did not perceive the extensive con-
sequences which might be derived from it, their feelings were
(however unconsciously) exalted by its generality and gran-
deur."
The assent of John to the charter, and even his solemn sig-
nature and acknowledgments, were no assurances that it would
be regarded by him. The barons required of him to surren-
der the city and tower of London, as security that he would
faithfully execute the charter. Not satisfied with this, the
barons required John's assent, and obtained it, that twenty-five
of their number should be guardians of the liberties of the
kingdom, Avith power to these extraordinary magistrates, if
they saw any breach of the charter, and if redress was denied
or withheld, to make war on the king, to seize his castles and
lands, and to distress and annoy him in every possible way
till justice was done, saving only the person of the king, the
person of the queen, and the persons of the royal progeny.
Looking back on such a scene as this, it seems incredible
that one man, surrounded by thousands, among all of whom
he was the very worst, and the enemy of all of them, should
have a power which all present admitted to be greater than
their own, and this power resting on the mere accident of
his birth. Common sense would dictate, if John was con-
temptible and detested as a man, and tyrannical and odious as
a king, that the proper course would be to displace him, and
find a proper person for the exercise of royal authority. But
106 HENRY III.
in that age of the world, the authority of a king was held to
be an indispensable power. No authority, less potent, could
have controlled the discordant elements of society.
John attempted, by force of arms, afterwards, to subdue his
barons and recover his former position, and they, to escape
from him, proposed to receive as king-, Louis, son of the king
of France, who came over, and for a short time was acknowl-
edged to be king of England. The residue of John's life
was passed in these civil commotions, with hired auxiliaries
on his part, and foreigners aiding the barons. This conflict
was not of long duration. John was moving with his force
in Lincolnshire, over the sands near the sea, when a sudden
influx of the tide overwhelmed his baggage and treasure. He
was then in impaired health, from his unfortunate condition,
and having become still more impaired, he died at Newark
on the 18th of October, 1216.
John's improvidence, follies, and necessities, compelled him
to resort to various modes of raising money. He sold to Lon-
don and several other cities, charters granting various privi-
leges. He granted various privileges to the Jews, which he
afterwards shamefully disregarded. Macpherson (vol. i. p.
376) narrates several instances of exaction from this unfortu-
nate class. He imposed the enormous tax on the Jews of
66,000 marks (A mark was two-thirds of a pound sterling.)
A wealthy Jew of Bristol was required to pay 10,000 marks.
He refused. John ordered that a tooth should be drawn every
day till he submitted. He lost seven, and on the eighth day
he paid. The first notice of any vessels or gallies belonging
to a king, since the time of Alfred, occurs in John's reign.
However odious the conduct and character of John may
have been, the English nation derived therefrom permanent
benefits. The principles of liberty were asserted, and the
foundation laid for the constitutional freedom which English-
men have since maintained as their birthright.
CHAPTER XVL
Henry III. — Civil Wars — Confirmatioii of Magna Charta — Pirst Housi
of Commons— De Mou7itfort— Death of Henry HI. — State of Society.
Henry HI., son of John, was born October 1, 1206;
crowned at the age often years, October 2, 1216; reigned
HENRY III. 107
My-six years; died November 16, 1272. At the age of thirty,
Henry married Eleanor, daughter of Raymond Berenger,
Count of Provence, (south of France,) who survived him.
There were many children of this marriage, and among them
Edward, surnamed Longshanks, afterwards Edward I. Mar-
garet, born in 1241, who married Alexander III., king of
Scotland. Edmund, surnamed Crouchback, or the laniie, earl
of Lancaster. From this person the kings of the house of
Lancaster claimed descent.
England was never more miserable than during the fifty-six
years of Henry's reign. The four elements of English his-
tory concufred to make this misery: 1. Contention for the
crown. 2. Wars in France, with Scotland, and with Wales.
3. Ecclesiastical contentions, usurpations, and tyranny. 4.
Civil wars, in which the insignificance of Henry, and his utter
destitution of every quality necessary in a king, permitted the
great barons to reduce government to the simple element of
force and violence. The persons who make the most con-
spicuous figure in Henry's time were these: 1. The earl of
Pembroke. This person was regent, with general consent,
and had the custody of the king's person. He died in 1220.
2. Plubert de Bergh (who appears in a judicial as well as
military capacity) became regent. 3. Simon de Mountfort, a
Frenchman, came over and married Henry's sister, Elenora.
He was made earl of Leicester, and became a very conspicu-
ous agent in English affairs. 4. Richard, the brother of
Henry, and earl of Cornwall, and elected king of the Romans.
5. Peter de Roches, bishop of Winchester, a Frenchman by
birth, was successor of de Bergh, as first minister. 6. Henry's
mother, Isabel, married, while widow of John, the Count de
la Marche, and had four sons, who appear in Henry's time in
public concerns, and especially as his favorites.
Henry UL is represented to have been a weak, capricious,
irresolute, and perfidious person, without the relief of a single
good quality. His niece, Eleanor, whom John imprisoned,
was still living, but does not appear to have been mentioned as
a competitor for the crown. The French prince Louis con-
tinued his pretensions with various success, till the close of the
following year, (1217,) when peace was naade with him, and
he withdrew to France.
While the virtuous and intelligent Pembroke was regent, a
revision of the laws was made on the forests and several other
subjects, and the great charter was confirmed, with some omis-
sions, (supposed to be agreeable to the barons,) and divers
108 HENRY III.
conciliatory measures were taken, that the personal adminis-
tration, of the young- king's government might begin under the
most favorable circumstances. Unhappily, Henry had no
capacity to avail himself of the good wishes and prudent acts
of Pembroke.
In 1231 the rebellious nobles succeeded in driving Hubert
de Bergh from the confidence and ministry of the king, and
he hardly escaped with his life. Hume calls him the ablest
and most virtuous minister that Henry ever possessed. But
the vigor which he used in suppressing the seditious and
rebellious barons, (among whom may be numbered the king's
own brother, Richard, duke of Cornwall,) made him unpopu-
lar, and the king dared not to retain him.
Under the bishop of Winchester, the successor of de Bergh,
the highest offices, in church and state, were bestowed upon
the bishop's countrymen from France. This favoritism occa-
sioned great dissatisfaction. But, in 1236, the marriage of
Henry with a French countess, (of Province,) introduced mul-
titudes of hungry foreigners, who became the favorites of the
court, and sole objects of its grace and bounty. The king, as
feudal guardian of his young vassals, had the right to dispose
of them in marriage. Young females were invited from
France, and married to young English nobles.
Henry's subjects were further irritated and disgusted by
finding the power of the Roman church so firmly established
as to be able to bestow all the rich offices in the church on the
pope's Italian favorites. The pope, Alexander IV. (successor
of Innocent III.) had influence enough with Henry to per-
suade him to embark in the futile and costly project of attempt-
ing to make himself king of Sicily. From these and many
other improvident and vexatious measures, Henry became not
only much embarrassed, but generally odious to his subjects.
To relieve himself from his pressing wants, he applied to par-
liament. He was answered that he had repeatedly broken his
solemn promises, and had little claim on his English subjects,
as he had lavished all his favors and benefits on foreigners.
The only instance which is recorded of Henry's ability, is his
reply to a deputation sent by the bishops in parliament to
remonstrate on his conduct. The archbishop of Canterbury
and the bishops of .Winchester, Salisbury, and Carlisle were
deputed. They complained to Henry of his frequent viola-
tions of their privileges, of his oppressions, of uncanonical
and forced elections to vacant dignities. Henry is said, by
Hume, to have replied, — «' It is true, I obtruded you, my lord
HENRY III. 109
of Canterbury, on your see. I was obliged to employ both
entreaties and menaces, my lord of Winchester, to have you
elected. My proceedings, I confess, were very irregular when
I raised you, my lords of Salisbury and Carlisle, from the
lowest stations to your present dignities. I am determined,
henceforth, to correct these abuses ; and it will also become
you, in order to make a thorough reformation, to resign your
benefices, and try to enter again in a more regular and canon-
ical manner."
On these, and like remonstrances, the king promised to
redress both ecclesiastical and civil grievances, and parliament
agreed to grant a supply, but on condition of a solemn ratifi-
cation of the great charter. All the prelates and abbots were
assembled. The great charter was read. Excommunication
was denounced against every one who should, thenceforth,
violate this fundamental law. The ecclesiastics then threw
their tapers on the ground, and exclaimed, — " May the soul of
every one who incurs this sentence, so stink and corrupt in
hell!" This appears to have been the highest degree of
solemnity in which an obligation could be assumed. The
king was present, holding his hand on his heart, and respond-
ed, — "So help me God! I will keep all these articles invio-
late, as I am a man, as I am a Christian, as I am a knight,
as I am a king crowned and anointed." Such is the account
which Hume and other historians give of this transaction,
which is regarded as a voluntary establishment of Magna
Charta, and as free from all restraint and compulsion, which
was sometimes objected to the original act of king John. Sol-
emn as this ratification was, it produced not the least eflfect on
the policy or conduct of the king.
Afl^airs had now come to a crisis. The measures of the
king could no longer be endured. Simon de Mountfort, earl
of Leicester, and who was husband of the king's sister, formed
a combination among the discontented lords, and including
those of the highest distinction. De Mountfort was able and
energetic, in counsel and in war, and the effect of his measures
was, that when Henry came to Oxford, on the 11th of June,
1258, to meet the parliament, and to receive his grant of sup-
plies, he found the great barons there, in arms, and accompa-
nied by their military vassals. The king was compelled to
submit to whatever terms were imposed. A council of twenty-
four were selected, and de Mountfort placed at the head of it.
It became, by successive steps, the actual and only govern-
ment, exercising the power both of king and parliament. In
10
110 HENRY III.
1264 an ordinance was passed, to which the king's consent
had been previously extorted, that the royal power should be
exercised by a council of nine persons. This council was to
be chosen and removed by a majority among three, who were
Leicester himself, the earl of Glocester, and the bishop of
Chichester. "By this intricate plan of government, the
sceptre was really put into Leicester's hands, as he had the
entire direction of the bishop of Chichester, and thereby com-
manded all the resolutio7is of the council of three, who could
appoint or discard, at pleasure, every member of the supreme
council." (Hume, vol. ii. p. 92.)
We find, in the measures of this council, the origin of the
British parliament. The prelates, barons, and knights had,
theretofore, constituted the parliament convened in one body.
There was no fixed rule of selection. This depended on the
will of the king. The new council ordered that four knights
should be chosen, by each county, to attend parliament, and
make known grievances. Also, that three sessions of parlia-
ment should be held in every year. Divers other regulations
were established. No supplies were granted to the king, but
severe measures were adopted in relation to foreigners, and
especially towards the four half brothers of the king, who
were banished from the kingdom.
This imperial council assumed an authority even greater
than the king had ever exercised, and exacted an oath from
all, even from the king's son, the heir apparent, to obey all
their orders, which, in effect, deposed the king. The nation
began now to murmur against the council. The ecclesiastics
found that their power was impaired, and that the council
assumed to rule the church as well as the state.
Henry obtained from the pope absolution from the oath he
had taken, and suddenly made proclamation that he had re-
sumed the government of his kingdom. He displaced all
officers appointed by the council. It was then agreed that all
controversies should be submitted to the judgment of the king
of France, called Louis IX. and also Saint Louis; a man dis-
tinguished from nearly all others of his time, for his virtues
and ability. Henry and de Mountfort went to France for this
purpose. The judgment of Louis was not agreeable to the
barons. De Mountfort, though he remained in France, directed
the forming of a powerful combination in England, to resist
the royal authority, and, in due time, came over to- put it in
motion. A fierce and bloody civil war began, in which the
strength of the country was about equally divided between the
HENRY III. Ill
royal party and the barons. The latter were, at first, most
successful, and took the king and his son, prince Edward,
prisoners.
De Mountfort now felt strong enough to exercise a tyrannic-
al power, and entirely remodelled the forms of government ;
and, among other acts, (doubtless ignorant of the important
consequences of this measure,) he ordered that two knights
should be returned from each shire, and deputies from all the
boroughs (or towns) to sit in parliament. This is considered
to belhe origin of the House of Commons, in 1265. De
Mountfort had now a parliament of his own selection ; it had
elements of a nature that he could control, and he used them
to crush all his opponents. But, as may ever be expected, his
arrogance and violence disgusted many of his owai party, and
a reaction began against him. He still kept the king a pris-
oner, and carried him, wherever he went. Prince Edward,
who was also his prisoner, was assisted to escape, and imme-
diately placed himself at the head of a willing and competent
force. At this time, de Mountfort had been drawn to the west-
ern borders of the kingdom with his army, and was on the
north-western side of the Severn, and between it and Wales.
He crossed the river, and on the 6th of August, 1265, prince
Edward met him at Evesham, and there defeated and slew
him. This was the (Overthrow of the baronial party. The
king (who is said to have been in the front of the battle, so
placed by de Mountfort) resumed his authority. For that age
of the world, an astonishing degree of clemency was exhibited
by the royal party. No blood flowed on the scaffold, and the
forfeitures and fines were far less than the usage of that day
would lead one to expect.
Hume admits the extraordinary talents of Simon de Mount-
fort, earl of Leicester, but gives him no credit for good motives
in his extraordinary career ; while Sir James Mcintosh rates
him equally high as to his abilities, and seems to ascribe to
him very commendable intentions against very unworthy ad-
versaries. This is a striking instance of the doubtfulness of
historical details. The same means of judging were open to
both these eminent historians. Their conclusions partake of
the views of the respective writers. The facts are very im-
perfectly known. The peculiar characters of the agents in
these scenes, and their motives, varying and changing under
the influence of violent excitements, can only be conjectured
on general principles of human nature. And these must be
judged of by what this nature may be supposed to have been
in the most rude and barbarous times.
112 STATE OF ENGLAND.
These bloody and costly conflicts appear to have imparted
salutary lessons to all the interested parties. Henry, who
found himself to have been restored to the throne more by the
wisdom and bravery of his son Edward, than by any other
causes, was probably influenced by the advice of Edward.
Tranquillity having been restored, and there not being any
apprehension of its being disturbed, Edward gave way to the
enthusiasm of that age, assumed the cross, and departed, in
1270, for the Holy Land. The absence of Edward was a
removal of all restraint on the bad passions of the subjects ;
and disorders and violence began anew in different parts of the
kingdom. Henry was so sensible of his own incompetency to
rule, that he entreated his son to return. Before that event
happened, Henry died (November 16, 1272) at St. Edmonds-
bury.
The character of Henry is sufficiently obvious even from
these brief sketches. The character of the times can be
judged of only by events. 1. There was very little commerce,
and the principal articles of personal estate were cattle, sheep,
and implements of husbandry. 2. There was very little
money, and this little belonged to the Jews, who loaned it at an
exorbitant rate. Fifty per cent, was sometimes paid. But
the Jews were severely dealt with. They were hated for
their riches, their usur^^ and their religion. They were fined
with a degree of extortion which exceeded their own usury.
In 1243, a tax laid upon the Jews exceeded all the other rev-
enues of the crown. 3. Crimes of every description appear
to have been common. Bands of robbers were found in vari-
ous parts of the kingdom, and among them were knights and
persons who were often in the presence of the king as his
attendants. 4. The prelates and all orders of ecclesiastics
appear to have used their spiritual terrors to defraud and im-
poverish the community. Indeed, the extortions of the court
of Rome were complained of in every land in Christendom.
A new and most astonishing assumption of power on the part
of the church, occurred about this time, (under pope Gregory
IX.,) which will be noticed in sketches of the church. 5. Tri-
als by ordeal w^ere abolished. 6. The first mention of coal
in England occurred in Henry's time; a charter was granted
to dig at Newcastle. 7. Westminster Abbey was ancient in
Henry's time. He began the rebuilding of it. 8. St. Paul's,
said to have been originally built in 610, was rebuikby Henry.
9. The Tower was begun by William I. as a fortress, to aid
him in taking the city of London. Wild beasts were first
STATE OF ENGLAND. 113
kept there in Henry's time. 10. Most of the houses in Lon-
don were of wood, thatched with straw. 11. The strand was
a long beach open to the river. 12. Westminster Hall (built
by William H.) was first used for courts of law in 1224.
13. Where St. James's palace stands, there was a hospital for
lepers.
It is difficuh to form any clear opinion on manners, morals,
modes of life, and daily intercourse. There was, probably, a
barbarous sort of splendor among the wealthy, and very hum-
ble and dependent condition among the lower classes. Lon-
don appears to have had trade and commerce, and is spoken
of as a place of very considerable riches. The Hanse towns
are first mentioned about the middle of this century. In 1267
a treaty was made in England with the merchants of Lubeck.
Hanse is thought (by Macpherson) to mean a town having
corporate rights of self-government. There were merchants
from Lucca, Florence, and Sienna, settled in London, who
were Henry's creditors to a large amount. A knight, whose
lands produced .^150 a year, was considered very rich. Flan-
ders depended on wool from England to carry on their manu-
facturing. At the coronation of Edward there was a great
display of silks and stufTs embroidered with gold, brought
from the Italian cities. Edward I. hung two hundred and
eighty Jews of both sexes, in London, in one day. In his
time, donations and conveyances in mortmain were prohibited ;
that is, the giving or conveying of lands to perpetual societies,
as monasteries, abbeys, nunneries. The collection of the cus-
toms was frequently farmed, or sold to foreign merchants,
(Italians,) to anticipate payments. In 1284 there were mer-
chants from Norway in London. Robberies were frequent
throughout England. In 1292 Roger Bacon flourished. He
invented something very like telescopes and spectacles. He
affirmed " that chariots may be made to go without horses ;
that machines may be made by which men may mount up in
the air ; others by which he may walk in the bottom of the
sea ; others by which one man may counteract the force of
one thousand." If he had any such knowledge, he did not
show how it could be used. (Macpherson, vol. i. p. 452.)
\0*
114
EDWARD I.
CHAPTER XVII.
Edioard 1. — Conquest of Wales — Wars with Scotland — War with France
— William Wallace — Internal Administration — Confirmation of Char-
ters — Commerce — Edward II. — Battle of Bannockburn.
The reign of Edward I., surnamed Longshanks, is an
important element in English history. He was born at Win-
chester, (sixty-five miles south-west from London,) June 17,
1239; crowned November 16, 1272; died July 7, 1307, aged
sixty-nine, reigned thirty-five years. He married Elenor,
daughter of Ferdinand III., king of Castile, in 1254, who
died in 1290. His second wife was Margaret, daughter of
Philip the Bold, king of France, who survived him. His
marriage with Elenor was a case of singular affection and
constancy among princes, Elenor died in Lincolnshire, 165
miles north of London. Her remains were carried to West-
minster Abbey. At the twelve resting-places on the way, mon-
umental crosses were erected, some of which are standing at
the present day. The name, Longshanks, refers to Edward's
uncommon length of lower limbs ; but this peculiarity did not
prevent personal dignity nor corporeal action, for which he
was renowned.
The conquest of Wales, and repeated attempts to subjugate
Scotland, and the confirmation of the charters and laws, are
the principal events in Edward's reign. The baronial conten-
tions, the wars on the continent, and ecclesiastical contentions,
are less prominent in this reign than in several of preceding
time.
Hume, Hallam, and Mcintosh, concur in opinion that the
consolidation of the elements of the English constitution is to
be found in this reign. The imbecility and perfidy of John
and Henry had made the effect of their confirmations ques-
tionable. But the character of Edward rendered a confirma-
tion by him conclusive, though even he attempted evasions.
He was the ablest man of his time, whether in civil or mili-
tary capacities. He was his own minister, and had no need
of any counsel but such as was indispensable to carry his own
will into effect. The character of the age must be his apology
for some barbarous deeds.
Edward left England with a high reputation when he un-
dertook the crusade to Palestine at the request of St. Louis,
king of France. His father having died while he was absent,
EDWARD I. 115
he returned leisurely, having no fears as to his succession,
and spent a whole year in France. This was the age of chiv-
alry, and so gallant a knight could command attention and
find attractions on the continent.
The first measure of Edward was to subdue Wales. This
ancient Celtic nation had preserved its original character in
the mountainous regions held by them, from a time beyond
memory or record. Edward assumed that their prince, Le-
wellyn, was his vassal, and summoned him to appear at Lon-
don, and do homage to his superior lord, and thereby acknowl-
edge the tenure of his kingdom. Lewellyn refused. Edward
conquered him and his country, and treated him as a traitor,
according to the forms of that barbarous age. Lewellyn's
head was severed from his body, and exposed to the public
view over the gates of London, and the body quartered, and
portions of it sent to different parts of the kingdom. There
is no room for details of this odious warfare against Wales.
In a word, it was the exercise of force and fraud to the utmost,
against a valiant and patriotic people, defending to their utmost,
life, home, and all that time had endeared and consecrated.
Wales was finally subdued in 1283, and has, ever since, been
part of the English dominions. To reconcile the people of
Wales to English rule, Edward affected to give them a native
ruler, by causing his queen to be resident at Caernarvon castle,
when his second son, Edward, (who became successor, from
the death of Alphonso, the oldest,) was born. Hence the title
of the Prince of Wales.
The conquest of Wales opened the way to an attempt to
conquer Scotland, and subject the whole island to the English
crown. This object engaged Edward during the residue of
his life, and he closed his career in his last effort to accomplish
it. There is space only to mention the events of this long
struggle, in the order in which they occurred.
In the sketches of Scotland there was occasion to observe,
that when the crown of Scotland fell to the grand-daughter of
Alexander III., called the Maid of Norway, an agreement was
made that this princess should marry Edward's son. This
agreement failed ; the Maid of Norway having died in Sep-
tember, 1290, on her way to Scotland, at the age of six years,
five of which she had been queen of Scotland.
Edward then appears to have sought other modes of subdu-
ing this country. He endeavored to prove that Scotland was
a fief or appendage of the English crown. To carry this
object into effect, he engaged in settling the contested right to
116 EDWARD I.
the crown between Baliol and Bruce. He decided plausibly-
enough in favor of Baliol, but annexing the condition, that the
kingdom of Scotland was held as a fief of his crown. This
relation being established, such servitude was exacted of John
Baliol, the king, as to force the Scots to resist. In 1295, Ed-
ward marched a powerful army into Scotland and took several
castles, penetrating as far as the foot of the highlands, in the
valley of the Forth. John surrendered his crown to Edward,
who then moved to the northeast, as far as Aberdeen, without
opposition. The ancient town of Scone, on the river Tay, dis-
tant from Edinburgh about 35 miles, northwardly, was the
place in which the kings of Scotland had been immemorially
crowned. In this ceremony the kings were seated on a sacred
stone, of which it was believed, that wherever this stone was
placed, the Scottish nation would govern. Edward carried
away this stone, and destroyed all he could find of the annual
records of Scotland. He appointed governors, and departed
into England.
In 1296, a war arose with France. The French king, Philip
IV. had possessed himself of Edward's province of Guienne,
by a policy not unlike that of Edward towards Scotland. Ed-
ward proposed to send an army to Guienne, under the command
of Humphrey Bohan, Earl of Hereford, then holding the high
office of constable ; and Roger Bigod, earl of Norfolk, the
mareschal of England.* Meanwhile, Edward intended to join
the duke of Flanders, (then at war with France,) on the north-
east, and make a powerful diversion in that quarter. The con-
stable refused to go on this service. An altercation arose, and
Edward said, — " Sir Earl, by God, you shall either go or
hang." The constable replied, — "By God, Sir king, I will
neither go nor hang." The constable and mareschal, with
thirty other barons, left the presence of the king, and the expe-
dition to Guienne was given up. The ablest monarch who had
hitherto held the British throne, did not think it expedient to
resent this refusal to obey. Other persons were appointed to
these offices. While the king was engaged on the continent,
the Scots made a new effort to throw off the yoke. Edward
made peace with France, married the French king's sister
himself, and married his son to the French king's daughter.
These things done, he returned to the great object of his reign,
the conquest of Scotland.
* This office, called afterwards Earl Marshal, was one of high civil
distinction, and sometimes this earl was also a military chief.
EDWARD I. 117
At this time, 1298, appeared the celebrated William Wal-
lace, who may be considered as the preserver of the indepen-
dence of Scotland. Mcintosh ranks him with Vasa, with the
two Williams of Orange, with Kosiusko, with Washington.
The rank of Wallace was only that of knight. He was call-
ed of EUerslie, in the county of Renfrewshire, in the south of
Scotland.
Wallace's magnanimity and devotion to his country ralli-
ed the spirit of Scotland, and under his guidance the English
were again driven out. Edward being now at peace with all
others, he was able to turn his whole force upon this unfortu-
nate country. The gallant Wallace, by an odious act of per-
fidy in his pretended friend, John Monteith, was betrayed into
the power of Edward, who carried him in chains to London,
and caused him to be executed as a traitor, on the 23d of Au-
gust, 1305. Wallace nobly answered to the charge of treason,
that he was no subject of Edward, nor could commit treason
against him; that his supposed crime was nothing else than
defending his native land against unjust and unprovoked inva-
sion, undertaken with design to conquer it.
The spirit of Wallace survived him. His indignant coun-
trymen considered themselves bound to avenge what they re-
garded as a murder. Robert Bruce, (the grandson of the first
Robert,) who was a prisoner of Edward, in England, escaped,
and eluded pursuit by having his horses' shoes inverted. He
placed himself at the head of his countrymen, was crowned,
and the Scots once more drove the English from their land.
The exasperated Edward gathered a powerful army, and
was leading it to Scotland to take terrifying vengeance on per-
sons whom he assumed to regard as revoked subjects, when a
power, mightier than any that he could exercise, and which
places kings and the meanest of his subjects on equality, ar-
rested his career. He died near Carlisle, the 7th of July,
1306. He commanded his son to persevere in the conquest of
Scotland. Knowing the terror which the Scots felt at his
name and power, he is said to have ordered that his bones
should be preserved and carried in the van of the invading ar-
my. Froissart is quoted by Mcintosh for the reason : He be-
lieved that as long as his bones should be carried against the
Scots, that people never would be victorious. But the succes-
sor of Edward had not the power, nor the will to follow the
splendid career of his father.
By some writers Edward is called the English Justinian.
His claim to be considered as a law maker is far superior to
118 EDWARD I.
that of the Roman Emperor. Justinian sanctioned the patient
labor of learned men, in making one system out of a great
mass of materials. Edward reformed errors, and created a
new order of social relations, in every department ; and especial-
ly in the administration of justice. It is well known whose
labor produced the Justinan code, and that it was not the empe-
ror's labor. It is not known whose reforming and creative
hand was used in Edward's time. If not his own, he has the
merit, hardly secondary, of having known what hands to use,
and what labor to approve. The conquest of Wales was ef-
fected, and the attempt to conquer Scotland was carried on by
measures and means which would be stamped, in the present
improved school of ethics, with fraud, perfidy, and cruelty.
The exercise of physical force, to satisfy the craving of ambi-
tion, seems to have been resorted to, without regard to right or
wrong. The law of force was almost the only law between
nations, and also in the civil government of kingdoms. Ed-
ward used this force without compunction ; but he did a great
deal to make the use of it unnecessary, in his own dominions.
Edward wanted men and money to conquer two extremities
of the island, Wales and Scotland. The feudal system, now
falling into decay, could not furnish men in sufficient numbers,
nor for a time sufficiently long. There was hardly any regu-
lar monied revenue. Edward was driven sometimes to arbi-
trary measures, and sometimes forced to rely on the authority
of parliaments to aid him in assessing and collecting money.
There were now some considerable boroughs or towns in
England, and London had become a place of wealth and popu-
lation, much exceeding any other town. The great barons
could not be made to do any thing against their will. Edward
seems to have been aware that any coercion by the king, would
bring on, as it had done in former times, civil war. The scheme
of Stephen de Mountfort, earl of Leicester, in calling in the
knights, burgesses, or citizens, to make a part of parliament,
while Henry III. was on the throne, was resorted to by Ed-
ward. His motives are thought to have been twofold ; first, to
have a power which could be used to balance or control that
of the great barons; second, to use these representatives of
shires and towns, to make assessments to supply his wants.
The parliament, so constituted, would concur in granting sup-
plies, only on the condition of confirming the great charter,
(magna charta,) and the lesser charter, (deforesta,) and redress-
ing grievances. Edward reluctantly and evasively complied.
He surprised his subjects, by disclosing that he had obtained
EDWARD I. 119
from the pope an absolution from the solemn promises he had
made. He was, however, forced into a final and irrevocable
confirmation. The establishment of the greater and lesser
charter, and the establishment of the popular branch, the house
of commons, date from the year 1295. Soon after, in the next
reign, this house began to sit separately, as an independent
branch.*
The eminent worth of the great charter was, thai it protected
every individual of the nation in the free enjoyment of his
life, his liberty, and his property, unless declared to be forfeited
by the judgment of his peers, or the law of the land.f
The lesser charter, de foresta, was called for by the arbitrary
exercise of power by the Norman kings, within the immense
domains which they appropriated to their own use, in hunting.
Their laws, in these respects, were held to be exceedingly op-
pressive. By this charter, limits were defined, and divers abuses
and perversions reformed. The great barons had their own
forests and parks, on which the kings sometimes encroached.
To make Edward's last confirmations effectual, three knights
were chosen in every shire, for the express purpose of prose-
cuting every breach of either of the charters.
In the administration of justice, the reformation effected by
Edward was so perfect, that it stood the test of ages, and is now
the basis of all judicial proceedings in the common law courts
of England. This may be seen in the seventh chapter of Sir
M. Hale's history of the common law. The reports of ad-
judged cases commence at this time, known to professional men
by the name of "the year books." Trial by jury was estab-
lished, and all trials by ordeal abolished.
Edward ventured to set bounds to the rapacity and the inso-
lence of the clergy. Having demanded of them a contribu-
tion which they refused to pay, he directed that the courts of
justice should be closed to them. No complaint, for any cause,
could be heard from an ecclesiastic. This proved to be a
much more efficacious mode of excommunication than the
pope could exercise. If a monk, an abbot, or a bishop was as-
saulted and robbed, at noon-day, he had no remedy. The clergy
were glad to place themselves under Edward's protection, on
his own terms. This politic prince avoided a breach of friend-
ly understanding with the pope of Rome, as the interposition
* This is stated to have occurred at an earlier period, also, 1268.
t Those who desire to know more of the great charter are referred to
Sir W. Blackstone's tract, with his introductory historical discourse.
120 EDWARD I.
of his power could sometimes be made useful. He, therefore,
continued to pay the 1000 marks which John bound himself to
pay. The amount was sometimes in arrear, but p.iid up when-
ever an act of the pope was desired.
Edward was the first of the English kings who understood
the utility of commerce. He established encouragement and
protection both for English and foreign merchants. A very
vexatious and disorderly state of society arose from the absence
of regular employment in mechanical arts. Perhaps Edward
perceived that society would grow better as useful occupation
increased, and that this was a motive in promoting commerce.
Meanwhile he authorized a commission to inquire into and to
punish felonies ; and the duties so created were so severely per-
formed, that he was compelled to arrest its progress.
The barbarous language which the Normans introduced had
prevailed in England for two hundred and forty years. It was
spoken at court, and used in parliament, and in judicial pro-
ceedings. But on solemn occasions, elsewhere, the Latin was
used; and this was the only language in all written proceed-
ings of the clergy. Yet the old Saxon English had not been
forgotten, nor neglected.
Edward U was born 25th of April, 1284; became king 7th
July, 1307, aged 23. He was deposed 25th Jan., 1327, and
murdered at Berkely castle, in September of the same year.
He married Isabella, daughter of Philip the fair, king of
France, who was the mother of Edward III. This unfortu-
nate prince had no other use for the power and weaUh which
the accident of birth had given him, than to gratify favorites.
The events of his reign turned entirely on his passionate at-
tachment to a Gascony youth, named Piers Gaveston ; and af-
ter this person was very unceremoniously put to death, then
on Gaveston's successors in favor, the family of Le De Spenser.
This exceedingly weak and offensive conduct produced an in-
surrection, which the queen Isabella headed, and in which the
first lords in the kingdom joined. The details of this conten-
tion would show nothing more than the extreme folly of an in-
dividual who happened to be a king on the one hand ; and, on
the other, the violent measures of his wife and subjects, to get
rid of those whom he saw fit to honor, and finally, of himself
He was undoubtedly murdered, and it is said by forcing a hot
iron into his body through a tube, that no external mark of vi-
olence might appear. The popular feeling seems to have gov-
erned Parliament. This assembly declared him to be deposed,
and connived at his murder.
EDWARD n. 121
In 1314, Edward made one attempt to subdue Scotland. He
led 100,000 men, and met the king of Scotland, Bruce, at Ban-
nockburn, who had only 30,000 men. On the 25th of June
the battle was fought which has its historical name from that
place. The army of Edward was defeated, with an appalling
loss in killed and taken, besides the loss of all the treasure of
the army. This victory secured the independence of Scotland,
which was formally acknowledged by treaty.
Isabella, the queen, made herself very remarkable by her
connexion with a young Welsh nobleman, called Roger Mor-
timer, which was asserted by her friends to be only one of po-
litical character, arising out of the peculiar condition of the
country. The ten years of Edward's reign are full of remark-
able vicissitudes and adventures, in the lives of individuals.
The details may be found in Hume's fourteenth chapter. None
of them are important, for our present purpose. Edward
III. succeeded his father before that misplaced individual was
put to death. The course of sucession shows hitherto, an al-
ternation somewhat remarkable, a powerful king succeeded by
an imbecile one ; and he by a powerful one, and he again by a
weak one, in several instances.
The condition of society in the time of Edward II. is as
well stated in Hume's fourteenth chapter as in any other work.
It was still an age of barbarism. It could not have been oth-
erwise. The whole landed property of the country was held
by great lords, who had, in their retinue, numerous dependants,
ever ready to do their will. England is justly described by
one writer as a multitude of little kingdoms, and the whole
kingdom one great manor. The disorderly state of society is
easily accounted for, by the fact, that there was little of learn-
ing, literature, commerce or mechanical arts, and no religion,
though there was an abundance of superstition, and of monk-
ish ceremonies. A people thus destitute of regular occupation,
must have been ready, at all times, for sedition, turbulence, vio-
lence and crime. Famine, disease, and robberies, added to the
calamities arising from Edward's incapacity, and perversion of
power.
11
122 EDWARD III.
CHAPTER XVIIL
Edward III. — War with France — Battle of Crecy — Edward^ the Black
Prince — Ich Dien — Order of the Garter — Battle of Poicliers — King
of France, captive-— Peace loith France — New War with France —
Death of the Black Prince — Death of Edward III.
Edward III., born on the 13th Nov., 1312, came to the
crown on the deposition of his father, on the 25th January,
1327; reigned fifty years, and died on the 21st of June, 1377,
at the age of 65. He married Philippa, the third daughter of
William, count of Hainult, in 1329. The children of this
marriage were many, and they will be mentioned in the expla-
nation of the table of successive kings.*
While Edward's minority continued, Isabella, his mother,
and Roger Mortimer, her aid, and constant associate governed
the kingdom, but in such manner as to excite universal indig-
nation. A conspiracy was formed. The castle of Notting-
ham was the place of the queen's abode, and also of Mortimer.
The gates were locked every night, and the keys carried to, the
queen. But Sir William Eland, the governor, admitted the
conspirators who were employed by the revolted barons ; Mor-
timer was hanged, and the queen reduced to private life. In
these transactions the usual course of revenge and sacrifice of
life occurred, and some persons of high distinction were in-
volved. Edward having taken the government into his ovv^rr
hands, his principal object, up to the year 1337, was the con-
quest of Scotland, in which he was unsuccessful ; and equally
so in attempting to place a pretender of the Baliol family on
the Scottish throne.
In this year, 1337, began anew course of warfare between
France and England, the consequences of which were severe-
ly felt through the next hundred years. Edward III. conceiv-
ed himself to be entitled to the crown of France. If not, he
made claim to it, as a justification of his belligerent attempt to
obtain it. It has ever been a principle in the royal succession
in France, that a female cannot inherit the crown. This prin-
ciple conies down from a very early time, and was adopted in
France from an ancient tribe called the Salian Franks, who
are supposed to have come from beyond the Rhine. This ex-
clusion of females is called the salique law. When Louis X.
(called Hutin) died, he had no son. His brother, Philip the
long, succeeded him. Philip dying without male issue, his
* See chap. XX.
EDWARD III. 123
brother, Charles the fair, came to the crown. Isabella, sister
of these three kings, was Edward's mother. He claimed the
crown as her heir. By the salique law, Philip de Valois,
cousin of these kings, was entitled, and was crowned. Edward
formed divers alliances with dukes and princes in Flanders,
and on the Rhine, to invade France from that quarter. He
went over and spent a great deal of money, and wasted much
time, and accomplished nothing.
Edward's next plan was to attack France through his prov-
ince of Guienne, on the Garonne, in the South of France. A
contest had arisen between Charles, of Blois, nephew of the
king of France, and the count of Mountfort, in which each
of them claimed the dukedom of Brittany. The former was
sustained by the king of France, who was at this time (1342)
Philip VI. Edward became the ally of the latter, and landed
a powerful army in Brittany. The military events which oc-
curred in the next three years, comprise battles, sieges, and ca-
lamities, with varying success. Being in a country where pro-
visions were very difficult to be had, either there or from Eng-
land, Edward was often in great want, and was, at length,
compelled to retreat, followed by an army thrice as numerous
as his own, and led on by the king of France. The course of
the retreat was northwardly, along the English channel, across
the river Somme, between Abbeville and the sea, and thence
in the same course, and very near the sea. Finding a battle
inevitable, Edward posted himself near the village of Crecy,
(probably 8 or 10 miles north of Abbeville, and 60 south of
Calais,) and here was fought the memorable battle of that name,
on the 25th of August, 1346. For the details of this battle, the
15th chapter of Hume must be read. This was the first battle,
in which Edward, the Black Prince (so called from his armor)
was engaged, and the first in which cannon were used. The
cannon were used only by the English. Edward was then on-
ly fifteen years of age. The kings of France, of Bohemia,
and of Majorca, were in this battle ; and the two latter were
slain; and also 1200 French knights, 1400 gentlemen, 4000
men at arms, and 30,000 of inferior rank. The English lost
one esquire, three knights, and very few of inferior rank ; and
many prisoners of high rank were taken by them. A remark-
able fact, stated by Hume, is the presence of the king of Bohe-
mia in this battle, as he was blind from old age. " He ordered
the reins of his bridle to be tied on each side, to the horses of two
gentlemen of his train ; and his dead body, and those of his at-
tendants, were afterwards found among the slain, with their
horses standing by them in that situation." This king's motto
124 EDWARD III.
in his armorial bearings was the two German words Ich dun,
I serve. The Black Prince, who was then the prince of Wales,
adopted these words in memory of the battle, which have ever
since been used by those of that dignity.
The result of this long warfare was the capture of Calais,
after a siege of nearly a whole year, which the English retain-
ed for centuries. While this warfare was going on, the Scots
renewed the war against England on the northern frontier.
Philippa, Edward's queen, took the field, and defeated the Scots,
and took their king, David Bruce, prisoner, and brought him
to London. Philippa appears to have performed all the duties
of an able general, except that of being actually engaged in
battle. Meanwhile, Edward had taken Calais, and Philippa
appeared in the festivals which that event occasioned.
The highest order of knighthood in England, that of the
garter, undoubtedly originated at Calais in 1349. Hume says
"the vulgar story" that the king's mistress having dropped
her garter, he took it up, and called out, — ''Honi soil que mal
y ])ense, (Evil to him who evil thinks,) is not supported by any
ancient authority." It may also be added, that no authority, an-
cient or modern, accounts for it, in any other way. Mcintosh
credits the commonly supposed origin, and refers it to the age
of chivalry.
Edward's costly and fruitless war with France Avas again
and again renewed, after truces ; and he attempted anew the
conquest of that country, by gathering a powerful force in the
north, around Calais, while his son, the black prince, attempted
to penetrate in the south, from Guienne towards Paris. In
1356, Philip de Valois, king of France, had been succeeded
by king John, a person of great virtue and integrity, but not
equally distinguished by his talents. Edward had to encounter
the new king with a host of young and valiant nobles. The
whole force of Edward is supposed not to have exceeded twelve
thousand. In the month of September, of this year, prince
Edward had penetrated as far as the southern banks of the
Loire, which is half the distance from Bordeaux to Paris.
The bridges over this river having been broken down, and his
provisions failing, Edward found it necessary to retreat towards
Bordeaux, which he did so leisurely, that king John, with an
army of 60,000 men, had time, by forced marches, to overtake
him.
This battle of Poictiers (19th Sept., 1356) is one of the most
remarkable in history. Prince Edward was now about 26
years of age. He was in an enemy's country, and was re-
EDWARD 111. 125
treating before an army nearly four times more numerous than
his own, and led on by the king himself, having most of the
noble spirits, and experienced warriors of his kingdom to sup-
port him. The cardinal of Perigord was with the king, and
this prelate endeavored to effect an arrangement which would
prevent a battle. Edward was so sensible of his peril, that he
offered, as the price of being permitted to retreat, to surrender
all his conquests, and to stipulate not to serve against France
for seven years. John demanded that Edward should surren-
der himself prisoner, with a hundred of his attendants. Ed-
ward refused, and added, that England should never pay the
price of his ransom. Battle was now inevitable, but was de-
layed till next morning.
The prince so posted his small army, that it could be ap-
proached only through a long and narrow lane, lined on both
sides by hedges. The French force were attacked by the bow-
men of the prince from the sides of the lane, having the hedges
for a defence. The French experienced a destructive slaught-
er, and were unable to do any harm to their assailants. Such
as survived and passed through the lane, found Edward and
his forces at the end of it. Meanwhile 600 men, whom Ed-
ward had detached, by a circuitous march in the preceding
night, fell on the rear of the French, in the midst of the con-
flict. One of those sudden and irretrievable misfortunes, not
uncommon as armies were composed in the middle ages, be-
fell John and his followers. The unexpected, and unaccount-
able recoil of the French through the lane upon their own
main body, threw the whole into confusion, except the third di-
vision, commanded by the king in person. This, though much
more numerous than the English army, was attacked, and the
principal officers slain, with those who valiantly defended the
king, so that there remained to the unfortunate monarch no al-
ternative but to seek death, or to surrender. He was conducted,
unhurt, as a prisoner to Edward.
There is not, in the whole range of history, a case of more
noble magnanimity, than in the conduct of Edward toward*
his fallen enemy. John was treated in the camp of his conquer-
or with all the honors of royalty, the conqueror himself as-
suming no higher relation than that of attendant on his captive.
A truce of two years followed, and Edward conducted John to
London. While John, dressed " in royal apparel, was mount-
ed on a white steed," (as they passed through the crowded streets
of the city,) the prince rode by his side in modest attire, on a
black palfrey," and some accounts say, with his head uncovered.
11*
126
EDWARD III.
John had one miserable consolation. He found the king of
Scotland a prisoner, for such he had been eleven years, but
was soon after released on a promised ransom of one hundred
thousand marks.
For some years following these events, the state of France
was truly deplorable. In the sketches of that country's his-
tory it will be shown how such a state of things arose.
Edward III., availing himself of the internal disorders of
France, undertook another invasion in the autumn of 1359,
and entertained the hope that he could cause himself to be
crowned at Rheims,* where that ceremony had always been
performed as to kings of France. This enterprise failed, and
several causes concurred to bring about a peace, which was
effected May 8, 13G0. It is material to notice here, that Ed-
ward gave up certain provinces in the north, which had. been
long held by kings of England, reserving Calais and some
territory around that place ; while, in the south of France,
several provinces around Guienne were added to the English
dominions. But the most material part of the contract was,
that John was to pay ,£1,500,000 sterling for his ransom.
John gave forty hostages for performance. But he did not,
and could not pay this enormous sum. About four years
afterwards he voluntarily returned to England. On the 8th of
April, 1364, John, not having been able to redeem himself,
died a prisoner at London.
Prince Edward had returned to the government of his
provinces in the south of France. In 1367 he was induced
to engage in a domestic quarrel between Peter, king of Cas-
tile, surnamed the Cruel, and his natural brother, Henry of
Transtamare. He engaged on the side of Peter, and replaced
him on the throne ; but this was an unprofitable and costly
enterprise, and produced an insurrection in Edward's own
dominions, from the burthens which he was obliged to im-
pose.
New quarrels arose between France and England, and
English armies were again seen traversing the territories of
France, Edward the king was now old, and Edward the
prince so impaired in health as to be incapable of any public
service. England had become impatient under these long,
costly, and unprofitable wars. The nation had been gratified
by the splendid success of the king and of his son, as warriors.
The fame of England had been elevated to a high rank; but
* A city 90 miles north-east of Paris, and 190 south-east of Calais.
RICHARD II. 127
the English people perceived that they had purchased glory
at a great price, and could retain it only by cost still greater.
Thus, a war of thirty-three years' duration, which had for its
original object the crowning of Edward as king of France,
ended by a peace in 1670, whereby all but Bordeaux, Bay-
onne, and Calais, were given up to France.
On the 8th of June, 1376, Edward, the Black Prince, died,
in his forty-sixth year. Edward was a most extraordinary
man for that age, or for any age. All historians of these times
concur in ascribing to him a character made up of every
excellence and of every virtue ; and no one attributes to him,
on any occasion, a single fault or blemish.
The father, Edward, seems to have lived too long, as his
excellent son seems to have died too soon. In one year after,
(June, 1377,) king Edward died. His end was a mournful
one. His great purposes, the addition of Scotland and of
France to his dominions, had been defeated. Scotland was
more independent than ever, and nearly all had been lost in
France. The nobles, the people, all England, were weary of
Edward, and Edward was weary of them. He resigned him-
self to the dominion of a female named Alice Pierce, whose
power was so absolute as to call for the interposition of parlia-
ment, and the king was obliged to remove her from court.
At the last hour, Edward was deserted by all his friends, and
even family connexions; in short, by every one but Alice
Pierce, who is said to have closed his eyes with one hand,
while she stole, with the other, from his finger, the royal ring.
CHAPTER XIX.
Riduird II. — War v:ith Scotland — Wat Tyler Insiirredion — Richard's
internal Administration — Trmihled state of the Kingdoyn — RicJuird goes
to Ireland — Henry IV. usurps the Croum — Richard deposed and mur-
dered — Internal state of the Kingdovi — Distinguished Authors.
The reign of Richard II., son of Edward the Black Prince,
and grandson of Edward III., began in June, 1377, and ended
in September, 1399. These twenty-two years were years of
greater misery in England than any equal space of time dis-
closes in English history. Richard was w^eak and wicked ;
his nobles were turbulent, perfidious, and ready for any acts,
however criminal ; judges were corrupt ; parliaments were the
128 RICHARD II.
submissive agents of the ruling faction ; the people were op-
pressed and impotent. There was scarcity of food, and unusual
sickness. Both Hume and Mcintosh consider the materials
of history fewer and less to be depended upon, in these twenty-
two years, than at any time since the conquest. The numer-
ous crimes perpetrated by those who were contending for pow-
er under this imbecile king, and those committed by himself,
contain very little that can come into this brief summary.
The wars with Scotland and France were still in being,
though not pursued with vigor by any party. John of Gaunt,
(third son of Edward III.,) uncle of Richard, was regent, the
king being only about eleven years old. But a council of nine
were associated in the regency.
In 1381, a tax of three groats on every head had been laid,
and the collection of this tax had been committed to persons
who were interested to gather it. This was (for other reasons
to be presently mentioned) a time of great popular excitement.
In the county of Essex a tax-gatherer entered the shop of a
mechanic to collect this tax, and demanded payment, among
others, for a daughter, who was present. The mechanic said
that the daughter was under that age which the statute had
fixed as taxable. The tax-gatherer, taking hold of the daugh-
ter to produce indecent proof to the contrary, the father struck
him dead. A general insurrection followed, and spread over
many counties. The leaders assumed the names of Wat
Tyler, Jack Straw, Hob Carter, and Tom Miller. This was
avowedly a war of the lower classes against the nobility and
gentry.
Richard was passing near Smithfield, in London, when he
was only sixteen, and there met Wat Tyler at the head of a
numerous body of his associates. It is supposed that Wat
Tyler intended personal violence to the king, from some act
done while talking with the king, and therefore he was struck
down by Walworth, mayor of London, and instantly killed.
Richard's manly conduct on this occasion saved his life, and
raised him greatly in the national esteem. The multitude
seeing that their leader had fallen, prepared for vengeance,
when Richard, ordering his attendants to halt, went alone to
Wat Tyler's followers and said, — " What is the meaning of
this disorder, my good people ? Are ye angry that ye have
lost your leader 1 I am your king ; 1 will be your leader."
The multitude, overawed, followed him. He led them away
from the city into the fields, and, meanwhile, an armed force
had come to sustain him. But he ibrbade any violence, and
RICHARD II. 129
ordered the mutineers to disperse, with assurances that their
wrongs should be remedied. This seems to have been the
only magnanimous act of Richard's life.
The invasion of Scotland by Richard, and the attempt to
invade England by the French, must be passed over. They
are only the renewal of familiar scenes. The occurrences in
the conducting of the government, present only a course of
events also familiar, and these can only be briefly mentioned.
The duke of Glocester, who was son of Edward III., and
uncle of Richard, exercised the powers of regent in the ab-
sence of John of Gaunt, an older uncle, who was absent,
vainly attempting to obtain the crown of Castile, in right of
his wife. Glocester's dictatorial and imperious temper gave
great offence to Richard. To free himself from his uncle,
Richard confided himself entirely to Robert de Vere, an insin-
uating youth of dissolute manners, who was then earl of Ox-
ford, and whom Richard raised to the dignity of marquis of
Dublin and duke of Ireland, titles before unknown. The king
could be approached only through this young man, and all
acts of the king were known through him. Michael de la
Pole, of humble origin, was made earl of Suffolk, and was in
high favor with the king's favorite. - Meanwhile, Glocester
and his associates assumed to exercise all the royal authority.
The king invited Tresilian, chief justice of the king's bench;
Belknappe, chief justice of the common pleas; Gary, chief
baron of the exchequer, and some other eminent lawyers, to
meet him at Nottingham, where were present also the bishops
of Durham, Chichester, and Bangor, and the earl of Suffolk.
These lawyers certified that the commission of regency, then
in force, was a treasonable usurpation, and that those who
assumed to execute that commission deserved death. All the
parties who thus advised the king were accused before parlia-
ment by the regency, most of them were condemned and exe-
cuted. .
Notwithstanding these measures, in 1389, when Richard
was twenty-three years old, he appears to have thrown off his
subjection, and to have made a truce of twenty-five years with
France and Scotland, and to have agreed to marry Isabella,
(then seven years old,) daughter of the king of France.
But increasing years did not bring increasing wisdom to
Richard. He spent his time in low and frivolous pursuits,
and in company with very low persons, who could minister to
his vulgar propensities. Richard's uncle Glocester, disgusted
by these things, spoke contemptuously of Richard and of his
130 RICHARD II.
government, and was preparing very serious measures against
him. Richard, apprised of this new combination, caused his
uncle to be arrested and hurried over to Calais, where Gloces-
ter was undoubtedly murdered, by Richard's order, in the
year 1398. Some others were banished, and others pardoned.
The residue of Richard's reign, which ended in September,
1399, is filled up with contentions and violence, either between
himself and his nobles, or between themselves. Of these
events it is only necessary to mention one. Among the mal-
contents was Henry, earl of Derby, the son of John of Gaunt,
duke of Lancaster, uncle of the king. This earl of Derby
was made duke of Hereford, and, on the death of his father,
became duke of Lancaster. He was the son of Blanche,
descended from Henry HI., as shown in the explanation of
descent of the crown. While Henry was known under the
name of Hereford, a controversy arose between him and the
duke of Norfolk. Hereford said in parliament that Norfolk
had spoken to him, in a private conversation, of an intention
to subvert the king's government. Norfolk gave Hereford
the lie. A time was appointed for these parties to meet, in
presence of the king at Coventry, and there to test the truth
by the issue of battLe.._. At the moment of commencing, the
king's herald interposed and forbade the combat. The king
banished Norfolk for life, and Hereford for four years. The
king assured Hereford that, in case of any new accession to
him, (in allusion to the dukedom of Lancaster,) his absence
should not impair his right. Hereford went over to France.
John of Gaunt died in February, 1399. Richard was afraid
to strengthen the hands of his cousin Hereford, by permitting
him to succeed to the dukedom of Lancaster ; and, to prevent
it, and without the least pretence of right, usurped that duke-
dom to himself
In the spring of this year, 1399, Richard was so ignorant
of the public disposition towards him, and also of the exceed-
ing feebleness of his hold on the royal authority, that he col-
lected his most effective force, and went over to Ireland, to
quell a revolt which had arisen there. The new duke of
Lancaster, availing himself of Richard's absence, came over
from France, with some armed followers, avowing his purpose
to be nothing more than to possess himself of his rights as
duke of Lancaster. His presence proved to be more welcome
than he expected. He soon found himself at the head of sixty
thousand armed followers. The king hastened back from
Ireland, but all England was in revolt against him. He wa§
HENRY IV. 131
taken prisoner. A parliament was assembled, and he was
solemnly deposed (as incompetent to govern) by act of parlia-
ment. When this act was passed, the duke of Lancaster was
standing near the empty throne. The following is Hume's
account (chap, xvii.) of the manner in which the duke trans-
formed himself into a king. '* The duke stepped forth, and
having crossed himself on the forehead and on the breast, and
called upon the name of Christ, he pronounced these words ;
• In the name of Fadher, Son, and Holy Ghost, I, Henry of
Lancaster, challenge this rewme of Ynglande and the crown,
wuth all the membres and the appurtenances ; also I that am
descendit by right line of the blode coming fro the gude king
Henry therde, and throge that right that God of his grace
hath sent me, with help of kyn and of my frendes to recover
it ; the which rewme was in poynt to be ondone by defaut of
governance and undoing of the gude lawes.' " *
Henry (first, earl of Derby, then duke of Hereford, then
duke of Lancaster, son of John of Gaunt, duke of Lancaster
and of Blanche, a descendant of Henry HL) thus assumed
the crown of England by the name of Henry IV,, the first of
the house of Lancaster.
The deposed king was consigned to the care of certain
commissioners, by order of parliament. Being now a useless
and very inconvenient personage, measures were taken to
make him harmless. He is supposed to have been treated
with great indignity, then with cruelty, and, finally, to have
been starved to death in the castle of Pomfret. Other accounts
say that Sir Piers Exton and his guards killed Richard with
their halberts, at this castle. However he came to his death,
he died at the age of thirty-four, in 1399, leaving no issue. It
will be seen, by the explanation of the table of succession, that
the next heir to the throne was Edmund, (then in prison,) son
of Roger Mortimer, earl of Marche, who was the son of Phil-
ippa, who was daughter of Lionel, duke of Clarence, who was
second son (John of Gaunt was the third) of Edward III.
The principles of English liberty were understood by some
persons in the last half of the fourteenth century, but the con-
dition of society was such that they could not be carried into
effect. The provisions of the great charter were recognized
and confirmed more than twenty times by Edward III. This
does not show that these provisions had been respected, but
* To understand this, the explanation of the table of succession to the
crown must be looked at. See beginning of Chapter XX.
132 STATE OF ENGLAND.
that they had been repeatedly violated. The wars in which
Edward was continually engaged on the continent, compelled
him. to find means as he could. He imposed taxes in the most
arbitrary manner, and seized the shipping and goods of his
subjects for his own use. Parliament was obliged to tolerate
this despotism in the king, that there might be a power com-
petent to control the still more arbitrary will of the nobles.
Thefts, robberies, and other aggravated crimes were very com-
mon, and were connived at, if not committed by the nobles
themselves. The king of Cyprus having made a visit to
England, he and his train were assailed and robbed on the
highway, in the day-time, and no redress could be had. The
changes which had occurred in the land-tenures since the
feudal system was introduced, had made that system almost
inoperative. In the continental wars, which required a much
longer time of service than that system allowed, Edward had
to enlist men and pay them, and encourage them with the hope
of plunder. Hence these wars were exceedingly distressing
to the conquered. When, therefore. Englishmen go back to
the time of the Edwards for the principles of the English
constitution, it is not to be understood that these principles were
then enforced. When it is said that this was the time in which
the popular representation in the House of Commons began,
it is not to be understood that the House of Commons did, or
could control the arbitrary character of the government ; but
that this branch of parliament existed, and w^as destined to be
formed into a conservative power. Up to the end of the four-
teenth century, the English government was still a very bar-
barous one, and its respective parts very little adapted to operate
together for the common security and welfare.
This was the period when the administration of justice
began to assume a regular and systematic form. Where the
parties were disconnected from the government, justice was to
be had as certainly as at any subsequent time. It is some
evidence of the respect in which the judicial tribunals were
held, that, in the thirty-sixth year of Edward III. (1363) the
pleadings were ordered to be in English, though the language
spoken by courtiers, around the king, continued to be, for some
years afterwards, the old Norman French. The statute of
treason, which was passed in Edward's twenty-fifth year,
(1352,) has remained unchanged, and was duly respected by
the courts of law, but was often disregarded by the parliament,
down to the time of the revolution in 1688. This statute pro-
vides that no acts shall be deemed high treason but these :
STATE OF ENGLAND. 133
1. Conspiring- to compass the death of the king. 2. Levying
war against the king. 3. Adhering to the king's enemies.
When, in Richard II.'s time, the faction of the nobles which
controlled parliament, wished to dispose of the faction whicPi
surrounded the king, this statute was no obstacle to any man's
condemnation ; nor were the provisions of the great charter,
so often confirmed at the request of parliament, in the least
degree regarded by that assembly. If the Englishmen of
these days were the founders of what was afterwards known
as constitutional liberty, they bestowed on other generations
blessings which they never enjoyed themselves. Yet, the
social and political condition of Englishmen was better in the
time of Richard and his grandfather, than that of neighboring
nations. The king, the lords, and the commons were, respec-
tively, checks on each other, and all three of them were checks
on the covetousness and insolence of the pope and prelates.
In a separate chapter, on the condition of the church, there
will be occasion to remark on the power and influence of the
Roman church at this time. It had one-third of the real estate
of the kingdom, and more than one-third of the income.
There was a great abundance of what was called religion, but
no more of the spirit and practice of Christianity than there
was among the Celts, who inhabited England before Chris-
tianity was revealed. At this time lived John Wickliffe ; born
in Yorkshire, 1324, died in 1384. He is called the morning'
star of the Reformation. As early as 1375, at least one hun-
dred and forty years before Martin Luther was known, Wick-
liffe publicly accused the pope of Rome of simony, covetous-
ness, ambition and tyranny, and styled him Anti-christ. The
influence of Wickliffe's writings may have had some influence
in the decision of parliament, that the one thousand marks
which king John bound himself to pay, should be no longer
paid to the pope.
This was the age of Chaucer, the first, in time, of English
poets, and hardly second to any in merit. He died in 1^400,
at the age of seventy-two. He was a follower of Wickliffe,
and both himself and Wickliffe were protected by John of
Gaunt, duke of Lancaster. The writings of Chaucer, which
were exceedingly popular, especially his Canterbury tales,
had a great influence in banishing the use of the French, and
in restoring the ancient Saxon.
The commerce of England was very limited. The first
commercial adventures to the Baltic and the Mediterranean
are said to have been in the middle of the fourteenth century
12 ^
134 STATE OF ENGLAND.
The only exports, wool, skins, hides, leather, tin, butter, lead ;
the imports, linen, fine cloth, silks, and wine. This low con-
dition of commerce is not consistent with the degree of luxury
which is said to have prevailed. Silks, velvet, and personal
ornaments of great value, were in use. Shoes Avere worn
with long carved projections in front, and the end of these
connected with, and supported at the knee, by means of gold
chains or silken strings. The extravagant length of these
shoes attracted the notice of parliament, and an act was passed
to restrict the projection to four inches. Richard's household
comprised ten thousand persons, and the number of his cooks
was three hundred. Sir John Arundel had fifty-two suits of
cloth ornamented with gold.
The architecture of these days is surprising, considering
the ignorance and general barbarism of the age. Windsor
castle, erected by the third Edward, was the noblest structure
northwardly of the Alps. He ordered every county to send
him a certain number of workmen, but it does not appear
whether the cost was thrown upon the counties. Westminster
Hall was repaired by Richard II. and is still regarded as one
of the grandest single rooms in the world. Mcintosh speaks
of the grandeur and beauty of the cathedral churches of this
age, and which are, hitherto, unrivalled. It is probable that
these splendid structures were not of English origin, but rose
under the influence of the Roman church. They are called
Gothic, as being a different order of building from the Grecian
and Roman.
Before the year 1400, a new impulse had been given to
learning, and thirty thousand students are said to have been
gathered at Oxford at one time. Hume says they were all
employed in learning bad Latin, and worse logic. He might
have added the still worse employment of learning the doc-
trines of the church of Rome, under the name of religion.
All learning was now disguised or debased by the refinements
in logic introduced in the preceding century, by Thomas
Aquinas and Duns Scotus.
Ladies, before this time, rode on horseback, as the other sex
do. Side-saddles were now introduced, as used by Anne,
queen of Bohemia. But it is also said that ladies rode on
side-saddles in the time of Henry III.
Among the eminent men of the fourteenth century, were, —
133G. Pilatio Leontius, of Thessalonica, who was the first
of those Vv-ho taught the Greek language in Italy. Petrarch
and Boccaccio were his pupils, though Petrarch says, in one
of his letters, that he was not a proficient in Greek.
SrCCESSION OF KINGS. 135
1343. Francis Petrarch, born at Arezzo, near Florence, in
1804, died in 1374. Most, distinguisiied by his poems and
letters.
1350. John Froissart, a Frenchman, born at Valenciennes,
north-east of Paris, near Belgium, in 1333. He wrote a
chronicle of events in his own time, now found in several
editions. He is often quoted. One edition is in four large,
thick octavos. He was, at one time, secretary to Edward
ni.'s queen.
1359. John Boccaccio, (Boccace,) an Italian, though born
in Paris in 1313 ; died 1375 ; author of the Decameron.
1380. Matthew, of Westminster, an historical writer.
1384. John Wickliffe, "the morning-star of the reforma-
tion," born in 1324, at the village of Wickliffe in Yorkshire;
became an eminent theological writer and opponent of the
Roman church, died in 1384.
1389. Geoffrey Chaucer, born in London, 1328; patronised
by John of Gaunt ; author of Canterbury tales. He held
various lucrative offices, and was employed on foreign mis-
sions. He was a partisan of Wickliffe ; died in 1400.
1400. Emanuel Chrysoloras, of Athens; fled into Italy on
the coming of the Turks ; taught the belles-lettres' 3.t Florence,
Venice, and other Italian cities ; a man of eminent learning.
CHAPTER XX.
Henry IV. — Origin of the two Roses — Rebellions against Henry IV. —
Wickliffe the Reformer — Henry V. — Conquests in France — Henry VI.
The assumption of the crown by Henry IV., the first of
the Lancastrian kings, led to the civil warfare usually called
the war of the red and white roses. The claims to the throne
depended on heirship, and can only be understood by stating
the succession of kings.
William, Norman Conqueror, 1066 to 1087
William (Rufus) II., son of William, 1087 " 1100
Henry I., (beau-clerc,) son of William I., 1100 " 1135
Stephen, grandson of William I., 1135 " 1154
HenryII.,(Plantagenet,) great-grandson of Wm.I.,1 154 " 1189
Richard I., (Cour-de-Lion,) son of Henry IL, 1189 " 1199
John, (Lackland,) son of Henry IL, 1199 " 1216
1216 to 1272
1272 "
1307
13,07 "
1327
1327 "
1377
1377 "
1400
1400 "
1413
1413 "
1422
1422 "
1471
1471 "
1483
1483 "
1483
1483 "
1485
1485 "
1509
136 THE TWO ROSES,
Henry III., son of John,
Edward I., (Longshanks,) son of Henry HI.,
Edward H., (Prince of Wales,) son of Edw. I.,
Edward HI., son of Edward II.,
Richard II., son of Edward the Black Prince,
and grandson of Edward III.,
Henry IV., first of Lancastrian kings,
Henry V., son of Henry IV.,
Henry VI., son of Henrv V.,
Edward IV., first king of the house of York,
Edward V., son of Edward IV., never crowned,
Richard III., brother of Edward IV.,
Henry VII., first king of the house of Tudor,
The Red Rose. Henry IV., who usurped the crown when
Richard II. was deposed, in 1389, went far back to found his
right. He pretended that Henry III., who died in 1272, had
a son older than Edward I., named Edmund, and who w^as
thrust aside on account of his personal deformity, to make way
for Edward I. He thus traced his descent: Edmund the
Lame, duke of Lancaster, and oldest son, in fact, of Henry
III., had a son named Henry ; and this Henry had a son of
the same name, who was father of the princess Blanche.
Blanche married John of Gaunt, duke of Lancaster, third son
of Edward III. John of Gaunt died the same year that
Richard II. was deposed, (1399,) leaving a son Henry by
Blanche : that this Henry Avas the heir to the crown as the
lineal descendant of Edmund the Lame, the (pretended) oldest
son of Henry III. : that, being himself this Henry, the son of
Blanche, he was entitled to the crown, and he assumed it
under the name of Henry IV. His emblem was the red rose.
There is no foundation for the assumed fact, that Edmund the
Lame was the oldest son of Henry III. : and, therefore, Henry
IV. was an usurper. He and his successors, Henry V. and
Henry VI., held the throne seventy-three years, till 1472,
when Edward IV. obtained it.
The White Rose. Edward III., who died in 1377, had four
sons : 1. Edward the Black Prince. He died one year before
his father, leaving a son, Richard II. 2. Lionel, duke of
Clarence. He died nine years before his father, leaving Phi-
lippa, a daughter, who married Mortimer, earl of March.
They had a son, Roger Mortimer, earl of March, presumptive
heir of the crown, on failure of the issue of Edward the
THE TWO ROSES. 137
Black Prince. 3. John of Gaunt, duke of Lancaster. 4.
Edmund, duke of York. When Richard II. died, Roger
Mortimer was true heir to the crown, as Richard had no child.
Henry IV. usurped the crown to the exclusion of Roger. On
the decease of Roger, without issue, his sister Ann was heir-
ess, claiming under Lionel, duke of Clarence, second son of
Edward III. Ann married Richard, duke of Cambridge,
who was son of Edmund, duke of York, fourth son of Ed-
ward III. Their son was Richard, duke of York, who was
entitled to the crown through his mother, Ann, heiress of the
house of Clarence. Richard's son Edward, duke ofYork, as-
serted this right on the dethronement of Henry VI., and caused
himself to be crowned as Edward IV. His emblem was the
white rose. If the crown had descended to him without the
Lancastrian usurpation having intervened, he would have
been rightfully on the throne. But the three Henrys having
had the crown for seventy-three years, with the consent of the
nation, the house of Lancaster had acquired a prescriptive
right, at least, if time can ever give it. Whatever may have
been the original right of Edward IV., he may be considered
as having lost it, and there was ground for regarding him as
an usurper. The pretensions of both were questionable, and
divided the nation into two nearly equal parties; the one main-
taining that the house of York, the other that the house of
Lancaster was entitled.
Edward IV. (white rose) died in 1483, leaving Edward and
Richard, both very young, and a daughter, Elizabeth. Rich-
ard, duke of Glocester, murdered the two sons, his nephews,
and assumed the crown as Richard III. At this time, Rich-
ard and Elizabeth were the only remnants of the house of
York. If her father, Edward IV., was entitled to the crown,
Elizabeth was the lawful heiress.
Henry VI., the last of the Lancastrian kings, had an only
son, whom Edward IV. caused to be killed. He was a youth,
and left no child. A claimant of that house appeared in Henry,
earl of Richmond, who thus derived his descent : The com-
mon ancestor of himself and of Henry VI. was John of Gaunt,
duke of Lancaster, son of Edward III. The descent through
John of Gaunt's son Henry, having ended in the son of Henry
VI., the descendants of John's next son were entitled. He
was a legitimated son, John of Beaufort, who was made capa-
ble of inheriting in 1410. John of Beaufort had a son John,
duke of Somerset, whose daughter Margaret married, L John
de la Pole. 2. Edmund Tudor. 3. Thomas Stanley. Henry,
12*
138 HENRY IV.
eaii of Richmond, was the son of Edmund Tudor and Mar-
garet, and claimed to be heir to the crown under John of
Beaufort, son of John of Gaunt, duke of Lancaster. When
Richard III. had crowned himself, Henry appeared as claim-
ant, the last of the red rose. Their pretensions were settled
on the 23d of August, 1485, at the battle of Bosworth. Rich-
ard was slaih, and Henry proclaimed as Henry VII., the first
of the house of Tudor. Henry reluctantly married Elizabeth,
the daughter of Edward IV., who was the last of the tvhite
rose. The two roses were blended in Henry VIII., issue of
that marriage.*
This statement of claims may explain the desolating wars
of the two roses, which are next to be considered.
Henry IV., the first of the Lancastrians, came to the crown
under circumstances well adapted to make it an uncomfortable
weight upon his brow. Young Mortimer, the true heir, was
still alive, though in prison. Richard II. had been deposed and
had been murdered, at least with the approbation of Henry IV.,
if not by his command. The great lords were much divided
in opinion ; some of them in favor of this usurpation, and
some irreconcileably opposed. The whole of Henry's reign
(which began when he was thirty-two years old, in 1399,
1400, and ended in 1413, when he was forty-six) was passed
in struggles to keep himself on the throne. At the first par-
liament, the peers broke out in violent animosities ; forty
gauntlets were thrown on the floor, and liar and traitor re-
sounded through the hall. A combination was formed almost
immediately after the coronation, and an attempt made to sur-
prise and capture Henry at Windsor Castle. Civil war
ensued, and noble heads began to fall under the hand of the
executioner. Very disgraceful scenes occurred, which may
be so readily imagined from what has already been seen of
English history as to make it unnecessary to state them.
Henry sought to strengthen himself by courting the church.
For the first time, in England, (1401,) the civil power was
yielded to the ecclesiastics, to carry their sentences into effect.
William Sautre, rector of a church in London, was the first
Englishman burnt at the stake for religious opinions. The
French had taken great offence at the murder of Richard II.,
he having been affianced to a French princess at the time of
* Edmund Tudor's father was Owen Tudor, of an ancient Welsh
family, and his mother M^as Catherine of France, widow of Henry V.
HENRY IV. 139
his decease, though she was then only six years of age.
Owen Glendour, of Wales, favored the cause of Richard, and
rose in arms. The Scots, taking advantage of the troubled
state of England, renewed their invasion. The celebrated
family of Piercy, having the earl of Northumberland for its
chief, had rendered essential service to Henry IV. As usual,
in estimating debts of gratitude, the parties disagreed, and the
Piercys, with their numerous and powerful connexions, ap-
peared as rebels. Between these rebels and Henry, on the
21st of July, 1403, was fought the battle of Shrewsbury, (one
hundred and fifty miles north-west from London, on the bor-
ders of Wales.) Perhaps no conflict ever occurred, which
better deserves the name of hatile. There were about twelve
thousand on a side. They w^ere of the same nation, armed
alike, hostile to the highest degree, and contending for every
thing most valued on both sides. The fall of the famous
Harry Piercy decided the fortune of the day. Henry was
conqueror. The usual consequences of victory followed:
Public execution of rebels, and forfeiture of estates and titles
of nobility.
In 141)5, and in 1407, Henry had similar scenes to go
through to maintain himself on the throne; and he at length
succeeded in subduing his domestic enemies. In this latter
year, the youngest son of Robert III., king of Scotland, and
who was afterwards James I. (of Scotland) was taken, while on
his way to France, and brought into England. Henry kept
him prisoner many years, but made some compensation for this
unfair m.easure, by causing James to be well educated.
The house of commons was greatly strengthened for a time,
by the submission which Henry found it necessary to manifest
towards them. But having assured himself of his tenure of
the kingdom. Parliament was made to know that royal prerog-
atives were not intended to be surrendered. In 1412, Henry
obtained an act of parliament to settle the crown on his heirs.
The most remarkable event of this reign was a proposal of
the house of commons to seize on all the property held by the
clergy; much the same measure which Henry VIII. carried
into effect rather more than 100 years afterwards. But the
king would not consent to this, and expressed himself to be
much dissatisfied with the proposal. To quiet the church, and
give assurance of his sincerity, he caused one of the followers
of Wickliffe, (they had now the name of Lollards*) to be
* Said to be so called from a German named Lollard ; also from
lolium, meaning tares j i. e. tares sowed in the church by the evil one.
140 HENRY V.
burned before the parliament was dissolved. Henry's health
declined, and he died at Westminster, on the 20th of March,
1413. This person was able, brave, discreet. But the inter-
nal welfare of England was in no respect advanced during his
reign.
The account given by Shakspeare of Henry V,, as " prince
Hal," is conformable to historical accounts of the early life of
this king. Having come to the crown in 1413, at the age of
25, on the death of his father, he abandoned his early associ-
ates, and appears to have felt, thought, and acted, as became
his station. He released the true heir to the crown, his cousin,
Mortimer earl of March, from prison, and a mutual friendship
was ever afterwards maintained between them. He caused the
remains of Richard 11. to be brought to Westminster, with
regal ceremonies. The Piercys, who had long been exiles in
Scotland, were restored to their estates, and rank.
Whether Henry thought himself entitled to the crown of
France, or supposed the divided and miserable condition of that
country would open for him the w^ay to it, or whether he in-
tended only to keep his restless nobility occupied, and take the
chances of fortune, he resolved on an invasion. He assembled
a great council at Westminster, on the 15th April, 1415, and
informed them that he was about to attempt " the recovery of
his inheritance." He landed in Normandy, and, after taking
some towns, and gaining valuable plunder, he found it necessa-
ry to make his way to Calais under circumstances strongly
resembling those of Edward HI., at Crecy, in 1346, and nearly
over the same gound. At a place called Azincourt by the
French, and Agincourt by the English, on the 28th of October,
1415, Henry fought the memorable battle of that name. The
French outnumbered the English, three or four times; but the
victory fell to the English, and was not less ruinous to the
French, than the battle of Crecy, or Poitiers. The wretched
condition of France so favored the projects of Henry, that on
the 21st of May, 1420, he concluded a treaty, the terms of
which were dictated by himself; and he married Catherine,
the youngest daughter of Charles VI., king of France. The
whole of Henry's reign was devoted to his objects in France,
and he had reason to believe, that the claim of the Plantagenets
to the crown, was about to be satisfied in his own person.
The treaty provided that the crown should go to him, and his
heirs, on the death of the imbecile Charles VI., who was then
the nominal king; and that Henry should, in the mean time,
be the regent, or king in fact. These ambitious purposes we^*''
HENRY V. 141
brought to a sudden and mournful termination by the death of
Henry, on the 21st of August, 1422, at Vincennes, near Paris,
at the age of thirty-four. The disease of Henry was an inter-
nal malady, which the improved state of science, at the present
day, would treat as a light matter, but which, at that time, was
deemed incurable. Henry prepared for his death with com-
posure and good sense, as to himself, and with foresight and
wisdom, as to his kingdom. His remains were taken to
London for burial. Among those who followed as mourners,
were the earl of March, the true heir to the crown of England,
and the still captive king of Scotland, James I.
Henry's splendid career was highly gratifying to his sub-
jects, and they appear to have granted facilities with unusual
complacency. The real benefit of his achievements may be
found in the fact, that he kept his turbulent nobles too busy in
France, to permit leisure for cabals, and insurrection, at home.
Henry is described as handsome, affable, amiable, and able, a
good soldier and statesman. The events of his reign turn en-
tirely on the internal state of France, which belong to the his-
tory of that country. England seems to have made no advance,
in any beneficial respect, in the reign of Henry V. The only
circumstance which deserves a special notice relates to the
disciples of Wickliffe, now much increased, and distinguished
by the name of Lollards.
Henry appears to have been disinclined to severity, and to
the shedding of blood; but the clergy persuaded him that the
Lollards were a very dangerous faction, and ought to be sup-
pressed. Sir John Oldcastle (called lord Cobham) was point-
ed out as the head of this sect. He was known to the king,
and had been known to his father, as a man of talents, as a
soldier, and as of good character. Henry refused to have
Cobham prosecuted, until he had first spoken to him, and at-
tempted a conversion. The attempt was made, and with the
most friendly intentions on the part of the king; but Cobham
was immovable. Henry then gave him up to the bishops,
who condemned him to be burnt. He was committed to the
tower, but escaped the day before the sentence was to have
been executed. He then combined with the religious malcon-
tents, and actually committed treason, having plotted to seize
the person of the king, at Windsor, (Januar}% 1414.) He was
defeated in this enterprise by the king's unexpected removal to
another place. Four years afterwards, Cobham was taken and
executed as a traitor. The discontent with the Roman clergy
had extended to great numbers in England, and was preparing
142 HENRY V.
the way for the great change which another century was to
produce.
The son of Henry V. by Catherine of France, (a lady of
great celebrity,) was born in England, and Avas less than nine
months old when his father died, (1422.) With a minor king,
or a feeble one, England was certain to be miserable. Under
this infant Henry VI. there were two kingdoms to govern,
France, as well as England. Henry V. had two brothers,
John, duke of Bedford, and Humphrey, duke of Gloucester.
The government was assigned to John, under the name of
protector, or guardian; and in his absence to Humphrey. A
council was also assigned them, whose advice and approbation
were essential to all important measures. The presence of
John, duke of Bedford, was indispensable in France. He is
represented to have been a very able, just, and worthy man.
Humphrey seems to have had a worthy character. The
custody of the young monarch's person was confided to Henry
Beaufort, bishop of Winchester, one of the legitimate sons of
John of Gaunt, and, consequently, a great uncle of Henry VI.
There had long been a sympathetic alliance between France
and Scotland against England. As the affairs of France made
it very certain that hostilities would be renewed with England,
the protector (Bedford) caused the young king of Scotland to
be sent home, on an agreed ransom, and with an English queen,
in the person of a daughter of the earl of Somerset, a cousin of
Henry VI. (1423.)
From this time till 1450, the historians of England narrate
the events which occurred in France, in all of which the gov-
ernment of England was involved. But, on the part of Eng-
land, it was only an unprofitable, and very costly effort to retain
the dominion which Henry V. had acquired. These events
belong, therefore, to the history of France, and will be noticed
in that connexion. It is sufficient here to observe, that these
English concerns in France took place while Henry VI. was
called king of France as well as king of England; and that
the end of them was the expulsion of the English from France
in 1451, leaving Calais only, which was a great expense to
England, and useful in no respect, but as an avenue into
France.
HENRY YI.
CHAPTER XXI.
143
Henry VI. — Principal actors in this reign — Margaret of Anjou — internal
dissensions — Jack Cade — Dnke of York regent — Commencement of civil
wars — Warwick the king-maker— Edu-ard IV.
The son of Henry V., nine months old when his father died,
became king of England, and was to be king of France when
Charles VI. died, which event soon occurred. He was
crowned in England while an infant, and in France before he
was ten years old, by the name of Henry VI. He was utterly
incompetent, from his birth to his death, at the age of fifty, to
exercise the power which his station vested in him; and had not
common sense enough to perform the duties of the humblest
private station. The life-time* of Henry was, at first, a bitter
and malicious contention among individuals for the exercise of
the royal authority in his name ; and the last half of his life
was devoted to bloody conflicts for the crown, which the acci-
dent of birth had placed on his head.
The principal actors in these scenes were, —
1. Henry Beaufort, (son of John of Gaunt, duke of Lancas-
ter, third son of Edward III.) At this time he was bishop of
Winchester, and held the rank of cardinal. He was uncle to
Henry's father, and grand uncle to Henry. The office of
governor, or guardian of the young king, was given to him.
This person appears to have been destitute of all the virtues
and qualities which are expected in the professors of Christian-
ity, and to have exercised the talents, and to have exhibited the
vices, which are expected in aspiring and selfish politicians.
2. John Beaufort, duke of Bedford, was the brother next in
age to Henry V. He was a warrior, a statesman, an able and
a worthy man. Parliament made him protector. He was
twice married, but left no issue; his second widow married
Owen Tudor, who was the grandfather of Henry VII. The
duke of Bedford died in 1435, in France.
3. Humphrey Beaufort, duke of Gloucester, next brother to
John. He was regent in England in John's absence, who
spent most of his time in France. Gloucester was called "the
good," "the virtuous." He was educated at Oxford; favored
learning; commenced the great library now known as the
Bodleian. He was twice married. He was murdered in
prison, in 1447.
144 HENRY VI.
4. The earl of Suffolk, grandson of the'iner chant de la Pole,
who lent money to Edward III., and son of him who was a
favorite of Richard 11. This person was a confidential agent
of the queen, next to be mentioned.
5. Margaret of Anjou, a French princess, daughter of Reg-
nier, or Rene, count of Anjou, and who was a titular king of
Sicily and Naples. She married Henry VI. in the year 1445;
assumed the government of the kingdom, and was the ablest
person of her time, in peace and war. She did everything
but head the armies, in battle, which she actually led into the
field. A French historian describes her as " the most unhappy
of queens, wives, and mothers."
6. Richard, the duke of York, was son of Richard, earl of
Cambridge, and of Anne, heiress of Clarence, and as such,
claiming the crown, adversely to the Lancastrian princes.
He married Ann Cecil Nevil, daughter of Ralph Nevil, earl
of Westmoreland. The son of this marriage was Edward,
earl of March, Edward IV.
7. Richard, duke of Salisbury, was a son of Ralph, earl of
Westmoreland, and brother-in-law of the duke of York. He
married the heiress of Thomas Montecute, earl of Salisbury,
(killed at Orleans, 1428,) and thereby took the title of Salis-
bury. Husbands might assume titles which had descended to
females.
8. Beauchamp, earl of Warwick, was the last male de-
scendant of a very ancient and rich house. His daughter, the
heiress of his fortunes and title, married Richard Nevil, son of
the earl of Salisbury, who thereby took the title of Warwick.
This person was the first among the great men of his time,
and know^n by the name oi king-inaker. So numerous were his
estates, and such his opulence, that thirty thousand persons are
supposed to have been daily maintained at his charge.
9. Many persons are spoken of in the civil wars, (between
1450 and 1485) under the name of dukes of Somerset. These
dukes were all derived from the third son of Edward III.
(who was John of Gaunt, duke of Lancaster,) and Catherine
Swynford. By act of parliament, the offspring of this con-
nexion were legitimated. The family name of this race was
Beaufort, given to them by their father; one of his inferior
titles.
10. The earls of Northumberland were the ancient family
of Piercy. They were of Danish origin in the ninth century,
and came from Normandy with William, in 1066. This
family had eighty-six manors in York, and thirty-two in Lin-
HENRY VI. 145
coin. In 1414, Henry Percy, son of Hotspur, was released
from confinement in Scotland, where he had long been as a
hostage, and was restored to his family estate and title. The
Percy family were active agents in all the wars of England,
civil and foreign.
11. Catherine was the widow of Henry V., and daughter
of Charles VI., king of France. After the death of Henry,
she gave great offence by marrying Owen Tudor of Wales,
who was descended (as was said) from the royal house of
Wales; but of whom, it was also said, that he was the son of a
brewer. This marriage produced several children, one of
whom, Edmund Tudor, married the daughter of John, duke
of Somerset, and of Margaret Beauchamp; and the son of this
marriage was Henry, earl of Richmond, Henry VII. The
Somersets were descendants of John of Gaunt, duke of Lancas-
ter, as before remarked. When Edmund Tudor married
Margaret, she was the widow of John de la Pole; and being
again a widow, she married Thomas Stanley, who was the
earl of Derby in Henry Vll.'s time; and consequently Henry's
father-m-law.
12 When John, duke of Bedford, died, he left a very young
widow, Jacquelaine of Luxembourgh, who married a private
gentleman in England, Thomas Woodville. Elizabeth, a
daughter of this marriage, became the wife of Sir John Gray.
She afterwards became the wife of Edward IV. Her ambition
and arrogance w^ere among the causes of the public afflictions.
Her father, her sons, and relations, were ennobled, enriched,
and honored in such manner as to give great offence to the
ancient families.
13. The Clifford family were very ancient, and are traced
back to the seventh century. This family was allied by mar-
riages with the earls of Westmoreland, Cumberland, i3orset,
and Pembroke. Walter de Clifford was the father of fair
Rosamond, and from him descended the lords of Westmoreland,
and the earls of Cumberland. The seat of this noble family
was Clifford Castle on the Wye, once a place of extraordinary
grandeur, now an imposing ruin.
14, George, duke of Clarence, was a younger brother of
Edward IV. and of Richard III. He joined Warwick in a
rebellion against Edward IV., and married Warwick's daugh-
ter. He afterwards deserted Warwick, and made his peace
with his brother Edward; but this peace was not of long dura-
lion. Edward condemned him, and would show him no grace,
13
146
HENRY VI.
but in permitting him to choose his mode of dying — which
was, drowning in a butt of Malmsey wine.
From the year 1422, when Henry V. died, to the year 1445,
when his son Henry VI. married Margaret of Anjou, the
affairs of England have two aspects; the intrigues at home for
power, and the attempts to retain the conquests which Henry
V. had made in France.
The bishop of Winchester, and his nephew, the duke of
Somerset, were the head of the court party, as connected with
the young king. "The good duke of Gloucester," the king's
uncle, was the regent of the kingdom, and head of an opponent
party. What caused the bitter enmity between these parties,
is not disclosed; but the former had resolved on the destruc-
tion of the latter. They accused Elinor Cobham, the wife of
Gloucester, of sorcery. The precise charge was, that she had
a small image, made of wax, in the likeness of the king; and
that, with the aid of a priest and a witch, she caused the imbe-
cility of the king, by a slow melting of this wax before a fire;
and with the design to destro3^ the king, and open the way for
her husband to the throne. Elinor was tried, convicted, sen-
tenced to do public penance, and then imprisoned for life.
This was in 1441. This unfortunate lady disappeared, and is
no more mentioned. Such an accusation, such a trial, con-
viction and punishn:ient, disclose the true state of intelligence
and morals.
In 144.5, the earl of Suffolk, a tool of the bishop of Winches-
ter, negotiated a marriage between Henry and Margaret of
Anjou. Instead of acquiring riches, territory, or dominion, as
was common in such contracts, Suffolk secretly agreed to cede
a province of France, then held by England. It was for this
service, that the negotiator obtained his title of duke of Suffolk.
Margaret cordially joined the party of Winchester, Somer-
set, and Suffolk, imparting to it the strength of her regal
authority. The union of these persons soon proved fatal to
"the good duke of Gloucester." A parliament was convened
at their suggestion, at St. Edmundsbury, seventy miles north-
east of London, which Gloucester attended. He was there
suddenly accused, arrested, and thrown into prison. The next
morning he w^as found dead. The manner of his death can
only be conjectured; but that he was put to death by the
queen's party, seems not to have been doubted.
Suspicion of the duke of Suffolk was so strong, and the
popular dissatisfaction so great, that he was accused by the
Commons. When the trial was about to proceed, the king
JACK CADE. 147
assembled the lords, and in their presence took on himself to
banish Suffolk for five years. He soon departed for the con-
tinent, but was forcibly taken on the sea, and brought back,
near the mouth of the Thames, and his head severed from his
body on a block, in a small boat, with a rusty sword. Among
the charges against Suifolk was that of intending to marry his
son to the daughter of Somerset, and, in her right, to claim
the throne.
In the summer of the year 1450, the formidable insurrection
occurred which was led by Jack Cade. This person is repre-
sented to have fled over to France to escape public punish-
ment, and to have returned, and to have excited the people to
rise. The number was great enough to intimidate the king,
who retired to Kenilworth castle in Warwickshire, one hun-
dred and one miles north-west from London. The insurgents
marched triumphantly through London. Their leader assum-
ed the name of John Mortimer, the family which had preten-
sions to the throne after the death of Richard II., though
this Mortimer was beheaded in the time of Henry V. Lord
Say was arrested and put to death by this mob. He was in
the office of treasurer, and accidentally fell into their power in
London. After some days, a general pardon was offered by
proclamation, excepting the leader, Cade. A price was set on
his head : he was met in Sussex by a gentleman named Iden,
and slain by him.
It is doubtful whether this insurrection was occasioned by a
sense of grievances and a clamor for reform in the adminis-
tration of public affairs, or was excited by the York party to
try the public sentiment concerning the tenure of the crown
by the Lancastrians. There are some facts which might sup-
port either opinion.
In 1451, the duke of York, who was lord-lieutenant of Ire-
land, came thence to England. In the following year the
House of Commons petitioned the king to remove from his
person and councils, the duke of Somerset, the duchess of
Suffolk, the bishop of Chester, Sir John Sutton, lord Dudley,
and others, and to forbid them from coming within twelve
miles of the court.
The duke of York raised an army of ten thousand men,
and marched towards London, demanding a reform of govern-
ment and the dismissal of Somerset. London closed its gates.
York retreated into Kent, The king came there with a supe-
rior army, in which were York's friends Warwick, Salisbury,
and others. A pacific conference occurred, and York retired
to his seat at Wigmore, on the borders of Wales.
148 HENRY Vt.
In 1454, was born Edward, prince of Wales; and in the
same year the king fell into a state of utter imbecility. Par-
liament ordered that Richard, duke of York, should be lieu-
tenant of the kingdom. This office he accepted on condition
that his powers should be precisely defined. Somerset was
sent prisoner to the tower.
In the same year the king so far recovered, that his per-
sonal friends required of him to resume his power. York
now found it necessary to protect himself, but without claiming
the crown or demanding any thing but reform. He assembled
his forces, and approached London. On the 23d of May, 1454,
the^r^^ of the battles between York and Lancaster was fought
at St. Alban's, about thirty miles north of London, where the
Yorkists, without suffering any material loss, slew the duke
of Somerset, the earl of Northumberland, the earl of Stafford,
(oldest son of the duke of Buckingham,) lord Clifford, and
some others of distinction, with five thousand not named.
The king fell into the hands of the duke of York. A parlia-
ment indemnified the duke for this transaction, and confirmed
his authority as regent.
In 1456, the indefatigable queen Margaret suddenly produc-
ed her husband to the House of Lords, and caused him to
declare that he resumed his royal authority. He did so, and
the court retired to Coventry, near the centre of the kingdom,
about one hundred miles northwardly from London. At this
time the earls of Salisbury and Warwick appear on the side of
York, who retired again to his castle at Wigmore, Salisbury-
to Middleham in Yorkshire, and Warwick to Calais, of w^hich
place the government had been committed to him immediately
after the battle of St. Alban's.
A very natural but futile attempt was made at reconciliation.
This was, probably, a measure of the church, suggested by
the archbishop of Canterbury. Some time in 1458, all the
parties were invited to London, to effect a general amity; and
to give to this effort the appearance of solemnity and sincerity,
a procession was formed to St. Paul's, in couples, each couple
composed of one leader of the adverse parties. " York led
queen Margaret, and then came the others, paired in like
manner. Such efforts changed no one's feelings; the matter
to be settled admitted of no rule but that of force.
The opportunity soon occurred. A controversy arose in 1459
between two inferiors of the opposite parties, which brought the
principals and all their followers into conflict on the 23d of
September of that year. While the earl of Salisbury (a parti-
CIVIL WARS.
149
sail of the duke of York) was leading his force to join the
duke, he was overtaken by lord Dudley, leading a superior
force on the side of the king. The parties encountered at
Blore-heath, about fifty miles south-east of Liverpool, and
Salisbury, by an ingenious stratagem, obtained a victory, and
reached the general rendezvous of the Yorkists at Ludlow,
near the border of Wales. This was the second battle in the
war of the roses.
Warwick brought over from Calais a body of hired troops,
under the command of Sir Andrew Trollop. Sir Andrew
deserted to king Henry with these troops. York fled to Irel-
and, and Warwick to Calais.
In the following year, Warwick landed in Kent, having
with him the earl of Salisbury, the earl of Marche, (oldest son
of Richard, duke of York,) and being met there by many of
the York party, he went to London, increasing his numbers
as he went, and soon was able to move onward to meet the
royal party, which came from Coventry to meet him. The
third battle was fought at Northampton (about seventy miles
north-west from London, on the 10th of July, 1460. The
perfidy of lord Gray of Ruthven, who deserted, with his forces,
to the Yorkists, gave them the victory. Henry was again
prisoner. On the king's side, the duke of Buckingham, the
earl of Shrewsbury, the lords Beaumont and Egremont, and
Sir William Lucie were killed.
On the 7th of October, a parliament was summoned, and
the duke of York having returned from Ireland, openly as-
serted his right to the throne. The matter was quietly debat-
ed, the right admitted, but postponed to the death of Henry,
the duke to be, meanwhile, regent of the kingdom.
Historical records give a very imperfect account of the deep
and searching interests which a change of dynasty, from Lan-
caster back to York, must necessarily bring into operation.
The titles and estates, which had been gradually strengthening
through more than two generations, were to be suddenly seized
upon, and bestowed on ancient claimants or new favorites.
Whatever may have been the motives, the duke of York
acquiesced in the proposed compromise. He sent to the
queen, requiring her presence in London. This active and
intelligent female had, meanwhile, obtained from Scotland and
in the north, an army of twenty thousand, and came to bring
her own answer. The duke, supposing this armament could
be no more than an insurrection, proceeded with five thousand
men to the north. He found at Wakefield (about sixty miles
13*
150
CIVIL WARS.
north-east of Liverpool) that his force was too small to meet
that of the queen. He threw himself into Sandal castle, in-
tending to await the coming of his son, the earl of March,
wdth a force from the borders of Wales ; but feeling himself
disgraced in thus sheltering himself from a woman, he came
forth, and the battle of Wakefield was fought on the 24th of
December, 1460. The duke was killed. The earl of Salis-
bury was taken and beheaded. The earl of Rutland, a youth
of fourteen, youngest son of York, was killed after the battle
by the hand of lord Clifford, to avenge his father's death at
St. Alban's. The head of York was adorned with a paper
crown, by Margaret's orders, and placed on the gates of the
city of York, together with Salisbury's head. This was the
fourth battle of the roses. The duke of York fell at the age
of fifty. He probably did not leave a better man than himself
in the kingdom. His surviving children were Edward, George,
and Richard ; Anne, Elizabeth, and Margaret.
Edward, who was earl of March, now duke of York, was
coming from the borders of Wales. The queen sent a division
of her army, under the king's half brother, Jasper Tudor, earl
of Pembroke, to meet Edward. The parties met at Morti-
mer s cross, Herefordshire, near the borders of Wales, on the
2d of February, 1461. The queen's party was defeated, with
the loss of four thousand. Sir Owen Tudor (grandfather of
Henry VII.) was taken and beheaded. This was the fifth
battle.
The queen had better fortune at the sixth battle, fought at
St. Alban's, (the second, in this controversy, at that place,) on
the 17th of the same month of February. Here the earl of
Warwick appeared, with a numerous force from London,
assured of victory ; but another case of treachery arose on his
side. Lovelace, who led a large body of Yorkists, withdrew
in the midst of the conflict. The Yoikists were vanquished,
and the king fell again into the possession of the queen. But
this heroine finding herself between the young duke of York,
who was coming from the west, and the city of London, well
known to be favorably disposed to her enemy, withdrew
towards the north. The duke, less scrupulous than his father,
led his army to the city, and there caused himself to be pro-
claimed as Edward IV., March 5, 1461.
EDWARD IV. 151
CHAPTER XXII.
Reig7i of Edward IV.-^ Continuations of the Wars between the two Roses
— Edward's Queen, Elizabeth WoodviLle—Rebetlioiis — Edward's Flight
— His Restoration — Death of Warwick— Queen Mat gar et captive —
Death of Henry VI.
Edward IV. was twenty years old. He was handsome,
and devoted to pleasure, but capable of energetic action, and
insensible to any restraints arising from mercy or a sense of
justice. He was well adapted to the cruel and bloody efforts
necessary to secure his seat upon the throne. The public feel-
ing had become familiar with scenes of violence. It excited
no emotion to see a London citizen put to death for saying he
would make his son heir to the crown, meaning the sign over
his own shop-door. It was about this time that the symbol of
the two roses first appeared. The whole nation was nearly
equally divided into two vindictive parties. Both could not
exist, and nothing but violence could destroy either.
Margaret had acquired an army of sixty thousand in York-
shire. Edward and the earl of Warwick led an army of
forty thousand against her. On the 29th of March, 1461, the
seventh battle was fought at Touton, a short distance from
Wakefield, near the city of York. This was the severest
battle of the war; thirty-six thousand men having fallen on
the side of the queen. Among the slain of this party were
the earl of Westmoreland, Sir John Nevil, his brother, the earl
of Northumberland, lords Dacres and Welles, and Sir Andrew
Trollop. The earl of Devonshire (now of the king's party)
was made prisoner, and immediately beheaded by Edward's
order. The heads of the late duke Richard and the earl of
Salisbury, which the queen had placed over the gate of York
immediately after the battle of Wakefield, were taken down
and buried, and that of Devonshire put up. The king and
queen, who were at the city of York awaiting the issue of
this battle, fled into Scotland. Among their companions were
the duke of Exeter, who had married king Edward's sister,
and Henry, duke of Somerset. Edward supposed he should
best promote his own interest by returnirig to London.
A parliament was held in November, and Edward experi-
enced the benefit of his own decisive energy. Parliament
was ready to annul every act of the Lancastrian kings as
mere usurpation, and to reverse every attainder and forfeiture.
153 EDWARD IV.
It is now obvious why these battles occurred, and why they
were so severely contested. Parliament proceeded to declare
the king and queen, and all their adherents of the nobility and
gentry, attainted, and all the titles and estates of these attaint-
ed persons to be forfeited. But as to those who were within
Edward's power, attaint and forfeiture were followed by exe-
cution, John, earl of Oxford, and his son, Aubrey de Vere,
and three others, were so condemned and executed.
Between this time and May, 1464, Margaret had gone over
to France, and prevailed on the cautious Louis XI, to furnish
her with two thousand men, on the promise of surrendering
Calais, if she recovered the throne. On the 15th of May, the
queen again tried her fortune at the battle of Hexham, and
was defeated. This battle was the eighth. Hexham is within
sixty miles of Scotland. The duke of Somerset, the lords
Roos and Hungerford, Sir Humphrey Nevil, and others, were
either killed in battle or beheaded afterwards. Such modes of
vengeance indicate the desperate character of the war, far
more ferocious than war between different nations.
Margaret was compelled to hide herself and her son Ed-
ward (now about ten years old) in a forest. Here she was
assailed and robbed, and while the robbers were contending
for the spoils, she escaped, and soon after encountered another
robber carrying a drawn sword. She approached him boldly,
and addressed him, — " My friend, I commit to your care the
safety of your king's son ! " From whatever motive, the con-
fidence was accepted. She was concealed some time in the
forest, aided to reach the sea-coast, and escaped to France.
Her husband, Henry, was secreted in the north for more than
a year, then taken and imprisoned in the tower.
There Avas now comparative tranquillity. The Lancastrians
were terrified and silent. Edward abandoned himself to
pleasure. The fortunes of England took a new and unex-
pected turn from a mere accident. The princess Jaqueline of
Luxembourgh, widow of John, duke of Bedford, regent of
France, (who died in 1435,) married a private gentleman,
Thomas Woodville. Their daughter Elizabeth married Sir
John Gray, who was in the second battle of St. Alban's, on
the queen's side, and was there killed. The king (Edward
IV,) happening to be near the abode of Jaqueline, stopped to
visit her ; saw Elizabeth, became enamored, and raised her to
the throne. These things happened while the king's friend
Warwick was engaged in negotiating a marriage, under a
special commission from Edward, between him and the prin-
EDWARD IV. 153
cess Bona of Savoy, sister to the queen of France. This alli-
ance was thought, by Warwick, necessary to Edward's secu-
rity, it was not only prevented, but Warwick perceived that
the power which he had exercised was impaired, and might
soon be lost under the influence of new favorites. Edward
felt too heavily the weight of obligation to Warwick, and was
not disinclined to be freed from a burthen. This appears to
be the point of time when an alienation began, and which
prolonged the wars of the roses, and, consequently, the afflic-
tions which seemed to have subsided. It may have been
difficult for Edward to bear Warwick's pretensions, and im-
possible to reconcile these with the powers which the new
queen assumed to exercise. The rich, noble, powerful War-
wick, had only to choose between a life of insignificance and
an attempt to make his power and his indignation felt on the
throne itself
The queen had a father, a brother, three sisters, and also,
by her former marriage, a son. All of them were raised to
high dignity by titles, marriages, or offices; nor only so, in
effecting her object, the queen wounded the pride of the whole
family of Nevil, of which Warwick was one. The ancient
nobility were generally disgusted by the queen's arrogance in
advancing her relations. Even the family of York were
unable to conceal their displeasure.
George, duke of Clarence, the king's second brother, was
among the malcontents of this time. Warw'ick perceiving
this, effected a marriage between Clarence and his eldest
daughter. This lady was one of two who were to inherit
Warwick's immense fortune. This alliance occurred in 1466.
From this time till 1469, Edward appears to have been
attempting to strengthen himself against France, by an alliance
with Charles, duke of Burgundy, to whom he gave his sister
Margaret in marriage. Some other arrangements were made,
to like purpose, with the duke of Brittany. Warwick retained
his government of Calais during these years, and was not
otherwise employed by the king.
In 1469 there was a numerous insurrection in the north.
It does not appear to have been political in its commencement.
Lord Montague, who was the military chief in the north and
brother of Warwick, attempted to suppress the insurgents.
The leader was seized and executed. Sir Henry Nevil, son
of Lord Latimer, associated himself with the rebels, as did Sir
John Coniers. Herbert, earl of Pembroke, (successor of Jas-
per Tudor in that title,) and Stafford, earl of Devonshire, were
154
EDWARD IV.
sent against them by the king. There was a battle at Banbu-
ry. Nevil took Pembroke and beheaded him. The king
thinking the earl* of Devonshire blameable, beheaded him.
The rebels sent a party to Grafton, surprised the queen's
father, earl Rivers, and her brother John, and executed them.
This fact leads to a surmise that Warwick was not ignorant
that such insurrection was intended.
In 1470 another rebellion occurred, in Lincoln, with a force
of thirty thousand. Sir Hobert Welles, son of lord Welles,
(who seems to have abjured all part in it,) was their leader.
The king fought a battle with them, defeated them, and be-
headed lord Welles and his son.
These insurrections are not accounted for. They show an
exceedingly irritated condition of society, probably arising
from the insecurity of property and life, and this from inces-
sant revolutions and their consequences; or they may have
been excited by the malcontents, even by Warwick himself
Warwick, and his son-in-law Clarence, came from Calais to
aid the king, and had commissions to levy troops. But, sud-
denly, both Warwick and Clarence came out against the king,
and used their commissions to levy troops for themselves.
There may have been some connexion between these persons
and Sir Robert Welles. Hearing of his defeat, they retired
to the north, where they are supposed to have expected the aid
of lord Stanley, who married Warwick's sister, and of the
marquis Montague, brother of Warwick. Neither of these
persons appeared, and Warwick and Clarence fled. They
arrived at Calais, but the commandant of that fortress would not
admit them, preferring to adhere to the king. Doubtless,
Warwick's office of governor of Calais had been revoked.
He and his son-in-law, the duke of Clarence, were compelled
to seek safety in France. Both Warwick and Clarence now
appear as Lancastrians, negotiating with Margaret and the
king of France to dethrone Edward, and replace Henry.
Warwick married his youngest daughter to Margaret's son,
the prince of Wales, who was yet a boy, and settled the Eng-
lish crown on them and their issue, and in default of such
issue, on Clarence, and his heirs.
Edward had notice of these measures, considered them con-
temptible, and desired nothing more earnestly than that War-
wick should venture to England. He did venture thither,
soon found himself at the head of sixty thousand men, and
Edward approached him at Nottingham, in September, 1470.
In the night before the expected day of battle, some of War-
EDWARD IV. 155
wick's party took arms, and proceeded with the Lancastrian
war cry towards Edward's quarters, who was advised by his
chamberlain, lord Hastings, to fly. He did so, and was hastily
conveyed over to the continent, and with so little preparation,
that he paid for his passage with his robe lined with sable.
Thus, in eleven days from landing, Warwick was master of
the kingdom.
The proud Warwick hastened to London, released the same
Henry whom he had ignominiously committed to the tower,
and convoked a parliament. This assembly restored Henry;
reversed all that the York party had done; restored the Lan-
castrians, and provided for the entire execution of the treaty
which Warwick had made with Margaret, in Paris. The
leaders of the Yorkists fled. Some of them, who had been
dukes, were little better than common beggars on the continent.
The toils of Margaret were now to be rewarded. She was
about to see her enemies prostrated ; herself and family restored
to the dignity and honor of which they had been unjustly and
cruelly deprived. The fugitive Lancastrians gathered around
her, to grace her triumphal return. Necessary preparations,
and adverse winds, prevented her departure, and she did not
reach England till the llth of April, 1471. She arrived at
the very moment to learn that Edward had returned, Warwick
was slain, Edward again king, and her poor husband, Henry,
again his captive.
It appears that Edward was aided by his brother-in-law, the
duke of Burgundy. He found his way to York, with some
followers. He moved southwardly, becoming daily stronger ;
designedly avoided Warwick, who had gone out to meet him ;
came to London ; was well received there, and recognised
as king. Many reasons are assigned why the citizens of
London welcomed him ; but not one creditable to him, or to
them. The king had now become strong enough to return
upon Warwick. They met at Barnet, about twenty-five miles
north of London.
On the llth of April, 1471, the conflict was had, and War-
wick's party were vanquished, and himself slain. These
events were produced, in part, by the perfidy of Clarence, and
of other supposed friends of Warwick; and, in part, by acci-
dents which often settle the result of battles, and which no
wisdom can foresee or prevent. Montague, the brother of
Warwick, was also slain.
On the same day of the battle, Margaret landed at Wey-
mouth, in Dorsetshire, on the south coast of England. Over-
156 EDWARD IV.
whelmed by this reverse, for the first time, she gave way to
her fate, and sought a neigliboring sanctuary for herself and
son. Reassured by her companions and friends, she proceeded
northwardly to Tevvksbury, in Worcestershire, between the
cities of Worcester and Gloucester, where the battle of that
name (Tewksbnry) was fought, on the 11th of May, 1471.
Her party was totally defeated. The earl of Devonshire, and
lord Warloc, were killed in the field. The duke of Somerset,
and others, beheaded. The queen and her son were taken.
The son was brought to Edward's presence, who demanded of
him why he dared enter England. The youth (then about
eighteen) answered, "to claim my inheritance." Edward
struck him in the face, which whs construed into an order to
dispatch him. He was hurried into an adjoining room, and
that deed was done: some say by Gloucester, afterwards Rich-
ard in. Mjrgaret.was consigned to the tovver. Her husband,
Henry VI., died in the same place, soon after this battle.
There is no evidence that he was murdered, and, according to
the moral sense of that day, it is of little importance whether
he was, or was not.
After the battle of Tevvksbury, no Lancastrians remained,
who could disturb Edward, except Jasper Tudor, earl of Pem-
broke, half brother to Henry VI., and his nephew, the earl of
Richmond. Both these persons were then in Wales, where
Edward could not pursue them with a military force. He at-
tempted to get possession of them by fraud, and to cause them
to be murdered. They retired to France, and were driven into
a port in Brittany. They intended to go to Paris, but the
duke of Brittany found it expedient to forbid their departure.
Edward was careful to have them well guarded there. The
young earl of Richmond remained there until he returned to
England to wear its crown.
Edw^ard lived about eleven years after he had slain in battle,
silenced by the axe, or put to flight, every one who could
assert a claim to the throne. He had also taken a cruel ven-
geance on many of those persons who had united with his
adversaries. He attended next to schemes of ambition, in the
aflfairs -of France, and the countries which border upon France.
In these measures he had to contend with the most cunning
and most unprincipled man of the age, Louis XI. ; and found
no better fruits from his exertions, than the painful assurance
of having been duped, without the possibility of obtaining his
objects, or gratifying his revenge.
The private life of Edward was exceedingly odious. He
EDWARD IV. 157
was the handsomest and most profligate man of his time. He
had popularity, and perhaps good will, with many of his sub-
jects, who were inclined to judge lightly of his vices. He
Avas brave and able in battle; prompt and effective in council;
but perfidious and cruel as a victor. The causes of his death,
at the age of forty-two, are variously stated. His own vices
were undoubtedly the true causes, whatever character disease
may have taken at the close. (April 9th, 1483.)
This profligate life of Edward was a subject of notice, after
his death, in the case of Jane Shore, who is destined, through
the attractions of the drama, to be long remembered. Mcin-
tosh has done something to mitigate opinion, in quoting the
words of a contemporary writer, Sir Thomas More : — " Proper
she was and fair, yet delighted not men so much in her beauty,
as in her pleasant behavior; for a proper wit had she, and
could both read well, and write: ready and quick of answer,
neither mute nor babbling; many mistresses the king had, but
her he loved, whose favor, to say the truth, she never abused,
to any man's hurt, but often employed to many a man's relief."
While Edward lived, he could suppress the bitterness of
feeling which had arisen, and which proved more inveterate
even than that of the two roses; but when this influence was
lost, all restraint on hatreds was lost. Elizabeth Woodville
had always known how to preserve, and to exercise her power
over her husband: and she had used it to honor and illustrate
all her own family, to the utmost of royal favor. The ancient
nobility had looked on this arrogance with smothered enmity
so long, that the opportunity to show it, and humble the
Woodvilles, was a welcome event. These feelings accorded
well with the designs of Richard, duke of Gloucester, who had
been careful to keep on good terms with all around him.
The long expected day had come to develope these designs.
These, and the execution of them, give to Richard the highest
place among the cool and deliberate villains, who have, at any
time, appeared on earth.
14
158 RICHARD III.
CHAPTER XXIIL
Richard III. — Principal actors in his time — Murder of Edward'' s two sons
— Richard's attempt to marry Edward's daughter Elizabeth — Earl of
Richmond — Battle of Bosworth — Henry VII.
Richard, duke of Gloucester, has not been brought but
little into view in the preceding events. He was employed by
Edward in an expedition undertaken against Scotland, and
then held a high military rank. He was on the borders of
Scotland when his brother Edward died. This person be-
comes the principal character in the tragic scenes of the time.
Edward had removed from the earth his Lancastrian foes,
only to give place to the passions of his own brother, which
were satisfied with nothing short of the destruction of every
member of Edward's family, who stood between him and the
throne. The persons who are known as agents from the 9th
of April, 1483, (Edward's decease,) to the 22d of August, 1485,
when the duke of Gloucester (as Richard HI.) was slain, and
the earl of Richmond, (as Henry VH.) became king, were
these: —
1. Elizabeth, widow of Edward IV., whose origin and
family connexion have been already stated.
2. Edward V., son of Edward IV. and Elizabeth Wood-
ville, born 4th of November, 1470; murdered in the tower,
June, 1483.
3. Richard, duke of York, younger brother of Edward V.,
murdered at the same time in the tower.
4. Elizabeth, born February, 1466, married Henry VII.,
January, I486.
5. Richard, duke of Gloucester, brother of Edward IV.,
usurped the crown as Richard III. Killed at Bosworth,
August, 1485, supposed to have been then thirty-eight years
old. " Of small stature, humpbacked, harsh, disagreeable
countenance, and one arm shrivelled and decayed." (Hume.)
6. The earl of Rivers, one of the Woodvilles, brother of the
queen; supposed to have been in middle age in 1483; much
distinguished for his learning and accomplishments. He in-
troduced printing in England, by commending Caxton to the
patronage of Edward IV. (between 1471 — 1483.) The earl
was murdered at Pomfret castle, June, 1483, by order of
Richard HI.
RICHARD III. 159
7. Sir Richard Gray, son of the queen by her first marriage,
murdered at Pomfret castle, with earl Rivers.
8. The marquis of Dorset, was another son of the queen by
her former marriage, and brother of Sir Richard Gray.
9. The duke of Buckingham was descended from the sixth
son of Edward III., who was Thomas of Woodstock, duke of
Gloucester, brother of Edward, the Black Prince, and of John
of Gaunt. The descent was through Thomas's daughter
Ann, who married Thomas, earl of Stafford. Their son was
Humphrey, duke of Buckingham, who fvas killed in 1460.
The son of this duke died of his wounds received at the first
battle of St. Albans, 1 455. The son of the last mentioned
duke was the present Henry, duke of Buckingham, and hus-
band of the queen's sister Catherine Woodville. He was be-
headed by Richard III. in 1483. Buckingham was one of the
first men of his time, by family, by riches, and by personal
qualities. He was among the number of those who were
displeased with the arrogance of his sister-in-law, the queen ;
took part with Richard, and then against him.
10. Among the adherents to the queen, was lord Lyle, her
brother-in-law.
11. The duke of Norfolk. Thomas de Mowbray, earl of
Nottingham, was created duke of Norfolk, in 1398. (He was
grandson of Thomas Plantagenet, second son of Edward I.)
Sir John Howard married the heiress of John de Mowbray,
duke of Norfolk. This nobleman adhered to Richard HI.,
and commanded the van at Bosworth, and was killed there.
His title of duke of Norfolk was recognised by Richard, the
day of the coronation.
12. The Stanley family were ancient and opulent, and were
distinguished as far back as the time of Henry HI. In 1456,
Sir Thomas Stanley was summoned to parliament. His son
Thomas was a leader in the battle of Bosworth, and appeared
on Richard's side, but declared for Richmond, and settled the
fortune of the day. He was created earl of Derby in 1485,
and was husband of Catherine, the mother of Henry VII.
13. Sir William Stanley was brother of the earl of Derby;
beheaded by Henry VIL
14. Lord Hastings had been among the personal friends of
Edward IV., but appeared among the principal advisers of
Richard III. Being suspected by Richard, he was beheaded
in 1483, in the tower.
15. The earl of Oxford. Robert de Vere, a favorite of
Richard II., was created earl of Oxford. At the battle of
160 RICHARD III.
Barnet, Warwick's right wing was commanded by John de
Vere, Earl of Oxford. The earl escaped, and fled into Wales.
16. Lord Ferrers, in Richard's army, killed at Bosworlh.
17. Sir Richard Radcliffe,
18. Sir Robert Piercy,
19. Sir Robt. Brakenbury,
20. Sir William Catesby,
Richard, duke of Gloucester
" taken and beheaded,
came from the north towards
London, immediately on hearing of his brother's death. Ed-
ward, now king by»the name of Edward V., was at Ludlow
castle, on the borders of Wales, when his father died. He
was on his way to London, under the care of his uncle, the
earl of Rivers. On the same day that Richard arrived at
Northampton; young Edward arrived at Stony Stratford, about
ten miles south of that place. The duke of Buckingham had
come to Northampton to meet Richard. Earl Rivers left Ed-
ward at Stony Stratford, and went over with Sir Richard Gray
to Northampton to see Richard, who had assumed the charac-
ter of protector. The next day (April 30, 1483) Richard,
Buckingham, Rivers, and Gray rode together to Edward at
Stony Stratford. When they arrived, Rivers, Gray, and Sir
Thomas Vaughan were suddenly arrested by Richard's order,
and sent to Pomfret castle, about 25 miles south of the city of
York. The charge was, that they had taught the young king
to distrust Richard the protector. Richard took on himself to
conduct Edward to London. The queen, hearing of these
things, foresaw the coming ills, and fled at midnight with her
other son and daughter, into Westminster abbey. This was
unavailing, as Richard contrived to possess himself of both
sons, Edward and Richard, and lodged them in the tower. He
pretended that this measure was necessary to their safety.
On the 13th of June, Richard called a council at the tower to
consult on the coronation. He appeared, at first, to be in very
good humor. He retired for an hour, and returning with a
countenance indicative of the highest displeasure, made bare
his shrivelled arm, (which every one present knew to have
been so from his youth,) and demanded what should be done to
the sorceress who had so afflicted him? This inquiry is sup-
posed by some historians to allude to the queen; by others, to
Jane Shore, with whom Hastings was supposed to have had an
intimacy. Richard then striking violently on the table, armed
men rushed into the room, and seized the lords whom Richard
desired to secure. Hastings was taken down to the yard, and
his head severed from his body on a log; the others were
RICHARD III. 161
confined in different apartments. On the same day, the
duke of Rivers, Sir Richard Gray, and Sir Thomas Vaughan,
who were confined at Pomfret castle, in the north, were mur-
dered by Richard's order. Richard Radcliffe had been com-
missioned to perform this deed, to which Hastings advised.
His own execution took place at the very hour when the pris-
oners at Pomfret castle were murdered.
The sudden change of Richard towards Hastings is thus
accounted for. Hastings had introduced one Catesby to Rich-
ard as a person capable of being useful. Richard employed
this man to sound Hastings; he did so, and reported that Hast-
ings hated the queen, and desired to deprive her of all power ;
but that he was affectionately attached to Edward's children,
Richard thereupon concerted the meeting in the tow^er, that he
might seize and murder Hastings.
Richard, to open his way to the crown, had not only to
murder his nephews, but to impress the public mind with the
belief that they were illegitimate. Lest this measure should
not fully answer his purpose, he conceived the project (which
gives him a place apart from all other men that ever lived) of
blasting the fame of his own mother. He attempted to have it
believed that his brother Edward was the offspring of adultery,
and himself the only lawful issue of his mother's marriage.
In the execution of these horrible designs, he caused Jane
Shore to be accused as the mistress of his brother, and con-
demned to penance. This unfortunate woman was thus made
to suffer, and finally to die in a ditch, the location of which is
known by the name of a street in London. He also caused
a certain Dr. Shaw to preach a sermon, on the 15th of June,
from the text, — "Bastard ships shall not thrive." The object
of this sermon was to prove the illegitimacy of Edward's chil-
dren. Richard expected that the people assembled there,
would be moved to proclaim him. Having failed in this, he
obtained, through his creatures, a collection of persons, who
were asked, by Buckingham, whether they would have Rich-
ard for king. The faint response was deemed sufficient for
him to assume the rank of king, and to style himself the third
Richard.
At what time, in what manner, and by what hand Richard
caused his two nephews to be murdered in the tower, is not
certainly known. Robert Brakenbury, the constable of the
tower, is supposed to have refused to murder them ; but sur-
rendered his keys, for one night, to Sir James Tyrrel ; and
under his direction the act was done, by smotheririg them in
14*
162 RICHARD III.
the bed in which the}' were sleeping. Three persons, Slater,
DJghton, and Forest, were selected by Tyrrel, as the immedi-
ate agents in the murder.
Richard discerned the necessity of strengthening himself,
and seems to have had but two modes of doing this; rewards,
honors, riches, to accomplices in iniquity, and peace-oflerings
to those whom he dreaded. But within three months a plan
had been laid to bring over the young earl of Richmond from
France, and marry him to Elizabeth, (Edward's oldest daugh-
ter,) and to assert his claim to the crown. The same Bucking-
ham, (who seems to have had from Richard all he asked, and
to have had little modesty in asking,) headed this combination
against Richard, assisted by the marquis of Dorset, and the
bishop of Ely. Within five months of the day when Buck-
ingham invited the rabble to accept Richard for their king, he
was brought before Richard as a conspirator and traitor, and
immediately beheaded, without the ceremony of a trial. The
marquis and the bishop escaped to the continent. Several oth-
ers, less fortunate, were executed.
Another mode occurred to Richard of retaining his hold on
the crown; a marriage with the known lawful heiress, Eliza-
beth, daughter of Edward. There were two obstacles; one
that Richard had a wife living, the other that the marriage
would be incestuous. He removed the first by poisoning his
wife. The second obstacle required the consent of Edward's
widow. Richard had murdered her brother, her son, (Lord
Gray,) and her tw^o sons, (the young princes,) and now propos-
ed to become the husband of her daughter. The mother of
Elizabeth must have understood Richard to say, — " It is true
that the crown which your deceased husband wore, rightfully
descended to your son. I despoiled him, and placed the crown
on my own head. That your son might not demand that of
which I had robbed him, nor his brother, who would be next
entitled, I have put them both to death. Your daughters are
entitled next after your sons. If they were all murdered, I
should be the lawful successor of your husband. As your
daughter Elizabeth is now entitled, let me marry her, make
her a queen, and thus secure the crown to myself." Whether
fear, ambition, the hope of triumph over the old nobilit3% (her
well-knowm enemies,) or other motive, influenced the queen,
she consented to give her daughter to the most detestable of
men, in person and heart. But the opinion of the public pro-
nounced a judgment on this proposal u^hich even the audacious
Richard could not resist. Debased as that age was, moral sen-
RICHARD III. 163
timent enough remained to declare a union between Riciiard
and Elizabetii, inadmissible. Debased and daring as Richard
was, he felt that such a union would call iorih an expression of
horror of him, and of his dominion, which might cost him the
throne and his life.
Whether a domestic insurrection or an invasion by the
young earl of Richmond, would happen, or both, was a mat-
ter that commanded Richard's attention. He prepared to meet
his dangers by force. Richmond being of Welsh descent,
and expecting the aid of his countrymen, landed at Milford-
Haven (the extreme west point of Wales) on the 7th of Au-
gust, 1485. He brought with him only two thousand men.
Richard had posted himself in the central part of his kingdom,
at Nottingham, and thence moved westwardly, on hearing of
Richmond's landing. The place of meeting on the 22d of
August was Bosworth, northwest from London, and midway
between that city and Liverpool. Richmond's arm.y had in-
creased to six thousand. Richard had double that number,
including those which lord Stanley and his brother William
led, amounting to one half of his force.
The earl of Oxford, Sir Gilbert Talbot, Sir John Savage,
and the earl of Pembroke, were leaders on Richmond's side.
The duke of Norfolk, lord Stanley, and Sir William Stanley
were leaders on Richard's side. Soon after the battle began,
lord Stanley, and soon after his brother also, declared for
Richmond. Richard's case was now desperate. He had a
single chance, that of slaying Richmond with his own hand.
He sought Richmond and found him, but, at the same mo-
ment, Sir William Stanley came up with his troops and sur-
rounded Richard, who died, fighting bravely to the last. There
fell also in this battle most of Richard's associates in crime ;
the duke of Norfolk, lord Ferrars, Sir Richard RatclifTe, Sir
Robert Piercy, Sir Robert Brakenbury. Sir William Catesby
was taken and beheaded. Richard's body Was found, thrown
over a horse, carried to Leicester, and buried there. Richard
was, probably, betw^een thirty-eight and forty on the day of
this battle.
It is said, by one historian, that Richmond did not manifest
much inclination to come within the reach of Richard's sword,
but rather put himself in a defensive attitude when he saw
Richard approach. He had not, probably, seen Richard be-
fore, but could not doubt when he saw him, for Richard
intended to survive that battle as king, or die in it as king.
He wore his crown. After he fell, a common soldier brought
164
HENRY VII*
the crown to Sir William Stanley, who placed it on Rich-
mond's head, and saluted him as Henry VII.
From the time of Henry VI.'s marriage with Margaret of
Anjou, to the death of Richard IIL, (forty years,) all the
princes of the houses of York and Lancaster perished on the
field or at the block, besides a great number of the principal
nobles of the kingdom, and an unknown number of inferior
nobles, gentry, and private persons. The loss, independently
of rank, was a serious one to the nation, to say nothing of the
distresses which accompanied this loss. The whole popula-
tion of England is supposed not to have exceeded three mil-
lions.
In Richard's short reign there was but one session of par-
liament. Considering the disturbed state of the kingdom, the
acts of this session are remarkable. There were fifteen acts,
seven of them were for the regulation of commerce and manu-
factures. Prior to this session, all laws were written in barba-
rous Latin or French, both unintelligible to the mass of the
people. In this, and all future parliaments, the laws were
enacted in English. The acts of Richard's parliament were
the first that were printed. (Macpherson, vol. i. p, 704.)
Henry VII. began his reign on the field of Bosworth. If
he claimed the crown as a Lancastrian, there were descendants
from John of Gaunt (the son of Edward III.) in Spain, who
had belter claims than his. He could not claim from the
house of York by marriage with Elizabeth, the daughter of
Edward IV. ; that union had not taken place. There was a
son of George, duke of Clarence, (called Edward Plantage-
net, earl of Warwick,) who might have been thought to have
a better right even than Elizabeth, though only nephew of
Edward IV. The claim of conquest was inadmissible. Rich-
mond had conquered an usurper, not the nation. One con-
dition of supporting Richmond was, that he should marry
Elizabeth, which he did, but with delay and apparent reluc-
tance, on the 14th of January, 1486. Henry's policy and
feeling were entirely Lancastrian, and his repugnance to the
Yorkists hardly veiled, and never overcome, even as to his
wife. Henry's life was devoted to two objects, gathering
riches and securing himself on the throne.
Margaret, the sister of Edward iV., had married the duke
of Burgundy. This lady is supposed to have invented the
plan of causing one Lambert Symnel to personate Edward
Plantagenet, (above named,) and to claim the crown. This
HENRY VII. 165
Edward was then safely in the tower, and Henry ordered him
to be led through the streets of London, on horseback, to show
that Symnel was an impostor. But the supporters of Symnel
gathered an army in the west, which penetrated to the middle
of the kingdom, where it was met and vanquished. Symnel
was taken, and made a turnspit in the king's kitchen.
Six years afterwards (1493) another pretender appeared, Per-
kin Warbeck, claiming to be Richard, duke of York, second son
of Edward IV. This person is supposed to have been moved
to this adventure by the same Margaret sister of Edward IV.,
duchess of Burgundy. He pursued his purpose six years,
and was sometimes well sustained in Scotland, Ireland, and
Wales. He was at length taken, or surrendered himself, and
imprisoned in the tower in 1499. The son of George, duke
of Clarence, called the earl of Warwick, nephew of Edward
IV., had been a prisoner there for fifteen years. His offence
was, that he was one of the house of York. He had lived
without any companion, without any instruction, and without
the power of instructing himself, as his apartment was too
dark to discern letters Yet this unfortunate boy was accused
and executed for treason. When Perkin Warbeck was impris-
oned in the same place, he was charged with having plotted
with the simple Warwick to escape. In the close of 1499,
both these young persons were executed. Mcintosh gives
a mournful and disgraceful solution to this apparent act of
barbarity. Henry desired to marry his son Arthur, prince
of Wales, to Catherine of Arragon, daughter of Ferdinand
and Isabella. The marriage contract was delayed for the
reason that Ferdinand thought Henry insecure, while any one
of the house of York existed. Perkin Warbeck was there-
upon used, though uninformed himself of the purpose or con-
sequences, to draw Warwick into the commission of some act
which might apparently forfeit his life. This could not be
done without forfeiting his own life, and both were executed.
This criminal measure may have accomplished Henry's pur-
pose. Arthur married Catherine, but died within six months
afterwards.
Sir .Tames Mcintosh refers to Lord Bacon as an authority
for the fact, that the destruction of Warwick, the last of the
male Plantagenets, was an indispensable condition of the mar-
riage of Arthur and Catherine. This fact seems to have
been known to Catherine; for, when she had become the wife
of Arthur's brother, (Henry VIII.,) and the latter had resolved
on a divorce, Catherine said, — " The divorce is a judgment of
God, for that my former marriage was made in blood ! "
liU> IIKXRY VII.
The govornniont of HtMiry soonis to have been snfliciently
unpopular to make many persons of hiiih rank desire some
other state of things. Many believed Warbeck to be the son
of Edward IV., and were inclined favorably to him. Among
others, Sir William Stanley, the same person who decided the
fate of the battle of Bosworth, was accused, condemned, and
executed. IMany others were executed on like charges. Stan-
ley was own brother to the earl of Derhy, who was the hus-
band of the king's mother. But Henry is charged with
desiring the death of Stanley as a traitor, rather because the
great estates and riches of that nobk-man would be forfeited,
than to punish liis otience Henry's conduct, in this matter,
would stamp a private cliaracter, in these days, with intamy.
Henry involved himself, to some extent, in the conflicts and
politics of the continent. No event arose from these causes
material to be noticed. An important event happened in
Henry's time in relation to Scotland. The destructive wars
which had been carried on for centuries between the north and
south parts of the island, were terminated by the marriage of
Henry's daughter. Elizabeth Tudor, with James IV , king of
Scotland. From this marriage the house of Stuart came to
the crown of England in the person of .Tames I., when the
house of Tudor became extinct by the death of Elizabeth, the
grand-daughter of Henry
The reign of Henry was, on the whole, fortunate for Eng-
land. Though the king's strongest passion was avarice, and
though this passion was indulged by him to excess, yet the
nation had repose, after long and ruinous convulsions. They
endured the most arbitrary dominion which had been experi-
enced since the time of king John, when the great charter was
extorted. But the fear of bringing on civil convulsions again,
and the terror which Henry's severe government had ditlused,
preserved the country in peace.
Henry had two principal counsellors, John Morton and
Richard Fox, on whom he bestowed the highest othces of
church and state; and two unprincipled and obedient lawvers,
Sir Richard Empson and Edmund Dudley, whom he employ-
ed to rob his subjects under the forms of civil and criminal
process. The sole object was to accumulate money for money's
sake, and not to expend it, either for the public or himself.
He seems to have been destitute of passions and afiections,
absorbed in himself and valuing himself only as tenant of a
throne and as a gatherer of riches. One case will be sutticient
to show the character o( the monarch and the man.
HENRY VII. 107
The earl of Oxford resided at his castle at Henningham :
the king visited the earl at that place. There was a law in
force which made it penal for the great lords to retain in their
service numerous followers in livery and badges, for the pur-
pose of employing them in quarrels and in petty wars, offen-
sive and defensive. This law discloses the fact, that the great
lords strengthened themselves by enlisting these dependants in
their train, giving them the appearance of domestic servants.
The king had been faithfully served by the earl of Oxford in
the cabinet and the field, and a friendly relation existed be-
tween them. On this occasion, Oxford had spared no exertion
to do honor to his guest. The visit being paid, and the king
about departing, he saw that Oxford had formed a long line of
men, dressed in rich liveries, for him to pass through. The
king said to Oxford, — " These handsome gentlemen and yeo-
men, on each side of me are, surely, your menial servants."
Oxford said no, they were only retained by him to perform
extraordinary service. The king replied, — " I thank you for
your good cheer, but my laws must not be broken before my
face. My attorney must talk with you." Empson and Dud-
ley were set to work, and the affair cost the earl fifteen thou-
sand marks, (nearly forty-five thousand dollars.)
Henry devoted many of the latter years of his life to form-
ing alliances with royal families, by marrying his children.
He hoped, by these means, to strengthen his family on the
throne. This was the object in marrying Arthur to Catherine
of Arragon, and Elizabeth to James IV. of Scotland. The
king's character was shown in the first of these marriages.
He was to have two hundred thousand crowns w^ith Catherine.
Half was paid. Before the other half was due, Arthur died.
Henry was thereby liable to be deprived of the second half,
and to be obliged to restore the first ; but he avoided both by
getting a papal dispensation for the marriage of his son (Henry
Vni.) with the widow of his brother.
In the fifty-second year of his age, Henry perceived that his
days were soon to be numbered. Remorse came upon him for
his severe and rapacious exercise of power. He did some acts
in the spirit of contrition and atonement, and ordered more by
his will. But his profligate successor had other uses for the
treasure which Henry accumulated. His death occurred the
22d of April. 1509, at Richmond, (his favorite abode,) without
drawing a sigh or a tear, probably, from any survivor. Mcin-
tosh says, — "His good qualities were useful, but low; his
vices were mean, and no person in history, of so much under-
168 AUTHORS.
Standing and courage, is so near being despised." This writer
is more gracious to king Henry, then is consistent with the
truth ; and less severe upon him as a ma7i, than is consistent
with justice.
In the fifteenth century the aftermentioned persons flourish-
ed in the years placed against their names : —
1415. John Van Eyk, founder of the Flemish school, dis-
covered the use of oil in mixing paints.
John Huss, and Jerome of Prague, who were burnt by or-
der of the council of Constance.
1420. Gasparini, of Bergamo, author of the first book print-
ed in France. 1490.
1439. Moustrelet, who continued Froissart's chronicles.
1440. Lawrence Valla, renewed in Italy the beauties of the
Latin language.
1449. Ulugh Beigh, grandson of Tamerlane the Great,
author of learned works.
1450. Sir John Fortescue, chief justice of king's bench,
author of a valuable work on the laws of England. (De laudi-
bus Legum Anglise.)
1458. Finniguerra, of Florence, first produced prints by en-
graving on copper. Eneas Sylvius, (pope plus 11.) a writer
often quoted, historian, &c. Thomas A Kempis, celebrated
divine and writer.
1470. Thomas Littleton, English lawyer ; lord Coke com-
mented on his work. Antony, of Palermo, sold his house to
buy a manuscript of Livy.
1481. Rodolphus Agrocola, who first introduced the study
of Greek, in Germany.
1490. William Caxton, first printer in England.
1498. Philip de Comines, biographer of Louis XT.
1500. Leonardo de Vinci, of Florence, said to be the first
who reduced the art of painting to fixed principles. He expir-
ed in the arms of Francis L, of France.
In this century, there were many others who distinguished
themselves as historians, poets, grammarians, translators, teach-
ers, &c., showing that the cultivation of the mind had now be-
come an object of attention in Europe. That one, among
them all, most known at this day, was Nicholas Machiavel, of
Florence, born 1469, died 1527, in poverty, though he had
been high in office. He wrote History of Florence — Dis-
courses on Living — On the Art Military — and his famous
work entitled the Prince. The latter gave him a bad name,
but some persons consider it a satire on tyranny.
SPAIN. 169
In the last half of this century, printing was invented, and
came into use in many parts of Europe. Great changes had
been made in warfare, from the common use of gun-powder,
and small fire-arms. The passage by sea to Eastern Asia had
been discovered, around the Cape of Good Hope. The west-
ern continent had been discovered. From these, and other
causes, great revolutions occurred in the following century.
CHAPTER XXIV.
SPAIN.
Early Population — Gothic Kingdom — Introduction of the Catholic Relig-
ion — Northern Kingdoms of Spain — Invasion of the Moors — Wars
betioeen the Northern Kingdoms and the Moors.
Spain is the most westwardly country of Europe, except
Ireland. It is situated between the degrees of thirty-six and
forty-four, north latitude, and the degrees of three and ten, east
longitude from Greenwich. Its extent from north to south is
540 miles ; from east to west it is 560 miles. Its superficial
surface contains 225,600 square miles, including Portugal.
On the north-east it is separated from France by the Pyren-
ees ; on all other parts it is bounded by the sea. It is, there-
fore, often called the Peninsula. Its surface is remarkable
for the lofty ranges of mountains, and for the elevated plains
which are placed between these ranges. There are five
ranges, which begin in the Pyrenees, and traverse Spain west-
wardly and southwardly. From these ranges, spurs extend
and meet, and thus form the location of these plains. The
plain on which Madrid, the capital, stands, is two thousand
feet above the level of the sea, nearly surrounded by moun-
tains. The plain of La Mancha, south of that, is still higher,
probably the highest in Europe. In ancient days there were
gold mines in some of these regions, and some metals are still
obtained from them. There are five great rivers, which run
from the north-east to the south-west, and one to the south-east.
The valleys through which these rivers run are fertile, and
some of them delightful. Some of the mountains are more
than a third higher than any in the United States ; that is,
between ten and eleven thousand feet. The great rivers have
many tributaries ; they are at least one hundred and fifty in
15
170 SPAIN.
number, but, from the mountainous form of the country, none
but the great rivers are navigable. It has been suggested that
the singular formation of Spain, in having territories severed
from each other by mountains difficult to pass, may have occa-
sioned the variety of political and moral character which has
been noticed, from time to time, in this country. From the
variety of climates, the qualities of the soil, and natural riches,
Spain might be powerful ; but despotism and the church have
overshadowed it.
Some writers suppose that Spain and Portugal were first
possessed by a people called Iberians, a branch of the ancient
Kimmerian race, while others consider the Celts as the origi-
nal people, who were descended from that race. Long before
the Christian era, the Phoenicians (from Tyre and Sidon) had
found their way to Spain, and after them the Carthaginians,
and both had colonies there. The Greeks, undoubtedly, colo-
nized the south-eastern shore of Spain, and there are relics of
Grecian ceremonies which time and revolutions have failed to
obliterate. About 219 years B. C. the memorable siege of the
city of Saguntum (then in alliance with Rome) was carried
on by Hannibal, and the city conquered. It stood where Mur-
yiedro now stands, on the south-east coast of Spain, near the
middle of Valencia. It cost the Romans a vigorous warfare
of more than two hundred years to conquer the native people
of Spain — accomplished by Agrippa in the year 8 B. C, in
the time of Augustus. This country continued to be a Ro-
man province about four hundred years ; and was regarded
as one of the most valuable appendages of the empire. —
Its Hesperian name was given by the Greeks, signifying
western, while its Spanish name is thought to be of Phoeni-
cian origin, signifying the land of rabbits. These animals
must have been very abundant, to have given a name to a
count r J'-, then and still distinguishable from most others by
many qualities more likely to have suggested a name.
At the commencement of the fifth century, the Gothic invad-
ers had reached Spain. The Roman empire was then yield-
ing every where, from its own imbecility and the force and
numbers of the barbarians. The tribes who possessed them-
selves of Spain about this tim.e, were the Suevi, Alans, and
Vandals. From the latter, that beautiful portion in the west
of Spain now called Andalusia, has its name. In 419, the
Visigoths, under Wallia, founded their kingdom, and drove
the Vandals into Africa. Euric, in 484, extended his king-
dom still further, expelled the Romans, and established a code
SPAIN. 171
of written laws. In the beginning of the sixth century, all of
the Peninsula, except the small kingdom now called Gallicia,
in the north-west corner of Spain, then held by the Suevi, had
submitted to the Visigoths, and was then ruled by Alaric, son
of the first king of this people, whom historians call the Great
Euric. The kingdom of Alaric included a large portion of
the south of France, as well as most of Spain. All of France
not held by theBurgundians, (along the Rhone and between it
and the Alps,) was held by the founder of the French mon-
archy, Clovis.
In 527, Clovis and the Visigoth king Alaric, fought a bat-
tle, in which great numbers were engaged. The result enabled
Clovis to extend his empire to the Pyrenees. Clovis led his
numerous hosts from Paris south-westwardly, through Orleans
and Tours, and crossed the Loire at the latter place, and in his
way towards Poictiers, near to which Alaric had advanced from
the south, with his hosts. The Vienne, a tributary branch of
the Loire, having been suddenly increased by rains, was found
to be impassable. In this difficulty, and when delay was more
perilous than battle, a white stag, of extraordinary size and
beauty, suddenly appeared and passed the river, in view of the
Franks, and thereby disclosed a ford, of which Clovis availed
himself, and came unexpectedly on his foe. Clovis killed
Alaric with his own hand, and (Gibbon says) "the victorious
Frank was saved by the goodness of his cuirass and the vigor
of his horse, from the spears of two desperate Goths, who
furiously rode against him to avenge the death of their sove-
reign." With regard to the stag, it should be mentioned that
the historians of those days were monks, and that Clovis had
recently become a convert. This tremendous battle was fought
about ten miles south-west of Poictiers, and is sometimes called
the battle of Vouille, from the name of the neighboring vil-
lage.
In 585, the Suevi in Gallicia were subdued by the Visi-
goths, and thus the whole of the Peninsula became Gothic.
In 586, the Catholic religion was introduced, and with it
monks, priests, and bishops, and they introduced the Latin
language, already much corrupted, as the language of wor-
ship. The Visigoths had become converts to Christianity
before they (Conquered Spain ; but, like many other barbarian
tribes, they were not of Nicene or Catholic faith, but were
Arians. At this time, the king of the Visigoths was named
Leovigild, an Arian. Herminigild, his son, had become a
devout Catholic, and revolted against his father. After many
172 SPAIN.
unsuccessful attempts, on the part of the son, to obtain the
dominion, and, on the part of the father, to bring the son to a
sense of his duties, the father ordered the son to be put to
death, in the tower of Seville. The second son, Recared,
succeeded to the throne, and, being a Catholic, established that
form of Christianity in Spain, and connected it with the royal
authority. In the w^hole space of the seventh century, the
history of this country teaches nothing which was not common
to most other countries. There were the usual contentions
for the exercise of a despotic power, and, consequently, a pro-
portionate amount of crimes and sufferings. There were, also,
all the oppressions and miseries which religious contentions
produce when the clerical authority is either sustained or
opposed by the power of a temporal despot. It may be worth
while to mention some few circumstances, rather as amusement
than instruction.
In 656, the throne being vacant, the electors were embar-
rassed in choosing a king. At length Wamba, a nobleman,
was chosen. He said he knew better than any one else did
what he was, and what he was not qualified for ; and that he
was not qualified to be a king. Whereupon, one of the elec-
tors said to him, — " Whoever persists in refusing to contribute
to the good of the country, is as much an enemy of the state
as he who attempts to hurt it ; " and then laying his hand on
his sword, threatened to run it through Wamba's body if he
did not accept. Though Wamba well deserved his place, he
was too good a king for his time. A conspiracy was formed,
and he was removed in a singular manner. An ecclesiastic
could not be a king. Wamba was suddenly converted into
one of this order. A sleeping potion was given to him, and,
while he was insensible, he was clothed like a monk, and his
head shaved. When his senses returned, it was declared that
he had renounced the world, and, consequently, his kingdom.
This ingenious measure is ascribed to Erviga, who was elected
king, or -who took the crown on the deposition of Wamba, in-
683.
The next Visigoth king, but one, w^as called Witiza. He
is represented to have been a barbarian. An event occurred
in his time which produced most important and enduring con-
sequences, and which has some resemblance to a striking event
in Roman history. A revolution was effected in Rome, and
the Tarquins and royalty banished by the people, in conse-
quence of an outrage committed by one of the Tarquins on
Lucretia, daughter of Brutus, and wife of Collatinus. A sim-
SPAIN. 173
liar act of Witiza, in relation to a daughter of count Julien,
caused the introduction of the Moors into Spain, and the sub-
jection of it to their dominion for eight hundred years. The
enraged and inconsolable father sought revenge. The Ara-
bians had conquered and converted the Moors, on the opposite
coast of Africa, the inhabitants of the ancient Mauritania of
the Romans. Musa ruled here as the lieutenant of the Ara-
bian caliph, whose seat of empire was at Damascus. Count
Julien invited Musa to invade Spain. Gibbon discredits this
fact. A one-eyed chief, called Tarik, commanded an army
which took the high land now called Gibraltar, a name deriv-
ed from Gabel el Tarik, the mountain of Tarik. This Moor-
ish army was met in 711, near Cadiz, by a Visigoth army,
led by king Witiza, amounting to one hundred thousand men.
The Moors had twelve thousand. A battle of seven days'
duration ensued. The king was slain, and his army defeated.
Within a few months the whole of Spain was conquered,
except a few fortified cities and a territory in the mountains, in
the north, next the sea, to which the surviving warriors of the
Goths retired. Here the spirit of patriotism, liberty, and ven-
geance was nourished. Hence it came forth to engage in the
warfare which continued through centuries.
The victorious Tarik was called to severe account by Musa,
for the treasures he had gathered, and was reviled, scourged,
and imprisoned. While Musa, now ruling in Spain, was
meditating the conquest of Europe, he was suddenly arrested,
and commanded to appear before the caliph. He was accused
(as Gibbon relates) of vanity and falsehood, fined two hundred
thousand pieces of gold, publicly whipped, condemned to stand
a whole day before the palace gate unsheltered from the sun,
and finally dismissed on a pilgrimage to Mecca. Meanwhile,
Spain was suffering all the miseries which the merciless Moors
could inflict. Count Julien was avenged, if the degradation
of his country could satisfy him.
If the Moors would not have invaded Spain unless count
Julien had invited them to come, (which is improbable,) he
made the first move in a long train of events important to
Spain and to Europe. The conquest and tenure of so large a
portion of the west of Christian Europe by infidels, is a dis-
astrous occurrence. But the Moors (or, properly, the Ara-
bians) will be found to have aided, essentially, in dissipating
the barbarism in which Europe was involved.
The northern part of Spain, to which the unconquered
Goths had retired, was a very small territory next to the sea ;
15*
174 SPAIN.
mountainous, and difficult of access. The first of this people
who embodied a force against the Moors, was a chief named
Pelayo. The kingdom of Oviedo arose here, and was known
by that name until the name of Leon was given to it. Leon
soon comprised about one quarter part of the peninsula, and
was bounded on the west by the Atlantic, north by the Bay of
Biscay, eastwardly by the Pyrenees, and southwardly by the
territory held by the Moors. In the ninth century, the small
kingdom of Navarre arose, eastwardly of Leon, comprising a
territory bounded north-eastwardly on France, and extending
half the distance across from the Bay of Biscay to the Medi-
terranean, and consisting of the mountains and vallies in the
north-east corner of Spain. This kingdom gave, for centuries,
part of the title of kings of France, long after it ceased to be
subject to these kings. South-eastwardly of Navarre, the king-
dom of Arragon arose before the end of the eleventh century,
and extended from Navarre to the Mediterranean. About the
same time, the former kingdom of Oviedo had taken the name
of Leon and Castile. In the thirteenth century, Leon and
Castile extended over a larger portion of the peninsula. In
1074, the kingdoms of Leon, Castile, Navarre, and Arragon,
covered about one third of the northern part of Spain. The
Moors held the residue.
These several kingdoms arose, as other kingdoms have
been seen to arise elsewhere in Europe, by the necessity of
having military chiefs, who became kings by choice, or usurp-
ation. Being such, they must have nobles and chiefs. The
desire of dominion introduced civil contentions, violence,
cruelties, and crimes. It is only necessary to substitute Span-
ish names of places and persons, and the same course of action
and suffering would be found here, which occurred, from like
causes, in France, Italy, and throughout Europe. Sometimes
a marriage would unite two of these kingdoms in the same
king and queen. Sometimes the death of a king would occa-
sion a partition of his dominions among his sons, and then
would follow the usual course of warfare, until some one, by
fraud, perfidy, or violence, became sole monarch. Such were
the contentions which history exhibits in the north of Spain,
among the descendants of the Visigoths, for centuries. Some-
times one kingdom, and sometimes another, would contend
against the Moors ; and, when their own feuds and warfare
would permit, they united successfully against the common
enemy, and pushed their conquests to the south.
There was one circumstance among these Gothic Spaniards,
SPANISH ARABS. 175
which distinguished them from the French and the Germans.
The vassalage, or slavery, common in France and Germany,
arising out of the order of society, which finally rivetted the
feudal system, does not appear to have existed in Spain. This
may have been so, for the reason, that the Spaniards had a
common interest in their unceasing warfare with the Moors,
and a high sense of patriotism in carrying it on. The peo-
ple of Spain and of France were both of Celtic origin, inter-
mingled with Romans, at the time of the barbarian conquests ;
and a similar state of society might have been expected in both
countries. The Spaniards were greatly the superiors of the
Franks.
The Moors, as they are usually called, though first called
Arabians, and then Saracens, had occupied the south and
middle of Spain for three centuries, in the year 1000. Their
progress and their interior government, require a brief notice,
because this people have impressed themselves so deeply on
the affairs of Europe, that the impression still remains. Their
settlement in Spain was at first only a colonial relation to the
eastern caliphate established in the valley of the Euphrates
and Tigris.
CHAPTER XXV.
The Moors in Spain — Their Riches and Magnificence — Their Learning —
Their Decline.
When we come to that part of the globe in which Moham-
med, or Mahomet appeared, there will be found the proper
notice of this remarkable person, of the religion which he
established, and of his followers. At present, they are only to
be noticed as they appeared in Spain. At the time of their
conquest of this country, the throne of the caliphs was at
Damascus, which is sixty miles east from the east shore of the
Mediterranean, and one hundred and thirty north by east from
Jerusalem. In the eighth century, the reigning family were
the Abassides, who had supplanted the Ommaiades. Haroun
Al Raschid was caliph for some years before his death, in 800.
He devoted himself to the cultivation of science in his domin-
ions, by inviting learned men to his court, and by causing the
philosophical and literary works of the Greeks to be translat-
ed into Arabic, and copies of them to be greatly multiplied.
176 SPANISH ARABS.
The same course was followed by his successors, and Bagdad
(which had become the seat of empire) was renowned for its
science and learning, while Europe, with the exception of
Spain, (from the like course of the Arabians there,) was sunk
in the grossest ignorance and barbarism.
When Abul Abbas (from whom the name of the Abbassides
is derived,) overthrew the dynasty of the Ommaiades, (so call-
ed from Omwiyah) he attempted to destroy all of the latter
race. A young prince, of the name of Abdalrahman, was the
only one who escaped. He fled through Egypt, and along
the northern coast of Africa, and was joyfully received in
Spain, where he founded the caliphate of that country, which
continued more than two hundred and fifty years. His seat
of empire was at Cordova, on the Guadalquiver, in lower
Andalusia. This was an ancient town of the Romans, and is
said to exhibit, to the present day, that it was so; and also that
it was afterwards Arabian, or Moorish. In splendid Cordova,
the commerce, luxury, and learning of the East, were rivalled,
if not surpassed. It is credited by respectable historians, (see
Hallam's Mid. Ages, vol. i. p. 306,) that Cordova contained, at
one p'eriod, two hundred thousand houses, six hundred mosques,
and nine hundred public baths; that there were twelve thou-
sand towns and villages on the banks of the river. The reve-
nues of the caliphs were annually equal to twenty-five millions
of dollars. There are still relics of the splendid edifices of the
Moors, but their mosques have been transformed into churches.
Magnificent Cordova has become comparatively an insignifi-
cant city, and its population is now computed at about thirty-
five thousand only. Gibbon relates, that the third, and the
greatest of the Abdalrahman race, constructed, three miles
from Cordova, the city, palace, and gardens of Zehra, in honor
of his fevorite sultana. Twenty-five years, and three millions
sterling, were required in this work. Here were seen one
thousand and two hundred pillars of Spanish, African, Greek,
and Italian marble, erected by artists brought from Constan-
tinople. One of the fountains in the garden was replenished,
not with water, but with purest quicksilver. The prince's
household comprised six thousand and three hundred persons,
and his guard twelve thousand, whose belts and cimeters were
studded with gold. But there was found, in the closet of the
deceased caliph, this memorial of his life : " I have now reigned
above fifty years in victory, or peace ; beloved by my subjects,
dreaded by my enemies, respected by my allies. Riches and
honor, power and pleasure, have waited on my call ; nor does
SPANISH ARABS. 177
any earthly blessing appear to have been wanting to my
felicity. In this situation, I have diligently numbered the
days of pure and genuine happiness which have fallen to my
lot; they amount to four/ een. O man! place not thy confi-
dence in this present world!"
Compared Avith other nations of that time, the Arabians
were very superior in intellectual attainments. They had
translations from the Greek, especially the works of Aristotle.
They plunged into metaphysical philosophy, and the scholas-
tic learning, which afterwards flourished in Europe, is sup-
posed to have been derived from Aristotle, through them.
The Arabian learning was cultivated in Spain. The academy
at Cordova was attended, in the eleventh century, by young
German, French, and English pupils. There were many
other academies and elementary schools. In the science of
quantity and numbers, they had sure guides in the Greek
translations. In astronomy, they had gone as far as any of
their predecessors. The common arithmetical figures are
attributed to them ; but these, probably, came from Egyptians.
Gibbon says that Arabians admit Algebra to have been, de-
rived to them from the Grecian Diophantus. In medicine,
they knew far more than any of their contemporaries. They
invented distillation. But they absurdly misapplied their
knowledge in attempting to find the 'philosopher^ s stone, by
which base metals might be converted into gold; and in find-
ing the elixir of life, by which to secure immortality on earth.
In works of imagination, they had oriental luxuriance. Ro-
mance and poetical composition were familiar to them. They
did not attempt dramatic writing. Almanac, algebra, alcohol,
azimuth, zenith, nadir, alembic, and m.any other familiar words,
are of Arabian origin.
The refinements of the Arabians, and their luxurious enjoy-
ments, were either those of sensuality, or of fervent fancy.
Their magnificence was that of a people who fell far short of
civilization. Wise sayings, and moral precepts were abun-
dant among them ; but they had not the only substantial
ground-work of real refinement, the spirit of Christianity.
Nor had they its necessary consequence, the elevation of woman
to the proper rank of equal, companion, and friend of the other
sex. But it will appear, in the history of the Arabians, that
woman was not, among them, the degraded being which she
has ever been among the Turks, who are the ruling Mahome-
tans of the present day. Though secluded from the public
gaze, there was a spirit of respectful deference towards women,
178 SPAIN.
The same fact is found in India, in all ages, where a truly-
chivalrous spirit exists in regard to the other sex. That
degradation of woman in the East, which makes her a miser-
able slave, or a gilded toy, is, probably, of Turkish or Tartar
origin. It is found wherever Turks or Tartars have acquired
dominion. The Arabians of Spain, however, knew nothing
of the happiness which is expressed by the comprehensive
word home; nothing of that exaltation of the mind and heart,
which belongs to the domestic relations of the Christian. Yet
it is seen that in the long course of ages, the invasion of Spain,
by the Moors, was destined to kindle anew the light of learn-
ing in Western Europe; and, in another long space of time, to
bring forth that refinement to which the Arabians were stran-
gers. Thus it may be found, that the invasion of Spain by the
Moors, though at first, the mere violence of the strongest, and
prompted by the love of power and of conquest, may have
been intended to aid in recovering Europe from its deplorable
barbarism.
The Spanish caliphate continued in splendor until about
the year 1030. Then the natural causes of change, which are
seen in all earthly things, were operative, and the unity of
power gave way. The territories of the Moors were broken
into niany petty kingdoms. Insurrections, tumults, violence,
and crimes, followed, as elsewhere in the world, and from
these causes, the strength which the Moors had maintained
when united, gradually declined. Meanwhile the descendants
of the Visigoths in the north, were growing stronger and
stronger from the union of numbers, and the direction of their
force by skilful minds; and were thus enabled successfully to
assail their invaders, and to force them further and further
towards the south.
CHAPTER XXVL
Gothic Kingdoms — Wars with the Moors — Spirit of Freedom — Cortes —
Justiza — The Cid — Peter the Cruel — Ferdinand and Isabella — Conquest
of Granada.
Within the Gothic kingdoms of the north of Spain, the
elements of history, from the year 1000 to 1450, are the con-
tests for the crown ; the attempts of the nobles to control the
crown; and the efl^orts of the crown to subdue the nobles.
SPAIN. 179
Sudden revolutions, extraordinary reverses, bloody battles, ev-
ery form of cruelty and crime, may be found in the course of
these years. The most prolific and recurring cause of calam-
ity, was the custom of making partition of a kingdom among the
sons of a dying monarch. It always happened that wars arose
and continued, until one of the number had subdued the others,
and prepared the way to reproduce the like calamities, in a suc-
ceeding generation. To give these details would be useless.
On the frontiers of these kingdoms, there was the ever-enduring
contest with the Moors. The battles between these enemies
were numerous and well fought; but the mode of conducting
them, and the immediate agents in each, are not now objects of
instruction or interest.
The result of these 450 years, (from 1000 to 1450,) w^as the
gradual enlargement of the two kingdoms of Castile and Arra-
gon, which embraced all others, and opened the way for the
union of these tw'o, and thus finally established one monarchy
throughout the peninsula.
Without intending to enter into the details of civil wars, bat-
tles, insurrections, rebellions, and crimes, there are some facts
in Spanish history, in those 450 years, which are w^ell w^orthy
of notice. They show a state of society unlike any other at
that time existing in Europe. This w^as founded in a knowl-
edge of the principles of civil freedom, in a firm resolution to
preserve them. Certainly, the Spaniards had a surprising in-
telligence (for that age) in the means of effecting their object.
How these facts, so unlike any elsewhere in Europe, at the
same time, can be accounted for, is now only to be conjectured.
There are no means of knowing what the real state of the
Gothic Spaniards was, before the Moors overwhelmed them, in
711. Whether those who fled to the mountains carried with
them principles of civil liberty, and cultivated them there; — or
whether these principles were called forth by their struggles
with the Moors, and the equality of those who were engaged
in these struggles, each one contending for himself, and neces-
sarily each one for the whole, — is not to be known. Several
writers intimate, that the proud Castilian spirit and honor,
(which are still spoken of as existing,) arose from the self-de-
pendence of each man, in doing his own part to resist the
Moors, and to drive them back. By this is meant, that the
Gothic Spaniards, who were, by inheritance and necessity,
the irreconcilable foes of the Moors, fought for themselves, and
not as the vassals of some lord, in whose quarrel they had en-
gaged, from obligation, reluctantly performed.
180
SPAIN.
The liability to Moorish invasion required the defence of
castles, and the protection of fortified cities. The intercourse
of men in cities, during the middle ages, promoted sentiments
of liberty, and these were strengthened by the facility of unit-
ing to protect and enforce them. As such population increas-
ed in number and wealth, they were serviceable to kings in
humbling the nobility, and were capable of resisting the tyranny
of nobles, when exerted against themselves. From such causes
it arose, that there was a firmer and more rational spirit of lib-
erty, in the north of Spain, than any where else in Europe. It
was especially so in the cities, because they were erected on ter-
ritories wrested from the Moors, and had, originally, grants of
privileges connected with the duty of maintaining these cities
against the Moors.
As a further aid in resisting the Moors, and in support of
the ever-cherished hope of expelling them, military orders of
knighthood were established in Spain. Those of Caletrava, St.
Jago, and Alcantara, were the most distinguished. The mem-
bers of these institutions took a prominent part in the wars
of the Peninsula. They were established between the years
1150 and 1200; probably imitations of the military orders
established about the same time, in Palestine, by the Crusaders.
In the beginning of the thirteenth century, (1210,) the king, Al-
fonso IX., defeated the Moors in a battle at Banos di Tolosa,
and slew 180,000. This is so extraordinary an event, before
the use of gunpowder, it is proper to remark, that it is credited
by Hallam. (Middle Ages, vol. 1. p. 305.) In 1236, the splen-
did city of Cordova was wrested by Ferdinand from the Moors,
and soon after, Seville.
Peculiar in^^titutions to preserve liberty. There were great
national councils in these Spanish kingdoms. They consisted
of the nobles, spiritual persons, and the deputies from the cities.
It is doubtful whether these great councils, including the third
estate, are not of earlier date by 150 years, than similar coun-
cils in England. These assemblies were called Cortes, and
the third estate (or commons) were a constituent part, as
early as 1169. They exercised an important power. Their
assent was indispensable to taxation ; and they had a controll-
ing power over expenditure. In 1258, the cortes informed
their Monarch that his daily expenditure, for his table, ought
not to exceed a certain sum.
In the time of Alfonso X., king of Castille and Leon, (about
the year 1250,) a law existed to this effect: — "The duty of
subjects towards their king, enjoins them not to permit him,
SPAIN, 181
knowingly, to endanger his salvation, nor to incur dishonor,
or inconvenience, in his person or family, nor to produce mis-
chief to his kingdom. And this may be fulfilled two ways —
one by good advice, showing him the reason wherefore he
ought not to act thus; the other by deeds, seeking means to
prevent his going on to his own ruin, and putting a stop to
those who give him ill counsel; for, inasmuch as his errors
are of worse consequence than those of other men, it is the
bounden duty of subjects to prevent his committing them."
This law was in force soon after the time that magna charta
was wrested from king John. It asserts as decided a power
over the royal will as that eminent recognition of liberty
does.
In the kingdom of Arragon, the spirit of liberty was still
more emphatic in the 13th century. In 1283, Peter the third,
was compelled to grant the law of " general privilege," which
goes further than magna charta. It also recites, that the priv-
ileges therein spoken of, are, — " The ancient liberties of their
country." The people of this kingdom established the right
of maintaining their privileges by force of arms ; the recog-
nition of this right was called " The privilege of union."
This privilege was lost at the battle of Epila, in 1348, between
the king and his nobles, in which the former triumphed.
A more remarkable fact in the government of Arragon, was
the existence of an officer called the justiza. How ancient
this officer was, is unknown. Hallam says, he cannot be traced
further back than 1118. After the privilege of union was
abolished, this officer appears to have had an increased power.
We have not room to mention all the powers of this officer. It
is a most extraordinary and unaccountable fact, that in this
benighted period of the world, a power should have been estab-
lished which has been the boast of free governments in the
most enlightened of modern times. The justiza had power,
not only over persons, but over tribunals, and even over the
monarch himself. Peter IV. removed his son John from the
regency of Arragon, while Peter was absent. John asserted
the ancient right of the heir apparent to that regency, in case of
the king's absence. The justiza confirmed the right, replaced
John, and the king submitted. Afterwards, the same John
forbade the justiza to pronounce sentence in a certain case, but to
come forthwith before the king in council. The justiza came,
and the king's chancellor began to reason with him on the
propriety of suspending sentence. The justiza answered, that
the case was clear, and sentence had already been pronounced.
16
182 SPAIN.
The king then expressed himself most angrily; but thejustiza
calmly replied, that he was responsible to the cortes, not to the
king-, if he had done wrong. (John was king from 1387 to
1395.)
As liberty, in social life, is a quality which belongs either to
rery rude society, or is the acquisition of a high degree of civil
refinement, it is difficult to account for this degree of liberty
among the Gothic Spaniards ; much more so, to account for the
modes, which they had invented, of preserving it. Sismondi,
in his work on the literature of the south of Europe, chap.
XXIII., derives this spirit of liberty from the original Gothic
character. It is common to stigmatize ignorance and barbarism
as Gothic ; but the Goths of Spain were the least ignorant
and barbarous of all who invaded the west. Sismondi even
goes so (ar as to derive from them, the noble self-respect, and
the personal dignity, so well known under the name of Cas-
iilian.
The history of these Gothic kingdoms present remarkable
characters, some of whom were of extraordinary merit, and
some not excelled by the vicious and the criminal of any age.
First, among the worthy of these days, should be placed Don
Rodrigo Ruy Diar, count of Rivar, called by the Moors El
mio Old, (my lord,) and by his king and countrymen, Compea-
dor, (hero without an equal ) This person was born in 1026,
and died in 1099. He was called "The model of the heroic
virtues ;" " The flower of Spanish chivalry." He served
Francis I., and Alfonso I., kings of Castile and Leon. His
rictories over the Moors — his magnanimity under all circum-
stances — his misfortunes, no less than his grandeur, gave him
an extraordinary celebrity. The history of the Cid is the sub-
ject of the oldest Castilian poem, composed about the end of
the 12th century, (more than 200 years before Chaucer was
born.) There are said to be more than an hundred ballads ex-
tant in honor of the Cid. Corneille, the father of French
tragedy, wrote a play about the year 1636, of which the Cid
was the subject. Southey has presented the full history of this
eminent person in a work entitled the chronicle of the Cid.
Our limits do not permit much further notice of this hero, nor
does his life specially connect itself with the events of the pres-
ent day. But for the benefit of the curious in the history of
extraordinary men, it may be remarked, that the private life of
the Cid was as interesting as his public life was illustrious.
He died at Valencia, and his body was carried to Castile, at-
tended by his widow Exemene. He was buried at the Con-
vent of St. Peter, of Cardena; and there, also, reposes his
SPAIN. 183
widow. History condescends to record, that Babieca, the re-
nowned horse of the Cid, was buried with suitable honors, un-
der the trees before the convent.
The person to be most contrasted with the Cid, in those 500
years, was Peter the Cruel, king- of Castile and Leon. He
was killed in 1368, at the age of 34. Perhaps this man may
be selected as the most cruel and odious of all who are men-
tioned in history. Yet, it so happened that when Edv\ard the
Black Prince, son of Edward III., of England, was lord of
Guienne, (south of France,) he was induced to aid Peter to re-
cover the throne from which he had been expelled ; an exploit
which Edward was sorry afterwards to have accomplished.
John of Gaunt, one of the sons of Edward the third, of Eng-
land, married a daughter of Peter the Cruel, and made some
pretensions to the crown of Castile in her right.
The kings and the people, in the North of Spain, were fully
employed in the period now under review, with the Moors on
the one hand, and their interior convulsions on the other. They
exhibited, in their Moorish warfare, great courage and perse-
verance, and in their warfare among themselves, the revenge-
ful cruelty of that age. But the names of agents, the achieve-
ments and the sufferings contain no instruction for the present
age. About the middle of the fifteenth century we approach
persons and events which deserve a special notice.
John II., king of Castile, died in 1454. He had two daugh-
ters, Joanna and Isabella, and a son Henry, who succeeded him,
by the name of Henry IV. While Henry was alive, Isabella
had married (in 1469) Ferdinand, son of John II., king of
Arragon. When Isabella's brother Henry died, leaving an
infant daughter, Isabella was raised to the throne in preference
to her niece, and became queen of Castile in 1474. Isabella
did not permit her husband to take the royal authority out of
her hands. In 1479, John of Arragon, Ferdinand's father,
died, and thereupon Ferdinand became king of Arragon. At
this time, the whole of Spain, excepting that part which the
Moors still retained, and this was only Granada, along the
Mediterranean, had been united with Castile, or with Arragon,
so that the union of Ferdinand and Isabella, and their succes-
sion to the two crowns made them the joint sovereigns of Spain.
But the Castilians were careful, in raising Isabella to the
throne, in the place of her niece, to guard against coming un-
der the dominion of Arragon, when her husband, Ferdinand,
should have succeeded his father.
In virtue of a compromise, the names of Ferdinand and Is-
abella were to appear jointly, in all cases where the royal au-
184 SPAIN.
thority was to be expressed, as well as on the coin ; Ferdinand
being first named, from the superior dignity of the sex; but the
arms of Castile were placed first, in acknowledgment of the
superior dignity of that kingdom. Isabella retained to herself
the appointment of all civil officers in her kingdom; spiritual
appointments were made in the name of herself and husband.
When the two were together, government was conducted by
both, jointly. When they were in different provinces, either
exercised the whole authority alone.
It is one of the most remarkable facts in history, that Ferdi-
nand and Isabella continued, so far as records disclose, a per-
fect unanimity throughout the thirty-five years of their married
life. He had his own kingdom of Arragon to manage, and to
act with her in the management of Castile. It would seem to
be inevitable, that discord would arise almost daily. The case
is more remarkable, because Ferdinand is represented to have
been ambitious, and quite a stranger to the magnanimous feel-
ings and principles, which constituted the glory of chivalry.
That this royal pair moved on so long and so harmoniously
is attributed, by historians, to the admirable qualities of Isabella,
who had the rare excellence of being able to preserve respect
and affection as a wife, while she never sacrificed her rights as
a queen. Ferdinand was born in March, 1452, and was mar-
ried to Isabella when he was seventeen years of age. Isabella
was two years older, having been born in 1450.
Although the feudal system does not appear to have been es-
tablished in Spain, yet here, as in other parts of Europe, the
landed estate was held by the great lords, and by the church ;
and here, as elsewhere, the great lords exercised powers within
their own territories, and used force, as to each other, inconsis-
tent with the public peace. There was another cause of pub-
lic disturbance, in the robberies which occurred, by numerous
bands, in various parts of the kingdoms. Some of the nobles
were either concerned in these robberies, or gave protection in
their castles to those who were. The preference of Isabella
to her niece, for queen, had raised some malcontents. When,
in 1467, Isabella assumed the sovereignty, her first object was
to tranquillize her kingdom. This was done promptly, and, in
some cases, with exemplary severity. New disturbances hav-
ing arisen in 1486, Ferdinand and Isabella revived the Her-
maiidad. This was, originally, a brotherhood, formed of in-
habitants of cities in Castile and Leon, about 200 years before,
for the purpose of controlling the insolence and rapacity of the
nobles. Very severe and summary justice overtook delinquents
SPAIN. 186
and offenders under this fraternal association ; and it seemed to
the king and queen a suitable instrument for their present pur-
poses. A mounted military force, having with them civil judg-
es, were able to bring the nobles to submission, to prevent the
robbery of defenceless villages, and make the highways safe
from attack. Internal tranquillity being established, these able
sovereigns had leisure to comtemplate and effect great purposes,
and to connect their names with memorable events.
In 1480, the whole of Spain, excepting the kingdom of Por-
tugal, in the southwest corner of the peninsula, and the king-
dom of Granada, along the south-east shore, on the Mediterra-
nean, were under the dominion of Ferdmand and Isabella. The
Moors, during a conflict of nearly 800 years, (711 — 1480) had
been driven from the North until Granada only was left to
them. This territory may have been about 200 miles in length,
and 50 in breadth.
It was the most fertile and cultivated part of the whole pe-
ninsula. The city of Granada is supposed to have had a pop-
ulation of 200,000, and all other parts were very populous, from
the concentration of the Moors. Within this territory were no
less than seventy walled towns. A free communication be-
tween Granada and Africa permitted a great increase of strength^
Ferdinand and Isabella prepared themselves to make a final
effort for the recovery of Spain, and the expulsion of the Moors.
A war of ten years' duration followed, and, probably, the most
bravely and obstinately contested of any that occurred in these
eight centuries. The last blow was given on the second of
January, 1492, and the whole of Spain had submitted to the
joint sovereigns, except the little kingdom of Navarre, in the
Pyrenees. Many of the Moors were permitted to remain as
subjects, and all who preferred to withdraw into Africa, were
aided to depart. The conquest of Granada is a fine subject
for the historian and the poet. It raised Spain to be one of
the most respected powers in Europe. During the joint lives
of Ferdinand and Isabella, its grandeur was continually in-
creasing, partly from the good sense and harmony of these two
persons, and partly from fortunate circumstances. The name
of Most Catholic was conferred on Ferdinand, on his triumph
over the Moors, by pope Innocent VIII. and confirmed by Alex-
ander VI., and has ever since been borne by Spanish monarchs.
There is "a chronicle of the conquest of Granada, from the
manuscript of Fray Antonio Agapida ; " for which the public
are indebted to the labors of Washington Irving. We regret
16*
186 SPAIN.
that our limits do not allow extracts from this interesting com-
pilation.
While Ferdinand and Isabella were engaged in the con-
quest of Granada, Louis XI. of France died, (1484,) having
possession of Navarre, which Ferdinand claimed. On the
succession of Charles VIII., this was surrendered lo Ferdi-
nand, that Charles might not leave an enemy behind him, as
he was about to engage in the conquest of Naples. A treaty
of peace was made, and Charles proceeded to Italy, But the
crafty Ferdinand having perceived that the opportunity had
arisen to humble Charles, and possess himself of Naples, sent
into Italy an army under the command of Gonsalvez of Cor-
dova, known by the surname of the Great Captain. Louis
XII. having succeeded Charles, Ferdinand made a secret treaty
with the new French king to divide the kingdom of Naples
between them. But, before the end of 1505, Ferdinand had
expelled the French and become sole possessor, and was soon
after recognized as king of the Two Sicilies. The policy of
Ferdinand was one of the causes of the wars which agitated
all Europe in the sixteenth century, and is hereafter to be con-
sidered.
Ferdinand disinclined to aid Columbus. The aid given by
Isabella, on her own authority and power, is so familiarly
known that it is unnecessary to enter into details. To those
who have yet to learn them it is unnecessary to do more than
refer to the fact, and to the admirable history of Washington
Irving. Ferdinand alone would not have sustained Columbus.
Isabella is that one of the two on whom the enterprise depend-
ed. Ambitious and able as she may have been, she was no
less bigoted in her religion, and is supposed to have thought
much more of the glory of making Christians in the new
world, than of extending her dominion over it. The sove-
reigns of Spain embraced in their views few of the great con-
sequences which arose out of the departure of Columbus from
the port of Palos, near the mouth df the Tinto, and sixty miles
north-west of Cadiz, on the 3d of August, 1492, on his bold
and perilous enterprise. The expulsion of the Moors, the
success of Columbus, the prosperity of Spain, and the consid-
eration demanded, and accorded by other nations, placed Fer-
dinand and Isabella in the most fortunate condition of royal
life. The reformation of morals and the enforcement of relig-
ious duties, deeply engaged Isabella's attention. She was
aided by Francisco Ximenes, (born in 1437, died in 1517,) one
of the ablest of men in any age. He was archbishop of To-
SPAIN. 187
ledo and a cardinal, and prime minister of Spain for many-
years. This person will be again in view in another period
of Spanish affairs, and is mentioned now only as the agent
of Isabella in establishing a severe discipline over Jews,
Moors, and heretics. Ferdinand was equally devoted to the
same pursuits. In 1484 he established the Inquisition in
his kingdom of Arragon. It was thence extended throughout
Spain, and continued in force more than three centuries. No
country in Europe has been under an ecclesiastical tyranny
more odious and merciless, or more disgraceful to human
nature, than Spain. The opinions and feelings of Isabella on
the subject of religion, were the farlt of the age, and not of
herself With Ferdinand, religion may have been as much a
matter of policy as of principle.
With all that great talents, good intentions, and fortunate
circumstances could bestow on a sovereign queen, Isabella was
one of the most miserable of women. Her son, Don Juan,
and her daughter, queen of Portugal, died in her life-time.
Her second daughter, Jeanne, (or Joan,) married Philip, son
of Maximilian, emperor of Germany. Unfortunately, Philip
was not disposed to remain at the Spanish court, nor to take
away with him his doating wife. While Isabella was mourn-
ing the loss of her son and daughter, the wife of Philip, from
grief of her husband's absence, became insane. These afflic-
tions, with some bodily infirmities, brought Isabella to the
tomb on the 26th of November, 1504, at the age of fifty-four.
If a reasonable allowance be made for the period of time
when Isabella appeared, she would be considered (if of the
other sex) one of the most useful kings that ever wore a
crown. As to her personal qualities, she is represented to
have been well instructed, of commanding figure, attractive
countenance, and gracious deportment. As to her talents,
historical facts are the best proofs. Isabella and Ferdinand
were jointly conquerors of Granada; it was annexed to the
kingdom of Castile. In the Chronicle of Agapida, the pres-
ence and the agency of Isabella are described. She controlled
the nobles w-ithout driving them to rebellion. She made it the
duty and the interest of the well-disposed part of her subjects to
suppress and extirpate the powerful banditti which infested her
empire. With more ability, more success, and less commotion
than occurred in any other country, she established a regular
royal authority on the overthrow of baronial barbarism. The
unfortunate Joan was made the heir of Isabella. Ferdinand
survived his wife twelve years. It is apparent, from his policy
188 SPAIN.
after her death, that the magnanimity of the joint reign flowed
from her, and that she often controlled the cunning and deceit-
ful purposes of her husband.
It is difficult to weigh justly the good and evil which any
powerful monarch may have done; more difficult to decide to
what degree of commendation he is entitled, and to what de-
gree of reproach to be subjected, for the transactions of his
reign. The English, the French, and the Neapolitans called
Ferdinand perfidious; the people of the church called him
pious; his own countrymen called him prudent and wise. It
seems to those who judge of him after so many years, that he
was injudicious and cruel in expelling the Jews and Moors
because they would not submit to baptism. The numbers
expelled amounted to many thousands, and they were among
the richest, most intelligent, and useful of his subjects. But,
in so judging, one easily overlooks the power of the church at
that time. One cannot deny to him praise for the effect of his
internal government, if he hesitates to praise him for the
means which he used. He controlled the power of the nobles
— he reformed and gave force to the laws — he diminished the
burthens to which his subjects were liable — corrected clerical
abuses, and punished unworthy magistrates.
In his exterior relations, Ferdinand lived at a time when
the politics of Europe were governed by intrigues and
frauds in a degree never surpassed. But, one writer gives
him the eulogy of having held in his own hand the thread
of all the intrigues of all the courts of Europe. He used
his intelligence well ; for, with a force much inferior to
that of several other powers, he acquired Sicily, Naples,
Oran, and some other places on the coast of Africa, and he
extended the Spanish empire over a new world. He is
charged, however, with great injustice to the Great Captain,
(Gonsalvez,) and also to Columbus. But he has left many
examples of clemency and generosity. While Isabella lived,
they two together constituted the ablest and the worthiest of
all the monarchs of their age; and, after her death, Ferdinand
had no equal as an able politician, an exact minister of his
own affairs, and as an enlightened reformer. Whatever the
Spanish monarchy could claim to be among the powers of Eu-
rope, after Isabella's death, it was made to be by Ferdinand.
Though Isabella extorted a promise from her husband, that
he would not marry again, he did marry, from policy rather
than choice, Germaine de Foix, sister of Louis XII. of France.
From causes, stated by historians, his mind and body fell into
SPANISH LANGUAGE. 189
decay, and his close of life was sad and melancholy, (25th of
January, 1516, aged sixty-four.)
He made his daughter Jane, or Joan, his heiress, and after
her, Charles, her son, afterwards Charles V. Thus Spain fell
under the dominion of the house of Austria.
The Language and Literature of Spain. — This language is
the result of a combination of German and Latin. (Sismondi, vol.
ii. p. 104, chap, xxiii.) This was formed during the three cen-
turies between the Gothic conquest of the Romans in Spain
and the conquest of the Moors in 711. The Romans remain-
ed, and gradually intermingled with their conquerors, and the
two were blended into one nation. The Spanish, the Italian,
the French, and the Portuguese, which must have had a simi-
lar origin, (that is, the combination of the language of the
barbarians with the Latin,) had been separated from each
other by sjjeakiiig, a long time before they became written
languages. It is well known that provinces, and counties, and
neighborhoods, in our own time, have dialects of their own.
Different pronunciation, changes of letters, contractions, great-
er or less use of vowels, are natural consequences. When the
rules of grammar come to be applied, the languages, though
of common origin, become dissimilar and distinct. There is
one language in the north-east of Spain, the Basque, which
has no affinity to any northern language, nor to the Latin.
Sismondi thinks it may have been of African origin. The
Spanish Avas much influenced by the language of the Moors.
Notwithstanding hostility continued through centuries, there
was great intercourse between Goths and Moors.
Though Spain abounded in poetical works in the twelfth
century, their language was still a rude one. Even the great
poem of the Cid, which dates from 1207, is said by Sismondi
to be almost absolutely barbarous in its versification and lan-
guage. Yet, it is a lively and faithful picture of the manners
of the age. (Vol. ii. p. 115.)* The early and even the
modern literature of Spain, excepting always the immortal
work of Cervantes, seems to be very little known beyond the
limits in which they were produced, although the dramatic
pieces of Spain outnumber those of all other nations. Wheth-
er national character is in any, and in what degree, a conse-
quence of language, or language a consequence of national
* In the pages next following, Sismondi has made an analysis of
this poem.
190 PORTUGAL.
qualities, is a question which we do not remember to have seen
CHAPTER XXVII.
PORTUGAL.
Portugal lies along the western coast of the peninsula,
the whole extent, (excepting Gallicia in the north-west corner,)
and is about four hundred miles in length, and of breadth
between one hundred and one hundred and fifty miles. Its
southern end bounds on" the Atlantic. The whole of this ter-
ritory was under the dominion of the Moors.
Alfonso VI. of Leon, and the first of that name in Castile,
the two kingdoms being under his dominion, reigned from
1067 to 1 109.
Henry of Besancon, who was of the royal blood of France,
(son of Robert I.,) married a natural daughter of Alfonso,
and, in 1095, he received from his father-in-law the govern-
ment of Portugal from the Minho to the Tagus. Within this
territory is Porto, or Oporto, from which the name of the
country is derived. It is unsettled, whether Alfonso intended
to confer a representative or an absolute power on Henry. It
was, or was assumed to be, the latter ; and Henry laid the
foundation of a separate kingdom. The history of Portugal,
from this time till the beginning of the fifteenth century, con-
tains the usual succession of monarchs, a greater proportion of
whom were military chiefs, and successful in their wars.
These wars were waged either with the Moors or the Castil-
ians. In the former, the territory of Portugal was gradually
extended to the south, as the fruit of many severe conflicts.
About the year 1400, John of Gaunt, whose name so often
occurs in English history, came to Portugal, in his way to
Castile, to assert his claim to the crown of that kingdom, in
right of his wife, the daughter of Peter the Cruel. At this
time, Joam I. was king of Portugal, and was then at variance
with the tenant of the Castilian throne, who was Henry III.
In 1403, Joam married Philippa, the daughter of John of
* It is regretted that a work now in the press, the " History of Fer-
dinand and Isabella," by William H. PrescoU, could not have been read
before these pages were put to press.
PORTUGAL. 191
Gaunt, and had five sons by this marriage, all of whom proved
to be persons of eminent worth and high military renown.
In 1415, the king and his five sons engaged in an expedition
against the Moors in Africa, and possessed himself of Ceuta,
the strong fortress and city w^hich is opposite to Gibraltar.
This exploit excited the admiration of Europe. This king
and his sons are the authors of that spirit of adventure and
enterprise, which, in the course of the next hundred years,
changed the commercial relations of the whole world, and
raised Portugal to be the first of maritime nations.
Meanwhile, the internal history of Portugal is the usual
exhibition of human nature, in that age. It discloses a series
of odious crimes, and instances of wanton, capricious, cruel
exercise of power ; but instances, also, in greater number
than in any other nation of this time, of magnanimity and
virtue. It is foreign to our purpose to enter into any details
which have no relation to the present state of the world.
In the reign of Joam II. the Portuguese continued their
adventures to the coast of Africa ; and between 1482 and 1486,
had established a fort at Guinea. These enterprises were
carried on under the immediate orders of the king, and not as
private adventures. In 1487, Bartholomeo Diaz discovered
the southern point of Africa, to which he gave the name of the
Cape of Storms ; but when king Joam heard that it was a
promontory, and might be passed into an eastern ocean, he
changed the name, doubtless in contemplation of future dis-
coveries, and gave it the present name, O Cabo de boa Espe-
ranca, or, the Cape of Good Hope. But this enterprising
monarch did not live to see his hopes realized. He died in
1495. He left a very respectable reputation as a man and as
a sovereign. His vices and follies were much fewer, and less
strongly marked, than was usual among the crowned heads
of this age.
The commercial grandeur of Portugal was thus begun, and
was followed out by Manuel, successor of Joam Five vessels
were entrusted to the command of Vasco de Gama, who
doubled the Cape of Good Hope on the 20th day of November,
1497. Having passed as far eastwardly as the hither penin-
sula of India, he returned to Lisbon in September, 1499. The
commercial, political, and religious measures of the Portu-
guese in the East, are to be noticed in sketches of the countries
in which they occurred. They would properly belong to
Portuguese history, if that were the only one to be considered.
In these general views, it is most convenient to notice events
in the respective territories in which they took place.
192 NETHERLANDS.
The language of Portugal is of the like origin with that of
Spain; but, from causes referred to in noticing the latter, it has
become a distinct one, no less than that of Italy. It was not
until the sixteenth century, that any work in the Portuguese
attracted general notice. The Lusiad, by Louis Camoens,
first appeared in 1572, and is a work of genius, honored and
admired by his countrymen. But its erratic and unfortunate
author begged his bread, at the close of his life, and died in an
alms-house. The literature of Portugal is examined by Ses-
mondi in his Literature of the South, from page 260, to the
end, of vol. iv.
CHAPTER XXVIII.
Holland — Belgium — Netherlands.
The modern kingdom of Holland is bounded on the north
and west by the Northern ocean, which separates it from
Great Britain ; eastwardly by Germany, southwardly by a line
which is not marked by any geographical monuments, but
settled by agreement, as the boundary between Holland and
Belgium. The whole country is lower than the surface of
the sea, and is defended from inundation by dikes, kept up at
great expense. It was said by Butler, (the author of Hudi-
bras,) in allusion to the depth of water required to float ships, —
" Holland is a country which draws fifty feet of w^ater." The
name of Holland, according to the historian Anquetil, is from
the hollowness of the land, (Hollow Land.) In the history of
the Netherlands by Grattan, (chap, iv.) it is said, " The dis-
trict in which Dordretcht is situated formed an island just
raised above the waters, and which was called Holland, or
Holtland, which means wooded land, or, according to some,
hollow land." It is probable that the name of a particular
place was extended to the country, as was the fact with Ger-
many, Italy, and Asia.
The name of Belgium was probably that of a particular
part, with the people of which the Romans first came in con-
tact under Julius Caesar, near the middle of the century before
the Christian era. This kingdom is bounded northwardly on
Holland, northwestwardly in the Northern ocean, eastwardly
by Germany, southwardly by a conventional line, which is
the boundary between this kingdom and France. This line
NETHERLANDS. 193
begins on the ocean, a little east of Dunkirk, and runs south-
eastwardly to the river Moselle, and stops there, at a point in
north latitude, 49° 50'. Holland and Belgium, and the country
between the Moselle and the Rhine, have been usually treated
of, politically and geographically, as one country, under the
name of the Netherlands, or low lands.
The sources of the earliest history of the Netherlands are
Caesar's Commentaries ; the elder Pliny's Remarks, who made
a campaign in Germany about one hundred years after Caesar ;
(Pliny was born in 23, and died in 79.) The works of Taci-
tus, who wrote about the end of the first century. The ac-
counts of these writers are very general ; and the difficulty of
assigning the names of places, .5.s_u5ed by -th.em, to places nt3W-...._^
known, is insurmountable. '-' Csesar is considered the best \
authority in what he did, and in what he saw; but otherwise,
in what he heard of He describes three sorts of animals of
Germany, which never existed there; one of them, an animal
that had no joints in its legs, and if by any accident it was
prostrated, it had no power to rise.
The Netherlands, when earliest known, were inhabited by
several different tribes, who were called by different names.
The forest of Ardennes extended westwardly from the Rhine to
the Scheldt. Within this forest the Romans found a warlike
people, whom they called the Belgas. There were a people
whom Caesar calls Menapians, who inhabited the country
about Antwerp, and thence westwardly to the ocean. Between
the Rhine and the Meuse, were the Batavi, from whom the
modern name of Batavians is derived. Around the east and
north sides of the Zuyder Zee, were the Frisons, as it is sup-
posed, who were neither conquered by the Romans, nor would
they consent to become allies. Most of the people found in
what is now Belgium, became subjects of the Romans, by
force or consent. Many of their males entered the military
service, and made excellent soldiers, especially as cavalry.
The Menapians are mentioned as being a maritime and trading
people in a rude way, dealing in fish and salt. The people
of what is now called the kingdom of Holland, are spoken of
as devoted to liberty, though dwelling in a wretched condition,
in a land, where,(says Pliny,) " when the sea rises, they appear
like navigators ; when it retires, they seem as though they had
been shipwrecked." (Grattan, 16.)
These ancient tribes of Belgium were exterminated, or lost,
in the victorious invasion of the Salian Franks, about the mid-
dle of the third century. The Franks came from what is now
17
194 NETHERLANDS.
Westphalia, across the Rhine, and extended their conquests
into France. The Frison race in Holland, defended by the
nature of their country, and their own bravery, preserved their
existence, and their independence.
From the time of the coming of the Franks in 250, to the
time of Charlemagne, 800, history occupies itself in the wars
of Saxons, Frisons, and Frenchmen ; the latter under the
names of Merovingians, and Carlovingians. Its details are
few and uninteresting to those who have no taste for the field
of battle, and the common barbarities of war. The more
material facts, are the progress of society. Christianity had
been introduced ; there were, consequently, churches, monas-
teries, and ecclesiastical domains, and rich prelates, and all the
subordinate classes of priesthood. The lowlands had been
diked; the morasses turned into productive fields ; very impor-
tant towns had arisen, and society was divided, as elsewhere
in Europe, into great landed proprietors, and dependent serfs
or vassals. The abby of Nivelle, (twenty miles south of
Brussels,) alone, is said (by CTrattan) to have had fourteen
thousand families of vassals. The whole of this country was
comprised in the empire of Charlemagne: but it deserves to be
remembered that the Frisons (who held the country now the
northern part of the kingdom of Holland) preserved their
social and civil rights in their interior government, though
they were the subjects of that monarch.
When France and Germany ceased to be parts of one em-
pire, by the treaty of Verdun, in 843, the kingdom of France
extended to the mouth of the Scheldt. The residue of Belgium
with Holland, became part of the German empire. The whole
territory was held by feudal lords, and the names of counts of
Flanders, of Lorraine, of Namur, of Ardenne, and many others,
occur in history. The most potent territorial lords were the
bishops. In 1018, a count of Friesland is mentioned as en-
gaged in a war wath the bishop of Utrecht. It afterwards
appears, however, that the Frisons still preserved their inde-
pendence, as the chronicler Froissart, in the year 1380, re-
marks of them that they w'ere a most unreasonable people in
refusing to submit themselves to great lords. (Grattan, 41.)
In the year 1100, the country called Belgium, from the sea
to the Rhine, had taken the common course of all the other
states of Europe, in being divided into principalities, dukedoms,
counties, and petty sovereignties, the fortunes of which depend-
ed on wars, marriages, inheritances, and conquests. In all these
respects the history of any one part of Europe is the history,
substantially, of all others.
NETHERLANDS. 196
In 1098 began the Holy Wars, and these Belgic nobles took
an active part in that delusion. Godfrey de Bouillon, of
Lorraine, became king of Jerusalem before the end of the cen-
tury. Whether from the absence of so many nobles, or from
the awakening impulse of the crusades, or whatever other
cause, the towns in Belgium, from about this time, advanced
rapidly in manufactures and commerce. The wool of England
was wrought into the finest cloths in Flanders; and great
quantities of linen were made. The Flemmings owned vessels,
and carried on a maritime commerce with distant countries as
far as the Garonne in France, and to ports in Spain. The
land was cultivated, for its products were now wanted. In-
dustry, in various branches, created wealth ; wealth required
security; security demanded laws; and laws could only be
made by those who perceived the utility of them. Equal and
just laws are the proper evidence of the knowledge of civil
liberty. The people of Flanders had great difficulties to
contend with, in maintaining their hold on freedom. Within
their territories they had the tyranny of their petty sovereigns;
and on their southern border, the French, who were frequently
involved in warfare with these sovereigns ; and on the east,
they had the German emperors, who claimed a sovereignty
over all their sovereigns.
The contentions between France and Germany brought
the military power of these two countries into conflict in the
Netherlands. The knights and gentlemen of Brabant, arrang-
ed at that time on the side of the German emperor, suffered
severely in the battle of Bouvines, fought between Otho IV.
and Philip II., July, 1214. Otho, with one hundred and fifty
thousand, was defeated by Philip, who had only fifty thousand.
Bouvines is twenty miles south of Namur.
At this time, beginning of the thirteenth century, the
Netherlands were settled, as to the principal towns and cities,
and geographical names, nearly as that country has since been
known. Bruges, the commercial city of the middle ages, is
east of Ostend, fifteen miles. Ghent is thirty miles east of
Bruges. Antwerp, on the Scheldt, is thirty miles north-east
from Ghent ; Brussels about the same distance south-east of
Ghent, and about the same distance south of Antwerp. These
three cities are at the pointo of a triangle. Namur is thirty-five
miles south-east of Brussels. Luxemburgh is eighty miles
south-east of Namur. The Moselle is fifteen miles south-east
of Luxemburgh, and that river is the boundary of the Nether-
lands. Brussels is sixty miles north-east from the north-east
boundary of France.
196 Netherlands.
Along the coast north-east from the French boundary, was
Flanders, to the Scheldt; then Zealand, composed of the islands
formed where the great rivers empty ; then Holland, between
the Ocean, Utrecht, and the Znyder Zee. Next to France,
south-east of Flanders, was the duchy of Hainault; north-east
of Hainault was Brabant, extending one hundred and ten miles
to the Moselle. Next to France, and south-east of Brabant,
was Namur; north-east of Namur, the duchy of Liege. Next
to France, and south-east of Namur, was the great duchy of
Luxemburgh; and north-east of that, the duchy of Juliers;
north-east of that, the duchy of Cleves; north-east of Cleves,
was Gelders ; north of Gelders, Overyssel, lying east of the
Zuyder Zee. North of Overyssel, was Ommerlande; and
Friesland and Groningen occupied the seacoast on the north
and west. The territorial subdivisions are too minute to be
noticed.
In the two centuries, 1200 to 1400, Flanders, Hainault,
Brabant, Utrecht, and Holland, became rich and powerful,
through their industry; and had imbibed a spirit of liberty,
which distinguished their inhabitants from all others in Eu-
rope, except those of the Hanse towns, and some Italian cities,
where like effects had been produced from similar causes.
The people insisted on having a share in legislation, and in
the execution of the laws, and on bearing arms. They often
asserted their rights against territorial sovereigns, and some-
times drove them out, or forced them to terms. Men of
humble origin often arose as patriots and warriors, and secured
to themselves a place in history. James d'Arteveldt was one
of these, in the years 1330 to 1345. He was called the brewer
of Ghent. Whether that was his business, is doubtful. He
was enrolled as a mechanic, to make him eligible, it is said, to
office; a case very common in the republican cities of Italy,
A weaver of Ghent commanded an army in aid of Edward III.
in 1348, at the siege of Calais. Louis le Male was hereditary
count of Flanders. He had been driven out by the patriotic
citizens, who gloriously defeated him and his allies, the French.
Philip, the duke of Burgundy, who was the sovereign of
Burgundy in France, and son-in-law of Louis le Male, made
a compromising peace, and was admitted to the succession of
Louis, in 1348, as count of Flanders. Thenext year, in right
of his wife, Philip acquired Brabant.
By a course of events, of which our limits will not permit a
detailed account, (though as interesting as any of that period,
in Europe) the whole of the Netherlands, except the country
NETHERLANDS. 197
north-east of the Zuyder Zee, was acquired by the dukes of
Burgundy. This object was accomplished very near the
middle of the fifteenth century. (1443 — 1467.) The Bur-
gundy family was of royal origin. John, king of France,
made his son, Philip the Bold, duke of Burgundy. Philip's
son, John the Fearless, succeeded him. The son of John was
Philip the Good, who little deserved that distinction. This
Philip's son was Charles the Rash, (count of Charlerois in his
father's life-time,) and his successor in 1467, as duke of Bur-
gundy, and sovereign of the Netherlands, but a feudatory of
the king of France, who was, at this time, the cunning and
deceitful Louis XL*
Charles the Rash had a territory little inferior to that of his
former friend Louis, now his rival, and soon after, his impla-
cable and malicious foe. Charles desired to be the equal of
Louis, and to assume a royal rank. His project was, to rule
from the Zuyder Zee, along the Rhine, and to the mouth of
the Rhone ; that is, from the North sea to the Mediterranean.
He began by conquering Lorraine, which adjoined, and was
situated south of Luxemburgh, part of his dominions, and
having Franche Comte south of it, part also, of the duke's
dominions. Franche Comte has Switzerland on the south-
east. The sovereignty of Switzerland was claimed, at this
time, by the duke of Austria, and Charles purchased the
duke's claim, which gave no more than a pretension of con-
quest. Switzerland would be his, when he made it so by
force. It is said of Charles that he had read the history of
Hannibal, and aspired, like him, to cross the Alps, and per-
haps annex Italy to his empire. He approached Switzerland
with an army of forty thousand men, or sixty thousand, as
accounts differ in this respect. The river Aar runs from the
lake Neuchatel, north-east to the Rhine. Charles pursued
the valley of the Aar to the southwest end of the lake, and
besieged Granson, a strong town, situate near its border. The
Swiss, hearing of his approach and purpose, sent ambassadors
to him, who said, " You have little to gain with us. The gold
on the bits of your bridles, and on the spurs of your knights,
is worth more than all our land contains." In February,
1476, the siege of Granson began.
The fate of Charles in assailing Switzerland will be con-
sidered in notices of that country. In this place, it is only
necessary to say, that he was utterly defeated by the Swiss, at
* The same whom Sir Walter Scott has introduced to so many readers.
17*
198
FRANCE.
Granson. Three months afterwards, Charles appeared with
another army of thirty thousand men, and again met the Swiss
at Morat, on a lake of the same name, east of the north-east
end of lake Neuchatel, and twenty miles west from Berne.
Here Charles was again defeated. He had a body of English
Icnights in his army, commanded by the duke of Somerset. All
of them were slain. Charles was so chagrined at this second de-
feat, that he resolved not to shave his beard, nor cut his nails, till
he had subdued the Swiss. But his disasters encouraged his
new subjects in Lorraine to revolt, and he was called thither
to reduce them. In the following winter he fought a battle
near the city of Nancy, in Lorraine, (about two hundred miles
directly east of Paris,) where he perished miserably, at the age
of forty-four. There are different accounts of his death; one
is, that his body was found in a half-frozen pool, transfixed by
a dart ; and that he was known by the length of his beard and
nails.
He left an only daughter, named Mary, who inherited his
great domains. Mary married the archduke Maximilian, of
Austria, who was afterwards em.peror. This marriage de-
cided the fortunes of Europe for centuries afterwards. Their
son was Philip, who married Jane, the daughter and heiress
of Ferdinand and Isabella, of Spain. Their son was Charles
v., who was king of Spain, and heir to the Netherlands, under
his grandmother Mary. He was afterwards elected emperor of
Germany. He was also monarch of no small part of Italy ;
and thus, excepting France and Switzerland, had an empire
little less extensive than that of Charlemagne, seven hundred
years before.
The history of the Netherlands from the accession of Charles
v., forms an important portion of European history, to be
hereafter considered.
CHAPTER XXIX.
FRANCE, FROM 500 TO THE REIGN OF THE CARLOVINGIANS.
In the beginning of the sixth century, the territory of mod-
ern France was thus possessed : — The northern part had been
conquered by the Franks, under Clovis ; the south-western
part, next to Spain, was held by Euric the Great, the Visigoth
FRANCE. 199
king, whose seat of empire was Bordeaux, on the river Ga-
ronne ; eastuardly of the Rhone, and between that and the
Alps, and towards the Rhine was the Burgundian kingdom.
Intermixed with all these were the descendants of the ancient
Celts, and of that population which the Romans had intro-
duced in the course of the preceding six centuries. From
these materials, the present French nation is derived. It is
the only country of Europe whose inhabitants claim an un-
broken descent from the original barbarian conquerors. France
has been held by Frenchmen only, at least since the time of
Clovis; that is, no new people have, since that time, conquer-
ed and settled in France, except the Normans, under Rollo, in
911, who came from Norway, but who held only one prov-
ince. The founder of the French kingdom, Clovis, has been
before mentioned. He was of the Merovingian race, so called
from an ancestor named Merovius. He led the Franks into
France from a country somewhere on the east side of the lower
Rhine. When he entered France, about the year 485, Sya-
grius, the last of the Roman provincial governors, maintained
the semblance of royal authority at Soissons, sixty miles north-
east of Paris. Clovis attacked and conquered this person,
who fled south, to the Burgundians. They being threatened
by Clovis, surrendered him, and he was put to death. This
was the last of Roman authority in Gaul, in the year 486.
The next object of Clovis was to attack the Visigoths. The
battle of Poictiers or Vouille, has been mentioned in the
notices of Spain ; the effect was to extend the French king-
dom to the Pyrenees. Clovis had married Clotilda, a niece of
the king of Burgundy. By her persuasion and that of her
priests, he was induced to think of conversion. While in this
state, he fought a battle with the German people called the Ale-
manni, who dwelt on the east side of the Upper Rhine. Being
hard pressed, he vowed that, if he gained the victory, he would
acknowledge conversion. A fortunate turn in the conflict
qualified him to perform his vow. He and three thousand of
his warriors were baptized. But his new religion did not
make him a better monarch or a better man. He was only a
barbarous chief, and hesitated at no crime, however atrocious,
if adapted to his interest, convenience, or caprice. He died
in 511, at the age of forty-five, having reigned thirty years,
leaving four sons. He made Paris the seat of empire, and it
has ever since been the capital of France. The kingdom of
France was divided among the four sons of Clovis. In 525,
Burgundy was conquered and added to the kingdom.
^00 FRANCE.
Throughout the whole of the sixth century, the events in
France, of which historians give an account, consist of wars
among the members of the same family, contending for sove-
reignty, with various fortune ; and of rebellions, punishments,
and terrible crimes, among relatives. Some females make a
distinguished figure in this century. It is doubtful what credit
is to be given to these accounts. If they are credible, the mo-
tives appear to have been such as might govern a depraved fe-
male heart. Two females are specially mentioned. Brunehaut,
the wife of Sigebert, king of Austrasia, (one of the northern
divisions of France,) is said to have been the murderess of
ten kings and royal princes, which is only a part of her many
crimes. At the same time, lived Fredegonde, wife of Chil-
peric, king of Soissons, (a north-eastern division of France,)
who was distinguished in like manner. To become queen,
she caused the removal of the existing queen, and the assassi-
nation of her successor. Having become queen herself by
marrying Chilperic, she caused Brunehaut's husband to be
assassinated. Next, she caused two sons of her husband, by
his former wives, to be murdered, and then Chilperic himself.
She thus became regent during her own son's minority. Yet
she died a natural death, leaving the kingdom in a flourishing
condition. Brunehaut, by some accounts, ended her life by
having been fastened to the tail of a wild horse and dragged
till she was dead. If these are facts, they are the best indica-
tions of the real condition of the country.
Very little, however, is known of the state of France at this
time. There were no records, except among the priests. No
other persons could write or read. Gregory, of Tours, is
mentioned as having flourished in this century, (570.) He is
called the earliest historian of France. He was a bishop, and
contemporary with Fredegonde. He wrote eight books on
the virtues and miracles of the saints. This may give some
idea of the value of history from the same hand, mostly limited
to the events of the French church. Gregory is often quoted
by Gibbon, Hallam, and others, and is frequently mentioned
by Montesquieu, in his Spirit of Laws.
It is believed, as Hallam intimates in his History of the
Middle Ages, that there is not a fact, nor a person, of such
importance as to be mentioned in French history, throughout
the whole of the seventh century. It was one continued scene
of family wars, contentions, and crimes. All is told in saying
that a king of France reigns, and dies a natural death, or in
battle, or by violence, aud leaves his kingdom divided among
FRANCE. 201
his sons. One of them, by some means, comes lo be sole
monarch, then dies, and a new division arises, and new con-
tentions, new \Yars, and like consequences, as in the preceding
generation. Intermingled with such scenes, will be found no
small portion of oppression, suffering, and misery among the
mass of people, and such influence on public and private life
as an adroit priesthood could exercise over an ignorant and
superstitious community.
In the eighth century, some events occur which deserve
notice, because they led to some important changes. In the
preceding century, the monarchs of France had become very
insignificant persons. A new officer appeared under the
name of mayor of the palace, who was, in fact, the real mon-
arch. He commanded the military force, disposed of favors,
places, revenues, keeping the king in the interior of the palace
to be amused with trifles, and to be of no other public use
than to exist, so that the mayors might act in the name of
royal authority. This did not long satisfy the mayors. They
naturally concluded, that as they had to do the work of kings,
they might more conveniently Ho it in their own name and
right. It happened, towards the close of the seventh century,
(680,) that Pepin Heristal was the real sovereign of France,
in the name of mayor of the palace. He transmitted his
power to his son Charles, surnamed Martel, (the hammer,)
from his renown in breaking down his foes. In this person's
time, a very important event happened in the form of a battle.
It is common to say, that if such an event had or had not hap-
pened, as the case may be, a very different state of things
might have existed. This can, sometimes, be said with much
certainty in public and private affairs. If such conjecture be
admissible on any occasion, it would be in one event of Charles
Martel's life. This requires some introductory remarks.
In the sketches of Spain, the Moors, Arabians, or Saracens,
(usually called the Moors in Spanish history,) have been men-
tioned as the conquerors of that country. They assembled a
very numerous army there, and invaded France. They are
supposed to have intended to conquer all the west of Europe,
and then to move towards the east, expecting that their coun-
trymen, the Saracens, w^ould enter Europe by the way of Con-
stantinople, subduing all the east, until they united with the
Moors. In the year 732, the Moorish army and that of
Charles Martel met at a place supposed to be fifty miles south
of the Loire, and one hundred east of the Atlantic shore, and
between the city of Tours and Poitiers. In this battle, the
202
FRANCE.
Moorish chief and three hundred thousand of his army were
slain. If the victory had been to them, and France had been
subdued, the supposition is, that Mahommedans and their re-
ligion might have been established in the west of Europe, and
with them the same barbarism which now reigns over the
once beautiful and populous regions from the waters that sepa-
rate Europe and Asia to the confines of China. Charles
Martel knew nothing of the consequences of his memorable
victory ; with him it was only the common question, ivhich of
the two parties -was the strongest. But the friends of civiliza-
tion and refinement, even of the present day, have cause to be
grateful that Charles proved to be the victor. The followers
of Mahomet were driven back to Spain, and are no more heard
of in the west of Europe, except in that country which they
held for some ages afterwards.
In what manner could Charles Martel have assembled, or-
ganized, and disciplined a military force in that age, capable of
encountering and destroying three hundred thousand persons]
If there be a want of accuracy as to the number slain, yet
there must have been extraordinary armies, on both sides, for
any age of the world. Nothing is known of the numbers
who then inhabited France ; but this is supposed to have been
the fact, that every free male adult was liable to be a soldier, and
was held to render military service. The feudal system, known
afterwards in Europe, had not then been established ; but all
tenants of land were held to accompany some superior to the
wars. The precise nature of this obligation has been lost in
the lapse of time. It is probable that France was held by
great landed proprietors, and that the whole population, with
few exceptions, were required to arm themselves, and provide
their own maintenance, when called to the field. One induce-
ment, and a strong one, may have been the expectation of plun-
der. It is very certain, that in whatsoever other way these
great armies may have been embodied, it was not in standing
armies, as now practised. The exclusive occupation of a soldier,
as now understood, was unknown, unless we consider the no-
bles, only, as having such occupation.
The power which Charles had acquired in the exercise of
the royal authority, though under the name of mayor, enabled
him to vest the like power in his son Pepin. At this time, 752,
the nominal king of France was Childeric III. Pepin concluded
to assume the title, as well as the authority of king, though
with the consent " of the nation." Whether the nobles, and
bishops, and great landholders are intended by the nation, or
CHARLEMAGJ4E. 203
whether it included some other portion of the whole people, is
unknown. It is probable that the prelates were active ao-ents
in the plan of deposing Childeric, and crowning Pepin. It
w^as eflectedby an appeal to the pope, who was then Zacharias.
He assumed to declare that he who had the power of a king,
should also have the title. The insignificant Childeric was
conducted from the palace to a convent, and is no more heard
of. With him ended the Merovingian race of kings, which
had existed 267 j^ears, from Clovis. With Pepin began the
Carlo vingian race, in the year 752.
CHAPTER XXX.
The Reign of Ihe Carlnvingians — Charlemagne.
Charles Pepin's reign began in 752, and ended in 768.
There is but one event in his reign which had lasting conse-
quences. He was invited by the pope to conduct an army to
subdue the Lombards, of the north of Italy, who had become
irreverent and troublesome. Pepin subdued them, and made a
present of a part of their territories to the pope. The reign
of Pepin's son and successor, Charlemagne, (a French termina-
tion of the Latin magnus, great,) is a brilliant period in the his-
tory of France. One of the principal causes of the miseries
of France, both before and after the reign of this monarch,
was the practice of dividing the dominions ofa deceased king,
among his sons. The partition was never satisfactory: and if
it could have been, jealousies, rivalry, and causes of war were
inevitable. Those who should have been the best friends, were
ever the bitterest enemies. If they, only, had been the suffer-
ers, there would be less cause for regret; but their warfare ne-
cessarily involved all their subjects, on both sides. Pepin di-
vided his kingdom between his sons, Carloman and Charles, in
768. In three years Carloman died, and Charlemagne became
sole monarch. He was one of the most remarkable men, and
one of the most efficient monarchs known in history. He
arose in an age of darkness, and shone with a glorious light
over all Europe. He disappeared, and a darker night of ig-
norance, oppression, tyranny and crime, settled for ages over
the Christian world. In the following remarks, on this reign,
the work of Hallam, (Middle Ages,) is taken as an authority,
204 CHARLEMAGNE,
among others ; but especially the historical lectures of profes-
sor Guizot, read at Paris, in the year 1829.
Charlemagne will not be found to have been an Alfred, but
rather a Napoleon, and, considering the state of the world
when he lived, not his inferior. He became sole monarch of
his paternal dominions at the age of 29 ; he reigned 43 years,
and died in 814 at the age of 72. The French population was
composed of nobles of different ranks ; of freemen, of slaves,
and of all the various classes of churchmen, from archbishops
down to the lowest order of monks. The priesthood held in
France, and in all countries in Europe, where Christianity
was professed, rich territories and great personal property.
Besides this, the few persons who could read and write were
of this order. The nobles were rude, ignorant, and fit only
for the conflict of arms; and when not so employed were easily
allied in parties, against each other, or against the reigning
prince. These nobles led to the wars the principal part of the
efficient force, which was gathered from the lands over which
they were lords. That part of the people who were slaves,
were held to the land, and passed with the land, and were its
cukivators. Knowledge of mechanical arts, internal com-
merce, workmanship, devoted to the luxuries of the noble and
wealthy, cannot be described with any certainty. The benefits
of commerce, with other countries, must have been known in
a very limited degree, in that age, if at all. Hunting, gaming,
and riotous feasting, must have held a high rank among their
pleasures. The thousands who belonged to the church estab-
lishments were sustained from their church estates, and by the
tributes which the Roman priesthood have always know^n how
to extract from all other classes of society, where ignorance and
superstition pass by the name of religion. Such may be the
outline of the great community over which this really great
man arose, to exercise a royal authority. Among the eminent
who have appeared in the last 1000 years, Charles holds an
elevated rank. As a man, he will be found to have had strik-
ing faults, not to use a more reproachful term ; and as a mon-
arch, great and well-used talents, considering the age in which
he lived. The character of Charlemagne has been drawn by
many different writers, some of whom were eminent — Gibbon,
Montesquieu, Hallam, and Guizot, may be considered as among
the most so. They concur in those points which are most ma-
terial. An emperor, who was also an illustrious individual,
must be estimated in relation to the age of the world — the power
of a monarch over property, liberty, and life — the employments
CHARLEMAGNE. 205
of his subjects, whether in peace or war — the degree of intel-
lectual and moral cultivation — the influence of a pure or per-
verted religion — the liabilities of one nation to aggressions from
those around them. These are among the elements which
necessarily enter into the estimate of character. As an indi-
vidual, one is to be estimated as worthy or unworthy, accord-
ing to the use which he made of his power. If he used it
merely to gratify himself, regardless of the natural rights of
all others ; if he used it to secure the welfare of those who
were compelled to obey him — if he sometimes appears in the
former light, and sometimes in the lattei', he is to be estimated
accordingly. The delusions incident to princely rank are the
usual apologies for errors in thinking too much of one's self,
and too little of others. There are persons in the range of his-
tory, who were far more worthy than Charlemagne, whether
considered as a monarch, or a man, after making every allow-
ance for the circumstances in which he lived. Alfred, of Eng-
land, and Louis IX., of France, were certainly better rulers,
and better men than Charlemagne.
His empire was little less extensive than that over which
Napoleon, and those whom he made kings, ruled at the begin-
ning of this century. It included all France, all Germany,
and the low countries, to the northern ocean ; part of Spain,
and nearly all Italy. At this time the nobles of the empire
held large domains, and were disposed to combine, and dispute
his authority. One motive for his incessant wars may have
been to keep these nobles occupied in conquests, that they
might have no leisure to conspire against him. The ostensi-
ble cause of his barbarous warfare with the Saxons, on his
north-eastern frontier, was to force them to embrace Christiani-
ty. He carried on his conquests with a cruelty which cannot
be screened by apparent motives, nor by the character of his en-
emies. He forcibly transferred his captives to other countries,
and especially to Switzerland and Flanders. No writer apol-
ogises for his act inputting to death 4,500 disarmed Saxons, in
one day. The destruction of all the sacred objects of the re-
ligion of the Saxons cannot be excused on the ground that they
were idolators, nor was this the best mode of making them
Christians.
This warfare provoked the bitterest resentment, and was
continued through many successive years, because the forces
ordered into service could only be employed for a certain
number of days. When the emperor withdrew for the time,
Saxons took advantage of the respite. Before the war with
18
206 CHARLEMAGNE.
the Saxons ended, the emperor was called to Italy ; and here
he was crowned king of Italy, with the iron crown, in 774.*
This event followed the extinguishment of the kingdom of
Lombardy, in the north of Italy, hereafter to be mentioned.
Napoleon placed the iron crown on his own head, in the same
place, not unmindful, probably, of what Charlemagne had done.
It was a part of Charlemagne's policy to leave the conquered
(when he did not prefer to remove or slay them) in possession
of their ovv'n laws and customs, to prevent rebellion. In 778
we find him in Spain, contending with the Moors. In this ex-
pedition fell the famous Roland, (a knight,) at Roncevalles.
On his return from Spain, the war with the Saxons was renew-
ed. These are only some of his wars; for, during the 47 years
of his reign, with Carloman, or alone, there was but one year
in which he did not engage in some war.
On Christmas day, in the year 800, he was crowned at Rome,
as emperor of the west, by Leo the third, and was saluted as
Caesar and Augustus, and assumed the ornaments of the an-
cient Roman emperors. This was considered as a renovation
of the empire of the west, which began 405 years before, on
the division into east and west, by Arcadius and Honorius.
He experienced, both before and after this event, afflictive
troubles from his rebellious sons, whom he had raised to the
dignity of kings, in different parts of his dominions. One of
his sons he forced to become a monk. His son Pepin, and his
son Charles, died in his life-time. Louis, only, survived, who
succeeded him as sole monarch over his vast empire. He an-
ticipated the dismemberment of his possessions. He knew
that efforts to this end, from within and from without, would
be made, and might have believed, without overvaluing him-
self, that a hand less strong than his own, could not hold his
empire together. While he was in Italy, he saw the vessels
of the Normans, in the Mediterranean. They had found their
way thither by passing around Spain, He shed tears on see-
ing them; and, probably, felt that he saw in them the allies of
the revengeful Saxons. In the view so far taken of this per-
son, he appears to have been an ambitious, unrelenting conquer-
or. The extenuation may be, that he would have been con-
quered himself if he had not conquered others.
There are other views, in which esteem and respect are due
to him. He was fully sensible of the degradation of the world,
in consequence of the universal ignorance. He became the
* The crown of Lombardy was an iron ring, believed to have been
made, in whole or in part, of nails taken from the holy cross.
CHARLEMAGNE. 5207
friend of learning, and the patron of learned men. He was
himself illiterate, until his manhood. Learned men were at-
tracted to his court. Teachers of Latin and mathematics were
invited from Italy. He founded schools of theology, and of
the liberal sciences in the church establishments.* He acquir-
ed several languages himself, and delighted in the society of
the learned. Besides reading himself, whenever he had leisure,
he had always some one to read to him, while at table, or
when otherwise engaged, yet so that he could listen. He at-
tempted to introduce uniformity of weights and measures; and
also to connect the Rhme and the Danube, by a canal. He
succeeded in neither attempt. He endeavored to reform wor-
ship and the music in the churches ; in this he was partially
successful. He made efforts to promote commerce, and is just-
ly entitled to the praise of having foreseen the civilizing and
refining effects of commercial employments. He improved
the style of building, and adorned Aix La Chapelle, his usual
place of residence, with churches, palaces, and baths. His
greatest praise is found in the laws which he made, to promote
the agriculture, industry, and welfare of his subjects. These
laws are known by the name of capitularies, a word which de-
notes any literary work composed in chapters.
These were very numerous, and related to a great va-
riety of subjects ; and are supposed to have been the sugges-
tions of his own mind. In Guizot's lectures, (vol. ii. p. 261,
and seq.) there is an examination of the various subjects of
these capitularies. They show that the utmost effort of Char-
lemagne was made to improve the moral and social condition
of his people. They comprise the minutest as well as the
most important objects. He assembled in his palace many
learned men, and established a school there, in which he was
himself a pupil. Among these was Alcuin, an Englishman,
and of surprising attainments for that age. He passed many
years in the relation of confidant, counsellor, and intellectual
prime minister of Charles, and wrote to him many confidential
letters. There is an illustrative examination of these letters
by Guizot, (vol. 2. p. 367—372.)
This monarch erred in having strengthened the power of
the clergy, and in having aided them to establish a dominion,
under which Europe groaned for ages, and which brought
one of his own successors to the footstool of the pope, as a sup-
plicating penitent. The apology for this error is not piety, for
this perhaps was not a governing principle, but to raise up a
* There is a fine anecdote of him in a note to the second volume of
Tjtler's Universal History, p. 77.
208 CHARLEMAGNE.
power which would balance the refractory nobles. Kings, as
well as nobles, throughout all Europe, afterwards trembled at
the maledictions of the pope of Rome. As an individual,
Charlemagne was like most other men, a mixed character.
Fewer crimes and follies than might have been expected, are
charged to him, considering that he was subject to no control.
Then, as now, an emperor may do acts without reproach, which
would disgrace a private person. He had nine wives in suc-
cession, disposing of them merely from caprice; and, in such
respects, his example must have warred with his moral pre-
cepts. Yet it is said that he was a good father, and exceed-
ingly amiable, and condescending in his deportment.
He despised those indications of grandeur which are common
to little minds, and which are, sometimes, the weakness of
strong ones. His dress was simple, his repasts frugal. He
was a severe economist : it is said that the surplus products
of his own lands, and even of his poultry yard, were sold on
his own account. Like Alfred, he had a biographer, Eginhard,
from whom, probably, it is known, that in person he was large
and strong ; his head round — his eye large and lively — his
countenance serene — his step firm and manly. His ordinary
apparel was thus described : A linen shirt, a coat bordered
with silk, long covering for the lower limbs, an outside cloak;
and always wearing a sword adorned with gold and silver. It
strikes one with some surprise, that a person who spent 46
years of his reign in continued and severe warfare, should
have found time to do so much, in affairs which were entirely
of a different nature. The solution, probably, is, that war was
carried on only in a favorable part of the year, and that all
the winter seasons w^ere devoted to these other objects. This
great man, having died in 814, at the age of 72, his remains
were disposed of with a magnificence corresponding with his
life. He was buried at Aix La Chapelle,* in a vault, seated on
a throne of gold, in the full dress of an emperor. On his
head was his crown; in his hand he held a chalice; (commun-
ion cup;) on his knees lay the books of the evangelists; by his
side lay his sword ; at his feet lay his sceptre and shield. The
sepulchre was sealed, and over it was raised a triumphal arch,
on which was inscribed — " Here lies the body of Charles, the
great and orthodox emperor, who gloriously enlarged, and for
* This is now a free and imperial city. It is 22 miles N. E. of Leige ;
40 west of Cologne, on the Rhine, and 220 N. E. from Paris. It is between
the Rhine and the Meuse. Long. 6, 3 deg. E. Lat. 50, 48 deg. N. It is
in a valley surrounded by mountains.
CHARLEMAGNE. 209
forty-seven years happily governed the empire of the Franks."
This may not, perhaps, be deemed extravagant eulogy, when
it is considered how easy it is to praise the harmless dead —
praise in which friends and foes may, sometimes, cordially
unite. This eulogy may be the more just, if that which is said
of him by a recent historian be true : — " His greatest praise is
that he prevented the total decline of the sciences in the west,
and supplied new aliment to their expiring light ; that he con-
sidered the improvement of nations as important as their union
and subjugation."
It should be taken into view, that in the time of Charle-
magne, the press had not been invented, the art of writing had
been acquired by very few, and those few were ecclesiastics.
The written language of the time was Latin, and that language
was known only to the small number who were educated.
The laws were in Latin, and could be known only by transla-
tions into the several languages spoken within the extensive
limits of the empire. Translations were probably oral, and if
retained by those who heard them, it could only be by memo-
ry. The communications made from the emperor throughout
his dominions, mast have been by special messengers. The
empire was divided into counties, over each of w^hich was
appointed a ruler by the name of count.* Over several coun-
ties was placed a duke. These officers exercised the powers
of sovereignty in the name of the emperor. All of them were
military as well as civil officers. To them belonged (or under
their supervision) the assessment of taxes, the administration
of justice, the embodying of the armed forces, and the internal
police. The opportunities to tyrannize were ever present, and
the disposition to do so, rarely wanting. From these outlines
may be drawn the comparison arising from a free press. The
limitation of power by voluntary constitutions — the right of
election — popular governments — equal rights — the facility of
comparing opinions — learned and righteous judges — open
courts — personal freedom — defined modes of punishment, and
the absence of all hereditary distinction. It is under such cir-
cumstances that the character and conduct of Charlemagne is
to be estimated. The emperor of the west, (which included
all western Europe,) next after Charlemagne, was his son,
Louis le Debonnaire.
* These territoria-1 divisions have the same name with those instituted
by Alfred, but the organization by Alfred is thought to have been essen-
tially different, and far more effective.
18*
210 FRANCE.
This surname is said to mean either pious or good-natured.
He was a feeble representative of his father. His sons, aided
by powerful nobles, rebelled, and caused great affliction to him,
and serious troubles in his dominions. These family conten-
tions, though among princes, teach nothing, and are not worthy
of examination. This contention, after many battles, appears
to have been adjusted, for a time, by a treaty made at Verdun
in 843, by which the contending descendants of Louis divided
Europe, so far as it was held by Charlemagne, among them-
selves. This may be considered as the first step towards the
separation of France and Germany ; but, in 885, a monarch
called Charles the Fat, united France and Germany again,
under his dominion. From this time to 987, there was a suc-
cession of feeble and insignificant monarchs in France, who
were not of importance enough to be even named, and. who
are considered to be of the blood of Charlemagne. The last
of them was Louis, who Avas only nominally king. Hugh
Capet was the king, in fact. He assumed the title, on the
death of Louis, and is the founder of the Capetian race.
This race has endured nearly a thousand years, though
every variety of fortune has been experienced among them
which can be known to kings and princes. One respectable
authority (the American Encyclopsedia) states^ that of this
family there have been thirty-six kings of France, twenty-two
of Portugal, eleven of Naples and Sicily, five of Spain, three
of Hungary, three of Navarre, three emperors of Constantino-
ple, seventeen dukes of Burgundy, twelve dukes of Brittany,
two of Lorraine, and four of Parma.
CHAPTER XXXI.
THE STATE OF FRANCE IN THE YEAR 1000.
The territory of modern France is bounded north-eastwardly
by the kingdom of Belgium, from the North Sea to the river
Moselle, and thence, by a continuation of the same south-
east wardly line, by Prussian Bavaria, (which is west of the
Rhine,) until it comes to that river. Then bounded east on
the Rhine, till it comes near Basle, in Switzerland, where
this river turns from a west to a north course. Thence bound-
ing south-eastwardly along the vallies and the mountains
FRANCE. 211
which separate France from Switzerland. Thence the boun-
dary line runs south-eastwardly through the Alpine territories,
having Savoy and Italy on the north-cast, to Nice, on the
Mediterranean. The south line is the Mediterranean Sea,
and the south-western, the Pyrenees, which separate France
from Spain. On the west side is the Bay of Biscay and part
of the Atlantic. On the north-east is the English channel
and the Straits of Dover, to Dunkirk, where the kingdom
of Belgium begins. France lies between 4° 50' and 8° 15'
east longitude, and between 42° 20' and 51° 5' north latitude.
It contains two hundred thousand square miles ; its length,
from north to south, is about seven hundred miles ; its average
breadth about five hundred. Taken as a whole, it is one of
the finest kingdoms of Europe, having many superior qualities
in agriculture, manufacturing, and commerce; and in position,
relatively, to other countries.
In the year 1000, it was divided into thirty-three principali-
ties, dukedoms, or provinces, many of which were entirely
independent of the crown. Some of them, around Paris, and
in the north-eastern part, were the property of the crown, and
some of them adjoining these on the north, west, and south,
were sovereignties, independent of the king, excepting in the
relation of feuds, of w^hich the king was the chief lord. These
territorial divisions had become hereditary, by males and fe-
males, and passed, by marriages of heiresses, to their husbands.
This was not the case with the crown itself, which was never
inheritable by females, in. France. This w^as a regulation of
very early times, and is known as the Salic law.
It is difficult to describe the social and political condition of
France at the commencement of the eleventh century. It is said,
by the best writers, who have examined all the records which
remain, that nothing better than general views can be taken.
First, the king had a very limited power, with little ability to
enforce even that. Secondly, the great nobles had acquired
hereditary rights to their territories, and exercised a sovereign
authority within them. They made war on each other, and
administered justice as they saw fit. They obeyed or diso-
beyed the king, in the wars in which he engaged, at their own
pleasure. There were various grades of these nobles, depen-
dent on the extent of their dominions. Prelates of the Roman
church possessed great landed estates, and sustained the rela-
tion of vassals, under the feudal system. The great body of
people, who were neither nobles nor of the church, were abso-
lutely slaves, or bound down by feudal regulations and customs
212
FRANCE.
which amounted to slavery. They cultivated the land, and v^rere
held to serve in war, and the character of their servitude was
more or less oppressive, according to the disposition of their
superiors. There are supposed to have been some free propri-
etors of estates, but it is very uncertain what the number of these
was, or vv^hat their rights or privileges were. The dominion
of the church was extended to all classes of laymen; but the
spirit of religion had no effect to restrain the indulgence of the
most brutal passions or the most barbarous crimes. It may be
presumed that not one person in a thousand, except among the
clergy, could write or read. This was no less true of the
nobles than of the people in general ; even the kings, in some
instances, were destitute of all literary instruction.
There are no means of ascertaining the state of the me-
chanic arts. Whatever this may have been, it was probably
limited to the weapons of war and the implements of hus-
bandry, and the wants of domestic life. History has devoted
itself to an account of the kings, and of the transactions in
which they were engaged ; and, in this way, distinguished
individuals, among nobles and prelates, are brought to view,
and an account of wars is thus obtained ; but the real charac-
ter of society as it existed among all below these high grades,
is conjectured rather than known. It would be an unprofita-
ble labor to enter into the personal history of the successive
kings of these five centuries. Many of them were so insig-
nificant, that their names would not have survived the genera-
tion in which they lived, if the accident of birth had not placed
them on a throne. From the brief notice to be taken of these
persons, it will be inferred, that human life cannot be more
miserable than it was in France during the time we have now
to review.
Discouraging as these historical elements may be, we are
to find, nevertheless, in these five centuries, the causes of the
great changes which have since taken place in the political,
social, and religious condition of society. The labor which is
now intended, is to search out these causes, and to discern
how that power has been exerted, which the Author of our
being bestowed to improve and benefit the human race. It
will be seen that discoveries and inventions which have proved
to be most useful and permanent, were the product of solitary
genius or of accident, and that those who have thus benefited
the world did not even imagine the consequences of their acts.
It will be seen, also, that the efforts of the wisest and most
powerful among men, have often led to results of the most
FRANCE. 213
mischievous character. And, again, that some of the ahlest
conductors of human affairs, who intended nothing but their
own aggrandizement, undesignedly introduced important meli-
orations of society. Such facts humble the pride of man,
while they raise his thoughts to the great Disposer of events,
who brings forth, in his own time and manner, in the long
series of ages, his own beneficent purposes.
Although it is not intended to devote any labor to the per-
sonal history of the kings of France during these five centu-
ries, nor to enter into a detail of the wars in which they were
engaged, yet it is necessary to state the course of succession.
The following table has been prepared as a convenient illus-
tration of the time in which those events happened, which are
material to the present purpose.
The principal events in these five centuries are, — 1. The
gradual extension of the royal dominion, and the depression of
the feudal nobility, whereby the nobles became subjects, and
the kings absolute monarchs. 2. The struggle for power on
the part of the Roman church, and the resistance of the kings
of France. 3. The decline of the feudal system, and the
nominal abolition of personal slavery. 4. The crusades. 5.
The wars of conquest by the English kings against France.
6. The origin and effect of chivalry. 7. The civil wars of
France. 8. The revival of learning and of commerce. 9.
The distress and misery experienced throughout these ages,
from some of the above-mentioned causes, and from others
which will come to Yiew in their proper places.
CHAPTER XXXII.
The succession of French kings — Papal poiver — Truce of God — Hilde-
hrayid, Gregory VII. — Crusades.
The first race of kings in France were called the Merovin-
gians, and reigned from 420 to 752.
The second race was called Carlovingians, and reigned from
752, to 987.
The third race was called Capetians, and reigned from 987,
to 1589, when Henry IV. became king.
Hugh Capet was the first of the Capetians - 987 to 996
ivo6(;r/, son of former 996 " 1031
Married 1, Bertha. 2. Constantia of Provence.
214 FRANCE.
Henry I. {son) 1031 to 1060
Married Anne of Russia.
PhiUp I. (son) crowned at eight years of age ; 1060 " 1 108
Married and repudiated, Bertha of Holland.
2. Bertrade of Anjou.
iowisY/. (son) the Fat; - - - - 1108 "1137
Married Adelaide of Savoy.
Louis T//. (son) 1137 " 1180
Married Eleonora of Gayenne. 2. Constance of Castile.
PM?> //. (son) Augustus" - . - - 1180 "1223
» Married Isabel of Hainault. 2. Ingerberge of Denmark.
Louis VIIL (son) the Lion - - - - 1223 " 1226
Married Blanche of Castile.
Louis IX. (son) saint; age of twelve years - 1226 " 1270
Married Margaret of Provence.
Philip III. (son) the Hardy - - - 1270 " 1285
1. Isabel of Arragon. 2. Mary of Brabant.
Philip IV. (son) the Fair - - - . 1285 " 1314
Married Jane, heiress of Navarre.
Louis X. (son) the stubborn, (hutin.) - - 1314 " 1316
Married Margaret of Burgundy. 2. Clementia of Hungary.
Philip F., brother- of former: the' Long - 1316 " 1322
Married Jane of Burgundy, heiress of Artois. ^-
C/iar/^5 7F., brother of formW - - - 1322 " 1328
Married thrice; no issue.
Philip VL, grandson of Philip III. (branch of
Valois.) 1328 " 1350
Married Jane of Burgundy. 2. Blanche of Navarre.
John, son of former 1350 " 1364
Married Bonne of Luxemburgh. 2. Jane of Boulogne.
CA«rZf5 F., the Wise; son of former - - 1364 " 1380
Married Jane of Bourbon.
CAar/es F/., son of former - - - - 1380 " 1422
Married Isabel of Bavaria.
Charles F//., son of former - - - - 1422 " 1461
Married Mary of Anjou,
iowis X/., son of former - - - - 1461 " 1483
Married Mary of Scotland. 2. Charlotte of Savoy.
Charles F/1/., son of former - - - 1483 " 1498
Married Anne, heiress of Brittany. No issue.
Louis XII, great-grandson of Charles V. (Or-
leans.) 1498 " 1515
Married Anne of Brittany. 2. Mary of England.
FRANCE. 215
The collateral branches of the royal family who appear in
French history, are these: —
The house of Valoia, sprang from Charles of Valois, who
was a son of Philip III. He married Margaret of Anjou;
2. Catherine of Coiirtenay, empress of Constantinople ; 3. Ma-
tilda of Chatillon; and died in 1325. He was father of
Philip VI.
The house of Ale/)po7i, sprang from Charles, duke of Alen-
9on, brother of Philip VI. Killed in 1346.
The house of Anjou, sprang from Louis, duke of Anjou,
brother of Charles V. Died in 1384.
The house of Burgundy sprang from Philip the Bold, duke
of Burgundy, who was also brother of Charles V. Died in
1404. John, Sanspeur, (the Fearless) was son of this Philip,
The house of Orleans, sprang from Louis, duke of Orleans,
brother of Charles VI. Killed in 1407. His second son was
John, duke of Angouleme, from whom the house of that name
is descended. The famous warrior Dunois was brother of
this duke. Died in 1468.
The house of Bourbo7i, descended from a son of saint Louis
IX. ; in which line is found Henry IV. (in 1600) surnamed
the Great, son of Anthony, king of Navarre. He was duke
of Bourbon ; and, in right of Jane his wife, (heiress,) w^as king
of Navarre.
The house of Burgundy, above mentioned, is not the ancient
house of that name; successors of the kings of Burgundy. In
1361, John, king of France, seized the remaining territories of
that ancient house, and gave them to his son, Philip the Bold,
duke of Burgundy, Avho founded the second house of that
name, and from whom descended Charles the Rash, already-
mentioned in sketches of the Netherlands.
The house of Ariois, sprana; from the fifth son of Louis
VIII.
All these princely houses, and some others, of less impor-
tance, had territories in France, over which they were sove-
reigns, but owing allegiance to the crown.
Besides these territories, there were, in France, the great
ducal territories of Normandy, Brittany, Guienne, and some
others, over which the kings of France claimed to be feudal
lords.
It will be seen by the table of succession, that Robert, Hen-
ry I., and Philip I. occupied the throne of France, during
the first of these five centuries. The whole of this period was
one unvaried scene of commotion between these kings and the
216 * FRANCE.
nobles, or between the nobles themselves. Their wars were
excessively barbarous, carrying, in their course, pillage and
destruction. It is probable that the universal misery of society
suggested to the Roman church to interpose its spiritual
authority. Whatever may have been the motive, it is certain,
that in this age began that tremendous power which the popes
of Rome exercised over the Christian world. The prelates of
France united to strengthen and extend this power, to protect
themselves and their estates against the rapacity of the French
nobles. The strength of this power is seen in the assumption
of the pope to excommunicate Robert, for the reason that he had
married his cousin, Bertha. Robert is famed for his piety,
and for his hymns, and his devotion to the church. But he
would not obey this mandate of the pope. He suffered the
miseries of an excommunicated person, deprived of all authori-
ty and social intercourse ; and was regarded daring three years,
as a contaminated wretch, whom no one could obey, or ap-
proach. He then yielded, and repudiated his wife. The power
of excommunication was no more than that of all societies to
expel unworthy members. In the hands of the popes it rose to
a tremendous authority, exercised by no physical force, but a
mere verbal denunciation, which separated the victim from all
temporal rights, and even denied him burial, if he died under
the anathema.
A measure of the same authority, arose at this time, of
different and even salutary character, suggested by the bellige-
rent disposition of the nobles, and its consequent miseries.
This was called the truce, of God. It forbade all warfare from
sunset on Thursday, until sunrise on Monday. These days
were consecrated to peace, because the Savior of the world
was crucified on Friday, was in the tomb on Saturday, and
rose from the dead on Sunday. It was extended on all days
to certain privileged places, as churches, convents, hospitals,
church-yards, and at length to clergymen, peasants in the
fields, and all defenceless persons. In the course of the
eleventh century this measure was discussed in councils, and
gradually introduced in various paits of Europe, having re-
ceived the sanction of these councils. It is possible that
comparison of opinions in these meetings was favorable to
that spirit which afterwards manifested itself under the name
of chivalry, and Avhich tended to meliorate the condition of
society, especially in France. It is possible, also, that the
perception of the general wretchedness of the times led to
furthering the views of the church, in imposing restraints on
FRANCE. 217
the barbarous passions of the nobles. But it was not perceiv-
ed, that, in furthering these views, a power was conceded to the
church, before which all the Christian states of Europe were
soon made to tremble. When the effect of this power was
afterwards perceived, several monarchs (as we shall have
occasion to show) attempted to resist it ; but it went on to
strengthen itself, and in the beginning of the sixteenth century,
became sufficiently oppressive to cause its own overthrow.
The civil as well as religious supremacy of the popes of
Rome, was the conception of Hildebrand, who directed the
councils of several popes before he attained to the papal chair,
in the year 1073. The place of this remarkable man's birth
is unknown, but he is supposed to have been an Italian. He
is known to have been at Rome when a child, and to have
gone, in his youth, to France ; and to have returned to Rome
in 1045. He was taken into favor by Leo IX. From this
time till he became pope himself, he is supposed to have had a
decisive influence in the affiiirs of the church. He had three
purposes: 1. To submit all ecclesiastical authority to the will
of the pope. 2. To make the church entirely independent of
all temporal power. 3. To submit all temporal power to the
authority of the church. In short, he sought to establish a
government in which the pope, as the representative of God,
could exercise an absolute dominion in the earth. The con-
ception of this design discloses the genius of the man; and this
he sustained with unyielding resolution, and an erudition (as
known from his letters) unsurpassed in that age.
It was Hildebrand, under the name of Gregory VII., who
interdicted the marriage of priests, to sever them from all
family ties, and bind them to the church. He forbade all
bishops, and inferior clergy, to receive investiture, (or the sym-
bols of clerical authority,) from any temporal prince. He
prohibited simony, or the traffic in church offices and holy-
things, which was universally prevalent. (This term is de-
rived from one Simon, who is mentioned in the eighth chapter
of the Acts of the Apostles.)
The attempts of the church to control the love of war, are
supposed to have been so successful, that, in the last half of the
eleventh century, some other mode of satisfying the demands
for action were required. There were sins enough to be
atoned for, and one way of effecting this object was to engage
in pilgrimages. Another mode of occupation was to exhibit,
in tournaments, a semblance of war. Both these objects tend-
ed to bring out the spirit of chivalry. Pilgrimages to Rome
19
218 FRANCE.
had long been practised. Robert of France was a pilgrim to
Rome. During his devotions there, he placed a sealed paper
on the altar. A princely gift was expected, but it proved to be
only one of his own hymns. Pilgrimages were undertaken
about the middle of this century, to the holy land, by thousands.
Few survived and returned to recount their disasters, and the
cruelties of the infidels, who possessed the site of the holy
sepulchre. Among the pilgrims who returned about the year
1094, was Peter the Hermit. He brought a letter to pope
Urban H. from the patriarch of Jerusalem, proposing that the
Christians of the west should appear in arms in Palestine, and
make themselves masters of the Holy Land. The proposal
was welcome, and was immediately connected with the great
purposes inspired by Gregory VII. As early as 1074, the
Greek emperor, Michael, besought Gregory to rouse the
Christians of the west to defend those of similar faith against
the increasing power of the Turks. All Asia Minor had been
conquered, and the Bosphorus only arrested their progress to
Constantinople. The far-sighted Gregory perceived, in this
event, the means of extending his own power. In that year
he sent a circular letter through the Christian states, urging
the duty of taking arms against the Saracens. A war against
infidels, a war to recover the land where the Saviour of the
world was crucified and buried, was necessarily a war of the
supreme head of the Christian church. Its effect was a subju-
gation of the military power of Christian Europe to papal
ambition. The zealous Peter exhibited himself in various
places, and every where represented, with moving eloquence,
the perils and sufferings of devout pilgrims, and the duty of all
Christians to arm, and rescue the object of veneration.
When Peter had sufficiently inflamed the zeal of all who
heard him, pope Urban II. convened an assembly at Cler-
mont, in France, two hundred and ten miles south from Paris.
He attended this assembly, consisting of archbishops, bishops,
Tiitred abbots, and hundreds of inferior clergy, and a great
concourse of laymen, comprising princes, nobles, and warriors.
Peter addressed this assembly, and prepared the way for the
eloquence of the pontiff, who described the reproach which
had fallen on the whole Christian world, in permitting the
infidels of the East to profane the holy sepulchre. He in-
veighed against the enormity of preventing the approach of
the devout, and the expiation of sins, by rendering there, sup-
plications for pardon. An enthusiasm seized the whole assem-
bly ; most of them " assumed the cross," that is, solemnly bound
themselves to engage in this holy warfare. (1095.)
FRANCE. 219
This scene discloses the state of the human mind in this
age of the world. The persons assembled at Clermont in
1095, were among the best informed in Europe. They were
ignorant neither of the distance to Jerusalem, nor of the perils
of going there, nor of the dangers which awaited them from
the combined forces of the East, if they should surmount the
difficulties of the way. They could not carry with them their
means of subsistence. From the confines of Germany, the
route was through countries uninhabited, or hostile, at least,
until they reached Constantinople. Beyond that city were
enemies at every step. But they were inspired with the charms
of adventure ; they were sure of occupation ; and occupation
and adventure were to be devoted, under the sanction of the
head of the church, to religion. Some worldly inducements
had their full influence, not unlike those which animated the
followers of Mohammed. The badge of the holy war was a
red cross worn on the dress, and it soon became infamous not
to assume it. These warriors were exempted from prosecution
for debt, while in this holy service — from interest on debts, and
from all taxes. Vassals were empowered to alien their lands
without the consent of their lords. No one was amenable to
civil, but only to ecclesiastical courts. All who took the cross,
and all that belonged to them, were put under the protection
of St. Peter. All sins were remitted, and the gates of heaven
thrown open. These facts abundantly prove that the crusades
were promoted by the popes to establish their temporal power.
A year was allowed to sell or pledge estates, to furnish
means for the expedition. But the zealous Peter could not
wait so long. He departed at the head of a multitude of monks
and miserable rabble, who had no preparation to make, and
who imagined that none was necessary but their own zeal.
This numerous collection found their way along the Danube,
and passed the Bosphorus at Constantinople. In Asia Minor,
disease, famine and the sword put an end to their adventure,
and to themselves.
Among the persons who assembled at Clermont were some
of the first men of that age. The count of Toulouse, brother
of Philip 1. 5 Godfrey of Bouillon, (born in Brabant, Nether-
lands;) duke of Lorraine; his brothers; Robert, duke of Nor-
mandy, son of William the Conqueror ; and many others of
like eminence. All of them assumed the cross. One reads,
with some doubt, even on the credit of respectable historians
that in the year 1096, there were assembled in the plains of
Bythinia, in Asia Minor, one hundred miles east of Constanti-
220 FRANCE.
nople, and about fifty miles south of the Black Sea, one hun-
dred thousand mounted warriors, covered with coats of armor,
and six hundred thousand men capable of bearing- arms, and
an immense number of monks, women, and children, on their
way to Jerusalem. In July, 1099, Jerusalem was taken.
Godfrey de Bouillon (or Baldwin) was offered a crown. But
this man, who seems to have been alike eminent for his valor
and his virtues, answered, that he would not wear a golden
crown where his Saviour wore one of thorns. This distin-
guished person died in July, 1100, at Jerusalem, one year
after the capture of that city, and was buried on Mount Cal-
vary. In the celebrated epic poem, Tasso's Jerusalem, this
pattern of valor, piety, and princely virtue, is justly honored.
As the dominion of the Roman church and the effect of the
crusades will come into view in another place, these subjects
are no further pursued in this connexion.
CHAPTER XXXIII.
Louis the Fat — Third Estate — Crusades — Louis VII. — Divorce of his
Queen, Eleonora — Her Marriage with Henry 11. of England-^ Crusade
of Richard and others — Troubadours — Persecution of the Albigenses —
Origin of the Inquisition.
The successor of Philip I. was his son, Louis VI., sur-
named the Fat. It is remarkable that history has not given
to this king some cognomen more descriptive of his character.
He was the first of the Capetians who exercised the royal
power with any credit to himself or with any utility to France.
The royal dominions, at the time of his accession to the throne,
(1108,) were very limited. He could see from his capital
(Paris) the castles of his vassals, who were sovereign and
independent of him, excepting in the acknowledgment of his
feudal lordship. These noble vassals, and the bishops within
their territories, were in frequent conflict. Louis took part
with the bishops, and succeeded, by force of arms, to reduce
the nobles around Paris, and even as far as Amiens, seventy-
five miles north of Paris. The like success attended his
efforts in the south-west, as far as the city of Orleans, about
the same distance from Paris. The incident of a marriage
extended the royal dominion still further in the south-west.
FRANCE. 331
The count of Poictiers, who was sovereign of Poitou and of
Guienne, (two large provinces on the west coast of France,
the latter on the Garonne,) was about to engage in the cru-
sades, and offered his daughter to the son of Louis. The
death of the count, within the following year, transferred these
provinces to the royal house. In the course of his reign,
Louis also annexed the province of Bourbon, and that of Au-
vergne to his dominions. The former adjoins the latter on
the north, and the latter is two hundred miles south of Paris.
These acquisitions were very important in enlarging the royal
authority, and in diminishing the power of the nobles. South
of Auvergne, on the Mediterranean, there were, at this time,
several provinces, which were entirely independent. In the
north-west, on the Atlantic and the English channel, were the
two great adjoining provinces, Brittany and Normandy. The
former, held by the duchess of Brittany, acknowledged the
feudal vassalage to the king, while Normandy, held by Plenry
I. of England, claimed to be independent. In the time of
Louis and Henry commenced the warfare which was after-
wards so ruinous to France.
Louis was a benefactor to his country in acquiring domin-
ion over so many provinces, as he thereby diminished the evils
arising from the exercise of sovereignty by the nobles. But
this king is entitled to far greater commendation from design,
or he was unintentionally the cause, of a great and important
change in the social condition of France. At this time there
were several large cities and towns within his dominions, to
which he granted charters, with various privileges. Among
these was the right of self-government by voluntary election.
Thus, Louis may be justly regarded as the founder of the
third estate ; or as having been the first to recognize popular
rights*
Louis VII. (1137 — 1180) was unable to follow in the foot-
steps of his father. He attempted the conquest of Champagne,
a province which lies next eastwardly of that of which Paris
is the capital, and between that and Lorraine. The ancient
city of Troyes is in Champagne. In besieging a castle, Louis
sat fire to it, and the fire extended to a church in which thir-
teen hundred men, women, and children were burnt. This
melancholy spectacle, together with the urgent solicitations of
the pope, influenced the king to assume the cross. He depart-
* Tiers elat, or third estate ; popular representation in legislative
assemblies.
19*
233
FRANCE.
ed on this expedition in 1 147, and this is known as the second
crusade. Another account of Louis's resolve to engage in
this crusade is, that it was exacted of him as an atonement for
the sacrilege of having burnt the church.
Half a century had elapsed since the first crusade was un-
dertaken by Godfrey de Bouillon and others. The new king-
dom of Jerusalem had sustained itself, and had extended its
dominions towards the east as far as Edessa. This city was
situated about one hundred and fifty miles east from Antioch,
(which is at the north-east corner of the Mediterranean,) and
nearly four hundred miles north-east from Jerusalem, and a
few miles beyond the Euphrates. It was regarded as the
bulwark of the Christians, on that part of their kingdom. In
the year 1142, this city was taken by the infidels, and their
success, in this instance, led to the apprehension that their
conquests might extend even to Jerusalem. This event spread
consternation in Europe, and pope Eugene III. besought the
Christian states of the west to engage in a new crusade. A
person, celebrated under the name of the Abbe de Clairvaux,
(Bernard,) seconded the zeal of the pope with an eloquence
more moving, even, than that of Peter the Hermit.
In 1147, Louis VII. and the emperor of Germany, Conrad
III., engaged in this adventure. This was the first example
of a crusade undertaken, personally, by crowned heads. Con-
rad departed first, and took the route of the Danube, and was
soon followed by Louis. The former took, for guides, at
Constantinople, some Greeks, to conduct them through Asia
Minor. At this time, Massoud was sultan of Iconia, so called
from his seat of empire at Iconia, a little south of the middle
of Asia Minor. These Greeks are supposed to have misled
Conrad, intentionally. The sultan attacked and defeated his
army. The remnant fell back to join Louis, who, taking
another route along the sea-coast, escaped a similar defeat.
But, the disasters which he encountered so diminished his
force, that he did not attempt to lead his army into Syria. The
two armies are said to have amounted to two hundred thou-
sand, comprising the distinguished warriors of that day. Very
few of the whole number ever returned ; among the few was
Conrad. Louis, abandoning the character of a warrior, stole to
Jerusalem as a pilgrim, with an hundred followers. Here he
remained, inactive, till 1149, ashamed, it is said, to return. It
has been before mentioned that he had married the heiress of the
count of Poitiers, Eleonora, who accompanied him to the east.
This lady makes a conspicuous figure in history. Louis
FRANCE. 233
caused her to be divorced from him, on his return. Two causes
are assigned : her disregard of the duties of a wife, and her dis-
gust at the pusillanimity of her husband. Whatever the truth
may be, Louis made no provision to retain Poitou and Guienne,
which he acquired by her. These provinces returned to her,
on the divorce. She immediately married Henry II. of Eng-
land, and thereby transferred her provinces to the English
crown. This event, connected with the possession of Nor-
mandy by English monarchs, and some marriages, and conse-
quent claims of heirship, led to bloody conflicts, which trained
along through centuries, between England and France.
Louis VII., though his life was prolonged for many years,
had no other merit than having preserved, unimpaired, the
acquisitions of his father. He died, leaving a son Philip, who
became king at the age of fifteen, in 1180.
Philip II., surnamed Augustus, and Richard Coeur de Lion,
son of Henry II. of England, were contemporaries. Philip
took part in the quarrels which arose between Henry and his
undutiful sons. These events are of little importance. His
attention was soon attracted to the holy land. New and excit-
ing events had occurred there. Egypt had long been possess-
ed by Mahommedans, who were known as the Fatimites. In
1171, that dynasty was overthrown by the Turks, and the
celebrated Saladin (so familiarly known to all readers of the
Talisman, by Walter Scott) was raised to the dignity of sultan
of that country. In 1 187 he took Jerusalem. The two aspir-
ing young monarchs, Philip of France and Richard (Coeur de
Lion) of England, resolved to devote themselves to the recov-
ery of the holy land. Frederick, surnamed Barbarossa, (red
beard,) emperor of Germany, joined in this expedition. The
agency of the popes is still seen in promoting the crusades.
It was the dying injunction of Gregory VIII., (in 1189,) and
repeated by his successor, Clement III., that the holy sepulchre
should be rescued from the infidels. The three greatest mon-
archs of Europe made preparations commensurate with their
rank. Europe had not seen, for centuries, so formidable a
host, whether in numbers or military accomplishment. This
was the age of true chivalry. The emperor departed first, by
the way of Constantinople, in 1190. He reached the Cydnus
river, which flows by ancient Tarsus, (near the north-east
corner of the Mediterranean,) and, having bathed in its cold
waters, lost his life, (June 10, 1190.) A small portion of his
army reached Palestine, under the command of his son, Fred-
eric.
^24 FRANCE.
For the first time, Palestine was approached by sea. Philip
and Richard embarked their armies, Philip at Genoa, Richard
in the south of France, and both wintered in Sicily, and depart-
ed thence in the spring of 1191. Richard conquered the Isle
of Cyprus, (near the north-east corner of the Mediterranean,)
in his way, which he gave to Guy de Lusignan, with the title
of king of Jerusalem. Discord soon arose between the two
kings, and Philip returned the same summer to France. But
before this event, they had taken St. Jean d' Acre, or Ptolemais,
a seaport north of Jerusalem, and south of ancient Tyre. This
was the stronghold of the crusaders, and the last which was
taken from them, about a century afterwards.
Philip Augustus, having returned in 1 191, he devoted the rest
of his life, which continued till 1223, to enlarging his territo-
ries within the limits of modern France. This he accomplish-
ed, partly by force of arms — partly by negotiation, and by
means which would be regarded, by moralists, as criminal.
The details of these measures are not instructive; it is the re-
sult, only, the consolidation and aggrandisement of the mon-
archy of France, that is material to the present purpose. Those
who would be informed as to the details of Philip's operations,
will find them in Hallam's thorough research, entitled History
of the Middle Ages, chapter 1. At the close of Philip's life
he had annexed to his dominions, in various modes, Normandy,
Maine, and Anjou. The like attempt was made on Poitou and
Guienne; but in this Philip was not successful.
We have now to notice some deplorable transactions which
occurred in the south of France, during the reign of Philip,
in which, however, he did not take a part.
The country called Languedoc, and Province, was situated
in the south of France, along the north coast of the Mediterra-
nean, and had, within its limits, several large towns, and opu-
lent cities. Languedoc was bounded west, by Gascony, north,
by Gluerci and Rouergue, parts of Guienne ; and near this
boundary was the city of Albi. Languedoc extended up north-
wardly, between Rouergue and Auvergne on the west, and
the Rhone on the east, to the territory of Lyons. On the east
side of the Rhone, and bounding on the Mediterranean, was
Provence, and north of it was Dauphine, and both these prov-
inces were bounded on the east by Alpine mountains, which
separate them from Italy. In Languedoc were the cities of
Narbonne, Bexiers, Montpelier, the ancient Nismes, (so much
adorned in the time of the Romans,) Viviers, and several oth-
ers, of less importance. In Provence were Aries, Aix, and
FRANCE. 225
Toulon. Between Provence and Daiiphine, on the Rhone,
was the small territory of Avignon, having, as its capital, the
city of Avignon, often mentioned in history. These regions
were the principal scene of the horrible religious persecutions
which are presently to be mentioned. They had long been,
together Avith nearly all the southern half of France, but more
especially Languedoc and Provence, distinguished as the abode
of the Troiihadoiirs. Down to the end of the twelfth century,
when Philip Augustus returned from Palestine, the provinces
on the Mediterranean had been independent, and had become
populous and rich by the fertility of the soil, and the benefits of
commerce. Many of the great and inferior nobles were regu-
larly knighted, and were distinguished as poets and songsters,
and as such w^ere called troubadours. This name is rather
fancifully derived from the French word trouver, (to find.)
The language in which their songs were composed acquired,
and still retains the name of provencal, (from Provence) which
has become another name for romance. Their songs were ac-
companied by the harp. However the origin of chivalry is
to be accounted for, it is admitted, that its utmost refinements,
in relation to chivalrous warfare and romantic devotion to the
sex, are to be traced to the troubadours. [In another place
some remarks will be made on chivalry.]
Chivalry, poetry, song, and love, had made the regions of
the troubadours, in the south of France, the happiest in the
world, since almost all other parts were involved in civil wars
and barbarism. This population, (nobles and people,) were
blessed with occupation ; the former with that w^iich was hu-
manizing and refining; the latter with agriculture, commerce,
and manufactures. This comparative felicity had continued
throughout the eleventh and twelfth centuries. Among the
celebrated troubadours, were William IX., count of Poitou,
whom Tasso honors under the name of Raymond de St. Gilles,
and Richard Coeur de Lion. The latter, as well as Frederick
Barbarossa, of Germany, invited troubadour knights to their
courts. Assemblies were frequently held, where the knights
distinguished themselves by feats in arms, and where the
ladies presided, and awarded the w^ell earned honors to the
skilful and valiant. The ladies held "courts of love," in
which prizes were contended for in poetry, and the melody of
the voice aided by the harp. Every knight was devoted to
some one of the fair, whose praises were the burthen of his
song. In these courts were discussed questions (in this age
of the world, superseded by more serious, though not less in-
326
FRANCE.
teresting pursuits) of this nature : — Is it most afflictive to lose
one's lover by battle, or infidelty? It is not improbable that
these romantic scenes were not limited to the imagination. But
however removed they may have been from real purity and
innocence, they were less injurious, in fact or example, than the
desolating crimes which harassed society wherever the spirit
of the troubadours was unknown. These beautiful illusions
were suddenly overwhehned by one of the most detestable
transactions recorded in history.
The persecution of the Albigenses aiid Waldenses. A dis-
cussion of the tenets of these religious sects would be exceed-
ingly dry and uninteresting. Curiosity may be satisfied, on
this point, by referring to the last chapter of Hallam's Middle
Ages, wherein he discloses the result of his patient research,
and the authorities on which he relies. It is sufficient for the
present purpose to say, that they differed most essentiially from
the Roman church, in tenets, and in practice. These heresies,
as the church called them, prevailed generally in the south of
France, and especially in the district in which the city of Alhi,
before mentioned, is situated. The Waldenses are derived from
Peter Waldo, of the city of Lyons, who preached doctrines op-
posed to the Roman church. He caused a portion of the scrip-
tures to be translated from the Latin into the French. This
was about the year 1170. His crime was, that he undertook
to live, and to persuade others to live, like the apostles. These
heresies were found also in Switzerland, where they had the
name of Vauderie, which is said, by some, to mean the reli-
gion of the vallies. The teachings of Waldo are regarded as
among the first dawnings of the reformation.
The lives and the opinions of the troubadours were essen-
tially opposed to the requisitions of the Church. The ignor-
ance, the immoralities, and the covetousness of the clergy, call-
ed forth the reproach and the sarcasm of the poets.
At this time, 1208, Innocent III. was the pope; and Ray-
mond, count of Toulouse, was the sovereign of Languedoc.
Albi was the principal seat of heresy. Innocent issued his
anathemas against the heretics, and sent his legate, Peter, of
Castelnau, to command count Raymond to extirpate them. The
legate excommunicated Raymond, and openly insulted him in
his court. The next day, the legate was assassinated by a
gentleman of the count's retinue. This was the spark which
kindled a war of desolation, not exceeded by any which has
been known among men.
Innocent published a crusade against Raymond and his sub-
FRANCE. 227
jects, and called upon Philip, of France, and the nobility of his
kingdom, to take up the cross against them. All the gifts and
indulgences usually proposed in religious warfare, were freely
offered. Philip would not interfere, but his nobles, and a mul-
titude of knights and ecclesiastics, gladly engaged in the enter-
prize. Whatever cruelty, skill, strength and superstition can
unitedly do, to butcher, desolate, and destroy, signalized this
holy war. The victims were peaceable, humane, and innocent;
they had offended against no law which was intended to secure
the rights of person or property, or to preserve the public tran-
quillity. But they did not admit the right of the pope to dic-
tate to them what they should believe, nor how they should
worship.
The crusaders w^ere led on by Simon de Mountfort, the an-
cestor of Mountfort, who took so active a part in English af-
fairs, in the time of Henry III. The city of Bexiers was first
assailed, and here 15,000, as one account says, and another,
60,000, without discrimination of sex or age, were massacred.
It was here that a cistertian monk, who w-as asked how the
catholics should be distinguished from the heretics, exclaimed,
kill them all ! God will know his oum ! Mountfort was prom-
ised an independent principality as the reward of his pious la-
bors. Ii would be as useless as painful, to follow out the par-
ticulars of this warfare, in which every base passion, which
mortals can feel, and every base crime which they can commit,
were daily occurrences. There is some satisfaction in the fact,
that while Mountfort was besieging Toulouse, he met with
some justice for his enormities, in being crushed by a stone
w^hich fell from the walls of the city. This war continued
18 years, (1226) without abating, in the least, in the atrocity of
its character. In the mean time, (1223,) Philip Augustus had
deceased, and his son, Louis VIII., had ascended the throne.
Louis VIII. led an army into Languedoc, and the whole coun-
try, apparently, submitted to him. But this expedition cost the
monarch his life. An epidemic disease prevailed, probably a
consequence of the miseries of the war. Louis reached Au-
vergne, in his way back, and there became a victim of this ep-
idemic.
It is impossible to state the numbers Avho perished by the
sword, by famine, by disease, in dungeons, and by torture. But
this beautiful country became a ruin, the troubadours, and their
gallant spirit, were crushed, to be known there no more.
After the death of Louis VIII., Raymond, the young count
of Toulouse, again embodied an army, to contend for indepen-
228 FRANCE.
dence. For two years he was able to sustain himself; but the
zeal of the pope was excited anew, and he commanded another
crusade. Raymond, fearing a renewal of former scenes, offered
to treat. Two thirds of his dominions were ceded to France.
His daughter and heiress was affianced to a brother of the suc-
cessor of Louis VIII. On failure of heirs of this marriage,
the remaining third was to go, also, to France. Thus, in 1229,
the whole of the south of France passed to the royal family,
and soon became part of the domains of the kingdom.
Tlie Inquisition. In the time of the war against the Albi-
genses, arose this terrible engine of the Roman church, which
existed in different parts of Christendom, till very lately; and
can hardly be said to be now abolished. Its measures were
directed exclusively by the popes. The immediate agents were
the merciless monks of the Franciscan and Dominican order,
especially the latter. The object was twofold, to command im-
plicit obedience, and to enrich the church with the property of
the condemned. Pope Innocent the third has the honor of this
invention. The informers were not only unknown to the ac-
cused, but rewarded for their zeal. The unfortunate victims
were seized, thrown into prison, and made to be their own ac-
cusers, by the most insufferable torments. On this evidence
^ lives were taken, either secretly or by public burnings, and
property confiscated to the church. Every person was hourly
in peril, and at the mercy of open or concealed enemies. The
punishable crime was not defined, and no one knew how to de-
fend himself, nor whether his reponses, to his judges, would
exculpate or condemn. The law was enacted for the occasion,
and was alike applicable to those who had never been of the
church, and to those who departed, in the opinion of the tribu-
nal, in the least, from its tyrannical requisitions. It is aston-
ishing that such a power should have been tolerated among
men for a single day, but it was tolerated and approved
of by temporal rulers, who, in other respects, were com-
mendable persons. Ferdinand and Isabella, whose names
are so intimately associated with this western hemisphere, are
among those to whom belongs the reproach of having promot-
ed this diabolical institution. Even the good Louis IX., (who
is presently to be introduced,) authorized an obscure monk to
dispose of the lives of many of his subjects in Paris ; though,
with all his piety, he did not admit the papal supremacy.
FRANCE. 229
CHAPTER XXXIV.
Saint Lmds — His first Crusade — His internal Government — His second
Crusade — His Death.
Saint Louis, or Louis IX. This monarch was the son of
Louis VIII., and of Blanche, of Castile. He became king be-
fore he was twelve years of age, while under the pupilage of
his mother, who was, also, regent of the kingdom Though
the crown of France could not descend to a female, nor be
claimed by the son of a female, as heir, yet the two characters
of guardian and regent united in Blanche. She proved to be
worthy of the trust. Twenty-eight years after his death Louis
was duly canonized, or made a saint, according to the ceremo-
nies of the church, whence he is usually called Saint Louis.*
Saint Louis had several brothers who are connected with
French history. Robert, count of Artois, Alphonso, count of
Poitiers, who married the daughter of Raymond, count of
Toulouse ; and Charles, count of Anjou, who was king of Na-
ples.
The public acts of Saint Louis, and his character as a mon-
arch and a man, were recorded by his friend and companion,
Joinville, From this source most of the historians of France
and England, who have treated of Louis, have drawn their in-
formation. Very lately, Segur of France, has written a life of
him. The concurrent opinion places him far above all the
crowned heads of his time. He was sincerely devout; scru-
pulously honest; inflexibly just: accomplished as a warrior,
and unsurpassed in valor. His defects were, that his mother
gave him the education of a monk, rather than that of a states-
man ; he was less eminent for natural strength of mind than
for other qualities; his religious devotion was not the principle
of Christianit3^ but of superstition.
* Canonization is one of the most solemn ceremonies of the Roman
church. The candidate for this honor midergoes a trial instituted by
the pope. An advocate of the devil is appointed to assail the memory of
the deceased. The miracles ascribed to his relics are investigated. If
these are sufficiently proved, and the advocate loses his cause, as he is
always sure to do, the pope pronounces the beatification, and the name
of the saint is inserted in the canon, or litany of the saints used in the
mass. After this, churches and altars may be dedicated in the name of
the new saint, and his remains are religiously preserved as holy relics.
The first canonization was in 993, the last in 1803.
20
FRANCE.
In the first year of his reign, some of his nobles, supposing
a contest with a fen-iale and a minor king might prove success-
ful, rebelled, and attempted to recover their sovereignty. They
were defeated, and the power of the crown strengthened. By
the marriage of the heiress of Raymond with Charles, count
of Anjou, Provence, in the south, came to the royal house. In
1244, when Louis was of the age of thirty, he recovered from a
dangerous illness, and, in gratitude for this event, he assumed
the cross. The affairs of the crusaders in the east were at this
time in a deplorable condition, and every effort was made to
dissuade Louis from undertaking this perilous adventure. In
preparation for his departure, he put an end to the languid war
which had been going on between him and Henry III., of
England. He offered to restore whatsoever his predecessors
had unjustly usurped, and made alliances with all who might
disturb his dominions in his absence. He attracted to his
standard most of the turbulent nobles. He was even guilty of
a pious fraud to increase his numbers. It was the custom, at
Christmas, to deliver garments to those who were of the prince-
ly retinue, (whence comes the word livery,) and Louis invited
many to celebrate mass with him before the dawn of that day,
and delivered the customary donation. When day-light came,
his company found themselves clothed in vestments which bore
the holy cross, which they could not throw off This supersti-
tious devotion is justly regarded as the weak point of the king's
character. But the character of his time is not to be over-
looked.
The seat of the sovereign power, which had driven the cru-
saders from Jerusalem, was Egypt. Thither Louis directed
his course, in 1248, with a numerous body of knights, nearly
2,800, and an army, well appointed, of 50,000. Some accounts
greatly augment these members. His vessels are said to have
been 1800. He debarked at Damietta, near the sea-coast, east-
wardly of Alexandria, and about 60 miles north of Cairo. Of
this place he made himself master. After many disasters, and
principally that of the annual inundation of the Nile, which
was followed by pestilence and famine, he approached Massou-
ra, near the present site of modern Cairo. A desperate battle
was fought here in 1250. Artois, the king's brother, and many
chiefs of his forces were slain. The king was taken prisoner,
with all that remained of his army. The conduct of the un-
fortunate Louis is highly extolled ; and he becomes a more in-
teresting character from his magnanimity as a captive, than in
his days of prosperity. He redeemed himself by the restoration
FRANCE. 231
of Damietta ; and his associates, by a large sum of money.
He departed, leaving hostages for the performance of his con-
tract. He went, next, to Acre, and the territories at the east
end of the Mediterranean, which the crusaders still held. Here
he remained four years, to fortify and strengthen these posses-
sions. The decease of his mother, during this time, obliged
him to return. Humbled by his misfortunes, he is said never
to have laid aside the emblem of the cross, nor to have partici-
pated in any festivity.
From the time of his return, in 1254, till 1270, Louis devot-
ed himself to the improvement of the condition of his kingdom,
and to the taking care of his own soul, and thesouls of all oth-
ers whom he could command or influence. It is in the exer-
cise of his civil power, that the beauty of Louis's character is
illustrated. He sought to compromise the contentions which
arose among the nobles ; and to do exact justice to all men. He
is represented as sitting under the shade of a tree listening to
the complaints of the humblest of his subjects. It is not improb-
able that he foresaw the tendency of wise measures to strengthen
the royal authority. Such tendency they had, as all his subjects
learned to look to him as their discriminating and upright
judge as well as their sovereign. "Many a time," says Join-
ville, " I have seen the saint, after hearing mass in the summer
season, lay himself at the foot of an oak, in the wood of Vin-
cennes, and make us all sit round him ; when those who would,
came and spake to him, without the let of any officer; and he
would ask aloud if there were any present who had suits, and
when they appeared, would bid two of his bailiffs determine
their causes upon the spot."
Some acts of Louis distinguish his reign. L The establish-
ment of a code of laws, in which he endeavored to abolish ju-
dicial combat, or the settling of right by the force of arms. 2.
The abolition of private war, by requiring 40 days to elapse
between the offence and hostilities. 3. The pragmatic sanc-
tion, (a term borrowed from the civil law, signifying a rescript,
response, or judgment,) by which the rights of the French
church were established. By the first measure he sought to
bring controversies into judicial courts, and to have a peace-
able investigation by competent judges. By the second, he
meant to extirpate the long-continued practice of private ven-
geance, (which involved whole communities,) by giving time
for passion to subside, and for pacification to arise. By the
third, he established, — 1. That all persons having the right to
appoint to clerical offices, should enjoy that right — 2. That the
232 FRANCE.
church should exercise freely the rights of election — 3. That
no pecuniary exaction should be levied by the pope without the
consent of the king, and of the national church. These pro-
visions led to violent measures between the popes, and some
iuture kings of France.
In 1267, the Christians of the west were shocked by
the intelligence, that the Infidels had taken Antioch, and
had put 100,000 persons to death. Louis, who was now
56 years of age, forthwith resolved on another crusade. He
made the usual preparations, and departed from the south
of France in 1170. To the surprise of his followers, in
stead of going to Palestine or Egypt, he directed his fleet to
Tunis, on the northern coast of Africa, the site of ancient
Carthage, 1500 miles westward of the Nile. He is supposed
to have believed that the sovereign there was inclined to be-
come a Christian. But he found a determined enemy in the
Tunisians, and a far more formidable one in the plague. He
had three sons with him. They and iiimself took the infec-
tion, and one of his sons, the count of Nevers, soon died. Louis
"was ill 22 days, during which he displayed the calmness and
good sense which never forsook him. Finding his end ap-
proaching, he ordered that his body should be laid on a heap
of ashes, and he there expired. Charles, of Anjou, brother of
the king, made peace with the king of Tunis. Philip, son
and successor of Louis, returned through Italy with the mourn-
ful trophies of this ill-advised expedition — five coffins, contain-
ing the bodies of his father, brother, brother-in-law, wife, and
child.
This was the seventh and last crusade,* There remained
to the Christians four places on the eastern shore of the Medi-
terranean, Tripoli, Tyre, Berytus, and St. Jean d'Acre, or
Ptolemais. These places successively yielded to the power of
the Saracens; and, lastly, the latter, in 1291. Thus, the ex-
traordinary fanaticism of the crusades had continued about two
centuries, (1096 — 1291.) It was impoverishing to the west of
Europe, and occasioned the sacrifice of millions of lives. So
viewed, it was an egregious folly. But, like many other events
in the history of the world, the agents who conducted them
foresaw none of the consequences. These were developed in
future ages, and their effects are among the causes of the
present condition of society. In another place there will be
occasion to revert to this subject.
* All the crusades have not been mentioned : those which began else-
where than in France, belong to notices of the country of their origin,
or to the history of Rome.
)?RANCEv 233
CHAPTER XXXV.
The five Kings, descendants of St. Louis — Internal state of France
Warfare between Philip and Pope Boniface — The papal seat removed to
France— Destruction of the order of Knight Templars— Death of Philip.
Between the death of St. Louis in 1270, and 1328, five
kings reigned, who were lineally descended from him. Philip
III, his son, called the Hardy, jflfteen years; Philip IV.,
called the Fair, grandson of Louis, twenty-nine years ; Louis
X., called Hutin, or Stubborn, great-grandson of St. Louis,
two years; Philip V. six years ; Charles IV. six years; the
last two were brothers o( Louis X. In 1328, the crown went
to the house of Valois.
In these fifty-eight years, the condition of France was ex-
ceedingly miserable, from very natural causes. The kings
considered themselves as vested with royal authority for their
own exclusive benefit, and not for that of the nation. The
nobles were ignorant and turbulent, and tyrannical to their
inferiors; the clergy were ignorant, rapacious, and profligate;
and the mass oi the people, whether free or slaves, insuffera-
bly oppressed. The mind was undisciplined ; the occupations
which arise from learning, the arts, and commerce, were little
known, and there remained no occupation but to obey the
rudest of impulses.
In the reign of the first of these five kings, arose the quar-
rels between France and Arragon, (in Spain,) which were
transferred to Sicily, where, in 1282, occurred the massacre of
the French, known as that of the Sicilian vespers, elsewhere
to be mentioned. Philip the Fair was able and wicked, and
some of his acts had consequences which extended beyond his
own time. He was contemporary with Edward I. of England,
who married his sister Margaret. He possessed himself of
Guienne, then a province of Edward, by a course of fraudu-
lent acts. Philippa, daughter of the count of Flanders, was
sought and obtained by Edward, for his son. Philip, desirous
of preventing the county of Flanders from passing to the royal
house of England, invited the count to permit his daughter to
visit the French court, in her way to England. She came,
and was detained in prison, and never reached her destination.
Flanders was then a fief (or dependent territory) of the French
king. The count took arms, was defeated, and made prisoner
20*
234 FRANCE.
himself. All foreign merchants, in France, were seized and
imprisoned on the same day, and compelled to release them-
selves by paying exorbitant sums. The Jews were treated in
like manner. His own subjects did not fare better. He de-
based the coin in the proportion of four to one, and compelled
his subjects to surrender their gold and silver, and take pay in
the debased coin, as though no akeration in its value had been
made. Such acts disclose the standard of princely morals,
and also the fact, that the royal authorky had become firmly
established. The communes, or towns of France, had multi-
plied, and had become opulent. To subject these to his exac-
tions, he assembled deputies from them, and was able to induce
or compel them to the measure of taxing themselves. This is
the first instance of the meeting of the commons, as it would
be called in England, or the third estate, (tiers etat,) as it was
called in France.
The French church had maintained a certain degree of
independence of the pope. Philip exacted a tenth from the
church. An appeal was made to Rome. Clement VHI.
justified the French prelates in refusing to pay, and sent a
legate to remonstrate. Philip had found the lawyers, who
had become an important body, useful to him, and he ordered his
lawyers to proceed against the legate in the judicial court. He
was indicted for heresy, sorcery, and atheism, and put in prison.
The pope threatened excommunication. Philip ordered him
to be indicted ; but, as his process could not reach to Rome, he
employed agents there to seize the pope at his country seat.
Though rescued, his sufferings and indignities occasioned his
death. This was a daring exercise of power, and gave great
oflfence, especially in Italy.* Benedict XI. was elected, and
was preparing to thunder the anathemas of the church for the
crimes committed against his predecessor, when he was brought
to the grave by poison. Whether this was Philip's act is
unknown. To provide against papal interference, in future,
Philip, by a course of ingenious intrigues and fraudulent con-
trivances, procured the election of a creature of his own, Ber-
trand de Goth, archbishop of Bordeaux. The election was so
obstinately contested as to last nine months, during all which
time, (as the usage was,) the electoral conclave of cardinals
had remained shut up, and without separating. On the elec-
tion of Bertrand, the abode of the pontiff was transferred from
* In the history of the church, Boniface, the assault on him, and his
death, will be more fully noticed.
FRANCE. 235
Rome to Avignon, on the Rhone, in tlie south of France, and
there continued to be for seventy years.
Several conditions were exacted from Bertrand by Philip,
as the price of his election. One of them was the destruction
of the order of knight templars, to be fully mentioned in the
sketches of the crusades. Philip had two motives : vengeance,
because the templars were his personal adversaries, and to
obtain their immense riches. This order was constituted in
Palestine. Their vocation w^as (in Palestine) to guard the
pilgrims to the sepulchre, and their name was derived from
having had a place assigned them to dwell in, near the temple
in Jerusalem. The order began in 1119. They took the
usual vows of obedience, chastity, and poverty, required of
clerical orders. Their rules were similar to those of the Ben-
edictine monks. Their numbers increased, and were divided
into grades, over which was a grand-master, who was, at
length, a high dignitary, and of princely birth, claiming equal-
ity with sovereigns. They acknowledged no superior but the
pope. They survived the crusades, became very numerous
and immensely rich, and spread over most of Europe. " In
1224, they had nine thousand bailiwicks, commanderies, prio-
ries, and preceptories, (all of which were landed estates,) which
they held independent of the jurisdiction of the sovereigns in
whose countries they were situated." They were among the
last to leave Palestine, in 1291. They lived in extraordinary
luxur}',, and were considered to be a dangerous combination,
especially in France. They were charged with odious crimes,
whether justly or not. In the quarrel between Philip and
Boniface, they took the part of the pope. In 1306, James
Bernard Molay, of Burgundy, was grand-master, and resided
at Paris, in the temple. Clement V., whom Philip had
made pope, on pretence of consulting for a new crusade, called
to Paris sixty of the principal templars. They, many others,
and the grand-master himself, were immediately made prison-
ers, by Philip's order. Accusations followed, comprising every
crime that Philip's lawyers could suggest. The king's con-
fessor, the archbishop of Sens, with others, were made inquis-
itors. The most horrible tortures drew forth confessions.
Condemnation and the forfeiture of riches followed. In 1310,
the archbishop caused fifty-four to be burnt alive, who denied,
to the last, every crime of which they had been accused. It
was not until the 13th of March, 1314, that Philip ventured on
the execution of the grand-master, Molay. There is a tra-
dition, that Molay, while the flames were kindling around
236 FRANCE.
him, summoned the pope and the king- to appear at the judg-
ment-seat of God, within a year. The pope died within forty
days, and Philip on the 29th of the following November.
The king and the pope divided the spoil. By a bull of the
pope, March 2, 1312, the order was abolished.
In other countries, the allegations against the templars were
investigated, but they do not appear to have been condemned
any where but in France. Works have been published, both
in Germany and France, on the character and conduct of this
order. At this day it is unsettled, whether any, and if any,
which of the many charges against them were well founded.
The conduct of Philip the Fair, however odious in the
transactions which have been mentioned, was, in other re-
spects, beneficial to his country. He is considered to have
been the founder of the parliamentary representation of the
people — to have done essential service in demolishing the bur-
then some fabric of the feudal system — to have set the example
of abolishing servitude — to have established the monarchy on
a firm basis. This change, in the then state of France, was
clearly a beneficial one, if those who afterwards wore the
crown had been worthy of the trust. There could be no
better state of things than evils of some sort. He did much
to abolish the greatest, the exercise of sovereignty by the
nobles. One measure to this end, was the establishment of
judicial courts, though he perverted their powers to accomplish
his own purposes. But the French nation do not seem to
have been qualified to avail themselves of the opportunities
w^hich arose, to secure themselves against the abuse of royal
authority. Similar abuse in England gradually prepared the
way for constitutional liberty. In France, evils accumulated
from the time of this monarch, and prepared the way for a
terrible convulsion, retarded and avoided, however, till the end
of the eighteenth century.
The three sons of Philip, who successively came to the
throne, were very inferior men to their father. Some meas-
ures, not unlike his, were pursued by them, but they are not
of sufficient importance to be noticed. No one of them left
an heir who could take the crown. It devolved upon a col-
lateral branch of the family, in 1 328.
FRANCE. 237
CHAPTER XXXVI.
Philip VI. — Wars of France and England — Commotions in France— Its
miserable Condition— Battles between the English and French— Jacque-
rie — Peace between the two Countries.
Philip of Valois, or VI., took the crown to the exclusion
of all females, and heirs of females. He was son of a brother
of Philip the Fm\\ and great-grandson of Saint Louis, and the
first of seven kings of this race, who reigned in lineal descent
from him, through one hundred and sixty years, from 1328 to
1498. The course of succession will be found in the preced-
ing table of kings.
The events of these one hundred and sixty years are often
more amusing than instructive, since there is nothing new in
them, unless it be in the manner in which power was exercis-
ed, and the worst of passions gratified. Historical facts are
the wars of France and England, which continued, with little
respite, for the first hundred years, and the violent contentions
of the nobles (who were related to the royal house) for powder,
during the minority or incapacity of kings. Facts are also
referable to another cause : the internal misery of France from
civil commotions and the wretchedness of its lower classes of
people; a natural consequence of these wars and contentions.
In these hundred years arose that national hostility which is
sometimes spoken of as inevitable and inheritable, between
France and England.
Among the most formidable pretenders to the throne of
France, through female heirship, was Edward III. of England.
His mother w^as Isabel, daughter of Philip the Fair ; and if fe-
males and their heirs were not excluded by the Salic law, Ed-
ward was nearer the throne as son of Philip's daughter, than
Philip de Valois, who descended from Philip's brother. These
pretensions furnished an excuse for attempting absolute conquest,
and this was continued (with the help of other causes of hos-
tility) for a century, as a sort of national business, to be always
in view, and always diligently pursued, w^hen not unavoidably
interrupted.
The royal authority had been growing stronger in France,
and the new king, Philip VI., was adapted and disposed to
use it with royal splendor. He may be considered as the first
who absorbed, in the attractions of his own court, the nobles
9£ ckivahy w^eite lenr-
oftkoa
is PUy^s eooit. Em tbe jnmi YAwmiA
ciBce aad croiaAxY- Bokot tfAituiB wws aocssed, and
IB be gviitjr cf iMii<.i|, amd. cmfaMr of jfta img dw
■i AWiii ii lg Ae fife of die kn^ br i mtiMig a wax
miemike^^mWktmtm. Robeit daivd tkecowtT
rf Anwas^aa^iB iiMwyiBii of a cfcngrof ft^ggiy rn—rrlrd
wiA ifc^rliJM lii M Fa£.Uad. afcrir hr a^ii Haiflj i m iiii !
Fi
Jkt 1^ iMK Pfaitip «as ia h ua t Sky viik f^
lead flf a bfe««; naed ArtrfvidE.
viik fhoB, aad took the faiever's
J of F^aKCL CoMoibow fcr ±e
•f ^ .
" "* ra vaiTj
wiik
of age.
aevml tovas doae^ the ritvr
the!
get ■«» a aMvr fleadM miiii— in. At Crecr Ik was ovcr-
bjr the- anij af Pk^ and' ihefc^ oa the ^ik dbj of
l^m, warn fiMshi the krtde of Crkj. aa fetal to dv
Fnesarh. It «aa oa ths aaofiiB that the jon^ Eihnri m
the ]a^«ge«f that diT,»Mk^J*ra hiiiyi a.'' l athe
a jBKi*c of tvdvr iMBlhi^ Eowud took
which dbe Easttik hcU artfl USBL The Mge of
atiixofthe
to sare the naiihKL A
oatoftkasfeOL Itvasbfthe Mifeaiaaiiii of E^warfa
the age of
CMeike
^r of fiir«c«cs.
TW ick« «f Jaw. fi«M 1330 1» 19&t «» HI
to FioK«: £a«wd[ die Black Pnooe k
OB anoy inm Goiroor> os fer os tibe liDoe,
vitk oo onoi- ibacr iMoes ooMwaafcenag^ kib
io* tke Mosi offOMflrikiJ bd^ts aaid aoMes of Ffite.
EJ«oi4
oae of vkick «as tint lie skodU Vjr.wir o
m» fongte oo tke ISHi ofri|iflfi. ISSi^ M
Mr wks aoaik of dK liBiR^aaiow kaainacM of tl» wtt
coKft of Froorr.. TWs «os toj ooar tlw floor mWig lis
MoQi^oMdl Ctttifcslitml^fci^gfciAeirViirieia AoToorTSIL
Has ms oMtkHT Met 4»fittoK caoAt lo tl» FMck.
Sock is tlie ftwisor of liMdc^thot Joka. iKKvd of vakii^
Edwofd a fgjso^ei; iboaa^ fcw a Tt.¥ fro wag i to MmoiJ. H^
«»canie4 to fios^ood. aiadl 'vos a cafiivo tlio itei ^o t of kc
life, e^kt T»iSs t k a mgl i Bb«iit4 ob fosok;. kr
He ivtiini^ to W a pnsoMn; Hdi^r Iranase ke «
laise ikovwottsof mnwi, or WcaofM kis so« ka^
coaU sQtWfvcmk^oaito
ialioadiNa. Tke ckitmkwg naAtU of MnoiJL
kk ci^cin?, is cooMoeodcd ^^ awaT kisaarao^ ia «br k^Mtt
of FnuiN'dmhvdlfianiketkae of Mm^
eoftinrr, oo tl» daoikki Ckaik^ kkeeo tcois of ase« «k»
vas aierwoTds tke 1^ kii^ of tkai mmmC Tke d&XRes of
ibe king J kiM i was §ifodT i a ti eose^ kf d» i Moaidg ai of taae&
^m. w»v «B iiBfOrtaot citr, ao4 iBei vioi tatkakoK aai
MokiaBis* cyly fowBait aaitf dkkcol ^k» iotoI
TWx nm kisi^afte^ Vf Me of d» woia mI of
240 FRANCE.
that depraved period, Charles, king of Navarre, brother-in-law
of the dauphin, by marriage with a daughter of John,
The success of the English, the captivity of John, the feeble-
ness and distraction of the French councils, under the conduct
of the young dauphin, were a combination of evils beyond
the reach of remedy. These came not alone. Besides the
desolation of the country as a necessary consequence of the
war, and the scarcity of food, approaching to famine, another
evil arose, not limited to the French, but of which the}?- had a
full proportion. A pestilence began in the Levant, in 1346,
and found its way into Italy. In 1348 it appeared in France
and Spain, and next year in Britain. In 1450 it desolated
Germany, lasting about five months in each country. In
Florence, three out of five died. The effect of war and pesti-
lence on France is described by Petrarch, who was a visitor in
Paris in 1360. " I could not believe," says he, "that this was
the same country which I had once seen so rich and flourish-
ing. Nothing presented itself to my eyes but a fearful solitude,
an extreme poverty, lands uncultivated, houses in ruins. Even
the neighborhood of Paris manifested, every where, marks of
destruction and conflagration. The streets deserted, the roads
overgrown with weeds, the whole a vast solitude." (1 vol,
Hallam's Middle Ages, p. 44.) *
Charles, king of Navarre, surnamed the Bad, possessed the
county of Evreux in Normandy, by inheritance from his father.
An irreconcilable enmity had arisen between him and king
John's son Charles. While the king of Navarre resided in
his territory in Normandy, he was conveniently situated to
foment the seditions in Paris, and to promote the designs of
the king of England. He did both. The chief of the turbu-
lent citizens of Paris, was one Marcel, who made himself suf-
ficiently conspicuous to be a subject of historical notice. From
his acts, and those of his associates, it is less surprising that the
scenes of horror which the close of the last century witnessed,
in the same city, should have occurred. Similar causes, five
hundred years ago, produced similar atrocities. Charles the
Bad affected to feel for the grievances which were complained
of, and employed his influence and eloquence to urge on the
mob of Paris to outrage and violence. When the dauphin
ventured into the city to appease the tumult, his attendants were
murdered in his presence. Charles asked Marcel whether he
* The nature of this epidemic has not been described. Whether it was
like that which is passing over the world, is not known.
FRANCE. 241
meant to murder his prince. Marcel placed his own cap, (an
emblem of party) on Charles's head, and told him that would
protect him. Charles the Bad finished his career in a man-
ner consistent with his life and character. Enfeebled by his
dissolute habits, he was wrapped in a sheet which had been
immersed in brandy. This sheet took fire, and he was burnt
alive.
The sedition extended from Paris among the peasants. This
class of persons had the common appellation of Jacques bon
homme. (Goodman James.) They embodied themselves in
great numbers, and murdered, pillaged, and destroyed, in the
most savage manner. Three hundred ladies of rank, and the
duchess of Orleans among them, took refuge in the town of
Meaux, twenty-five miles north-east of Paris. Captal de Buch,
a Gascon knight in Edward's service, went to their rescue
with a competent force, and slaughtered seven thousand of the
insurgents. The like treatment, elsewhere, at length subdued
this formidable body. They were known, from the common
name above mentioned, as the Jacquerie. (1357.) The cause
of this insurrection does not appear to have been, that senti-
ments of rational liberty Avere entertained by the Jacquerie.
They were provoked by the insolence and rapacity of the
nobles, and by their own complicated sufferings, to take ven-
geance. But they struggled against a superior power, and'
their own atrocities brought on them the most vindictive
retribution.
In 13.58, Edward again entered France, and moved wherever
he pleased, unresisted. He marched to Rheims, (the city in
which kings were crowned,) in the province of Champaigne,
seventy-five miles north-east of Paris. He appeared, also,
before the latter city, threatened a siege, and offered battle.
The want of provisions obliged him to retire. Besides a
foreign enemy, the government had incessantly to contend with
the most inveterate factions. The experience of Edward, in
France, satisfied him that he could not hold that country,
though he may be said to have conquered it.
In 1360 peace was made. Edward relinquished his claim
to the French crown, and to Normandy. Charles ceded the
provinces south of the Loire, on the west coast of France, from
that river to the boundaries of Spain ; and the sea-coast, in the
north-west of France, on the English Channel, from Calais to
the river Somme. The disbanded troops of France formed
themselves into companies of robbers, and became more terri-
ble than any foreign enemy. De Guescelin, who was the
21
242
FRANCE.
military hero of the time, embodied these companies, and led
them to Spain, to help Henry Transtamare, natural brother of
Peter the Cruel, to expel the latter from the throne of Castile.
In this adventure, the sword, hardships, and disease, disposed
of them. In their way to Spain, this army of robbers passed
by Avignon, the residence of the pope. Guescelin demanded
of him a large sum of money, as the price of sparing the city
from pillage. The pope gave them all absolution. This did
not satisfy their wants. The pope levied a tax on the people.
Guescelin would not accept this, but demanded that the money
should come from the papal treasury. The pope's authority
had long been secondary in France, though much otherwise
in other countries. In the fourteenth century the church
makes a subordinate part in French events. The residence
of the pope made him far less powerful than when enthroned
in the venerable city.
Charles V. devoted himself to restore peace in his kingdom,
and acquired the surname of the Wise. He established the
principle that his parliament were not to deliberate, but to
ratify his edicts, and formally record them. This ceremony
was called holding a bed of justice. It is often alluded to in
modern times, even in a republic, when legislators are so ser-
vile as to legislate according to the will of a popular chief,
whom the blunder of suffrage has raised to power. Charles's
principal merit was his patronage of learning. His father left
him twenty volumes; he added nine hundred, and founded the
present library of Paris. This was a great collection of
volumes before the art of printing was known. In his private
life he is represented to have been exceedingly amiable. A
saying is ascribed to him, worthy of any age. It being inti-
mated that his consideration of learned men was indiscreet, he
answered, " The clerks, (as the learned were then called,) or
wisdom, cannot be too much honored. This kingdom will
prosper while wisdom is honored; when wisdom is banished,
it will fall to ruin." He died at forty-four. (1380.)
The reign of Charles VI. commenced when he was of the
age of twelve, and continued forty-two years; part of the time
he was a minor, and most of it insane. During thirty-five
years, from 1380 to 1415, France was distracted and miserable
from the contentions of the princes of the blood to rule the
kingdom. These were the dukes of Anjou, Berry, and Bur-
gundy, uncles of Charles VI., and brothers of the late king;
and the duke of Bourbon, who had married the king's sister.
In the intrigues and crimes which these contentions produced,
TRANCE. 243
distinguished females, and various partisans, and especially
the seditious populace of Paris were involved. The history
of these thirty-five years might make an entertaining volume
for those who would read of human nature under the dominion
of avarice, rivalry, ambition, malice, and revenge — where no
sense of religion, no restraint of law were known, and where
no limit to action was found, but in the impossibility of doing
what was willed to be done. These scenes, and the agents in
them, have passed away, leaving no consequences affecting
the present age. The historians of France have devoted many
pages to these events. The assassination of two of the dukes,
Orleans and Burgundy, and the insatiable vengeance which
followed these, and sirnilar acts, are the principal subjects of
these pages. But the whole is resolved into the details of the
struggle for power, and into the opprobrious means resorted
to by all the parties.
CHAPTER XXXVIL
Reneical of the war — Hennj V. in France — Peace — Marriage of Henry V.
— His death — He7iry VI. — Charles VII. — Maid of Orleans— Recovery
of his kingdom by Charles VIL
In 1415, Henry V. of England had come to the throne.
The fame of Edward HI., and of his noble and valiant son,
the Black Prince, or other motives, induced him to try his
fortunes in France. He gathered an army, and was accom-
panied by the ambitious and gallant nobles of England. He
landed on the west coast of France, and preparation was made
to meet him. The French court suspended their contentions
among themselves, to engage in one much more serious. All
the princes of the blood, (except the king, Charles VI., and
two dukes, one of them Burgundy,) and the most distinguished
noblemen of the kingdom, followed by a numerous army,
hurried to crush the audacious Henry. The French number-
ed, at least, fifty thousand. The English were estimated at
fifteen thousand. The adverse parties met at Agincourt, about
forty miles nearly south from Calais, on the 25th of October,
1415. If the history of any battle, in all its details, could be
admitted into these brief sketches, that of Agincourt w^ould be
selected. It may be found sufficiently at length in Hume's
2d vol. p. 423. The French were signally defeated, and the
244 FRANCE.
comparative inferiority of Henry's numbers obliged him to
make an uncommon slaughter of his enemies, lest the captives
should outnumber iheir victors. The three battles of Crecy,
Poitiers, and Agincourt, are remarkable events in the history
of a people who have been eminent for skill and ^-alor in war,
in all ages. On the authority of a French historian, the loss
of the French was ten thousand killed, of whom nine thousand
Tiere knights, or gentlemen. ^ The prisoners nearly as many.
The loss of the English only one thousand and six hundred.
The duke of Berry, the kings uncle, was present. He had
been in the battle of Poitiers, lifiy-nine years before. The ac-
counts of this battle vari' in numbers.
This battle was a short suspension of the feuds of the French
court. Heniy was still engaged in pursuing his conquests,
when, in 1419, John the Fearless, duke of Burgundy, was
murdered in the presence of the dauphin Charles, (afterwards
Charles TH.,) and not without the dauphin"s approbation.
The Burguudian party immediately offered the French crown
to Henry. The treaty of Troyes (a city about ninet}- miles
east-south-east of Paris) was signed, whereby Henry was to
marry Catherine, daughter of Charles YL, assume the regency
while the king lived, and succeed him, on his decease. This
treaty was duly executed. Thus France became subjected to
England, and Henry seems to have had power and good sense
enough to hold it so, while he lived. But he died in 142-2, at
the age of thirty-six, and his imbecile father-in-law soon fol-
lowed him. Henry left an infant of less than a year old, who
was king of England under the name of Henry Vl., and actu-
ally crowned king of France. But this unfortunate child was
no less imbecile than his grandfather. If his intirmities were
inherited, the proudest achievement of the ambitious Henry
was the cause of the most distressing calamities, both to Eng-
land and to France. The two kingdoms were subjected to the
manifold miseries of a long minority, and a discordant regency;
and this sort of government had to contend with the most
vindictive factions at home, and the most determined hostility
in France.
The French soon became sensible of their degradation, and
Charles YIL, excluded from the throne, retired to the south,
and gathered around him the few who were devoted to his
support. He established himself at Bourges, in the province
of Berry, one hundred and twenty-five miles south of Paris.
Here he held his little court, and was called, in derision, " The
little king of Bourges." He seems to have been capable of
FRANCE. 245
some heroism ; but the prevailing tendency of his character
was to pleasure. He is said to have been roused to an effort
to recover his kingdom by his favorite, Agnes Sorelle, whose
name, Voltaire, among others, has transmitted to modern times.
Agnes appeared before him to bid him adieu, forever, saying,
that she was designed for the associate of a king, and was
going to find one worthy of herself* Charles had a difficult
task ; he had neither men nor money, and was often distressed
for daily subsistence. His opponent was the able and accom-
plished John, duke of Bedford, brother of Henry V., and
regent of France. John was supported by the best military
skill and valor of England, as well as by many persons in
France, of like distinction. Some cities, however, rather from
hatred of the English than any attachment to Charles,- still
held out. One after another had been subdued. The last of
unsubdued cities was Orleans, the ancient capital of France, in
the province of the same name, sixty miles south-south-west
of Paris. Here that wonderful phenomenon occurred, of the
salvation of a kingdom by the agency of a country girl of
eighteen years of age, (Hume says twenty,) suddenly trans-
formed into a warrior and hero ; for she wore the apparel, not
of her own, but of the other sex.
Joan was born in the village of Domremy, in the province
of Lorraine, ten miles from Bar le Due, one hundred and forty
miles east of Paris, and two hundred and twenty north-east
from Bourges, where Charles, at this time, Avas residing.
Great diligence has been used to establish the facts concerning
this remarkable person. The means of doing this were no
less certain as to her, than any other person of that age. She
is represented to have been beautiful, of delicate frame, and of
singular sensibility. She was accustomed to solitary medita-
tion, and was a religious enthusiast. Her employments were
humble ones ; that of taking care of cattle was one of them,
not, however, as a servant, as has been said, but as a member
of her father's family. She asserted that she had a vision,
* Though this agency of Agnes Sorelle is repeated by successive his-
torians, it is due to that indefatigable critic in history, Hallam. to say,
that he has given very good reasons for doubting whether Agnes had
any such agency, or even such relation to Charles, as has been so often
affirmed. Hallam seems to be of opinion, that if he was under any
female influence before Joan of Arc appeared, it was that of his own
queen. (Hallam, vol. i. p. 62.) The statement here made, is that of
concurrent historians before Hallam wrote. Fortunately, it is now mere-
ly a subject of curiosity, who is right.
21*
246
FRANCE.
wherein she was commanded to raise the siege of Orleans,
and to conduct Charles to Rheims, (seventy-five miles north-
east of Paris,) to be crowned. When she presented herself,
she was twice dismissed, as a person bereft of her senses.
Returning- a third time, she was sent to Charles, who had
removed to Chinon, one hundred miles west of Bourges, and
south-west of the city of Tours, February, 1429. She imme-
diately pointed out the king, (tliough not distinguished from
others around him, by dress,) whom she had never seen. She
was most thoroughly examined during three weeks, and by
some of her own sex.
Satisfied with her claims, Charles confided her to D'Aulon,
" the. most virtuous man at court," and she was clad in a male
dress, and armed from head to foot, and sent with the famoHs
warrior Dunois (called the bastard of Orleans) to the deliver-
ance of the besieged city. She bore "the sacred banner."
She carried a sword which had been taken from a certain
church, and unknown to have been there till she disclosed the
fact. She was several times wounded, but never stained her
sword with blood. At sunset, she retired to the society of her
own sex, and avoided all of these who were, in her view,
exceptionable. An army often thousand men, under the com-
mand of Saint Severe, Dunois, and La Hire, with Joan among
them, forced themselves into Orleans, with supplies, in April,
1429. The earl of Suffolk, and the celebrated general Talbot
commanded the English army. Frequent and successful sal-
lies, in which Joan took a part, forced the English from their
entrenchments on the 8th of May, in the same year. Several
places were taken, at all of which Joan was foremost in the,
conflict. At the battle of Patay, where the able general Tal-
bot commanded, and where Joan was present, the French were
victorious.
The English were in possession of much of the country
between this scene of warfare and Rheims ; yet Joan success-
fully conducted Charles to that city, and on the 17th of July,
1429, he was there crowned, Joan performing the duties of
constable, and holding the sword over the king's head. The
Maid of Orleans now considered her mission closed, and de-
sired to retarn to her parents, but was induced to continue her
services. At the siege of Parjs she was wounded. In a sally
from Compiegne, forty-five miles north-east of Paris, she was
taken by the Burgundian allies of the English, and was after-
wards delivered to the duke of Bedford by John, duke of Lux-
emburgh, for the sum of ten thousand francs. She was accus-
FRANCE. 247
ed, at the instigation of some of her own countrymen, in
amity with the English, of sorcery and heresy. She nobly-
defended herself on trial, alleging that the angel St. Michael
was her constant guardian, and that she had heard his voice
in her father's garden, at the age of fifteen. She was con-
demned to death, but her punishment was commuted to impris-
onment for life. A new excitement having arisen against her,
this sentence was reversed, and on the 24th of May, 1431, she
was burned, by a slow fire, at Rouen, seventy miles north-west
of Paris. The only shade in the heroism of this wonderful
female is, that the terror of condemnation and death are said
to have shaken her fortitude, at one time, and to have drawn
from her a confession, that the revelations she had pretended,
were the work of Satan. But her fortitude returned, and she
died with a magnanimity that accorded with the tenor of her
life. Herself and family had been ennobled. There exist, in
France, several monuments of her. One at Orleans, one at
Rouen, and one at Domremy, erected in 1820. Some of these
are said to be faithfully characteristic. The house in which
she was born is still pointed out.
Charles is reproached for having done nothing to rescue
the donor of his crown. The duke of Bedford and the bishop
of Winchester are also reproached for having assented to the
cruel death of this amiable and patriotic enthusiast. Her
achievements have produced several volumes, in French, Ger-
man, and English, both in poetry and prose. There are also
several tragedies, of which Joan is the subject. That which
is reputed to be entitled to the highest consideration, is Schil-
ler's (German) tragedy. Joan has also been the subject of
some celebrated paintings.
The Maid of Orleans is an historical phenomenon, which
no one has assumed to explain. Was she inspired ? Was
she a mere instrument in the hands of others 1 Was she a
pretender to a divine commission ? Did she sincerely believe
that she had such commission ? The first supposition is inad-
missible. The second is highly improbable, for many rea-
sons. She was remote from the scene of warfare, and appa-
rently unknown, before her presentation of herself, to all who
were engaged in it. If she had been a selected instrument,
there are' obvious reasons why this fact should have been
afterwards disclosed, and none why it should have been con-
cealed. Her sincerity and the purity of her character nega-
tive the third supposition. The fourth remains as the only
one which can be adopted. But this is not an explanation of
248 FRANCE.
the effectiveness of her agency. The ignorance and super-
stition of the age, probably, seconded her object, and may have
animated the hopes and strengthened the arm of the French,
while the success which accompanied her efforts, dismayed
their enemies. . But the original design, (undoubtedly her
own,) engendered in the mind of an obscure, uneducated peas-
ant girl, of becoming a warrior, and saving her king and
country, is the singular fact which remains, as it has ever
done, for the wonder of the curious.
The dissensions in England caused the war in France to be
feebly pursued. The ally of the English, the powerful duke
of Burgundy, had become disgusted with them. Charles
VII. was assiduous and successful in gaining him. By the
treaty of Arras, (1437,) all the towns north of the Somme
were ceded to the duke, and he was discharged from the feu-
dal ceremonies of homage, as a vassal. Unsuccessful attempts
were made to establish peace with England. In 1444, a truce
was agreed on which continued four years. In this engage-
ment was involved the marriage of Henry VI. of England,
son of Henry V., with the celebrated Margaret of Anjou, dis-
tinguished in the civil wars of England. She was a descend-
ant of Saint Louis, in the eighth generation from him, and
great-grand-daughter of king John's son Louis, to whom Jane,
queen of Naples and Sicily, bequeathed her crown in 1380.
Her father was Renatus, or Rene, the expelled king of Sicily
and Naples, residing in Provence, in France.
The four years' truce enabled Charles VII. to establish
order in his kingdom, and prepare himself for future conflicts
with his enemies. At this time, the ancient practice of calling
on the feudal nobles to attend the king in war, at the head of
their vassals, had been, in a great measure, superseded by the
presence of armed knights, one of the consequences of chiv-
alry. It was also the practice to employ foreign auxiliaries.
A body of six thousand from Scotland, and a body of Swiss,
were in the service of Charles. He now thought of creating
a standing force, and to dispense with the call on the nobles to
supply one. He formed companies, consisting of one hundred,
under captains. He also required of the villages to furnish,
each one, its most expert archer, and made them subject to his
own order, instead of that of their own feudal lords. This
innovation offended the nobles; but Charles persevered, and
accomplished his object. This was the beginning of standing
armies in Europe.
In 1449, the truce was allowed to expire; but the conten-
FRANCE. 249
lions of the houses of York and Lancaster had begun, and
the English were too much engaged in these to attend to their
possessions in France. Within these possessions, the French
population were disaffected towards their foreig.^. masters, and
desirous of returning to their native allegiance. Charles re-
took the city of Rouen, and soon after the great province of
Normandy was forever lost to the English. In 1450, Gui-
enne was acquired by the French. Bourdeaux and other
towns submitted, after the vain ceremony of causing proclama-
tion to be made for the English to come to their relief. The
English did send the gallant Talbot, now eighty years of age,
to recover Guienne; but he fell in the attempt. In 1453, the
only result to the English of so many years of war and mis-
ery, was the city of Calais, and a small territory around it.
Charles had now^ established an absolute dominion in his
kingdom. He was the sole depositary of legislative and of
executive power. He had seen so much of the turbulence of
cities, that he never resided in any one of his own, but pre-
ferred some retired castle. He was continually apprehensive
of being poisoned by his son, who succeeded him ; and, to
escape death in this way, he avoided food for so long a time,
that when his attendants forced him to take it, the power of
digestion was already lost, and he died in July, 1461. Histo-
rians have drawn his character ; but it is not of sufficient im-
portance to copy their opinions.
CHAPTER XXXVIII.
THE REIGN OF LOUIS XI.
Louis XI. is familiarly known to the readers of Sir Walter
Scott's novels. He is delineated with fidelity in Q,uentin Der-
ward ; for, even the descriptive genius of Sir Walter could
not exaggerate the perfidious and tyrannical character of Louis.
The historical facts were found in the memoirs of Philip de
Comines. The worthiest as well as the worst of French
monarchs, had their biographers. Saint Louis has been trans-
mitted by Joinville, and Louis XI. by his constant companion,
Comines. This writer was born in Flanders, and served the
duke of Burgundy, father of Charles the Rash, but left this
service and entered that of Louis in 1472. He had long
250 FRANCE.
known his new master, from his transactions with the Bur-
gundian court. Comines was one of the best informed men of
his time, and was employed in many embassies. His account
of the persons and scenes of his own times, is received by the
best historians, as worthy of entire credit.
Louis disclosed his character at an early period of life, by
joining in the cabals against his father, and by living always in
enmity with him. It is said, that he could not conceal his joy
on hearing of his father's death. His person was as odious as
his disposition; his head disproportionately large — his limbs
small and ill-shaped. He had an incurable dislike of all who
were distinguished from himself by comeliness or manly graces.
He preferred the society of the low and the vulgar. He dress-
ed himself in coarse and singular garments. In his cap he
carried a leaden image of a Saint, by which he was accustom-
ed to swear ; but he considered no oath binding on him, unless
he swore by St. Pol. In his last days, at Plessis, his taste
took another turn. Whenever he was visible to those whom
he chose to receive, he was dressed in robes of silk, of great
cost, and made by the most skilful hands ; but his biographer
thinks his motive was to conceal the emaciation of his person.
This had become so meagre, that his appearance was rather
that of a dead than a living man. His barber, Oliver, was
his most intimate friend, and became his minister, and the ser-
vile executor of his master's malignant orders. Oliver caused
many to be hung, but, in the next reign, met with the like fate
himself
The reign of Louis was devoted to quarrels with his nobles,
with tlie dukes of Burgundy, with the English, and with the
emperor of Germany. His measures raised the civil war, call-
ed the wcir for the public good. He drew Edward IV., of
England, into France, with an army of 15,000 men; but by
bribing Edward's ministers, he escaped their power. The duke
of Burgundy also invaded France, and fought with Louis the
battle of Monthleri. Peace was made much at the cost of
Louis. In another negotiation with the duke of Burgundy,
Louis discovered that his minister Balue, the son of a tailor,
whom Louis had caused to be made a cardinal, had betrayed
his trust. His clerical character saved him from a halter, but
he passed fourteen years of his life in an iron cage, in the cas-
tle of Loches : his prison was less than eight feet square.
That event of his whole life, which caused the greatest cha-
grin to Louis, is narrated by Comines, in all its details. The
county of Leige, on the Rhine, was within the dominions of
FRANCE. 251
the duke of Burgundy. Louis had favored a revoh there.
While this measure was secretly pursued, Louis ventured to
visit the duke, at Peronne, on the Somme, 80 miles E. by N.
of Paris, confiding in his power to persuade the duke to adopt
his views on some points of difference between them. While
Louis was at Peronne, the revolt at Leige broke out. The
duke made a prisoner of Louis, and kept him three or four
days. The result of a negotiation Avas, that Louis should go
with the duke to Leige, and give his personal influence to re-
store order. This was regarded as a deep humiliation by Louis,
who valued himself most, in being more adroit and cunning
than any other man. His subjects, on the other hand, took
pleasure in his disgrace, and some of them taught their mag-
pies to utter the word Peronne. This was sometimes heard by
Louis himself, who ordered the necks of the magpies to be
wTung. This duke was Charles the Rash, and the character
of this man, and the provocations of Louis, kept them in con-
tinual warfare. Many pages of history are devoted to this
bitter contention, but its details are foreign to the present object.
Louis embroiled himself, also, with his southern neighbor,
the king of Arragon.
The death of Charles the Rash, in 1477, opened a new field
for the intrigue and ambition of Louis. An opportunity now
arose to annex the extensive domains of Burgundy to France,
by a marriage of Mary, the heiress, with the Dauphin, though
Mary was of full age, and the Dauphin but eight years old.
To accomplish this, and to prevent a marriage with any other
person, and especially with any French prince, but the Dau-
phin, was the object of Louis's greatest concern. He even
conceived the project of possessing himself of the person of
the princess, that he might dispose of her to satisfy himself.
It is not improbable that his machinations produced a result
which afflicted Europe for centuries, in the union of the prin-
cess with Maximilian, the son of the emperor of Germany.
This event, so entirely defeating the designs of Louis, produced
a war between him and Maximilian. In this war the battle
of Guinegate was fought, in which the French met with a se-
vere defeat. The armed force which Charles VII. had estab-
lished, was abolished by Louis, after this battle, and he substi-
tuted a tax, wherewith to pay Swiss auxiliaries. He neutralized
the English, in this war, by bestowing pensions on the men
who governed their councils. Peace was at length made, one
condition of which was, that the Dauphin should marry Mar-
garet, of Austria, Maximilian's daughter. This princess came
252 FRANCE.
to France, and was educated there, in expectation of this union.
But the Dauphin, by Louis's contrivance, married Anne, of
Brittany, to secure that province to the crown; and Margaret
was sent home, as she said, a widow before she had been a wife.
By the death of Rene, before mentioned, Louis acquired the
county of Anjou, and the duchy of Provence. He also ac-
quired Rene's pretensions to the crown of Naples and Sicily,
which proved to be a cause of long-continued and disastrous
wars to France.
With all his discomfitures, Louis had effected most of his pur-
poses, and many of them by means which few men but himself
would have adopted. The whole of France was one kingdom,
under him, Calais, only, excepted. He had humbled and brok-
en down his nobles. He had the pleasure of seeing his rival,
though early friend, Charles the Rash, wreck his fortunes
against the rocks of Switzerland. He had the gratification of
hanging almost every man in France, whom he feared or hat-
ed. But his close of life was a scene of retributive justice.
He knew he had not, and did not deserve the good will of any
mortal. He had not seen his son for many years. He did not
permit him to be educated, nor to enjoy the common benefits
even of bodily action, nor to be even spoken to, but under his
own regulations. Tormented with fears, he shut himself up
at a place called Plessis, 35 miles northward from the city of
Tours, and 95 S. W. from Paris. This he fortified, and de-
fended, by armed soldiers, by day and by night, with orders to
shoot down any one who approached in the night time. Mis-
erable as life was, death was terrible to him. He caused a
hermit to be brought to him from the extreme south of Italy,
believing that this illiterate man had poAver to prolong his life.
Though exacting the most servile submission from all around
him, Louis believed his life to be at the mercy of Jaques Coc-
tier, his physician, and paid him 10,000 crowns a month, be-
sides enduring his insolence. Coctier said to him, — " Some
day you will dismiss, or disgrace me ; but whenever you do
that, you will die within eight days yourself" Comines,
who gives a minute account of these latter days, remarks,
that no miseries which he had inflicted on others, equal-
led those which he endured himself The 30th of August,
1483, relieved his subjects from the dominion of Louis. Not
a single act of beneficence or improvement marks his reign,
unless it be the establishment of posts, (for the carriage of let-
ters,) which is said to have been done by him.
His biographer says he was the best informed man of his
FRANCE. 253
time, as to the persons and politics of other countries, as well
as precisely acquainted with the character and relations of
every man, of any consequence, in his own. His memory was
most uncommon, as he depended on that only for the preserva-
tion of his knowledge. These characteristics of the ablest
man of that time are described, not as being those of king
Louis, who, merely as such, little deserves to be remembered;
but for the reason that they enable one to estimate the age in
which he lived. Ignorance, superstition, and crime, mark
these times. One curious fact, as illustrative of the two for-
mer, is, that crowds of persons came to Louis to be touched by
him as a cure of scrophulous disease. To qualify a king for
this curative process, it was necessary that he should purify
himself, by the confession of his sins. Comines says, that
Louis made his confessions every week, and when the king of
terrors laid his hand on him, he had confessed so often, that he
had little to add. As no king of France, since Charlemagne,
(814,) had lived longer than 60 years, Louis applied this com-
mon duration to himself, and lived in constant terror of its
completion. He exceeded it by about one year.
CHAPTER XXXIX.
CUrles VIII— Louis XIL
Charles VIII. was 15 years of age when bis father Louis
died ; his character is strongly contrasted with that of his pre-
decessor. His person was diminutive, his understanding fee-
ble ; but Comines, (who is this king's biographer, also,) says,
" a better creature was not to be seen." The regency devolved
(not without great opposition from the heir apparent, the duke
of Orleans,) on the wife of the lord of Beaujeu, who was Anne,
daughter of Louis, who had so ordered in disposing of his
kingdom. Beaujeu was of the house of Bourbon.
The short reign of Charles, 1483—1498, has a two -fold re-
lation ; first, to the internal affairs of France ; secondly, to the
new enterprises which began with him, the wars of the French
in Italy. The first subject will be noticed here. The second,
involving manifold misfortunes to France, Germany, Italy, and
Sicily, and which continued through centuries, will more con-
veniently come into view in treating of Italy, the scene oi ac-
tion.
22
254 FRANCE.
The contentions between the lady Beaujeu and the duke of
Orleans, for the regency, occasioned an assembly of what is
called for the first time, the states general. No such assembly
was held by Louis. It was composed of the nobles, of the
clergy, and of the third estate, that is, the delegates from towns
and cities. They are supposed to have met, each order, in its
separate chamber. The state of the kingdom is to be inferred
from the acts of this assembly. It appears that the great no-
bles had lost their personal sovereignty, and that it had merged
in the crown. Their indemnity was a share in the royal sove-
reignty, by the enjoyment of offices and pensions. Charles
VII. must be considered the founder of this change, as the exi-
gences of his time enabled him to impose direct taxation, and
raise a revenue independently of the nobles. This, the nobles
submitted to, as they were not taxed themselves. Louis XL
abolished the mode of raising a military force, established by
his father, but not his system of taxation. He renewed the
feudal claim to military service. The nobles now insisted on
the continued exemption from taxes, and on freedom from mili-
tary service, at the head of their vassals. The cZer^y sought
a confirmation of the privileges of the French church, and an
exemption from some burthens which were still asserted by the
pope. The third estate joined in these remonstrances of the
clergy. They demanded to be freed from arbitrary taxation,
and expressed a willingness to substitute grants of supplies.
This assembly was broken up without coming to any conclu-
sions, by the firmness of the lady Beaujeu, who remained with
the authority of regent. A civil war, of short duration, ensu-
ed. In this war the province of Brittany took an active part,
and the disposal of the hand of its heiress, Anne, became in-
volved in the contention. The result was, that Margaret, of
Austria, who had been affianced by Louis to Charles, and who
was actually in France, awaiting her wedding day, was sent
home, and Anne was married to Charles. This Anne, of
Brittany, is a flower in the desert. She was beautiful, intelli-
gent, virtuous, affectionate, and much reverenced, though she
had the defect of limping in her gait. Her mourning for the
loss of her children was so touching as to be a subject of his-
torical remark.
In 1494, and the following year, Charles was absent from
France fourteen months, on his adventurous expedition to Na-
ples, to be elsewhere noticed. He was engaged in this costly
and ruinous warfare the remainder of his days, but not per-
sonally present. No event occurred -in France material to be
FRANCE. 255
noticed. Charles was disposed to magnificence, especially in
building. His place of abode was at Amboise, near the con-
fluence of the Loire and Massee, 12 miles east of the city of
Tours, and 118 S. by W. from Paris. Comines gives an ac-
count of his accidental death, and of the splendor of his funer-
al ceremonies. He was conducting Anne, his queen, from her
apartments, through along, low passage-way, to a place where
the gentlemen of the court were engaged in a game of ball.
Though Charles was very short, his head came in contact with
the wall of the passage, and occasioned an injury of which he
soon died, at the age of twenty-six, leaving no child. He was
the seventh, and the last, of the kings of the house of Valois,
in direct lineal descent. The order of succession through the
oldest son of the royal princes, had been long settled. [1498.]
The crown now came to a prince of the house of Orleans,
Louis Xn. This was one of five royal branches which arose
from the house of Valois, viz : Alencon, Anjou, Burgundy,
Orleans, and Angouleme, some of which were ancient titles
renewed. Louis XH. was grandson of the duke of Orleans,
Avho was murdered in 1407 — who was brother of Charles VI.
— who was the fourth king of the house of Valois. Louis was,
in person and character, in all respects different from his pre-
decessor. He was of fine form, and highly accomplished in
the strength and graces of knighthood. In early days he had
many contentions, and had acquired warm friends, and had
made bitter enemies. He had now the power of avenging
himself on the latter. A fine sentiment is ascribed to him :^-
" The king of France must not remember the injuries done to
the duke of Orleans." He had been a lover of Anne before
she married Charles, and generously gave place to him. He
had now an opportunity of conferring the honor of sharing
his crown — a measure of policy as well as affection. He was
the first king who established the office of prime minister;
which he filled by the appointment of the cardinal of Amboise,
The whole of the remainder of his life was devoted to a ruin-
ous warfare for dominion in Italy. By this he was involved
with Maximilian, of Germany, popes Alexander VI., Julius
II., and Ferdinand of Spain, as well as with the republics in
the north of Italy. Successive disasters and disappointments
mark the course of the French enterprises. These will come
into view more properly in notices of Italy.
An important change was wrought, at this time, by the
queen. She assembled in her court, the distinguished females
of the royal and noble blood, and gave the first impulse to that
$2§6 FRANCE.
dominion of her sex, so long cultivated and cherished in
France. However much this was afterwards perverted and
corrupted, and mischievous as it may have been since Anne's
time, in the politics of France, under her guidance, it was full
of benefits. It was the fountain of the grace and polish which
eminently distinguished France for centuries.
Notwithstanding the expensive wars of Louis, he is not
charged with over burthening his subjects. He had recourse
to sales of the crown lands, to replenish his treasury. The
states-general were often assembled in his time. They made
no progress in establishing their own power, and limiting that
of the crown, as Louis gave them very few occasions to com-
plain. He was the most popular of the kings of France, since
the days of saint Louis, and acquired the surname of Father
of^his people. Historians dispute on his pretensions and true
character. In this, it is useless to follow them. The kingdom
was in such condition at this time, that it might have moved on-
wards to constitutional freedom; or to absolute despotism. The
latter was its destiny. Louis lost the excellent Anne, and mar-
ried Mary, the sister of Henry VII., of England, having num-
bered three times her number of years. But within a year he
died, (Jan. 1, 1515,) at the age of 55, following the rule of
dying before sixty. He appears to have been most sincerely
mourned by his subjects, whi^ch is his best eulogy.
Louis left no son, and the crown went to Francis I. He
was grandson of the duke of Angouleme, who was brother of
the father of Louis XII. This reign belongs to the third and
last survey, intended to include the three last centuries.
Language. To this time, (1500,) and long|after, the lan-
guage used in courts of justice, in the cabinet, or public doc-
uments, in the church, and in treatises, was the Latin. The
spoken language had been of two descriptions. The langue
d'oc, or provengal, spoken in the south; and the langue d'oui,
or d'oil, spoken north of the Loire. There are relics of the
former, in the south, to the present time ; but the latter is the basis
of the modern French. It is a compound of Teutonic, Frank-
ish, Gothic, and Roman words or sounds, blended by long use.
There are many conjectures as to formation, and as to the
singularity of having letters in use in singing, and orthogra-
phy, Avhich are not articulated in conversation. One conjec-
ture is, that vowels were substituted for some Roman termina-
tions, and afterwards entirely dropped, in speaking. This sub-
ject is discussed by Sismondi, in his first volume of the litera-
ture of the south, and also by Hallam, at the conclusion of his
NORTH-EASTERN EUROPE. 257
work on the Middle Ages. It is not doubted that the French
had been gradually forming throughout five centuries, at least,
before it was a written language. It was not until 1635 that
it took its present form, under the authority of the French
academy.
CHAPTER XL.
Northern and North-eastern Europe.
No historical instruction could be drawn from the incessant
and bloody revolutions from 1000, to 1500, which occurred in
these vast territories. Norway, Sweden, and Denmark were
geographically known in 1500, as they now are. Eastwardly
of the Baltic sea, and south-eastwardly from the gulf of Fin-
land to the Black sea, was a territory as large as France and
the German empire, called the Grand Duchy of Lithuania,
now constituting a part of the Russian dominians. Eastwardly
of Lithuania were hordes of barbarians. At this time, Poland
had risen to the rank of a kingdom, within nearly the same
limits as known in 1800. On the south side of the Baltic, and
between that sea and Poland, was a territory which the Teu-
tonic order of knights (to be mentioned in the account of the
crusades) had conquered, and possessed in sovereignty. West
of this territory, and North of Bohemia, and extending to the
Baltic, was the Margrivate of Brandenburg, now part of the
kingdom of Prussia. The kingdom of Bohemia has not al-
tered in its geographical limits since 1500. It was then, as
now, bounded westvvardly on Germany, having the duchy of
Austria on the south, which extended to the Adriatic. East
of this duchy, and south-east of Bohemia, was the great king-
dom of Hungary, extending nearly to the Black sea; and
south of this kingdom was the Ottoman, or Turkish empire,
established in Europe, in the middle of the fifteenth century.
Hungary was north of the Danube. The duchy of Austria,
and part of Hungary, are now within the Austrian domin-
ions.
Poland, Hungary, and even Lithuania, had been so far civ-
ilized, and Christianized, in the fifteenth century, that^instances
of intermarriage had occurred between the reigning families of
these countries, and those of the west of Europe. Both the
258 NORTH-EASTERN EUROPE.
Roman church and the Greek church of Constantinople, had
made efforts to introduce Christianity among the people of
these territories. The Roman church presented its faith at
the point of the sword, by authorizing crusades against infi-
dels. Some of the warfare thus engaged in, has small claims
to be considered as Christian. No such policy is chargeable
on the Greek church. It was through the peaceable mission-
aries of this church, that the Russians not only became Chris-
tians, but received the written characters of the Greek alpha-
bet, which are still in use among them, though much modified
by time and improvement.
These extensive countries of the north and east of Europe,
differed very little from Germany, in the tenure of property, in
public policy, or in the different orders of society. There
were territorial sovereigns, classes of nobles, freed-men, and
slaves. The latter class were, comparatively, more numerous
than in Germany ; and there are still slaves in these countries,
(Bohemia, Poland, Russia, Hungary,) though, in some degree,
more privileged than formerly.
It may be readily imagined, from the facts which have been
stated as to other similarly constituted communities, what the
course of social and political events must have been in these.
Contentions and civil wars, to gain power ; foreign wars, from
cupidity and the desire of conquest ; oppressions and miseries
from both causes, are the elements of history. Into these,
there is no utility in examining. It will be otherwise in the
three centuries following the fifteenth. In this time, kingdoms
had arisen, and nations appear, who have taken an important
part in the social and political scenes of Europe. It should
rather be said, that the ruling princes of these nations have
taken such part, and that the nations, their subjects, have been
the instruments which they employed. An iron despotism has
ruled in these countries. So much religion, and so much
intelligence, and no more, have been permitted, as would make
the vast multitude incapable of aspiring to a better condition.
There is some exception, as there will be occasion to show,
especially in the case of Poland. Problems, political and
social, and of most serious import to the south of Europe, are
involved in the future condition of the many millions who
must do something within^ and who may do much beyond,
these vast territories.*
* The curious in the antiquities of these northern regions will find a
grateful satisfaciion from the perusal of the work, entitled " History of
GERMANY. 259
CHAPTER XLI.
GERMANY.
Separation of Germany and France — Classes of People — Elements of
German History.
Sketches of Germany will not amuse nor instruct a reader,
unless he understand the geographical divisions of this country
— the classes into which its population was divided — the pas-
sionate cravings of these classes, and the measures which they
respectively pursued, to satisfy these cravings. It must be
kept in mind, that the power which man exercises over man
is founded in coercion, or mere physical force ; and that the
ameliorated condition of society depends on the influence
which reason, directed by intelligence, and chastened by moral
and religious discipline, can have in making physical force
unnecessary. The valuable lesson which history teaches, is,
that the propensity to action, inherent in man's nature, can be
directed to innocent and refining pursuits ; that just principles
of right and wrong can be ascertained, and can be peaceably
enforced by permanent laws, righteously administered. In
passing through these five centuries, very little will be dis-
cerned of such principles, and less of such laws so adminis-
tered. But this lapse of time must be considered, not for the
reason that it can be rendered amusing, but because it discloses
the causes of the present condition of German society.
The empire of Charlemagne, at the time of his decease, in
814, included what is now Holland, Belgium, France, and
the Northmen," by Henry Wieaton, American Minister in Sweden. The
train of events by which the people of northern and north-eastern Eu-
rope settled into nations before 1500, has been shown by Koch, in his
account of the revolutions of Europe, a work often quoted in these
pages. The same facts are disclosed (under various heads) in the work
entitled Encyclopedia Atnericana, edited by Francis Lieber, assisted by
E. Wigglesworth and T. G. Bradford. Published at Philadelphia in
1832. This work has been frequently resorted to, during this compila-
tion. It is one of the most useful publications in the English language,
for any and every class of readers. It required labor only, to have made
from these and other authorities, sketches of nations m the north and
east of Europe. But no labor would have produced results material to
the present purpose. After the commencement of the sixteenth century,
the Russians, Swedes, and Danes take an active part in European
affairs.
260
GERMANY.
part of Spain, that is, to the river Ebro. From Holland, this
empire extended along the northern coast of Eutope to the Elbe;
and, southwardly from this coast, through Germany, Switzer-
land, and Italy, to the kingdom of Naples, excepting only the
states of the Roman church, in the vicinity of Rome. Within
100 years after ihe decease of Charlemagne, his feeble descend-
ants had disappeared. In the year 888 a diet was held, com-
posed of princes, nobles, and dignified ecclesiastics.* Charles
the Fat was solemnly deposed by this diet, so far as his sove-
reignty included any part of Germany. The same diet pro-
claimed Arnulf to be king of Germany. The tw^o countries,
France and Germany, were thus separated, Charles continu-
ing to be king in France. The French crown became hered-
itary, and so continued to be till the French revolution. The
crown of Germany became elective, and so continued to be
until the Confederation of the Rhine, under Napoleon. The
successor of Arnulf, in Germany, was Louis III., who died in
912. He was the last of the family of Charlemagne who
have found a place in history.
When Germany became a separate monarchy, in 888, it
comprised numerous principalities, dukedoms, and small states.
These sovereignties had become hereditary. Many of the
sovereigns were bishops and archbishops, having extensive
domains. There were four principal nations, those of Swabia,
Bavaria, Franconia, and of Lorraine ; afterwards, that of Sax-
ony was added. There were three great archbishops, who
appear prominently in German history, of the cities, respec-
tively, of Mentz, (or Mayence,) Treves, and Cologne. For
the better understanding of localities, the city of Mentz, in
which the emperors were usually crowned, is assumed as a
central point. All other places will be ascertained by refer-
ence to this city. Mentz is on the west side of the Rhine, in
50° north latitude ; 8° east longitude. It is distant from Paris
two hundred and eighty miles, in a direction nearly north-
east. It is two hundred miles directly west of the west line of
Bohemia. From Mentz, the city of Frankfort on the Maine
is twenty miles east ; the city of Treves, fifty miles west ; the
city of Cologne, ninety miles (down the Rhine) north-west.
Germany included a large extent of territory on the west of
the Lower Rhine, called Lorraine. The duchy of Swabia,
including many subdivisions, was east of the Upper Rhine,
* The word diet, common in German history, is said to be derived
from the Latin word dies, (dav,) used in reference to the time of assem-
blirg.
GERMANY. 261
north of Switzerland, west of Bavaria, and south of Franco-
nia. Bavaria extended eastwardly from Swabia to the modern
Austrian dominions. Franconia was north of Swabia and
Bavaria, extending from the Rhine to Bohemia. North and
north-east of Franconia was the Saxon territory, to the Elbe.
North and north-west of Saxony, were numerous small states,
in the country since known as Westphalia, and extending to
the North Sea. Aix-la-Chapelle, the residence of Charle-
magne, was between the Meuse and the Rhine, about twenty-
five miles nearly west of Cologne, and about one hundred
nearly north-west from Mentz.
The materials of German history appear to have been codes
of laws, made by these different nations, (from which the state
of society has been deduced by indefatigable examiners,) and
public records and chronicles, written by ecclesiastics. These
sources of information have been explored by S. A. Du7iham,
in his History of the Germanic Empire ; by Hallam, in his
History of the Middle Ages ; and especially by Michael Ig-
natius Schmidt, (born in Wurtzburgh, in 1736,) the first who
undertook an elaborate history of the German nation, and " to
show how the German nation became what they are." It is
intended, in these sketches, to conform to these and other au-
thorities, but without the labor of quoting them, as they can be
consulted for themselves.
At the commencement of the eleventh century, all the land
in western Europe, that had been taken possession of on the
fall of the Roman empire, had been divided according to the
forms of feudal right. The whole of Germany, as held by
Charlemagne, was divided into great domains or estates, held
by princes, dukes, and nobles of various grades, and by pre-
lates of the Roman church. The tenants of these domains
were lords in relation to all classes of inferiors, while they
were, themselves, vassals of the emperor. In this character
they were bound to furnish a military force, from their own
vassals, and to lead them to the service of the emperor. 2.
There was a numerous class of inferior nobles, whose only
vocation was military service, and who were not landed pro-
prietors, but who were maintained or paid by the great nobles.
3. There were some free men, few (it is supposed) in number,
who had acquired an allodial or absolute ownership of land,
but who were yet subject to military duties. 4. The freed-
men, who had been liberated either by the voluntary act of
their owners, or who had purchased freedom in some manner.
5. The slaves, numerically by far the greater portion of the
262 GERMANY.
Germans, who were bound to personal service to their mas-
ters, or to the land, and who were too degraded to be recog-
nized as having any civil rights. These slaves were such
from birth, or from being captives in war, or by some forfeit-
ure, or by purchase.
If to these elements it be added, that the nobles were, in
general, destitute of all literary occupation ; that the clergy
were, with few exceptions, alike ignorant ; that religion con-
sisted of superstitious forms and ceremonies ; that there were
no commercial pursuits; that the church dignitaries were
warriors as well as ministers of religion ; that none of these
higher orders labored to supply their own wants, these being
supplied by the labor of slaves — it follows, that the state of soci-
ety may have been exceedingly depraved and miserable. It
is so represented to have been. These territorial sovereigns
declared war against each other ; they coined money, and
administered justice, as they saw fit. Secured in their im-
pregnable castles, built in elevated places, their warfare con-
sisted in the most relentless devastation of the territories of
their enemies. When not thus employed, they were, in
general, robbers, and preyed upon travellers, or their neigh-
bors ; or they were engaged in hunting, or in drunken festivals.
An oath was usually exacted from the emperors, that they
would abstain from intoxication. Instances of brutal violation
of person and property, frequently occur in the history of this
people. Their festive assemblies often ended in bloodshed, as
they never met unarmed. Drunkenness acquired the name
of the Teutonic vice. As very little is said, in these ancient
chronicles, of the condition of women, it might be inferred that
their moral condition was as degraded as that of the other sex.
But it seems to be admitted, that in some of these nations, the
eulogy bestowed on German females by Tacitus, was well
deserved; and that the conduct which called it forth, continued
to be observed. It is not, however, to be denied, that the
private life of the Germans is much more a matter of inference,
than of established fact. Enough is known to demonstrate
that it was, at the end of the tenth century, a period of gross
immorality, violence, and crime.
Among such a people an elected monarch, invested with a
superior dignity, and elected usually from among the dukes,
must often have attained to his high honors against the will of
many whom he had the right to rule. The effects of disap-
pointments, envyings, jealousies, and malice, in various forms,
were experienced by many of the emperors. Formidable
GERMANY. 2G3
rebellions frequently occurred, and in many instances were
conducted by the brothers, and even the sons, of the reigning
monarch. The accidental elevation to the throne was fre-
quently Mvnil;'il n( to no^randize the royal fannily, at the ex-
pense of a rebellious vassal who had been subdued, and his
estates forfeited ; and attempts were frequently made, and some-
times successfully, to perpetuate the royal dignity in the same
family. As Charlemagne had been crowned in 800 by the
pope in Rome, and had assumed to revive the Roman empire
of the West, and to extend his dominions over all that belonged
to that empire, including Italy, so his successors assumed a
correspondent extent of power, and vainly endeavored to con-
quer, and to hold, the turbulent states of the north of Italy. A
large portion of historical details is devoted to the ruinous
warfare carried on by emperors against these states.
Along the whole extent of the northern and eastern bounda-
ry of Germany were hordes of barbarians, (the Bohemians,
Silesians, Danes, Moravians, Avars, Sclavonians, and Hunga-
rians, among others,) who were constantly engaged in preda-
tory warfare against the Germans. That frontier was never
safe from these enemies. German history includes the details
of this warfare.
That subject which includes a more extended narration than
any of the foregoing, or than all of them, is the almost inces-
sant contention between the emperors, and the popes of Rome.
On the one hand, the popes sought, by the exercise of spiritual
authority, to overawe, subdue and control the temporal power;
on the other, the emperors sought to limit and control that
authority. In these conflicts the emperors had to encounter
the most daring usurpations of the popes. The influence of
the priesthood, throughout all Christian states, was often
stronger than the utmost force of temporal authority. The
ignorance and superstition of the people of Germany, without
distinction, among all the laity, adapted them to the despotism
which the ecclesiastics had established and maintained. A
mere verbal denunciation of a reigning prince, by the tenant
of the chair of St. Peter at Rome, was sufficient to discharge
all the subjects of that prince from allegiance, and even to
make it criminal to obey him. The nature and causes of this
ecci< ^j . ui , .jo o.i.^.w. etches of the
Roman church, in a future chapter.
It is inconsistent with the design of these brief sketches to
enter into these various details. It is intended to select the
important events that illustrate the great changes v^^hich have
264 SUCCESSION OF EMPERORS.
occurred, and which have led to the present state of the world.
Nor is it intended to dwell on the personal qualities of the
successive emperors, any further than these may tend to the
same illustration. Some of the emperors will be seen to have
been wholly unworthy of the trust confided to them, either
through imbecility, vice, or usurpation. This will not be
surprising to those who have observed the character of the
elected to the most important offices, even in the nineteenth
century, and among " the most enlightened people of the earth."
The following table of the succession of German emperors
will serve as a chronological index, from the first German
monarch, to the end of the fifteenth century.
CHAPTER XLII.
Succession of Emperors.
Table of emperors from the separation of France and Ger-
many in 888, to 1519.
Arnidf, nephew of Charles the Fat
Louis III., last of Charlemagne's descendants
Conrad /., duke of Franconia, elected -
House of Saxony.
Henry /., the Fowler
Otho /., the Great, son of Henry -
Otho II., son of Otho I. - - - -
Otho HI, son of Otho H. - - - -
Henry II., (called Saint,) duke of Bavaria, and
great-grandson of Henry I. (fowler)
House of Franconia.
Conrad II., called the Salique
He?iry III, the Black
Henry IV. (contemporary with Gregory VII.)
Henry F. ------ -
Lothaire II., duke of Saxony
House of Sivabia.
Conrad III (Guelfsand Ghibelines first appear)
Frederick I., Barbarossa, (red beard,)
Henry VI.
Philip, duke of Suabia . - - .
Otho IV., duke of Brunswick
888 to
899
899 "
912
912 "
918
918 •'
936
936 "
973
973 "
983
983 "
1002
1002 "
1024
1024 »
1039
1039 »
1056
1056 "
1106
1106 "
1125
1125 "
1138
1138 '•
1152
1152 "
1190
1190 "
1197
1197 "
1208
1208 »
1212
GERMANY. 265
Frederick II., king of Sicily -
'
-
"
1212 to 1253
Cojirad IV.
'
-
-
1253 "
1254
William, count of Holland -
-
-
-
1254 "
1256
Richard, earl of Cornwall, brother of
Henry
III. of England -
-
-
-
1256 "
1271
House of Hapsbu7
■gh-
Rodolph I, the Merciful
-
1273 "
1291
Adolphus of Nassau
1291 "
1298
Albert I - - - -
1298 "
1308
Henri/ VII. of Luxemburg
1308 "
1314
Frederick III. o( Austiia
1314 "
1314
Louis V. - - - -
1314 "
1347
Charles IV - - -
1347 "
1378
Whicclas, king of Bohemia
1378 "
1400
Robert ....
1400 "
1410
Sigismn7id - - - -
1410 "
1438
Hereditary emperors of
the ho
use
of
Ai
xst ria.
Albert //.-.-.
1438 "
1440
Frederick IV.
1440 "
1493
Maximilian I. - - -
1493 "
1519
Charles F. king of Spain - - - - ]519
No events occurred in the time of Arnulf, Louis IIL, or
Conrad I., which require to be noticed. The civil wars and
rebellions of this time, led to no permanent consequences.
The reign of Henry I., the fowler, 918 to 936, was perplexed
with revolts w^hich he was able to quell. Having done this,
he devoted himself to subdue the barbarous nations, (if so, they
should be called, compared with Germans,) on his eastern
frontier. The Hungarians, Danes, Sclavonins, and Bohe-
mians, were made to feel his superiority in arms. They were
driven back, and were glad to seek a respite in peace. The
military force of the empire was much improved under him.
At this time, there were no cities in Germany, except on the
Rhine. A measure, designed only for defence, was instituted
by him, which led to most important consequences. He re-
quired that every ninth person among his male subjects should
dwell in a fortified place, capable of resisting the incursions of
the barbarians; and that these should be sufficiently spacious
to receive such of the nei<rhboring peasantry as could take
refuge in them, in any case of emergency. Privileges and
benefits were granted to the inhabitants of these places. Such
was the origin of many of the German cities. The territorial
sovereigns, as well nobles as ecclesiastics, perceiving the utili-
ty of this measure, followed this example, and established
23
266 GERMANY.
towns within their domains. The natural consequence of this
close association, was, the fostering of industry and social
improvement. The inhabitants became able and willing to
minister to the wants of the emperors. Their personal aid
and contributions in counteracting the turbulence of the nobles,
obtained for them enlargement of privileges. The growth
and importance of the cities enabled them to claim the right of
being represented in the national assemblies. The}^ at length
appear as the ^/iinZ estate in the empire — the nobles and the
clergy constituting the first and second. It will be seen, in
future pages, how important the cities became, in the progress
of improvement; a consequence which could not have been
within the design of Henry.
On the west of the Rhine, Henry added Lorraine to the
German dominions, as a domain of the crov/n. In his north-
eastern conquests (931) he acquired the territory known as
Brandenburg, and established there a separate government,
dependent on the empire. This became a duchy, and was
the foundation of the modern kingdom of Prussia. He also
annexed Mesnia to the empire, which is the present kingdom
of Saxony, having Dresden for its capital. He also recovered
from the Huns the territory of Austria, which now forms part
of the Austrian empire.
The election of Otho L, who is called the Great, is deserv-
ing of a special notice. Aix la Chapelle was the place of
election, and the electors were a diet. The power of conse-
cration, after some dispute, was allowed to the archbishop of
Mentz. The three archbishops of Mentz, Treves, and Cologne,
dined at the same table with the emperor. The duke of Lor-
raine served as grand chamberlain ; the duke of Bavaria, as
grand marshal ; the duke of Swabia, as grand cupbearer; and
the duke of Franconia, as grand seneschal; (steward.) Here
were seven dignitaries, w'ho, in the course of time, arrived at
the high trust of electing the emperor, to the exclusion of the
nobles and the diets.
Otho I. was a successful warrior, as appears from his con-
quest of Bohemia, his warfare in Italy, and with France; and
from his reduction of rebels, some of whom were of his own
family. He was crowned king of Lombardy, at Pavia, (with
the iron crown,*) in 951 ; king of Italy in 961 ; and emperor,
by pope John XII., in 962, John promised Otho that the
* The iron orown of Lombardy was said to have been made out of a
nail (or nail^) taken from the holy cross.
GERMANY. 267
popes should be chosen in presence of a commissioner appoint-
ed by the emperors; but John revolted from this engagement.
Otho went to Rome, deposed John, and caused Leo VIII. to
take the papal chair. This was the beginning of the long-
continued controversies between the popes and emperors.
With this monarch originated the title of king of Rome ; he
caused his son to be crowned by that title, and it was borne
afterwards by German monarchs, when elected in the life-time
of a reigning prince. It was the common title, until the
elected sovereign was duly crowned as emperor, by the popes.
The reigns of Otho II. (973—983) and Otho III. (983—1002)
were involved in troublesome rebellions, and more troublesome
and costly wars in Italy. It is the common remark of histo-
rians, that the passion which most of the German monarchs
had to conquer and rule over Italy, was the cause of sacrificing
numerous armies, and of grievous afflictions to Germany.
But it is to be considered whether, as society was at this time
constituted, greater evils might not have occurred in Germany
from the contentions and wars in which those who fell in Italy
would have engaged among themselves, if they had not been
drawn away to other employments.
Henry II. (1002 — 1024) obtained the honor of canonization,
and is called saint Henry, and would have made a worthy
ecclesiastic. He had a full share of the natural perplexities of
the age, at home and abroad. He was the last of the race of
Henry the Fowler.*
During the reign of these five Saxon princes, one hundred
and six years, the German monarchy had acquired strength,
and had extended its dominions towards the east. But this is
the period in which human life was more miserable than
before, or afterwards. Historical details are full of instances
of shocking depravity, violence, and crime. This Avas the
time, especially, in which right and wrong Avere ascertained
by ordeals and duels.
On the death of Henry II., the archbishop of Mentz assem-
bled a diet on the plains which lie on both sides the Rhine,
between Mentz and Worms. The city of Worms is on the
same side of the river, twenty-five miles south of Mentz. Fifty
thousand, comprising the civil and ecclesiastical princes, and
their followers, w^ere at this meeting. The princes and nobles
* In the first volume of Dunham's History of the Germanic Empire,
there is an elaborate commentary on the social and political condition of
Germany during the tenth century. It deserves the study of those who
desire to be well informed.
268 GERMANY.
met on an island to deliberate, and select a candidate; the
choice fell on Conrad of Franconia. On this occasion, the
division of the several orders of persons composing one of
these German nations, is first mentioned. They advanced to
take the oath of allegiance in classes, distinguished b}^ bucklers
or shields. German scenes undergo no change in the time of
Conrad II., 1024 — 1039, nor in that of his successor, Henry
III, 1039 — 1056. The transactions of these monarchs in
Italy, belong to notices of that country.
Henry IV. was successor of his father at the age of six
years, and reigned fifty. This long-continued power was
exercised to the mutual disadvantage and affliction of prince
and subjects. The prince was a monster in depravity, and his
subjects, in general, were of the same order of moral agents.
Factions, insurrections, and rebellions, are the principal events.
Henry was dethroned by one of his own sons, and reduced to
such poverty as to seek a very humble office in a cathedral
■which he had built ; but it was denied to him. This is the
same emperor who drove the pope Gregory VII. from his
throne ; but who afterwards submitted to a most humiliating
penitence before that audacious pontiff The bitter conflicts
between these two persons, belong to the notices of the church
of Rome. It will there be seen what was the origin and the
eflfect of the wars between the emperors and popes, which
began under Henry, and continued about seventy years.
The reign of Henry V., 1106 — 1125, was taken up with
rebellions and commotions in his own dominions, or in con-
tinuing the warfare with the popes. The former, we pass
over; the latter belongs to another place.
In the election which followed Henry's death, there was an
assembly at Mentz, in which one more step was made towards
an independent electoral college. Ten princes Avere selected
to exercise the right of pretaxaiion, which word is used to
signify the nomination of persons, from among whom a choice
was to be made. Lothaire, duke of Saxony, was elected.
Excepting the events in Italy, there is nothing to notice in his
reign, which lasted from 1125 to 1138.
At this time, the people of Germany, exclusive of slaves
and freedmen, were thus classed: 1. The dukes. 2. The
ecclesiastical princes, consisting of bishops and abbots. 3.
The secular princes, comprising territorial officers under the
names of landgraves, margraves, and counts. 4. Territorial
nobles, by hereditary right, and who were independent of the
great feudatories. 5. The high court officers, as well those
GERMANY. 269
who were of the ducal, as of the imperial courts. 6. The
body of freemen. These were the six bucklers, which had
the right of assembling in diets ; but only the first three are
supposed to have debated and voted. Military service was
the duty of all these classes. The clergy granted their do-
mains to vassals, who performed this service, or they per-
formed it personally.
The right of declaring war was vested in the diets ; and
each prince was sworn to produce, at the proper time and
place, his proportion of armed men. The princes could not
perform this obligation, in regard to knights, (who were a
necessary part of the force,) without an advance of money and
of equipments to them. Hence, the wars were burthensome,
and liable to sudden and distressing reverses. The state of
society is supposed to have been exceedingly irregular from
the undefined and conflicting authority of the emperors and
dukes, and from the ignorance of right and wrong, or the
utter disregard of all moral and social duties. It was a state
of anarchy, in which none but the strongest were safe.
The election of Conrad III. (1138 — 1152) occasioned civil
and social evils, which were prolonged through centuries, both
in Germany and Italy. This election was offensive especially
to Henry the Proud, duke of Saxony and Bavaria, son-in-law
of Lothaire 11. If the diet which had elected Conrad had
been held by all the electors, and those only who should have
been present, Henry might have been elected. Conrad, dread-
ing Henry's power and resentment, summoned him to restore
one of the two duchies which he had received from the late
emperor. Refusal was followed by condemnation in a diet,
and Saxony was conferred on Albert the Boar, a descendant,
on the maternal side, from Henry IV. Henry the Proud was
of the ancient family of Guelf. He resisted the decree of the
diet. Civil war ensued. He died, and his son, Henry the
Lion, succeeded to his estates and his enmities.
In a battle which took place between the emperor and Hen-
ry, at Winsberg, in Swabia, (supposed to be one hundred and
fiifty miles south-east of Mentz,) arose the two party names of
Guelf and Ghibelin, familiarly known, in history, for centuries
afterwards. Like other party names, (as Whig and Tory in
English history,) they were applied long after their origin
was forgotten. Guelf was Henry's family name, and assumed
by those who were his partisans. Ghihlingen is a town in
Wurtemburgh, (in the northern part of Swabia,) which was
the birthplace of the Hohenstauffen family, of whom Conrad
23*
270 GERMANY.
III. was one. In the battle of Winsberg-, the war-cry of
Henry's men was GueJf, and that of the emperor's men was
Ghibclin. The former became the general name of the disaf-
fected and rebellious ; the latter, that of the supporters of the
imperial authority. These names were transferred to Italy,
and became common there in the factions, seditions, rebellions,
and civil wars, in which the emperors, the popes, and the
Italian republics, were parties.
In the result, Henry held Saxony, and Albert the Boar was
dispossessed. But, for Albert, Brandenburg (now part of
Prussia) was made a margravate, and raised to the dignity of
a state, and was destined to rise to the dignity of a kingdom,
under the name of Prussia. The eloquent St. Bernard was
able to persuade Conrad to assume the cross, and to go to Pal-
estine. Henry took advantage of his absence, and Conrad,
returning, found his empire in a state of rebellion. His death
soon after occurred. He left a son, but recommended that
Frederick, duke of Swabia, surnamed Barbarossa, (red beard,)
should be his successor.
CHAPTER XLIII.
THE GERMAN EMPERORS FROM 1152 TO 1308.
Frederick, Barbarossa, (1152—1190,) was nephew of
Conrad, and the second of the house of Hohenstauffen. His
reign was devoted, principally, to controversies with the popes,
and to attempts to subdue Italy. At home, he raised Lubeck,
(a city distinguished in the Hanse league, fourteen miles south-
west of the Baltic, and thirty miles north-east of Hamburgh,)
and also Ratisbon, (on the Danube, two hundred miles south-
east of Mentz,) to the dignity of imperial cities. This was
one more step towards the freedom which cities afterwards
attained. He renewed the enmity between the Guelfs and
Ghibelins, by taking from Henry the Lion one of his duchies.
The life of Frederick is to be shown in the events of Italy.
That which distinguishes him from most men of his time,
was his respect for learning and learned men, especially histo-
rians. He was forced into a crusade, and died in 1190, in
consequence (as some say) of bathing in the river Cydnus,
near the north-east corner of the Mediterranean, the same
GERMANY. 271
river which was so nearly fatal to Alexander. His death
was caused, (others say,) by bathing in the river Salef, in the
same country.
From 1190 to 1212 the affairs of Germany were exceed-
ingly perplexed. Several elections occurred, but no event that
need be mentioned, except that the Guelfs were despoiled of
their territories, saving only the territory of Brunswick, in the
north of Germany. The present royal family of England are
descended from these Guelfs (or Guelphs) of Brunswick.
One of the German emperors, in this space, from 1190 to
1212, was Henry VI., who married the princess Constance,
heiress of the Two Sicilies, (Sicily and Naples.) This mar-
riage led to consequences which affected the condition of Eu-
rope unfavorably, for some centuries. Henry VI. was son of
Frederick Barbarossa, and Henry's son, Frederick II., came
to the German throne in 1212, (being then king of Sicily,) at
the age of sixteen, and was crowned at Aix-la-Chapelle in
1215. Frederick II. lived in a remarkable period, and is
classed with Charlemagne and the great Alfred, He was
born at Jesi, in the marquisate of Ancona, about one hundred
and ten miles north by east from Rome, and near the north-
east coast of Italy. He is said to have been under the guar-
dianship of Pope Innocent III., and to have understood all the
languages spoken among his subjects, Greek, Latin, Italian,
German, French, and Arabic— extraordinary acquirements in
the beginning of the thirteenth century. The qualities of his
distinguished family are attributed to him : bravery, boldness,
generosity. He had great talents, and cultivated them highly.
His physical powers had not been neglected ; he had strength-
ened and rendered his person graceful by chivalrous exercises.
For all these acquired qualities, he has the additional merit of
having been little indebted to any one but himself
Frederick II. will be referred to in the view, hereafter to be
taken, of Italy. In this place it may be remarked, that his
Gierman subjects were a rude, lawless population, occupied
incessantly in hostilities among themselves, or against their
sovereign, when not attracted to foreign war. His subjects in
northern Italy, were impatient, rebellious, and never submis-
sive but in the presence of a superior force. His subjects in
the Two Sicilies were a mixture of Italians, Sicilians, Sara*
cens, Normans, and Greeks, and no less difficult to govern
than those of the north. Central Italy (the states of the
church) separated his dominions. The popes, at this time,
had acquired a superiority over the temporal power of princes,
272 GtRIViANV.
from the impulse given by Gregory VII. Frederick was in
conflict with the popes nearly all his life, and was twice ex-
communicated. In his time, the crusade against the Albigen-
ses and Waldenses occurred ; the inquisition was established,
and the orders of monks were greatly increased. In his time,
also, first appeared the most terrific tribunal ever seen on
earth, and known by the name of the Fem-courts. Fern is
said to mean to excommunicate, or curse. These courts are
supposed to have arisen from the total subversion of law and
order, and were secret combinations to overawe and intimi-
date. They did not attain to the plenitude of power till the
fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. The members were com-
puted at one hundred thousand, dispersed throughout Germa-
ny; but their principal seat of authority was in Westphalia,
where, only, admission was granted. The members were
solemnly sworn "to support the holy feme, (court,) and to
conceal its acts from wife and child, father and mother, sister
and brother, fire and wind, from all that the sun shines on, or
the rain moistens, and from all that is between heaven and
earth." They were known to each other by signs and watch-
words. They held open courts by day, and secret ones by
night, in deep forests, or subterranean halls. They assumed
jurisdiction over most crimes, especially sorcery and heresy.
The only accusation was the oath of one of the members ; but
the accuser was never known to the accused. If one or more
summonses, left secretly at his dwelling, did not cause the
accused to appear, he was condemned, and any of the mem-
bers might put him to death. If hung, it was on a tree; if
stabbed, the knife was left in the wound, to show, to the initia-
ted, by whom the deed was done. If one of the members
was known to have hinted to the accused to fly, that member
was put in the place of the accused. If one ventured to ap-
pear and vindicate himself, he was subjected to the most hor-
rible torture, and made to condemn himself This remarkable
institution was so secretly conducted, that the details of its
proceedings are little known. IVIany of its members were
ecclesiastics, but it does not appear to have been an invention
of the church. Nothing occurs in German history which so
clearly shows the character of society, as these Fem-courts.*
* In Sir Walter Scott's Ann of Guierstern, second volume, there is
an account (in the adventures of Philipson) of the course of proceeding
in the Fem-courts. The tragedy of the House of Aspen, by the same
author, is founded on the same tribunal.
GERMANY. 273
In the time of Frederick II. the crusades had produced no
inconsiderable effect on the character of European nations. The
nobles and people of different countries had been drawn to-
gether in a common cause. The spirit of chivalry had been
promoted. Several orders of knighthood had been established.
The benefits of national intercourse, and of commerce, were
discerned and valued.
To such a mind as that of Frederick, it was apparent, that
the social condition of the world could be greatly meliorated
by turning attention to the industrious arts, by intellectual cul-
tivation, and by the diffusion of learning. He founded a uni-
versity at Naples, and patronized, munificently, the medical
school at Salerno. [S. E. of Naples.] The fine arts, also, re-
ceived his patronage. In his own court, he promoted the study
of elegant literature. He was among the princes who led an
army to Palestine, though he was then under the sentence of
excommunication. He had the power, and if he had dared to
encounter the superstition of the age, he would have reduced
the papal authority to harmless limits. With all these various
vocations he compiled a judicious code of laws, intended to be
applied, however difficult the task, to the variety of people
whom he ruled. He had his full share of afflictions. His
son, instigated by the pope, rebelled, but was subdued and par-
doned. Having attempted, afterwards, to remove his father by
poison, he was condemned, with his wife and child, to perpet-
ual imprisonment, and formally deposed from the rank of king
of the Romans, by a diet at Mentz, in 1235. About this time,
Frederick made a third marriage with Isabella, the daughter
of king John, (Lackland) of England, niece of Richard Coeur
de Lion. He closed his eventful life in Italy, Dec. 1250. Fred-
erick will again come into view in notices of the church — of
the crusades — and of the events of Italy. It is to be added
here, only, that he was not of the age in which he lived, and
that the brilliant light which he shed around him, disappeared
with him, serving only to make the recurring darkness still
more dark. It is proper, however, to observe, that Dunham,
in his Germanic Empire, draws a very disadvantageous char-
acter of Frederick, herein at variance with some other writers.
He even says, that Frederick " was, in fact, the most mischiev-
ous monarch with whom the country had ever been cursed."
He founds himself on numerous ancient authorities. Happily
it is not our task to investigate the causes of this difference of
opinion. It is sufficient, for the present purpose, to sketch the
general outline of events.
274
HANSE TOWNS.
League of the Rhine; Hanseatic League. Before 1250
many cities had become populous and rich. They combined
to control feudal oppression, and to resist robberies and pira-
cies. The cities along the Rhine, with some in Switzerland,
maintained an armed force, at joint expense, on that river, be-
tween 1200 and 1300, and sometime afterwards. (Koch. 1.
158.) Similar causes combined nearly all the commercial cit-
ies along- the northern coast of Europe, from the Baltic to the
Netherlands, inclusive; and some cities in the interior of Ger-
many. They were called the Hanseatic league ; original
name Hansa, meaning league, or corporation. In 1241 Ham-
burgh and Lubec appear, conspicuously, in the league. In
1260 the number of towns was 85, maritime and interior. They
sent deputies to a triennial meeting at Lubec, where their rec-
ords were kept. They had a factory at London, at Bruges, at
Novogorod, at Bergen. About the year 1361, the league re-
ceived royal charters, and was favored by princes, who found
the naval and military power of the league useful, in controlling
the feudal lords, and in suppressing piracies. The acceptable
return made for this royal countenance, was contributions and
voluntary grants. The league rendered such essential ser-
vices, that some of its members obtained grants of perpetual
freedom, and became /ree cities. Hamburgh, Bremen, Lubec,
and Frankfort, are free cities, to the present day. The league
was so powerful in 1248, that it sent forth a fleet of 248 ships,
and 12,000 soldiers. It deposed a king of Sweden, and gave
the crown to another. (Amer. Encyc. under Hansa.) But,
as this league arose out of the social and political disorder of
Europe, it was destined to fall, as political power acquired con-
sistency and firmness. Sovereigns were able to subject Hanse
cities, especially of the interior, to their dominion. Commerce
became general, and the motives to form the league no longer
continued to operate. The last of the league was about 1650.
The four free cities, above mentioned, are the last remnants of
this powerful association. (Koch. I. p. 250.) The more com-
mon name of the league is. The Hayise Towns.
From 1250 to 1271, is usually called the great interregnum,
not because there was not an emperor, but because there were
several at the same time. Among them were Conrad IV.,
William, count of Holland, Richard, duke of Cornwall, (Eng-
land,) Alphonso X., of Castile, (Spain.) None of the events
of these twenty-one years are material to our purpose. It was
a time of incessant civil convulsion.
The election of Rodolph, of Hapsburgh, is a relief in the
GERMANY. 275
toilsome examination of German facts. If Frederick II. was far
before his own age in the discerning the means whereby soci-
ety would be meliorated, Rodolph was better adapted for sove-
reignty, in his age, than any man on whom it had been confer-
red. Two things are first to be considered, — the inferior sove-
reignties of Germany, at this time, and the changes which had
occurred in the electoral power. The latter, because it is a
striking instance of the tendency of power to strengthen itself.
Bohemia was now a kingdom, but was held as a feudal ter-
ritory, subject to the emperor. The king of Bohemia had ac-
quired a sovereignty over Austria, Styria, Carinthia, and Car-
niola. These territories are south of the Danube, east of Ba-
varia, the Tyrol, and north-eastern Italy; extending south to
the Adriatic sea. Bavaria, north of Switzerland, and west of
the countries just mentioned, was divided into two duchies.
Brandenburg, of which Berlin is now nearly in the central
part, was possessed by two sovereigns ; and Saxony, south of
Brandenburg, by three- — all of whom were descended from
Albert the Boar. Franconia, the centre of Germany, and the
northwest of Germany, were divided, in like manner, among
dukes, counts, and bishops. Burgundy, on the west side of the
Upper Rhine, and extending thence along the east side of the
Rhone to the Mediterranean, was still considered as part of the
German empire, as well as Switzerland.
Hallam remarks, (vol. 1. p. 357,) that the secular electors
should naturally have been the dukes of Saxony, Franconia,
Swabia, and Bavaria, representing the four nations; and the
three archbishops of Mentz, Treves, and Cologne, electors as
the head of the church ; that the duke of Saxony was the only
one of these dukes who appeared as an elector; that it "con-
tinues a problem," how the count Palatine, of the Rhine, the
king of Bohemia, and the Margrave of Brandenburg, had be-
come three of the seven electors.
Dunham, (Germanic Empire, vol. 2. p. 213,) solves this
problem, and shows how the original pretaxation, or nomina-
tion, was converted into the right of election ; and by what
course of events the king of Bohemia, the count Palatine, and
the Margrave of Brandenburg, became, together with the duke
of Saxony, and the three archbishops, the electoral college.
This explanation is too long and dry, to be inserted here; but
the inference is, that the individuals whose duty, and whose
utmost power, originally, was the nomination of suitable per-
sons, from among whom a candidate might be elected, had now
become the electors themselves; and were, in number, no
276 GERMANY.
more than seven. It is very obvious, that so small a number
might be easily managed, and they are known to have been
managed by Richard, duke of Cornwall, who was very rich,
and who purchased his election, at a great expense. This was
one of the causes of the confusion which arose in the long in-
terregnum. What security there may be against elective cor-
ruption, under a written constitution, is a " problem," which
the American people are now (1837) in the highway of solving.
Kodolph, of Hapsburgh, (1273 — 1291) was of the second
class of Nobles. He was lord of some small disconnected ter-
ritories, principally in Alsace, on the upper part, and western
side of the Rhine, and on the northern side of Switzerland.
He owed his election to an act of courtesy. The archbishop
of Mentz was going to Rome; in Strasbourgh (110 miles south
of Mentz, west side of the Rhine,) he met with Rodolph, and
asked of him an escort of safety through Switzerland. Ro-
dolph not only furnished the escort, but accompanied the arch-
bishop to Rome, and returned with him in safety. When
the election came on, in 1273, some years after this journey,
the archbishop remembered Rodolph ; and having first gained
over the two other archbishops, the three prelates gained over
three of the secular electors; and Rodolph was chosen — the
king of Bohemia dissented. It happened that three of the
secular electors were unmarried men. The persuasive argu-
ment used with them, was, that Rodolph had some unmarried
daughters, and that these electors might connect themselves
with the imperial family. Rodolph was surprised at this
turn in his fortunes, while he was besieging the city of Basle,
(where the Rhine turns from its westwardly course to the
north,) to avenge the murder of some of his relatives in that
place.
Rodolph was wise enough to let Italy alone. He did not
even go thither to have the imperial crown placed on his head
by the hand of the pope. His able and diligent services were
devoted to Germany. His first object was to make an amica-
ble arrangement with the pope. To effect this, he gave up some
claims which had been costly to his predecessors. He re-
nounced jurisdiction over Rome, and the Sicilies, and gained
an acceptable independence to the German church. Many
other subjects, long disputed, were involved in this compromise.
His next object was to reduce Ottacar, the king of Bohemia, who
would not acknowledge him as emperor. In the war which fol-
lowed, the king was vanquished ; but the war was renewed, and
the king was slain in battle. Rodolph secured peace in this quar-
GERMANY. 277
ter, by giving a daughter to Wincelas, the son and successer of
Ottacar, and accepting for his own son a sister of Wincelas.
Austria, Styria, and Carinthia, were acquired, and have ever
since been pari of the dominions of the house of Austria, of
which Rodolph was the founder.
The highest praise is due to him for his vigor in suppress-
ing rebellions, private war, and the banditti, which infested
Germany. He demolished seventy of the castles or strong
holds of the 7iohle robbers ; twenty-nine of these robbers in
Thuringia, (adjoining, north-westwardly, the present kingdom
of Saxony,) he caused to be executed. He greatly increased
the number of cities, and extended the privileges of others, and
essentially promoted their advancement towards the freedom
and independence afterwards acquired.
The only objection raised against Rodolph w^as his assidu-
ous care to aggrandize his own house; while, on the other
hand, "his probity became a proverb," and himself a "living
law." He died in 1291, at the age of 73, leaving and honor-
able fame as a monarch, and as a man. In the time in which
he lived, he may be considered a far greater benefactor to the
empire than Frederick the second; though the improvement
of the human mind, by the cultivation of learning, and the
patronage of learned men, was not a part of his policy. His-
torians, who favor the House of Austria, are unsparing of pan-
egyric on Rodolph. They ascribe to him the highest rank
for virtues and talents, both civil and military. This panegyric
can hardly be misplaced, since he preserved tranquillity among
such a people as occupied Germany, without being a military
tyrant. A chronicler, who^lived at the same time, says of him, —
" His very name spread terror among the turbulent nobles, and
joy among the people. As light springs from darkness, so
peace arose from desolation. The peasant returned to his
plough; the merchant, whom the fear of banditti had confined
to his home, now traversed the country with confidence."
The power of Rodolph's house was too strong not to excite
jealousy; and the electors would not choose the only surviving
son, Albert. Adolf, of Nassau, was elected, through the in-
trigues of his relative, the archbishop of Mentz. But Albert,
who had recourse to the pope, procured the deposition of Adolf,
and his own election, in 1298. Germany now relapsed into
the former turbulence and civil commotion, in which the popes
of Rome took a conspicuous part.
A spirit of independence had been gaining ground in Swit-
zerland, especially in the cantons pf Schweitz, Uri, and Unter-
24
278 GERMANY.
walden. Albert attempted to exercise a despotic power over
these, by agents whom he sent thither. Revolt ensued. Al-
bert's personal presence was necessary. A quarrel having
arisen between him and his nephew, John, the latter waylaid
the Emperor, with four associates, and put him to death, near
the castle of Hapsburgh, not far from the river Reuss, one of
the tributaries of the Rhine, between the falls of the Rhine
and the city of Basle. [1308.] The terrible vengeance of Leo-
pold, the emperor's son, and of Agnes, his daughter, had some
effect in strengthening the revolutionary spirit of Switzerland.
More than 1000 innocent men, women, and children perished
in horrible torments. Agnes is said to have walked in their
blood, and to have called it the most precious May dew. This
scene gave rise to a German tragedy, frequently exhibited on
the stage. It is said, however, that Albert little deserved to be
deplored, being himself rapacious, unjust, and tyrannical.
CHAPTER XLIV.
THE GERMAN EMPERORS FROM 1308 TO 1519.
fTHE reign of Henry VH. (1308—1313) deserves no further
notice, than to remark, that the papal intrigues arose, in his
time, to full vigor ; and that he renewed the attempts, so fatal
to some of his predecessors, to subdue the north of Italy.
These were the well-known causes of German wretchedness,
and never failed to throw the empire into convulsions. The
civil wars and violence which attended the reign of Louis V.,
from 1313 to 1347, are not worthy of notice. They were
repetitions of scenes already too familiar in the history of this
country. They are only the common struggles for power,
seen in every age, however modified as to circumstances and
means. In Germany, the means were hard blows, and every
variety of crime. In republics, the struggle is through the
ballot box, and the ascendancy which can there be gained by
honest or corrupt means, according to the character of the
people.
Charles IV., of Bohemia, (1347— 1378,) followed Louis V.,
sometimes called Ludowic. The most remarkable event of
his reign was a decree which he assumed to make, known as
the "golden bull," from the seal thereto appended. By this
GERMANY. 279
instrument, the number of electors was fixed at seven, to repre-
sent the seven candlesticks of the Apocalypse, and the seven
gifts of the Holy Ghost. It cannot be doubted that the Roman
church had some agency in this matter. The electors were to
be the three archbishops of Mentz, Treves, and Cologne; the
king of Bohemia, the count Palatine of the Rhine, the duke of
Saxony, and the Margrave of Brandenburg. There was no
innovation in this respect. The first of these prelates was
recognized as arch-chancellor of the empire; the second, as
the like officer of Italy ; the third, as the like officer of the
kingdom of Aries, which is the south-east part of modern
France, the ancient kingdom of Burgundy. Deputies were
named for such of the electors as might be absent. The forms
of proceeding, to effect an election, were established. Many
other provisions were made by the golden bull, to regulate the
rank of princes, and nobles, and for the internal administration
of the affairs of the kingdom. Time has disposed of all these;
and though the diligence of an antiquary may connect some of
the established regulations of the present day with these an-
cient provisions, the result would not compensate the labor.
One effect of this new arrangement was the purchase of the
electoral votes for Wincelas, the son of Charles, at the price
of one hundred thousand florins to each elector. His attempts
to raise this great sum, alarmed the Swabians, who formed
the " Swabian league " for the defence of their liberties. The
character of Charles is drawn in dark colors by historians.
Some redeeming acts are mentioned — as the founding of the
university of Prague.* Also, that he promoted industry and
commerce in Bohemia ; but as to Germany, he made little use
of that, but to pillage it, and little use of the imperial dignity
but to advance the interests of himself and family.
Wincelas, son of Charles, (1378 — 1400,) is represented to
have been not only one of the lowest grade of monarchs, but
one of the most debased and wicked of mortals. His crimes
induced the citizens of Prague to seize him, and throw him
into prison, among the worst of malefactors. He escaped,
was retaken, and consigned to prison again. He was at length
released, and made some feeble attempts to control the insur-
rections and rebellions which had arisen all over the empire.
In 1400, he was deposed by a diet. In his time, four of the
German circles, ever since known as geographical divisions,
* This city of Bohemia, (eighty miles south-east of Dresden, on the
Moldau river, a tributary of the Elbe,) was his place of residence.
S80 GERMANY.
were established. In his time, also, the religious sects called
the Hussites, (elsewhere to be mentioned,) had made them-
selves known at Prague.
Thus it appears that at the end of the four first of the five
centuries now under review, Germany had made but incon-
siderable advances in civilization and refinement: though in
some of the commercial cities of Germany, there will be found
some exception to this general truthJi
Robert (1400 — 1410) was count palatine, and, as such, one
of the electors. His administration embraced affairs in Italy,
as well as in Germany. Wincelas had raised one of the
family of Visconti to be duke of Milan ; and in return for this
favor, Visconti assumed to be independent of the empire.
Robert went to reduce him to obedience, but was entirely
defeated. In another place, his troubles with the pope, and
with the factions of the Guelfs and the Ghibelines, (which
now entered into the affairs of Italy in all their relations,) will
be noticed. In Germany, Robert was opposed by c )mbina-
tions of power too formidable to be controlled by him. He
would probably have been deposed, if death had not made
that measure unnecessary.
Sigismund, brother of Wincelas, was the next emperor, from
1410 to 1437. Some remarkable events occurred during this
reign. A schism in the Roman church had caused three
popes to be elected, who claimed the throne at the same time.
To settle this controversy, "the council of Constance" was
held (1414 to 1418) at the city of Constance, on the southern
boundary of Swabia, (about two hundred miles south-east by
south from Mentz,) and on the south-west side of Inl^e Con-
Stance. The name of the emperor Sigismund is connected
with this council, as he supported one of the popes ; and also
because he gave a letter of safe conduct to John Huss, and
Jerome of Prague, who were summoned to appear at this
council, to answer the charge of heresy. The emperor, one
of the popes, John XXII. , twenty-six princes, one hundred and
forty counts, twenty cardinals, seven patriarchs, twenty arch-
bishops, ninety-one bishops, and four thousand and six hundred
other clerical dignitaries and doctors, were present in this
council. Huss was convicted, and then bereft of all the in-
signia of clerical life, and delivered over to the emperor, to be
dealt with as an arch heretic. The emperor caused him to be
sent to the provost of Constance to be burnt, which was duly
executed on the 6th of July, 1415. Jerome of Prague was
disposed of, in like manner, on the 30th of May following,
GERMANY. !281
The Swiss cantons asserted their independeilfee in Sigis-
mund's reign, and nobly persevered in maintaining it. In hiS
reign, also, arose the desolating civil war in Bohemia, conduct-
ed on the part of the Hussites, by the famous Zisca. His
motives were vengeance, hatred of the Catholics, and the love
of plunder. In 1421, Zisca took the castle of Prague, and
possessed himself of the first four cannon which had been seen
in Bohemia. While young, he lost one eye by accident, and
about this time, an arrow deprived him of the other. He still
continued at the head of his army, causing himself to be carried
on a car. When a battle was to be fought, the ground was
described to him, and he made a disposition of his forces
accordingly. He won thirteen pitched battles, and was victo-
rious in one hundred fights. He was buried in the church of
Czalau, forty miles south-east of Prague, and his favorite in-
strument, an iron battle-axe, was hung up over his tomb.
Ferdinand I., one hundred and thirty years afterwards, hap-
pened to visit this church, and being told that Zisca was buried
there, he immediately left the church, and departed from the
town.
The ravages of Zisca in the German dominions, disclosed
the incompetency of the feudal requisitions to constitute a
military force. Hence arose the first direct taxation, in the
empire, to pay an army. The collections made for this purpose
were sent to the general treasury at Nuremburg, a city in
Bavaria, one hundred and sixty miles south-east of Mentz.
In Sigismund's time there were many conflicts among the
nobles, and some territorial changes; but these are not of im-
portance enough to be noticed. This emperor appears to
have done nothing to advance the real interests of his domin-
ions. Many bad qualities are imputed to him, and not a single
good one, excepting that he was inclined to promote learning.
Germany was much in the rear of Italy and France, at this
time, in the path of improvement. If we except the increasing
power and wealth of the commercial cities, in which the gov-
ernment had no agency, Germany was little less improved and
enlightened in the fifteenth century, than it was three centuries
earlier. One fact, however, deserves to be noticed, though
more properly belonging to another place; the number of the
freed from slavery had greatly increased, and the inferior
population were gradually acquiring more importance in the
scale of society,
Albert 11,(1437—1 439.) The emperor Sigismund was king
of Bohemia, and of Hungary, at his death. He was succeed-
24*
282 GERMANY.
ed, on this joint throne, by his son-in-law, Albert, duke of
Austria; who was elected emperor, or, as the title w'as, king of
the Romans. The short reign of this prince was devoted to
the contentions in Bohemia between the Catholics and the
Hussites, and in attempting to resist the Turks, who had
penetrated into Hungary. While engaged in this latter enter-
prise, he, in common wdth his army, was assailed by disease,
which terminated his life.
Frederick IV., (duke of Styria, one of the Austrian states,)
1439 — 1493. This long reign was perplexed with incessant
civil wars in Bohemia, and in controversies with the Roman
pontiffs. He had the mortification of being compelled to ac-
knowledge Podiebrand, a Polish prince, as king of Bohemia.
He was repeatedly engaged in war with his brother Albert,
concerning his Austrian possessions. The city of Vienna ap-
pears to have arisen to some distinction, at this time. Through-
out these controversies and w^ars, the emperor was unable to
obtain any assistance from his German dominions ; a fact
which discloses the emptiness of his imperial honors. Mean-
while these dominions were involved in civil w^ars, and in
controversies with the church. Into the details of these scenes
we shall not enter, as they led to no consequences which
interest the present age. One measure of this feeble, but
selfish and avaricious prince, did lead to consequences which
shaped the destinies of Europe for the three following cen-
turies.
In former pages, the fate of Charles the Rash, of Burgundy,
has been mentioned. His daughter Mary, heiress of his
domains in the Netherlands, and on the west side of the Rhine,
was obtained by Frederick, for his son Maximilian. This
marriage, followed by that of Maximilian's son Philip with
Joanna, heiress of Spain, is one of the most unfortunate events
that ever befel Europe. How the people of Europe might
have been employed, if these marriages had not taken place,
is not for mortals to know. But it is inconceivable that more
slaughter, tyranny, and wretchedness, could have arisen from
any possible causes. How irreconcileable it is with any sense
of natural right and justice, that the marriages, births, and
hereditary pretensions of some half a dozen individuals,(some of
these very ordinary persons, and one of them insane,) should
have involved all Europe in the deepest calamities, through
successive generations !
Insignificant as Frederick is represented to have been, some
effective arrangements were projected by him, for establishing
GERMANY. 283
a military force in the empire, though he derived no benefit
from them. At this time there appear to have been three col-
leges, that of the electors, that of the princes, and that of the
deputies from the free cities, whose concurrence was necessary
in raising troops, and in providing for their payment. This
is said to have been the first measure towards a regular stand-
ing army in Germany.
To Frederick, also, is due the commendation of having
attempted to end the calamities of private war, by the estab-
lishment of an imperial judicial tribunal, to take cognizance of
the complaints which usually caused these calamities. But
such was the deplorable state of German society, that all these
efforts of reform proved to be new sources of contention.
This project having failed, the Sicahian league was formed,
at the emperor's suggestion, which comprised cities, prelates,
counts, and knights ; and which, afterwards, attracted to itself
two of the seven electors, some princes, and other cities. The
purpose was to m.aintain an armed power, competent to enforce
tranquillity. This combination was effective. Two dukes
were subjected to its authority, and many castles, belonging to
banditti, were demolished.
But the great object of Frederick's life was to strengthen
and aggrandize the house of Austria ; to which end he estab-
lished the grand duchy of Austria, and conferred on its dukes
the power of creating nobles, imposing taxes, and exercising
sovereign rights independent of assent or dissent, of the diets
of the empire. This was one of the measures which raised
that house to its present imperial grandeur, of which, (as
before noticed,) Rodolph of Hapsburgh is regarded as the
founder.
The reign of Maximilian I. (1493 — 1519) is an important
era in German history. The civil law had been diligently
studied, and the knowledge of it was professed by several who
were called doctors in that law. The use of gunpowder and
of cannon was known throughout Europe. The worth of
learning began to be perceived, though much less in Germany
than in France and Italy. The corruption, abuses, and ty-
ranny of the ecclesiastics, were a subject of very general com-
plaint in the church, as well as out of it. The evils of private
war, and its utter incompetency to redress wrongs, whether
real or supposed, were discerned. The feebleness of the phys-
ical force of the empire, in comparison with its population and
its means, was obvious. The insubordination, the robberies,
and the general insecurity of person and property, demanded
S84 GERMANY.
reform. The necessity of competent tribunals, for the admin-
istration of justice, had become apparent, A better prospect
dawned upon Germany; but there were jealousies, rivalries,
and embarrassments, which opposed insurmountable obstacles
to desired reform. Fortunately, Maximilian was an able and
resolute sovereign, and disposed to promote all reform which
did not impair his own power. To harmonize the imperial
authority with that which the principalities, duchies, and sub-
ordinate states of the empire were disposed to retain, and to
submit all these various interests to rules, common to all, was
an exceedingly difficult case. Had there been the most sin-
cere disposition to compromise, as to all difficulties, the science
of government was little understood, and the means of accom-
plishing any reasonable purposes could not be discerned. It
may, therefore, be considered fortunate, that so much was
accomplished, rather than matter of reproach to the Germans,
that more and better was not done. The changes in Maxi-
milian's time will be briefly stated, having no space for the
detail of events by which they were effected.
1. The j)trpetual Peace. — This measure was adopted in the
year 1495. Its object was to provide remedies for wrongs
which had been causes of war among the numerous members
of the empire. It contains divers provisions, declaratory of
the future rights of these members, relative to persons and
property. One of these provisions shows the manners of the
times in securing the right of passing, unmolested, from one
state to another.
2. The Imperial Chamber. — This was a high judicial tri-
bunal, designed to hear and to judge between the members of
the empire — not unlike the old confederation of the United
States, since it had no power to cause its judgments to be car-
ried into effect.
3. The Aulic Council, (from the Latin aula, court,) estab-
lished by the emperor, under the apprehension that the impe-
rial chamber might take from him the jurisdiction incident to
the crown. The civil law and the canon law were the
acknowledged authorities in this tribunal. The former, not
by adoption, but as the law of the land, the German empire
assuming to be a continuation of the Roman empire. This
council, and the imperial chamber, soon acquired concurrent
jurisdiction.
4. Circles of Germany. — These were established (as seen
on maps) for the purpose of providing a power competent to
carry the decisions of these courts into effect. They were
SWITZERLAND. 285
suggested in the time of Sigismund. In Maximilian's time,
they were established ; in number, ten. The last included the
Burgundian dominions, afterwards severed from the empire.
5. Military Force. — This emperor first organized the stand-
ing army, divided it into companies and regiments, and direct-
ed its armament and discipline.
Besides these measures, he was the author of many others ;
and, among them, the suppression of the Fem-courts, before
mentioned, and the establishment of posts for the transmission
of letters. He patronized learning and learned men, and was
himself a poet and an author.
In his foreign relations, Maximilian had numerous occupa-
tions. In the east, he had to repel the Turks from his heredi-
tary dominions. In the south, he contended with Charles
VIII. of France, in his attempts to possess and hold Naples.
Switzerland was successful in emancipating itself from the
empire. He had war with France on the subject of his Bur-
gundian territories. From insurrections and rebellions within
the empire, he was free ; and he is the first of the German
emperors who escaped this trouble.
CHAPTER XLV.
SWITZERLAND.
Origin of the League of the Swiss Cantons.
When the Romans penetrated into the Alpine regions, in
the century before the Christian era, they found there a bold
and hardy race, doubtless of Celtic origin. They were divid-
ed into nobles, druids, and peasants. The authority relied on,
as to the early state of this people, is the Commentaries of
Caesar. The seat of his warfare was on the north-western
side of Switzerland, between the Alps and the range of moun-
tains called the Jura and the Rhine, and westwardly from the
lake of Geneva along the Rhone. In the language of the
Romans, the country was Helvetia, and its inhabitants had
the comprehensive name of Helveiii, but divided into tribes,
having distinct appellations. Helvetia included the whole
Alpine territory from the Rhine to Cisalpine Gaul, which is
now northern Italy. In the time of Roman dominion, Hel-
vetia partook of Roman civilization, and some towns, and even
286 SWITZERLAND.
cities arose. When the barbarians appeared, at the close of
the fifth century, a part of them, the Burgundians, and, per-
haps, another part, called the Alemanni, intermixed with the
Helvetii. The Burgundian kingdom was established between
the Alps and mount Jura, and westwardly of Geneva, on both
sides of the Rhone. The latter range extends north-east from
the west end of the lake of Geneva towards the great bend of
the Rhine, and then continues its course parallel to that river,
on its west side, and distant from it thirty or forty miles.
Before the year 1000, Switzerland had the common destiny
of France and Germany, in being subjected to feudal lords.
Castles were erected, and power exercised over vassals, as in
neighboring countries. The history of Switzerland presents
neither new nor interesting facts, until its brave inhabitants
began to resist the tyranny of their feudal sovereigns, and to
make themselves known as warriors, to Germany, France,
and Italy. At this point their history becomes, and continues
to be, highly interesting and instructive. They displayed an
ardent devotion to liberty which does honor to human nature,
and a bravery not surpassed in Roman or Grecian annals.
They show what union and patriotism may do against a foe,
strong in the proportion of ten to one. But they also show
how miserable a people may become by disunion and internal
contention.
Switzerland is about two hundred miles long, from west to
east, and about one hundred and forty broad, from north to
south. From the east end of the lake of Geneva, in a course
directly south, is the shore of the Mediterranean, distant about
two hundred miles. The Alps, in irregular masses, occupy
nearly the whole of this space, making a partition between
France and Italy, and between Savoy on the west, and Italy
and Switzerland on the east. South from the east end of the
Geneva lake, about twenty-five miles, is Mont Blanc, and
south-east from the city of Geneva. In the same group, and
eastward ly from it, is Saint Bernard. South from Mont
Blanc, at the distance of sixty miles, is Mont Ceni, six thou-
sand feet high, over which Napoleon constructed a carriage-
road, connecting Savoy and Italy. From Mont Blanc, in a
course nearly north-east, runs the grand range of mountains
which may be called the northern wall of Italy. In this
range are found the towering summits of the Simplon, St.
Gothard, and the Splungen, which look down on Italy. One
of Napoleon's memorials of himself is the admirable carriage-
road over the Simplon. The elevation of these summits is
SWITZERLAND. 287
from 12 to 14,000 feet. Nearly parallel to this range, on the
north-west, and at the distance of about 35 miles, is another
range, many parts of which attain to a similar height ; and be-
tween the two is the " Vallai," through which the Rhone, flow-
ing first south-west, and then north-west, finds its u^ay to the
east end of Geneva lake.
From the sides of these great mountain ranges there are ir-
regular branches, which form, in their deep hollows, the beds
of numerous lakes ; and these, with tributary streams, are the
sources of some of the grandest rivers of Europe. Here are
fountains of the Danube — the Reuss — the Aar — the Rhine,
and the Rhone. On the northern side of the great northern
range, the branches decline, (leaving some grand peaks in
their Avay,) till they disappear; and then, towards the north-
west, are the plains, or lowlands of Switzerland. The Rhine,
having entered lake Constance, in the north-east corner of
this country, flows westwardly, thence to Basle, and forms the
northern boundary. Here this noble river takes a northern
course, leaving mount Jura on the west, and, separating France
and Germany, flows to the Netherlands, and the German
ocean. In this extraordinary portion of the earth there may
be found the luxuriant vegetation of tropical summer in the
deep valley, while, in looking upward, all the varieties of the
annual seasons may be discerned, finishing, on the sublime ele-
vation, with winter more enduring than that of the arctic
circle.
The people of Switzerland are hardly less remarkable than
the singular country they inhabit. Here are found the simplici-
ty of pastoral life — the patient industry of the agriculturalist
— the ingenuity of the mechanic — the hereditary bravery of
the warrior — the cultivation of the mind in science and litera-
ture ; and, above all, a cherished love of liberty. The extrava-
gance of luxury, know^n in some cities of France and Germa-
ny, finds no attraction in these mountains and vallies. The
awful presence of nature, unchanged and unchangeable, like
the eternal ocean, seems to indispose the mind to the frivolities
which are common in artificial scenes.
The relative situation of places to be mentioned in these
sketches, may be understood from assuming a central point,
and computing from thence. The city of Lucer?ie is nearly in
the centre of Switzerland, at the northwest end of the lake of
the same name. Its latitude is 46° 45' north; its long. 8° 6'
east. All distances will be computed from this city with as
much accuracy as will serve for a general view.
288
SWITZERLAND.
At the beginning of the eleventh century, the emperors of
Germany had become the sovereigns of the feudal lords, M^ho
were the territorial sovereigns of Switzerland. The dukes of
Swabia, and Carinthia (now part of the Austrian dominions,)
were the principal ones of these feudal lords. Certain officers
were sent into this country as local governors, and collectors of
revenues, and to preserve tranquillity. Their German official
name may be translated into patron, or warden, or bailiff. We
pass over the wars which these territorial lords carried on
among themselves, in which the people of the country could
only change masters, and which were sure to be afflictive to
them, whichever party was successful. Berchtold V., one of
the dukes of Carinthia, of the family name of Zoringen, es-
tablished the city of Berne, in 1 191, on the river Aar, 40 miles
w^est of Lucern. This duke is mentioned as deserving the
highest commendation in the exercise of his power. On his
death, and the extinction of his family thereby, Switzerland
fell under the dominion of the house of Hapsburg, of whom
Rodolph was the first who wore the crown of Germany. Be-
fore his election, he was actively engaged in the government
of this country, which had its usual portion of wars and ca-
lamities, arising from the hostility of the nobles. When Ro-
dolph was elected emperor, he granted or confirmed the privi-
leges of several towns. He raised here one abbot, and one
bishop, to the dignity of princes of the empire, and received a
military force from Switzerland, as part of his body guard.
But, like other men who are elevated to poAver, Rodolph
forgot his obligations and duties to the Swiss, in the desire of
aggrandizing the members of his own family. He had made
of one son a duke of Swabia, and of another son, (Albert,) a
duke of Austria ; and intended to make a third son duke of
Helvetia. But this son (Hartman) was drowned in the Rhine
before his father could accomplish this object. (1285.)
When this Albert was elected Emperor, in 1298, he exercis-
ed his power, most oppressively, to the people of Switzerland.
The history of this country begins to show the character of its
people in the reign of Albert. He was not only emperor and
duke of Austria, but, as one of the family of Hapsburg, he
claimed sovereignty over Switzerland. He was "feared by all
his subjects, hated by many, loved by none." He doubled the
taxes ; and the nobles, who stood between him and the peasan-
try, to supply their wants, imposed every variety of exaction.
The peasantry were still considered as serfs, or slaves, and, on
the decease of the father of a family, his best head of cattle,
SWITZERLAND. 289
and his best clothes, or arms, became the property of his im-
mediate lord, according to feudal custom. Some of the cities
were unable to purchase freedom by ouirig-ht payments, or an-
nual sums. Besides these taxes and charges, the church had
its claims. These burthens might have been endured, as those
who bore them were thereto accustomed. But they were en-
forced with the most irritating oppression.
Albert, having renewed the attempt to establish a dukedom
in Switzerland, and having sent two bailiffs to tyrannise over
Uri, Schwitz, and Underwalden, the spirit of the people was
brought into action. These three cantons took the lead in the
serious measures which ensued. The canton of Underwalden
lies directly south of the lake Lucerne; that of Schwitz direct-
ly east of this lake; and that of Uri south of Schwitz, extend-
ing to, and including mount St. Gothard, and the celebrated
place the devil's bridge, near this mountain. These three are
usually called, in the histories of these times, the forest can-
tons. They were, at this time, (1300,) under the protection of
the empire of Germany. Albert proposed to thcxm to exchange
this subjection, for that of the duke of Austria; in other words,
to bring them directly in subjection to himself. They declined
this proposal. Soon after, two bailiffs, of Albert's appointment,
Gessler and Beranger, (apparently selected as suitable instru-
ments to manifest Albert's displeasure,) appeared in the forest
cantons. Excessive impositions and the most insufferable in-
solence followed. Gessler built a fortress at the foot of St. Go-
thard to which he gave the name of Uri^ s restraint. For some
alleged offence of the son of Henry, of Halden, Beranger im-
posed on him a fine of a yoke of oxen. The son, in resent-
ment, wounded one of the bailiff's servants, and fled. Beran-
ger demanded of the father the surrender of the son. The
father had not the power to comply. Not only were the oxen
seized, and a fine imposed, but the unoffending father was de-
prived of his eyes.
At Altorf, situated at the end of the lake, 20 miles south-east
of Lucerne, Gessler set up a hat on a pole, and demanded that
every one who passed, should bow before it, in proof of his
submission to Austria's duke. These, and many similar out-
rages, led Warner Stauffacher, (whose offence was that he had
built a good house for himself, without the bailiff's permission,)
Arnold, the son of the blind Henry, and Walter Faust, (anoth-
er of the aggreived,) to commune on suitable measures to free
their country from these tyrants. They met (as often as cir-
circu instances required) at Rutli, in a solitary meadow, over-
25
290 SWITZERLAND.
bung by a mountain, on the west side of the lake, 15 miles
S. E. of Lucerne. On the 1 1th Nov. 1307, each of the three
confederates brought to the midnight meeting ten others, who
solemnly united themselves to avenge their wrongs, and free
their country. About this time occurred the well-known events
between Gessler and William Tell, who was one of the thirty-
three confederates. There is a note in Koch's work on the
revolutions of Europe, in which an anonymous work, attribut-
ed to one Frudenberger, is mentioned, which treats of the story
of William Tell as a fable. This suggestion produced two
works of defence. John Von MuUer, (born at Schaff hausen,
on the Rhine,) the celebrated historian of Switzerland, is a suf-
ficent authority for the existence and agency of William Tell.
Traditions, and the ancient chapel on the border of the lake,
bearing his name, are persuasive evidence of the reality of the
scenes for which he is celebrated. The place at which Tell
cleft the apple on his son's head, with his arrow, and fearlessly
declared that his second arrow was intended for Gessler's heart,
if the first went not as Tell desired it should go, was Altorf
The declaration exasperated Gessler, and he ordered Tell to
be taken across the lake, and from the presence of his friends,
that vengeance might be more deliberate and certain. Gessler
went in the same boat. The chapel is erected on the spot where
Tell landed in the tempest, and where he slew Gessler, who
intended a similar fate for him. The story is recorded in a
painting in the market-place at Altorf. [Naylor's history of
Helvetic republics; vol. 1. p. 211, and seq.]
On the eve of the new year, 1308, one of the confederates
was drawn up with a rope, by a female who served in Gessler's
castle, at Rotsberg, and thus the doors of the castle could be
opened from the interior. On the following day they possess-
ed themseh^es of this castle, which they demolished, and also
several other castles; and among the rest, that of " The Re-
straint of Uri." Soon after, the three forest cantons solemnly
united themselves in a league, by adopting the oath originally
formed at the meadow of Rutli. Thus the confederation of
the Swiss cantons for the maintenance of liberty, was com-
menced.
On the first of May, 1308, the emperor Albert was slain, as
has been before related. The terrible vengeance taken for this
deed had the effect to combine the confederates still more
strongly in their purposes. On the other hand, Frederick and
Leopold, sons of Albert, undertook to subdue Switzerland. On
the 15th Nov. 1315, an army of 15 to 20 thousand appeared
SWITZERLAND. 291
at Zug, 15 miles N. E. of Lucerne. Two other bodies, of 4000
and 1000, were to unite at Stanz, 8 miles south of Lucerne.
The main army is described as containing the most accom-
plished warriors of the day, armed to the fullest effect ; and
having with them wagons loaded with cords, to hang the in-
habitants. The Swiss forces are stated at 2050. This great
army had to pass along the border of the lake of Egeri, about
15 miles nearly N. E of Lucerne, whereon the town of Mor-
garten is situated. A high mountain approaches the lake, per-
mitting only a narrow artificial road. The Swiss had posted
themselves on this mountain, and when the whole army had
come within the narrow pass, they commenced their attack
with missiles from above; and afterwards, in close conflict be-
low, and before nine o'clock in the morning, the whole of this
brilliant Austrian force was put to death, or ignoble flight.
Duke Leopold was saved with the utmost difficulty. This bat-
tle of Morgarten was the first grand triumph of the forest can-
tons ; a triumph well adapted to produce a vengeful reaction
on the part of Austria. The contemplation of the future sug-
gested measures to meet whatever might arise.
On the 13th Dec. 1315, the representative envoys of the
three forest cantons (Uri, Schwitz, and Underwalden) met at
Brunen, 15 miles S. E. of Lucerne, and there formed a league
for self defence against all enemies ; the most simple, the most
effective, and the most enduring of any confederation known in
history. The enemies with whom the confederates had to con-
tend, proved to be the German emperors, and the house of Aus-
tria. It must unfortunately be added, that the confederates did
not escape contentions among themselves, and that their sw^ords
were sometimes turned against each other. The emperor
claimed of the inhabitants the performance of duties as vassals
of the empire, and, when the emperor was of the Austrian
house, the duties of subjects. When the emperor was of any
other than the Austrian family, he had, in general, a war on
hand wdth that family. From these causes, and from the op-
pressive exactions of the nobles who dwelt within the limits of
Switzerland, the inhabitants were kept in a severe discipline to
acquire the means of combining their powers for self-defence,
and to exert them, when combined, against all assailants. In
this school "the Swiss " became the bravest and most effective
of all the soldiery of Europe,
We must pass over many occurrences in the Alpine country,
intending to limit attention to the forming of the confederation,
and the final emancipation of Switzerland from Germany and
292 SWITZERLAND.
from Austria. It is to be supposed that in two centuries, nu-
merous events, civil and military, occurred, and that many in-
dividuals highly distinguished themselves as patriots and war-
riors. Such only, of these events, as illustrate "the Sw.ris"
for other ages, as well as their own, can be noticed.
CHAPTER XLVl.
T%e Wars bekveen the Sioiss Cantons and the German Emperors; and bc-
tiveen the Swiss, and the Dukes of Austria, from 1316 to 1450,
The three original members of the confederation, the forest
cantons, maintained a sincere detestation of the house of Aus-
tria, and showed this by adherence to those emperors, who
were not of that house. Accordingly, Louis V., in 1316, an-
nihilated all the rights of Austria in Switzerland, by an impe-
rial decree ; a measure very sure to cause new troubles when
an Austrian prince should come to the throne. In 1332 the
canton of Lucerne, freed from Austria, joined the confedera-
tion as the fourth member. The fifth member was Zurich,
whose condition, and membership, require some notice. The
city of Zurich, is situated at the north end of a lake of the
same name, in a north-eastwardly course from Lucerne, and dis-
tant from it about 30 miles. Nearly the same distance from
Zurich, in the same course, brings one to the ancient town of
Schaffhausen, on the Rhine. Zurich was a town of ancient
Helvetia, and had been a town or city more than thirteen cen-
turies, when it was received into the confederation in 1332. It
had mantained its independence, and was one of the free towns
in Europe, which united for mutual security and commerce, in
the thirteenth century. At this time, 1332, the city is supposed
to have contained 12,000 inhabitants, consisting of some no-
bles and knights, but mostly free citizens. Its interior govern-
ment was conducted by popular election, and was, consequent-
ly, subjected to great excitements and violent changes. A van-
quished party would seek alliance and aid from abroad, and
w^as sure to find them in the house of Austria; or among dis-
contented and rival neighbors.
• One of the popular revolutions had occurred at Zurich in
the year 1335. Several nobles, and eminent citizens, were
thrust out of power, and obliged to find safety in flight. These
exiles entered into treaties with such as were unfavorably dis-
SWITZERLAND. 293
posed towards Zurich. Among these were the inhabitants of
the town o f Rappersweil, situate on the lake S. E. of Zurich
18 miles, N. E. of Lucerne 30 miles. The citizens of Zurich
attacked and burnt this town (of R.) which was among those
in which Austria was interested, and next, Albert (duke of
Austria) appears, as the enemy of Zurich, with a force of
16,000 men. The duke also called the people of Giarus to
his standard, as vassals. The canton of Giarus adjoins, and
lies S. E. of the canton of Schwitz. As the vassals of Giarus
canton did not obey the duke, he sent an army thither, intend-
ing to subdue them, and overawe Schwitz and Uri. The vic-
tories of the people of Giarus over the Austrians, secured to
them an honorable admission to the league as the sixth mem-
ber, in 1350. In 1353, the canton of Zu.g, (north-east of Lu-
cerne, and north of Schwitz,) joined the league, making the
seventh member.
Duke Albert persevered in his attempts to reduce Zurich,
which was now defended within its own walls, against his be-
sieging army. A siege, in these days, was less a question of
power and skill, than one of patience and food. Albert's im-
patience, and want of food, induced him to make terms of
peace. Among his forces were a body of men from the city
of Berne, which is 40 miles west of Lucerne, and about 60
miles S. W. of Zurich: when Albert's troops retired, the men
of Berne remained. Their purpose was to join the league,
and Berne became the eighth member in 1353. Thus, in about
38 years, the poor, humble peasants of the " forest cantons,"
Schwitz, Uri, and Underwalden, had formed a league for the
most honorable and praiseworthy purposes, and had attracted
into the same alliance the cities of Lucerne, Zurich, and
Berne, and the cantons of Giarus and Zug — making eight
members.
The confederation had already obtained the name of Swiss,
not that its members so named it, but because it was so spoken
of, out of Switzerland, from the prominent part ever taken by
the people of the canton of Schwitz, in all its affairs, civil and
military. Hitherto the confederation was nothing but a solemn
oath to maintain themselves and each other, in freedom and in-
dependence. Nothing more was needed. Each city and can-
ton regulated its own concerns ; and each one sent all the force
it could, to any point where forces were wanted. It is a curi-
ous fact, that hitherto, in Swiss military achievements, nothing
is heard of Swiss generals. Either there were none, or every
warrior was one. Instances of great and glorious acts occur,
25*
294 SWITZERLAND.
but usually among the mere soldiery, men whose veins had no
tinge of noble blood but their own ; their limbs no chivalrous
discipline but in the best mode of routing an army.
The Swiss league was considered as undutiful both to the
empire and to Austria, and attempts were made to break it up.
From this time (1350, when the league comprised eight mem-
bers) to the end of the fifteenth century, the history of Swit-
zerland may be ranged under these three subjects : 1. The
attempts of the empire to subdue or control. 2. The attempts
of Austria to the like ends. 3. The contentions and wars
among the members of the league in general, occasioned by
some intrigue of one or of both of these powers, (the empire
and Austria.)
In 1353, duke Albert, of Austria, complained to the emperor
Charles IV. of the Swiss league, and requested his aid to
break it up. Charles appeared before Zurich with forty
thousand men and four thousand knights. Zurich had within
its walls only four thousand soldiers. They intimated to
Charles, by displaying, on high, a golden ground wath a black
eagle thereon, (the imperial arms,) that the quarrel with Aus-
tria did not affect their allegiance to the empire. In twenty
days the emperor broke up his army and retired. Rudolph
Brun appears to have been the most conspicuous citizen of
Zurich in these days.
In 1358, an attack on Berne and its entire overthrow, were
intended by the nobles who had become hostile to the inhabit-
ants. These nobles had the support and aid of others, who
dw^elt towards the Rhine. The duke of Austria, and even the
emperor, sanctioned this intention. A combined force of fif-
teen thousand men on foot, three thousand of horse, twelve
hundred knights in complete armor, seven hundred barons
" with crowned helmets," appeared to conquer or destroy.
The first object of attack was the small town of Laupen, ten
miles south-west of Berne. The number of the confederates
\vho met this formidable body at Laupen, could not have been
one fourth of their number. Nine hundred only are stated to
have come from the forest cantons. The invading host (June
20, 1359) were completely defeated and slain, or put to flight.
Twenty-seven banners of im>perial cities and of high nobles
graced this victory. Rudolph, of Erlach, appears to have
been the untitled hero of the day, on the side of the Swiss.
A peace of about thirty j^ears' duration followed the battle
of Laupen. The cities of the confederacy, and the respective
cantons, were left to themselves. The prosperity or depression
SWITZERLAND. 295
which attended them, depended on the character of the popu-
lation and the form of government. Zurich was industrious
and prosperous ; Berne grasping and ambitious ; Lucerne dis-
turbed by internal factions. These thirty years were years of
peace as to Austria and the empire ; but the confederates were
called to arms on two occasions, once to repress a formidable
association of armed men, who had no employment but rob-
bery, the other to resist de Coucij. This person is called duke
of Soissons and Bedford, and husband of Isabella, daughter of
Edward III. of England. Catharina, mother of de Coucy,
was daughter of that Austrian duke Leopold who was defeat-
ed at Morgarten. Austria was to have given a dowry to
Catharina in the Swiss territories, then claimed by Austria in
sovereignty. As the Swiss had taken these territories, and
Austria could not dispose of them, de Coucy came to take
them, by force. His army was numerous, rapacious, and
cruel, and unresisted, till it came to the walls of Berne and
the frontiers of Zurich. The sufferings of the people at length
combined them, and de Coucy was signally defeated.
Within the fourteenth century (1365 — 1388) the confedera-
tion had been twice assailed by Austria. The assailants were
again defeated at Wesen and at Naefels, in the canton of Gla-
rus, with great loss. The most perilous, doubtful, and suc-
cessful of all the battles hitherto fought, w^as that of Sempach,
on the 9th of July, 1386. This place is ten miles north-west
from Lucerne. . The Austrian force were chosen men, com-
pletely armed, and double the number of the Swiss, who had
only pieces of board attached to their left arms as shields.
Taught, by former lessons, to dread the onset of the Swiss, the
Austrians dismounted, placed themselves in close lines, pre-
senting, at the front, a barrier of pointed spears, which no
effort of the Swiss could turn aside or break down. Some of
their ablest warriors fell in the attempt. Here occurred an
instance of heroism unsurpassed by any on record. Arnold,
of Winkelried, seeing the hopelessness of the conflict against
this barrier of spears, exclaimed, — " I wall make way for you,
confederates — provide for my children — honor my race ! "
Then running and springing on to the spears, he grasped
several of them in his arms, and, wnth the weight of his body,
brought them to the ground. A way was thus opened over
Arnold's body, and it was well used by the confederates.
Their enemy was in a space too narrow for action ; they were
sinking under the excessive heat and weight of armor. The
Swiss were unincumbered ; and, animated with their natural
296 SWITZERLAND.
spirit, and stimulated to avenge the loss of some of their most
valued associates. The Austrian loss was six hundred of the
higher and lower nobility, and, among them, duke Leopold,
and two thousand armed men of inferior degree, including
knights. The Swiss loss amounted to two hundred, perhaps
the greatest they had hitherto experienced in any one battle.
The league of the confederates had been found insufficient
to bring their united force against enemies, or to preserve
peace among themselves. Hitherto, the oath formed at the
meadow of Rutli, in 1307, was the only bond of union. Soon
after this battle of the 9th of July, 1386, " the declaration of
Sempach" was formed, which was designed to regulate the
interests of the confederates, as among themselves — to repress
disorders, and establish a secure and friendly intercourse. It
provided, also, for the manner in which the enemies of the
confederacy were to be met and resisted. It is plain, from
some of the provisions of this instrument, that the original
simplicity of the people had been corrupted, and that though
they still retained their admirable firmness in battle, they were
not insensible of the value of plunder. Both the empire and
Austria were inclined to leave the confederates unmolested by
arms. With Austria, a peace was made for seven years. In
1394 it was prolonged for twenty, and, in 1412, for fifty years.
In the north-east part of Switzerland is the lake Constance.
The Rhine flows into this lake, coming down from the south.
West of the Rhine, and south of the lake, are the lands be-
longing to the abbot of St. Galle, and here is the town of the
same name. Adjoining these lands, on the south, is the canton
of Appenzel. Over this canton, the abbot had the rights of a
sovereign. These he caused to be so exercised, as to create a
revolt among the inhabitants. They united, and w^ith the like
bravery, and like inferiority of military force as among the
people of the forest cantons, they, like them, succeeded in
fighting themselves free. As usual, the reigning duke of
Austria, who was Frederick, took part in this war against the
people of Appenzel, who were aided by some volunteers from
the Swiss. In 1408, the canton of Appenzel had proved itself
worthy of being received into the confederacy, and became the
ninth member. About a century had elapsed since the forest
cantons, in the time of William Tell, began their resistance of
the house of Austria. That house had failed, in every effort,
to reduce the Swiss and their allies to obedience, and were
now ready to confirm to the confederacy all their conquests, as
the price of peace.
SWITZERLAND, 297
When the members of the confederacy were relieved from
the necessity of uniting and defending themselves against for-
eign enemies, they had leisure and inclination to contend with
each other, and to become aggressors themselves, in the hope
of conquest. An opportunity arose to manifest such disposi-
tions in the year 1414. In that year the great ecclesiastical
council was held, at the city of Constance, on the west side of
the lake of that name. At this council, pope John XXIII.
was present, but his right to be considered pope being ques-
tioned, he fled from the council, and was protected by Freder-
ick, duke of Austria. The duke having thus fallen under
the displeasure of the council, the Swiss confederacy were
invited to invade the duke's territories, situated north-westward-
ly of Lucerne, in the valley of the river Aar. The earnest
persuasions of the council and the emperor Sigismund (who
was of this council) embodied the men of Berne first, and
then those of all the other members of the confederacy, (but
Uri and Appenzel,) and, within a few days, the whole terri-
tory along the Aar, and thence north-eastwardly to the Reuss,
was conquered. The Swiss, hitherto, had no other object than
to defend their native land from conquest ; they had now
become conquerors themselves. Bailiwicks were established
over their new subjects. Instead of acquiring a benefit, the
members of the confederacy only laid the foundation of lasting
contentions among themselves. To the honor of Uri and
Appenzel, they would take no part in the new conquests.
There is not space to enter into the causes of the contentions
and wars among the confederates themselves. The conquests
which had been made — the arrogance of some of the members
— the dissatisfaction of others — the right of passing with mer-
chandise — the imposition of tolls and duties, were among
these causes. There may be added another cause, which em-
braces and includes all others: the natural disposition of man-
kind to unite in conquering others, and to quarrel among
themselves when that is done. Thus, by a series of offensive
measures, Zurich had drawn upon herself the united hostility
of all the other members. In 1440, this city and its territories
experienced the full force of that military spirit which had
been so often used by herself and associates against the com-
mon enemy, the empire and Austria. The cantons of Schwitz
and Glarus had respectively conquered territories of Zurich,
and, when peace was made, insisted on retaining them. Hum-
bled and mortified, Zurich sought to retrieve her fortunes by
forming an alliance with Austria.
298 SWITZERLAND.
In July, 1443, all the confederates appeared in arms against
Zurich and her new ally, Austria. None of the people of
Zurich canton were safe, except within the walls of the city.
A garrison at Griefensee, ten miles east of Zurich, surren-
dered to the confederates after a siege of four weeks, and sixty-
two of the captured were beheaded. This act imparts a new
character to Swiss affairs. It was the first case of putting to
death, in cold blood, among the old members of the league.
Probably the spirit of enmity was more bitter and implacable
among the members, than between themselves and any enemy
against whom they had united.
While this war was raging, the dauphin of France, (son of
Charles VII.,) so well known afterwards as Louis XL, had
embodied an army, and was moving to attack the city of Basle,
which is at the great bend of the Rhine, one hundred and ten
miles nearly north-west from Lucerne. Basle had been in
alliance with the confederates, and was, itself, at this time, one
of the free cities. The Swiss sent sixteen hundred to the
assistance of Basle. The battle of " St. Jacob by Basle," was
fought in 1444, in which the conflict continued ten hours, and
all the Swiss, but ten, were slain. The French purchased a
very costly victory, and acquired such knowledge of Swiss
bravery as to avoid an encounter with it in future. In the
course of this year (1444) peace was established. The alli-
ance of Zurich and Austria was annulled, and the confede-
rates resumed their ancient relation.
CHAPTER XLVIL
Wars of the Sioiss with German Emperors — With Louis XI. of France —
With Charles of Burgundy— Remarkable Battles— Character of the
Swiss in 1500.
The prominent characters in the affairs of Switzerland,
within the period from 1450 — 1477, were these : 1. Sigismund,
duke of Austria. 2. Charles the Rash, duke of Burgundy.
3. Louis XL, king of France. Ambition, envy, hatred, and
avarice, brought these three persons into action, and brought
the whole force of the Swiss cantons into action also. The
lessons which the house of Austria had received from the
cantons were forgotten, and every new successor to the ducal
sovereignty still asserted a right over ancient hereditary do-
SWITZERLAND. 299
minions. Sigismund was the admitted sovereign of some
territories situated along the valley of the river Aar, and of
Alsace, a country situate along the west bank of the Rhine,
and was claimant of sovereignty over towns and territories
within the limits of Switzerland. As to these towns and ter-
ritories, Sigismund was nominal sovereign only, and was
without ability to enforce his claims. Charles the Rash was
sovereign over all the Netherlands, that is, over Holland and
Belgium. Adjoining the Netherlands on the south, and west
of Alsace, was the duchy of Lorraine, (now part of France,)
which then belonged to the duke Rene, of the ancient house
of Anjou. Lorraine separated Luxemburg from Franche
Compte ; both of these were within the dominions of Charles.
If Charles could acquire Alsace and Lorraine, he hoped to
extend his dominions from the North sea to the Mediterranean,
and to erect them into a kingdom superior to that of France,
and little inferior in unity and effectiveness, even to the German
empire. With such views, Charles advanced to Sigismund a
large sum, and took a mortgage on all the Austrian dominions
in Switzerland, and between this country and France, and west
of the Rhine. Charles went immediately into possession of
the ceded property, except that in Switzerland. To possess
that portion, he had something more to do than to demand it of
the Swiss. The third personage in this new drama, was Louis
XL of France. Cold, calculating, malicious, perfidious, he
cherished an inveterate hatred for the duke of Burgundy, and
had abundant reason to fear that the duke would acquire a
mastery. Louis understood the character of the Swiss, from
his personal experience at, and near Basle. To secure him-
self and his kingdom both from Charles and the Swiss, he
devoted his talents and his money, to bring these two parties
into conflict, remaining neutral himself. Charles was so
unfortunate in his policy, as to promote essentially the purposes
of Louis.
Charles appointed a cruel, tyrannical, and rapacious gov-
ernor to rule over his new Austrian acquisitions, immediately
on the north-western frontier of Switzerland. The conduct of
this man, Peter Von Hagenbach, excited the indignation of
the people w'hom he was sent to govern. Remonstrances
were offered to Charles, but were answered only by neglect or
insult. The Swiss were reminded that they were interested
in this matter, and that Charles had them in view, to be dealt
with in due time. The proper occasion had arisen for the
Swiss to move. They authorized the city of Berne to make
300 SWITZERLAND.
an alliance with Louis of France, to resist the duke of Bur-
gundy. Louis readily entered into this alliance, so far as to
advance money for public uses, and as his practice was, to
purchase every man whom he thought capable of serving him.
These arrangements having been made, the means of coming
to blows were of daily occurrence. Some audacious act of
Hagenbach caused him to be taken and beheaded by the
opponents of Charles. The inhabitants of Alsace, desirous
of getting rid of Charles, offered to advance the money to
Sigismund, to redeem from Charles the mortgaged territories
and towns. Charles refused to release his mortgage. Austria
now gladly joined the Swiss against Charles. Thus the am-
bitious Charles the Rash had united Austria, France, and
Switzerland against him. These were not all ; for at the same
time, in some negotiations with the German emperor, now
Frederick IV., he also was added to the enemies of Charles.
But Charles was rich, abundant in resources, skilled in war,
and was the last, among friends or foes, to thmk of defeat and
disaster in connection with himself.
The execution of Hagenbach, which Charles took no
measure to prevent, placed the parties in the relation of bellig-
erents. In October, 1474, the Swiss penetrated into Franche
Compte, defeated all opponents, and returned enriched by
plunder. Immediately after, an order was passed in a Swiss
council, wiiich shows the growing degeneracy. The exces-
sive use of wine, in battle, was prohibited .; and a guard was
placed in the rear ranks, commissioned to cut down all who
should leave fighting, to gather plunder.
An alliance between such enemies as the Swiss now had,
and from the most selfish and sordid motives, was liable to
terminate, in whole, or in part, whenever like motives, more
powerful, should arise. The emperor of Germany, hoping to
obtain Charless only daughter and heiress for his son, made
peace without regard to the Swiss. Louis, from similar mo-
tives, made a truce of nine years with Charles. The Swiss
had been warned by some of their sages, that such might be
their fate. As the aid of Austria was insignificant, the Swiss
had now to encounter Charles, alone. Meanwhile Charles
had conquered Lorraine, and had nothing more to do than to
subject and to punish the audacious confederacy of Switzer-
land.
It is represented by a contemporary historian, (Philip de
Comines,) that the warriors assembled by Charles in the be-
ginning of the year 1476, to chastise the Swiss, amounted to
SWITZERLAND. 301
fifty thousand. The followers, or associates of this army, male
and female, are computed at an equal number. In fact, this
camp was the court of Charles the Rash: not only were the
distinguished personages usually found in a camp, present, but
Charles had brought with him his precious treasures in silver,
gold, and jewels. The whole scene is described rather as an
excursion for social pleasures, on an extended scale, than as
the progress of an invading army.
At the south-west end of the lake Neuchatel, and at the
distance of seventy-five miles west from Lucerne, and about
the same distance south-west from Basle, is the small territory
of Granson: the chief town has the same name, and was a
fortified place. In February, 1476, Charles took Granson by
storm, and forced the garrison into the citadel. Famine and
promises induced tne garrison to surrender. If Charles had
known the character of the people, of whom a few had thus
fallen into his power, he would have taken a very different
course with these few. Relying on his numbers and power,
and expecting to intimidate all Switzerland, he ordered half of
the captives to be hung on the trees, and the other half to be
drowned in the lake.
An army of twenty thousand Swiss had been gathered on
the other side of the lake, (Neuchatel,) but near enough to
have heard of this tragedy, on the very day when it occurred.
Very different were the feelings and emotions in the two
camps, on that day. In that of the Burgundians, confidence,
security, and pleasure, reigned; while in that of the Swiss,
every bosom felt a deep, determined, insatiable desire of re-
venge. On the 3d of March, 1476, the Swiss moved from
the neighborhood of Neuchatel, along the north-w^estern side
of the lake, towards Granson, where the duke was skilfully
posted with a force thrice as numerous as that of the Swiss.
The force of the duke comprised artillery, which had come
into general use at this time. It was impossible for the Swiss
to assail the duke, so entrenched. In the hope of drawing him
forth, a castle, in which some of Charles's follow ers had taken
their residence, was attacked. This measure drew Charles
into the conflict; and the Swiss awaited him in a position
where neither his artillery nor cavalry could be brought into
action. A tremendous conflict ensued.
The exact circumstances, and the very agents, on which the
fate of most battles turned, are set forth in historical accounts
with a precision which is somew^hat surprising. If one were
giving an account of a single battle, he would inquire into
26
302 SWITZERLAND.
minute particulars, and do justice (to the best of his ability) to
good conduct, and to professional excellence. But, knowing
how difficult it is, in one's own time, to arrive at facts, military
or civil, some distrust is awakened as to statements of ancient
events. Besides, these statements have been recast so frequent-
ly, that they are often inconsistent and irreconcilable. There
are many versions of this battle of Granson. All of them have
a basis of truth ; which of them is truest, no one can affirm.
It is enough, for so general a purpose as this, to state that there
was a battle, the time, the place, and the consequences. All
accounts agree that Charles the Rash, and his host of armed
and gallant nobles, knights, and gentlemen, were completely
defeated, slain, or put to flight ; and that the defeat was so
effective, and so rapid, and so thorough, that there must have
been a general panic ; for the whole of Charles's camp, his
provisions, his baggage, and his treasures, fell into the posses-
sion of the Swiss. Comines says, this defeat was so ruinous,
so distressing, and so humiliating to Charles, that he is sup-
posed never to have had the full use of his understanding, at
any time, afterwards. It will not be doubted, from the charac-
ter of this age, and the disposition of the Swiss, that they spared
no one ; nor that they look vindictive, perhaps savage vengeance,
on such prisoners as fell into their hands.
There are many accounts, not agreeing with each other, as
to the treasure found in Charles's camp. At this time, (towards
the end of the fifteenth century,) there had been and was, an
enriching commerce in the Netherlands, where Charles was
sovereign. Several opulent cities there had commerce with
the north of Europe, with London, and with the south of
Europe. Charles had the means of accumulating great riches
without oppressive exactions. He is represented to have been
much given to magnificence and splendor. It is very possible,
therefore, that "gold was shared by hatfuls;" and that " dia-
monds, which now adorn the most magnificent crowns in
Europe, were first ignorantly thrown aside, and then sold for
trifling sums." A credible authority says, " Plate was flung
away as pewter. The large diamond which the duke usually
wore at his neck, was found in a box of pearls ; at first rejected
as a bauble, it was taken up, and sold for a single crown. It
was afterwards purchased by the pope, for twenty thousand
ducats, and still adorns the papal tiara. Another diamond,
taken there, was bought by Henry VIII., of England: his
daughter Mary gave it to Philip II., her husband ; and it now
belongs to Austria."
SWITZERLAND. 303
Charles well deserved the name of Rash. He devoted him-
self to gather another army ; and, disdaining to listen to any
terms of peace or truce, he found himself at the head of a force
little less strong in numbers than that so lately overthrown.
In the month of June, in the same year, (1476,) he besieged a
Swiss garrison at Morat. This place is situated on a lake of
the same name, on the south-east side of lake Neuchatel.
The town of Morat is fifty-five miles west of Lucerne, and
fifteen, nearly, west of Berne. The Swiss who were of the
forest cantons, and others still more remote, were disinclined
to engage, anew, in this warfare. They regarded it rather as
an affair of the canton of Berne, than of themselves. This
feeling gave way to better ones, and a force appeared near
Morat, to encoimter the enemy. A body of Austrian cavalry
were allied with the Swiss, who advised that a defence should
be made of baggage-wagons, and that the attack of the enemy
should be Avaited for. But Felix Keller, of Zurich, answered,
that the confederates w^ere wont to be beforehand with their
enemies. If the words spoken, and the acts done, at this time,
have been truly recorded and transmitted, they were, according
to one historian, these: "God with us against the world,"
cried Hallwyl to his followers. At this instant the sun broke
through the heavy clouds which had veiled it. " Heaven
lights us to victory," he exclaimed, waving his sword. " For-
ward ! think of your wives and children ! Youths ! think of
your loved ones; yield them not up to the lewd and Godless
enemy ! "
In this battle, as in that of Granson, the Burgundians were
defeated with great slaughter. A large body of English had
been taken into the duke's service. Their skill and valor had
no other effect, than to make the defeat more costly and de-
structive to their number.
Meanwhile the province of Lorraine had revolted from
Charles. He next turned his attention to reconquer it. The
young duke Rene, who had fought with the Swiss at Morat,
prevailed on them to aid him in defending his inheritance.
He led eight thousand to Lorraine, and, at the close of the
year 1476, in a battle fought near Nancy, (two hundred miles
east of Paris,) Charles was slain. Thus, in one year, the
duke of Burgundy, by his own ungovernable will, and against
the counsels of able men, lost a great amount of personal
property, sacrificed thousands of lives, and at last his own life.
In all this, he caused numerous and heavy calamities, and
gratified no mortal but his cunning enemy, the king of France.
304 SWITZERLAND.
These victories, however glorious to Swiss bravery, changed
the motive from the original one of patriotism and love of
liberty, to avarice and venality. From this time may be dated
the regular sale of Swiss blood to foreign countries; and the
making of Swiss skill and courage, marketable articles. No
one sooner perceived this, or more effectively used the Swiss,
than Louis XL From this time, also, may be dated the loss
of that extraordinary and admirable spirit which first disclosed
itself in the solitude of the meadow of Rutli, overhung by the
solemn mountain. Henceforward the young men of Switzer-
land thought of the intense interest of military life, and of the
gold it would obtain, whether in plunder or wages. The
whole population of Switzerland is supposed to have been about
two millions. Of this number there were, as it is said, from
fifty to sixty thousand w^ho were warriors by profession. When
not engaged in war, they became dissolute and unmanageable.
They gave themselves up to practices which demanded the
severest penalties. In a single year, one thousand and five
hundred are supposed to have been executed for various de-
scriptions of crime.
Before the end of this century, (about 1480,) the Swiss are
heard of in Italy. They had passed beyond Mt. St. Gothard,
from the south end of the canton of Uri, and had invaded the
territories of Milan. Here they encountered Visconti, duke
of Milan ; at first, much to their disadvantage. But on another
occasion, they flooded the meadows, through which the Ticino
flows southwardly, with the waters of that river. When the
ice had formed sufficiently to bear them, six hundred of them
put on skates, and attacked and defeated an Italian force of
fifteen thousand. Peace followed, and Uri acquired the vol
Lcvantina and the val Brugiasco.
Very serious difficulties had arisen among the confederates
on two subjects: the one was the partition of the Burgundian
spoils ; the other, the admission of the two towns, Freyberg
and Soleure, into the confederacy. The forest cantons strenu-
ously opposed the admission of these towns. A great meeting
was held at Stanz, eight miles south of Lucerne. The discus-
sion assumed a very serious character. All hope of compro-
mise had vanished. All parties believed that the sword must
be the only arbitrator. In this moment of extreme excitement,
historians recount the sudden appearance, in the assembly, of a
hermit, named Nicolas of the Flue. If there was such an
austere and secluded person, if he did appear on that occasion,
if he uttered the words imputed to him, he certainly rendered
SWITZERLAND. 305
a most important service to his countrymen. Nicolas had
been a brave warrior, but had long been secluded, leading a
most abstemious life, and intent only on his pious duties. The
accurate knowledge which his speech discloses of the state of
the world, (of which he could not be said to be a member,) is
not accounted for. " You have become strong," he said, " by
the force of union; and will you now sever that union for the
sake of a wretched booty ? Far be it, that surrounding lands
should ever hear such things of you. Let not the towns insist
on claims injurious to the old confederates. Let the country
places remember how Soleure and Freyberg fought at their
sides, and freely receive them into the confederacy. Beware
of foreign intrigues. Confederates ! beware of internal dis-
cords ! Far be it from any to take gold as the price of their
father-land." This very sensible speech had the desired effect.
The two towns were admitted ; and Nicolas could not have
had time to reach his cell, before all controversies were ami-
cably adjusted. Freyberg is west by south from Lucerne,
sixty miles ; and Soleure is on the Aar, about forty miles north-
west from Lucerne.
At this meeting the covenant of Stanz was adopted, which
was a revision of the principles of the confederacy. This
covenant (as might be supposed in that age) was not founded
on political science, nor does it contain any division of powers,
checks, or balances. The sole object seems to have been to
point out the rights and duties of the confederate members.
Force was the only remedy when disagreements arose, if the
great council of delegates could not find a remedy. The
several members having reserved many powers to themselves,
difficulties often occurred on the point, whether, in the exercise
of these powers, the interests of the confederates were affected.
If the people of Uri chose to engage in a foreign war, for
example, ought this to be regarded as involving the con-
federacy 1
Such questions necessarily arose, because the neighboring
countries were almost incessantly engaged in war. Germany
was contending with the Turks on its eastern border, and with
France on the west. France was contending with Germany
and with Italy; while Italy was contending, internally and ex-
ternally, without cessation. The Swiss were in the midst of
these contending parties, and courted and feared by all of
them. The part which the Swiss took with France against
Italy, and consequently adverse both to the empire and to
26*
306 SWITZERLAND.
Austria, (as to their interests in Italy,) brought these two
powers again into conflict with the Swiss. The emperor
Maximilian represented both these powers, and approached
the Swiss on their eastern frontier through the Tyrol. The
principal seat of the war was in the territories of the Ori-
sons, which is east of Uri, south of Appenzel, west of the
Tyrol. Some severe battles were fought here, in which the
Grisons (who, as warriors, now make their first appearance)
were eminently successful. The people of the neighboring
cantons assisted them, and the Grisons were received as allies,
but not into full confederacy. At the end of the fifteenth cen-
tury, (September, 1499,) the emperor made peace with the
Swiss, and thereby confirmed their ancient rights and con-
quests. From this time no attempt was ever made to dissolve
the union of the confederates, or to annex their territories, or
any part of them, to the German empire. Thus, it required
about two centuries (1307 — 1499) and many serious battles, to
establish the independence of the Swiss people. At the end
of the fifteenth century, the confederacy comprised the cantons
of Schwitz, Underwalden, Uri, Zug, Appenzel, Glarus, and
the cities of Lucerne, Zurich, Berne, Freyberg, Soleure, and
their appendages ; besides these, many free towns and cities
were in alliance with some of these members. The exten-
sive regions of the Grisons were in alliance, but not mem-
bers.
Geneva is situated at the western end of the lake of the
same name, and on the extreme west of Switzerland. It was
not numbered among the confederates of the Swiss cantons
until after the end of the fifteenth century. It was a very
ancient city, existing when Helvetia was first known to the
Romans. After the fifteenth century, Geneva acquired great
celebrity ; before that time, its history has nothing interesting.
It was part of Charlemagne's empire, and, in common with
Helvetia, part of the German empire. Nearly the whole of
the fifteenth century was passed in contending with the dukes
of Savoy, who attempted, unsuccessfully, to make the city and
its dependent territories part of their dominions. Savoy lies
south of Geneva lake.
Neuchatel is usually included in ancient Helvetia and in
modern Switzerland. Its chief city is situated on the north-
western side of the lake of the same name. The whole ter-
ritory is thirty-six miles long and eighteen wide, and well peo-
pled. Its origin must be found in the territorial partitions
SWITZERLAND. 307
which arose on the dismemberment and fall of the Roman
empire. The first of its sovereigns, mentioned in history, was
Ulric. In 1214, his son Bertold "made a convention with the
inhabitants concerning the rights, liberties, and franchises of
the citizens and people of the country." These rights and
liberties have been confirmed at different times. Neuchatel
has passed, in respect to its sovereign, (who had not much
more than nominal power,) through many families, by mar-
riage and inheritance. In 1406, a person called John of Cha-
lons, was the sovereign prince ; next, the house of Orleans
Longueville ; then William, prince of Orange and king of
England, claimed as heir of the house of Chalons. After his
death, the heirship of the king of Prussia was asserted and
admitted. Neuchatel is now distinguished (in 1837) on the
maps as part of the Prussian dominions. It was never one
of the confederated cantons, but maintained a fellow-citizenship
of very ancient date, with Berne, Lucerne, Freyberg, and
Soleure. Berne was regarded, ever since 1406, as its particu-
lar friend and protector.
In the south-east of Switzerland is the extensive country of
the Grisons, comprising a large part of ancient Rhetia. Three
leagues had been formed in this territory, known in modern
times as the league of the ten jurisdictions, the league of God's
house, and the Grey league. This confederacy was formed
in 1472, or, rather, re-formed at that time. The whole coun-
try is about one hundred and five miles by ninety miles in
extent. The aspect of this country is rather towards Italy, as
that of the north of Switzerland is towards Germany. The
Grisons appear very little in the affairs of Germany and the
north, during the centuries now under review. Their country
is even more extraordinary than other parts of the Alpine
regions, in its mountains and vallies. No one of its vallies is
less than 3234 feet above the level of the sea ; the highest
village is 5600 feet above that level.
The Tyrol, eastwardly of the Grisons, has fallen under
Austrian dominion, and its history mingles with that of Aus-
tria.
During the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, the Swiss are
seen to have met the armies of Germany, France, and Burgundy,
with numbers far inferior to those of their enemies, and to
have been almost invariably victorious. They once met the
Italians with adverse result, but at all other times with as
favorable results as attended them in the north. Whence
908 SWITZERLAND.
came this remnrkable trait in national character ? It has been
suggested that the Swiss were of Grecian descent. If this
were so, they had preserved no evidence of language or cus-
toms peculiarly Grecian. Was it the nature of the country
which they inhabited ? Their deep vallies and awful moun-
tains, their simple and pastoral vocations, do not appear to
have been adapted to cherish a warlike spirit. They were
not imitators. They knew none whom they could imitate.
They did not follow the example of those who had come with-
in their knowledge. They were triumphant over their foes,
not only when they attacked them from mountain summits,
but when encountered in the low-lands, and where the battle-
ground secured no superiority. Their valor was not surpass-
ed by Greeks or Romans, even in the best days of either of
these nations. We know not that Swiss skill and courage
has ever been accounted for.
In other respects, this people were not superior to their
contemporaries. They were not an educated people. They
were superstitious, but not subjected to the priesthood. The
secluded portion, occupied in agriculture, simple manufactures,
and pastoral life, were innocent and moral, compared with
their northern neighbors ; but no superiority is atiirmed of
them, in these respects, in their towns. It may be, that, hav-
ing little to engross attention, and having been so entirely suc-
cessful in their early conflicts, they cuhivated a sentiment of
national glory to which all other sentiments were secondary.
They were, comparatively, poor. Success was not only vic-
torj', but riches. It may be that the hope of plunder became
one of the motives which led to their eminent renown as
warriors. This is the more probable, since it is seen that
they were willing, before the close of the fifteenth century, to
appropriate their skill and valor to any power that could best
tempt their avarice.
We here leave the Sw^iss, to bring them again into view
during the three last centuries.
ITALY. 309
CHAPTER XLVIII.
ITALY.
Gothic Kingdom — Reign of Theodoric — Lombards — Belisarius — Narses —
Italian Language.
From the year 500 to 1000, there is neither instruction nor
interest in Italian events. In the next five centuries, they were
highly important, and produced lasting consequences. The
repeated invasions by the German emperors — the resistance of
the Italian republics — their commercial grandeur — their wars
with each other — their internal revolutions, and tht^ir final sub-
jection to usurpers, are among the elements of Italian history.
The temporal dominion of the Roman church belong^s to this
portion of history, as its seat of empire was the city of Rome.
Hence it sent forth its commands, its menaces, and its terrible
judgments. That astonishing delusion, which spoiled Europe
of millions of lives, and nearly all its treasure, during two cen-
turies, began, and was continued, on the papal throne. The
far more important fact is, that to tenants of this throne must
be imputed the deliberate purpose (whatever motives may
have been) to establish a despotism, not only over property and
personal liberty, but over the human mind. The audacity, the
profligacy, and the crimes, of some of these self-styled repre-
sentatives of saint Peter, are hardly paralleled among the
most depraved of temporal princes.
After having drawn, from the first five centuries, such intro-
ductory facts as the present purpose requires, such of the sec-
ond five centuries as are deemed material, will be brought to
view. But this view must be a very general one, since a few
pages only can be devoted to the train of events to which the
indefatigable Sismondi has devoted sixteen volumes.
The notice of Italy in the first pan of these sketches, ended
with the conquest of the Romans in 476, by Odoacer, who led
the Heruli, (a division of the Goths,) and who made himself
king of Italy. The city of Ravenna was this king's seat of
government. It was nearly 200 miles north of Rome, and
was on or very near the shore of the Adriatic sea. Between
476 and 500, Theodoric had defeated Odoacer in several battles
— had besieged him three years in Ravenna — had made a treaty
with him to rule jointly and equally together in Italy — had
assassinated him at a feast, and had become sole king of Italy.
310 ITALY.
This outline shows, that Theodoric may have been a barbari-
an, no less than Odoacer; but not more so than other persons,
in any age or country, who have to shed blood to acquire, or to
keep crowns Theodoric was derived from the Gothic race, and
claij'ied lineal descent from Amala, whose memory was cher-
ished and venerated for military exploits, in remote generations.
He was a genuine Goth; but Italy had not seen for centuries
before, nor did Italy see for centuries after his time, any thirty
years of equal prosperity and happiness, as in the first thirty of
his reign. He was born near what is now the city of Vienna;
was sent to Constantinople in his early youth as a hostage.
He learned there manly and martial habits, but declined all
study of letters, and could not write nor read. Having become
king of his nation, and being a very expensive friend and ally
of the emperor, at Constantinople, his offer to recover Italy
from Odoacer, was gladly accepted. He embodied a powerful
force, which was followed, as was the manner of the Goths, by
wives, children, flocks, and herds. What was done in the nu-
merous battles which produced the result of rnaking Theodoric
master of Italy, need not to be told. It is rare to find any thing
in a battle itself, which deserves minute narration. It is
slaughter and conquest in all cases, and for any general or phi-
losophical purpose, consequences only are to be regarded.
At this time there were two, and only two sorts of Christians
in the world — the Arians, and those who were of the Nicene
faith, as established by a council at Nice, in the year 325. The
latter had acquired the name of Catholics, and have ever since
been so known. Theodoric was an Arian, but he did not dis-
turb the Catholics, nor did he make any distinction between
the two classes, until near the close of his reign, which lasted
37 years from his first coming to Italy, and 33 from his exclu-
sive possession of the kingdom. He kept his Goths in arms,
and in habitual discipline. He had always an army of 200,-
000 men distributed over Italy. The conquered, in Italy, he
encouraged to cultivate the soil, and to employ themselves in
useful arts. He restrained his Goths from rapine and violence.
Property was protected, and all personal rights were enjoyed.
Among other rights, those of religious worship, with a liberal-
ity which is almost peculiar to the reign of Theodoric. Peace
and plenty prevailed in all his realm, at no time surpassed, if
ever equalled. Although he had no literature himself, and af-
fixed his name by means of a golden stamp, on which his
name was engraved, (between the letters of which he made
marks with a pen,) yet he favored learning, and patronized
ITALY. 311
learned men. Two persons deserve special notice at t!>is lime,
Boethius and Symachus; and that so much is known of these
two, and of Theodoric himself, history is indebted lo Cussiodo-
rus, who was the king's confidential secretary, and who wrote
twelve hooks on him, and his government.* It is said that
Cassiodorus had influence enough with Theodoric to induce
him to protect and preserve the monuments of art and science,
which yet existed in Rome. At this time it was fairly question-
able, whether the twelve magnificent aqueducts which supplied
Rome with pure water, or the subterranean sewers, which had
existed more than a thousand years, to purify the city, best de-
served the admiration of the spectator.
The deep and inexcusable reproach of Theodoric, was his
ungrateful and cruel treatment of Boethius and Symachus.
The former was a noble Roman, who had spent eighteen years
in the Grecian school of Philosophy, at Athens, which yet pre-
served the warmth of former intellectual light. When he
came back, he was made a senator, and soon invited to take the
place of master of the offices at Ravenna. This was the high-
est civil rank, and implied the highest confidence of the king.
His virtues and his abilities were his best title to this rank. He
was called "the oracle of his sovereign, and the idol of the
people." Unhappily for his own fame, and more so for Boe-
thius, Theodoric lived too long. At about the age of 70, he be-
came jealous and irritable. Such men as Boethius have ever
the most secret and unrelenting foes. It was whispered to
Theodoric, that this excellent man had engaged in a treason-
able correspondence with the emperor at Constantinople. He
w^as imprisoned in the lower of Pavia. Here, bound in fetters,
and momently expecting a violent death, he composed the work
entitled " The Consolations of Philosophy," which Gibbon
distinguishes as "a golden volume, not unworthy the leisure of
Platoor Tully." This is the work which the Great Alfred
translated, as mentioned in his life. The manner in which Bo-
ethius was put to death, is too shocking to be narrated. If
Theodoric not only ordered death, but the manner of it, he
well deserved the remorse, and the death, which soon overtook
him. Symachus was the father of Boethius' wife, and held a
high rank, of like order with that of his son-in-law. He
• This -work is knowTi only from an epitome of it in the work of Jor-
nandes, (or Jordanes,) on the Goths. The work of this person is known
only from the compilations of Muratori, a learned Italian, who died in
1750, leaving 27 folio volumes on Italian affairs, from 500 to 1500. Mu-
ratori is often quoted by the most respectable historians.
312 ITALY.
could not suppress his sorrow at his loss, nor his indignation at
the manner of it. This offence cost him his life, at such ac-
cumulation of years that time would soon have saved the stroke
of the executioner. Soon after these events, so irreconcilable
with the general character of Theodoric, his remorse disturb-
ed his reason. Sealing himself at dinner, he imagined that he
saw in the head of a fish the countenance of Symachus, the
eyes glaring with fury, and the teeth moving to devour him.
He rose with intolerable anguish, retired to his bed, and passed
the three or four days that jemained to him in lamenting his
cruelties to these illustrious men. There is one other reproach
to the memory of Theodoric. He retaliated the intolerance of
the emperor at Constantinople, towards the Arians, on the
Catholics of Italy. The way to the worst exercise of ihe
worst of passions, is ever opened by vindictive persecution in
matters of faith. Thus the peace of Italy was put to flight;
the Goths became Goths again ; and from that age to the pres-
ent, Italy has seen no such happy days as this king, and his
u'ise and virtuous ministers, were able to bestow.
A grandson of Theodoric, at the age of ten, succeeded him.
The government was conducted under the regency of his moth-
er, Amalashanta, who erected a suitable monument to Theodo-
ric, on an eminence near Ravenna. It was a circular temple
of marble and granite. As might be expected from the state
of things at Theodoric's death, the minority of a Gothic king,
and the government of a female, wars, intrigues, crimes, and
miseries, followed. This was a favorable opportunity for the
emperor of the eastern empire to attempt the recovery of
Italy. In a short time, the famous Belisarius, general of Jus-
tinian, appeared in great force in Italy, after having destroyed
the vandal empire in Africa. This is the same Belisarius of
whom a song is still sung called date obulum Belisario which
supposes a state of adversity to this illustrious man, which is
destitute of historical truth. After him, came the Eunuch
Narses, who was a more successful military chief than Belisa-
rius was, though less so than he would have been, if he had
not been sacrificed to gratify the malice of undeserved foes at
Constantinople. Narses effected the conquest of nearly all
that part of Italy (which had not been conquered by Belisari-
us) called the boot or peninsula; that is, from the river Po,
southwardly. Thus, part of Italy was governed under the
authority of the eastern emperors for nearly 200 years, (552 to
752,) by successive officers, called by the name of exarch, a
Greek word, used in the Greek empire to signify the office
LOMBARDY. 313
of provincial governor. Tuscany, Naples, and also Sicily,
will be mentioned hereafter, separately from this exarchate gov-
ernment. The river Po runs from the west to the east, nearly
through the middle, and whole extent of north Italy. On the
north side of the Po, and thence to the Alps, was the kingdom
of Lombardy, which is one of the important elements of his-
tory, taken in connexion with the events of France and Ger-
many. The extinction of Gothic power in Italy was effected
by the conquest of Narses, in the middlejof the sixth century.
A short notice is required of the rise and fortunes of Lom-
bardy. We are then to pass rapidly over the miseries and
woes of southern Italy, till the middle of the eleventh century.
If we except the admiration which the world bestows on per-
sonal qualities in war, there is nothing to relieve the monoto-
nous current of crime and suffering.
Whether the Lombards were so called from the length of
their beards, (Longo-bards,) or from the length of their spears,
or the shape of the strips of land which they are said to have
occupied, anciently, on both sides the Elbe, is alike uncertain
and unimportant; whether they were Goths or Scandanavians,
originally, is equally so. They fought their way from north
to south, like other barbarous tribes, and appeared on the banks
of the Danube about the middle of the sixth century. Here
their forces were augmented by taking 20,000 Saxons with
them, and, pouring down from the Alps, became masters of all
northern Italy, soon after the time when Narses had conquered
next below to the south. The leader of the Lombards was
Alboin, equally renowned for savage vices and virtues. He
had conquered the king of the Gepida, a barbarous people
north of the Danube, had married his daughter, and had
made a drinking-cup of his skull. After conquering northern
Italy, at some carousal, after the manner of his people, and
times, he filled this drinking-cup and sent it to his wife, Rosa-
mond, with orders to drain its contents, and rejoice with the
master of Italy. Rosamond, for this, or some more efficient
reason, as would seem from the infamy of her character, caused
Alboin to be assassinated. She had a favorite ready to place
on the throne ; but, this project failing, she fled with him, and
her treasures, to Constantinople. At this city she attracted the
notice of Longinus, who was high in office, and who was dis-
posed to make her his wife. The obstacle was the existence of
her lover, Helmichis, who was yet with her. This obstacle
she intended to remove by poison. She attended this person to
27
314 LOMBARDY.
the bath, and when he came out she offered him a goblet, of
which he drank ; but, immediately suspecting her, he pre-
sented his sword to her breast, and compelled her to drink the
remainder. Here, at the same time, and from the same poi-
soned liquid, this treacherous couple, by an unlooked-for jus-
tice, ended their lives in mutual reproaches, and with no other
consolation than each other's groans. This is rather a promi-
nent illustration of the morals of these times ; but many such
occurrences might be stated.
Clepho was chosen king in 573, but was murdered in about
eighteen months, and the usual scenes of turbulence and tyran-
ny, under ducal chiefs, mark the next years of the Lombards.
The kingdom became more tranquil under Antharis, the son
of Clepho, who successfully resisted a French invasion ; and,
before the end of the century, he had extended his conquests
to the extreme south of Italy. Several dukedoms arose, and,
among others, those of Spoleto and Beneventum ; from the
latter of which a celebrated statesman, of the present day, has
the title of Prince of Benevento.* The divisions and subdi-
visions of Italy were numerous in the two hundred years
which followed the first conquest by Alboin. It was the
policy of the Lombards, as of most of the barbarian conquer-
ors, to parcel out their territory in more or less extensive
divisions. Over these, chiefs were placed, who exercised a
mixed authority, civil and military, having subordinate officers
under them. From these territorial divisions arose the titles
of nobility. The dukedoms of Italy became sovereignties
under their dukes, and as such occupy an important space in
Italian history, t The Lombards were slow in changing their
rude habits for those which are acquired by intellectual and
moral improvement, founded in letters and chastening religion.
A griculture was conducted by the conquered Italians : com-
merce had no attractions. War, the chace, and festivity, occu-
pied their hours when they were not engaged in councils and
contentions. Among their amusements, new to Italians, was
the training of the hawk or falcon. This bird was capable of
receiving a tuition which enabled it to know the voice and to
obey the commands of its master, while moving in the air, as
* Conferred by Napoleon, when master of Italy, on Talleyrand.
t It is not intended to go minutely into their history ; curiosity, on
this point, may be fully gratified by the Histoire des republiques Italien-
nes du moyen age, par J. C. L. Sismonde de Sismondi. Paris, 1825.
ITALIAN LANGUAGE. 315
far as the voice could reach. This is an amusement still
known and resorted to in England. But the noble Lombard
regarded his falconry and the use of his sword as equally
valuable accomplishments. Gibbon intimates that falconry (or
the training- of the hawk to conquer in the air, as dogs are
trained to do on the ground) is of Norwegian origin.
We may pause a moment here, to consider the origin of the
Italian language. The Latin had attained to great perfection,
before the close of the Roman empire, throughout Italy. It
was enriched by words borrowed from the literature of Greece.
Then came the barbarian nations, who brought and spoke
their own languages, and they necessarily intermingled with
all those who spoke the Latin.
What the Latin was in the days of Cicero, and long before
and after the Christian era began, is well known. What lan-
guages were spoken in Italy before this Roman tongue was
reduced to order, and made to be the dignified and elegant
dress of thought, is only to be conjectured. The whole coun-
try was held by small and independent tribes. It is supposed
that they were kindred tribes with the first inhabitants of
Greece, and that the languages of all these tribes may have
had a common origin. Doubtless, the Latin gradually arose
from amalgamations, and kept pace with the progress of refine-
ment. When it became that language which accomplished
scholars delight to recur to, for elegant illustration, it was
doomed to be lost in the barbarous dialects which were spoken
in Italy.
Centuries of barbarism followed, in which the Latin lan-
guage was used only in the official transactions of the popes
and other ecclesiastics, and in all important affairs of civil
government. The Latin ceased to be s'poken, as a distinct
language, about the year 580.
The spoken language of Italy, from about 580 to 1200,
was made up of Latin and of Greek, and of various dialects
of the Teutonic or Goth, called Tudesque, from the Gothic
god, Tuet. Sismondi says, that he has not been able to dis-
cover that this spoken language was ever a written one ; and
what it was is never to be known. The Latin, as written,
partook of the common debasement of these ages. It has been
said that the Latin was never the language of the common
people of Italy, and that the Italian was not spoken by them
after Latin ceased to be spoken, which implies that there was
some vulgar tongue in use, distinct from both ; if so, it is not
to be traced. When the barbarous compound, which was i|i
316 LOMBARDY.
use up to the year 1200, came to be subjected to the rules of
construction, it must have made a rapid progress in refinement.
About the year 1300, the Italian, as now known, was written
by Dante, and it is not supposed to have been made better
since that time. Before the Italian had been established as
the language of science and literature, a passion arose for the
study of ancient literature, especially the Latin writers, and
their own tongue was negleected by the Italian scholars. The
Latin is considered to be the original foundation of the Italian,
Spanish, and Portuguese ; and, though these are very different
languages, differences are easily accounted for by lapse of
time, and the effects produced by use on what may be called a
growing language.
CHAPTER XLIX.
LOMBARDY.
Lombard Kingdom — Conquest by Pepin, of France — Dominion of Char-
lemagne, and of his Successors — Normans in Italy.
Within a century after the conquest by the Lombards,
this people had emerged from their barbarism sufficiently to
form a code of laws. They had deliberative councils and
courts of justice. It was the practice with them as with all the
nations of Teutonic origin, to compensate crimes, murder not
excepted, by the payment of fines, in money. There was an
established rate, in valuing life, for all classes. Trial by com-
bat was in use among them. It is believed to be peculiar to
the Lombards, that they did not permit the priesthood to take
part in political affairs. The church of Rome had not estab-
lished its power among them. The character of the Lombards
bears a comparison very favorably to them, with most other
barbarous nations who had possessed themselves of Europe.
But they were destined to a short duration. About 752, they
attempted the conquest of Rome. The pope sought assistance
from the sovereigns beyond the Alps, who were devoted to the
church. Pepin came from France with a sufficient force to
repel the Lombards, and force them to a humiliating peace.
New assaults on Rome having occurred, Charlemagne ap-
peared in 774, when Desiderius was the Lombard king, and
ITALY.
317
this person having been subdued and taken prisoner, Charle-
magne became the king of Italy as well as emperor of the
Franks, or of the west ; or, in other words, added that king-
dom to his own, and took the title to himself.
From the death of Charlemagne, in 814, to the middle of
the eleventh century, or about two hundred and fifty years, is
the period of the greatest debasement of Italy. Historical
accounts of this time are few, and not much to be relied on.
The impression taken from the perusal of the most respected
historians who have treated of these times, is, that the very
worst passions which can direct human actions, were in con-
tinual operation. Religion, intended to restrain and chasten
the common propensities of human nature, served only, in this
lapse of time, to minister to folly, vice, and crime. If we
assume the entire abolition of all laws, human and divine, and
the subjection of society to fraud, violence, and rapine, in a
period of extreme ignorance, we can deduce the condition of
Italy in these truly dark ages. The elements are, so far as
names and agents are known, these : — The popes still held the
city of Rome and adjacent country, with something of tempo*
ral as well as ecclesiastical authority. While the Carlovin-
gians were sinking into insignificance, from 814 to 888, the
popes were often assailed by the Lombards and the neighbor-
ing dukes. The Greek emperors sometimes attempted to
resume dominion in Italy. The Saracens had possessed them-
selves of Africa, Sicily, Spain, and frequently invaded Italy.
Meanwhile, the chiefs of dukedoms, into which south Italy
was divided, were contending with each other. To these
causes of affliction are to be added the civil wars which arose
in the dukedoms. The sword, pestilence, and famine, were in
close alliance. The most cruel punishments were inflicted on
captives; that one which seemed to be most agreeable to the
taste of the age, was to mutilate the person. Some of the
statements, in these respects, are too shocking to be narrated.
When the Carlovingians disappeared, in Charles the Fat,
in 888, and Henry the Fowler, his successor by election, had
overawed the barbarians on his northern and eastern frontier,
he turned his attention to Italy, and desired to resume domin-
ion there. The first Otho who followed him, established this
dominion ; the second of that name maintained it. These
emperors dealt with the popes as they pleased. They placed
on the papal throne whomsoever they thought proper, and dis-
placed the tenants of it as suited their caprice. This German
authority over the successors of St. Peter was preserved, with
27*
318 NORMANS IN ITALY.
little interruption, until the time of the famous Gregory VII.,
of whom it will be necessary hereafter to give an account.
But these German emperors, in thus visiting Italy with armies,
came in contact with the Saracens, the dukes, and the forces
of the Greek emperors, jwlio held some territories in south-
eastern Italy. Thus wete four distinct parties contending for
Italy; and if we include the spiritual and temporal claims of
the popes, there Avere five. At this time, (about the year 1016,)
the Normans appeared in Italy, and gave a new character to
the scenes which were passing there.
It will be remembered that in 912, Rollo, from Norway,
established himself in that part of France called Normandy.
He was surnamed the Walker, because he v/as so large and
heavy, that no horse could carry him. His descendants and
followers readily intermingled with the Franks, and became
zealous, but barbarous Christians. They cherished the orig-
inal spirit of heroic adventure, and, under their Christian im-
pulses, this spirit found gratification in pilgrimages to the
holy land. United with this enthusiasm, was the hope of
conquest, or at least of plunder, by their military force. All
of these adventurers appear to have been thoroughly trained
to arms. On the bay of Salerno, about thirty miles south-east
of Naples, was the town of Amalphi, or Amalfi, which has
been made memorable from three causes. Here, it is said that
the mariner's compass was invented ; here was found the long
lost code of civil law, compiled by the orders of Justinian, and
here was compiled the first maritime code, or system of laws
for the regulation of commerce. (1 vol. of Sismondi, p. 242.)
Hallam, (History of Middle Ages, 2 vol. p. 276, Amer. ed.)
says, The mariner's compass is clearly alluded to by a French
poet, about 1200, which is more than a century earlier than
the supposed discovery at Amalfi. He mentions two others
who appear to have known of the magnet at an earlier period.
Hallam also questions the discovery of the Pandects, (or part
of the Roman, or civil law,) at Amalfi in 1135. About the
year 1025, forty of these Norman adventurers, in their way
from the holy land, arrived at Amalfi. They were ready for
any enterprise which promised glory or wealth, or even bread.
They were invited to engage in the wars then going on in
Italy, and became very formidable assistants. Their success
attracted other adventurers from Normandy. Their numbers
so increased, that they were enabled to become masters of a
large portion of the south of Italy, including Naples and its
territories ; and, at length, to assume a royal dignity. In the
NORMANS IN ITALY. 319
year 1053, the pope, Leo IX., attempted to subdue them, and
so far forgot his pacific character, as to accompany his forces.
The Normans vanquished him, and then fell at his feet to
supplicate forgiveness of their sin in warring with his holiness.
The result of this matter was, that the Normans were content-
ed to accept, and the pope glad to bestow, the right of sove-
reignty over Naples and its territories; and they were thus
held, through successive centuries, as a dependency of the
pope. The right of the pope to bestow this territory, was as
well founded as the assumption of the like potentates, in after
ages, to bestow sovereignty over other territories, savage, or
civilized. This may be the first instance of the exercise of
such power.
Among those Normans who distinguished themselves in
Italy, one family attained to great power ; and from this family
came a race of kings, which was associated by intermarriages,
with most of the royal families of Europe. Tancred of Haute-
ville, (a castle in lower Normandy, in France,) had twelve
sons, ten of whom went to Italy. Robert, surnamed Guiscard,
(adroit or cunning,) was the first among the seven brothers of
the second marriage. He was alike distinguished for the
grandeur of his person, his skill in war, and his strength of
mind. The brothers founded the republic of Apulia, along
the north-east coast of lower Italy, of which Robert was the
chief, or duke. He added to his dominions, under the sanction
of the pope, nearly all the south of Italy, to the full extent of
what has long been the kingdom of Naples ; that is, all southern
Italy up to the papal territories. He included Amalfi, which
had already begun a commercial course of dealing. Here, in
Robert's time, towards the close of the eleventh century, is
supposed to have been the first school of that age which pre-
ceded the revival of letters. It was, however, only a medical
school, founded by one Constantino, an African Christian, who
had acquired, by a residence of thirty-nine years at Bagdad,
the learning and the arts of the Arabs. Robert boldly at-
tempted to conquer the Greek empire. He crossed over to
Greece with his heroine v,^ife, and proceeded towards Con-
stantinople. The wreck of his fleet, pestilence, and complicat-
ed misfortunes, and not the skill and courage of his opponents,
defeated his purposes. The German emperor, Henry IV.,
was induced by the Greek emperor to invade Italy; and thus
Robert was compelled to return not only from a fruitless, but
a disastrous expedition. In a second expedition to Greece, he
was seized by an epidemic, and died in July, 1085, at the age
320 NORTHERN ITALY.
of seventy. The youngest brother of the family, Roger, con-
quered Sicily from the Arabs, and his son became the king of
that island. His son, of the same name, united Sicily with
Calabria and Apulia, (the two latter being the extreme south of
Italy,) and these territories acquired the name of the kingdom
of Naples. Afterwards, Sicily and the Neapolitan kingdom
acquired the name of the two Sicilies, and this name was used
in historical records, for some centuries.
CHAPTER L.
NORTHERN ITALY.
StaLe of Northern Italy in 1100 — Guelfs and Ghibelines — Frederick Bar-
barossa's Wars withlhe Italian Republics.
Under the general name of Italy, the country is to be
noticed which lies southwardly of the Alps, and between the
Tuscan, Adriatic, and Mediterranean seas. Historical events
are, — 1. The efforts of the German emperors to hold Italy in
subjection. 2. The conflicts between these emperors and the
popes. 3. The efforts of the republics to free themselves from
the emperors. 4. The efforts of the popes to subject all civil
authority to spiritual tyranny. 5. The tumults and revolutions
in Italian cities, in which the Guelfs and Ghibelines appear.
6. The wars between the Italian republics. 7. Commerce.
8. Revival of learning. 9. Attempts of France, Germany,
and Spain, to conquer Italy. 10. The loss of liberty, through-
out Italy.
These subjects comprise many facts, and various agents.
A selection of such events as will give a clear and connected
narration, is intended. A brevity which makes narration
obscure, and a particularity of detail which makes it tedious,
are alike to be avoided. Many great cities, with their sur-
rounding territories, each one independent of all others, ought
to have, respectively, separate histories. But their fortunes
were so interwoven, and their action with and against each
other so closely connected, that historians have commonly
treated of them collectively. This was the more unavoidable,
because the efforts of the German emperors to subdue these
cities, were directed against several of them, in each invasion.
NORTHERN ITALY.
321
This is the course of Sismondi, in his elaborate history. It is
admitted that he has superseded the laborious compiler, Mura-
tori. Taking Sismondi as the guide in this labyrinth of facts,
names, and dates, but comparing him with other authorities,
and especially Hallam, the history of Italian states and repub-
lics will be treated of, separately, as far as may be practicable.
Historians usually assume that readers are familiar with
geographical names and relations. This is not always so ;
and therefore the events related will be connected with the
time when, and the place in which they occurred.
Northern Italy is bounded on the wTSt by the Alps which
separate it from France; on the north by the Alps, which
separate it from the Alpine country; on the east by the Adri-
atic sea ; on the south by the Tuscan sea, and by a line near
the 44th degree of north latitude, drawn from the Tuscan to
the Adriatic. The whole extent of northern Italy, from west
to east, is about three hundred miles; and from north to south,
an average extent of one hundred and fifty miles. The river
Po has its sources in the Alps, which separate Italy and
France, and runs eastwardly nearly through the middle of
Northern Italy, and empties into the Adriatic in four principal
streams. In its course it receives numerous tributaries from
the northern Alps, and from the Appenines, which rise between
it and the Tuscan sea on the south.
The city of Pavia is situated in the great plains through
which the Po runs, and very near the confluence of that river
with the Tecino. It is nearly midway between the northern
end of the Tuscan sea, and the Alps ; and about one third of
the distance from the western Alps, (which separate Italy and
France,) to the Adriatic sea. This city often occurs in the
history of Northern Italy. This fact, and its position, make
it the most convenient central place from which to point out
the relative bearing and distance of the many cities which
are to be mentioned. Pavia is in north latitude, 45, 10. east
longitude 9. 9.
After Cfearlemagne had subdued the kingdom of Lombardy
and had annexed it to the German empire, it was sometimes
called by its former name, and sometimes the kingdom of
Italy. From A. D. 900, to the middle of the eleventh century,
the events which occurred in northern Italy were never re-
corded, or the records of them have been lost. It is known,
however, that in these one hundred and fifty years, the Italian
cities had been growing rich and ^sopulijus, and that most of
them had been surrounded by walls, and th'^at some of them
322 NORTHERN ITALY.
had, within the walls, strong citadels. Compared with the
extent of the country, the number of cities was very great, and
the strong holds or castles were more, jn proportion, than in
Germany. These facts indicate a highly belligerent state of
society. Sentiments of republican freedom are supposed to
have arisen, and to have been cherished in these cities, in these
one hundred and fifty years. A condition approaching to
independence of the German empire existed in all northern
Italy, when Frederick Barbarossa was elected emperor in
1152. The claims of the German emperors to be the sove-
reigns of northern Italy had continued, though the utmost
military power of the empire was incompetent to enforce them.
Frederick Barbarossa so found it to be, throughout the whole
of his reign, (IJ 52 to 1190,) thirty-three years of which he
devoted to a costly, desolating, and unsuccessful warfare to
obtain the mastery. He crossed the Alps no less than six
times, with numerous armies. This is one of the most strik-
ing examples, in the thousands recorded, of the misery which
one man may inflict upon millions. Yet Frederick was
neither a bad man, nor a tyrannical monarch, for the age in
which he lived.
There were different routes from Germany into Italy over
the Alps. Frederick passed through most of them ; sometimes
coming from Bavaria through the Tyrol, and the bishopric of
Trent, and entering at the north-east part of Italy. Sometimes
he came from the kingdom of Burgundy, then part of the
German dominions, and no,w southern France. His route, in
this case, was through Savoy, over Mont Cenis, and through
Piedm_ont. His first descent on Italy was through the Tyrol,
from Bavaria, in 1154. He had then two objects, to chastise
his rebellious subjects, and to be crowned at Pavia, as king of
Italy, and at Rome, as emperor.
At this time, Milan had become the richest, the most popu-
lous, and the most strongly fortified of the cities. It is situated
in the plain, between two tributaries to the Po, the Tecino and
the Adda, and about seventeen miles nearly north from Pavia.
This city had taken the lead in the opposition to the empire,
and had formed an alliance with several other cities; and was,
consequently, in a state of hostility to those cities which from
choice, fear, or jealousy of Milan, still adhered to the empire.
The inhabitants of northern Italy, at this time, may be com-
prised in these classes: 1. The nobles, of various grades and
wealth ; most of whom resided in castles on their estates, and
were divided into the two factions of Guelfs and Ghibelines.
NORTHERN ITALY. 323
2. The agriculturalists, some of whom had estates of their
own ; but most of them were vassals of the nobles, or tenants
under them, with a relaxation of strict feudal rights. 3. The
cities and their inhabitants, who were divisible into many-
classes, the most numerous of which were the merchants and
mechanics, both of them free, and inclined to preserve their
freedom. The whole population of the cities and villages
were trained to arms, and were formed into militia. Among
the nobility, the profession of arms was the only one. There
were many villages on the great plain, w'hich depended on
some one of the cities for protection.
The character of this age may be illustrated by noticing
two subjects : 1. The manner of conducting war. 2. The
relation of the two factions (Guelfs and Ghibelines) to each
other.
The inhabitants of cities being formed into bodies of militia,
in every city there w^as a heavy car, drawn by oxen, which
w^as called the carroccio. It was used to bear the flags and
armorial insignia of the city. A high pole rose in the middle
of the car, bearing the colors, and, before it, the figure of the
Saviour, with extended arms, as though bestowing a benedic-
tion. There was an altar in front of the car, at which the
priest daily performed religious ceremonies ; and, in the rear
of the car were seated the trumpeters, whose employment it
was to sound the charge or retreat. The carroccio was
sacred, was the rallying point in battle, and was, at all events,
to be defended and preserved.
The origin of the Guelfs and Ghibelines has been mention-
ed in another place. They were first heard of about the year
1140, at the battle of Winsberg, in Swabia, in which the em-
peror Conrad III. and his vassal, Henry the Lion, were the
opponents. Henry's family name Avas Guelf, and his parti-
sans distinguished themselves by his name. Conrad was of
the Hohenstauffen family, and that family arose in the town of
Ghiblingen, in Wirtemburg. His partisans called themselves
Ghibelines. Hence, as Henry was regarded as a rebel, Guelf
came to be (among Ghibelines) a general name for the rebel-
lious. Iq the long-continued conflicts between the emperors
and the popes, the Ghibelines were commonly found on the
side of the emperors, and the Guelfs on the side of the popes.
Afterwards, in the wars and contentions which arose among
the people of the Italian republics, these party names were
always in use, even to the end of the fifteenth century. It has
been said that the Guelfs were those who maintained the prin-
324 NORTHERN ITALY.
ciples of liberty; the Ghibelines those who supported arbi-
trary power. It is much more probable, and much more
consistent with the well-known effects of party spirit, to sup-
pose, that these names were convenient, if not necessary dis-
tinctions, in the long-continued conflicts among the Italians, in
which there was no other principle than a strife for mastery.
Both parties were alike ambitious, rapacious, cruel, and tyran-
nical. Both names were applied to noble families, who held
castles and rich domains, and who had numerous followers,
sustaining their chiefs with force and bloodshed. It is also
true of these parties, as of most others, that they sometimes
changed sides as to principles, (if any they had but the im-
pulse of personal enmity and vengeance,) and that Guelfs
changed to Ghibelines, and Ghibelines to Guelfs. It is not
reasonable to assume, that, in the convulsions, tumults, and
bloody civil wars which continued through three centuries,
and which divided the cities and people of Italy, there was a
dominant principle always to be known by a mere party name.
The Guelfs were sometimes in alliance with monarchs and
with popes who were very far from being the friends of liberty ;
but it is also true that they were frequently on the popular
side, and very certain, that when they were the ruling party,
they were as oppressive and tyrannical as their adversaries.
Some of the cities were distinguished by one of these names,
and some of them by the other. But when northern Italy
had freed itself from the subjection to the empire, and its mem-
bers engaged in contentions among themselves, and the inhab-
itants of the same city were engaged in the most vindictive
warfare w^ith each other, these names were still used by the
hostile parties.
Frederick's first visit to Italy was that of a sovereign exas-
perated by the conduct of rebellious subjects. His route,
through northern Italy to Pavia, and thence to Rome, (in both
of which places he was crowned,) was marked by violence,
conflagration, and crueUies. He was limited in such exercise
of power only by his ability, which the oppressed Italians
were enabled so far to control, as to force him to retire over
the Alps. The people of Milan were his most efficient oppo-
nents ; and, after his retirement, they avenged themselves on
the cities which had adhered to him, while they rebuilt the
places which he had destroyed. Pavia, seventeen miles south
of Milan ; Cremona, about thirty-eight miles east of Pavia ;
and Novara, about twenty-five miles north-west of Pavia, were
made to feel the displeasure of Milan ; while Tortona, twenty
NORTHERN ITALY. 325
miles south-west of Pavia, and several villages, were rebuilt,
by the aid of the Milanese. The relative position of these
places shows how much the Italians were weakened by their
internal divisions.
In 1158, Frederick appeared again, with a numerous army'
of German barbarians. The same desolation again marked
his course. His principal object was to reduce Milan. He
could not force an entry into the city, and attempted to reduce
it by famine. The Milanese could see their fields desolated
from their walls. Wearied, at length, he made a treaty. One
of tiie provisions was, that he should send into the city a
foreigner, with supreme power, called a j)odesia, (from the
Latin potestas, power or authority.) These, and other con-
ditions, were so oppressive, thai, in the following year, Milan
drove out the podesta, and again took to arms. Frederick did
not attennpt to reduce Milan, but applied his force to the city of
Crema, one of its allies. Crema is on the river Adda, twenty-
two miles north-east of Parvia, and twenty-five nearly north
east of Milan. Frederick had a number of young persons as
hostages, children of citizens of Crema. He erected a move-
able tower, and bound these children to it in the most exposed
position, and forced the tower, containing armed men, close tc
the walls of the cit}^ The besieged had the election to be
subdued, or to destroy their children in repelling their foes.
They called to their children to die nobly, and they were
killed, if not by the hands of their own parents, within theii
view. The tower was repelled ; but, after six months, famine
conquered these gallant people. They were allowed to retire
to Milan, but their city was given up, first to pillage, and ther
to flames. (January 26, IIGO.)
Frederick remained in Italy, prosecuting the war. Rein-
forced from Germany, in 1161 he renewed his attack or
Milan. In March, 1162, he reduced the city by famine, anc
its inhabitants surrendered at discretion. On the 25th of tha
month, he had ordered every living being to depart, and then
utterly destroyed the whole city, literally leaving not one stone
on another.
The measures of Frederick had alienated some cities which
had supported him, and a feeling of sympathy and compassion
for the Milanese, generally gained strength. Five years after-
wards, and even while Frederick was employed in controver-
sies in Italy, near Rome, the people in northern Italy met and
formed the League of Lombardy, in 1167. Even the Guelfs
and Ghibelines now united to resist the common oppressor. The
28
326 NORTHERN ITALY.
towns and cities of the Verona territory joined in this league.
Verona is a very important city, in the north-eastern part of
Italy, ninety miles east by north from Pa via, a territory through
which the river Adige flows. These cities also joined the
league, viz. Treviso, one hundred and forty miles north-east;
Ferrara, one hundred and twenty-five east by south ; Mantua,
eighty miles east ; Brescia, forty-five miles north-east ; Berga-
mo, thirty-five miles north-east ; and Lodi, fifteen miles north-
east, from Pavia. Venice, on the east coast of northern Italy,
joined the league. Nearly all the considerable cities on the
north side of the Po had combined in the common defence.
Ferrara, on the south side of the Po, joined the confederates.
In April, 1167, the militia of six of these cities assisted the
people of Milan, and, under their creditable zeal and persever-
ance, Milan rose again from its ruins, and was soon prepared
to oppose itself anew to its relentless enemy. Meanwhile, the
emperor was occupied in attempting to reduce Rome to obe-
dience. This patriotic spirit, on the north of the Po, extended
itself to the cities on and south of that river, and these cities
soon joined the northern confederacy, viz. Placentia, east
twenty miles on the Po ; Parma, fifty-five south-east ; Mode-
na, eighty-five south-east ; Bologna, one hundred and twenty
south-east from Pavia. Other cities afterwards joined, viz.
Novara, twenty-five north-west ; Vercelli, thirty west ; Como,
thirty north ; Tertona, twenty south-west, and Asti forty south-
west from Pavia. When Frederick returned from Rome, he
found nearly the whole of northern Italy confederated to
oppose him. In the month of March, 1168, he departed over
Mount Cenis into Burgundy, (now Dauphine in France,) to
recruit his forces and re-commence his profitless warfare.
Pavia and Montferrat still adhered to the emperor. Montfer-
rat is a territory of considerable extent in the south-west cor-
ner of Italy, adjoining Piedmont. To sever Pavia and Mont-
ferrat, the confederates built the city of Alexandria, twenty-five
miles south-west of Pavia, near the confluence of the two
rivers Tanero and Bormio, which unite, and soon after fall
into the Po, on the south side.
In 1 174, Frederick came with another army, but met with
little success. An attempt to treat, failed, from the exorbitant
demands of the emperor. He gained nothing during the
winter. Having strengthened himself by new forces from
Germany, in the spring of 1176 he resolved to crush the Mi-
lanese army, which encountered him north-west of Milan, a
few miles. Fortune, at first, favored him, when nine hundred
NORTHERN ITALY. 327
young" men, in a body, having knelt and invoked God, rushed
to the conflict ; and their example, re-animating the Milanese,
all united in one deadly effort. Frederick was, at length,
completely vanquished, and escaped, himself, with extreme
peril. A truce of six years followed.
At the end of that time, a diet or congress was held at Con-
stance, in the north-east corner of Switzerland, (on the lake of
Constance,) and on the 25th of June, 1183, a final treaty of
peace was settled. The following is Sismondi's account of
the terms of this peace : — The emperor renounced all regal
privileges which he had claimed in the interior of the cities.
He acknowledged the right of the confederate cities to levy
armies, enclose themselves within fortifications, and to exercise
civil and criminal jurisdiction, by officers of their own appoint-
ment, and to choose consuls by the nomination of the people.
The cities were authorized to take measures to strengthen
their confederation, for the maintenance of the rights acknowl-
edged by this treaty.
The rights of the emperor were also defined ; but the con-
federates had the further right to buy out these, by an annual
payment of two thousand marks of silver.
Thus, after a relentless war of the third of a century, the
cities of northern Italy had fought themselves free against the
whole German empire. The annual payment was only the
form in which that liberty was acknowledged. This was the
first instance of a treaty between a monarch and his sub-
jects, in which the rights of independent self-government were
established. (June, 1183.)
The restless Frederick was soon after induced, at a very
advanced age, to engage in a crusade to the holy land. In his
way thither, he accidentally lost his life, from bathing (as it is
said) in a river, (the Cydnus or the Salef.) near the north-east
corner of the Mediterranean, in the year 1 190.
•28 ITALY.
CHAPTER LI.
ITALY.
From the Peace of Constance, in 1133, to the death of Frederick 11.^
Emperor of Germany and King of the Tioo Sicilies, in 1250.
The events of these sixty-seven years require a more ex-
tended view of Italy, and some description of the agents who
were engaged in them.
1. Germaii Emperors. — Henry VI., son of Frederick Bar-
barossa, succeeded his father, and died September 28, 1197.
Henry had married Constance, heiress of the Two Sicilies,
and, in her right, was king. On his death, the crown of the
Two Sicilies went to Henry's infant son, Frederick II. Two
emperors were elected on Henry's death : Philip I., brother
of Henry VI., by the Ghibelines ; Otho IV., son of Henry
the Lion, by the Guelfs. While these two lived, civil war
raged in Germany. Philip was assassinated in 1208. Otho
reigned till 1212, undisturbed, when the pope. Innocent III.,
caused Frederick II., son of Henry VI., to go to Aix-la-Cha-
pelle and be crowned. Then Otho IV. and Frederick II.
were both emperors until May, 1218, when Otho died.
2. The Popes. — Innocent III. reigned from 1197 to 1216,
ind was the greatest man in Europe, in his time. Honorius
:il. from 1216 to 1227; Gregory IX. from 1227 to 1241';
CJelestine IV., then Innocent IV. from 1243 to 1254.
3. The Noble Families of Italy. — While the Italian cities
and Frederick Barbarossa were contending, the nobles seem
not to have taken a conspicuous part on either side. These
families had formerly been feudal lords throughout Italy.
Their castles still crowned the summits of the hills, and were
scattered on the plains. When the cities became free, and
were powerful enough to take and hold the lands around
them, the nobles had no resource but to join the cities. Very
few of them were sufficiently powerful to retain their domin-
ions and their vassals in a state of independence ; and even
these few (now disconnected from the German empire) were
obliged to continue, without a country, or to join some one of
the cities. Thus, all the nobles became members of cities,
ind brought with them their enmities as Guelfs and Ghibe-
ELEMENTS OF HISTORY. 329
ines. These two parties became prominent agents in these
sixty-seven years.
4*. The Subjects of ContesU — The emperors and the popes
were still contending for dominion. The Ghibeline cities
sustained the pretensions of the former ; the Guelf cities those
of the latter. These two different descriptions of cities were,
therefore, hostile. Not only the north, but the middle and the
south of Italy, engaged in these contests.
Although the events from 1183 to 1250, in Italy, are many
and complicated, and embrace the whole surface of Italy, they
arose from a policy which explains all of them. The Ghibe-
line party adhered to the emperors of Germany, the Guelfs to
the popes and the church. The emperors and the popes were
always hostile rivals. But these relations were not invariable.
If a Guelf emperor happened to be elected, (as was the case
in the election of Otho IV.,) the Guelfs changed sides. If it
suited the papal policy to oppose the Guelf emperor, which
was the case as to Frederick II. (Ghibeline) when opposed to
Otho, (Guelf,) the pope, for the time, became Ghibeline. But
the general aspect of Italian affairs for this period of sixty-
seven years, is this : — The popes used every effort, founded in
spiritual domination, in artful intrigues, in exciting wars and
•ebellions, to control the imperial power. They had well-
bunded apprehensions of being reduced to the humble condi-
aon of Roman bishops. The crowns of Lombardy, of Ger-
many, of Naples and Sicily, were united in Frederick II.
This prince was one of the ablest men of his time, and sur-
passed only by Innocent III, who was of middle age, noble
by birth, and entitled to be ranked with Gregory VII. in his
ecclesiastical zeal and ambition. The territories over which
Frederick had dominion, enclosed the papal territories.*
Frederick II. was placed under the guardianship of Inno-
cent III. when about four years old, by his widowed moth-
er, Constance, who soon after died. Innocent had caused
Frederick to be crowned from interested motives ; but when
Honorius III. succeeded Innocent, Frederick naturally return-
ed to hostility to the papal authority, and to alliance with the
Ghibeline cities and nobles ; while ' Honorius necessarily re-
lied on his spiritual power, and on the cities, nobles, and peo-
ple, distinguished as Guelfs. Among the Guelfs was the
powerful family of Este, which had long been sovereign over
* See chap. iii. part I. of Hallam's Middle Ages, as to the extent and
title of the church estates.
28*
330 ELEMENTS OF HISTORY.
an extensive territory north of the Po, in eastern Lombardy,
west of Venice, including Padua and Verona. North of this
territory, and extending to the Alps, was another territory,
held by the family of Romana, of which the dukes or mar-
quises were called Ezza, or Eccelino. This family were
Ghibelines. Thus, in many parts of northern and middle
Italy, were intermingled the families of these two parties ; and
in every city the same party distinctions appeared, the Guelfs
being, usually, on the popular side.
By the peace of Constance (1183) the cities of northern
Italy were left to choose their own forms of government, and
this freedom extended itself to all the cities in the middle part
of Italy. Various forms of popular election were adopted,
oecurity against the abuse of power was sought in frequent
elections and from rotation in office. But sudden and violent
revolutions were of frequent occurrence. To guard against
these, the expedient was adopted, in most of the cities, of
choosing an eminent person, of some other city, to come and
rule for a year. To this officer the name of podesta was
given, and he exercised military and judicial power, amount-
ing almost to despotism. It was hoped that a stranger, dis-
connected from interior factions, would be able to exercise his
authority impartially and usefully for all. This hope was
seldom realized. Councils of citizens were sometimes chosen
to regulate or control the podesta. The Italians were never
able to balance powers in such a manner as to secure them-
selves from usurpations and tyranny. The legislative, the
judicial, and the executive authorities were so united in the
same individual, or body, that no check of the one on the
other existed, and tyrannical use of power was inevitable. But
that which added to the social insecurity of these cities was,
that the military power was usually added to the other three,
and often silenced all of them. Citizens were armed for self-
defence, and dwelling-places w^ere, more or less, fortified. On
the first alarm, the shops were closed, and chains thrown
across the streets. Whole families were butchered or exiled,
and palaces razed to the ground. Sometimes the Ghibelines
were expelled and banished, and sometimes the Guelfs. As
fortune favored the exiled, they returned to take vengeance on
their adversaries.
One of the most detestable tyrants that ever appeared on
( irth, was Eccelino, of the family of Romana, appointed by
x^rederick II. to rule at Verona. He was of diminutive stat-
ure, cold and merciless, unequalled in bravery and military
MILAN. 331
skill. It would require a volume to narrate all the instances
of his cruelty. It was said to be common all over northern
Italy to see persons who were either without hands, without
ears, without eyes, or otherwise disfigured and maimed, who
declared themselves to have been reduced to such miserable
condition by this Eccelino. He had eleven thousand Paduans
in his army. Padua revolted. These eleven thousand were
imprisoned, and all but two hundred met a violent or lingering
death. He, at length, fell into the hands of his enemies, in
September, 1259. After he was made prisoner, he refused to
speak, rejected medicine, tore the bandages from his wounds,
and expired on the eleventh day of his captivity, at the age of
sixty-five. In the following year, his brother and all his fam-
ily were massacred.
The power of the church, acting on the superstition of the
age, at length subdued Frederick. Repeated excommunica-
tions, and especially that pronounced by a council convened at
Lyons by Innocent IV., in the year 1245, terrified the empe-
ror's friends, and induced them to forsake him. He retired to
Naples, and died there in December, 1250, in his fifty-sixth
year. The papists draw his character in very dark colors.
While, on the other hand, many excellencies are ascribed to
him, as a prince and as a man. It is not denied that he was
much in advance of his own age in his acquirements. Under
other circumstances, he might have been ranked among those
who would have promoted intelligence, and have essentially
aided in dispelling barbarism.
T^rojii 1250 to 1313. — These sixty-three years exhibit the
people of Italy in a series of internal tumults and vindictive
wars. They had earned freedom at great expense ; but they
proved, as so many other people have done, that to drive out
despotism is one thing, and to substitute rational liberty is
entirely another. The external pressure having been remov-
ed, the thought and action devoted to that removal, had now to
find objects at home. The party names continued, but they
served only to designate virulent, insatiable factions. Before
the end of these sixty-three years, the republics of Italy had
prepared themselves for masters, and were willing to be at
rest under a severer despotism than that which they had ex-
pelled.
In the year 1250, there were more than two hundred politi-
cal communities in Italy, exercising the rights of government
idependently of each other. The same events involved, in
<Jd» MILAN,
general, several of these communities. Historians have, there-
fore, found it exceedingly difficult to seize on any leading
principle, and so to adhere to that as to make an intelligible,
connected narrative, out of such complication of facts. Noth-
ing more is necessary, and nothing more will be attempted,
than to give a concise view of the principal communities, con-
sidering, as far as may be practicable, each one by itself
In northern Italy, Milan was always regarded as the lead-
ing city. There were several villages and cities in its neigh-
borhood, whose political fortunes were inseparable from those
of Milan. The population of this city consisted of Ghibeline
and Guelf nobles, and their respective followers, and of mer-
chants and mechanics, priests and laborers. Its government
was vested in councils, variously chosen, at different times,
and of a chief executive officer, always a foreigner, and chosen
for one year, and exercising his power as podesta. Besides
the incessant personal quarrels between the two noble factions,
there was a contest for power between three parties, the Ghib-
elines, the Guelfs, and the citizens. If there be any general
principle in the historical events of Milan, from 1250 to 1500,
it is found in the action of these three parties on each other.
To which may be added, that this action often took a tempo-
rary character from external causes : that is, the position in
which Milan stood, at different times, in respect to foreign
communities ; and, finally, from the absolute dominion of a
single family.
It often happened in Milan, as it formerly did in ancient
Rome, that some distinguished noble (whatever the real motive
may have been) would join the popular side. Pagan della
Torre, lord of Valsassina, a territory north of Milan, at the
foot of the Alps, commended himself to the people of Milan.
He had raised and employed a body of cavalry for the defence
of the city. He, and others of his family, acquired a popu-
larity which was soon connected with office. That of podesta
was followed by the title of elder, and then, lord of the people.
Philip, one of this family, had been raised to like honors, in
1264, over several cities around Milan. Thus, in less than
fifteen years after the sovereignty of the German emperors
became merely nominal, the Milanese and their neighbors had
prepared for themselves a master.
The elevation of the della Torre family could not fail to
bring out envy, jealousy, and rivalry. These sentiments were
•xhibited in the noble family of Visconti, who were lords over
lother territory, northwardly of Milan, towards the Alps.
MILAN. 333
While the della Torre family ruled at Milan, the archbishop
of that city was one of the Visconti family. He, with others,
was exiled. The Ghibelines, who had been previously exiled,
united with the archbishop, and formed an army to reinstate
themselves. The della Torre party went forth from the city
in January, 1277, to meet the archbishop and his forces, but
were surprised and defeated; the Visconti triumphed, and
Milan and its dependencies became a principality, under that
family. It so continued till 1302. In this time the Visconti
had become rich and powerful, and had formed many family
alliances tending to the exaltation of their house. Their reign
was that of the Ghibelines. Then the Guelfs prevailed, and
Guido della Torre, after an exile of twenty-five years, was
restored, and the Ghibelines banished. But in 1311, when
Henry VII. appeared, he required the banishment of the
Guelfs, and the restoration of the Ghibelines. The Visconti
resumed their power, and made it little short of absolute.
Matteo Visconti ruled Milan as its lord and master, but in a
manner which was useful to the governed, and creditable to
himself, until 1322. This w^as the reign of the Ghibeline
faction. Galeazzo Visconti succeeded Matteo his father. The
Guelfs displaced him for a shoit time. He was recalled and
reinstated with the lordship of Milan.
In 1348, the Visconti family had enlarged their territories
around Milan, and now ruled over the central part, from the
state of Genoa on the south, to the Alps on the north. On the
west, the limit extended to the lands of the marquis of Mont-
ferrat, and on the east, to those of Mantua and Parma. There
were now only six independent states in northern Italy :
Montferrat, Milan, Verona, Padua, Mantua, and Ferrara, all
of them under the government of noble families; the whole
was included in the dominions of one or other of them. In ^
1351, the Visconti lord of Milan ruled over sixteen cities of
Lombardy, which had been so many independent republics.
Bologna was added by military force, and an attempt made on
Florence. In 1368, the Milanese lordship had been still en-
larged, and was then held by two brothers of the Visconti
family, who were exceedingly powerful in money and military
force, and allied by marriage to the royal families of France
and England. A more odious picture of cruelty and tyranny
does not appear in history, than that drawn of these two
brothers. Ingenuity was exhausted to invent tortures for the
accused and condemned.
Pope Urban V. attempted to oppose the usurpations of the
334 MILAN.
Visconti, who were extending their power into Tuscany.
The pope issued his bull of excommunication, and sent it, by-
two legates, to Milan, who presented this terrible anathema to
Barnabas Visconti, one of the two brothers. But the effect
expected by the pope did not follow. " Barnabas forced the
two legates to eat, in his presence, the parchment on which
the bull was written, together with the leaden seals and silken
strings." From 1375 to 1378, the Visconti, and Florence,
and the church, were involved in war. In the latter year a
congress was held to negotiate a peace, which ended without
efTecting that object. But the terror which the Visconti had
inspired throughout northern Italy, subsided as Barnabas, the
surviving brother, yielded to the inroads of time and infirmity.
The brother whom Barnabas survived left a son named
Gian Galeazzo, who appears to have been jointly entitled with
Barnabas to sovereignty, and the family riches. In providing
ibr his children, Barnabas intended to deprive his nephew of
his share, for their benefit. The nephew had discovered
several plots against him, but uttered no complaint. He shut
himself up at Pavia, and devoted himself to rigorous observ-
ance of religious duties, always in the presence of men of the
church. In 1385, Galeazzo informed his uncle that he was
about to perform a pilgrimage to a shrine near lake Maggiore,
north of Milan; and that he desired the gratification of seeing
his uncle as he passed. Barnabas and his two sons met
Galeazzo a short distance from Milan, the latter having with
him a guard suited only to his expedition, though numerous.
When the parties drew near to each other, Galeazzo respectful-
ly dismounted, and while he embraced his uncle, said in Ger-
man to his guards, "Strike!" The uncle and the two sons
were seized and transported to a prison, where Barnabas
finished his days, at the close of the same year. No one
avenged or regretted the fate of Barnabas ; and no one hailed
the accession of Galeazzo. The Milanese, once so free, and so
proud and worthy of freedom, had sunk to the level of slaves,
and were indifferent by whom the rod of a tyrant was held.
Galeazzo Visconti ruled Milan and its territories from 1385
to 1402. In this time, he extended his dominions to the Adri-
atic sea, and had made conquests in middle Italy. Florence
purchased, at great cost, a peace often years; but this did not
prevent Visconti from seizing the city of Sienna, part of the
Florentine territory. A more detestable character than Gale-
azzo Visconti is of rare occurrence in any age of the world.
The scale of his morality was to acquire whatsoever he want-
MILAN. 335
ed: his means were, bribery, perfidy, fraud, force, poison, the
dagger, and the rack. He had not the merit of being a
frank, acknowledged villain; for that which is most odious in
his character, was the meanness that governed the perpetration
of his crimes. In the autumn of 1402, the plague scourged
Italy, in addition to the calamities which this tyrant and usurper
had poured forth. Visconti immured himself in his castle of
Marignano, fifteen miles north of Milan, and cut off all com-
munication with«the outward world. But the enemy he sought
to escape penetrated to his seclusion, and put an end to his
crimes and his life in September, 1402.
The necessity of having arms, and of knowing how to use
them, had driven the Italians to many expedients. That of
forming independent military bodies, for the express purpose
of selling their time and skill to the highest bidder, was the
most dangerous of all these expedients to the peace and security
of the country. " Companies of adventure," as they were
called, composed of English, French, Gascons, and others,
who had served in the wars between France and England,
appeared in Italy. Compani^es were also formed of Italians.
In the year 1378, Alberic, count of Barbiano, formed a milita-
ry force composed of Italians only, under the name of St.
George, which acquired the first rank for military science, and
became the school of the soldier. Other military schools had
arisen under the patronage of Galeazzo Visconti, and he had
in his court several captains who were as destitute of every
virtue as they w^ere skilful in the arts of destruction. Such
had been Galeazzo, and such his policy, that when he was
forced to think of protectors for his young sons, and of guard-
ians of his dominions, there were no men better adapted to his
purpose than these military chiefs. The widow of Galeazzo
was associated with four of these chiefs in this trust; and her
favorite was a person of very low origin, and who had been a
servant of her husband. Sucli guardians soon exhibited their
respective characters. The military chiefs divided the Milanese
cities and dominions among themselves. The widow soon
found her appropriate place, in consequence of her violence,
perfidy, and insatiable cruelties, in a prison, where she died by
poison. (1404) Almost every city became a separate princi-
pality, some under Ghibeline, and some under Guelf govern-
ment. This period maybe selected, perhaps, as that in which
crime, profligacy, and debasement of every description, were
more triumphant in Italy, than at any other. This appears to
have been so, notwithstanding learning had been successfully
336 MILAN.
cultivated in several cities, within the last fifty years, as vvil
be shown in another place.
Gian Maria Viscont the oldest son of Galeazzo, was callec
duke of Milan, though bereft of nearly all that his father held
His taste and ambition did not inspire him with the desire o
governing. He contented himself with ministering to a singu
lar passion, that of torturing human beings. He fed hi;
hounds with human flesh, and procured the condemned fron
the tribunals, tliat he might see them torn ii^ pieces by hit
dogs. When the supply fell short, he increased it, by causing
the condemnation of those in whose crimes he had participated.
In J 412, he was assassinated.
The second son, Filippo Maria Visconti, was about twenty-
one in 1412. He is said to have been ambitious and timid,
and so sensible of his singular ugliness, that after the first year
he secluded himself entirely from public view. On the death
of his brother he appeared at Milan. The whole power had
been in the hands of a military chief, named Facino Cane, who
died on the same day that the brother was assassinated. Fi-
lippo immediately married the widow of Cane, and thus ac-
quired an influence over the soldiery. Though destitute of all
merit himself, Filippo was able to discover it in others, and to
employ it usefully for himself He attracted very able men
into his service, and especially one named Carmagnola, a Pied-
montese soldier of fortune. Before the end of 1422, this fortu-
nate soldier had brought all the states and cities held by
Filippo's father, again under dominion; and had added thereto
the republic of Genoa, as a dependency on Milan.
That part of Italy which extends south-eastwardly from the
vicinity of Bologna and Ravenna along the north-east coast oi
Italy, having Tuscany on the south-west, was called Romagna.
The stales of the church are now% in part, within Romagna.
Filippo having subdued northern Italy, turned his arms upon
Romagna and Tuscany. Florence, Venice, Sienna, Alphonso
of Naples, the duke of Savoy, the lord of Mantua, and the
marquis of Ferrara, united (1425) in a league against Filippo.
Meanwhile Carmagnola, who had earned the confidence and
the gratitude of Filippo, became an object of jealousy and fear.
He vvas dismissed and disgraced, and was not even permitted
to know the nature of his offence. He found his way to
Venice, and entered the service of the league. At first, Car-
magnola was victorious over the forces of his former master
In 1431, fortune deserted him. On this occasion, the peculia
policy of Venice comes into view. That government nevci
MILAN. 33t
employed its citizens in military service, either as officers or
men. It employed foreigners, but never had the least respect
for, nor confidence in any, whom they knew only as adven-
turers, making a traffic of their blood. Venice employed such
persons, but always with the secret reservation of making them
responsible, by any means, however mysterious and perfidious,
for all disasters. After Carmagnola had been unfortunate, he
was invited to Venice to arrange a new campaign. He was
received with great deference in the council chamber, detained
in conversation till the shades of evening came on; was then
seized, imprisoned, and next day put to the torture to obtain
secrets. At the end of twenty days he was brought forth,
(5th of May, 1432,) his mouth gagged; and being placed be-
tween two columns on the square of St. Mark, his head fell in
the presence of a multitude, who knew of no other principle of
government than that of terror.
The battles which Carmagnola had fought against the
Milanese, were in the eastern part of northern Italy, near the
banks of the Po, and mostly on the northern side of that river.
The residue of Filippo's reign was spent in war with
Venice and Florence. The latter state had employed a soldier
of fortune named Francisco Sforza ; the former employed
Bartolemeo Coleoni ; and both are mentioned as able generals.
Peace having been made in 1441, Filippo gave his daughter
Bianca in marriage to Sforza. The war was renewed, but
Sforza adhered to the Florentines. In 1447, Filippo being
hard pressed by the Venetians, made offers to his son-in-law
which were accepted ; and Sforza withdrew his army, and
marched for Milan. On the way he learned that Filippo died
13th of August, 1447.
Filippo left no legitimate successor. No one of the Visconti
family was living but Bianca, the wife of Sforza, the natural
daughter of Filippo; and Valentina, a sister of the last duke
Galeazzo. She was then the wife of the French duke of Or-
leans. Females were excluded from the ducal succession.
Four of the citizens of Milan excited an insurrection, and the
republic was declared to be restored, Sforza, and other gene-
rals, agreed to support the republic. The duke of Orleans
asserted his claim by a hostile invasion on the Avest side.
Sforza employed himself against the Venetians on the east.
By force, by intrigue, and by cruehies, Sforza procured him-
self to be proclaimed duke of Milan, February, 1450; and
reigned till his decease in March, 1466. This person appears
to have been greatly the superior of all who had preceded him,
29
33S MILAN'.
in talenis. disposition, and usefulness. His son and successor,
Galeazzo, was weak, proriiirate. and tyrannical ; and not the
superior of the worst of those who had preceded him. Three
young: patriots conspired to put him to death. They studied
most diligently, the bt^st means of effecting their object. The
day selected was the '26th Dtx-ember. 1470; the place, a church
at which the duke was to apj-vear in a public religious ceremo-
ny. The duke was slain, and two of the conspirators were
killed on the spot. The third escaped, but was taken and
tenured to death. While a prisoner, he wrote an account of
the conspiracy, and of the motives. This account is said, by
Sismondi, to have come down ?o the present day ; and he be-
stows on it the commendation of having been "composed in a
strain of noblest enthusiasm, with a deep religious feeling,
with an ardent love of libertv. and with a rirm persuasion that
he had performed a good action.'' This young hero of twenty-
two years, was called Olgiati. His heroism was rewarded by
being torn in pieces with red-hot pincers. The widow of the
slain duke. Bonne of Savoy, was made regent. She exiled the
brothers of her husband. They returneil. and deposed her ;
and declared her son, Gian Galeazzo Sforza, though only
twelve years old. the reigning duke. But the oldest of these
brothers, called Louis the Moor, assumed the government.
Little is said of Louis's exercise o( power, until he was called
on by the king of Naples to give up Milan to his nephew,
who had married a Neapolitan princess. At this time. (1494.)
Charles VIII. of France had entered Italy to enforce his
claims to the crown of Naples. While Charles was moving
triumphantly to his object in the south, the duke of Orleans,
(grandson of the person of the same name, before mentioned.)
was left in northern Italy, he having asserted his claim as the
heir of his grandmother, Valentina Visconti, to the duchy of
Milan. Louis the Moor, (or, as he is sometimes called, Ludo-
vico Sforza,) armed to meet the duke of Orleans, and besieged
him at Novara. thirty miles north-west from Pavia. Charles,
returning from Naples to France, halted at the neighboring
town of Asti. to negotiate for the delivery of the duke of Or-
leans, which he accomplished.
On the death of Charles. Louis, the claimant of the duchy
01 Milan, became king of France under the name of Louis
XII. He seemed much more ambitious of gaining Milan,
than of reigning in France. It was at this time, (during the
presence of Charles YIII. and Louis XII. in Italy.) tha^t the
Swiss became knov\Ti on the south side of the Alps," as soldiers
VENICE.
who let themselves for wages, regardless to whom, or on which
side, or of the object of the war.
In August, 1499, Ivjuis pa8sed the Alps with a powerful
army, and took two small fortresses, where he put every living
creuture to the sword. The arrny of Ludovico Sforza, terri-
fied by this ferocity, dispersed, and Ludovico escaped to Ger-
many. In October, 1499, Louis entered Milan without oppo-
sition, and was received as its lawful sovereign. But the
rapacity and insolence of the French, combined the Italians
against them. Ludovico re-appeared the following year with
a considerable army, and was joyfully received in several
cities. There was a numerous body of hired Swiss in Ludo-
vico's army. Louis XII. prepared to suppress this rebellion^
as he considered it, and in April, 1500, came with an army in
which were ten thousand Swis.s. Thus it happened that two
bodies of Swiss were opposed, and aVjoul to cut each other in
pieces in an affair that interested them in nothing beyond their
wages, Ludovico's Swiss were in the fortified city of Novara.
Loui.s's Swiss were employed to take that city. The SwLss,
on both sides, hesitated, and came, at length, to an understand-
ing, that those in Novara should surrender, and should take
with them and deliver up to the French all the Italian soldiers
in that place, Ludovico and his two brothers could obtain no
other fivor than to be allowed to march out with the Swiss, in
the disguise of Swiss uniform, and intermingle with the com-
mon ranks. This ingenuity did not save them, Ludovico
was soon known, and transferred to France as a prisoner.
Such he remained during life, Milan and its dependent cities
and territories remained subject to the king of France, til]
June, 1512.
CHAPTER LIL
THE REPUBLIC OF VENICE,
Venice has been celebrated for its commerce, riches, and
maritime grandeur : but more for its singular and self-devoted
policy, and its deliberate crimes, as o. state. Its origin is
referred by some writers to the fifth, by others, to the sixth
century. It undoubtedly began when some of the inhabitants
of northern Italy fled from the barbarians, (who crossed the
340
VENICE.
Alps,) and sought security in the low marshes formed by the
deposites of the many rivers which descend from the Alps on
the one side, and the Apnenines on the other, and empty into the
Adriatic. In this retreat they were protected by the difficulty
of approaching their abodes, but more by their poverty.
These people were first employed in extracting salt from the
sea, and in fishing. The sea was their only resource. Sepa-
rated from the land which they had inhabited, and having
none of their own but these low marshes, they were necessa-
rily directed to navigation and commerce, which began with
their salt and their fish. From this humble origin arose, in
more senses than one, from the sea, mighty and magnificent
Venice, and which preserved the name of republic through a
longer lapse of time than any other state. It is believed that
Venice is the only capital in Europe that was not entered by
a hostile power, before the time of the French revolution. As
early as the seventh century, the Venetians had found their
way to Constantinople, and the Levant, and to Egypt. They
traded not only with Christians, but the Saracens. They are
reproached with having purchased slaves of the latter, to sell
again, and with having sold arms to the Saracens, which were
used against Christians. The spirit of commerce was not
more chastened then, than it has been in posterior ages.
The traffic with infidels had given great offence to the
church, and was interdicted, under severe penalties, about the
end of the eighth century. But the Venetians found means
to evade this prohibition. In the year 809, an island called
the Rialto Avas the most considerable of the many, (said to
have been ninety,) which were peopled, and this became the
centre, and all the islands were connected with it by bridges,
more than four hundred and fifty in number. Thus was
formed the city which took the name of Venice. The origin
of this name is not stated. In the year 828, (the prohibition
of the church notwithstanding,) twenty vessels of Venice
were near the port of Alexandria, and were, as was alleged,
forced to take refuge there from a tempest. However these
vessels came there, they obtained from the Saracens the body
of the evangelist, St. Mark, and conveyed it to their city, and
St. Mark became their tutelary saint.* Their cathedral, their
grand palace, their armorial bearings, were named from their
saint, and even the country of Venetians was expressed in the
comprehensive name of St. Mark. The grandeur of Venice
* Essai sur I'influence des Croisades, par Heeren, p. 317.
VENICE. 341
was considered, by its inhabitants, at least, to be superior to
that of any other city. They vaunted that Rome was built by
mortals, but their own Venice by the gods. Its grandeur con-
tinued until the discovery of the maritime route to India, at
the end of the fifteenth century. It then began to decline.
This remarkable city, in which the carriages are gondolas,
and the streets canals, is still visited with admiration ; grand
in its decay, though degraded to an appendage of the Aus-
trian empire.
The first political state of Venice, in the seventh century,
was that of a republic, having a supreme duke, (doge,) its
legislative power residing in the people, and its executive
power vested in certain nobles. It soon distinguished itself
by commerce and navigation. Its early political history is a
succession of violent tumults, arising from the usurpations of
the executive power on the one hand, and the vindictive reac-
tion of the people on the other.
While the princes, nobles, and people of western Europe
were intent on rescuing Palestine from the infidels, Venice
became their most common route. The ships and the location
of Venice, afforded facilities in these enterprises, and, during
more than a century, (from 1150 — 1250,) many thousands of
crusaders passed through this city. Besides the money which
Venice accumulated from the crusaders, the means of com-
merce were extended in the east, and merchandise imported
thence, was distributed in the west.
In 1173, Venice was desolated by pestilence, and an attempt
was made, when this calamity subsided, to reform the govern-
ment. There was then a judicial tribunal called The Forty.
The forty ordered that the six quarters of the city should
choose two electors each, and that these twelve should choose
four hundred and seventy, to be the grand council. The same
opportunity w^as taken to provide, that for the present occasion,
only, twelve persons should be chosen, who should elect a
doge. This proved to be the last of popular power in elec-
tions. The forty also provided that the grand council should
annually choose six persons to be the council of the doge,
whose concurrence should be indispensable in all his official
acts. It was under this reformed government that Venice
attained to a commercial grandeur surpassing that of all other
cities.
In the contest which arose between Frederick I., (Barba-
rossa,) emperor of Germany, and pope Alexander III., the
latter took refuge in Venice, in 1177. The republic, taking
29*
342 VENICE.
the part of the pope, sent ambassadors to the emperor to pro-
pose peace, and the recognition of Alexander as the lawful
head of the church. Frederick answered by demanding the
delivery to him of his fughive enemy, and threatened, on non-
compliance, to plant his eagles before the portal of St. Mark.
An attack on Venice followed, but the emperor was defeated,
and his son Otho taken prisoner. Alexander went to meet
the returning victors, and then established the ceremony of the
wedding between Venice and the Adriatic, celebrated annually
for centuries afterwards, by the casting of the ring into the
sea, in proof that the sea was subjected to Venice as a wife to
her husband. By the perseverance of Venice, the emperor
was obliged, at length, to appear there and negotiate a peace,
acknowledge Alexander, and prostrate himself before his " fu-
gitive enemy."
In the year 1310, the people attempted to free themselves
from the dominion which the grand council had usurped.
But, as in all similar and unsuccessful attempts, the govern-
ment seized the opportunity to strengthen itself, and declared
that the members who then composed the grand council
should hold their places during life, and should be succeeded
in office by their descendants, without the form of election.
This measure excited great discontent, and caused insurrec-
tions, evils which came not alone. Genoa had been the com-
mercial rival of Venice, and had gained two important victo-
ries in a long-continued war. And, about the same time, pope
Clement V. (1309) having asserted pretensions to the city of
Ferrara, Venice opposed him, and was subjected to a bull of
excommunication. This instrument, as usual, absolved all
Venetians from their oaths of fidelity; declared them all
infamous, incapable of making testaments, or exercising any
political power, and disqualified their children, to the fourth
generation, from attaining to any secular or ecclesiastical dig-
nity. This denunciation had all the effect that was intended.
The superstitious people of Venice attributed all their misfor-
tunes to this papal indignation. The remedy they relied on
was a revolution ; and in June, 1310, a tremendous battle was
fought by the people on one side, and the government on the
other. The people were defeated. Trials, convictions, and
sanguinary executions followed. The people, however, had
only given the opportunity for another innovation, which
proved to be the finishing step in establishing an aristocratic
despotism, which endured for ages.
The secrecy with which the insurrection had been planned,
VENICE. 343
and its near approximation to complete success, was the foun-
dation on which this despotism arose. The intention was to
surround the council by a competent force, to rush into the
public apartments, and exterminate, at the same moment, every
member of the government. One conspirator desired to save
one member of the council, and therefore went to him, only
the evening before, and besought him to remain at home the
following day. The secret was wrung from this person. The
government, informed of its peril, devoted the night to prepa-
ration, as the conspirators were doing ; and, in the morning,
the adversaries met.
To secure the state against similar attempts, the doge, Gra-
denego, proposed the establishment of a perpetual aristocracy
of the nobles, to be called the Grand Council of Venice.
Hence, in 1311, arose the tribunal of Ten, so powerful and so
detested. Its jurisdiction, obscure and tyrannical, sacrificed
all individuals to the safety of the state — placed in the rank of
the greatest crimes the most indirect faults against government
— considered all those as accomplices in a plot who did not
give information of it — and made every person who was ac-
cused, regard himself as a lost man. The Council of Ten
was, in fact, composed of seventeen. It included the doge and
his six councillors ; and yet the doge and the whole of the
members appear to have been subjected to its inquisition.
Among the devices of this council was a mode of obtaining
information without peril to the informer. The hollow figure
of a lion was prepared, and so placed, in connexion with the
wall of the governmental palace, that a written communication
thrown into the lion's mouth would descend to a box in the
interior of the palace, of which the tribunal of Ten kept the
keys. Over the " lion's mouth" were words meaning "secret
denunciation." It may readily be imagined what uses could
be made of such an instrument, and what fate must have befal-
len those whom the basest passions could consign to the jeal-
ous scrutiny of this terrible tribunal. While Venice still
retained the name of a republic, there arose in its bosom, as a
consequence of failure to recover liberty, " a tribunal of blood,
which cast the chill of terror, not only through those who
attempted, but through all who meditated, the least reform."
The certainty of accusation, the secrecy observed in the inqui-
sition, the impossibility of escape, the horrible mysteries which
attended the trial, and the fate of the accused, are realities in
the agency of man upon his fellow, which make one shudder.
In general, the accused was despatched in secret. If the
344 VENICE.
publicity of execution was expedient, it was no otherwise pub-
lic than by the exposure of the dead body in the square of St.
Mark, with a label thereon — For a serious crime against the
state. Occasionally, executions were public, as when the de-
sired effect could be thereby produced. It is the common
destiny of human inventions and combinations which are, in
themselves, violations of the principles of justice and the laws
of nature, to come to an end by their own inherent vice. And
this is so, though the change which supervenes may be only
a renewal, in some other form, of the evils which have been
endured. This was not so in Venice. Its horrible system of
tyranny grew stronger with time, and continued in full vigor
till the close of the last century.
The social state of Venice was no less remarkable than its
political constitution. The citizens of the republic were thus
classed : — 1. The nobles, the whole number, thirteen hundred.
They were not of the same rank. The highest ranks com-
prehended the descendants of those who assisted in the election
of the first doge, in the sixth century, and, consequently, the
oldest noble families of Europe. The second rank compre-
hended those who were of the grand council when that became
perpetual and hereditary, (1310.) The names of these were
inscribed in the golden volume, and the names of their descen-
dants were there inscribed. The third comprehended those
who purchased nobility with hereditary rights, at the price of
one hundred thousand Venetian ducats, at a time when the
government was in great need of money. The fourth com-
prehended counts and marquises, who enjoyed no political
distinction, and were not employed in the public service. The
fifth comprehended all other persons, variously classed, whose
vocation was to obey, and never to act, or speak, or think, on
public affairs, but as they were commanded.
The election of the doge, for life, was a singular process.
The nobles of thirty years of age and upwards, of the first
three classes, assembled in the palace of St. Mark. As many
balls as there were persons were put into an urn. Thirty of
the balls were gilt. Those who drew these thirty balls retired
to another chamber. These thirty drew from another urn an
equal number of balls, nine of which were gilt. Those who
drew the gilt balls elected forty. The forty, by a like process,
reduced their number to twelve, who elected twenty-five, who
were reduced to nine. The nine elected forty-five, who were
reduced, by lot, to eleven, and these elected forty-one, who
were thus made electors of the doge ; twenty-five concurrent
VENICE.
345
votes being- necessary in the choice. It might be expected
that an officer so cautiously chosen, must be entrusted with
high authority ; but he was only " a king in appearance and
external parade ; a mere senator in power, a prisoner in the
city, and a simple citizen out of it." The coin bore his name,
not his figure. His name stood first in letters of credence,
but he neither signed nor sealed. He could not open des-
patches addressed to him, but in the presence of his counsel-
lors. He presided in all councils, but could decide nothing,
nor do more than make proposals. He nominated the clergy,
and could create knights of St. Mark. He only was not
subject to sumptuary laws. No one of his relations could be
appointed to any office. He could not abdicate, but might be
deposed. His salary was two thousand ducats, less than five
thousand dollars. He was subject, as all others were, to the
inquisition of the Ten, who might ransack his most secret
apartments. Even death did not release him from inquisition,
for then his acts were scrutinized, and his heirs might be
made answerable. Who would be a doge of Venice % Any
and every one, as elsewhere in the world, who can be in that
eminence which only one can have. A single instance oc-
curs, in centuries, of refusal to accept the office. The crown,
the mantle, the precedence, were there, bereft of power and
perilous as the office was.
The history of this singular republic turns on its wars and
conquests, and on its enriching commerce. In 1202, the doge
of Venice was Enrigo Dandolo, an eminent statesman and
warrior. A crusade was undertaken in that year by the
Venetians, French, and others, against Palestine. Dandolo
was eighty-four years old at his election, and lived till he was
ninety-seven. A numerous army was embarked in flat-bot-
tomed boats, supported by a powerful fleet. At this time,
Isaac Comnenus had been driven from the throne of Constan-
tinople by his brother, Alexius. Alexius, the son of Isaac,
applied to the crusaders to aid himself and his father, in
recovering the throne. The promises which he made, operat-
ing on the commercial cupidity of the Venetians, and other
motives arising from ancient enmity, and the hope of plunder
on the part of the French, diverted them from Palestine, and
made Constantinople the object of their enterprize. Gibbon's
sixtieth chapter contains an account of the successful attack on
this splendid city, March, 1204.
This conquest established the Latin kingdom at Constanti-
nople, of which Boudoin, (Baldwin,) count of Flanders, was
346 VENICE.
the first king. In the partition of the spoils, the Venetians had
in sovereignty, a portion, Hallani (Middle Ages,) says three-
eights, Professor Heeren, (Essay on the Crusades) says three-
fourths of the Roman empire. This difference ot expression
is explained by Gibbon, chap. LX. One fourth was appropri-
ated to the Royal domain, and the remaining three-fou rths equal-
ly divided between the Venetians and Franks. The doge was
called " Lord of one fourth and a half of the Roman empire."
[Meaning one-fourth and one half of one-fourth.] They se-
lected a part of the capital, the shores of the Hellespont to the
Ionian sea, Morea, or ancient Peloponnesus ; Negropont, Can-
dia, Corfu, and most of the Greek islands, including the sev-
en isles since known as the Ionian isles. These selections were
made with a view to commerce, and necessarily required the
establishment of a colonial system. Before this time, Venice
had acquired very important commercial privileges in the Le-
vant, that is on the coast at the east end of the Mediterranean;
and also in Alexandria, in Egypt. Their ships visited the
ports of Spain, London, and ports in the Netherlands. They
were sovereigns, also, over most of the coast on the eastern
shore of the Adriatic, and were, at this time, the greatest com-
mercial people of the world.
The republics of Genoa and Pisa were the commercial ri-
vals of Venice. The clashing of their respective interests led
to the most obstinate and vindictive wars, in which many naval
battles were fought, with various success. That one of these
many battles which is specially remarked upon by historians,
was fought on the 13th Feb., 1352, in the straits of the Bos-
phorus. The Venetian fleet, consisting of 78 vessels, of their
own and their allies, was commanded by Nicolo Pisani. Pa-
ganino Doria commanded the Genoese fleet, consisting of 64
vessels. In the midst of the battle a violent tempest arose,
which continued through the night, as did the conflict; but in
the darkness of the night the vessels of the combatants were
intermingled. The loss on both sides was ruinous, and neither
were able, when day returned, to continue the contest. In the
next year the Genoese were defeated with immense loss, and the
like fate awaited the Venetians in the following year. This
warfare continued, with few intermissions, till 1381, when both
parties, equally exhausted, concluded a peace.
The earliest of the serious misfortunes of Venice may be
dated from its ambition to become possessors, by conquest, of
northern Italy. It made this attempt early in the fifteenth cen-
tury, and thus became involved in the desolating wars of that
VENICE. 347
country, a scene of continued misery, not surpassed in the his-
tory of the world. Venice was warned of the perils which
would attend this enterprise. The doge Mocenigo, is repre-
sented to have said, when dying, that a war with Milan ought
not to be undertaken. " Through peace," said he, " our city has
every year, ten millions of ducats employed as a mercantile
capital in different parts of the world, with an annual profit of
four millions. Our housing, 7,000,000 of ducats; annual rent
500,000. Our ships are 3000; our gallies 43 ; smaller vessels,
300; sailors, 19,000. Our mint has coined 1,000,000 of ducats
within the year. From Milan we draw annually a like sum,
in coin ; 900,000 in cloths ; our profit, 600,000. You may be-
come masters of all the gold in Christendom; but war, unjust
war, will inevitably lead to ruin. You have men of probity
and experience ; choose one of them, but beware of Francesco
Foscari. If he is doge, you will soon have war; and war will
bring poverty and loss of honor." Yet, Foscari was elected.
War was undertaken against Milan, and with the disadvantage
of carrying it on entirely with mercenary troops. No Vene-
tian ever bore the title of general, nor were Venetians ever
armed as soldiers.
An army was hired, and two commissioners were delegated
to accompany and watch over it. Their special duty was to
exercise their vigilance over the chiefs of the army, whom their
employers always distrusted.
In the first half of the fifteenth century the Venetians con-
quered and held several duchies and territories on the north
side of the Po, and northwardly of the duchy of Mantua, hav-
ing their most westwardly boundary at the river Adda. The
members of the reigning families, whom they conquered, they
carried to Venice, and put to death, as the most certain mode of
preventing revolt, and attempts to reinstate themselves. It is
said, however, that the Venetians were lenient masters, and that
the conquered lost nothing by the change of sovereignty. They
were severe and relentless against the military chiefs in their
service, when not victorious, from whatever cause. The fate
of Carmagnola, when in their service, has been mentioned in
notices of Milan. These conquests were achieved, principally,
between the years 1423, and 1449, while Francesco Foscari was
the doge. He hoped to dismember Milan, and even to extend
the banner of St. Mark over the whole of that duchy ; and,
therefore, rejected all overtures of Milan to make peace.
Meanwhile, the Turks had found their way into Europe,
and were threatening the territories of Venice in the east. The
348 VENICE.
Venetians were thus compelled to forego their projects of am-
bition in northern Italy, to defend themselves; peace was made
with Milan in September, 1449; their apprehensions being
quieted as to the Turks, they returned again to the warfare with
Milan. Alliance was made by them, with Alphonso, king
of Naples, and with the duke of Savoy. But in May, 1453,
the Turks having taken Constantinople, all Italy felt the ne-
cessity of establishing peace among themselves, to be able to
resist a common enemy. By the treaty signed at Lodi, in
April, 1454, the cities of Bergamo and Brescia, and their de-
pendent territories, were secured to Venice. Thus the Vene-
tian domain, from the Adriatic to the river Adda, and from the
Po to the Alps, (excepting Mantua,) was established, and was
known as the terra Jirinaoi Venice, as distinguished from the
legunes, or marshes, on which their capital was situated. But
these were far otherv^'ise than fortunate acquisitions. Venice
was now drawn into the convulsive and afflictive politics of
Italy ; and was destined to experience a full share in the mis-
ery which awaited that unfortunate country.
In 1454 the Venetians made a treaty of peace with Mahomet
II., who employed himself in conquering the territories which
were situated between Constantinople, and the Venetian pos-
sessions on the east side of the Adriatic. But in 1463 the war
with the Turks was again renewed. An attempt was made,
in vain, by the pope and Venice, to unite the west of Europe
in a crusade against the Turks. Venice still had the command
of the sea, and was able to annex the island of Cyprus to their
dominions. This island was not in the possession of the Turks,
but of the family of Lusignan, who held it as a kingdom, es-
tablished by Richard I., of England, when he was in the east.
Meanwhile the Turks despoiled the Venetians of their territo-
ries, and even threatened to pour down their forces on the ter-
ra firma of Venice, north of the Po. Venice purchased a
costly and disgraceful peace of the Turks, in January, 1479.
Notwithstanding the conflicts which Venice had to sustain
with the Turks, it had acquired, by treachery or purchase, sev-
eral territories in Roma gna, which extends southwardly, from
near the southern branch of the Po, along the north-eastern
coast of Italy. These acquisitions were, in part, claimed by
the pope, and are now within the estates of the church.
Before the end of this century, (as will be elsewhere noticed,)
France, Spain, Germany, and the Swiss, had made Italy the
seat of their warfare. In this, Venice was involved. But it
was more seriously engaged in resisting the encroachments of
VENICE. 349
the Turkish sultan, Rajazel II., who had renewed the war.
In the pacification of 1479 Venice had preserved a part of Dal-
matia, on the eastern coast of the Adriatic. This was now as-
sailed. They had also preserved certain commercial privileges
in Constantinople. But now all the Venetians in that city-
were put in irons. The perils of this war detached Venice
from the warfare in Italy, and forced on her the defence of her-
self, against the Turks, during seven years. They still pre-
served a part of their territories on terra firma.
The most cruel and odious warfare was now raging in Italy
between the French, Germans, Spaniards, Swiss, and Italians,
including the popes. On the 22d Sept. 1.504, Louis .XII., of
France, and Maximilian, of Germany, made a treaty, by which
they agreed to divide the Venetian territories between them.
Meanwhile, Venice had lost, in a new war with the Turks,
from 1499 to 1503, all its possessions on the east coast of the
Adriatic.
The contract of Louis and Maximilian, in 1,504, was more
formally recognized in a new treaty of the 10th Dec. 1508, in
which other parties joined. This treaty, signed at Cambray,
(on the Scheldt, in the Netherlands,) is called the league against
Venice. The king of Spain, and the pope, as well as the
monarchs of France and Germany, were parties. No treaty
Avas ever more perfidious, nor was any ever made between par-
ties who so justly distrusted, or more thoroughly detested each
other. The war of the league began in Jan. 1509. Venice
had prepared too meet it; but her forces were defeated, and
the cities of Brescia, Bergamo, Cremo, and Cremona, near
the rivers Adda and Oglio, surrendered. The residue of its
domains, between these cities and the Adriatic, including Ve-
rona, Padua, Vicenza, were attacked by the allies. Venice re-
leased her subjects there from their allegiance, and left them
to their fate. Every misery which man can inflict on man
was experienced by these people. The most excruciating tor-
tures were applied to extract their treasures, and every thing
dear in domestic life was violated with a barbarity which could
characterize only the spirit of demons. Oppression and cru-
elty drove the vanquished subjects of Venice to unite and de-
fend themselves, and they again displayed the banner of St.
Mark. They gained possession of Padua, and though Maxi-
milian besieged them there, with 100,000 men, and 100 pieces
of cannon, he was compelled to retire.
Pope Julius II., terrified by the ravages of these barbarians,
repented of having joined in the league, and resolved to detach
30
350 VENICE.
the Swiss, and to call to his aid the Spanish forces, then in pos-
session of Naples. In the battles which ensued between these
new parties, Gaston de Foix, duke of Nemours, then only
twenty-two years of age, distinguished himself at the head of
the French. In an attack on the Spanish infantry, at the close
of the bloodiest battle which had been fought, he fell, on the
12th of April, 1512. His fall, the acquisition (through the
pope) of Henry VIII., of England, and Ferdinand of Aragon,
as enemies to France, and the perfidy of Maximilian, over-
threw the French, and drove them from Italy. Venice made
peace with France, but not with Maximilian. The German
troops still desolated the territories of terra firma. But on the
14th Dec. 1516, peace put the Venetians in possession of all
the territories they had lost in consequence of the execution of
the treaty signed at Cambray, (1508.) The weaUh of Venice
was annihilated, and one half of her population was destroyed.
Thus truly had been verified the dying prophecy of the doge
Mocenigo. About the same time a total change in the routes
of commerce, by the discovery of America, and the maritime
course around Africa to the east, settled the fate of Venice.
From this time Venice declined, notwithstanding all her ef-
forts to defeat the Portuguese in their commercial enterprizes
in the east ; and to recover her own superiority. During the
last three centuries Venice does not appear conspicuously, in
the history of nations; but it preserved its independence till
1796, when it w^as overcome by Napoleon. Throughout twelve
centuries Venice was, at no time, a conquered city. In the
survey of the three last centuries, the remaining fortunes of
this singular republic will be noticed.
CHAPTER Llir.
Bologna — Ferrara — Genoa — Pisa.
From Pavia to the Adriatic sea, in a course directly east, is
about one hundred and sixty-five miles. The river Po flows
nearly in the same course, from Pavia to that sea. South of
the Po, and at the distance of about fifty miles, are the Appe-
nines. Between the Appenines and the Po are the territories
of Parma, Modena, Bologna, and Ferrara, in succession from
west to east. South of Ferrara and extending along the coast
BOLOGNA. 351
of the Adriatic fifty miles, was Romagna, now called the
estates of the church. In Romagna, on the coast of the Adri-
atic, or near it, was Ravenna, the seat of empire of the Goth,
Theodoric. It was formerly on a bay of that sea, but is now
three miles from the sea. These several territories formed
republics in the twelfth century, and continued to be governed
as such for a long time, like the states on the north side of the
Po; and like them, experienced a series of violent revolutions
in the conflicts between the two parties, the Guelfs and the
Ghibelines. They had, also, the afflictions w^hich arose from
the attempts of distinguished families to acquire an exclusive
government, and the popular resistance of these attempts. The
circumstances of these revolutions are not of sufficient impor-
tance to be described ; most of them are involved in the historic-
al facts of Milan, whose chiefs were able to hold most of these
portions of Italy for a long time in subjection. There are
some facts in the history of some of these territories on the
south side of the Po, which require a short notice.
The city of Bologna, about one hundred and thirty miles
eaat by south from Pavia, and about fifty-five miles north of
Florence, is situated near the foot of the north side of the
Appenines, and is an ancient and celebrated city. Its form
being oblong, and having a tower called Asinelli, three hun-
dred and seven feet high, it has been compared to a ship. Its
public edifices are magnificent. It had, next after Rome, the
finest collection of paintings in Italy. It is supposed to have
been the first Italian, perhaps the first European city, in which
a university was founded. About the year 1113, the celebrated
Irnerius was a professor of the civil law at this university,
and the number of students from various parts of Europe, are
computed, by some writers, at ten thousand, and by others at
fifteen thousand. This city enjoyed, about this time, a high
celebrity for its learned men, and has not yet lost all claims to
such distinction. The civil law was designed by its patron
Justinian, to inculcate submission to imperial authority, and
the students in this law in other cities, as well as at Bologna,
are supposed to have acquired opinions unfavorable to popular
liberty. But the form of a republic was preserved here, under
various changes and revolutions, till after the fifteenth century,
and as long as in any of the Italian republics. The history
of Bologna is, like many other cities further south, so much
connected with that of Florence, that further remarks on it
will be referred to those which are to be made on the Floren-
tine republic.
352 FERRARA.
The city of Ferrara, with its surrounding- territory, in the
ninth century was under the government of the celebrated
family of Este, in the character of vicars, or viceroys of the
emperors of Germany. Ferrara is situated on the north side
of one of the southern branches of the Po, in a low plain.
While the dukes of Este reigned there, from before the year
1000, to nearly the end of the sixteenth century, it was distin-
guished among the cities of Italy for its comparative elegance
and refinement. It is now one of the most forsaken and de-
cayed. Ariosto (died in 1533) was buried here. Tasso
was confined here as an idiot, or maniac, for seven years, about
1580—90. (Died at Rome, 1595.) The Adriatic shore is
about forty-five miles east, and Bologna is about twenty-two
miles nearly south-west from Ferrara. The three duchies of
Mirandola, Modena, and Reggio, were annexed to the sove-
reignty of Ferrara, and so held for several centuries — Bologna
and its territories being south of Ferrara, and east of Modena.
The dukes of Ferrara were among the leaders of the Guelf
party. One of these, Guelfo IV., was invested with the duchy
of Bavaria, and was the founder of the house of Brunswick,
from which the royal family of England derive their descent.
From 1000 to 1500, the dukes and people of Ferrara were
less involved in the revolutions and miseries of Italy, than
other of its inhabitants. Some of these dukes were patrons of
science and of learned men ; and though violence, tyranny and
crimes were not rare in the political events of this city, perhaps
Ferrara may be selected as that part of Italy which suffered
less than any other, during these five centuries. So far as it
is material to notice the political scenes of Ferrara, they are
connected with those of Florence, as are those of all the re-
publics which surrounded that city.
We have now to pass over the Appenines, and consider the
republics on the south side of them, and along the coast of the
Tuscan sea. With the exception of Genoa, all of them are so
intimately connected with Florentine events, that they will be
most easily understood in treating of that celebrated republic.
The republic of Genoa is situated along the northern shore
of the Tuscan sea, in length about one hundred and twenty
miles, in breadth from eight to twenty. Not far from the
centre of the territory is the city of Genoa, which has been
called " the magnificent," and "the proud." Situated on the
shore, and on the hills which soon rise from the shore, it pre-
sents a grand appearance from the sea. It is forty-six miles
south of Pa via, sixty-three miles south of Milan.
GENOA AND PISA. 353
When the German power in Italy was overthrown, with
the Carlovingian race, in the tenth century, Genoa became a
republic, and is first heard of in the wars with the Saracens
who had possessed themselves of the islands in the Mediterra-
nean. Afterwards, in the twelfth century, Genoa appears in
the crusades, and conspicuously in the commerce of the East.
In the next century, Genoa had conquered the island of
Corsica.
The city of Pisa, situated on the river Arno, near the sea,
about one hundred miles eastwardly (from Genoa,) was the
commercial rival of Genoa. The two republics had been
frequently at war. In 1282 a new war commenced. Aston-
ishment is expressed, by several historians, at the number of
vessels of Avar which these two small republics could send
forth. They account for it by assuming that nearly all the
male population were mariners. In August, 1284, Pisa was
vanquished with great loss and slaughter, in a battle wherein
both republics exerted all their strength.
In this battle of Meliora, (1282,) fought near the coast, and
within a few miles of Pisa, the Genoese were so completely
victors, that besides the slain, eleven thousand of the Pisans
were carried prisoners to Genoa, and refused to be liberated
on the terms which Genoa prescribed. They languished in
prison many years, and a very small number of them survived
their captivity. Pisa lost her commercial distinction by this
event, and never appeared afterwards on the ocean as a mari-
time power. This city always ranked as Ghibeline. How
far this rank was caused by rivalry with Florence, always
Guelf, and how far by principle, is, at least, doubtful.
There remain, to the present day, noble monuments of the
commercial grandeur of Pisa. She was the first who intro-
duced into Tuscany the arts which flourish only where there
is a liberal use of wealth. Within one and the same view,
may yet be seen her dome, her baptistry, her leaning tower,
her campo santo, structures which have rarely been surpassed
in subsequent times, though erected between the middle of the
eleventh, and the end of the twelfth century. The name of
Nicolas de Pisa is associated with these monuments. The
great architects who adorned Italy, in the thirteenth century,
were all of the school of Nicolas.
The future destinies of Pisa were all unfortunate. Driven
from the ocean, in a great measure, and intermingling in the
political turmoils on the land, she was a sufferer from all
parties, and especially from Florence, whose natural road to
30*
354 VENICE AND GENOA.
the ocean was through the Pisan territory. No city in Italy
suffered more, nor so long-, without the power to find a remedy.
Her noble spirit was the last of her possessions to be subdued.
Genoa was the commercial rival also of Venice. The fleets
of these two republics often encountered each other in the
East, and it was easy for rivalry to ripen into enmity. Genoa
was dissatisfied that Venice had gained a superiority in the
conquest of Constantinople, and in the establishment of the
Latin kingdom in that city. It was, therefore, well disposed
to aid the Greeks in recovering Constantinople. In 1261, the
claimant of the Greek throne, Paloeologus, was successfully
aided by the Genoese in recovering it, and they were reward-
ed by an assignment of the territory called Para, opposite the
north-eastern side of the city, across the harbor. Here the
Genoese strengthened themselves by fortifications, and extend-
ed their commerce into the Black sea. Around its shores
they had several settlements, and enjoyed an enriching traffic
in corn, and in a preparation of the sturgeon, called caviar.
Their principal port was at Caffa, in the Crimea, where four
hundred vessels have been seen in forty days, employed in
the corn and fish trade. They received through the Black
sea, by the way of the Caspian, the pioducls of the East.
In a war between Venice and Genoa, (1293,) the latter is
said to have had (Hallarn 1, p. 250) one hundred and fifty-five
gallies, manned with from two hundred and twenty to three hun-
dred men each, making nearly forty thousand men. But this
was an unusual armament. The Venetian and Genoese fleets
did not usually exceed half that number. This warfare was
continued, with little intermission, throughout the fourteenth
century. Some of the battles were, probably, as well fought
on both sides, as any recorded in history. About 1378, Venice
was in so much peril from an attack of the Genoese, that the
Venetians resolved to abandon their city, and establish them-
selves on the island of Cyprus. An unexpected arrival of one
of their fleets from the East, turned the tide of events in favor
of the Venetians, and the Genoese were compelled to retire
with great loss. Doria, on the part of the Genoese, and
Pisani, on the part of Venice, appear to have been the most
celebrated among the naval commanders. In 1379, both par-
ties, exhausted by the profitless contention, accepted a media-
tion, and made peace. After this century, the commercial
grandeur of Genoa declined, but rather from the furious and
implacable factions which arose among its citizens, than from
any other cause. In Genoa, as in so many other Italian cities,
GENOA. 355
the principal cause of internal misery (until Italy became the
theatre of war of France, Germany, Spain, and the Swiss) was
the rivalry and craving among noble families. The four most
eminent itimilies in Genoa were the Grimaldi, the Fieschi, the
Doria, and the Spinola ; the two former Guelfs, the two latter
Ghibelines. These factions were alternately successful, and
the triumphant party always caused the destruction or flight
of the other. The assistance of neighboring powers was
called in. In 1318, the Ghibelines being driven out, the
Guelfs, to prevent their return with such allies as they might
find, actually surrendered Genoa to the sovereignty of Robert,
king of Naples. Tliese contentions, long continued, ended, as
most civil wars have done, not in securing liberty, but in
losing it. In 1339, a duke or doge was chosen by acclamation
of the people. But this change was of short duration ; and the
vibration was again towards a more popular, and also a m.ore
turbulent rule. It would be as tedious as unprofitable, to fellow
out the many changes which the rivalries in this city occasion-
ed; many of them attended with violence and bloodshed. As
a final refuge, the republic was placed, in the year 1396, under
the protection of Charles VI., king of France, and a French
garrison admitted within the w^alls.
The Genoese maintained their possessions in the suburbs of
Constantinople, until sometime after the Turks, in 1453, pos-
sessed themselves of that city. Soon after, they were objects
of jealousy to the new sovereigns, and were despoiled of their
commercial establishments within the Black sea, and on the
Bosphorus. The irreconcilable factions of Genoa, compelled
its citizens again to invite a foreign master, in the duke of
Milan. The history of these factions is narrated by Sismondi
in full detail, but they show no more than the like scenes
which were passing about the same time, in other cities of
Italy, of which some notice has been already taken, and which
must be again noticed in the history of Florence. Genoa
needed that terrible tranquillizing power which resided in the
despotism of the council of Ten, at Venice ; and having none
such, it was continually agitated by violent revolutions, some-
times from the conflicts of the nobles, and sometimes from the
conflicts of the citizens and nobles. No city seems to have
understood less than Genoa, the means of balancing its factions,
or of establishing an authority which could keep them in sub-
jection. Towards the close of the fifteenth century this repub-
lic had lost its commercial importance, and, likeVenice, became
comparatively insignificant.
356 GENOA.
The power and the grandeur of Genoa depended entirely
on its commerce. Its warfare was on the ocean. It maintain-
ed no military force on shore, composed of its own citizens.
When compelled to engage in conflicts on the land, it depend-
ed on hired auxiliaries. It consequently had to encounter the
disasters which ever befall those republics whose citizens know
not how to protect and defend themselves. The Genoese
merchants imported from Egypt, and from the Levant, and
from the Black sea, great quantities of costly merchandise, and
sent them, in their own vessels, throughout the western ports
of the Mediterranean, and around Spain into the ports of the
North sea. They established banking houses in many of the
cities of western Europe, from which they derived great profits.
This people were also furnished with articles of commerce of
domestic origin. Its territories were fertile and well cultivated,
and there were some enriching manufactures, especially in
the article of silk. With all its advantages, no one of the cities
of Italy less understood the means of preserving the rights of
person and property.
Near the close of the fifteenth century, Genoa had again
sought a respite from its internal commotions, by a surrender
of itself to the duke of Milan, who assumed the absolute sove-
reignty. But Louis XII. of France, who claimed to be the
duke of Milan, (as elsewhere mentioned,) had driven out the
reigning family (Sforza) from Milan, and claimed Genoa as
an appendage to that duchy. Genoa entered into a capitula-
tion with Louis, and he assumed the sovereignty. Every
stipulation made by him was violated, and the Genoese re-
volted. Early in 1507, Louis entered Italy with an army
which Genoa could not resist, and the Genoese nobles taking
part with him, he was enabled to enter the city as conqueror,
on the 29th of April, in that year. The first exercise of his
power was to send the doge and the most distinguished citi-
zens, who had vainly attempted to defend their country, to the
scaffold.
FLORENCE. 3S7
CHAPTER LIV.
Middle Italy— Tuscany— RepxMic of Florence from 1000 to 1500.
The Apennine mountains run, from the southern end of the
Alps, (where they separate France and Italy,) eastwardly, and
take a circuitous course around the northern end of the Tus-
can Sea, till they come midway of the peninsula, where that
joins northern Italy. Thence the course of these mountains
is south-eastwardly through the peninsula. Soon after the
mountains turn to the south-east, they furnish the sources of
the river Arno, which flows south-west through the beautiful
valley to which that river gives its name, and empties into the
Tuscan Sea. The part of Italy called Tuscany is situated
between the mountains and the sea. Its ancient name was
Etruria. It extends from the Genoese territory along the
coast, south-eastwardly, about one hundred and twenty miles,
to the stales of ihe church. The breadth between the sea and
the mountains may be seventy or eighty miles. The moun-
tains form its northern and north-eastern boundary.
In the year 1000, Tuscany contained many independent
republics. The principal ones were Florence, Pisa, Lucca,
Sienna, Perugia. Relative positions will be computed from
Florence. This city is in 43° 47' north latitude, and 11° 15'
east longitude. On the south-west of the Apennines, in the
valley of the Arno, the river divides Florence into two parts, at
the distance of fifty-five miles from the Tuscan Sea. From
this city, Bologna (over the mountains) is about sixty miles
distant, north by east. Ferrara is thirty miles north-east from
Bologna. Ravenna is sixty-five miles north-east from Flor-
ence ; Ancona, one hundred and fifteen east by south on the
Adriatic: Rome, one hundred and twenty-five miles south-
south-east, and Sienna thirty-five miles, nearly in the same
direction. Between Sienna and Rome there were numerous
republics. The cities situated westwardly of Florence, and
between it and the Tuscan Sea, were Pistoia, distant twenty
miles west by north; Lucca, forty-eight miles, nearly west ;
Pisa, fifty miles, nearly west; Lucca is ten miles northwardly
of Pisa, on a small river, and thirteen miles from the sea ;
Pisa is five miles from the sea on the river Arno. Spoletto is
forty miles north of Rome, and Naples about one hundred and
ten south-east from it.
358
FLORENCE.
Florence was founded in the first century. It is mentioned
by Tacitus under the name of Florentia. It was destroyed by
the barbarians ; re-appeared in the time of Charlemagne, and
became a republic about the end of the tenth century, when
his race lost dominion in Italy. All Italy was, at this time,
divided into the two parties, Guelfs and Ghibelines, which
had already forg-otten the origin of these names, and used
them only as names of habitual and hereditary hostility. The
Ghibelines, however, are found to have arranged themselves,
usually, on the side of the emperors, whenever there was a
conflict between them and the church. The Guelfs are found
to have taken part with the popes, and are considered, by some
writers, to have been the supporters of popular liberty. Yet,
they do not appear to have been less inclined to use power
tyrannically, whenever they obtained it, than their adversaries.
Both parties were composed of noble families, and their hos-
tility may well be accounted for without assuming that the
Ghibelines were devoted to the maintenance of arbitrary pow-
er, and the Guelfs to the maintenance of liberty. The adher-
ence of the Guelfs to the popes is not an indication that civil
liberty was the object of their party.
When Florence begins to be the subject of historical notice,
about the middle of the twelfth century, it was a turbulent
republic, in which the Guelfs and the Ghibelines were in con-
tinual conflict. Slight dissensions, of frequent occurrence,
were sufficient to bring both these parties into violent action,
in which mere physical strength was the only arbiter. In
1215, a nobleman of the Guelf party, named Buondelmonte,
had engaged himself to a lady of.the Ghibeline party, of the
house of Amidei. The marriage-day was appointed. Buon-
delmonte was passing the house of a noble Guelf lady, named
Donati, who invited him to come in. He was conducted to
an apartment in which the daughter of this lady was presented
to him ; and the mother reproached him with the intention of
taking a wife from among the enemies of the Guelfs and the
church. The suddenly enamored visiter immediately renounc-
ed the Ghibeline lady, and sought and obtained the lady of his
own party. Such an incident was sufficient to arm both par-
ties, and to cause the resolution among the Ghibelines that
Buondelmonte should be put to death. He was assassinated
In the streets, in open day, and a civil war raged in Florence,
from this cause, during thirty-three years. This incident
sufficiently explains the true meaning of the terms Guelf and
Ghibeline, and that they were like other party names, in every
FLORENCE. 359
age, distinctive appellations for enmities incident to human
society.
The people of Florence acquired a commanding influence
in the affairs of Italy, far more so than their numbers, or the
extent of their territory, or their military power, would enable
them to acquire. Sismondi finds, in the peculiar character of
this people, the source of this influence. They were intelli-
gent, active, devoted to liberty, and resolved to preserve it,
though they were not agreed in the means of accomplishing
their object. Their government was a popular one, and liable
to sudden and violent commotions. In the year 1282, Flor-
ence had attained to eminence as a manufacturing and com-
mercial community. Its government was conducted by a
numerous council, and by fourteen officers, (prudent-men,) of
whom eight were Guelfs, and six Ghibelines. This govern-
ment was found incompetent to keep the city tranquil, and
was, in itself, a prolific cause of contention from the irrecon-
cileable views of the individuals by whom it was conducted.
In this year, (1282,) a new form of government was instituted,
entirely democratic. The manufacturing and mercantile citi-
zens were divided into six classes, and each one elected two
jjriors, from six different quarters of the city. Six of these
priors exercised the executive power, and represented the state
for two months; and, during this time, they were compelled
to dwell together in the same palace, and, on no account, to be
absent from it, by day or night. At the end of these two
months they were not again eligible for two years. The suc-
cessive executive priors were elected by their predecessors.
All nobles and gentlemen were excluded from any share in
the government. Thus was formed a strictly popular authori-
ty, renewed at the end of every sixty days. To enable this
authority to execute its decrees, an officer was chosen called
gonfalonier, or standard-bearer, who was required to reside in
the palace. Each of the six classes of citizens had military
companies, and when the gonfalonier displayed his standard
from the palace window, these companies were held to repair
to the palace, and place themselves under his command. A
similar form of government, from this example, was established
in several of the Italian republics.
The nobles being thus excluded from all share in the gov-
ernment, combined and exercised, by force of arms, a power
which often intimidated the magistrates and defeated their pur-
poses. One of these nobles, Giano della Bella, renounced his
privileges, and made himself one of the people, and became a
360 FLORENCE.
popular leader. At his suggestion, several noble families
were excluded from all rights of citizenship. He thu.s made
himself an object of hatred among the persecuted. He so
conducted himself as to become suspected by the people, and
united both nobles and people against him. Within two years
he was banished from the city. The Florentine government
soon after fell into the hands of the rich and most powerful
citizens, though the form, as established in 1282, was preserv-
ed. It is very obvious, that a government so composed, and
intended for the preservation of the rights of property and
person, and the public security, in such a community, must
have been irregular and turbulent, and rarely free from com-
motion.
About the year 1300, a series of events began wherein
Florence and the neighboring republic of Pistoia were first
involved, and afterwards several other governments. These
events deserve a particular notice, because they show what
the practical effect of these popular governments was ; and
for another reason, they disclose the nature of Italian society,
in this age, and show what were the objects of desire and
aversion, and how human passions sought gratification.
There was at Florence, at this time, (1300,) a noble family
named Donati. The principal member of this family had
been distinguished in causing the banishment or death of
Giano della Bella. This Donati exercised a powerful influ-
ence in the affairs of the city. A family of humble origin,
named Cherchi, had become rich by commerce, and had
purchased a palace near to that of the Donati family. Riches
being the only claim of the Cherchi to distinction, they sought,
by the splendor of their display, to cast the Donati into the
shade. They endeavored, also, to attach to their interests
such poor, but noble families, as could be won by their munifi-
cent favors. The hostility thus engendered was of a nature
to grow stronger by time, and to attract partisans on both
sides. This hostility, like all other excitements, brought into
its train, on the one side and the other, the imperishable feud
of the Guelfs and the Ghibelines. A similar state of feeling
and of action may be found in almost any community or age,
with no other difference than as to the objects, and as to the
manner in which human propensities manifest themselves.
While Florence was in this excited state, its attention was
drawn towards the republic of Pistoia. This republic, con-
sisting of a city, (and surrounding territory,) is distant nearly
north-west from Florence, about twenty miles, on a plain, lying
FLORENCE. 361
near the foot of the south side of the Apennines. The noble
family of Cancellieri, of Pistoia, were of the Guelf party, and
were numerous and rich. They numbered one hundred of
their name, who bore arms. Several of this family had as-
sembled at a tavern for social and festive intercourse. Two
young men were present ; they were descended from a common
paternal ancestor, who had been twice married. Those of the
first marriage were called, from the name of their mother,
Bianci (or white) Cancellieri. Those of the second marriage,
to distinguish them from the others, were called the Neri
(black) Cancellieri. Under the excitement of wine, a quarrel
arose between these young men, Carlino of the white branch,
and Dore of the black branch. Sismondi remarks, that Pis-
toia was the most turbulent, vindictive, excitable, and blood-
thirsty community in all Italy. It was a principle of action
among its nobles, that when an insult had been given, (worse
than among American savages,) the vengeance was not to fall
on the offender, but on the most distinguished of his family,
though no party to the insult, and though entirely ignorant of
it. Dore (the black) was the person who considered himself
offended by Carlino, (the white.) On leaving the tavern he
encountered Vanni of the white branch, and who was ignorant
of the quarrel, and wounded him in the hand and on the face.
The father of Dore surrendered him to the father of Vanni,
in the hope that the quarrel might be terminated by this con-
fiding act. But the father of Vanni caused Dore's hand to be
chopped off with an axe, and sent him back to tell his father
that such wounds might be cured with iron, but not by words.
A ferocious war ensued, in which all the nobles and princi-
pal persons of Pistoia and its territories were involved. The
names of Guelf and Ghibeline were soon connected with
these conflicts. Florence had expelled the Ghibelines, and
considered itself a Guelf city at this time. Apprehensive that
the exiles might connect themselves vvith the war at Pistoia,
and thus extend the war to Florence, and, perhaps, reinstate
themselves, the government undertook to restore peace at Pis-
toia. The considerate men in both cities deliberated, and it
was agreed that Pistoia should be submitted to the dominion
of Florence for three years. A new podesta and gonfalonier
were sent, with orders to choose a council of twelve, half
from each party, and the chiefs of the two factions were exiled
to Florence. The portion of the Cancellieri called white,
were hospitably received by the family of Cerchi, before
mentioned ; and those called the black were received by the
31
«50«5 FLORENCE.
friends and allies of the family of Donati. The chief of this
family, Carso Donati, became the leader of the blacks, and
Vieri des Cerchi the leader of the whites. The growing
feuds of Florence thus found banners, imported from Pistoia,
under which to arrange themselves. Here, again, the distinc-
tions of Guelf and Ghibeline appeared, the blacks inclining to
the former, and the whites to the latter. These parties soon
came to blows and to the shedding of blood, and the govern-
ment of Florence had no alternative but to exile their respec-
tive chiefs. The blacks were ordered to Pieve in Perugia,
sixty-three miles south-east from Florence, and eighty-four
north from Rome ; and the whites to Sarzana, about one hun-
dred and fifteen miles north-west from Florence, on the fron-
tiers of the Genoese.
The chiefs of the party now called the blacks, being Guelfs,
and near enough to Rome to communicate with the pope, (at
this time Boniface VIII.,) always the Guelf chief as the head
of the church, sought his protection. The pope had three
objects in view : to restore peace in Florence, to punish the
Ghibelines, and to conquer Sicily. He therefore invited
Charles of Valois, brother of Philip le Bel, king of France,
to come into Italy with an army, and offered him very tempt-
ing inducements. He came, went to Rome, and having
strengthened his military force by the addition of many volun-
teers, presented himself before Florence. After making a
treaty in the most solemn form, and ratifying it with oaths,
whereby he bound himself not to assume any sort of jurisdic-
tion, or exercise any power in Florence, he was admitted and
received with respectful honors. He entered with eight hun-
dred mounted soldiers, and was soon joined there by many
others. Having obtained possession of the keys of one of
the gates, Charles disregarded all his solemn engagements,
admitted the exiled Florentines of the party of Corso Donati,
who were of the Guelfs or blacks. The houses and palaces
of the Ghibelines or whites, were abandoned to fire and pil-
lage during six days and nights, as well as their castles in the
vicinity. Charles remained at Florence five months, exacting
riches from its inhabitants by threats and torture ; and on the
4th of April, 1302, this pacificator of Italy, whom Boniface
had called in, departed with the maledictions of all Tuscany.
It is the principal reproach of the Florentines, that they were
not, at any time, capable of protecting themselves by a military
force, formed among their own citizens. They had thirty
thousand men, capable of bearing arms, within their own
FLORENCE, 363
walls, and an equal number in their surrounding territory.
But they do not exhibit, at any period of their history, a mili-
tary spirit consistent with other characteristics wherein they
weve the superiors of all their contemporaries. In most other
cities, such a visiter as Charles would have been soon driven
out, or made to pay with his life for his perfidy and robberies.
In the month of May, 1303, the pope, Benedict XL, sent
the cardinal de Prato to Florence, to make peace. The black
party then ruled in that city, and the white party at Pistoia.
The cardinal reformed the constitution, but failed to effect his
object. In June, of the next year, he departed, leaving the
Florentines under malediction, since they preferred to be so
dealt with, and to be at war rather than in peace and repose.
Soon after his departure, civil war was renewed, and the rich-
est part of the city burnt, and many opulent families w'ere
ruined. The incensed cardinal invited the Ghibelines and
white party of Pisa, d'Arrezzo, Bologna, and Pistoia, to attack
Florence. An attempt was made, but failed, not from the
defence of Florence, but the want of concert among its ene-
mies. Florence next engaged the duke of Calabria, son of
Charles II., king of Naples, to lead its military force, in
alliance with the republic of Lucca, against Pistoia. This
attack reduced Pistoia to the necessity of sending out all
women and children, and all non-combatants from the city,
and they were submitted to the cruelties of the besieger. Such
was their fate, (says Sismondi,) that history ought not to pre-
serve the memory of it. In April, 1306, Pistoia surrendered
to Florence and Lucca. The terms of surrender were disre-
garded, and the fortifications of the city and its walls were
demolished. When the Pistoians heard that a man of low
condition was coming from Lucca to rule over them, with one
accord, men, women, and children, united to fortify the city
anew. The noble resistance of this people softened the hearts
of the Florentines, who interposed for them, and eventually
secured to them their former liberty and independence. (1309.)
In the years 1312 and 1313, Henry VII., emperor of Ger-
many, was in Italy, attempting to reinstate the imperial author-
ity. Florence distinguished itself by a firm resistance of this
attempt. The sudden death of Henry, in August of the latter
year, changed, at once, the state of Italian affairs. At this
time there had been formed in Italy many military bands,
called co?idoitieri, or companies of adventurers, whose business
it was to let themselves for the best wages they could obtain ;
and when not so employed, they sustained themselves by
364 FLORENCE.
plunder. The Florentines depended on these hired troops,
and were often deprived of this dependence when their ene-
mies could seduce these adventurers by offering more profita-
ble terms.
In 1320, a new Guelf and Ghibeline war had arisen, in
which Florence was one party, and the cities of Lucca and
Pisa were united as the other. Pisa is near the sea-coast on
the north side of the Arno, and Lucca north-east of Pisa, ten
miles, and west of Florence about forty-eight. The enemies
of the Florentines were led by Castruccio Castracani, an ac-
complished soldier and a very able man, who had made him-
self lord of Lucca. In this war the Florentines attempted to
perform the duties of soldiers, but only proved their utter
incompetency. Castruccio desolated the beautiful valley of
the Arno, took possession of the environs of Florence, and
used the race-ground under the walls of the city, and in view
of its inhabitants, for sports adapted to exasperate and mortify
these spectators. The men within the walls much exceeded
the number of their enemies without ; but they had no such
martial qualities as the occasion required. Castruccio return-
ed to Lucca at his leisure, with an immense booty, and made
a triumphal entry into the city. (1325.)
Florence was compelled to submit itself to the protection of
the duke of Calabria, who appeared in Tuscany as the chief
of the Guelf party. Louis IV., the German emperor, called
Louis of Bavaria, appeared at this time in Italy to re-establish
the imperial power. The Ghibelines rallied around him, and,
among others, Construccio. The cities of Lucca and Pisa
were on the same side. A destructive war ensued. The
death of Construccio, through exposure and fatigue, was re-
ceived by the Florentines as the most fortunate event for them.
The emperor lost in him his ablest supporter, and was soon
compelled to retreat.
The retreat of Louis IV., and the death of Construccio, per-
mitted Florence to attend to her affairs at home. Between the
years 1330 and 1340, this city appears to have attained to great
prosperity. Her territory was not more than 20 miles square.
Within the city the population (as estimated by Sismondi) was
150,000; and about thrice that number in the surrounding ter-
ritory. 1500 families were noble. There was a class below
them called gentlemen. Below this class were merchants,
bankers, retailers, mechanics, laborers. Between 8 or 10,000
children were instructed in reading; 200 in arithmetic; 5 or
.600 in logic and grammar. There were many religious estab-
FLORENCE. 365
lishments, and among them 110 churches; 300 priests; 30
hospitals, in which were beds for 1000 poor patients. The av-
erage number of §U'angers was 15,000. The manufactories
were numerous ; the principal one was cloth, and English wool
was used in this. From 70 to 80,000 pieces of cloth were made
yearly, and 30,000 workmen employed. The cloth was valued
at 1,200,000 florins.* There were divers other factories. The
agricultural products of the Florentines were very consider-
able. They had no sea-port nor ships. Strangers came to
purchase, and Florentines sent their merchandise abroad.
They had banking-houses in many cities, and loaned money to
princes and kings. In 1345 the house of Bardi, of Florence,
became bankrupt; Edward III., of England, owing them 900,-
000 gold florins ; about 450,000 pounds sterling. The Peruz-
zi, another banking-house, failed about the same time, to whom
Edward owed 600,000 florins. The king of Sicily owed each
of these bankers 100,000 florins. Suppose, for all other debt-
ors, 300,000 florins, there would be two millions of florins, or
one million of pounds, which would be four millions, at least,
of the present value of money. These facts show a most en-
riching commerce for that age. The annual revenue of Flor-
ence, in 1336, was estimated at 300,000 florins. The annual
expenditure not half that sum. Public officers were not paid.
The environs of Florence were exceedingly beautiful — high-
ly cultivated, and adorned with costly buildings. The city dis-
closed the opulence of its inhabitants in many palaces, and pub-
lic edifices. Strength, rather than beauty, was at this time the
characteristic of building. At a later period taste and elegance
appeared.
The Florentines are thus described by Sismondi: — "They
discovered, sooner than others could, the shortest way of ar-
riving at their object ; and better understood the advantages,
and inconveniences, which might be expected. In politicF,
they discerned the projects of their enemies, and anticipated
the course of events. Their natural vivacity did not prevent
a cool and determined pursuit of their purposes. They delib-
erated before they acted ; and persisted, when action began, un-
disturbed by unexpected checks. They united vivacity and
force — gaiety and philosophy — pleasantry and severe medita-
* According to Sismondi's estimate, the gold florin was equal to two
dollars and sixty cents ; and gold was four limes as valuable as it now
is. But Hallam values the florin at ten shillings sterling, equal to two
dollars and twenty-five cents.
31*
366
FLORENCE.
tion. They were devoted to liberty, and desired it not only
for themselves, but for all others. They have the merit of hav-
ing first thought of the balance of power, and of uniting all
Italy to preserve the independence of each state." They were,
however, deficient in one quality indispensable to the accom-
plishment of their purposes; they had not a military force of
their own citizens. They had good counsel, and riches ; but
these did not secure them against afflictive reverses in foreign
wars, nor against the miseries of internal commotion.
In 1328 Florence had been governed by the duke of Cala-
bria, at its own request. His death permitted a revision of the
form of government. Soon after this time a controversy arose
between Florence and Milan. The latter desired to possess
Lucca, and the Florentines, to prevent the presence of so trou-
blesome a neighbor, preferred to have possession for them-
selves. Pisa, also, desired the same acquisition for itself Luc-
ca was, at this time, conquered, and in possession of the Ger-
mans, who were ready to sell for the best price. War followed,
in which, as usual, the Guelf and Ghibeline factions took part,
as well as the German emperor, and the church. Besides this
war, all Tuscany, and especially the valley of the Arno, was
deluged by rain — its villages were overwhelmed — three of the
four bridges of Florence were swept away — a part of its walls
undermined and thrown down, and a severe loss of property
and lives experienced. Meanwhile, the war had extended into
northern Italy, and Mastino dela Scala, then the soverei'gn of
Verona, had come in contact with the Florentines, as enemies.
It was the ill fortune of Florence to confide its destiny in
the war to Gaultier de Brienne, called the duke of Athens.
This person was born in Greece, and had ruled over a territo-
ry there, and had some reputation as a military leader ; but was,
in all other respects, a detestable character. Having lost his
duchy, he was passing through Tuscany to France, when the
Florentines placed him in command of its military forces. By
a series of base and perfidious measures, he made himself Lord
of Florence, and reigned there nearly a year as an unsparing
despot. He exacted treasures by torture, and gave way to
every evil propensity which could find a victim. Three differ-
ent conspiracies were formed, each ignorant of the other, and
when they were brought into action, it was found that nearly
the whole city were engaged in the same purpose. The duke
was subdued — capitulated, and was permitted to withdraw, hav-
ing sent immense sums of money to places of safety, while his
power continued. The day of his overthrow (the 26th of July,
FLORENCE. 367
1343,) was annually celebrated by the Florentines, by a sol-
emn festival.
While the duke tyrannized in Florence, all its treasures, and
all the territorial possessions which it had gained in Tuscany,
were lost. Ten years before, it was the richest in annual rev-
enue, of any power in Europe, France only excepted. In
these ten years, Pisa had obtained possession of Lucca, and
had grown powerful in the same proportion in which Florence
was impaired. Florence, in attempting to reinstate itself, re-
formed its constitution, but excluded the nobles from all partici-
pation in the government. This measure had not the desired
effect ; as the nobles became impatient and factious, while the
citizens, who were entrusted with power, in order to counteract
them, assumed greater authority, and degenerated into a more
odious oligarchy than could have been exercised by the nobles.
These citizens preserved the forms of the republic'but so man-
aged as to secure the elections of themselves, or their own crea-
tures.
Between the year 1346 and 1350, Florence, in common with
all Italy, as to scarcity of food, and in common with all Eu-
rope as to pestilence, was grievously afflicted. Excessive rains
prevented the usual products of the earth. The humane and
considerate character of the Florentines appears to great ad-
vantage in this calamity. In April, 1347, the number of per-
sons who received bread daily, at the public cost, was 94,000.
No poor person, nor stranger, was left without reasonable pro-
vision. Yet the mortality, from the epidemic and privations,
was not less than 4,000, in that year. The collection of debts
was suspended. These afflictions were trifles compared
with those of the following year (1348.) The plague, said
to have originated eastwardly of the Mediterranean, extend-
ed to Italy and throughout Europe, and continued its rav-
ages through the two following years. Sismondi gives a
mournful description of this calamity. Three, out of every
five persons, died at Florence. In one town in Sicily, all the
inhabitants perished. The usual exhibition of selfishness, in
cases of universal peril, is described ; and also that reckless-
ness which approaching and inevitable destruction is often seen
to occasion. The Florentines abandoned themselves to pleas-
ure, as the best mode of forgetting, and possibly of escaping,
the common foe. The deaths at Florence were computed at
100,000; while at Pisa 7 in every 10 died. It was a common
expression : Help us to carry these dead to the ditch, so that
we, in our turn, may be carried thither. Sismondi remarks
that the history of Giovanni Villani, and many other Italian
FLORENCE.
histories, terminate in 1348, whence, he concludes, that the
authors, (as is known to have been the case with Villani,) per-
ished in this pestilence.
In the year 1354, Charles IV., emperor of Germany, came
to Italy with the intention of having his authority acknowl-
edged, and for the purpose of being crowned with the iron
crown of Lombardy, and the imperial crown at Rome, He
was attended only by 300 unarmed gentlemen. In some of the
cities, as in Milan, Crenoa, Lucca, Pisa, and Sienna, his sover-
eignty was acknowledged, but with different modifications,
while the Florentines declined receiving him within their ter-
ritories, or to acknowledge his dominion. Charles had no
means of enforcing his claims, nor was an admission of his
imperial authority of any value to him. His object was to ex-
act money. Florence consulted its own interest in purchasing
amity with Charles at the cost of 100,000 florins ; and stipulat-
ed a formal acknowledgment, (and consequent right to protec-
tion,) of being a city of the empire; but with the condition
that no imperial officer should reside among them, and that
there should not be any interference, on the part of the Empe-
ror, with its internal government. Though Charles had been
more successful in the other republics, all his authority van-
ished as soon as he departed in the following year. He left
the impression every where, that while he could amass riches
he was indifferent to public opinion; and that he had debased
the imperial dignity far below the point at which the Italians
themselves were too disposed to regard it. His presence had no
tendency to establish peace and harmony between the republics
and the empire; nor among the republics themselves. Com-
motions and violence soon followed in most of them. Besides
these evils, Italy had to contend with the armed companies of
adventurers, who lived by plunder, when not hired by the re-
publics, to aid them in their wars. A very formidable body
was gathered by the count de Lando, which was terrible to all
these republics. Another affliction which these republics had
to contend with was the perfidious and insolent ambition of
Gean Galeaz Visconti, duke of Milan, who sought to subject
all northern and middle Italy to his power. The ancient hos-
tilities still continued, arranged on the one side and the other
under the familiar names of Guelf and Ghibeline.
Hitherto Pisa had been the port by which Florence had
conducted its foreign maritime commerce. The former had
always been Ghibeline, and unfriendly to Florence, (which was
always of the Guelf party,) and had given repeated causes of
FLORENCE. 369
dissatisfaction. Instead of waging- war with Pisa, for these
causes, Florence contracted with Sienna for the use of the port
of Telamone, which is situated on the Tuscan shore, 85 miles
S. E. of Pisa, and 65 south of Florence. This port was less
convenient to the Florentines than Pisa, as it was one third
more distant, and connected with Florence by less passable
roads ; but the control of the port was acquired, which was a
full equivalent. This measure was ruinous to Pisa, as many
merchants established there, withdrew to Telemone, and among
them many native Pisans. Even the mechanics felt this blow
severely ; and such was the rapid decline of that city, that new
and very advantageous offers were made to Florence to return ;
but these were not accepted. The Florentines had resolved to
show that Pisa was not necessary to them, and that they would
not make war, while they could preserve peace.
Similar causes of enmity, though not commercial, had
brought two other republics into open hostility, about this time.
One of these republics was Perugia, about 67 miles S. E. of
Florence; and the other Cortona, (the ancient capital of Etru-
ria,) about 52 miles from Florence, nearly in the same course.
Sienna, in the same neighborhood, was drawn into this conflict.
Florence offered its mediation ; but the parties were too much
enraged to accept it. The company of Count de Lando, then
in Romagna, on the north-eastern side of Italy, was invited to
take part in this war. When this war ended. Count de Lando
threatened Florence, and led his army north-westwardly, to-
wards Lucca. He demanded a large sum of Florence to save
its territories from pillage. But Florence refused all terms
with Lando, and prepared for defence. An army of sufficient
power to check Lando was sent down the valley of the Arno;
and after mutual menaces, Lando withdrew, and passed over
the Apennines, northwardly, into Modena. These military ad-
venturers were never disposed to battle unless they were under
pay, or could see, at the end of a conflict, the certainty of
booty.
In 1360, a conspiracy was engendered at Florence, in which
the name of Medici first appears in history. The administra-
tion of public affairs, as to all exterior relations, had been
prudently and successfully conducted, but it had caused dissat-
isfaction at home. Both the higher and the lower orders of
persons were excluded from all authority, unless an occasion
arose in which some matter, as a public treaty, was to be acted
upon. In such cases, there was sometimes a convention of all
the people. At this time, a small number of citizens had
370 FLORENCE.
managed to engross the whole of the administration, though
the constitutional forms were preserved. This plot to over-
throw the government was discovered. Forty-five citizens of
a superior class, and eighty inferior ones, were arrested and
condemned, but a small portion of them were put to death.
South of Florence thirty-five miles, and about the same dis-
tance south-east of Pisa, was the small republic of Volterra,
situate on a lofty mountain. This republic was an object of
desire, both to Pisa and to Florence. The latter obtained the
dominion. This fact, with others, some of which have been
noticed, ripened the long-continued rancor of these two repub-
lics into open hostility. Pisa, formerly so powerful on the
ocean, had long ceased to be a maritime power, or to maintain
a single ship of vvar. For the first time Florence displayed a
flag on the ocean. Ships were hired of the Genoese, and
added to others. Pisa was attacked from the sea, and the
great iron chain which protected its harbor, was taken up and
sent to Florence, (1361,) where some parts of it are said to be
still suspended in honor of the achievement. This war gradu-
ally involved most of the states of Italy, and disclosed various
scenes of cruelty and perfidy, especially on the part of the
hired chiefs. It ended in August, 1364, by a restoration to
the Florentines of all their commercial privileges at Pisa, and
the engagement of Pisa to pay Florence one hundred thousand
florins, ten thousand a year.
In 1368, Charles IV., emperor of Germany, again appeared
in Italy to levy new contributions. Having possessed himself
of Lucca, he sold it to its inhabitants for three hundred thou-
sand florins, with the right to resume their ancient liberty.
At Sienna he was resisted, treated with rudeness, and Avas even
personally endangered.
In 1375, the attempts of the duke of Milan, (Visconti,) to
subdue Tuscany, and the estates held by the church, united
pope Gregory XL, and Florence, in a war against Milan.
The pope treacherously made peace with Milan, and thereby
so exasperated the Florentines that they declared war against
him. They inscribed liberty on their banners, and proclaimed
that they sought no conquests, but to restore the people of
every city and state to freedom, who desired it. In ten days
eighty cities and towns threw ofi' the yoke of papal authority.
These cities and towns were situated north and north-east of
Florence, in the states of the church.
In 1378, a revolution occurred in Florence. Two parties
arose, the Albizzi and the Ricci, from the names of the leaders.
MEDICI. 371
The former maintained the Guelf party, and this was a suffi-
cient reason why the other should be Ghibelines ; they were
new men, but had acquired great weaUh. Among them were
the Medici family. The Ricci maintained that the names of
Guelf and Ghibeline had ceased to have any meaning, and
ought to be abolished; and this party were, in truth, much
more disposed to maintain popular liberty than the other.
CHAPTER LV.
Medici Family.
The Medici were an ancient family of Florence. It is inti-
mated that the name, and the six balls seen in the family arms,
indicate their original profession of medicine. But from the
earliest historical notice of the Medici, till they were expelled
from Florence at the close of the fifteenth century, commerce
was their vocation. Giovanni de Medici is mentioned in
J 351, in a military exploit. Silvestro in 1379, as Gonfalonier
of Florence. One Giovanni was the father of Cosmo, who
was born in 1389; and of Lorenzo w4io was born in 1394.
Children of Cosmo. 1. Piero. 2. Giovanni. 3. An ille-
gitimate son. Carlo. Giovanni died without issue.
Children of Piero. This son died in 1469, leaving 1. Lo-
renzo the Magnificent, born 1448, died 1492. 2. Guiliano,
born 1458, assassinated 1478. 3. An illegitimate son, Guilio,
who became pope by the name of Clement VII.
Children of Lorenzo the Magnificent: — 1. Piero, born in
1471, exiled, and drowned in 1504. 2. Giovanni born 1475;
pope, by the name of Leo X., in 1512; died in 1521. 3.
Guiliano, who married a French princess, and became duke
of Nemours.
Grandchildren of Lorenzo the Magnificent, by his son Piero :
— 1. Lorenzo, who was made duke of Urbino ; married Marga-
ret of Bologna, and died 1519.
Great-grandchildren of Lorenzo the Magnificent, through
his son Piero, and grandson Lorenzo : — 1. Catherine de Medici,
born in 1519, died in 1589, having married Henry II. of
France. 2. Alessandro, an illegitimate, who was either the
son of Lorenzo, or of pope Clement VII., born 1510, created
372 MEDICI.
duke of Florence by Charles V. ; assassinated by his cousin
Lorenzo, 1537. He married a natural daughter of Charles V,
Descendants of Lorenzo, (brother of Cosmo,) who died in
1440. He had one son, two grandsons. The grandson of
one of this Lorenzo's grandsons, was the Lorenzo who assassi-
nated the duke Alessandro. The grandson of the other grand-
son, was Cosmo de Medici, born 1519, duke of Florence in
1537, duke of Tuscany in 1569, died 1574. From him de-
scended the successive grand dukes of Tuscany, the last of this
race being Giovanni Gaston, who died in 1737. Some of the
descendants of the father of the original Cosmo, intermarried
with several noble and royal families ; others are seen through
many generations, among the highest dignitaries of the church.
In June, 1378, Silvestro de Medici was chosen gonfalonier,
and prevailed on the people to abolish a law, and the usage
under it, by which the Albizzi party had, for many years, ex-
cluded all citizens from the government but themselves. The
effect of this abolition was, that no person should be ineligible
for the reason that his ancestors were Ghibelines. The way
being thus opened, the lower order of mechanics, and poorer
classes of artizans insisted on the right of being eligible. A
tumult arose, and Michael Lando, a carder of wool, dressed in
a short waistcoat, and barefooted, marched at the head of the
people, bearing the state banner (gonfalon) which he had taken
from the palace ; and Lando was made gonfalonier by accla-
mation — an office equivalent to the modern mayoralty. Lando
exercised his power with vigor and discretion, but it was of
short duration. In January, 1383, the nobles, rich merchants,
and higher citizens, took possession of the public places, and
re-established aristocracy. Lando and his chiefs were exiled.
The Albizzi party were enabled to resume their power.
The principal troublesof Florence, during the residue of the
fourteenth century, arose from the plots and warfire of the
Visconti of Milan to subdue Tuscany. The riches of the
Florentines, and their extensive commercial connections, en-
abled them to seek and obtain aid in different parts of Europe.
Among other military adventurers in Italy, was John Haw^k-
wood, an Englishman, who led a numerous force, and who
was considered one of the ablest generals of that age. He
was employed by Milan, but was purchased into the service of
Florence. He rendered most important services, and continued
faithful in this employment till his death. He was buried in
Florence, and an equestrian monument is said still to exist
there, in honor of his usefulness. Fortunately for Italy, Gian
MEDicr. 373
Galeazzo Visconti, one of the ablest, most perfidious, and
criminal of men, disappeared from the troubled scenes of which
he was the principal cause. He died of the pestilence which
prevailed, 3d of September, 1402.
The period of the highest prosperity, and the greatest de-
gree of rational, practicable liberty, ever enjoyed by Florence,
was from the overthrow of the popular leaders in 1383, to the
year 1434, under the Albizzi party. The people had learned
that every citizen is not alike capable of conducting the affairs
of a state. In the transactions of business, the Florentines
perceived that they were necessarily connected with the intel-
ligent and judicious in the operations of trade, industry, and
commerce; and that whatsoever policy was beneficial to the
owners of capital, on which all commercial action depended,
was alike beneficial to those whose daily labor produced the
articles which commerce could profitably exchange. They
perceived also, that those who could direct the measures neces-
sary to the common and general prosperity in private life,
would be most capable of directing public measures, indispen-
sable to secure that prosperity. The citizens were profitably
busy in the manufacturing of woollen goods, which excelled
those of all other countries, and which were known through-
out Europe. They excelled also in silks, and gold brocade,
and had many other factories. Their merchants were the
greatest capitalists of Europe, and had countinghouses in-
every considerable city of the commercial world. The agri-
cultural part of the Florentine state was the best cultivated,
and the most productive of any in Italy. Taxes were imposed
moderately and equably, founded on a just enumeration and
fair estimate of property. Several of the small republics in
the south and west, Pisa, Pistoia, Arezzo, Volterra, were
either subjected by Florence, or greatly influenced by its
policy. Its influence was strongly experienced in all the
Italian states; for, though it had neither fleets nor armies, it
had abundant riches, and vigilant and able statesmen. In this
time, the arts, sciences, and literature, took root in Florence,
and flourished there as in their native land. This was, it is
true, the government of an aristocracy, (or a few men,) in a
republic, but it was also (as that term originally implied,) the
government of the best men. Not only did these men preserve
rational freedom in Florence, but they spared no exertion to
secure like freedom throughout Italy. But these days of
•'glory and wisdom," as they were justly called, could not
endure forever. The rulers might degenerate, or envy and
32
374 MEDICI.
ambition in the excluded might bring them to a close. Ri-
naldo Albizzi, in 1433, forgot that he was only the first among
free citizens ; and he saw with displeasure the growing gran-
deur of the Medici, who felt that they were entitled to share
in the power which the Albizzi had engrossed.
Cosmo de Medici was born in 1389. He was the son of
Giovanni de Medici, and enjoyed an hereditary popularity in
Florence as a descendant of Silvestro de Medici, who had
taken the popular side in the revolution of 1378. From the
time that the Albizzi were reinstated in 1383, they either could
not, or thought it inexpedient to exclude the Medici from all
participation in the government. Giovanni was made gon-
falonier, and afterwards, in 1416, Cosmo was one of the priors.
Cosmo's rank was that of the first merchant, having establish-
ments in most of the cities in the West and the East. He
dwelt in a sumptuous palace, and made it the resort of artists,
poets, and learned men. His agents transmitted to him every
valuable specimen of the arts which they could command.
He was as liberal as he was rich, and there were few who had
need of his bounty, who did not enjoy it.
Cosmo had no intention to revive the popular opinions and
insubordination which were imputed to his ancestor Silvestro ;
but he was unrestrained in the expression of his disapprobation
of the exercise of power by Rinaido Albizzi. Rinaldo ven-
tured, in September, 1433, to arraign Cosmo as a state crimi-
nal, and committed him to prison. It was still the custom in
Florence to summon the people on important occasions, to
assemble by the tolling of the great bell. When so assembled,
the will of the people was supreme. The people ordered that
there should be a new balia, or commission, empowered to
select those citizens whose names were to be placed in a box,
to be drawn thence; and those on whom the choice so made,
should fall, were to exercise the powers of government. Ri-
naldo presented a list of two hundred, who were to be the
commissioners, if the people approved of them. They were
approved of, and no names were placed in the box, but of per-
sons who were friendly to Rinaldo. The new government
were the creatures of Rinaldo, and he expected from them the
sentence of death on Cosmo ; but they went no further than to
condemn him and his friends to exile. The partial triumph
of Rinaldo was short. In September, 1434, a new election
gave other officers to the city ; Cosmo and his friends were
recalled, and Rinaldo and his friends were exiled.
Rinaldo went to Milan, and induced the duke Filippo Maria
MEDICI. 375
Visconti to declare war against Florence, which continued till
October, 1441. Cosmo de Medici was gradually strengthening
himself in Florence, and, in fact, shared the sovereignly with
Neri Capponi, without disturbing the forms of the republic.
Capponi was a great statesman, an able negotiator, and an
accomplished general. Cosmo was not a military man, and
was the inferior of Capponi in the qualities of a statesman, but
far superior as the patron of learning and of literature, as well
as in riches and in personal adherents. These two chiefs
maintained, in general, an amicable intercourse, and during
twenty-one years, from 1434 to 1456, the people were always
satisfied to renew their power. At the close of this period, the
decease of Capponi left Cosmo as the sole head of the republic.
A new choice of officers occurred on the 1st of July, 1455,
when some jealousy had arisen as to Cosmo. Pierre Rucellai
was chosen gonfalonier. This change led to dissatisfactions
among the people, from various causes; and Lucas Pitti was
elected in 1458. Cosmo was now too far advanced in age to
take an active part in public affairs, and Pitti became the
actual sovereign of Florence. He built two palaces, one
within the cit}^ and one a mile from it, of a grandeur before
unknown by the Florentines. Though rich, he accepted
presents fruui all who were disposed to make them, and even
those who were liable to arrest from any cause, however
criminal, were protected while laboring on Pitti's palaces.
The conduct of Cosmo had been entirely different. He had
never affected a grandeur above other citizens, and regretted
to see that the party which he had supported had given a
tyrant to the republic. He kept himself retired from public
affairs, and dwelt in the country. Yet the hope that the fami-
ly of Medici would preserve its power in Florence, and its
eminent distinction abroad, was ever the object of his contem-
plation. The son on whom he reposed this hope, Giovanni,
had died at the age of forty-two. His oldest son, Piero, was of
feeble constitution, and not qualified to assume the cares of
government. The children of Piero were very young. The
cherished ambition of the decaying Cosmo, was expressed in
the remark which he made, when carried through his vast
palace : " This house is very large for so small a family."
He died at his country residence, (Correggio,) August 1st,
1464, in his seventy-fifth year. He left many monuments of
himself which still endure.
At Florence he built the convent and temple of St. Mark ;
the temple of St. Lawrence, and the cloister of St. Verdian.
376 MEDICI.
AtFiesola, that of St. Jerome; in Mugello, the temple of the
young brothers, These^were public edifices. For himself, he
built the palace of Riccardi, in the city, and four palaces, at dif-
ferent places, in the country. He adorned the churches with
statues, paintings, and silver vessels, for public use. He built,
also, at Jerusalem, a hospital for the pilgrims. But none of
these expenditures were 'public money ; it vi'as all his own, de-
rived from honorable commerce. His grandson, Lorenzo, com-
puted, that Cosmo, and his sons, had expended between 1434
and 1471, for public uses, charities, and gifts, 663,755 florins,
which may be computed, at the present value of money, at 32
millions of livres; about six millions of dollars. The Flor-
entines ordered that the inscription on his tomb should be, the
FATHER OF HIS COUNTRY.
The days of " wisdom and glory," in Florence, ended with
the life of Cosmo de Medici. Its future grandeur is to be
found, not in the republic, but in the splendor of Cosmo's de-
scendants, who substituted themselves for the republic. Sis-
mondi bestows deserved eulogy on the citizens of Florence, in
the times which had passed, and renders a just tribute to the
spirit of liberty. " How could so small a state endure such
heavy losses? How could a single city produce so many pow-
erful and illustrious men 1 How was it that Florence had more
historical names than all France? That every one of its citi-
zens, who were seen by turns, elevated or overthrown, were
better known in Europe, more opulent, and more really power-
ful than a peer of a great monarchy, whose landed estates
equalled, perhaps, the whole extent of the Florentine territory?
What was it that united the lives of these men with the history
of human civilization — covered their native land with admira-
ble monuments, wherein the taste and magnificence of illus-
trious citizens surpassed all that had been done by princes and
kings? One must be blind to all these prodigies, if he cannot
see in them the effect of liberty."
By what means liberty was lost in Florence, is an interest-
ing inquiry to all who are free. In some of the republics of
Italy, it was lost as gradually as the tide steals onward ; in
others, as suddenly as the torrents rise in the beds of its rivers.
The knowledge of what liberty is, and consequently the deter-
mination to preserve it, was insensibly lost by the majority of
the Florentine people. The wealth, the influence, and the su-
premacy of Cosmo, had attracted to him the regard, confidence
and aflfections of the community. He probably, did not intend
to destroy the republic, by accepting voluntary homage ; but
MEDICI. 377
the people and himself corrupted each other. He died in the
earnest hope that the Medici would be to his country, what he
had been himself. Unfortunately, they had all his ambition
but neither his wisdom, talents, nor patriotism. The extensive
commercial affairs of Cosmo devolved on his son Piero, but
Piero was not a merchant. The management of the state de-
volved on him, but he was not a statesman. Incessant bodily
affliction prevented all personal activity, and he was dependent
on transportation in a litter, whenever he moved from the city
to the country, or appeared in public. There were many among
the first citizens, who desired to destroy the Medici influence in
the state, and who considered the time to effect their object to
have come. Among these was one (Nerone) on whom Piero
placed great confidence. This person was consulted by Piero,
who advised him to withdraw from commerce, and invest his
money in land. This advice was accepted, and numerous debt-
ors, at home and abroad, were suddenly called on to discharge
their obligations ; and, in cases where pledges of property had
been made, these pledges were sold, to the great disadvantage
of the debtors. These measures, and the absence of all quali-
ties, necessary to hold the eminence Avhich Cosmo had enjoyed,
made the Florentines indignant at Piero's assumption of hered-
itary prerogatives.
Lucas Pitti was the ostensible head of the republic ; but he
was not qualified to sustain himself in that relation. Though
he had numerous associates, he was incapable of availing
himself of their support. The citizens divided into hostile and
irreconcilable parties, among which were the ancient families,
who regarded the Medici as new men, and who could not en-
dure to be supplanted by one so little entitled to consideration
as Piero. In this state of feeling at Florence, it could not be
long before the parties came to violence, and called in the aid
of foreign force. The opponents of Piero were defeated, and
many distinguished citizens were banished. On the re-estab-
lishment of his power, Piero caused a list of the proscribed to
be made out, in doing which Pitti was supposed to have fur-
nished desired information. A general and severe persecution
ensued. Pitti, suspected by all parties, disdained by the tri-
umphant one, and despised by the republicans, was ruined in
character and estate. His magnificent structure of a palace re-
mained unfinished, a monument of his pride and folly. [Sis-
mondi, vol. x. p. 286.]
There were illustrious exiles from Florence in many cities
in Europe, not only from the recent convulsions, but from those
32*
378 MEDICI.
of former times. They assembled at Venice. A very serious
war ensued, in which several powers engaged, on one side and
the other. The exiles expended all their wealth in sustaining
this war, and had the mortification to see it closed by treaties,
in which no provision was made for them; they had only ad-
ded poverty to banishment from their country.
Though triumphant overall enemies, the increasing infirmi-
ties of Piero disabled him from taking an active part in public
affairs. The state was governed by his partisans, but in such
a manner as to call forth the denunciations of Piero himself.
The condition of Florence, in 1469, is described by an address
of Piero to his assembled friends, as copied by Sismondi from
a contemporary historian. " 1 could never have believed that
the time would come, when the morals, and the acts of my
friends, would make me regret my enemies; or the. fruits of
my victory, that I had not been defeated. I thought I was as-
sociated with men who would set some bounds to their cupidi-
ty, and who would be contented to live honored by their coun-
try, and avenged of their enemies ; but I now see how much I
was deceived ; how little I knew the human heart, and your
own ambition. It does not satisfy you to he first, to be princes
in a great cAiy — to engross all the honors, dignities, and advan-
tages, which heretofore were a sufficient recompense to the
whole mass of citizens. Already you have divided among you
the property of your enemies, while you have cast upon others
the whole of the public burthens, reserving to yourselves the
whole of the public benefits. Even this does not content you,
if you cannot load your fellow-citizens with every kind of in-
jury. You despoil your neighbors of their inheritance — you
sell justice — you defend yourselves against the authority of the
tribunals — you depress the peaceable to exalt the insolent. I
do not believe that all the rest of Italy could present such ex-
amples of violence and avarice as are gathered in this city.
But hear the resolution which I take on that faith, which men
of honor should respect. If you continue to conduct your-
selves in such a manner as to make me repent of my victory, I
shall know how to conduct myself in a manner which will
make you repent of your success."
This admonition had no effect. The remedy contemplated
was to recall the exiles ; but in December, of the same year,
(1469,) Piero died.
Thomas Soderini was left at the head of the state, and when
the accustomed demonstrations of respect were tendered to him,
fearful of exciting jealousies, he turned attention to the sons of
MEDICI. 379
Piero, as the persons to whom these demonstrations were due.
He suggested that it was much easier to sustain a power which
thirty-five years had made familiar, than to found a new one.
The two legitimate sons of Piero were Lorenzo, then twenty-
one ^j-ears, and Guiliano, of eleven years of age. Soderini as-
sembled the principal men of the republic, and presented these
two sons, and recommended the observance towards them of
the consideration which their house had so long held. For
several years the young Medici took no part in state affairs.
They employed themselves in studies and amusements; in
making their abode the resort of the learned, and of artists ;
and in gratifying the people with brilliant spectacles.
About two years after Piero's death, Galeaz Sforza, duke of
Milan, who had made himself exceedingly odious to his sub-
jects, came to visit Florence, with his wife and courtiers. Two
chariots, ornamented with gold, were brought over the Apen-
nines, on mules, for the use of the duchess ; fifty riding horses
for her, and the like number for the duke ; 100 men at arms,
and 500 foot soldiers, as a guard ; 50 servants ; 500 couples of
hunting dogs, and a great number of falcons, composed his ret-
inue, with all the splendor of royalty ; the whole number of
horses 2000. The sum appropriated to this parade was 200,-
000 florins, or about 450,000 dollars. Lorenzo received the
duke in his palace, as a guest, and displayed his own mao-nif-
icence, not so much in gold and diamonds as his visiter did,
but in the number of antique monuments, paintings, and stat-
ues. The city entertained the duke's followers, at its own ex-
pense. Three splendid representations of events in the Sa-
viour's life were made, in three different churches, in one of
which the church took fire, and was burnt.* These were new
scenes, and very bad examples, to the Florentines, whose tenor
of life had been that of industry and economy, approaching to
austerity.
From the year 1473, to 1478, no events occurred in Flor-
ence of sufficient importance to be noticed, although Ferdinand
I., of Naples, pope Sextus IV., Milan and Venice, were re-
spectively engaged in controversies and wars. In the latter
year the Medici assumed the hereditary distinction in the re-
public. The government of the city was subjected to their
orders — individuals were condemned without trial — arbitrary
impositions and retroactive laws, were made. The whole finances
* The first Theatrical representations in Europe, were of events re-
corded in the scriptures.
380 MEDICI.
of the state were subject to the control of the Medici, and
were soraetimes employed to sustain their commercial houses;
one of which, at Bruges, (in the Netherlands,) would have fail-
ed, but for this resource. They had undertaken to follow the
course of their grandfather Cosmo, in the business of bank-
ers, without giving any personal attention to the subject, and
without being competent to conduct such business, if they had.
Notwithstanding the eulogies of Roscoe on Lorenzo, Sismondi
says, (vol. xi. pp. 78 — 9,) that the Medici marched on syste-
matically to tyranny, sustained by the powerful families who
were interested to support them ; by the poets, artists, and men
of letters, who lived on their bounty; and by the low populace
whom they enchanted with feasts and spectacles. Yet there
was a strong party of the most considerate citizens, vehemently
opposed to them. Among these were the family of Pazzi, of
ancient nobilit}'-, who had been admitted to the rank of citi-
zens. They were merchants, and far more opulent than the
Medici. It was this family that Lorenzo considered, more than
any other, as competent to rival his own. His grandfather
Cosmo, had the same apprehensions of this family, and endeav-
ored to gain them by marrying his grand-daughter, (sister of
Lorenzo,) to one of their number. Lorenzo thought it more
politic to ruin them, or, at least, to prevent the increase of their
wealth. One of the Pazzi had married the heiress of an im-
mensely rich man. Lorenzo caused a retroactive application,
in this case, of a law, whereby the property of an intestate fa-
ther must go to his nephews, to the exclusion of his own
daughter. By this^ measure, Lorenzo's brother-in-law, on the
death of his wife's father, was entirely deprived of his expected
inheritance. Besides this, all the family of Pazzi were exclud-
ed from any share in the government of the city, although
there were nine who were qualified for office. Francis Pazzi,
the oldest of the brothers, indignant that Lorenzo thus assumed
a supremacy over the laws, vv^ithdrew to Rome, where he had
a commercial house, and became banker to pope Sixtus IV.,
preferred, herein, to the Medici. Intimate relations arose be-
tween this Pazzi and the pope, as well as the pope's son-in-law,
Jerome Riario.
There were many circumstances which united these three
persons in deadly hostility to the Medici. Among others, the
pope had appointed one Salvati to be archbishop of Florence,
whom the Medici had refused to receive. The consultation of
these parties embraced all the modes in which the Medici
could be assailed ; and they came to the result, that none other
MEDICI. 38t
would be effectual but the assassination of the two brothers, at
the same moment. Salvati was informed of this design, and
he, with Pazzi and Riario, undertook to execute it. They
gained some of the family of Pazzi to co-operate, and some of
them absolutely refused to engage in it. Many others, from
various cuuses, were found willing to become parties, including
two others of the Salvati, The pope had made a nephew of
Jerome Riario, a cardinal, at the age of eighteen ; on such
occasions festivals were usually given. It was so managed
that the young cardinal should go to Florence* where several
entertainments were given to him. It had been arranged to
assassinate the two Medici at any place at which both appear-
ed, as neither of them could be safely permitted to live after
the other. But the two were present at no one of these meet-
ings. The next opportunity was at the cathedral, Avhere the
young cardinal was to attend mass, from which ceremony, it
was supposed, the two Medici could not absent themselves.,
Francis des Pazzi and Bernard Bandini had undertaken to
kill the younger Medici, and .lean Baptiste de Montesecco, to
kill Lorenzo. But Montesecco objected to doing this act in a
church, and during divine service, though he was perfectly
willing to do it at a feast. Two prit-sis were found among the
conspirators who were not embarrassed by the fear of commit-
ting sacrilege, and they undertook the service which Monte-
secco had declined.
The moment selected for the assassination was at the eleva-
tion of the host, when all present were accustomed to bow.
The service had actually begun, but Guiliano de Medici was
not present. The two who were to murder him, went to find
him, and to convince him that the occasion demanded his
presence. He accompanied them to the cathedral, and on the
way, they, as in playfulness, put their arms around him to
ascertain whether he had on a cuirass, which they knew him
to be accustomed to wear, under his garments, as a defence.
He had not even the sword which he usually wore, having a
malady in his leg, which made the wearing it troublesome.
The moment had come when the act was to be done. Ban-
dini plunged his dagger into Guiliano's bosom, who rose,
made some steps, and fell. Francis des Pazzi fell on him,
and struck many furious blows, by one of which he wounded
himself in the thigh. At the same moment the two priests
attacked Lorenzo. One of them placed his hand on Lorenzo's
shoulder, intending to strike him in the neck, and did inflict
there a slight wound ; but, Lorenzo rising, disengaged himself
382 MEDICI.
from them, drew his sword, and defended himself with the aid
of his two attendants. The two priests fled. Bandini ran
towards Lorenzo, and killed one person who attempted to stop
him. Meanwhile, Lorenzo had fled to the vestry of the
church, with his friends, and had closed the doors.
This imperfect accomplishment of an attempt to destroy
men in power, had the usual effect. It terrified enemies, com-
bined friends, and established the usurpation it was intended to
annihilate. The people assigned a body-guard of twelve men
to Lorenzo. All the conspirators were detected. Many of
them, and Salvati, the archbishop, among others, were hung
at the window^s of the government palace. At first, the people
undertook to do vengeance; and, afterw^ards, Lorenzo cleared
the city, by death or banishment, of all whom he thought
proper to include among the conspirators. The family of
Pazzi were either entirely destroyed or made harmless to
Lorenzo. But the failure of the conspirators to kill him, as
Avell as Guiliano, and the punishments inflicted, especially the
hanging of Salvati, the archbishop, confirmed the pope in an
implacable enmity, Florence, and especially Lorenzo, were
made to feel this enmity by every means in which this malig-
nant pontiff conld exercise his own power or direct that of
others. He did not deny his participation in the design of the
conspirators. This was not an offence in the tenant of the
holy chair of St. Peter, according to the moral law of Sixtus
IV. But to hang an archbishop and prelates, for murder,
demanded the severest denunciation. Accordingly, Florence
and all its inhabitants were visited by the most ample excom-
munication which the pope could express. The pope and the
king of Naples armed themselves against Florence. Milan
was involved in difficulties which deprived Florence of its aid.
Venice was under obligations to assist Florence, but declined
acting, for the reason that it was not held to take part in a war,
carried on, not against the state, but against one of its citizens.
Lorenzo was obliged to admit that it was a war against
him. In an assembly of three hundred citizens, he declared
himself ready to submit to exile, prison, or death, if his coun-
try thought he owed it such sacrifice. But, at the same time
he suggested, that the prudence and perseverance of Florence
were alone sufficient to resist the storm. The assembly en-
gaged to sacrifice their lives and fortunes in his defence. An
embassy was despatched to Louis XI. of France, to engage
him on the side of Florence, but it was unavailing. A series
of unfortunate measures had brought great distress on the
MEDICI. 383
Florentines ; and, while their affairs seemed to be in the most
discouraging- condition, notice came to them on the 24th of
November, 1479, that a truce had been signed to treat of terms
of peace. Lorenzo resolved to take the hazardous measure
of going to Naples, to treat with Ferdinand himself. He
hoped to satisfy Ferdinand that he would consult his own in-
terests in detaching himself from the pope, and in preparing
to defend himself against the claims of the king of France, to
his own kingdom, under the asserted rights of the house of
Anjou. Lorenzo was well received at Naples. After long
conferences a peace was agreed on, and the treaty signed
March 6, 1480. He returned, and was received at Florence
as the saviour of his country. Some change was made in the
form of government, and a council of seventy established ;
composed, however, of the friends of Lorenzo. This council
devoted the funds of the state to pay his debts. A portion of
these were occasioned by his excessive pomp and extravagance
at Naples, designed for political effect, for himself only, while
Florence was in more serious distress than it had ever before
experienced.
The pope continued in hostility ; but the landing of the
Turks in the following July, (1480,) at Otranto, on the north-
east coast of Italy, (Otranto is the province on the south-east
extremity of the peninsula,) alarmed the pope and forced him
to make peace. It was exceedingly humiliating to Florence.
The speech of the pope to the twelve Florentine ambassadors
is a singular compound of arrogance and pretended piety.
(Sismondi, vol. xi. p. 197.) This invasion, terrible to all
Italy, became harmless by the death of the Sultan, in May,
1481, and a civil war which arose immediately after, between
two of his sons.
For some years the events of Florence are without interest.
When they become so, in 1486, it is seen that the ancient
policy under the Albizzi (which had made the people of that
city so free, prosperous, and happy at home, and so respectable
abroad) had been supplanted by that of Lorenzo, in which the
republic was nothing, and himself the state. He had extreme
difficulty in satisfying his own council of seventy, that it was
wise, in Florence, to ally itself with Ferdinand of Naples and
with Innocent VIII., the successor of Sixtus. There were
yet four states in Italy which had preserved at least the name
of republics, Genoa, Venice, Lucca, and Sienna. Not one of
them placed the least confidence in the political cabinet of
Florence. Intrigue and deception were always expected.
884 MEDICI.
Lorenzo was displeased that these republics refused to con-
sider him as any thing more than a citizen, while the pope,
the ducal sovereigns, and the king of Naples, ascribed to him
a rank little inferior to royalty. The pope considered his
alliance to be, not with the state of Florence, but with the
Medici. A marriage was contracted between the son of the
pope and the daughter of Lorenzo ; and when Lorenzo's son,
Piero, went to Milan to attend a wedding of the duke's son
with a princess of Arragon, the Florentine ambassadors, des-
patched in honor of the event, were regarded as secondary
characters, while every distinction was proffered to Piero.
His second son, Giovanni, was made a cardinal at the age of
eighteen, and afterwards became pope. During all this time,
Lorenzo continued to be a banker and a merchant, but through
the agency of others, in the cities of the east and of the west.
But his agents considered themselves to be rather the ministers
of a great prince, than the factors of a merchant. The for-
tunes of the Medici were dissipated, and the revenues of the
state covered the deficiency. The state even made itself bank-
rupt, to save Lorenzo from becoming so himself (Sismondi,
vol. xi. pp. 336, 337.) The public policy of Lorenzo was
unfavorable to his country, and facilitated, instead of impeding
the invasions, the convulsions, and the w^ars in which all Italy
soon lost even the name of liberty. Early in 1492, Lorenzo
sank under the hereditary infirmities of his family, (the gout,)
in connexion with a slow fever. A very suitable sort of med-
icine was administered to Lorenzo the Magnificent, consisting
of a decomposition (in some liquid) of pearls and precious
stones.
At this time, a person named Savonarala, a native of Padua,
had appeared at Florence, who thought himself inspired, and
specially commissioned to reform the morals of prelates and of
laity. His preaching had produced a great effect on the latter.
Lorenzo sent for him, and desired absolution at his hands.
Savonarala asked whether he had entire faith in the mercy of
God? liorenzo said he had. The next inquiry was, whether
he was ready to restore all the goods w^hich he had unjustly
acquired 1 After some hesitation, Lorenzo answered he was.
The last inquiry was, whether Lorenzo would re-establish Flo-
rentine liberty, and the popular government of a republic? Lo-
renzo absolutely refused to submit to this condition; and dis-
missed Savonarala without having received absolution.* Lo-
* Sismondi, eh. xii. p. 69. The account of the same scene is found in
Roscoe, vol. ii. p. 235. The two statements are dissimilar.
MEDICI. 385
renzo died at his country seat on the eighth of April, 1492, in
the forty-fourth year of his age.
In these sketches Sismondi has been the guide, and, it is be-
lieved, a very safe one. He not only refers to the many contem-
poraneous historians of Italy, but there is an accordance in the
general tenor of events (generally received) with Sismondi's
views of Lorenzo, as a man, and as a statesman. But William
Roscoe, the biographer of Lorenzo, had veiy different views
of this eminent Florentine. This was not unknown to Sis-
mondi, who points out, in many places, the errors, as he under-
stands them to be, in Roscoe's history.* Whoever takes the
labor of following out Sismondi, will probably agree with him
in his summary of Lorenzo's character: — "Whatever may
have been Lorenzo's ability, it is not as a statesman that he is
to be placed in the rank of the great men of whom Italy may
be justly proud. Such honor belongs only to those, who, ele-
vating their views above personal interests, secure, by the labor
of their lives, the peace, the glory, or the liberty of their coun-
try. Lorenzo pursued, almost invariably, a policy entirely self-
ish. He sustained a usurped power by bloody executions.
He pressed more and more heavily a detested yoke on a free
city. He took from the magistrates the authority w^hich the
constitution warranted, and turned his fellow-citizens from that
public career in which they had developed so much of talent.
His policy terminated, at a future day, in the establishment of
the tyranny of Alessandro de Medici. It was by the active
and enlightened protection of the arts, of letters, and of philoso-
phy, that he merited to have his name associated with the most
brilliant period of the literary history of Italy. Yet he was not
a superior man, either as poet, philosopher, or artist ; but he
had a perception so lively, so fine, and so just, that he could put
others on the route which he could not follow himself"
Such is Sismondi's opinion ; and he very justifiably accounts
for the opinions of Roscoe, by assuming that they were drawn
from the writings of personal friends, who were indebted to
their patron, almost for existence. Lorenzo assumed to take
on himself the government of Florence, in its internal and ex-
ternal affairs. The delightful intercourse between himself and
his friends, in his palaces, and his enchanting retreats in the
country, is not the measure of his merits. But the condition
* Histoire des Republiques Italiennes, du moyen age, par J. C. L. Si-
monde de Sismondi, (new edition, revised and corrected ; and printed at
Paris, i8-26.)
33
386 MEDICI.
of Florence, before, during-, and after the time of Lorenzo, fur-
nishes the facts wherefrom to judge whether impartial history-
should applaud or reproach him. After studying Sismondi, it
is difficult to perceive the justice of the following summary, in
all its parts, taken from the sixth edition of Roscoe's life of Lo-
renzo, (London, 1825,) page 70, vol. 1 : —
" Tall in his stature, robust in his form, Lorenzo had, in his
person, more the appearance of strength than of elegance.
From his birth he labored under some peculiar disadvantages;
his sight was weak, his voice harsh and unpleasing, and he
was totally deprived of the sense of smell. With all these de-
fects, his countenance was dignified, and strongly indicated the
magnanimity of his character ; and the effects of his eloquence
were conspicuous on many important occasions. Such was
the versatility of his talents that it is difficult to discover any
department of business, or of amusement, of art, or of science,
to which they were not, at some time, applied ; and in whatever
he undertook, he aimed at a proficiency which would seem to
have required the labor of a life much longer than that which
he was permitted to enjoy."
Roscoe has presented only one view of Lorenzo in which he
is sustained by other historians, that of an accomplished, well-
informed, liberal gentleman, within his own walls. Hallam's
opinion (vol. 1. p. 294) is much more conformable to that of
Sismondi. ''As a patriot, we never can bestow upon Lorenzo
de Medici, the meed of disinterested virtue. He completed that
subversion of the Florentine republic, which his two immedi-
ate ancestors had so well prepared. The two councils (her
regular legislature) he superseded by a permanent senate of
seventy persons ; while the gonfalonier, and the priors (be-
came a mockery and pageant, to keep up the illusion of liberty)
were taught, that in exercising a legitimate authority, without
the sanction of their prince, (a name now first heard at Flor-
ence,) they incurred the risk of punishment for their audacity.
Even the total dilapidation of commercial wealth was repaired
at the cost of the state, and the republic disgracefully screened
the bankruptcy of the Medici, by her own." After these re-
marks of Hallam, one cannot read without disapprobation these
words of Roscoe, (vol. 2. p. 240. chap. X.) " It was not by the
continuance, but by the dereliction of the system which he
had established, and to which he adhered, during the continu-
ance of his life, that the Florentine republic sunk under the
degrading yoke of despotic power."
Lorenzo's oldest son, Piero, was not twenty-one, and there-
MEDICI. 387
fore not qualified to hold any office. This disability was re-
moved by altering the law, and he was placed at the head of
the state. He considered himself to have succeeded to an he-
reditary sovereignty. Among his first measures was the ar-
raignment, as criminals, of two of his young cousins, descend-
ed from the brother of Cosmo. They had not committed any
offence, nor taken any part in public affairs ; but that branch of
the family had become exceedingly rich, by commerce, and
Piero apprehended that they might rival him. They were ex-
iled.
At this time it was known in Italy, that Charles VIII., of
France, intended to possess himself of the kingdom of Naples,
and might soon be expected. On this occasion, Piero disclosed
his natural insolence and vanity, and his incapacity to sustain
himself as the successor of Lorenzo. When Charles had
crossed the Apennines, and was at Lucca, Florence sent am-
bassadors to treat with him. Piero was one of them; but,
arriving first, he assumed to surrender several fortresses, and
to bind Florence to pay a large sum, taking nothing in return,
but the verbal promise of the French monarch that he would
give up these fortresses when he had conquered Naples. The
other ambassadors intended to make Charles purchase the
privilege of passing through the territory of Florence. When
they arrived, and were informed of what Piero had done, they
were much incensed, and sent this information to Florence,
where it produced a high excitement. On Piero's return to the
city, he was denied admission to the governmental palace, ex-
cluded from the city, and compelled to fly. Instead of going
to Charles he went to Bologna. A price was set upon his
head. All who were still living, of the many exiles from
Florence, in former revolutions, and prosecutions, were in-
vited to return. The houses of Medici were pillaged by the
populace, with the exception of the palace in the city, which
was reserved as an abode for Charles VIII., on his arrival.
But when the French came, that was pillaged by them. The
precious collections which had been made by Cosmo, Piero,
and Lorenzo, in three generations, were taken by the French,
to the satisfaction of their cupidity; and all that remained
were sold by public authority. Nothing remained of the
Cosmo branch of the family, but the buildings which they had
erected ; and all the members of that branch were exiled, for-
ever, from Florence. [1494.] The two cousins whom young
Piero had exiled, returned ; and, desiring to annihilate all re-
membrance of their connexion with the Medici, they changed
388 MEDICI.
the arms of the family, abandoned the name, and assumed that
of Popolajii.
A new government was instituted, and new ambassadors
sent to Charles; and among them the same priest, Savonarala,
who addressed Charles as a person sent by divine orders to
punish and reform. Charles understood nothing of the priests
harangue, and only answered that when he came to Florence
he should make satisfactory arrangements. This meeting was
at Pisa, which had been 87 years subjected to Florence. The
Pisans besought Charles to restore them to liberty, and with-
out considering that this was a matter in which he could not in-
terpose, he answered that he should be content to see their lib-
erty restored to them. This was taken, by the Pisans, as a
restoration, in fact, and every emblem of Florentine authority
was destroyed, and a commission raised to form the republic
anew. Leaving the Pisans in possession of their city, and a
French garrison in the citadel, Charles proceeded with his ar-
my to Florence, and entered Nov. 17, 1494. This body of
soldiery from beyond the Alps, so different from all that the
Florentines had before seen, terrified them ; nor did they know
whether they were only visited, or conquered. The French
were not disposed to come to blows, and the Florentines had
made no preparation for such an event. Negotiations ensued,
in which Charles limited himself to a demand of money, but
so exorbitant that it was refused. The final proposition of the
French was reduced to writing, and read to Piero Capponi, the
Florentine secretary, who snatched it from the Frenchman's
hand and tore it in pieces. " If," said Capponi, " it has come to
this, blow your trumpets, and we will ring our bells." This
firmness moderated the demands of Charles, which came down
to 100,000 florins, (equal to 222,000 dollars.) Charles stipu-
lated to restore fortresses, and effected some arrangement as to
the Pisans — granted some commercial privileges, in France.
The Florentines agreed to withdraw the price on the heads of
the Medici. Charles then departed for Sienna.
Florence, left to itself, attempted to establish a new govern-
ment. Savonarala had become a great man, and had his par-
ty. He was for pure religion, sound morals, and political lib-
erty; and, consequently, for a popular government. Opposed
to this party, was the Medici party, in principle, though not in
name, who desired a government which excluded the people,
and vested power in a small number. The third party was that
of the Medici, strictly, who dared not to disclose their views.
After seven months of conference, Florence adopted an execu-
MEDICI. 389
tive power, which was to be counselled by an assembly of
eighty, and the sovereignty of the people was to be represented
by an elected body of eighteen hundred citizens, who could prove
that their ancestors had enjoyed the honors of the state. Sa-
vonarala, though an ecclesiastic, had an important agency in
these political affairs, and formed the opinions of a greater
number than any other individual.
Piero de Medici was, meanwhile, engaged in attempting to
replace himself by the aid of foreign powers, and in maintain-
ing a connexion with his partisans in the city. A plot was
discovered, and some highly respectable citizens were executed.
These events caused great popular excitement, and threatened
a civil war.
The enthusiast Savonarala continued his popular harangues,
and gave great offence to pope Alexander VI. and his sons
and cardinals. He also offended many of the Florentines by
his arrogance and by his condemnation of their morals and
habits. The pope found it necessary to send a preacher of his
own to Florence, to counteract Savonarala. These two com-
petitors were not able to settle their pretensions by eloquence
and preaching, and a miracle only could settle the controversy.
Savonarala was a Dominican, his adversaries were Francis-
cans ; and several partisans on each side were willing to test
the truth by passing through fire. A stage was erected on a
public square, and two piles of combustibles were placed there-
on, each of them eighty feet long, four wide, and five feet
high, separated from each other so as to leave a passage way
of eighty feet in length and two in width. Through this
passage way the opponents were to pass, when the two piles
were fully ignited. Two champions appeared to submit to
this peril. Such an ascendancy had been gained by Savona-
rala, and so much apprehension was had of his power, that his
representative was not allowed to ascend the stage in the dress
he came into the square with, but was entirely changed, in
this respect, by a new dress, in which there could not be any
secret protection. Savonarala put into the hand of his deputy
the materials and the emblems of the sacrament, as a security
against the effect of the flames. To this the other party ob-
jected ; and on this point, as obstinately insisted upon, on one
side, as objected to on the other, the day was wasted in dis-
putes, and the miracle was neither wrought nor attempted.
This was a fatal blow to the power of Savonarala. Means
were found to cause him to be tried as an impostor, and to
prove him to be such, he was subjected to torture. In his
390
MEDICI.
agony, he would admit the accusation to be true, but, when
free from it, still insisted that he was inspired, and divinely-
commissioned to reform the world. The end of this remark-
able man was, that he was burnt on the same stage which had
been erected for the performance of the miracle. It is a re-
proach to the Florentines, and inconsistent with their superi-
ority over any other European community of that time, (1498,)
that they regarded the declarations of a man while under the
infliction of the most horrible bodily sufferings, as the best
evidence of truth.
From 1498 to 1509, Florence was constantly harassed by
wars and by internal commotions. Piero and his family con-
nexions were, more or less, important parties in all these
movements. The republic was freed from his agency by his
death, in 1503. He was accidentally drowned. But the gov-
ernment was not suited to the people. The day had gone by
in which they were capable of maintaining a free elective
republic. An entire revolution took place by the appointment
of all the principal officers for life. Under this new govern-
ment Pisa was again subjected to Florence. But such was
the detestation of Florence by the Pisans, that all of them who
were able to do so, forsook their city and country.
From the year 1509 to 1512, a war was raging in northern
Italy in which the French, the Spaniards, and the Swiss, were
parties. Florence had preserved its neutrality. The Span-
iards insisted on having a province submitted to their rapacity,
and fixed on Florence as rich, and at the same time destitute
of military defence. A congress was held at Mantua by these
foreign powers, who had made themselves masters of northern
Italy. It was proposed here that Florence should be invited
to purchase its security from invasion by a heavy contribution.
The two youngest sons of Lorenzo the Magnificent (Piero,
the oldest, being dead) presented themselves at this congress.
These were Giovanni and Guiliano. They asked to be aided
in recovering Florence, and assured the congress that if this
object were effected, more money could be obtained than in
any other way. In August, 1512, the Medici brothers and
Lorenzo, a son of Piero, crossed the Apennines. They were
accompanied by Raymond la Cardona, who led five thousand
Spanish infantry, alike insensible to pity and to fear. They
first took Prato, a city in the valley of the Arno, twelve miles
from Florence, and treated its inhabitants with a barbarity
extraordinary even for the Spaniards of that day.
This conquest was terrible to the Florentines, who despaired
NAPLES AND SICILY, 391
of defending themselves. They listened to a proposal of Gui-
liano, to be received in Florence, with an assurance that the
liberties of the people should remain inviolate. A party imme-
diately arose in favor of the Medici, and Guiliano peaceably
entered the city on the 2d of September, 1512. On the 14th,
Giovanni, then a cardinal, entered the city, and forced the
government to assemble a parliament of his own selection,
wherein all constitutions and laws established since 1494, (the
time of Piero's flight,) were abolished. A new government
was instituted, composed entirely of the creatures of the Medi-
ci. Thus, after a banishment of eighteen years, this family
were restored to more absolute power than they had lost. Nor
was this the most to be regretted. They had grown up aliens
to their native land, destitute of all sympathy with their coun-
trymen, with an inveterate sense of injuries to be avenged —
exhausted in their resources, and as rapacious as poor. Besides,
they had to satisfy the cravings of the dissolute and merciless
soldiery, who had helped them into the strong holds of tyranny.
No one of the two brothers, or their nephew, Lorenzo, brought
with them any legitimate children, but they were accompanied
by three that were illegitimate. 1. Guilio, the son of Lorenzo
the Magnificent, and who was afterwards pope, under the
name of Clement VII. 2. Alessandro, who was either a son
of this Guilio or of Lorenzo, (the nephew of the two brothers
Medici.) 3. Ippolito, son of Guiliano, who was duke of Ne-
mours.
These three bastards exercised a powerful influence over
fallen Florence. Its freedom and its grandeur had disappear-
ed forever, and its future historj'- may be read in the events
sure to occur in all small states which are incapable of self-
government, and which are restive under tyranny that must be
endured as the only escape from anarchy.
CHAPTER LVI.
NAPLES AND SICILY, FROM 1127 TO 1516.
The kingdom of Naples includes all that part of Italy
which lies south-eastwardly of the territories held by the Ro-
man church. The whole length is about two hundred and
fifty miles, besides the promontpry of Otranto, on the south-
392 NAPLES AND SICILY.
east, and that of Calabria on the south, the latter extending to
the straits which separate Italy from the island of Sicily. In
the year 1127, Roger, the son of the Norman of the same
name, who conquered Sicily, united all these territories into
one kingdom. The population was composed of the descend-
ants of Greeks, Romans, and Saracens ; and to these were
added the Norman French, which had come into Sicily with
the adventurers of that name, about the middle of the preced-
ing century. The land was held by feudal barons, and the
principal part of the population were vassals, under the feudal
tenure.
The political and social condition of this country, from 1127
to 1516, depended on the accidents of marriages, births, inher-
itance, gifts by will, usurpations and conquests. No country
in Europe was subjected to a greater variety of masters in the
same space of time, nor was any one more miserable. Yet
the kingdoms of Sicily and Naples are, by nature, one of the
most desirable portions of the earth.
Roger was harassed during his reign by the turbulence of
his barons, and by a war with the emperor Lotharius, insti-
gated by a papal contention. Roger died in 1154. He is
reputed to have been able, to have had military talents, and to
have known that respect was due to learning and to learned
men ; but also to have been rapacious, vindictive, and singu-
larly cruel in the punishments which he inflicted. His son,
William the Bad, reigned till 1166. A person of low origin,
named Mayon, whom William had raised to high offices, con-
spired with a bishop to dethrone him ; and this person was to
usurp the crown, and the bishop was to receive a suitable
reward. Mayon having arrived near enough to his object to
have no further need of the bishop, caused a slow poison to be
administered to him. The bishop discovering the nature of
his malady, and not doubting its origin, availed himself of
a friendly visit from Mayon, to cause him to be assassinated,
and thus had the pleasure of being preceded, a few hours, by
his perfidious associate in crime. William left his crown to
his son of the same name, a minor, under the regency of his
mother. The great mistake of this reign was the giving of
Constantia, a daughter of Roger I., and aunt of this William
n., in marriage to Henry VI., emperor of Germany. This
event led to long and ruinous wars, in which Henry and Tan-
cred contended for the crown, on the decease of William.
Tancred was an illegitimate son of an older brother of Wil-
liam, who died in the life-time of his father. Thus, the people
NAPLES AND SICILY. 398
of Naples and Sicily were to endure the evils of war, to settle
the point whetlier the bastard of a deceasjd prince, or a Ger-
man who dwelt beyond the Alps, should be their master. The
latter prevailed, and in the year 1195, the crown which the
Normans had won, and the power which they had maintained
for one hundred and twenty years, passed by a marriage, to
the princes of the German house of Suabia.
The House of Suabia from 1196 to 1266. Henry VI. died,
leaving- the crown of Naples and Sicily to his minor son,
Frederick I., and the same who is known as Frederick II.
among the emperors of Germany, and who has been already
noticed in the sketches of Germany. His wife Zolanda, was
the heiress of the Christian crown of Jerusalem, derived from
the crusaders, who established a kingdom there; whence
Frederick entitled himself king of Jerusalem. This fact is
noticed, because this claim to the title was transmitted through
centuries, as an appendage to the Neapolitan crown. Naples
was made the capital, or seat of government, by Frederick.
He left a legitimate son Conrad, and one Avho was not so,
Manfrede ; and devised his kingdom to the latter, if the former
died without heirs. Conrad died in four years, and Manfrede,
assuming that Conradin, the son of Conrad, had died in Ger-
many, claimed the crown. But pope Innocent IV. claimed
Sicily, because Conrad died excommunicated ; and Naples,
because his legate had been sent thither with an armed force,
and had exacted an oath of allegiance from the people. War
ensued, in which the pope took an active part. He assumed
to bestow the kingdom of Naples and Sicily on the prince
Charles of Anjou, son of Louis VIII., king of France. This
prince appeared in Italy with an army, and was met by Man-
frede. A. bloody battle ensued, and Manfrede was slain.
Pope Urban IV. crowned the prince of Anjou, king, in the
year 1266. In the following year, Conradin appeared with
an army from German}^ and had entered Italy before he re-
ceived notice from the pope, that he was forbidden to attempt
the recovery of Naples, on pain of excommunication. This
threat diminished the number of Conradin's followers; but he
persevered, in the expectation of finding new adherents as he
approached Naples. The adverse parties met near Benevento,
thirty-five miles north-east of Naples. A desperate battle en-
sued, w^hich resulted favorably for Charles, Conradin and
his young friend Frederick, prince of Austria, Avere taken and
beheaded. Neither of them were then seventeen years of age.
The youthful friends embraced each other on the scaffold.
394 NAPLES AND SICILY.
Frederick's head having fallen, Conradin took it up and kissed
it, and then presented his own to the executioner. While on
the scaffold, Conradin addressed the multitude, and threw down
his glove, desiring that it might be taken up by any one who
would become his avenger. It is also said that Conradin
named Peter, king of Arragon, when he threw down his glove;
and that it was taken up and carried to Peter by an Arragonese
knight. Thus in the year 1268, the kingdom of Naples and
Sicily passed from the German House of Suabia, to the French
House of Anjou, in the person of Charles 1. In 1278, he had
acquired the title to the crown of Jerusalem, through a person
called Mary of Antioch.
Charles soon acquired, and deservedly, the surname of Ty-
rant of the two Sicilies. He received and employed multitudes
"of Frenchmen, and they were permitted to rule Avithout re-
straint, and to subject the inhabitants of the country to every
oppression and indignity. A day of severe retribution was at
hand, through the persevering industry of one man, who is
historically known as John of Procida. This person was the
feudal lord of a small island in the bay of Naples, and a
zealous partizan of the house of Suabia. John having dis-
guised himself as a monk, Avent to Sicily, to Rome, to Spain,
and even to Constantinople, to combine the enemies of Charles.
At this time, Peter II. was the king of Arragon, and he had
married Constantia, the daughter of Manfrede, whom Charles
had despoiled of his throne. The unfortunate Conradin, and
Constantia, were cousins, descended from the emperor Fred-
erick II. John of Procida influenced Peter, by appealing to
his sense of justice and duty, in having been called on by
Conradin, from the scaffold, to avenge his wrongs. It is
probable that more powerful motives engaged Peter to promise
a body of troops to sustain John in his intended revolt in Sicily.
All the people of Sicily were subjected to the despotism of the
French, and were ready for any measure, however desperate,
that promised relief John had been successfully industrious
in promoting the hope of this relief, and the desire of ven-
geance. On J^aster day, in the year 1282, at the sound of the
bell which summoned the pious to the evening prayers, called
vespers, the inhabitants of Palermo rose upon the French, and
pursued their purpose until every French person, and even all
Sicilians who had intermarried with the French, were, with-
out exception, put to death. The same fate awaited all the
French who were scattered throughout the island, with a
single exception. William de Porcelet, a French nobleman
NAPLES AND SICILY. 395
from Provence, and governor of a small town in Sicily, in
consideration of his virtues and probity, was spared, and al-
lowed to depart with his family to his own country. The
whole number of French who perished, is computed at more
than eight thousand ; and this memorable event is known by
the name of "Sicilian vespers."
The exasperated Charles gathered his forces, and proceeded
to Sicily, to take vengeance on the assassins of his countrymen.
But Peter of Arragon was there before him, for the purpose of
despoiling him of this part of his dominions. In the fleet
which Charles sent against Sicily, was his son, called the
prince of Palermo. In a naval battle between this fleet and
that of Peter, the prince was taken prisoner, and most of his
vessels taken or destroyed. Charles had detained, in prison,
Beatrice, the daughter of Manfrede, with her mother and
brother. She had survived both of them in prison. The
Arragonese admiral brought the prince of Palermo near to
Naples, and gave notice to Charles that unless Beatrice was
immediately sent to him, the head of the prince would be forth-
with severed from his body. Beatrice was given up, and the
prince was carried away as a prisoner. Three years after-
wards, (in 1285,) Charles, having met with incessant reverses
and afflictions, died of chagrin ; one historian intimates, by
suicide.
Sicily was separated from Naples in 1282, and passed under
the dominion of the Spanish, or Arragonese princes, and con-
tinued separated from Naples, until 1435. The notices of
Sicily will, therefore, be suspended here, until those of Naples
are brought down to the last mentioned year.
The prince of Palermo continued a prisoner four years after
his father's death. He was then liberated, on marrying a
daughter of his captor, (Peter of Arragon,) and renouncing all
claim to Sicily, in favor of Peter's son. The prince then re-
turned to Naples, and reigned there, under the name of Charles
II., till the year 1309. His oldest son, Charles Martel, was
elected king of Hungary, and was succeeded by his son Char-
obert, while Naples was given to Robert, the second son, whom
some historians call "good" and "wise." A son of Robert
died, in his life-time, leaving a daughter Joan, who was the
heiress of the crown of Naples. Robert fearing that the Hun-
garian branch of the family might pretend to Naples, effected
a marriage between Andrew, the grandson of his brother
Charles Martel, (king of Hungary,) and his granddaughter
Joan. Andrew proved to be a coarse and vulgar man, while
396 NAPLES AND SICILY.
Joan had received every degree of cultivation which that age
permitted. Robert, by his will, excluded Andrew from the
throne, and vested the exclusive right in Joan. The attempt
to have Andrew crowned, resulted in a conspiracy, in which
Andrew was strangled, Joan was suspected and accused of
being a party in the murder; but she was acquitted by a tribu-
nal formed at Avignon in France, (then the papal seat,) where-
in the facts are said to have been fairly investigated. If Joan
did not order, nor assent to the murder before it occurred, her
subsequent conduct showed that it was not unwelcome to her.
At the age of nineteen, she married the prince of Tarentum,
and survived him when she was thirty-six years of age.
(1362.) She afterwards married a prince of Majorca, who is
supposed to have fallen in battle in 1370. The queen having
no heir, and desiring to exclude the Hungarian branch, of
whom her first husband was one, concluded to make Charles
of Durazzo her heir, who had married Margaret, the daughter
of her sister Mary. After publishing this intended heirship,
Joan married Olho, duke of Brunswick. Charles, aided by
his Hungarian relations, attempted to take the kingdom by
force. Joan retracted the heirship of Charles, and gave her
kingdom and her inheritance of Provence, in France, to her
kinsman, Louis of Anjou. But Charles of Durazzo, who was
already in possession of Naples, and who held Joan as a
prisoner, caused her to be smothered, and assumed the crown
as Charles HI., in 1382.
From this time, the sovereignty of Naples, in consequence
of the contradictory gifts of a female, and of her changes of
opinion in disposing of herself, became a subject of contest
between two alien houses, one of them from beyond the Adri-
atic, and the other from beyond the Alps. The House of
Anjou again and again invaded Italy, and for more than a
whole centuiy, devoted great sums, and many lives, in unsuc-
cessful attempts to get the crown of Naples. The title to this
crown, and to that of Jerusalem, passed down by inheritance,
gift, or purchase, among French princes, to the end of the
fifteenth century, on no better foundation than the gift of a
capricious and profligate woman. A feeling of pity and con-
tempt naturally arises towards a people, who amounted to
many millions, and who held one of the finest portions of the
earth, when it is seen that they were not only disposed of like
cattle, but forced to shed their blood in deciding which of many
equally bad masters they should serve.
Charles of Durazzo, called Charles HI. of Naples, finished
NAPLES AND SICILY.
3^
his course in Hungary under the hands of assassins. He
went thither to rob the female heir of the Hungarian king,
who had helped him to the crown of Naples, of her crown ;
but her subjects conspired and put an end to his wicked and
odious career. (1386.)
Ladislaus, the son of Charles, succeeded him, and reigned
till 1414. He was a vigorous and able man, but of dissolute
habits, which soon closed his life, and left the crown to his
sister Joan, who was more dissolute than her brother. Like
her predecessor of the same name, she had no heirs. She
declared Alfonso, king of Arragon and Sicily, to be her heir ;
but, being attacked by Louis HL of the Anjou race, she re-
voked that bequest, and appointed him. He died before Joan,
and bequeathed his right to Rene of Anjou. But Alfonso
obtained possession, and thus Naples, as Sicily had done,
passed to the Spanish house of Arragon, and the union of
Sicily and Naples, under this dominion, occurred in 1435.
The events of the Sicilian kingdom, under the Spanish
dominion, from 1282 to 1435, contain neither interest nor in-
struction. A remarkable mortality among the royal race of
Arragon and Sicily, transferred the kingdom of Naples, by
peaceable succession, from Joan U. to Alfonso, then king of
Arragon in the Spanish peninsula. Alfonso had reigned in
Arragon from 1416. Soon after Joan's death he came to
Naples, and dwelt there till his death, in June, 1458, in his
sixty-fourth year. From the time of this king's accession, the
island of Sicily and the kingdom of Naples are known in
history by the name of " The Two Sicilies." The feudal
relations were in full force in both the Sicilies. There were
many feudal lords in both of them, who were rich and power-
ful enough to raise and maintain bodies of mounted men ; one
of them is mentioned as the commander of eighteen hundred,
and another of four thousand. The revenues of the king
were from various modes of taxation. Alfonso L acquired
the name of Magnanimous. He lived at a time when the
ancient learning of Greeks and Romans had given a new
impulse to the human mind. Among the cultivators of this
learning, no one was more zealous than this prince. He had
always with him the history of Titus Livius and Caesar's
commentaries. His secretary affirms, that he was cured of a
malady, while at Capua, by hearing the life of Alexander read
to him, and that Cosmo de Medici purchased his assent to
become a member of the league formed in northern Italy, by
giving him a beautiful copy of Livy. He was accustomed to
34
398 NAPLES AND SICILY.
walk about Naples unattended, and replied to suggestions of
danger, — " What fear can a father have, who walks in the
midst of his children?" He was brave, eloquent, affable, and
of noble deportment. He was also munificent to excess, and
this occasioned wants which could only be supplied by exces-
sive taxation. His queen was not a favorite, and he endeav-
ored in vain to be freed from her, that he might marry Lucre-
tia d'Alagna, who emulated the high character of the Roman
lady of the same name. A natural son of Alfonso, called
Ferdinand, was supposed to have been the offspring of Mar-
guerite de Hijar ; she, at least, permitted the maternity to be
imputed to her. The queen caused her to be strangled.
Others considered Ferdinand to have been the son of his
brother's wife. However this may have been, Alfonso gave
to him the kingdom of Naples, and Sicily to his brother John,
by which Sicily and Naples were again separated in 1458.
Sismondi admits the good qualities which are attributed to
Alfonso, but thinks he erred in extending the prerogatives of
the feudal lords over their vassals, and thereby giving oppor-
tunities for severe oppressions. That he thereby, also, weak-
ened the royal prerogatives, essential, in that age, to order and
peace, and unconsciously facilitated the means of future civil
wars. This able writer concludes his commentary by express-
ing his doubts whether the reign of Alfonso was favorable to
the progress of civilization, though he acknowledges him to
have been one of the greatest and most generous monarchs of
the fifteenth century.
The qualities of Ferdinand were strongly contrasted with
those of his father. Perfidy, avarice, and cruelty were promi-
nent among them. Numerous enemies combined against him.
At the head of them was pope Calixtus HI., who insisted that
Naples had fallen to the disposal of the holy church. He
invited all claimants of the Neapolitan crown to assemble at
Rome. But Calixtus followed Alfonso in less than two months.
The barons of his own kingdom combined against Ferdinand,
and invited John, titular duke of Calabria, son of Rene, duke
of Anjou, to assert his right to the crown. Between the
preparations for war and the actual commencement of hostili-
ties against Ferdinand, Pius H., successor of Calixtus, alarmed
at the increasing power of the Turks, invited an assembly of
Christian powers at Mantua, and went thither himself, in great
pomp. At Florence he was received with singular honors for
a spiritual chief A tournament, a ball, and a combat of wild
beasts, were among the honors conferred in that city. But,
NAPLES AND SICILY. 399
unfortunatel3^ the ten lions which were turned loose into the
arena to combat with a giraffe, (cameleopard,) could not be
provoked to hostility.
Meanwhile, John of Anjou (duke of Calabria) had ap-
proached Naples with numerous allies, in October, 1459. The
result of this conflict was the total defeat of Ferdinand at the
battle of Sarno. (1460.) He recovered from this defeat, and
was, in turn, successful, and preserved himself on the throne
through the long reign of thirty-six years, but incessantly
involved in difficulties. He died at the age of seventy, in
1494, leaving the reputation of an able politician, but univer-
sally odious for his deliberate cruelties and crimes. His death
occurred at a period when new troubles were gathering for
his subjects.
Louis XI. of France had acquired, by gift and purchase,
all the rights of the house of Anjou to Provence, Naples, and
Jerusalem. Provence he possessed, but the claim to the other
two were merely titular. He was too much occupied at home
in extending and strengthening his empire, to think of acquir-
ing possession of Naples. Military renown was not among
the objects of this prince's ambition. After his death, in 1483,
his son and successor, Charles VIII., desired to distinguish
himself as a conqueror, and undertook the conquest of Naples
under the ancient claim of the house of Anjou, and soon
began a course of preparations and conference with Italian
powers to accomplish his objects.*
The design of Charles was known to Ferdinand I., and he
was engaged in measures of defence when he died. He had
endeavored to arm the duke of Milan against Charles, on the
two-fold ground that such was the true policy of Italy, and
that personal interest sustained that policy, as Ferdinand's
oldest son, and intended successor, had married the duke's
daughter. This son, Alfonso II., peaceably ascended the
throne on Ferdinand's decease.
Alfonso II. had acquired a high reputation as a military
chief, in the wars between the Turks and Venetians. His
father left him a rich treasury, accumulated by exactions and
avarice. Naples had many able and experienced soldiers.
Yet Sismondi says, that it seemed equally impossible that
Charles should conquer the kingdom of Naples, or that Al-
fonso should be able to preserve it.
* It is at this period that Hallam concludes his History of the Middle
A^es, expressing the opinion that these ages should be considered as ter-
minating at the time when Charles undertook this invasion.
400 NAPLES.
CHAPTER LVII.
CONQUEST OF NAPLES BY CHARLES VIII. OF FRANCE.
In the sketches of French history, the invasion of Italy by
Charles VIII. was reserved for notice in this place. Charles
was only fifteen years of age when his father, Louis XI.,
died, in 1483, and his own life ended in 1498. This father
and son were in a state of alienation for many years. Louis
had been a disobedient and rebellious son, and he had reason
to fear that his own son might have like dispositions towards
himself Charles was, therefore, a sort of state prisoner while
Louis lived. In all the chances Avhich have placed the un-
worthy in power, no one is more surprising than in the case
of this king of France. Comines, who knew him well, has
described him, but not so fully as an Italian historian whom
Sismondi copies.
This description is found in Sismondi's twelfth volume, page
86. His head was large, his neck short, his breast and shoul-
ders large and high, his thighs long and slender, his complex-
ion sallow and unhealthy, his stature short, his face ugly, all
his members were disproportioned, and he seemed to be rather
a monster than a man. Yet there was something of dignity
and vigor in his eyes. He was ignorant of all liberal arts,
and hardly knew how to read. He was always under the
influence of the intrigues which were carried on around him,
without being able to perceive them. He hated the fatigue of
business, and when forced to attend to it, he had neither pru-
dence nor judgment. He had a propensity to glory, but it
arose from impetuosity, not reason. He was liberal, but had
no discrimination as to the objects or measure of liberality.
He was immoveable in his will, but from obstinacy, not con-
stancy. That which was called goodness in him was rather
insensibility to injuries and feebleness of mind. Comines'
description of Charles is not inconsistent with this, except in
one thing : that Charles " was one of the best creatures in
the world." From other sources it is known of Charles, that
he was devoted to pleasure, and seemed to have no higher
views of the rights and duties of royalty, than that they gave
unrestrained license to appetites. Such a man and such a
monarch undertook to pass from France, with a numerous
army, through many independent, and, perhaps, hostile states,
NAPLES. 401
more than eight hundred miles, to Naples. His object was
the crown of Naples, which no ancestor of his own had ever
held, and to which he had no pretence but as the heir of his
father, who had purchased from one who had himself no more
than a pretension, and which the lapse of time and the estab-
lished dominion of another royal house had absolutely extin-
guished. It is a curious historical fact, that the feeble and
insignificant Charles should have found his way to the throne
of Naples without having fought a single battle; nor less
so, that such a shadow of a man, and such a semblance of
royahy, should have changed the political relations of all
Europe.
These events could not have happened if motives for this
expedition had not been assigned, adapted to quiet the appre-
hensions of other European powers. At this time the Turks
were advancing in the eastern part of Europe, and were
already terrible to the Italian states, as well as to Hungary,
Bohemia, and the eastern frontier of Germany. Charles de-
clared that when he had conquered Naples, he intended to
cross the Adriatic, and attack the Turks through Greece.
Whether such was the intention, or whether it was so receiv-
ed by other powers, belief in this declaration seems necessary
to account for the permitted success of Charles's expedition.
The first movement of Charles was to send the duke of
Orleans, (afterwards Louis XII.,) in 1494, to Genoa, with
very ample funds to equip a fleet. This was done. A Nea-
politan force came to Genoa, and some conflicts ensued, which
terminated advantageously for the French. Meanwhile,
Charles had assembled all the nobility of his kingdom who
were ambitious of military glory, or disposed to the excite-
ment of new enterprise. But it was rather an assembly for
the delights of a royal court, than for the exertions of a mili-
tary campaign.
In 1494, Charles passed the summer at Lyons, with all his
court, in splendid gaieties, and seemed to have forgotten his
intended conquest. On the 23d of August he passed the Alps
with 31,600 troops, of various descriptions and nations, with a
numerous retinue of attendants; and this number of armed
men was nearly doubled before he reached the frontier of the
Neapolitan kingdom. The states of northern Italy were so
divided among themselves, and so governed internally, as not
to be in a condition to resist Charles. Attempts were made
by the pope, Alexander VI., and by Florence, to impede his
passage. An insurrection in Rome deprived the pope of all
34*
402 NAPLES.
power to resist, and Piero de Medici, the head of the Floren-
tine republic, made a disgraceful treaty with Charles, which
opened Florence to him. The dissatisfaction of the Floren-
tines caused the flight and the exile of Piero. Charles was
received in this city in a friendly manner. But he soon assert-
ed the rights of a conqueror, and demanded the restoration of
Piero de Medici. He was firmly and nobly answered. He
then reduced his claim to a demand of money, and a sum was
agreed on ; and Charles was to restore all the rights of Flo-
rence at Pisa. Charles took possession of Sienna, on his way
to Rome, and entered Rome against the consent of the pope, ,
and almost in the character of an enemy. The Pontiff' is rep-
resented to have conducted himself with contemptible indecis-
ion, and pusillanimity, in this affair. The entry of Charles in-
to Rome is described by Paul Jove, whom Sismondi considers
to have been personally present. As no description, equally
full and accurate, of a military force in this age, has been met
wtih, an abridgement of Sismondi's account of it is here made.
(Vol. xii. p. 182, and the following.)
The entry took place on the 31st of Dec. 1494. The ad-
vance guard was composed of Swiss and Germans, who march-
ed in battalions, with banners displayed, by the sound of drums.
Their coats were short, closely fitted to the body, and of vari-
ous colors. The officers wore plumes in their helmets. The
soldiers had short swords, and lances of ashwood, ten feet long,
with a sharp-edged point of iron. One fourth of them had
battle-axes, fixed to the end of a long pole, (usually called hal-
berts) instead of lances. The battle-axe was formed like a
common hatchet, having on the opposite side, and connected
with the head, an iron with four sharp corners. Either side of
this weapon was used in battle, but with both hands. Every
1000 men had a company of 100 fusiliers. The front ranks of
the advanced guard had helmets, and breast-plates for defence.
The other ranks had not.
After the Swiss, marched 5000 Gascons, (from the south-
west of France,) who were armed as archers, with cross-bows,
and iron pointed arrows. They were of small stature, and
without ornamental dress.
Next came the cavalry, composed of the selected French no-
bility, clad in silken cloaks, and helmets and collars, brilliant
with gold. Half of them (2,500) were cuirassiers, or horse-
men, defended by helmets and plates of brass on the breast and
back. They carried a lance with a solid point, and other arms
resembling hatchets. Their horses were large and strong,
NAPLES. 40S
but cropped of their ears, and of the long hair of their tails.
Each man was followed by three horses; on one was a page,
armed like his master, on the other two were attendants, in the
character of esquires, or aids. The other half were light cav-
alry, bearing wooden bows, (after the English manner,) to
shoot long arrows. They had defensive armor like the heavy
cavalry, and short pikes, to pierce those whom the heavy cav-
alry had overthrown. Their cloaks were ornamented with
cords to attach them to the neck, and with plates of silver.
Four hundred archers, among whom were 100 Scots, rode at
the side of the king. Two hundred chosen French knights
surrounded him on foot. They carried on their shoulders,
iron instruments, resembling heavy hatchets. When they
mounted they were armed like cavalry, only they were distin-
guished by the beauty of their horses, and their ornaments of
gold and purple. The cardinals Ascagne Sforza, and Julien
de Rovere, rode at the side of the king. Colonna and Savelli,
of the same rank, rode next behind. The Italian and French
generals came next, intermingled with the great French lords.
Thirty-six brass cannon, 8 feet long, of a calibre of the size
of the human head; and culverines of half that length, came
next; and then a still larger kind of cannon.*
The advance guard entered the gate del Populo at 3 o'clock,
P. M., and the march continued till 9 ; torches and flambeaux
throwing their gleams on the army, made it still more solemn
and imposing.
An irritating and hostile intercourse took place between
Charles and the pope, which sometimes threatened a settlement
by military force, but ended in a treaty, dictated by the former.
The pope made no objection to the terms, intending to disre-
gard them all, as might best suit his interests. Certain citadels
were surrendered to Charles, to be held till the end of the war;
and Csesar Borgia, son of the pope, was required to follow
Charles, really as a hostage, though with the ostensible rank of
a legate. One article of the treaty related to Zimzim, or Gem,
brother of the sultan Bajazet. This person claimed the Turk-
ish throne, because he w^as born after his father, Mahomet II.,
became sultan, and the older brother, Bajazet, before that event.
Gem was defeated, and, at length, sought an asylum in Rome.
His brother paid the pope 40,000 ducats a year, to support Gem
* The carriage on which the cannon were borne, were not unlike those
of modern times, but of heavier construction. Sismondi does not men-
tion the attendants, and baggage of this armament, which must have com-
prised a numerous train.
404 NAPLES.
there, and to keep him there. Charles required that Gem
should be delivered to him, as he would be useful in Charles's
intended movements against the sultan. When the pope found
that he must surrender Gem, he caused a slow poison to bead-
ministered to Gem, which proved fatal, while the French were
on the way from Rome to Naples.
The approach of the French had been long expected by Al-
fonso II., and by his son and successor, Ferdinand. Both of them
supposed that they would come through Romagna, on the east-
ern side of the Apennines, and a force had been gathered there,
under Ferdinand, the son of Alfonso. The route taken by
the French was along the plain, between the Apennines and
the Po, to the duchy of Parma, and thence, southwardly, across
the Apennines by the road of Pontremoli, to Lucca. When
this was known to Ferdinand, he returned towards Naples, and
was at Rome when Charles arrived there, and left the city by
one gate, while the French entered by another.
On the 23d of January, 1495, Charles departed from Na-
ples for Rome. The pope immediately employed himself to
unite the enemies of Charles in the North of Italy, without
any regard to his treaty. Charles entered the territory of the
Neopolitan kingdom, and forthwith commenced a series of sav-
age cruelties, unknown even in that comparatively barbarous
age. Terror preceded him in his rapid course to Naples. Fer-
dinand exerted himself with great ability to meet Charles, in
difficult passes, but as soon as the advanced guard of the French
came in view, his troops fled. While in this discouraging po-
sition, his father Alfonso, more terrified than any of his sub-
jects, and no less apprehensive of them than of the French, re-
solved to abdicate the throne. Ferdinand went to Naples to
take possession, while Alfonso was flying, with all his treas-
ures, to Sicily. Having assumed the crown, Ferdinand hur-
ried back, in the hope of making a successful resistance at Ca-
pua. But he had hardly arrived at that place, when he was re-
called to Naples, to quell a popular insurrection. This he ac-
complished in a gallant manner ; but in his absence the French
had entered Capua, and were within a short distance of Naples.
No resource was left to Ferdinand but to escape with the mem-
bers of the royal family, whom Alfonso had left behind, to the
Island of Ischia, and thence to Sicily.
On the 22d of February, Charles entered Naples with ex-
traordinary magnificence, and was received by the fickle Neapo-
litans with every demonstration of joy. He then abandoned
every thought of serious affairs, and devoted himself to the
NAPLES. 405
most oxtravag-ant pomp and pleasure. He was little aware of
the difficulties and dangers which were gathering around him.
The Arragonese families, who had deserted their sovereigns,
looked to him for their reward. The ancient families who had
sustained the French house of Anjou, even sixty years, ex-
pected to be reinstated in their possessions. The French who
had followed him, expected to be favored and enriched, to the
exclusion of all others. The two former classes presented
themselves at court. They were not recognized, and however
often they came, were obliged to tell who they were, and state
anew their pretensions. They saw that the followers of Charles
were the only class who could approach him, or obtain his fa-
vorable notice. The common people did not find that they had
changed masters for the better. Instead of the restoration of a
former monarchy, and the redress of wrongs and injuries, all
classes soon understood, that they had only aided rapacious
and insolent conquerors to take possession of their country.
The cheap wines, abundant fruits, and other temptations of
Naples, seduced and enfeebled the soldiery, who knew nothing
of such luxuries beyond the Alps. Satiety and weariness soon
brought remembrance of home. In all this time Charles had
done nothing to establish his empire. The Neapolitans began
to regret the loss of their former princes ; and Ferdinand was
busy in devising means, and seeking the favorable time to pre-
sent himself to his subjects.
The states of northern Italy were now sensible of the folly
of having permitted Charles to pass unmolested to Naples. A
congress was held at Venice, in which all these powers were
represented, and even the sultan Bajazet. The ministers as-
sembled there are said to have amounted to 100; and though
the able and accomplished Comines was there, as the represent-
ative of Charles, a solemn league was formed, including Max-
imillian, emperor of Germany, to furnish men and money to
overwhelm Charles, before Comines was aware of the project.
The dream of the conqueror was dissipated by information from
Comines, of the combination which had been formed against
him. He had now something more interesting to think of
than the association of French gallantry, with the luxury and
delights of Naples.
Having divided his army into two parts, he intended one of
them to preserve his dominion in Naples, and the other to pro-
tect him in the perilous return, which he was forced to under-
take. He selected the hisfh officers who were to be left as his
406 NAPLES.
representatives, and departed from Naples for Rome, on the
20th of May, having passed nearly three months in the capi-
tal of his new kingdom. The number of troops which ac-
companied him, is thus computed : 800 lancers ; 200 gentlemen
for his personal guard; 100 armed Italians ; 3000 Swiss foot
soldiers; 1000 French, and 1000 Gascon soldiers; and 250
were expected to join him in Tuscany. The residue of his
army, who had survived to that time, were distributed in differ-
ent garrisons.
The pope did not oppose the entry of Charles into Rome,
but he withdrew himself, and went to Orvieto, a distance of 60
miles. Having remained three days at Rome, Charles pro-
ceeded to Tuscany, but marked his course, while within church
territories, by burning, pillage, and massacre. At Sienna he
remained six days, attempting to turn the dissensions which ex-
isted there, to his own account ; and believing he had succeed-
ed, impaired his strength by leaving 300 men to maintain his
power. But he had not reached France, before they were
driven from the city. He was informed at Sienna that the
Florentines would not allow him to pass their territory. He
inclined thence towards the sea, and arrived at Pisa. Here he
was assailed by men, women, and children, who reminded him
of his engagements to free them from the dominion of Florence ;
while the ambassadors from that city, came to reproach him
that he had not surrendered Pisa to Florence, as he bound him-
self to do, and for which he had been paid. The Pisans soft-
ened even the hearts of the French soldiery by their tears and
lamentations. Fifty of these soldiers sought the presence of
Charles, and declared they would rather give up all wages
due to them, than have the Pisans subjected to Florence. The
feeble and embarrassed king would make no new promises to
the Pisans; and directed the Florentine ambassadors to meet
him at Asti, nearly 150 miles north-west, in northern Italy, to
receive an answer.
Leaving Pisa in possession of French soldiers, Charles
crossed the Apennines in mid-summer, with extreme difficulty,
by the road of Pontremoli, to Parma. Having descended in-
to the plains on the north side of the mountains, he was met
by a body of troops, much superior in number to his own,
which opposed his passage of the Bogano, which flows to the
city of Parma. The extreme heat, and the want of provisions
of every sort, and the fatigue of crossing the mountains, made
his condition desperate. Despair rather than skill or courage,
NAPLES. 407
animated his troops in the battle which ensued. In the midst
of it, the baggage of the French was seen to be passing, unpro-
tected, along the foot of the mountains, and part of the hired
soldiers of the league were attracted to that, while another
part were seized with panic. Charles is said to have conduct-
ed himself well on this occasion. Though in imminent peril,
he escaped with the loss of a small portion of his troops.
From hence to Asti, (about fifty miles south-west of Pavia,)
Charles was continually harassed by the troops of his adver-
saries, but, without any serious loss, was enabled to reach this
place on the 15th of July, 1495, which was, to him, a place
of safety, and abundant in provisions.
The duke of Orleans, afterwards Louis XIL, had been left
at Asti to keep up a communication between Charles and
France. Louis having pretensions to the duchy of Milan, in
right of his grandmother Valentina Visconti, had attempted to
enforce these rights. Charles found that Louis was besieged
at Novara, twenty-five miles west of Milan. A treaty relieved
the duke of Orleans, and Charles recrossed the Alps to Dau-
phine, in France, the 22d of October, with a precipitation
which could not have been greater, if he had been pursued by
a victorious army. Thus ended, as to Charles personally, his
expedition to Naples. A less fortunate destiny awaited the
army which he left to defend his conquest.
Ferdinand II. retired to Messina, in Sicily, leaving Naples
in possession of Charles VIII., at the end of February, 1495.
His father Alfonso, (who had assumed the dress of a monk,
intending to pass the residue of his life in penitence and devo-
tion,) came to visit him, and offered some part of the treasure
which he brought from Naples. Fernando Gonsalvez came
there, also, from Spain, with five thousand foot soldiers, and
six hundred cavaliers ; the same Gonsalvez who afterwards
acquired the name of the great captain, in the wars of Italy.
Ferdinand was already informed of the change of opinion in
his favor, in consequence of the insolent and oppressive con-
duct of the French. He made an unsuccessful attempt to ap-
proach Naples through Calabria, from Sicily, with the aid of
Gonsalvez, and was obliged to return, after a narrow escape.
A nobleman gave up his own horse to Ferdinand, and was
immediately slain himself.
The next movement of Ferdinand was to pass by sea to the
neighborhood of Naples, and to land there, the duke of Mont-
pensier being then in the chief command of the French, and
408 NAPLES.
established in that city. It would fill a much larger space
than can be given to the warfare of the next two months, if all
its details were followed out. On the one side, Ferdmand was
attempting to harass and distress his adversaries, not only by
gaJlant conflict whenever favorable opportunities occurred, but
by cutting ofT their supplies, and confining them within the
narrowest limits. On the other side, the French were sus-
taining themselves in the hope that Charles would reinforce
them, and furnish money to pay the wages of their army.
Both sides disclosed great skill and bravery ; but Ferdinand,
for so young and inexperienced a general, is highly applauded
for his perseverance, prudence, and good sense, under the
most difficult and embarrassing circumstances. The French
had able generals and veteran soldiers ; while Ferdinand had
neither, but in a very inferior extent, in comparison with his
enemies, and was compelled to rely on the feudal troops of his
barons, and the common militia of the country. Two persons
should be honorably mentioned among Ferdinand's supporters;
the two brothers of the name of d'Avalos, one of whom was
the marquis of Piscaria. Both of them, to the deep distress of
Ferdinand, were soon lost by him ; one by a mortal wound in
battle, the other by assassination. The loss of the marquis
made Ferdinand, for some time, incapable of devoting himself
to public affairs.
One occurrence in this warfare deserves notice, as it dis-
closes the relative condition of the belligerents, and the peculiar
state of the country. Apulia is the general geographical name
of that part of the kingdom of Naples which is situated on the
north-eastern side of the peninsula of Italy. Herds of cattle
to the number of two hundred thousand, and sheep six hundred
thousand, were driven twice in a year through Apulia, to be
pastured in the winter, in the south, and in the summer, in the
highlands, eastwardly of the Apennines, and eastwardly of
Rome. A toll collected on these cattle and sheep, was the
most productive revenue of the crown. Both the parties were
sensible of the necessity of continuing this accustomed transit
of the cattle and sheep; and they agreed, that whichever party
should hold dominion over this territory, in which the tolls
were collected, at the proper time of the collection, should have
the right to it, unmolested by the other. This convention led
each party to endeavor to become the strongest in Apulia.
As might have been expected, the convention served only to
make Apulia the scene of conflict. Various battles ensued,
NAPLES.
409
and neither party obtained the toll ; while the cattle and the
sheep were abandoned to the pillage of the soldiery. The
plains were covered with carcasses, the skins being the only
spoil which the soldiers could carry away. The ruined shep-
herds were disregarded in this distressing consequence of
the war.
Charles VIII., safe in France, and abandoned to pleasure,
had no leisure to think of the Frenchmen who were defending
themselves, and his kingdom of Naples. He was compelled,
at length, to listen to the importunities of friends and family
connexions of these Frenchmen, and some troops were em-
barked in the south of France to aid them. Not one of them
arrived at their destination. The Swiss, and the Germans,
who were hired troops of the French in Italy, had not received
any wages for a long time. Their murmurs, and, at length,
their threats, added to the distresses of the French generals.
The two principal ones, Montpensier and Precy, were never
agreed in the proper measures to be pursued. Deaths and
desertions were daily diminishing the ranks.
In July, 1795, the principal part of the French army had
been concentrated in that province of the kingdom called Basi-
licata, south of Naples, and bounding on the gulf of Tarento.
The small town of Attala, in that province, was their only
possession. Here, Montpensier was compelled to capitulate,
and, after long negotiations, it was agreed that the French
should march to Baia, a port twelve miles south of Naples, and
depart from thence. While arrangements were making here
to accomplish this object, a pestilence broke out among the
French, and Montpensier was amon,g the first to fall by it.
The destruction of lives was so great before the embarkation,
and while on ship-board, that of the five thousand of the French
army who were gathered at Baia, not five hundred of them
ever reached France. Thus ended the celebrated expedition
of Charles VHI. to conquer Naples. A measure to be sus-
tained neither by right, necessity, policy, nor the wildest crav-
ing of military glory. Yet the French of the present day
number Charles among their heroes, and upbraid Comines
and all others who treat of him and his adventure, according to
the principles of justice and common sense. The effect of this
adventure was not only utterly profitless, but extremely disas-
trous to the French, while it unsettled and broke up the gov-
ernments of the free states of Italy, and finally made that
country the seat of long-continued and desolating wars.
35
410 NAPLES.
The gallant and successful Ferdinand II. was not destined to
avail himself of the benefits of his labors. Excessive fatigue and
exposure while superintending the departure of the French,
had implanted the seeds of disease, of which he was uncon-
scious. As soon as he was rid of his enemies, he gave way
to a long-cherished passion, and, to the astonishment of all
Europe, married his own aunt, of about his own age. He
retired to a chateau at the foot of Vesuvius, with his bride, and
died there, the 7th of September, 1496, at the age of twenty-
seven years.
Ferdinand dying without leaving any child, the crown went
to his uncle Frederick, who assumed it as Frederick III.
This king was, from many causes, exceedingly unpopular,
and unable to sustain himself on the throne. At this time,
Ferdinand the Catholic, king of Spain, and the husband of
Isabella, was king of Sicily. On the death of Charles VIII. ,
the duke of Orleans became king of France, as Louis XII.
The Neapolitan people were divided in opinion between Fer-
dinand and Louis. Frederick consented to abandon his king-
dom to Louis, and to accept a pension and retire to France.
This measure was assented to by Ferdinand the Catholic, under
an agreement with Louis, that the kingdom of Naples should
be divided between them. The crafty Ferdinand, availing
himself of his neighborhood, and superior advantages, gradu-
ally despoiled Louis of his share. In the year 1504, the Two
Sicilies were again united, and became an appendage of the
Spanish crown under Ferdinand the Catholic.
The sketches of Naples are here closed, with the intention
of recurring to this period to commence the third survey of
Europe, comprising the three last centuries.
ROMAN CHURCH. 411
CHAPTER LVIII.
ROME, THE POPES, AND THE CHURCH, FROM 1000 TO 1500.
[These writers have been consulted in making this compilation :— Gib-
bon's Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire ; Histoire des Republiques
du moyen age, par Simonde de Sismondi ; Tableau des Revolutions de
I'Europe, par M. Koch ; Essai sur I'influence des Croisades, par Profes-
seur Heeren ; Mosheim's Institutions of Church History ; Waddington's
History of the Church; Robertson's History of Charles V.; J. C. I.
Gieseler's Ecclesiastical History, translated by Rev. F. Cunningham;
View of the state of Europe during the Middle Ages, by Henry Hal-
lam, Many other writers have been consulted. This general acknowl-
edgment is made to prevent too frequent reference.]
The longest branch of the Tiber rises in the Apennine
mountains, about thirty-five miles directly east of Florence.
It flows south-eastwardly until it comes within about twenty
miles of Rome ; then south-westwardly through Rome to the
Tuscan sea, a distance of about thirty-two miles. Twelve
miles from the sea it passes through Rome. The longitude
of this city is very near 13° east ; its latitude very near 42°
north. It is four hundred and ten miles south-south-west from
Vienna ; six hundred south-east from Paris ; seven hundred
and thirty east by north from Madrid ; seven hundred and
sixty west from Constantinople ; one hundred and ten north-
west from Naples ; one hundred and twenty-five miles south-
south-east from Florence.
The history of Rome, in these five centuries, is little other
than the history of the popes. Their history includes that of
the Roman church ; and the agency of the church is apparent
in the history of every kingdom and state of Europe. The
rise and the exercise of papal authority has been reserved for
notice in this place, that a connected view may be had of the
most imposing and extraordinary power ever exercised by
man over his fellow-man. However feeble, contemptible, and
even insulted the popes may have been in the city which was
their seat of empire, they were tyrannically sovereign else-
where in Europe. The curse of a pope was terrible through-
out the Christian community, from the crowned head down to
the lowest subject. The elements of papal power were, 1.
Physical force. 2. Power over person, liberty, property, and
412 ROMAN CHURCH.
the enjoyments of life. 3. Power to bestow favors, benefits,
honors and riches, as well as to take them away. 4. Absolute
power over hopes and fears in future life. All these elements
of dominion the popes contrived (in the darkness of the middle
ages) to concentrate in the tenant of the holy chair of Saint
Peter. Whether these tenants were, as they successively ap-
peared, resolute or timid, wise or imbecile, virtuous or crimi-
nal, the moment they were authorized to assume the papal
crown, they became sovereign over all Christians. Kings
were their inferiors, and obliged to do them the reverence of
kissing their feet. This wonderful superiority was the slow
acquisition of centuries, and was not always held unimpaired.
Its preservation sometimes depended on the qualities of the
reigning potentate ; but that which an incompetent one lost, an
able successor recovered, and, usually, with it, an augmented
power, until it obtained its ultimate grandeur, which was neces-
sarily followed by its first step of declension.
Rome was the peculiar place where this authority could
best be assumed. It had long been the seat of earthly empire.
St. Paul had suffered martyrdom, and St. Peter was assumed
to have been buried in this city. It was also the place of
sepulchre of St. Lawrence and of many other saints. Numer-
ous miracles had been wrought by the relics of these saints,
as Gregory the Great solemnly certified to the empress Con-
stantia (of Constantinople) in the year 592. The same Greg-
ory, in the year 596, says to the patriarch of Antioch, — " I
send you keys of the blessed apostle Peter, your guardian,
which, when placed upon the sick, are wont to be resplendent
with numerous miracles." The confession of sins to prelates,
introduced by Leo the Great, between the years 440 and 461 ;
the purification of souls, in purgatory, (borrowed from the
pagan superstition of the Greeks, who probably derived it
from the Egyptians, and they from India ;) and the worship of
images, also of pagan origin, were among the means used to
subdue the minds of Christians. The right to expel an un-
worthy member of a society, common among the Jews, and
incident to all societies, arose, under papal management, to the
terrible denunciation of anathema or excommunication, and
extended to crowned heads and entire kingdoms. The most
extraordinary power exercised by the popes was founded in
what are called the False Decretals.
In Waddington's History of the Church, p. 195, the false
decretals are stated to have appeared in the time of Adrian I.,
who was pope from 772 to 795. In Cunningham's transla-
ROMAN CHURCH. 413
tion of Professor Gieseler's *' Text-book of Ecclesiastical His
tory," "vol. ii. p. 67, these decretals are said to have been written
between 829 and 845, in France, and that " Benedict Levita,
of Mentz, may be justly suspected of a share in the forgery."
This forgery has been commonly attributed to Isodore, who-
ever that person may have been. It is not material to the
present purpose to ascertain by whom, nor at what time, these
forgeries were made, but only to show that before the time of
Gregory VII, they were known and treated as authentic, and
to show, also, their tenor and effect. One part of these decre-
tals purported to be the donation of the emperor Constantino,
made at the time of his removal of the seat of empire from
Rome to Constantinople, (about the year 325,) whereby he
consigned the western empire to " the temporal as well as the
spiritual government of the bishop of Rome." It also pur-
ported to be a gift, to that bishop, of " unbounded dominion
over churches, nations, and kings, as ike successor of Saint
Peter and the vicar of Christy Another part of the false
decretals purported to be a compilation of the epistles and
decrees of the primitive popes and early emperors, extending
the spiritual omnipotence of the pope to the earliest days of
Christianity, and deriving his authority directly from Saint
Peter.
It may be supposed that the donation of Constantino was
known before that part of the decretals which Gieseler attrib-
utes to Levita. Both were known in the ninth century, and
it was pretended that they had been recently discovered. They
were received and treated as authentic and indisputable, and
were (says Gieseler) used by the popes, " beginning with
Nicholas I , (who died in 867,) without any material opposi-
tion, maintaining their authority until the reformation led to
the detection of the cheat."
By the time that Gregory VII. came to the pontificate, (in
1074,) the decretals were a fundamental part of papal authori-
ty, and were the basis of the astonishing power which he
assumed, exercised, and left as the rules of action for his suc-
cessors.
The Roman church attained to its highest power between
the year 1073, when Hildebrand was elected, (Gregory VII.,)
and the fall of Boniface VIII. , in 1303. In these two hun-
dred and thirty years, the three most eminent men who appear-
ed on the papal throne, were the two above named, and Inno-
cent III., who was pope from 1198 to 1216. There were
some others in this time who ably sustained the pretensions of
35*
414
ROMAN CHURCH.
the Holy See ; but these three are the men upon whom history
charges the pontifical usurpations. The unity of purpose
maintained by them makes it proper to consider these two
hundred and thirty years as one epoch, and to arrange, under
distinct heads, the acts of usurpation as to the church and as
to temporal authority. It is to be remembered throughout,
that one object of these three popes was to maintain an abso-
lute and tyrannical dominion over all grades of the clergy, by
making them entirely dependent on the supreme head, and to
use them as subservient ministers in effecting the subjection of
dV temporal authority. The other object was to reduce empe-
rors, kings, princes, their subjects and territories to submission.
To do this, these popes availed themselves of the principle of
the feudal tenure. They assumed to be supreme lords, and
to require of all potentates to acknowledge that their domin-
ions were held, under them, as the representatives of St. Peter
on earth. To this they added the exclusive jurisdiction over
all offences, whether temporal or spiritual ; and crowned the
whole of this earthly supremacy with the power of disposing
of the souls of men throughout an endless existence.
If one is astonished and shocked at this arrogance, it is to
be remembered, that it arose when the people, the nobles, and
the princes of Europe were alike ignorant of social, moral,
and political rights, and when mere physical strength, or the
intellectual superiority of the clergy, were the only powers
which could make law and enforce obedience. The passing
from one part of Europe to another, and even within the
limits of the same kingdom or state, was difficult and often
perilous. Written communications were limited to very few,
and these could be made only by special messengers. A
large majority of all the people of Europe had no other mode
of acquiring knowledge but by spoken words, and these were
more frequently received from an interested and selfish priest-
hood than from any other persons. The use of printing as
means of information, and the use of public carriers to dissem-
inate that information, were unknown till nearly four centuries
after this time. Not only were the princes and people igno-
rant and barbarous, but the parts of Europe inhabited by
Christians, were divided into small principalities, duchies, and
counties, in which there were sovereigns bound by allegiance
to some superior. If that superior was a king or emperor, he
was only first among equals, and was often at war with his
vassals, and they with each other. One half of all the Chris-
tian territory was held by prelates and ecclesiastical establish-
ROMAN CHURCH, 415
ments, but under the same feudal tenure. No teniporal force
could be combined among these feudal sovereigns; but their
contentions among themselves enabled the popes to interpose,
in various modes, on the one side and the other, and always
with the design of establishing their own dominion.
The comprehensive plan of Gregory, which he partly ac-
complished himsi'lf, and induced his successors to follow out,
will be seen in the successive measures which took place in
the two hundred and thirty years of papal grandeur. The
two great objects, the dependence of the clergy on the pope,
and the subjection of temporal authority to the pope, were
made to be auxiliary to each other. The spiritual was used
to subdue the temporal power ; and when the latter could be
used to subdue the former, means were found to call it into
action. The most intelligible form in which these usurpations
can be presented, will be that of arrangement under distinct
heads. It will be seen, however, that any such classification
cannot be strictly observed, as the two objects are often inter-
mingled in the same course of measures.
Professor Geiseler's opinion of Gregory VII. (vol. ii. of
Cunningham's translation, p. 159) will be entirely sustained
by the summary of facts which follow. " When we consider
him, not as a statesman, but in the light in which he placed
himself, as the head of the church and an apostle of Christian
truth, we cannot but revolt at his cold, mere diplomatic char-
acter. Instead of the truth, and all-embracing love demanded
by the position in which he stood, we find in him an iron will
and an unscrupulous use of any means wdiich might suit his
ends."
Hildebrand was an Italian of humble origin. He devoted
himself to the church at an early age, and rose, by his genius,
studies, austerity, and boundless ambition, to the papal chair,
under the name of Gregory VII., in 1073. The declared
principle of his action was this : — " The pope, in quality of
vicar of Jesus Christ, ought to be superior to every human
power." He was the author of the great change in the elec-
tion of popes, by transferring the power to R(fnian ecclesias-
tics, and preparing the way for making the choice perfect
without any confirmation by temporal authority. This meas-
ure resulted in the establishment of the electoral college of
cardinals.
We have now to notice the measures adopted by him to
carry out this principle, first, as to all ecclesiastics ; secondly^
as to all temporal authority, under several heads.
416 ROMAN CHURCH.
Investitures. Up to Gregory's time, bishops, abbots, and
other dignitaries were chosen by the inferior clergy, and some
lay associates, and were invested, or qualified for office, by
some act done by the feudal lord, if estate was annexed to the
office for which allegiance was due. Charlemagne is said to
have conferred the ring, the crosier, (a staff with a cross on it,)
and the pallium, (a mantle or garment,) as the emblems of of-
fice. These were feudal ceremonies. When a vassal took a
fief or estate from his lord, one of the ceremonies was, the
clothing of the vassal, by the lord, with a vest^ indicative of
possession of the fief, and consequent allegiance. Whence the
term of investiture was adopted, in the appointment or qualifi-
cation of prelates. Gregory intended to annul this connexion
between feudal lords and all officers of the church, and to make
the latter exclusively dependent on himself. The great extent
of landed estate held by the clergy, in the relation of vassals,
throughout the Christian states, made this relation of great im-
portance to temporal sovereigns. The success of Gregory's
project would have deprived them of all superiority over the
prelates, and would have transferred the allegiance to him.
This project was resisted and led to a most vindictive war,
which continued through 60 years, to the time of Calixtus II.
A compromise was then made, and the ceremonies of the ring,
crosier, and pallium, were yielded to the pope, while the em-
perors established the right of confirmation, and feudal superi-
ority by touching the elected prelate with the sceptre ; a con-
cession much in favor of the popes.
The appointment of all the clergy by the pope, or by his au-
thority. To accomplish this object, various projects were un-
dertaken by Gregory. He could not await the slow process of
vacancies by death. It was necessary to create vacancies.
He intended to make a very general reform in the tenure
of offices, as nearly all of them had been obtained by simo-
ny, or corrupt purchase. He tried the strength of his pow-
er, by excommunicating certain priests in the German em-
pire, for the reason that they had purchased their offices. He
required of H^nry IV. to dismiss them. By this act he
meant to try his strength with Henry. The requisition be-
ing disregarded, Gregory summoned Henry to Rome. This
emperor was young, arbitrary, dissolute, and of very inferior
education ; and was, at this time, contending with some of his
rebellious subjects. Henry did not obey, but assembled a num-
ber of bishops at the city of Worms, and procured a sentence
that Gregory should no longer be obeyed as Pope. Gregory
assembled a council in the Lateran palace, and excommunicated
ROMAN CHURCH. 417
Henry — deprived him of the kingdoms of Germany and Italy
— discharged all his subjects from allegiance, and forbade them
to obey him as sovereign. Henry found himself immediately
deserted by all his adherents. Terrified and helpless, he crossed
the Alps in mid-winter, by unusual and difficult paths, (to avoid
his enemies,) intending to cast himself at the feet of Gregory
and implore absolution.
Gregory was at Canosa, a fortress 10 miles S. W. of the
city of Reggio, which is situate between Parma and Modena.
This fortress belonged to Matilda, countess of Tuscany, whom
Gregory was then visiting, at that place. The castle was sur-
rounded by three walls. Henry was admitted through the two
outer ones, his guards remaining without the exterior one.
Here he remained three successive days, in a woollen shirt,
and barefooted, " while Gregory, shut up with the countess, re-
fused to admit him to his presence." (Hallam.) On the fourth
day absolution was obtained on condition, that he should appear
at a future day to learn the pope's pleasure, whether he should
be restored to his kingdom. The Germans chose another em-
peror, (Rodolph,) on whom Gregory bestowed the crown, with
a Latin verse, importing that it was given by virtue of the orig-
inal commission of St. Peter. But such are human vicissi-
tudes, that Henry recovered the throne, defeated Rodolph, pro-
cured a council to depose Gregory, and caused Clement HI. to
be elected, and hastened to Rome to place him on the papal
throne, (in the year 1080.) Gregory passed three years as a
prisoner in the castle of St. Angelo, but could not be induced
to compromit the rights of the church. Robert Guiscard, a
Norman prince, whom Gregory had made duke of Apulia,
(on the N. E. coast of lower Italy,) liberated him, but the Ro-
mans compelled him to leave the city, and he died an exile at
Salerno, a few miles S. E. of Naples. The spirit which he
had infused into the church did not die with him. Henry died,
also, dethroned, and in poverty.
The countess Matilda reigned over an extensive territory in
Italy, on both sides of the Apennines. Her right was derived
from count Boniface, at a time of which there are very imper-
fect records. This donation was made in 1077, and was re-
newed by the countess in 1 102, in favor of Pascal II. A part
of the territories included in the gift were held under feudal
tenure, and liable to return to the superior lord, on failure of
feudal heirs; and a part was allodial, or held in the countess'
own right. Of the former description were Tuscany, the
duchy of Lucca, and the cities of Mantua, Parma, Modena, and
418 ROMAN CHURCH.
Reggio, and their dependencies, in Lombardy. Of the second
description were the lands near to Rome, since known as the
patrimony of St. Peter. From this indiscriminate donation,
obstinate contests arose between the popes and the emperors,
(the latter being the feudal superiors of the countess,) which
continued till 1115, when Frederick II. made a confirmation
of the gift to pope Honorious III. The patrimony of St. Pe-
ter is bounded by the Tiber, in its south-eastvvardly course, and
then by its south-westwardly course, and by the Tuscan sea.
This territory is about 60 miles long, and 40 wide, north-
wardly of Rome. (Koch, vol. 1. p. 124.)
Charlemagne having assumed to revive the empire of the
west, he caused himself to be crowned in venerable Rome, and
by the sacred authority of the pope, ( Dec. 25, 800. ) The -popes
converted this ceremony into an acknowledgment of their su-
premacy. They sought to have it believed, throughout Eu-
rope, that no person could lawfully exercise the power of em-
peror, who had not been crowned by a pope at Rome, To im-
part solemnity to a temporal act, by associating with it a reli-
gious ceremony, may have been the intention of Charles. But
the popes found it practicable to make the religious ceremony
the substance of the thing to be done ; and to cause themselves
to be regarded, not as doing an act of consecration, but as exer-
cising a sovereign power in bestowing a crown. The crown-
ing of Charles laid the foundation of the long and bitter con-
flict between the emperors and popes. The emperors sought
to establish a universal monarchy, and to make the popes sub-
ordinate. The popes meant to have an unlimited hierarchy,
and to make all things, and all persons, submissive to them-
selves. This conflict is the prominent historical trait for cen-
turies.
Though Gregory was not successful in this twofold measure
pursued with Henry, of withdrawing the clergy from tempo-
ral authority, and subjecting an emperor to the church, he was
more fortunate in other measures, intended to bring the clergy
under subjection. He did not remain in power long enough
to accomplish some of them, but he opened the way to his suc-
cessors. By a series of ingenious usurpations, all the great
dignitaries of the church, in every state in Europe, were made
to depend on the pope for confirmation ; and, at length, the ex-
clusive appointment was secured, with the burthensome requi-
sition, that every metropolitan (or archbishop) should appear,
in person, at Rome, to receive the pallium from the hand of the
pope. He was also required to take an oathof allegiance, and
ROMAN CHURCH. 419
to swear to defend the pope against every man who should at-
tempt to impair or deny his authority. The steps by which
this achievement was arrived at, are fully narrated by many
writers, in detail. (Hallam, Koch, Sismondi, and in histories
of the church.) It is enough, for the present purpose, to state,
that this dominion over the priesthood, was secured in Grego-
ry's time, and by his successors.
Celibacy of the clergy. This was not a new measure with
Gregory, but had been required, though wholly disregarded,
200 years before. The rigid enforcement of this requisition
was new. It may be, that Gregory thought it proper that
priests should not have family connexions ; but a much more
important object with him was, to withdraw all the clergy from
a connexion with wordly cares and interests, and to concen-
trate all hopes, fears and affections in the church, and its su-
preme head. Very serious difficulties followed the command
to all ecclesiastics, to put away their wives, and to separate
themselves from their families. It is suggested that these diffi-
culties induced Gregory to raise up a new order of priesthood,
next to be mentioned.
The religious orders. There had been numerous orders of
religious persons from an early age of the church, united in
fraternities, and holding extensive landed estates under the
name of monasteries. All these ecclesiastics, as such tenants,
were bound to some feudal duties, and could not be made so
exclusively dependent on the head of the church as the system
of Gregory required. The rules prescribed to the religious
orders, (with some amendments by other hands,) by St. Bene-
dict, had governed all these orders up to the time of Gregory.
To him is attributed the design of separating them from the
established church, and making them an efficient army, depend-
ent on the popes only. They were intended to penetrate into
the very bosom of society, and to obtain an absolute empire
over the thoughts of men ; in short, to create and maintain a
despotism over the mind, deriving its character entirely from
the papal head. This system was begun in Gregory's time, by
an order at Grandmont, in Lamousin, the south-west of France,
This was followed by the order of Carthusians, in the same
age. The mendicant orders began in the time of Innocent III.,
about the year 1200. These monkish orders had increased to
such numbers, that Gregory X., who was pope from 1271 to
1276, reduced them to four orders: — 1. The Augustines. 2.
The Carmelites. 3. The Franciscans. 4. The Dominicans.
The two latter orders were the special ministers of the popes.
420 ROMAN CHURCH.
and are usually spoken of as the mendicant orders. " Never,"
says professor Gieseler, "had the popes possessed instruments
so well fitted to work on the mass of the people, as now in the
mendicant monks ; and it was natural, therefore, that they should
seek to increase their consequence by conferring on them va-
rious privileges." [Cunningham's translation, vol. 2. p. 291.]
By degrees, these orders were exempted from all jurisdiction
of the bishops, and made accountable only to their own " gene-
rals," and to the popes. They were bound to severe privations
under solemn oath, and among others, to that of poverty, and
were required to subsist on charity, whence their name of
mendicants. But they were compensated by great privileges;
they were authorized to preach, to receive the confession of
sins, and to be instructers of the young. They were employed
as legates and missionaries, and rose to be highly respected
and feared even by sovereigns, while they obtained an un-
bounded influence over the people. It could not be otherwise
than that such a powerful body, familiar to every part of the
Christian world, and capable ot insinuating themselves among
all descriptions of persons of both sexes, should acquire an
absolute control over the members of society. Nor could they
act otherwise than to devote themselves to the exaltation of that
authority from which they derived all their importance. In-
telligent, adroit, artful, no act could be done among men to
which they were not parties. The apparent austerity of their
own lives permitted them to exercise an unlimited authority
over the hopes and fears of the laity, as to future life. So
entirely successful was this measure of extending and confirm-
ing the papal supremacy, that the regular clergy were com-
pelled to submit themselves, and to follow these new dignita-
ries, instead of leading, as they before had done, their respective
Christian communities. This theory was simple, and easily
practicable, in that age of ignorance and barbarism. Like
theories have been adopted in ages better informed in political
affairs. If a chief can identify his own supremacy with a host
of dependent interested supporters, a power arises which truth
and reason cannot control, nor successfully resist.
The indepe?idence of the clergy on all temporal tribunals,
and the clerical jurisdiction over the persons and property of
laymen. In the time of Charlemagne, the clergy, being the
most learned and capable, were called to the administration of
justice. In the beginning of the twelfth century, the courts,
mostly composed of ecclesiastical judges, assumed exclusive
jurisdiction over all persons and property connected with the
ROMAN CHURCH. 421
church. This assumption gradually extended itself by direct
and indirect means. It was made soon to include all persons
who needed protection against temporal power. Orphans,
Avidows, strangers, the poor pilgrims, and every description of
persons in distress, w^ere ta^en under the care of this jurisdic-
tion. This included all persons who were engaged in the
crusades. The temporal, tribunals admitted that spiritual
tribunals had jurisdiction, exclusively, in all spiritual contro-
versies. By construction, almost every act done by men might
have a spiritual character, as it implied right or wrong, and
might therefore be sinful, and consequently a proper subject
for a religious judge. Though litigations on the right to
landed estate could not be brought into clerical courts, as this
right depended on evidence of facts, yet wherever there was a
trust connected with an oath, so that the conscience of a party
might be dealt with, jurisdiction was assumed. All questions
of person or property arising from the relation of marriage,
fell under the same jurisdiction. All persons who made wills
or testaments, were reminded of the duty of providing for the
church, and these instruments were usually drawn up by a
priest. Consequently the settlement of estates devolved on the
clerical tribunals, because the church was therein interested.
Various crimes, as they were emphatically sins, and conse-
quently offences against the church, w^ere drawn to the same
tribunals. Such comprehensive judicial power required means
to execute sentences. Excommunication, however terrible,
was not adequate in all cases. The right of imprisoning lay
offenders was acquired by bishops. Clerical offenders w^ere
imprisoned in monasteries. These brief suggestions disclose
the progress of a tremendous power w^hich veiled its arrogance
and usurpations under a tender care of men's souls, while it in
fact disposed, according to its own will, of person and property,
in almost all the relations of life. This power (as will be next
seen) extended itself to princes and kingdoms.
The Ji?ial jurisdiction of the head of the church, iii all cases,
hij way of appeal. It was easy for the popes, Gregory VII.
setting the example, to encourage an appeal to the supreme
head at Rome, in all controversies between clergymen, whether
relating to person or property. The unsuccessful party, in
any inferior tribunal, would naturally hope a favorable result
in a new investigation. Hence arose the practice of bringing
numerous suits before this appellate jurisdiction. But this
did not satisfy papal ambition. Cases which did not concern
clergymen, nor laymen, whether as to person, or property, or
36
422 CANON LAW.
crime, (which had fallen under ecclesiastical courts, as before
stated,) were carried, by appeal, to Rome, Thus Philip of
France, and Richard of England, contending for the right to a
fief, an appeal was made to Innocent III. " Though 1 cannot
judge," said he, "as to the right to a fief, yet it is in my
province to judge whether sin is committed, and to prevent all
public scandals." The same pope ordered the king of Navarre
to restore certain castles to Richard, on pain of excommunica-'
tion. He also assumed a general supervision over all princes
and kingdoms, requiring that all disputes among them should
be referred to the pope. The instances of this interposition
are numerous ; and disobedience to the papal mandate usually
drew down the grievous sentence of excommunication.
The most remarkable of all the instances of papal usurpa-
tion was that of Innocent III. over John, king of England.
In 1 199, a vacancy happened in the see of Canterbury. The
monks elected John, bishop of Norwich, recommended and
confirmed by the king. At the same time they secretly chose
Reginald, their own sub-prior, and sent him to Rome for in-
stitution. Innocent reversed both elections, and nominated
Stephen Langton. The monks obeyed the pope. The king
expelled the monks, and confiscated their property. In 1201,
Innocent excommunicated John, who did not regard this exer-
cise of power. In 1211, Innocent absolved all John's subjects
from allegiance, and commanded them to avoid his presence.
This measure not proving effectual, Innocent deposed John,
gave his kingdom to Philip Augustus of France, and com-
manded Philip to take possession by force of arms, and pro-
claimed a crusade against John as an infidel and heretic. At
the moment of a final appeal to arms, Pandulph, the pope's
legate, appeared at John's camp at Dover, and presented the
final decree of the pope: — That John should resign his crown
to the legate, and receive it again as a present from the holy
see ; declare his dominions tributary, do homage, and swear
fealty as a vassal and feudatory to Innocent. The pusillani-
mous and terrified king of England yielded to these conditions,
surrendered his kingdom, took the oath on his knees, and re-
ceived his crown again from the hand of Pandulph, as the
representative of the pope.
The canon law. The judicial authority of the Roman
church having been extended to so many persons and subjects,
a code of laws was thought necessary as rules for the courts.
Gratian, an Italian monk, published, in 1151, a general collec-
tion of canons, epistles, and sentences, arranged after the
CANON LAW. 423
manner of the civil law, Avhich had then become a subject of
study. In 1234, Raimond de Pennefort, by order of Gregory
IX., made a compilation in five books, entitled Decretalia Gre-
gorii noni. Additions were made to this code by successors
of Gregory IX. Bonifoce VIII. added a sixth book, in 1298,
called Sextus decretal ium. In 1317, the Clementine constitu-
tions (by Clement V.) were added by John XXII., who added
twenty constitutions of his own. Later popes added other
decrees in five books, called extravagantes communes. As
these compilations were made when the supremacy of the
popes had been assumed over all temporal power, they were
adapted to protect that supremacy. The main purpose was to
establish, by law, the subjection of kings and princes to the
spiritual authority. It declared that subjects owe no obedience
to an excommunicated lord ; and that a pope may dethrone the
emperor for lawful causes, of which, of course, the pope was
the sole judge. The canon law, therefore, was, politically,
only the publication, in the form of a code, of the bold usurpa-
tions of successive popes. In other respects, this law was
entitled to great consideration in that age, and has since been
intermingled with the jurisprudence of all Christian nations.
At the time of the promulgation of the canon law, the civil
law was diligently studied in many parts of Europe. The
study of the canon law was enjoined on all ecclesiastical
judges. Hence arose two new orders of learned men, the
jurists and the canonists. The two codes became illustrative
of each other ; and these two orders made their respective
commentaries as new cases and new applications of principles
arose. Dr. Robertson says of the canon law, — " That as a
system to assist the clergy in usurping powers, jurisdiction,
&c., we must pronounce it one of the most formidable engines
ever formed against the happiness of civil society. If we
contemplate it merely as a code of laws respecting the rights
and property of individuals, and attend only to its civil effects
as to these, we must view it in a different, and much more
favorable light." The effect of this usurpation by the popes
is still felt. The canon and the civil law are the rules in
several courts of England: 1. The ecclesiastical. 2. The
military courts. 3. The admiralty courts. 4. The courts of
the two universities. But the courts of common law have the
superintendency over these courts ; to keep them within their
jurisdiction, to determine wherein they exceed them, to restrain
and prohibit such excess, and, in case of contumacy, to punish
4-24 CANON LAW.
tlie nicer who executes, aiui, in some cases, the jiuige who
enforces the sentence so dech\red to he illegal.
Besides the papal institutions, there were many decrees of
synods or ecclesiastical councils, especially in England, which
may K^ ranked as parts of the ciinon law. At the dawn of
the reformation (in the time of Henry VIII.) an act passed for
tlie revision of the canon law, and providing that until that
revision was made, all canons, constitutions, ordinances, and
synodals provincial, then already made, and not repugnant to
the law of the land or the king's prerog^ative, should still be
used and executed. No such revision has been made. Cleri-
cal canons, made since that time, have no authority as to the
laity, unless confirmed by act of parliament. (Blackstone's
Commentaries, vol. i. p. 74.)
The provisions of the canon law gradually extended the
power of the prelates over the personal estate of all persons,
on the event of death. This property was taken possession of
by them, to be disposed of m releasing the soul from purg-a-
tory, and in doing such charitable acts as the deceased ought
to iiave done in his life-time. The execution of wills, for like
reasons, was assumed by the churchmen. It was their busi-
ness, also, to take cognizance of the rights and duties of hus-
bands and wives, because any violations of these were sin^.
Out of these original usurpations arose the several ecclesias-
tical courts now known in London at Doctors' Commons.
Under the prerogatives of the archbishop of Canterbury, (by
his surrogates or deputies holding courts of ditierent names,)
wills are proved, letters of administration granted, estates set-
tled, and divorces decreed. These proceedings are now regu-
lated by statutes, and are part of the settled law, though
they originated in papal arrogance.
Bincfit of cler^v. At an early period of the Christian
church, certain places were deemed /loIi/. and no person could
be ai rested in such places by any temporal authority, for any
crime. Hence arose ^fij/inir to ihc sanciuarij. About the
same time, clergymen were held to be exempted from liability
to answer in any temporal court, for any crime, however
heinous. As ability to read was evidence of being a clergy-
man, the exemption (under clerical management) was extended
to all who had that ability. A convicted felon could save him-
self from punishment by falling on his knees before his tem-
poral judge, and praying ihc benefit of clcrgij, by showing he
could read. This subject has held its place in the law, at least
from the year 135-2 (•25 of Edward III.) to 1779, (19 of George
ROMAN CnVRCH. i'Zij
III.,) within which time many statutes were passed, fnraclually
limitinrr the clerical exemption. Since the latter period it is
usual, both in Enji^land and the United States, to provide in
statutes that certain crimes shall be punished, and that the
benejit of cUr^nj shall not be pleaded as exemption, This
plea is now rarely made. That it ever coulci have been
made, implies that the ij^^norant, who might not have been able
to distinguish between right and wrong, must be punished ;
while the well-informed, were exempt, for the reason that they
were capable of making the distinction. (See vol. iv. Black-
stone's Com. chap. 28.)
From the time that Rome, in common with other cities,
was freed from the dominion of the German emperors, up to
the time of Innocent III., that city had been in a state of
insubordination and anarchy. The character of the Romans
is drawn in these words by one who held the rank of ambas-
sador : — " They are men too proud to obey, too ignorant to
rule: faithless to superiors, insupportable to inferiors; shame-
less in asking, insolent in refusing; importunate in obtaining
favors, ungrateful when they have obtained them ; most profuse
in promi.'je, most niggardly in performance; the smoothest
flatterers, and the most venomous detractors." Of such a
people it would be of little utility to give an account. The
political sovereignty of the pope, acquired by Innocent, had
little tendency to change these characteristics of the Romans
for the better. This able pontiff secured, also, the temporal
authority over the territories which have ever since been
known as the .states of the church. The history of Rome, for
centuries, was little else than the history of the merciless wars
carried on between noble families. The most distinguished
among them were tho.se of Colonna and Ur.sini. These fami-
lies veiled their natural hereditary enmity under the names of
Guelfs and Ghibelines. (See Gibbon, chap. Ixix.)
CHAPTER LIX
MEASURES OF THE POPES TO SUBJECT ALL TEMPORAL
AUTHORITY TO THEMSELVES.
The declaration of papal supremacy by Gregory VII., has
been already stated. From the time of that pontiflf ( 1073 —
3G*
426
ROMAN CHURCH.
1085) to that of Innocent III, (1198—1216,) the papal power
had been gaining strength. Innocent felt himself strong
enough to declare, in one of his epistles, — " The successor
of St. Peter was intended by God, not only to govern the
church, but the whole world." On another occasion, he said,
" As God has placed two great luminaries in the firmament,
the one to rule the day, the other the night, so he has estab-
lished two great powers, the pontifical and the royal ; and as
the moon receives its light from the sun, so the royal authority
borrows its splendor and authority from that of the pontifical."
Innocent was of noble birth, and highly educated for that
time. He became pope at the age of thirty-seven. He had
the will and the ability to carry the theory, expressed in the
words above ascribed to him, into full effect. He induced the
inhabitants of Rome to take an oath of allegiance to him, the
civil government of Rome not having before been connected
with that of the church.
The reign of Innocent was distinguished by many acts
designed to increase the pontifical authority in the church, as
well as to extend that authority over temporal sovereigns. In
the year 1215 he held a council at Rome, one of the most
numerous and dignified ever assembled. In this council the
doctrine of iransubstantiation, or the actual presence of the
body and blood of Christ at the eucharist, was recognized as
a fundamental principle ; and Innocent is considered as the
inventor of that term, or as having adopted, and as giving it a
place in church doctrines.* At the same council the sacra-
mental confession was established, by which the system of
auricular confession, still observed, was also made fundamental
in the church. A searching and powerful influence was
thereby given to all grades of clergy over the most secret acts
and thoughts of all professors of Christianity. This confes-
sion was enjoined periodically, and was liable to be followed
by bodily penance, and this might secure absolution. Neither
of these subjects were then new in the church, but they were
enforced and established, conclusively, by this council.
* In 831, Radbert, a monk, maintained that after the consecration of
the bread and wine, nothing remains of those symbols except the outward
figure, under which the body and blood of Christ were really and locally
present. Secondly, that the body of Christ thus present, is the same
body which was born of the virgin, which suffered on the cross, and was
raised from the dead. (Waddington's History of the Church, p. 2'20.)
It was not until the council held by Innocent III., in 1215, that the doc-
trine of the actual presence Avas established, and the name (as Wadding-
ton says, p. 285) of trans^tbstaniicdion given to it by Innocent.
RdMAN CHURCH. 427
The great achievement of Innocent was the attempt to
extirpate heresy. Several sects had appeared who maintained
doctrines variant from the Roman church. Some of these
sects were hostile, as they condemned the profligacy and cor-
ruption of prelates, and the usurpation and tyranny which
Innocent approved and promoted. The origin and theories of
these sects cannot be here stated, as a much more extensive
space would be required than can be thereto given ; and, for
the further reason, that these topics belong rather to church'
history. There are many readers who feel a lively interest in
the origin and history of the religious sects which the Roman
church regarded as heretical. Such readers may find some
gratification in the perusal of Gibbon's 54th chapter of Decline
and Fall of the Roman Empire. There is a learned inquiry
into the history of these sects, in the text and in the notes of
Hallam's History of the Middle Ages, vol. ii. p. 314, &c., or
chapter ix. part II.
The names of these sects were, 1. The Petrobrussians, who
appeared in Provence and Languedoc, in the south of France.
2. The Henricians, who were known from Lausanne in Swit-
zerland, westwardly to Bordeaux. 3. The Cathari and Pau-
licians, supposed to have originated in the east, and who spread
over the west of Europe. 4. The Vaudois, a sect supposed
to have originated in Lyons. 5. The Albigenses, so named
from the city of Albi, in Languedoc. 6. The Waldenses,
known at Lyons and in Switzerland. It was against the Albi-
genses, especially, that Innocent devoted the full force of the
pontifical authority. In the sketches of France, this persecu-
tion has been mentioned. The Albigenses attracted the notice
of Innocent because they were protected by the earl of Tou-
louse, Raymond VI. In 1198 two papal legates were sent
among these heretics. Several others were afterwards sent,
the most prominent a Spaniard, named Dominic. These mis-
sionaries acquired the name of iriqiiisilors, as they diligently
inquired into the acts and opinions of those whom they sus-
pected to be heretics. From this humble beginning arose
that tremendous power of the church which has since been
known as the Inquisition. Hitherto, the church had no phys-
ical force by w^hich to execute its decrees. Excommunication
w^as addressed to the mind, subdued and enslaved by terror of
papal denunciation. The sovereigns of Europe would have
disregarded this denunciation, but they could not prevent its
effect on their subjects. When an excommunication was dis-
regarded, the popes could go no further, unless they could
428 ROMAN CHURCH.
avail themselves of military power, or the strength of the civil
authority. To that power they could resort by appealing to
the cupidity or ambition of friendly sovereigns, as in the case
of Philip Augustus, and John, of England. Innocent discov-
ered the means of availing himself of the civil authority.
The Dominicans and Franciscans were the two monkish or-
ders whom Innocent employed. One priest and three laymen
formed an inquisitorial council, but the power of judging of
the crimes alleged, and of punishing them, was not arrogated
by this council. This system of inconceivable horror and
abomination was thus begun by Innocent, but was not perfected
until the time of the next pope, but one, to him, who was Greg-
ory IX., who reigned from 1227 to 1241.
The papal loill to subject all who differed from the church,
or who were suspected of doing so, or who, in any way, declin-
ed abject submission, had been sufficiently manifested. The
power to 'punish was yet to be acquired. Gregory found means
to erect tribunals composed exclusively of Dominicans. At
first, the civil authority was necessary to punish, when the
judgment had been pronounced. But a power which could
make such progress, could soon acquire the authority of per-
fecting the system, and assert the right and duty to dispose of
person and of life.
It should be remarked that the original purpose of Gregory
VII., sustained by Innocent III., was to create a power depend-
ent exclusively on the popes, competent to control the regular
clergy, no less than the laity. This power was found in the
monks, who were equally independent of the laity and clergy,
and who were the instruments through which the papal au-
thority was directly exercised. It is astonishing that in any
age of the world a tribunal was permitted to arise and to flour-
ish, dignified with the name of the holy inquisition, or holy of-
fice, which could arraign any person, and subject him to ago-
nizing torture, and wring from his own lips whatsoever confes-
sion was wanted to deprive him of fortune and honor, and send
him to cruel execution. It is obvious that such a power Avould
minister to the worst of corrupt cravings. It was used not
only to punish those whom the Inquisitors thought proper to
consider as really heretical, according to an honest meaning of
that term, but to annihilate enemies, and acquire riches. A
necessary consequence of heretical condemnation involved the
forfeiture of all wordly possessions. The Mahommedans of
Spain, and the Jews, every where, were the victims of this in-
fernal tribunal. It obtained only a short-lived reign in France.
ROMAN CHURCH. 429
It was closely watched in Venice. It was terrible in some
parts of Spain. It was computed that there were 20,000 of-
ficers of the inquisition in that country, who were called famil-
iars, and who served as spies and informers. This tribunal
was not established in Germany, the Netherlands, or Naples,
or the British isles. Its triumphant dominion belongs to a later
age than that now under consideration.
Parties, whether in politics or religion, if strong enough to
control opponents, cannot be stationary ; they must follow the
analogy of nature, and tend to a conclusion. The church was
preparing for the end of its own tyrannical dominion, when it
asserted and maintained, that " the quality of Roman Catholic
had ichoUy superseded that of man, and even of Christian ;
he who is not a Roman Catholic may be justly deprived of
life, and it is a good action to kill himP ( Villers' prize Es-
say on the Reformation.) This was the principle on which the
popes of Rome granted heathen countries, and consigned their
inhabitants to death, by the Christian's sword.
In the 236 years of Pontifical grandeur, (1073 to 1303) sev-
eral other powers were assumed by the popes, which may be
comprised under the head of dispensing, enabling, and com-
pulsory. They could absolve a sovereign from his oath. In
the controversies which arose between sovereigns and their
subjects, (as in England,) the sovereign was sometimes bound
to observe his engagements under that solemnity. Treaties
were sometimes formed, the observance of which was disad-
vantageous, or inconvenient. In such cases, the popes assumed
to discharge the party from his obligations. If the wife of a
sovereign was an obstacle to his interest or wishes, the popes
assumed to dissolve the marriage contract. If there were ob-
stacles to a desired marriage, from consanguinity, or any other
cause, the popes would remove that obstacle. If the fact of il-
legitimacy was a disqualification to inheritance, the popes could
remove the disability. If a sovereign married a person whom
a pope thought to be too nearly connected by relationship, he
could dissolve the marriage and force the parties to separate.
If a wife was repudiated by a sovereign, the pope could com-
pel him to take her back again. In a word, these pontiffs as-
sumed an absolute dominion over right and justice, in any and
every case, substituting their own will therefor, and raising
themselves above any earthly accountability.
Gregory IX. was pope in 1241, and the two following years ;
and contemporary of Frederick 11. Papal magnificence, at
this time, is described by Waddington, p. 335 — 6. " On the
430
ROMAN CHURCH.
day of his coronation, he Avas covered with gold and jewels.
Having said mass at St. Peter's, he returned wearing two
crowns, mounted on a horse richly caparisoned, surrounded by
cardinals clothed in purple. The streets were spread with ta-
pestry, inlaid with gold and silver. The prefect and senators
of Rome, were on foot, holding his bridle," Gregory excom-
municated Frederick II. twice, for not departing on a crusade
to the holy land. Frederick wrote several letters on the papal
tyranny, and the perversion of the church. Waddington has
some extracts from one to Henry III., of England, and among
them these : — " The Roman church so burns with avarice, that,
as the ecclesiastical revenues do not content it, it is not ashamed
to despoil sovereign princes, and make them tributary. You
have a very touching example in your father, king John ; you
have that also of the count of Toulouse, and so many other
princes, whose kingdoms it holds under interdict, until it has
reduced them to similar servitude. I speak not of the simonies,
the unheard of exactions, wh^ich it exercises over the clergy;
the manifest or cloaked usuries, with which it infects the whole
world. In the mean time, these insatiable leeches use honeyed
discourses, saying, that the court of Rome is the church, our
mother and nurse, while it is our step-mother, in the source of
every evil. It sends, on every side, legates, with power to sus-
pend, to punish, to excommunicate; not to diffuse the word of
God, but to amass money, and reap that which they have not
sown. And so they pillage churches, monasteries, and other
places of religion, which our fathers have founded for the sup-
port of pilgrims and the poor."
Though Frederick had abundant reason to speak vindictive-
ly, it is improbable that he did, or could exaggerate, on the
topics of papal arrogance, avarice, or despotism. It is very
obvious that cravings are the same in every age, means little
variant, and success much the same, whether the cloak be re-
ligion, liberty, or politics — or the agents are princes, priests,
or people.
The power of the pontiffs could not be greater than it has
already been shown to have been. But in the time of Boniface
VIII. pretensions to still higer power were made. He was in
the papal chair from 1294 to 1303. This person was a native
of the town of Agnani, forty miles south-east of Rome. He
had attained to the age of 77 when elected. The two last cen-
turies had materially changed the intelligence and the opinions
of Europeans. The dread of papal power had diminished, in
some degree. Whether Boniface was ignorant of this, or,
ROMAN CHURCH. 431
knowing it, was more solicitous to counteract the tendency to
insubordination, may be doubtful. Whatever the fact may have
been, no pontiff, not even Innocent or Gregory, pretended to
such absolute dominion. He applied a force to the papal ma-
chinery which it was not strong enough to sustain : though
essentially impaired, it was not ruined ; while Boniface him-
self perished in the effort.
It is uncertain whether Gregory IX., or whether Boniface
VIII. added a second crown to that which the popes had as-
sumed. In 1298 Albert of Austria, asked of Boniface confirm-
ation of his election as emperor. He was answered, — " It is
I who am Caesar. It is I who am emperor. It is I who will
defend the rights of the empire ! " He placed, it is said, the
imperial crown on his own head, and thence the popes assum-
ed a double crown. Urban V. (pope from 1362 to 1370) add-
ed the third crown, whence the triple crown of the pontiffs.
Boniface interposed in all the intentions of the kings and
princes of Europe. He said to Philip, king of France, " God
has set me over the nations, and over the kingdoms, to root out,
and to pull down ; and to destroy and to throw down ; to build
and to plant in his name, and by his doctrine. Let no one per-
suade you that you have no superior, or that you are not sub-
ject to the chief of the ecclesiastical hierarchy." The princi-
pal event in the life of this pontiff' was his warfare with this
king of France. The French clergy had maintained some
degree of independence as to the popes, in virtue of the prag-
matic sanction of St. Louis, (or Louis IX.,) which had estab-
lished "the liberties of the Gallician church," in the year 1269.
Philip had imposed a tax on the clergy. Boniface issued a
bull, in which he pronounced excommunication on all who
should tax the clergy, whether kings, princes or magistrates,
and on all who should pay taxes by them imposed. Philip in-
terdicted the export of money, jewels, and other valuables from
his kingdom, whereby the pope's revenues were much dimin-
ished. These measures did not produce an avowed warfare.
In 1301, Philip arrested and imprisoned a bishop. Boniface
commanded Philip to release him, and Philip refusing to do
this, Boniface published a bull of excommunication, and re-
quired all the clergy of France to attend him at Rome.
Philip publicly burnt the bull, and prohibited the clero^y from
going to Rome. This was followed by the celebrated bullknown
under the name of u?ia?)i sanctam^ wherein it is asserted, "that
there is one head of the church, Christ; Christ's vicar, St.
Peter, and the successor of St. Peter. That in the power of
432 ROMAN CHURCH.
this chief are two swords, the one spiritual, the other material ;
that the former of these is to be used hy the church, the latter
for the church : the former is in the hand of the priest, the
latter in the hand of kings and soldiers, but at the nod and
sufferance of the priest." Philip, in answer to this declaration,
ordered an assembly of all the clergy in his dominions, intend-
ing to denounce the pope, and declare his own independence.
But, apprehensive that the clergy might not accord with him,
he meanwhile adopted another course, which, considering the
state of public opinion at that time, was more audacious than
any thing done by the pope.
William of Nogaret, a celebrated French civilian, with
certain members of the noble family of Colonna, who had fled
to Paris from the persecution of Boniface, assembled three
hundred horsemen, and a militar}^ force on foot, went to Italy,
and presented themselves at Agnani, where Boniface was then
residing. They broke into his palace with the cry of " Success
to the king of France; death to Boniface." The pope's at-
tendants fled. He dressed himself in his pontifical robes,
placed the crown of Constantino on his head, grasped the keys
and the cross, and seated himself in the papal chair. One of
the Colonnas came first into his presence; Nogaret came next.
"William of Nogaret!" said the pope, " descended from a race
of heretics; it is from thee, and such as thee, that I can patient-
ly endure injuries." The followers of Colonna and Nogaret
had dispersed themselves through the palace, to gather plunder.
No personal violence, whatever the original design may have
been, appears to have been attempted ; and no object appears
to have been gained, but that of having insulted and braved
the pontifical majesty. The people of Agnani having recover-
ed from their panic, assembled in arms, attacked the invaders,
and massacred some of them, and put the remainder to flight.
This outrage first broke the spirit of Boniface, and then the
violence of his passion is said to have deprived him of reason.
He hurried to Rome, and is represented to have refused nour-
ishment, and to have been incapable of repose — gnashing his
teeth in silence, his mouth white with foam. He excluded all
attendants, and shut himself up; and when his servants forced
an opening to his room, he was dead, with such marks of
violence as led to the supposition of having anticipated the
natural termination of life. (October 10th, 1303.)
Though the reign of Boniface was short, it was an eventful
one. Among other institutions, he founded the Jubilee, in
1299; borrowed, perhaps, from the Jewish institution of the
ROMAN CHURCH. 433
same name, but for very different purposes. Plenary indul-
gence was granted to all who should appear at Rome, confess
their sins, partake of the sacrament, and visit certain churches.
This was a contrivance to enrich the church treasury, and
was so successful, that the jubilee was changed by successive
popes from fifty to thirty-three years, and then to twenty-five.
Churches were appointed in different parts of Christendom,
where the benefits of the jubilee could be obtained by those
who could not appear at Rome. In this, as in many other
cases in the Roman church, there is a strong resemblance to
the pagan institutions of the East, (especially, as will be shown,
in India,) where periodical assemblies, feasts, gifts, and sacra-
fices, enrich a craving, idle priesthood. It is affirmed that
from Christmas to Easter, not less than 1,200,000 persons
visited Rome; and these were replaced by others, causing a
prodigious gain to the church, and to the citizens of Rome.
An Italian historian, (Matt. Villani,) says, "the streets were
perpetually full, so that every one was obliged, on foot, or on
horseback, to go with the crowd," (in making the circuit to the
three appointed churches.) It is said that the holy napkin of
Christ was shown at St. Peter's every Sunday, and on festival
days. So great was the press, that many persons were found
crushed or trampled to death.
Historians consider the grandeur of the Roman church to
have declmed from the time of Boniface. Habits and preju-
dices had so associated themselves with hopes and fears, and
with clerical authority, that the decline was very gradual; and
it required yet two full centuries to prepare even a part of the
people of Europe for that great event known under the name
of the Reformation.
Benedict XI. succeeded Boniface, but reigned less than nine
months. The same Philip the Fair, king of France, is more
than suspected of having caused the death of Benedict by
poison. His motive is explained by the fact, that by means of
well-concerted intrigues, he procured the election of a creature
of his own, the archbishop of Bordeaux, and transferred the
papal throne from Rome to Avignon, in his own kingdom.
Clement V. thus elected, in fact by Philip, was the first in the
succession of bishops who reigned at Avignon seventy-three
years. It was during this period, and about 1347, that the
celebrated Cola di Rienza appeared at Rome, and enjoyed
there, for a time, a singular popularity, by which he raised
himself to a supremacy approaching that of royalty. It was,
37
434 POPES IN FRANCE.
however, a short-lived grandeur, as his qualities were not
adapted to preserve an ascendency over so turbulent and so
lawless a population as that of Rome. He was put to death
by the same people who had made him a sovereign.*
CHAPTER LX.
Popes in France — Great schism — Council of Constance.
The character and conduct of the popes who held the pon-
tifical throne at Avignon, from 1305 to 1378, were odious and
profligate beyond any example which had occurred during
four centuries. Not only did these popes and the members of
their court pervert all the canons of the church to acquire
riches, but they expended their acquisitions in such vices as
gave Avignon the reputation of another Babylon. The papal
pretensions were much impaired by the mere circumstance of
the place of residence. Rome, from long-continued associa-
tions, Avas the proper seat of ecclesiastical empire. The popes
had no temporal superior in that city. At Avignon, all the
Christian nations of Europe considered them to be under the
control of the kings of France. These facts, together with
the better information which was gradually arising in Europe,
had a strong tendency to impair the papal authority.
Many attempts were made, under various impulses, to in-
duce the popes to return to Rome. This object was effected
in the time of Gregory XL, who took up his residence in that
city, and died there in 1378. It was an established rule, that
the successor of a pope must be elected at the place where that
pope had deceased. The people of Rome, who had felt the
various evils and privations which the long absence of the
popes had occasioned, demanded, with violent threats, the
election of a Roman, or at least of an Italian. Seventeen of
twenty-four cardinals were there present, and of these seven-
teen, twelve were Frenchmen. The assembly of a riotous
and clamorous body around the place of election, computed at
thirty thousand, and the piling up of combustibles around the
palace, had the effect intended, at the end of elev^en days. An
Italian was elected, who took the title of Urban VI. His
* The story of this remarkable man has been written in the spirit of
romance, by Bulwer.
COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. 435
name was Bartolemeo Prignano, then archbishop of Bari.
In a few weeks the discontented in the conclave of cardinals
withdrew from Rome, and assuming that the election of Urban
had been compulsory, they elected a Frenchman, who took
the name of Clement VIL, and who established himself at
Avignon. This person was then called Robert, the cardinal
of Geneva; the place of election was Fondi, in the kingdom
of Naples, sixty miles south-east of Rome. Hence arose "the
Great Schism" of the church, which continued from 1378 to
1417, during which time there were two popes, and a part of
the time, three. All attempts to induce one or both of the oppo-
nent pontiffs to resign, were unavailing. To remove the
scandal, a numerous council of prelates assembled at Pisa in
1409, and elected Alexander V. for the purpose of superseding
both the others. Instead of effecting this object, this proceed-
ing only placed a third person in the papal dignity. Such
conflicts among men of the church could not fail to bring
odium on the whole body of prelates, and especially to impair
the respect and confidence which laymen had entertained for
the offices, if not for the persons, of ecclesiastics. The denun-
ciations of popes, formerly so terrible, were now principally
interchanged between the popes themselves. The church
itself, and all its associations, were falling into contempt, and
the only remedy seemed to be an authoritative council, in
w^hich all the Christian nations of Europe should be represent-
ed, as well by laymen, as by clergymen.
Hence arose the Council of Constance, held at the city of
that name, on the lake of Constance, in Switzerland. The
first session was in November, 1414. At this time there had
been elections in continuation of the line of popes elected at
Rome, and at Fondi in 1378, and at Pisa in 1409. Under the
election at Rome, Gregory XII., under that at Fondi, Bene-
dict XIII., under that at Pisa, John XXIII., were respectively
successors. Gregory had retired to Rimini, a city on the
coast of the Adriatic, directly north of Rome. Benedict had
retired to Perpignan, one hundred miles south-east of Bor-
deaux, on the borders of France and Spain. John attended
the council at Constance. The English, the Germans, the
French and the Italians, were represented in this council as
distinct nations. After Benedict had been disposed of, the
Spaniards (who had supported him) came in as the fifth
nation. The concourse of persons was very great, as multi-
tudes attended from all parts of Europe, who were not mem-
bers of the council. Of prelates, twenty-nine cardinals, three
436 COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE.
hundred bishops and archbishops, and a corresponding pro-
portion of inferior clergy were present, besides the laymen,
princes, and learned civilians, and at the head of all appeared
Sigismund, emperor of Germany, who, in right of rank and
talents, was the presiding officer. The first session began
November 1st, 1414. The principal objects were to heal the
schism, to reform the discipline, regulate the lives of the
clergy, and to ascertain and establish the powers, rights, and
duties of the papal crown.
John proposed that he should be acknowledged as the lawful
head of the church, by the deposing of his official adversaries;
and insisted that this measure necessarily took precedence of
all others. The council were of opinion that their power ex-
tended to all three of the popes, and, after a long and animated
discussion, John was deposed, as well as the other two. He
fled, was pursued, was taken and imprisoned, and kept in
confinement three years in Germany. Gregory consented to
resign ; but Benedict, though visited personally by the king of
Arragon, and by Sigismund, obstinately retained his preten-
sions, and died pope, enjoining on his only two cardinals who
remained faithful to him, to choose a successor.
The three incumbents having been displaced, the council
engaged in the business of reform, intending to establish rules
on all controverted points, and, especially, for the future govern-
ment of the popes. The cardinals and prelates had address
enough to persuade the members of the council, though against
the judgment of the eminent laymen, and of Sigismund, among
others, that a pope ought first to be chosen. A body of electors
was agreed on, consisting of the sacred college, and deputies
from each nation, so that the new pope should have the appro-
bation and support of all Europe. The concurrence of two
thirds of the electors Avas required. On the 8th of November,
1417, Otho Colonna, a Roman, was chosen, who was called
"noble and virtuous." The council had now been engaged
three years, and the variety and interest of its discussions may
be judged of from the fact, that the displacing of the three
other popes, and the election of Colonna, were the only acts in
which the council had concurred, and v.^hich had any perma-
nent consequence.
Colonna took the name of Martin V. The council then
proceeded in the business of reform. The several articles of
reform are thus enumerated: — 1. The number, quality, and
nation of the cardinals. 2. The reservations of the holy see.
3. Annates, (or the right of the popes to one year's product of
COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE. 437
estates on the happening of vacancies in office.) 4. Collations
(appointments) to benefices and expectative graces, (appoint-
ments by anticipation of expected vacancies.) 5. What causes
ought to be treated in the court of Rome. 6. Appeals to the
same court. 7. The offices of the chancery and penitentiary.
8. Exemptions granted and unions made during the schism.
9. Commendams, (a mode of appointment to office.) 10, The
confirmation of elections. 11. Intermediates, (revenues of
livings or estates during vacancies.) 12. Alienation of the
property of the Roman and other churches. 13. In what
cases a pope may be corrected and deposed, and by what
means. 14. The extirpation of simony, (the corrupt purchase
of office.) 15. Dispensations, (that is, the power of the pope
to dispense with the observance of the law.) 16. Provision
for the popes and cardinals. 17. Indulgences, (or permission
to commit sins.) 18. Tenths; the right to one-tenth of agri-
cultural products. [Waddington's History of the Church.]
This enumeration implies a very corrupt state of the church,
as it involves, not the subjects which the enemies of the church
thought proper for reformation, but those which the prelates
themselves so considered. If these subjects had been dealt
with by that assembly as some of its members, and especially
the emperor Sigismund, knew to be proper and necessary, the
Roman church would, probably, have been now the only
church known among Christians. Fortunately for the Chris-
tian world, "the noble and virtuous Roman" Martin V.,
thought proper to put an end to inquiry and discussion. As-
suming, with his new dignity, all the authority which his
predecessors had arrogated, he labored to dismiss the council,
without the accomplishment of any important reform. On
the 2d of May, 1418, the council was dismissed. The meas-
ures of the new pope to elude reformation excited great dis-
satisfaction among many members of the council. A formal
deputation was sent to Sigismund to pray his interposition.
He desired them to remember how steadily ihey had opposed
his wishes to accomplish the reformation hejore a pope was
elected, and recommended to them, now they had obtained
their pope, to apply to him for reform.
Before Martin was elected, it had been ordained that there
should be a council once in every ten years, for the regulation
of the church. This order was founded on the principle, not
unfrequently suggested by sovereigns in Europe while in con-
flict with the Holy See, that general councils had a controlling
power, even over the popes themselves. Though Martin and
37*
438 COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE.
his successors were obliged to comply with this order, it was
a delusive compliance, eiiher as to time or place, and none of
the great purposes intended, when the council of Constance
was convened, were ever accomplished.
Among the extraordinary transactions of the council of Con-
stance, and as the most striking exposition of the character of
the age, the condemnation of .Tohn Huss and of Jerome of
Prague, should be mentioned. The queen of Richard II., of
England, was a Bohemian princess. On Richard's death she
returned to Bohemia. Either by some one in her train, or
some other hand, the works of Wickliffe, the English reform-
er, were known there. John Huss adopted his opinions, and
a numerous sect arose in that country, who bore the name of
Hussites. The ascendancy of this person, and his opposition
to the established church, were so serious, as to induce the
council to command his personal attendance. He came under
a letter of protection from the emperor Sigismund. He was
accused of heresy, arraigned and tried before the council. He
made a learned and eloquent defence of his opinions. On the
6th of July, 1415, Huss was burnt as a heretic. Jerome, of
Prague, a layman, was a disciple of Huss, and his superior in
learning and eloquence. His eminent distinction caused him to
be summoned before this council of nations. He appeared in
April, 1416, Avas accused, arraigned, tried, and condemned;
and on the 23d of May, 1416, was burnt. The details of
these disgraceful tragedies are highly interesting. These men
suffered imprisonment, the most offensive indignities, and pain-
ful death, for the profession of opinions which are now, sub-
stantially, the creed and the principle of practice, with all
Christians who are not held in the darkness and despotism of
the Roman church.
From the election of Martin V. to the commencement of the
reformation, was about one hundred years. In this space of
time there were eleven pontiffs of various characters. The
general tendency of church affairs was from bad to worse. No
further notice can be taken, in these brief sketches, of the
progress of decline, than to mention some of the most remark-
able among these pontiffs, and some of the events which led
to the great revolution in the Christian world in the days of
Luther.
Martin V. was pope till 1431, and was succeeded by Euge-
nius IV., from 1431 to 1447. The election of Eugenius is
said to have arisen from this accident: — Each of the electors
intended, in the first essay, to learn the designs of the others,
PAPAL SUCCESSION. 439
and therefore threw away his vote on some one of the con-
clave whom no one intended to elect. It happened that two-
thirds of the votes were thus thrown away on Eugenius, he-
cause he was the most unfit person for the office. He was
chosen, and was, probably, that one who did most to bring the
papal authority into contempt. A remarkable event occurred
in his time, the union of the Greek and Latin churches, at a
treaty began at Ferrara and ended at Florence, at which the
pope and the Greek emperor were present. The same day on
which this treaty was signed by the pope, he was deposed by
the council sitting at Basle. Of these events an account is
contained in Gibbon's 6Gth chapter of the Decline and Fall
of the Roman Empire.
Nicholas V. (from 1447 to 1455) was a man of literature,
and the patron of learned men. The revival of ancient learn-
ing engaged many minds, and none more than that of Nicho-
las. He founded the Vatican library, and multiplied copies of
manuscripts. He repaired the public buildings of Rome.
The Jubilee occurred in his time, (1450,) and such was the
immense concourse that many persons were crushed to death.
Ninety-seven persons were, at the same time, crowded from
the bridge of St. Angelo, and drowned. The gains of the
church from this devout pilgrimage have been estimated at an
enormous amount. At this time the conquest of Constantino-
ple, by the Turks, alarmed Europe, and Nicholas took a very
active part to resist them. His death occurred in the midst of
these efforts.
Calixtus III. (from 1455 to 1458) is memorable for his
avarice, and for having introduced nepotism, or the provision
for nephews and other family connexions, out of the revenues
of the church.
Pius II. (from 1458 to 1464) was iEneas Sylvius, who has
left some memorials of himself He was of the distinguished
flimily in Piccolomini, in Italy. His life of the emperor Fred-
erick III., and history of Bohemia, are among these memori-
als. His travels, in the character of a diplomatist, in various
parts of Europe, had given him celebrit}^ While secretary
of the council of Basle, a continuation of that of Constance,
he vigorously asserted the controlling power of councils ; but
when he became pope himself, his opinions were entirely
changed. While attempting to combine Europe against the
Turks, death put an end to his projects.
Paul II. (from 1464 to 1471) appears to have exercised the
powers of office for no other purpose than to make them
440 PAPAL SUCCESSION.
odious. He affected to see that the church was endangered
by learned men, who were in no way connected with it. " Sev-
eral individuals, of great literary and moral reputation, suffer-
ed on the rack ; one, in particular, died under the torture. He
did not succeed in eliciting any confession, or in discovering
any shadow of heresy or conspiracy ; nor did he produce any
other result than to create one additional motive for execrating
his name,"
Sixtus IV., from 1471 to 1484. The character of Sixtus
has been already disclosed in the sketches of France. His
warfare against the Christian states of Italy, while the Turks
were threatening these states with actual invasion, is the least
of the reproaches due to his memory. His undenied partici-
pation in the conspiracy to murder Lorenzo de Medici and his
brother, is not the act which contributed most to the degrada-
tion of the pontifical office. There were four persons who
passed for his nephews, whatever their real relation to him
may have been. The first of them, Leonard de la Rovera, he
married to a natural daughter of Ferdinand of Naples. To
obtain this alliance he abandoned to that king several impor-
tant fiefs of the church, acquired by his predecessors. The
second, Julian de la Rovera, and the third, Jerome Riario,
were enriched at the expense of the church. Piero Riario,
the most worthless and debased of the four, was enabled to
live on the revenues of the church in a splendor hardly equal-
led by that of any monarch in Europe. Sixtus raised his own
valet, a very young person, to the dignity of cardinal. To
supply the drain on his treasury, he invented new offices,
which he openly sold for the most he could obtain. The
principal occupations of Sixtus were, the aggrandizement of
his nephews, and keeping the states of Europe in warfare
with each other, throughout his pontificate. His death, in
August, 1484, is supposed to have been hastened by chagrin,
that a peace had been effected among these states. These acts
of Sixtus would not deserve notice for any other purpose than
to show the constant declension of the church ; and to show,
also, the accumulating causes of that public sentiment, which
was soon to be manifested by open insurrection against the
papal authority.
Innocent VHL, from 1484 to 1492. This pope purchased
the chair of St. Peter by the agency of Julian della Rovera,
one of the nephews of Sixtus. The benefices and emoluments
immediately bestowed on the sacred college of cardinals, is
the well-known evidence of this fact. While this pontiff
BORGIA. 441
amused the representatives of sovereigns at his court with
commendations of peace and concord among themselves, and
union among the states of Europe to resist the infidels, who
were threatening invasion, he was very differently occupied in
his own purposes. The oaths which he took to procure his
election were wholly disregarded. He gave a cardinal's hat
to a boy of only thirteen years of age, son of Lorenzo de
Medici. It is charged upon Sixtus that he enriched ncfliews
at the expense of the holy see ; but Innocent surpassed him,
in openly providing for seven of his own illegitimate children
out of the ecclesiastical treasury. " He was weak, corrupt,
destitute of profound views, and inconstant in such as he had.
Being governed by unworthy favorites, his administration was
stained by all their vices." (Sismondi, vol. xi. p. 250.) His
indolence was not less injurious than the restless turbulence of
his predecessor.
Alexander VI., from 1492 to 1503. The exasperation of
the Roman people against*the conduct and infamy of Inno-
cent, and of those whom he permitted to act in his name, had
so terrified the sacred college, that they dared not to proceed
to a new election until the electoral palace was defended by
soldiers and cannon. Roderic Borgia and Julian de la Ro-
vera were the two prominent candidates. The electors had
only to compute the gains to themselves in the selection.
Borgia was most able to reward. He had already acquired
great riches as nephew of Calixtus III. Wadding'ton, in his
History of the Church, says, that he had placed two mules,
loaded with gold, at the disposal of the cardinals, to be used
as circumstances might require. Sismondi says, four loaded
mules were confided to the cardinal Sforza, brother of the duke
of Milan, to purchase doubtful consciences. The patriarchal
cardinal of Venice had five thousand ducats, and others receiv-
ed gold in like manner. The election having fallen to Borgia,
the same author says, that the electors were thus rewarded :
On Ascagna Sforza he conferred the profitable dignity of vice-
chancellor ; to cardinal Orsini, he ceded his palace at Rome,
with the chateau of Monticello and Soriano ; to cardinal Co-
lonna he gave the abbey of Subbiaco, with all the chateaux ;
to the cardinal of St. Angelo, the bishopric of Porto, together
with his furniture and a cellar of delicious wines ; to the car-
dinal of Parma the town of Nepi ; to the cardinal of Genoa
the church of St. Mary, and the town of Citta Castellana.
The rest were paid in gold. Five only of the whole college,
one of whom was Julian, his rival, are believed to have refused
442 BORGIA.
to sell their votes. Roderick Borgia had been publicly cen-
sured while a cardinal, for his undisguised debaucheries. He
afterwards dwelt wn"th a Roman matron, Vanozia, by whom
he had seven children. Though his daughter Lucretia was
yet very young, she made a fourth marriage. The first was
with a Neapolitan gentleman. When Alexander became pope,
he considered this alliance as too degrading, and pronounced
a divorce, that he might marry her to John Sforza, lord, of
Pesaro. Afterwards it appeared that an alliance with Alfonso,
of Arragon, a natural son of Alfonso, king of Naples, would
better accord with the dignity and designs of the Borgia fami-
ly, and a second divorce was pronounced to accomplish this
marriage. The king of Naples having become a fugitive,
this marriage failed of producing the expected benefits, and
this third husband was murdered at Rome. The reputation of
Lucretia was too infamous to be described, yet Alexander cel-
ebrated her nuptials Jan. 7, 1502, with Alfonso, oldest son of
the duke of Ferrara, in his own pa*1ace.
Such was the fallen state of morals at Rome, that these abom-
inable acts excited no emotion. The political conduct of Alex-
ander VI. has already been noticed in connection with the in-
vasion of Naples, by Charles VIII., of France. The perfidi-
ous conduct of Alexander concerning Zem Zem, or Jem, the
brother of the Turkish sultan, is illustrative of the moral per-
ceptions of this pope. The discovery of the route to India, by
the Portuguese, occurred just before the time of Alexander;
and the discovery of the American continent, while he was en-
throned. The Christian right to the new world is dignified by
the concession, or gift, of such a pontiff as Alexander. His
pretension to make it was founded on the arrogance of Grego-
ry VII., Innocent III., and Boniface VIII. That arrogance
was founded on the forgery of the monk Isodorus, or of some
other monk. On such a basis Alexander took on himself to
decide the conflicts which had arisen between Spain and Por-
tugal. But that which is amusing to this age is, that the
concessions, or gifts of the new worlds, were made by this
man, on condition that missionaries should be dispatched forth-
with, to convert their inhabitants, and to cause " the extension of
the kingdom of Christ, and of the Catholic church."
The second and favorite son of the pope, was Caesar Bor-
gia, the son of Vanozia, also, \yhom the pope had caused to
pass through the forms of wedlock with an inferior Roman cit-
izen. The word " Borgia" (Roderic Borgia, the father, and
Cassar Borgia, the son) is connected with such a complication.
BORGIA. 443
of horrible crimes as to have become the comprehensive name
for human baseness and infamy. Cocsar began his career in
the ciiurch, but soon laid aside the dignities of clerical life, for
the gain and the glory of the sword. Alexander bestowed on
his oldest son, called the duke of Candia, the duchy of Bene-
vento; the counties of Terracina, and Ponte-Corvo. ' These
gifts displeased Caesar, and the murder of his brother was the
consequence. Caesar was commissioned by his father to carry
to Louis XII , of France, a bull of divorce, and of dispensation
for a new marriage. Louis rewarded Caesar with the title of
Valentinois, with the duchy annexed thereto; gave him a body-
guard of 100 men, and 20,000 livres a year. In 1499 Caesar
married the daughter of John, king of Navarre. This mar-
riage connected him with Spanish affairs, and had some in-
fluence on his future destiny. His main object appears to
have been with the knowledge and connivance of his father, to
carve out a kingdom for himself, northwardly of Rome.
The thirteenth volume of Sismondi's history of the Italian
republics contains a full narration of the atrocious crimes of
Alexander VI., and his son Caesar; not only those which were
perpetrated by them, severally, but those which were the joint
and deliberate acts of both. There is hardly a crime known
among men of which these two persons were not guilty. It
rather becomes history to be silent, and to veil from the human
mind, that such crimes could be committed, than to aid in pre-
serving the memory of them. Yet it is said of this Caesar
Borgia, that he was temperate and sober ; that he loved and pro-
tected the sciences, and even wrote verses himself; that he was
cool, deliberate, eloquent, and could seduce even those who were
most guarded against him, by a knowledge of his treacherous
character. His purposes met a final check in the death of his
father. The new pope was his implacable foe. He was com-
pelled to fly to Naples. Here he was arrested and sent prison-
er to Spain. After two years of confinement he escaped, and
took refuge with his brother-in-law, the king of Navarre. He
accompanied this brother in the war waged against Castile,
and was killed by a shot, March, 1507.
The manner, and the cause of the death of Alexander the
sixth, are differently stated. Presuming Sismondi to be the
best authority, his account is followed. One cannot doubt that
natural justice would incline to take it to be true. Of the forty-
three cardinals, who were made such by Alexander, no one is
supposed to have paid less than 10,000 florins; equal to half that
number of pounds sterling, or 22,200 dollars. Others are
444 BORGIA.
known to have paid twice or thrice as much. He was accus-
ed of having caused the death of many of them, who had ac-
quired great riches, because their possessions went, on their
decease, to the papal treasury. This was one of the resources
for supplying the demands of Ceesar, the prodigality of Lucre-
tia, and the enormous expenses of his other children. The fol-
lowing is Sismondi's account of the death of Alexander, (vol.
xi. pp. 243— 6.)
" In the midst of these projects and hopes, pope Alexander
VI. was stricken with an almost sudden death ; the duke, Cae-
sar Borgia, his son, and the cardinal de Corneto, were at the
same time, reported at Rome, almost dead ; and the body of
Alexander, being soon covered with a gangrene, black and
frightful, gave reason to all the world to suppose that he, his
son, and guest, were victims of a poison which he had prepar-
ed for another. It was said and believed, throughout Italy, that
the pope had invited the cardinal de Corneto to a supper in the
grove of the Belvedere, near the Vatican ; and that he had the
intention to poison the cardinal, as he had before poisoned
three other cardinals, formerly his zealous ministers, and after-
wards the victims of his avarice — that the duke (Caesar) had
sent bottles of wine, prepared by himself, to the cup-bearer of
the pope, without letting him (the cup-bearer) into his confi-
dence, but only cautioning him not to give that wine without
express orders — that during the momentary absence of the cup-
bearer, the person who occupied his place gave one of these
bottles to the pope, to Cassar Borgia, and the cardinal de Cor-
neto. Corneto said to Paul Jovius, that at the moment when
he drank of that wine, he felt in his entrails, an ardent fire, that
his eye-sight failed him, and presently, his senses ; and that af-
ter a long illness, his restoration was preceded by the excoria-
tion of his body and limbs." Ctesar is represented to have
been very ill from the effects of the poison, but recovered. (See
another account in Waddington's Hist, of Ch. p. 515, 516.
However deservedly infamous the name of Alexander VI.
may be, he has the merit of having pronounced some judg-
ments which have served as precedents in the Catholic church.
That church is also indebted to him, for having effectually re-
sisted the progress of all philosophy and intelligence tending
to impair confidence in the Catholic fehh. He is believed to
be the first sovereign who interdicted the publication of all
books, without previous approbation. By his bull of the 1st
of June, 1501, he prohibited all printers from publishing any
book, on pain of excommunication, without having first sub-
LEO X. 446
mitted the same to some archbishop, or his vicar; nor then,
without a certificate of assent.
Pius III. was elected merely to give the cardinals time to ar-
range their measures. Pius was known to be too infirm to
live too long. He died in 26 days.
Julian II., from 1503 to 1513. He was the nephew of Ca-
lixtus IIL, and was competitor with Alexander VI. His elec-
tion, like that of his immediate predecessors, was purchased.
He was a warrior, much more than an ecclesiastic, and devot-
ed his pontificate to the re-establishment of sovereignty over all
the territories which had been subject, at any time, to the
church. No pontifical act was done in his time which changed
the ecclesiastical relations. His main object appeared to be,
next after the recovery of the states of the church, to expel the
French, Spaniards, and Swiss, from Italy. He was a friend
of the learned, and a promoter of the arts. The building of
of St. Peter's church had been designed by Nicholas V. ; the
corner stone was laid by this pontiff. His successor was Leo
X., the son of Lorenzo de Medici, the same whom Innocent
VIII. made a cardinal at the age of thirteen. In the time of
Leo the reformation began. That revolution in the church be-
longs to another survey, intended to comprise the three last
centuries.
We have seen, in the ages which have been noticed, the
gradual elevation of the church to its highest power; and, also,
the gradual decline, occasioned by the venality, corruption and
turpitude of the prelat^es themselves. The disgust, and even
indignation, manifested in different parts of Europe, and which
were the precursors of the reformation, were insufficient to
combine a force capable of contending with ecclesiastical pow-
er. The people of Europe distinguished between the church
itself and its unworthy priesthood. They seemed to have had
no disposition to war with the former, but rather to preserve it,
while they earnestly desired to reform the latter. It is even
doubtful, whether, down to the end of the fifteenth century, the
extreme depravity of the priesthood at Rome, was known be-
yond the Alps, as it was known in and near that city. Some-
thing more moving than any experience hitherto had, was
needed, to combine and give direction to the many elements of
hostility, which had been long forming in the north and west.
That needed impulse came in the time of Leo. The pardon-
ing of committed sins, and entire absolution, had long been one
of the arrogant assumptions of the Church. It had even as-
sumed to grant indulgences, but rather in the form of dispen-
38
446 CRUSADES.
sations. The profligate sale, by itinerant monks, of license to
commit sins of any enormity, merely to enrich the papal
treasury, was the opprobrious measure which led the way in
establishing Protestant Christianity.
The indignation which arose on this traffic in indulgences,
may be accounted for not only by the odious character of this
traffic, but from other causes. There had been a gradual
progress in learning. More than two centuries had elapsed
since there were classes of learned laymen. Fifty years had
elapsed since the Greek philosophers, expelled from Constan-
tinople, had taken refuge in the west, especially in Italy. Fifty
years, also, had elapsed since the art of printing had been
invented. While the people of Europe were thus advancing,
the church had been declining in its utility and its claims to
confidence and veneration. We refer to another place for
notices of intellectual advancement, and conclude the sketches
of Rome with the remark, that the world was prepared for
a revolution, which the craving profligacy of Leo was adapted
to commence. To which may be added that of the Florentine
Machiavel, who was expressing himself on his own percep-
tions, (about the year 1510:) — "The greatest prognostic of
the approaching ruin of Christianity, is, to see that the nearer
people are to Rome, which is the capital of Christianity, the
less devotion they have. The scandalous examples, the crimes
of the court of Rome, have occasioned Italy to lose entirely
every principle of piety, and every sentiment of religion."
CHAPTER LXI.
THE CRUSADES, FROM 1096 TO 1291.
There is a deep and sincere sorrow among all Christians
of the present time, that the land where the author of their
faith appeared, and was crucified, is possessed by people who
abhor that faith, and who are enemies to all who profess it.
The like sorrow was felt at the close of the eleventh century.
However deep and sincere this feeling may have been, at any
time, it could not be a motive sufficiently strong, of itself, to
arm Christians, and engage them in a war to acquire and
defend the holy land. A combination of nations was indis-
pensable to this purpose. Its elements are found in the con-
CRUSADES. 4^
dition of the people of Europe ; in the subjection of the tem-
poral to the spiritual power; but, especially, and as the soul
of all other elements, in the comprehensive plans and effective
ability of Gregory VII. These plans are known, as certainly
as any facts of the same age, from the letters of Gregory, in
which they are plainly disclosed. His own motives are, and
must ever be, subject to conjecture. He may have persuaded
himself that the execution of his plans was a duty to the tem-
poral and spiritual communities. He may have intended to
subject both to his own dominion and to that of his successors,
as the end and only end to be obtained, regardless of the mo-
rality and justice of the means to be used. Whatever motives
may be attributed, the grandeur of his conceptions, and the
boldness of his execution, must be admitted. Worldly wisdom,
also, was his just attribute, since no man, of any age, better
understood how to use all means which could be applied to
the accomplishment of his purposes. The opinions, hopes,
fears, and relations of all the princes, nobles, and people of
Europe, had been the subjects of intense thought with Gregory,
for twenty years before he ascended the papal throne. The
result to which all his thoughts tended, was the absolute sub-
jection of all to the will of one man, placed in that seat of
authority to which he aspired. His design was nothing short
of the establishment of a spiritual empire over all those regions
of the earth which the Romans had subjected by the force and
terror of their arms.
Long before the time of Gregory, pilgrimages to Jerusalem
were frequently undertaken and accomplished without moles-
tation. Palestine was then held by the Arabians, of the Mo-
hammedan faith, who permitted these devout visits. In the
year 1075, the Arabians had been overthrown by the Turks,
who, though of the faith of Mohammed, were a barbarous
people. They made the pilgrimage to Jerusalem perilous,
and difficult to be performed, in any manner. These Turks
threatened to despoil the Greek empire (of Constantinople) of
all its possessions in Asia. The emperor wrote to Gregory
to make known the danger, and to invite his aid in defending
the common interest of Christians. Gregory saw, in this state
of things, opportunities to promote his great purposes — the
subjection of the clergy and of the laity, and the extension of
the Christian empire in the east. The common accounts of
the crusades begin with the preaching of Peter of Amiens,
(north of France,) usually called the Hermit. The eloquence
of this enthusiast would, probably, have produced little effect,
448 CRUSADES.
if he had not been sustained by the designs of Gregory. Nor
could these designs have been accomplished, if this adroit
manager had not known how to take advantage of the
peculiar state of European population. The whole of the
Christian territory of Europe was held by petty sovereigns,
and cultivated by their vassals. Those who were not held to
labor, were destitute of all other occupation than hunting, rude
feasting, and war. The principal occupation of the mind was
the ceremonies and the superstitions of the church. The
proposal of new occupation, which involved adventure, plun-
der, military glory, the destruction of infidels, the glory of the
church, was adapted to the perceptions of the age. No greater
glory could be hoped for on earth, than to vanquish the ene-
mies of the Christian faith, and to restore the holy sepulchre
to the custody of the church. The means could not be fore-
seen even by the far-sighted Gregory, in all their extent and
application. They arose with circumstances, and were applied
as they arose. Gregory wrote letters to all the sovereigns of
Europe to invite them to engage in a crusade against the
Turks. (Koch, vol. i. p. 130.) His quarrel with Henry IV.
did not permit him to pursue this object, and he died before
its commencement. In 1094, Peter the Hermit returned
from Jerusalem, with letters from the patriarch there, address-
ed to the princes of the west. He traversed Italy, Germany,
and France, representing the profanation of the holy places,
and the miserable condition of the poor pilgrims. When
Peter had made the desired impression. Urban II. went to
Clermont, in France, two hundred miles south of Paris, where
he pronounced, to an assembly of great numbers, a pathetic
discourse. A crusade was then resolved on. All who placed
a red cross on the right shoulder, forthwith obtained the re-
mission of their sins, and security from punishment as to
all future sins.
The crusades were seven in number. The first began in
1095; the last expiring effort was made in 1291. The three
first divisions of the first crusade, led by Peter, were promis-
cuous multitudes, who went towards the east by the Danube.
They had no provisions, and moved without order or disci-
pline, plundering and burning as they went. Most of them
perished by famine, disease, or by the sword of those whom
they outraged. .In August, 1096, a regular army, under
Godefroi de Bouillon, duke of Lower Lorraine, on the Rhine,
moved towards Palestine, by the Danube and Constantinople.
Anne Comneni, an accomplished princess, daughter of the
CRUSADES. 449.
emperor, says, — " It seemed as though all Europe, raised from
its foundations, was going to throw itself on Asia." The dis-
asters and varieties of fortune experienced by Godefroi, in his
way to Jerusalem, must pass unnoticed. On the 15th of July,
1099, he made himself master of that city. He was declared
king of Jerusalem, and his followers desired to crown him.
He refused, saying, — " he would not wear a golden crown,
where his Lord and master had worn one of thorns." Gode-
froi is recorded to have been an able man, and, much more to
his praise, he is commended to the readers of history as sin-
gularly magnanimous and virtuous for that age. Hedied just
one year after this conquest, and was buried at Jerusalem.
The renown of this conquest led to many maritime expedi-
tions from Italy. The Pisans, the Genoese, and the Venetians,
probably prompted more by commercial interests than holy
zeal, sent fleets to the eastern shores of the Mediterranean.
The whole of Palestine was conquered, and the country north
of it along the whole coast of that sea ; and, by the year 1146,
the kingdom of Jerusalem extended to the Euphrates; and
Edessa in Mesopotamia, twenty miles beyond that river, a
place of- great celebrity as well as strength, was included in its
limits.
In 1142, the Saracens besieged and took Edessa. Euo-ene
III., then on the papal throne, besought the princes of Europe
to engage in a new crusade. He was supported by the pow-
erful eloquence of Clairvaux St. Bernard, the most eminent
man of his time. Louis VII., of France, and Conrad III,
emperor of Germany, engaged in this crusade, which is the
first in which crowned heads went to the east. Both these
princes met with serious disasters. Conrad was defeated by
the sultan Massoud. Louis efTected nothing. Both these
princes returned to Europe, having lost the principal part of
their armies. In 1 171 the great Saladin became sultan. The
kingdom of Jerusalem, weakened by interior factions, was
unable to resist this accomplished warrior. In 1187 he took
Jerusalem, and that city was never again in possession of the
Christians but once, and then only for a very short time.
[Prof Heeren's Essai sur les Croisades, p. 23.J
Gregory VIII., availing himself of the loss of Jerusalem,
and the consequent disgrace to all Christendom, roused Philip
Augustus, of France, Richard I , (Coeur de Lion, lion-hearted,)
of England, and Frederick Barbarossa, of Germany, to unite
in a crusade. These three monarchs embodied powerful
armies, and called to their banners the noble and adventurous
38*
450 CRUSADES.
warriors of that age. This preparation for the important and
sacred warfare, was the most imposing event of the middle
ages, Frederick departed in 1190, by the way of the Danube
and Constantinople. He met with many disasters and severe
losses in passing through Asia Minor. Having arrived at the
river Cydnus, near the north-east corner of the Mediterranean,
he bathed in its waters, and brought on an illness of which he
soon died. Philip marched his army over the Alps to Genoa,
and embarked there ; Richard marched his army to Marseilles,
and embarked there. The same storm drove the fleets of both
into Messina, in Sicily, where they passed the winter. Very
serious misunderstandings arose between the two kings at this
place, and though the adventure was near to have been aban-
doned, a compromise was effected, and, in the spring of 1191,
they proceeded to the east. This quarrel was one of the
causes of the defective execution of the original design. —
Another storm forced the two kings into the island of Cyprus,
then in possession of the Greeks. Richard, offended at the
treatment experienced there, took possession of the island, and
erected it into a kingdom. A contest having arisen between
Guy de Lusignan and Conrad, m.arquis of Montferfat, con-
cerning the right to the crown of Jerusalem, Richard gave
Cyprus to Lusignan, on his resigning to Conrad his preten-
sions. The titular claim to the crown of Jerusalem passed to
the royal family of Naples, thence to the house of Anjou, in
France, and thence to the kings of France ; an empty sound,
though continued two centuries after the Christians had lost
their last hold on Palestine.
The English and the French found the crusaders engaged
in besieging St. Jean d'Acre, (on the coast,) called also Ptole-
mais. This place was taken with their joint assistance, and
w^as the last wrested from the Christians, one hundred years
afterwards. Richard acquired great renown in this siege.
Philip soon became disgusted, and returned to France, leaving
Richard ten thousand of his army. Left to himself, Richard
disclosed great military talents, and is remembered in romance
and in history as the able, equal, and ambitious rival of the
illustrious Saladin. Sir Walter Scott, taking historical facts
as a guide, has embellished the achievemenis of Richard in
Palestine, and has secured to them, and his own genius, an
equal duration in memory. Richard fought his way to the
close neighborhood of Jerusalem, and could have retaken it, it
is said, if his army had not become impatient, and determined
to return. A truce was made with Saladin for three years,
CRUSADES. 45i
three months, three weeks, three days, and three hours, with
the privilege to pilgrims to visit the holy city unmolested.
Saladin died at Damascus soon after concluding this truce.
Before he expired, he ordered his winding-sheet to be carried
through every street, preceded by a crier, who proclaimed, —
" This is all that remains to the mighty Saladin, the conqueror
of the east."
Richard dared not to enter France in his way home, and
therefore sailed for the Adriatic, intending to pass through
Germany in disguise. He was discovered, and arrested by
Leopold, duke of Austria, whom Richard had offended at the
siege of Acre. The emperor, Henry VL, and Philip of
France, conspired to keep Richard a prisoner, on pretence of
divers unfounded charges while in Palestine. During his
confinement he was treated with great insult and indignity.
His brother John had usurped the throne, and was alike wil-
ling, with the king and emperor, that Richard should remain
their prisoner. A bargain was at length made for his libera-
tion. The payment of one hundred thousand marks, (equal
to about three hundred and thirty-three thousand dollars,)
was required. This enormous sum was raised by his subjects,
the priests of the churches and monasteries, among others, vol-
untarily contributing their plate. Yet, he escaped narrowly
new plots, and reached England, after an absence of near
three years in Palestine, and fourteen months while in cap-
tivity. [Hume's History of England, chap, x.]
On the pressing solicitation of pope Celestine HI., Henry
VI. of Germany, son and successor of Frederick I., undertook
a crusade, with a numerous army, in 1196. Henry's army
went by the Danube and Constantinople, himself by the Med-
iterranean, as far as Sicily, where he died. The army reached
Palestine, and took ancient Sidon, and some other towns of
less consequence. Great efforts and large sums of money,
solicited and exacted, produced another crusade in 1203, un-
dertaken from Venice, by Venetians, Norman French of Italy,
and others from France, and many adventurers. This cru-
sade, like all others, was instituted by a pope, who was, at this
time. Innocent III. But it did not even depart for Palestine.
The money necessary for the expedition not having been fully
supplied, the crusaders remedied this embarrassment by attack-
ing the city of Zara, though then belonging to the Christian
king of Hungary. This city is on the coast of Dalmatia, one
hundred and fifty miles south-east of Venice, and was, ancient-
ly, a place of much distinction. The emperor Isaac II. had
452 CRUSADES.
been dethroned by his brother, Alexis III. Himself and his son
applied to the crusaders, and induced them by munificent pro-
mises, to employ their forces in an effort to recover the throne.
The solicitations of the Greek princes, begun at Venice, were
renewed at Zara, and were successful. The crusaders sailed
for Constantinople, and possessed themselves of thai city, and
instead of restoring Isaac, established the Latin throne, and
placed thereon Boudoin, count of Flanders. This kingdom
continued fifty-seven years, from 1204 to 1261, when the
Greeks again possessed themselves of Constantinople. This
conquest by the crusaders in 1204, was expected to be very
serviceable to the main object, the conquest and possession of
Palestine. No such consequences ensued. Future expeditions
were all conducted by sea. In the 60th chapter of Gibbon's
Decline and Fall, the origin and progress of this crusade is
narrated by that learned historian. Considering it as part of
the history of the Greek empire, it will be again taken into
view in a future page.
The indefatigable popes, for reasons presently to be stated,
besought, by turns, all the sovereigns of Europe to engage in
crusades. No measure was neglected, whereby a promise
could be obtained; and when obtained, the performance was ex-
acted as a most solemn religious duly. Andrew II. of Hungary,
was thus forced into a crusade in 1217; and Frederick II. of
Germany was excommunicated for not going to Palestine as
he promised to do, and at length departed in 1228, while under
this papal denunciation. This was in the time of Gregory
IX., who feared and hated Frederick, and who is supposed to
have been more earnest to ruin this emperor than to conquer
the Saracens. Frederick recovered Jerusalem, and held it for
a time. He then wore two crowns, those of Germany and Na-
ples. He added that of Jerusalem, which he claimed from hav-
ing married an heiress, descended from that Conrad, before men-
tioned in connexion with Richard I. This conquest was made in
1228, and lost in the following year. This was the last posses-
sion of that city by the Christians. He made a truce of ten
years. After that, in 1240, Thibaut, king of Navarre, and
count of Champagne, a celebrated warrior and poet, assembled
a torce composed principally of French noblemen and their
folio vv'ers. Discord and dissension among themselves, entirely
defeated this adventure.
There were some other expeditions to the Holy Land,
which were entirely independent of any which have been
mentioned, and which are more surprising than any of them.
CRUSADES. 453
Whether these were, like the others, undertaken by papal
solicitation, is uncertain. They were undertaken from Flanders
and Germany, on the North sea, and the crusaders had to
pass thence around Spain into the Mediterranean. One of
these expeditions was undertaken from Bremen and Lubeck in
1190, and from it arose the order of Teutonick knights, to be
after noticed. In 1219, William, count of Holland, went by
the same route to Palestine, with a powerful fleet. Uniting
with Andrew, king of Hungary, a successful attack was made
on Damietta in Egypt, and that place was held from 1209 to
1221. An attempt to penetrate further into Egypt, resulted in
a capture of the crusaders, who saved themselves by surrender-
ing their possessions, and retiring.
The crusades undertaken by Louis IX. of France, better
known as St. Louis, were projects of his own, and not of either
of the popes. They do not, therefore, necessarily come under
notice in connection with those of earlier date. They are,
however, usually mentioned with their precursors, and must
now be so, as the effects on the condition of Europe must be
deduced from the crusades collectively. Considered merely
as belligerent adventures, the crusades deserve but slight no-
tice. Considered in connection with the permanent changes
wrought in Europe during the middle ages, no events record-
ed in history, are more instructive. In the sketches of France,
the crusades of Louis IX. have been mentioned. It is only
necessary here to remark, that the first of them was under-
taken in 1249, when Louis was thirty four years old, and was
directed against Egypt, that being the seat of empire of the
sultan, who held Palestine. This expedition was not only
unavailing, but exceedingly disastrous to Louis and his fol-
lowers. In 1270, he undertook a second crusade, and landed
at Tunis, in Africa, about 900 miles in a straight line from
Paris, and 1800 from Jerusalem. This expedition was still
more unfortunate than that to Damietta in Egypt, as Louis
encountered not only resolute enemies, but pestilence, of which
he and many others died.
At this time the Christians still held several ports on the
eastern coast of the Mediterranean, and among others, Tripoli,
Tyre, Berytus, and St. Jean d'Acre, or Ptolemais. In 1250,
a revolution occurred in Egypt. The empire of the Turks,
(of which Saladin was the head,) was conquered by the
Mamalukes, a people originally introduced from the East into
Egypt as slaves. The Mamalukes were no less hostile to the
Christians than the Turks had been. With this new enemy
454 EFFECTS OF CRUSADES.
the Christians contended for several years, but were compelled
to surrender pne place after another. The crusading" spirit
was exhausted in Europe; or rather, the power of the popes
was so enfeebled, that the people of Europe could no longer be
persuaded, seduced, nor terrified into sacrifices of time, proper-
ty, and life, in the vain attempt to conquer Palestine. The
year 1291 ended the crusades, by the capture of Ptolemais by
the Mamalukes.
CHAPTER LXir.
EFFECTS OF THE CRUSADES.
Increase of papal power — Kffecl on temporal power — Free cities — Effect on
agricultnral life — Chival ry— Nobility — Orders of knighthood — On com-
merce — Silk — Sugar — Effect on social character— Evils of crusades.
All writers, who have treated of the middle ages, have
been led to consider the effects of the crusades. There is not,
in all respects, an accordance of opinion among these writers.
The difference appears to be in the degree of benefit, or dis-
advantage, which the west of Europe experienced from these
adventures in the East.
Most of these authors have treated of the crusades in con-
nection with the great train of events. Professor Heeren has
treated the subject by itself His research was profound, and
probably his conclusions would not be controverted by any of
his predecessors.
The popes who were the promoters of the crusades to ac-
complish their own purposes, are not to be supposed to have
extended their plans through the long series of years in which
these enterprises were carried on. No other discernment can
be attributed to them, than the adroit and successful use of
events, as they occurred ; nor any other merit (such they con-
sidered it) than a faithful perseverance in the original design of
subjecting the spiritual and temporal power to their own do-
minion. They were not gifted beyond other able men, with
penetration into consequences ; and, like the wisest who have
ever appeared, they prepared in the long course, for results of
which they had no conception.
A war for the recovery of the holy sepulchre, was necessari-
ly a war of the holy see. The popes were thereby placed at
EFFECTS OF CRUSADES. 4S^
the head of all military force employed in this war. They did
not march at the head of armies, but they were always repre-
sented by legates. They exercised their dispensing and enabling
powers over all who engaged in the war. Every warrior,
from highest to lowest, was exempted from all temporal power,
forgiven as to all transgressions and crimes, armed with indul-
gence for all future ones ; and were thus assured (like the Ma-
homedans in fighting for the promotion of their creed,) of a
blessed immortality. Every one who assumed the cross be-
came entitled to all the privileges of an ecclesiastic. Ability
to resist the despotism of the church was diminished in many
ways. Most of the princes and nobles who took the cross,
were obliged to sell or mortgage their property. The monas-
teries, and churches, and the Jews, possessed most of the mon-
ey of Europe. The two former were immensely enriched,
and the Jews could be afterwards plundered at leisure. The
acquisitions of ecclesiastics were, in fact, papal acquisitions, for
means were found, as power strengthened, to subject them to
contributions. The physical force drawn away to the east was
a diminution of means to contend with papal arrogance. It is
not to be denied that the crusades extended the power of the
popes over ecclesiastics, and over the temporal governments of
Europe, considered merely as expeditions to Palestine. Out
of these arose another mode of papal aggrandizement : the
crusades in Europe, and against European Christians, whom
the popes saw fit to consider as heretics. In every part of Eu-
rope where any sects arose which the popes considered heret-
ical, crusades w^ere preached against them. Every soA^ereign
prince who incurred the papal displeasure was subjected to the
same visitation. This was the case with king John, of Eng-
land, whose kingdom was given to Philip of France. The in-
quisition at length arose out of the crusades against the Albi-
genses, in the south of France.
The effects as to temporal power w'ere not always the .same.
The imperial authority in Germany was humbled and almost
destroyed ; while the royal authority in France acquired
strength. Several of the French dukes and counts, who were
feudal sovereigns, perished in the east, and their dominions
were obtained by the crowm. Hence a power arose in France,
in the time of Philip the Fair, and Boniface VIII., (1303,)
w^hich humbled the pontificate. In that age, it was a benefit
to the social communities to abstract from them their daring,
turbulent members, whose principal employment at home was
to excite commotions, or to lend themselves to chiefs by w^hom
456 EFFECTS OF CRUSADES.
commotions were excited. Such members of society readily-
engaged in these adventurous expeditions from various motives,
and very few of them returned to Europe. It wns also a ben-
efit, especially in France, to concentrate power in kings, and
to enable them to suppress the rebellions, and the private wars
of the feudal lords.
The most permanent benefit which arose to Europe from
the crusades, was the establishment of free cities. This was
an incidental, not a direct consequence. So many feudal lords
being withdrawn to the east, many towns disengaged them-
selves from vassalage to these lords, and obtained charters from
royal authority, conferring impoitant privileges. Among these
may be enumerated, (Heeren, p. 236,) the guaranty of per-
sonal liberty to citizens — the right of acquiring and disposing
of property — freedom from arbitrary taxation — the right of
choosing their own judges and magistrates ; and, finally, the
power of raising and supporting their own military force, for
their own defence. Out of these city establishments arose
what is called the third estate,. or popular representation, by
which kings obtained a balance against the power of feudal
lords; and the final dissolution of the feudal system. The no-
bles became subjects — the cities became industrious and com-
mercial, and, consequently, rich; riches so gained, inspired sen-
timents of independence and liberty. At the close of the cru-
sades, Europe had acquired (in royal governments) the com-
mencement of the balance of internal powers — a sovereign,
subjected nobles, and a people, who were politically acknowl-
edged as such.
When the crusades began, the mass of the people of Europe
were vassals, or slaves. It does not appear that any beneficial
consequence resulted to them, except in these respects : the in-
cessant and barbarous warfare between the feudal lords, was
peculiarly afflictive to the poor cultivators of the soil. Their
huts were pillaged, and their cattle driven away, their fields
ravaged, and themselves massacred, from one end of Christian
Europe to the other. The departure of these belligerent lords
was a grateful relief to this poor class. A contemporaneous
historian says, that the truce of God did not produce such a
calm as followed the departure of the crusaders. " At once,
the whole earth seemed to be tranquillized."
Chivalry. Gibbon says (chap. 57.) that " the crusades were,
at once, an effect and a cause of this memorable institution."
He may have intended to be understood, that chivalry existed
before the crusades, and that they had an important effect on its
EFFECTS OF CRUSADES. 457
spirit and character. Chivalry was well known before the
crusades began, and the theory and practice oi kiiighthood had
been established by a system of ceremonies and laws. " The
brave Roland," immortalized in Romance, accompanied Char-
lemagne into Spain in the year 778; and when returning was
slain at Roucevalles, in Navarre, It is probable that knight-
hood was borrowed from the Romans, in the north of Europe;
and may be a very different thing, in its origin, from chivalry.
lihe origin of chivalry is an unsettled point; and perhaps the
disagreement among those who have treated of it may have
arisen from considering knighthood and chivalry to be the
same institution. There w^ere mounted warriors, who followed
their chiefs from the German forest, and who became knights.
But it is improbable that these barbarians could have been fash-
ioned by any sentiments or discipline, originating among them-
selves, into the gallant, magnanimous, and honorable knights
of chivalry. Some writers derive this institution from the
three elements attributed to the Germans, war, religion, and
respect for women. In the Americana Encyclopaedia, the prin-
cipal editor (it is supposed) presents what he considers may be
" new views" of chivalry. He makes the foundation to be
religion and the Teutonic character. These views are entitled
to great respect. So far as we have been able to comprehend
the character of war among the Germans, there was little of
chivalry in it; even down to the time of Charlemagne. The
Germans were distinguished from all other people in Europe,
when chivalry is supposed to have begun, if their religion
was much superior to ignorant superstition. Without derogat-
ing from the high virtues ascribed to German females, we dis-
cern no such veneration for them in the other sex, as could
have been the foundation for that exalted reverence which is a
primary element in chivalry. The evidence of what knight-
hood was, in Germany, before the crusades, would not lead one
to consider that rank and chivalry the same. The evidence
that chivalry existed in the south of France, between the time
of the Moorish invasion of Spain, and the crusades, is conclu-
sive. It is probable that it passed thence into the north of
France, and into Germany. It is probable, also, that it was
engrafted on knighthood, previously existing, and imparted to
knighthood its own spirit. It is admitted by most writers who
have treated of chivalry, that it was known among the Moors,
who possessed, and who civilized Spain ; that the Moors (who
were mostly Arabians,) brought with them the manners and in-
stitutions of the Arabians, who dwelt on the banks of the Eu-
39
458 EFFECTS OF CRUSADES.
phrates, and Tigris. In the eighth, ninth, and tenth centuries,
these Arabians were a civilized, a refined, and a learned people.
They had penetrated into central India. Institutions strongly
resembling both chivalry and the feudal system, are known to
have existed there, from a time immemorial, and do still exist
there, unless abolished by English conquerors. In the work
entitled " Annals and Antiquities of Rajast'han, or the Central
and Western Rajpoot States of India," by colonel James Tod,
there are satisfactory reasons for the opinion, that the spirit of
chivalry was well known to the people whom he describes.
The veneration of woman there felt, is precisely that which is
essential in chivalry. The feudal system of India is almost
identical with that of Europe. [Tod, vol. 1. pp. 128—193.]
The original Teutonic emigrants from Asia may have brought
both feudalism and chivalry with them. If this was so, the
latter is not supposed to have been practised, or manifested in
Germany, until it was in full vigor, in the south of France.
Perhaps it is not now more than a question of curiosity, wheth-
er the Germans originated chivalry, or were imitators of the
Troubadours. This, however, admits of no dispute, that the
state of Society was such as to make the principles and the
practice of chivalry, of the highest importance. If the Ara-
bians caught the spirit of chivalry in India, and transferred it to
the west — if the Arabians of Spain enabled the Troubadours
to copy them — if the north of Europe took their lessons from
the Troubadours, the Arabians were the original benefactors.
From them proceeded a reforming and chastening power over
social abuses, which no religious restraint, or civil authority,
could remedy.
No satisfactory reason is perceived why the profession of
arms should have been dignified, and even made sacred, by an
association with religion, b-^-fore the holy wars. After they
began, all measures were taken to impart to them, and to all
who engaged in them, a sacred character. The ceremonies
observed in qualifying a knight for his profession, were milita-
rj and religious, the latter being by far the most impressive
part of the initiation. A class of men originally of noble
blood, and who had bound themselves by very solemn oaths,
to piety, bravery, and Christian duties, and who added to
these obligations, that of deserving the commendation of the
other sex by their courtesy and magnanimity, — met in the east,
to accomplish the same object. It is probable that they acted
under the full influence of their various obligations, and form-
ed a school of discipline for themselves, by honorable rivalry.
EFFECTS OF CRUSADES. 459
Those who did not return personally, hoped that their renown
would represent them. Those who survived, came home, to
enjoy the admiration which the world has always awarded to
those who have been in glorious peril ; and also with the hon-
or of having contended against infidels, for the possession of
the holy sepulchre. Thus the crusades undoubtedly contribut-
ed essentially to establish that influence which chivalry long
exercised over the manners, and even the morals, of society —
an influence not yet lost, though greatly changed in its char-
acter.*
Heroic chivalry cannot be traced below the time when the
nations of Europe engaged in the religious controversies of the
reformation, early in the sixteenth century, (1520.) From that
time to the French revolution, the effects of chivalry were seen
in the opinions, feelings, and deportment of all Europeans,
who aspired to the distinction of being gentlemen.. Birth,
dress, manner, accomplishments, politeness, veracity, a delicate
sense of honor, a promptness to avenge every offensive dis-
respect for these pretensions, were among the marks which
chivalry had stamped on society. These marks have been
gradually disappearing in the last half century. The preten-
sions to distinction of the present age have as little similitude
to the gentility of the two last centuries as that gentility had to
chivalry in its highest glory. The causes are obvious, and are
found in the natural progress of human society. (In Hallam's
History of the Middle Ages, in part II. of chap. IX., or con-
cluding part of the work, will be found that author's views of
chivalry.)
It is difficult to fix the time when nobility arose in Europe.
Among those who called themselves noble in Venice, there
were some who traced their descent from the seventh century.
Without regarding the name, the fact of nobility, or the dis-
tinction of families, must have been as early as the partition
of conquered lands, after the fall of the Roman empire; cer-
tainly as early as fiefs and offices became hereditary. The
names of dukes, counts, earls, and marquisses, were derived
from offices ; and the title of baron from the tenure of great
landed estates. But down to the time of the crusades, the dis-
* John Baptist de la Curne de St. Pelaye, a Frenchman, born in 1697,
(died 1781. of grief, for loss of twin brother,) spent most of his long life
in collecting the materials, and in writing memoirs, on chivalry. His
MSS. formed 100 folio volumes. F. C. X. Millot wrote a literary his-
tory of the Troubadours from La Curne's collections. See vol. xx. of
the French Academy of inscriptions.
460 EFFECTS OF CRUSADES.
tinction of family names, and of coats of arms, were unknown.
The intercourse among nations had been very limited. Wars
had rarely extended beyond the confines of kingdoms, and
and those who passed from one country to another were seldom
any other than itinerant merchants, pilgrims, or ecclesiastics.
The holy wars introduced nations to each other, and brought
individuals into close comparison, and rivalry in arms. Ac-
cording to some accounts, the number of armed men who had
assembled (in 1097) on the plains of Bythinia, in Asia Minor,
were 600,000; and that 100,000 were mounted and in armor.
Gibbon discredits these accounts, (chap Iviii.) Whatever the
number may have been, they were composed of different na-
tions, and many of them were clad in complete armor, and
could not be distinguished from each other, without some ex-
terior mark. This mark was painted or engraved on the shield,
at first, merely a particular color; and afterwards all that fan-
cy could invent; as flou^ers, fruits, animals, and allegorical ex-
pressions of qualities, affections, or favors. Hitherto, none oth-
er than baptismal names were in use. The necessity of further
distinction among this armed multitude, led to surnames, deriv-
ed from places of residence, personal qualities, professions, em-
ployments, and similar characteristics. These distinctions on
shields became the emblems of heraldry, and the foundation of
that science; and were also proofs of nobility. The names
became family names, and, in the long lapse of time, have been
fashioned into the endless variety which are now known.
[Heeren's Essai, p. 210.]
Tournamc7its are supposed to have been known, and to have
been held and regulated by established rules, before the time
of the crusades. These exciting movements had an influence
on tournaments, and imparted to them a more solemn and a
more military character. There were certain indispensable
qualifications for being received as a competitor for honors,
ever, in the presence of princes, and rewarded by the approba-
tion of noble and princely females. No one, who could not
prove a descent from noble ancestors, could be allowed to prove
his skill in a tournament. This institution began in France;
and was carried thence into other countries. An accident in
France tended to bring disrepute on these trials of skill. In
1559, Henry H., king of France, was killed in a tournament.
After the close of the sixteenth century, these meetings were
discontinued. The tournament was kept up more than four
centuries, in France and Germany, and had a decided influence
in softening and meliorating manners. Though there are
EFFECTS OF CRUSADES.
461
very good accounts of the preparations, and ceremonies, and
consequences of tournaments, it is very difficult to form, at this
distance of time, any satisfactory opinion of their real influence
on society. (See History of Chivalry by Charles Mills, first
published in 1825.)
Orders of knighthood, which were both religious and mili-
tary, arose out of the crusades. They are a very striking ex-
ample of the unforeseen efTect of institutions which appear to
be of little importance in their origin. Individuals in the east
were formed into societies to defend their newly acquired ter-
ritories, protect pilgrims, and take care of the sick. They ac-
quired great riches, and a great influence in aflairs ; and were
held together long after the crusades ended. They were sub-
ject to no temporal sovereign ; governed themselves by their
own laws, and acknowledged no chief, or head, but the poises.
The earliest and the most distinguished of these orders was
that of the knights of St. John, of Jerusalem ; afterwards call-
ed the knights of Malta. The merchants of Amalfi, (Italy,
25 miles S. E. of Naples,) built a church, a monastery and
hospital at Jerusalem, before the crusades, dedicated to St. John.
Out of these arose the order of St. John. In 1114, pope Pas-
cal! II. gave power to the Hospitalers to choose a superior. In
1120 CalixtLis II. divided the fraternity into three classes, the
warriors the priests, and the superintendents of the sick. The
warriors, took the name of knights of the hospital of St. John,
of Jerusalem. Their riches were derived from the voluntary
gifts of pilgrims, and from the devout, in all Europe.
When this order of St. John was expelled from Palestine, by
the Egyptian Mamelukes, at the end of the thirteenth century
(1291,) they established themselves at Cyprus; but were ex-
pelled from thence. In 1309 they conquered the Island of
Rhodes, and held it till 1522, when they were driven from
thence by sultan Soliman II. Their residence at Rhodes gave
them the name of knights of Rhodes. This expulsion distrib-
uted them among several places. In 1530 they were again
collected at Malta, by a gift to the order of that island by
Charles V., emperor. The knights of St. John held great es-
tates in various parts of Europe, and kept up a respectable
military force. They existed, as an order, nearly 700 years.
They disappeared in the turmoil of the French revolution.
The order of knights templar was instituted by Frenchmen,
at Jerusalem, in 1120, for the avowed purpose of keeping the
roads open for pilgrims. The king Baudoin, (or Baldwin,)
lodged them in his palace, which was near the temple, whence
39*
462 EFFECTS OF CRUSADES.
their name. This order acquired immense riches, in different
parts of Europe, especially in France; and participated in pass-
ing events, with powerful influence. The order was suppress-
ed by Philip the Fair, of France, between the years 1307 and
1310. The circumstances attending the suppression have been
noticed in the sketches of France. The templars were charged
with high crimes, to justify their extinction as an order. Able
writers have appeared on both sides. Heeren (who wrote in
1807) refers to the controversy, but does not assume to pro-
nounce. [Essai, p. 221.]
The order of Teutonick knights, of Jerusalem, was founded
in 1192, about a century after the crusades began. The name
indicates the origin of the order. They retired from Palestine
to the north of Europe, and, with permission of the pope, con-
quered the country along the Baltic sea, which is now part of
Prussia. The seat of this order was afterwards in Franconia.
These fraternities, at once military, religious, noble, and rich,
had a powerful command in societ}^ and were able to keep
their numbers unimpaired. The younger sons of noble fami-
lies, were honorably provided for, when they could obtain the
favor of being received as members. Founded originally un-
der the patronage of the holy see, celibacy was among the
number of their vows, as were many other obligations, of like
solemnity, and equal force.
The examples at Jerusalem led to the establishment of sev-
eral orders in Europe, and especially in Spain, where a war
was going on against Moorish infidels. In 1156 appeared the
knights of Calatrava; in 1160, the knights of St. James de
Compostella. Among other orders that of Christ was founded
in Portugal, in 1319, of which the king was grand master.
This order is said to have been enriched by the confiscated
property of the templars, who were destroyed about that time.
The order of the garter was founded in 1349, by Edward III.,
of England, while at Calais. No religious enthusiasm is
charged upon this order, though it has also the name of St.
George. The Spanish and Portuguese orders of knighthood
came under the dominion of the respective kings, in the six-
teenth century. Their riches were applied to promote the pur-
poses of these kings. In 1550, Henry III., of Portugal, sur-
named the Navigator, is said to have used the riches of the
order of Christ, in carrying on his exploring expeditions.
The effect of the crusades on commerce, and industry. Pro-
ductions of India and China, and other parts of Asia, were
brought to the shores of the Mediterranean, even in the days
Effects of crusades. 463
of Solomon. Some of these productions were known in the
west in the time of Charlemagne, (800.) Silk was then an
article of dress. At that time, and for centuries afterwards, the
people of the west had nothing- to give in exchange for eastern
products, nor were they skilled in the industrious arts. The
frequency of intercourse between the west and the east, while
the two centuries of warfare were passing, greatly extended
commercial relations, introduced new articles of commerce, and
enabled the people of the west to develope their ow^n resources
and powers. In this very comprehensive subject it will be
sufficient for the present purpose to present a very general out-
line.
In showing why commerce did not flourish in Rome, under
the dominion of the popes, nor in Constantinople, under the
emperors, professor Heeren says: — " Commerce flourishes only
U'ith liberty, and the spirit of repuhlicanism : this is a trutJi
jjroved by all history." The republics of Italy availed them-
selves of the advantages which the new relations with the east
had brought to view. Tiie three most distinguished among
these were Venice, Pisa, and Genoa; each of Avhich had com-
mercial establishments in the cities and ports of the Mediter-
ranean, and of the waters connected with that sea. These three
republics were rivals and enemies. Genoa drove Pisa from
the sea in August, 1284. Venice nearly destroyed the mari-
time power of Genoa, in 1382. Before the end of the next
century the Portuguese discoveries prepared the way for the
commercial overthrow of Venice. Besides these republics,
commerce was carried on from ports in Spain, and in France,
with the east. The Catalonians, on the eastern coast of Spain,
have the honor of presenting the earliest code of maritime law,
under the name of Consolato del Mar.* This important event
is supposed to have occurred within the first half of the thir-
teenth century, because it was generally known in the year
1255. In that year, the Venitians, established at Constanti-
nople, held a meeting in the church of St. Sophia, to consider
this code of laws. It had been translated from the Spanish in-
to Italian, and was adopted by that meeting, and became a
commercial law for the Mediterranean sea. [Heeren, p. 376.]
* Mr. Hallam sugg:ests that the code known as the Consolato del Mar,
was the ancient Bhodianlaw of the Sea ; that it had been preserved by
the Roman emperors, and only rc-appearcd, about the middle of the thir-
teenth century. [Mid. Ages, "chap ix. part II.]
The Article VI., in the Foreign GLuarterly Review, (London,) No.
XXXVII., for April, 1837, contains a learned essay on the origin of the
ancient maritime codes of law.
464
EFFECTS OF CRUSADES.
The merchandise which was brought to the seaports of
Italy, was carried thence across the Alps. From about 1261,
this commerce became important. Before that time, and es-
pecially from 1204, when the crusaders took Constantinople,
till they were expelled, fifty-seven years afterwards, the com-
merce between that city and the west, was along the Danube.
Vienna and Ratisbon grew up under that commerce. After
1261, Augsburg and Nuremburg became the great commer-
cial cities of Germany, through which merchandise passed to
the great cities along the Rhine. Augsburg is about one hun-
dred and seventy miles south-east of Mentz, and Nuremburg
is about one hundred and forty miles east by south from Mentz,
and is nearly north from Augsburg, seventy miles. Heeren,
speaking of these two cities, says, — " A glorious memory
accompanies the days of their prosperity. Their immense
riches were employed to cultivate, within their walls, the sci-
ences and the arts, of which the sacred, fire is not extinguish-
ed, in their decline and decay."
Western Europe is indebted to the crusades for the manu-
factory of silks. In 1148, Roger II., king of Sicily, (one of
the Norman race, settled in Italy,) took Corinth, Thebes, and
Athens from the Greek emperor. It is said that eggs of the
silk-worm were brought to Constantinople in the time of Jus-
tinian, and that the manufacture of silk was well understood in
what is now called the Morea, the ancient Peloponnessus.
Roger transferred many workmen to Sicily, and the manufac-
ture of that article became very successful. Thence the art of
silk-making went to Lucca, Florence, Venice, Mantua, Milan,
and to the cities of the south of France. The several arts of
weaving, dying, embroidering, were undoubtedly improved by
Italian and French ingenuity. [See chapter liii. of Gibbon's
Decline and Fall of Roman Empire.]
The sugar-cane, in the west, is another acquisition from the
crusades. The Christians first became acquainted, with it in
the environs of Tripoli in Syria. It had become known and
was cultivated in Sicily about the time that silk was introduced
there, (1148.) From Sicily the sugar-cane was carried to
Madeira, and from thence to America. From being an article
of luxury, it became one of necessity with most classes.
The most material benefits which the nations of western
Europe derived from the crusades may be comprised under
several heads : 1, The extension of geographical knowledge.
2. The knowledge of natural productions, and articles of com-
merce before unknown. 3. Mutual advancement among the
CHANGES IN SOCIETY. 465
most important nations in knowledge of each other. 4. The
breaking up of tiie ancient feudal habits and associations, and
opening the way to new employments. 5. The profitable and
civilizing exercise of industrious powers. 6. The perception
of the truth, (or at least of others which might conduct to it.)
It is not a law of the Creator, nor necessarily a law of soci-
ety, that men shall be divided into masters and slaves, despots
and subjects.
There were, on the other hand, very serious evils in the
train of the crusades. Am.ong many that might be mentioned,
several diseases, hardly known before that time in Europe,
were introduced. The plague, leprosy, and other malignant
maladies were brought to the west by the return of vessels,
armies, and bands of pilgrims. These diseases, known at all
times in the east, were promoted in quality and virulence, by
the gathering of such multitudes, the absence of all salutary
regulations ; but more by filthiness, the use of baths in common,
and by exceeding licentiousness.
The people of the west soon found themselves obliged to
resort to remedies and preventives. Houses, solitary and dis-
tant from human habitations, were provided to receive the
diseased, who were compelled to retire thither. About the
middle of the fifteenth century there were 2000 hospitals in
France. The knights of St. John had, in different countries,
1900 of their own. These maladies did not disappear by
curative or scientific means. They were extirpated, (most
commonly with the patients themselves,) by preventing con-
tagion and infection ; and because they had been brought to
climates where they would not naturally arise, or be propagat-
ed by manners, or modes of life.
CHAPTER LXin.
RETROSPECT OF THE FIVE CENTURIES FROM 1000 TO 1500.
At the beginning of this period there were three principal
divisions of society: I. The feudal lords, of various grades.
2. The clergy, and the religious orders. 3. The mass of in-
habitants, greatly exceeding in numbers the two first divisions.
These inhabitants, with few exceptions, were vassals or serfs
of the lords or of the clergy, distinguished by classes, with
466
CHANGES IN SOCIETY.
varied obligations and privileges. The feudal lords, whether
clergy or laity, exercised a rigorous dominion over the vassals,
and the clergy maintained a despotic authority, founded in igno-
rance and superstition, over both vassals and lords. The sur-
face of the country is supposed to have exhibited vast tracts of
forest, few cultivated fields, and a small number of cities or
towns. The right of property in the soil was vested in the
lords, the clergy, and the religious corporations. Monasteries,
nunneries, churches, and fortified dwelling-places or castles,
were the only buildings except the humble abodes of the vas-
sals. There have been frequent occasions to mention, in pre-
ceding pages, the employments incident to society so consti-
tuted. These social and political relations had been firmly
established for so many ages, and such was the universal igno-
rance, that none of the parties knew there had been, or could
be, any better or other relations.
At the end of this period, (in 1500,) the condition of society
had essentially changed, in many respects. The changes,
though generally advantageous and meliorating, cannot be
traced to the designs of the wise, patriotic, or benevolent.
Consequences, undesigned and unforeseen, became, in their
turn, causes of still more important consequences. It is more
reasonable to regard these events as arising from overruling
Providence, than from the moral agency of man. If it were
possible to trace out the causes of the changes which occurred
in these five centuries, it would be a tedious and unprofitable
labor. If the results can be clearly stated, and if the promi-
nent causes can be stated in connexion with them, the present
purpose will be accomplished.
At the close of the fifteenth century, the feudal sovereign-
ties had been nearly annihilated. The right of property in
many of them had been annexed to the crown, and where not
so, the feudal lords had ceased to be sovereigns, and had be-
come subjects. Standing troops, or hired troops, had been
substituted for the tumultuous armies of vassals. Vassalage,
or slavery, had disappeared in some territories, and had been
much mitigated, in its evils and burthens, in others. Cities
and towns had arisen ; and some cities were free, and entitled,
by charter, to the right of self-government. Properly speak-
ing, a jjeople had arisen ; that is, a numerous class in towns
and cities, who were considered as a third estate in the com-
munity, the nobles and the clergy being the other two, and the
king over all. There is no doubt that social life was greatly
meliorated by the manumission of vassals or slaves. It has
CHANGES IN SOCIETY.
467
been said that the influences of the Christian religion were
the principal cause. However this may have been, there were
other causes. The most effective one (in Sismondi's opinion)
was iiitrrest. The feudal landlords discerned that their estates
could be made more productive and valuable to themselves if
cultivated hy freemen, who shared, equally with landlords, the
products of labor, than if cultivated by slaves, who could
acquire nothing for themselves. But, masters and slaves in
Europe were both of the lohite race; and slaves were often
the equals, if not the superiors, of their m.asters.
A better knowledge of agriculture had been acquired, especial-
ly in Italy and the south of France. Commerce had become
Avell understood, and the products of all climes, and the manu-
factures of all countries, jfrom the west of Europe to the east
of Asia, were freely interchanged. Industry devoted itself to
learning and to literature. Universities had been founded,
and thousands of students were employed, at the same time, in
Italy, France, and England, and (though in less proportion)
in other countries. The rudeness and vulgarity of the tenth
centur}', among nobles, had disappeared before the courtesy,
gallantry, and refinement of the school of chivalry. Woman
liad taken her rank in the order of society, and was, perhaps,
exalted even above it.
Some inventions had been wrought out, and some discov-
eries made, which tended essentially to produce changes in
society. At the head of all should be placed the art of print-
ing, the mariner's compass, and the use of gunpow^der ; and
next, the discovery of ancient manuscripts, and the disposition
and the ability to study them, and to find, in that study, the
means of gratifying an honorable ambition. The changes in
political and social relations were, undoubtedly, advantageous
to society. But the dominion of the church continued, not-
withstanding, and, during the first four centuries, had become
stronger than ever. In the last of these centuries (from 1400
to 1500) the church had become too depraved and too despotic
for the degree of intelligence to which society had arrived ;
and the elements were gathering for the revolution which
broke out in the following century.
How these changes, many of them highly beneficial to
society, were produced, is a problem of very difficult solution.
In looking over the events of these five centuries, it is obvious,
that consequences have flowed from many of them which were
not thought of in connexion with these events. He who at
first took an impression on paper from an engraved block of
468 INTELLECTUAL CHANGES.
wood ; he who first guided his bark by the magnet, and he
who first made the application of gunpowder to project a ball,
had no view to the future consequences, now well known.
Besides the great and well- known causes of change, there
were many others, unrecorded and unmarked, and springing
from the evil, as well as the worthy propensities of human
nature. Example, imitation, envy, rivalry, emulation, may be
effective agents in changing the state of societ}^ though the
mode and the measure of effectiveness are not found in histor-
ical accounts. We have space only to notice, very briefly,
some of the events to which historians attribute the changes
which occurred in these five centuries.
It is generally supposed that the first light which dawned
on the darkness of the middle ages, came from the Arabians.
Respect for learning had arisen among this people, at Bagdad,
on the banks of the Tigris, early in the eighth century. In
the year 786, Haroun Al Rashid began his illustrious reign.
He caused all the works of the learned, and especially of the
Greeks, to be brought to Bagdad, and translated into Arabic.
His court was the resort of eminent men of all nations. His
son, Al Mamun, who reigned till 832, was equally a patron of
learning and of learned men. For nearly a century, an extra-
ordinary intelligence and refinement adorned the courts of
these caliphs, during the darkest period of western Europe.
This age of intellectual superiority continued at Bagdad until
the Turks became masters, (936,) and then gradually declined
through the two following centuries. But, meanwhile, the
treasures which had been gathered at Bagdad had been com-
municated to the west, and were received and justly valued, se-
pecially at Cordova, the seat of the califate in Spain. Germans,
Frenchmen, and Englishmen attended the Arabian schools
in that country, and carried thence to the north the instruction
imparted by their philosophers and teachers. The works of
Aristotle, said to have been translated by Avicenna, at Bagdad,
(between 980 and 1036,) were taught at Cordova by Averroes,
who flourished about 1172, and were, probably, taught there a
century earlier. The philosophy of this Grecian came through
this channel to the Christian schools of Europe. It came,
however, in so debased and corrupted a form, as to have misdi-
rected the pursuit of knowledge. Systems of learning arose
on this foundation which had no connexion with knowledge.
This learning was afterwards the principal subject of teaching
in the schools. When the study of the Greek became an
occupation with the scholars of Europe, and they could read
SCHOLASTIC SCIENCE.
the works of Aristotle in the orig-inal language, '• with what
surprise (says an eminent author) did they find, that their con-
tents were totally different from what had been, for centuries,
taught in the name of this great man."
In the twelfth century, three causes are assigned for the
diligent attention then given to intellectual pursuits : 1. The
discovery and study of the civil lavir. 2. The study of the
canon law. 3. Ambition to become scholars, supposed to be
derived from the Arabian impulse. However this may be, it
is known that, in 1 133, a university was established at Bologna,
in upper Italy, at the foot of the Apennines, and that Irnerius
lectured there on the civil law. Dr. Robertson says, that the
Pandects were found about this time, at Amalii. Hallam
thinks this an error, and that the Pandects were known and
studied in Europe half a century earlier. Soon after, univer-
sities were established in manj?- other cities, and attracted nu-
merous students. It is hardly credible that there were thirty
thousan4 at Oxford, England.
It has been before remarked, that the philosophy of Aristotle
had received an entirely new version in the schools of the east.
It was read in the west in this eastern form, with the commenta-
ries of many teachers, and it became at last, (as Hallam happily
expresses it,) " a barren tree, that conceals its want of fruit
by a profusion of leaves." The metaphysical, mystical, in-
comprehensible subtleties, which passed under the name of the
philosophy of the eminent Greek, settled into " the scholastic
learning," because it was taught in schools founded by distin-
guished men. Some men acquired an enduring fame for their
accomplishments in disputation, and their knowledge of terms
and phrases, which no man would now attempt to understand.
This metaphysical cast of thought and expression, communi-
cated itself to all the intellectual pursuits of the time, not ex-
cepting the law and the administration of justice. The efTects
are still perceived, and are very slowly wearing out. There
are names which have come down to the present time, con-
nected with the scholastic science. Some of them so frequently
occur, that it may be useful to ascertain the times, respectively,
in which the persons lived who are thus distinguished. Peter
Abelard (the husband of Heloise) Avas born near Nantes, in
France, in 1079; died in 1142. He had a school of theology
and rhetoric, which was attended by three thousand scholars
at the same time. Albertus Magnus was of a noble flunily in
Suabia ; born about 1193, and lived about ninety years. He
was called great from his extraordinary learning. He made
40
470 EMINENT MEN.
philosophical experiments, which led to the belief that he dealt
in magic. Thomas Aquinas, his pupil, destroyed an automa-
ton of his master's construction, believing it to be the work of
the devil. The works of Albert, which might have caused
him to be remembered with respect and gratitude, perished in
his own time. Those which gave him celebrity are in twenty-
one folio volumes, the contents of which are probably now
known to no one. Thomas Aquinas was a native of Cala-
bria, (in Naples,) descended from a noble family ; born in
1224, died in 1274. He was called " The Angelical Doctor,"
" The fifth Doctor of the Church," " The Eagle of Divines,"
" The Angel of the Schools." His writings are comprised in
seventeen folio volumes. Some of them are said to be of
authority in the Catholic church. John Duns, called also
Duns Scotus, was among the eminent in the schools, in France,
England, and Germany. He was born in Northumberland,
and died about 1309, at Cologne, on the Rhine. William
Occam, or Ockham, was called " The Invincible Doctor."
He was a pupil of Duns Scotus, and founder of a sect called
Nominalists : died in 1347. This philosophy was an absolute
waste of time and talent ; and, about the middle of the four-
teenth century, its professors discerned that nothing had been
added to real knowdedge, or ever could be, by any study or
use of words and terms destitute of all practical or rational
meaning.
While the philosophers of the schools were carrying on
their warfare of sounds, the provencal poetry and the roman-
tic culture of the imagination, were objects of attention in the
south of France.* The modern languages of Europe, Italian,
French, and Spanish, by unmarked steps then, and by steps
which cannot be traced now, were becoming the medium of
thought in works of fancy, in science, and in business. There
were men who discerned the emptiness of the scholastic dis-
putations. At the head of all of them is placed Roger Bacon,
(born 1214, died 1292,) to whom Hallam intimates an indebt-
edness from Lord Bacon, which this eminent philosopher does
not seem to have acknowledged. [Hallam's Middle Ages,
vol. ii. p. 357.] The Italian language had been so moulded and
formed, that, about the year 1300, it could be, and was used by
the Florentine Dante in a manner to secure to him a lasting
* Mrs. Dobson has published the literary history of the Troubadours,
collected from the French of La Curne de St. Palaye, in a small volume.
There is a similar work by the French historian, Millot.
EMINENT MEN. 471
renown. Dante is the abridi^ed name of Durante Alisfhieri,
born at Florence in 12G5; he rose to distinction there, and
had various public employments. When he was about thirty-
five years of age, the party to which he belonged (the Bianchi,
a division of the Guelfs) was vanquished, and Dante was
exiled. The rest of his life was passed in sorrow and depen-
dence. He died at Ravenna in 1321. His fame rests on the
great poem called Divina Comedia. This is an account of a
visit made by himself, accompanied by the Roman poet Virgil,
to hell, purgatory, and heaven.
Francis Petrarch was born in the life-time of Dante, at
Arezzo, in Tuscany, in 1304, and died in 1374. The emi-
nence which Petrarch obtained (as much perhaps from the
romantic association of his name with that of Laura, as from
any other cause) as a poet and learned man, is familiar to most
readers.
John Boccaccio, the son of a Florentine merchant, was born
at Paris in 1313, and died in 1375, at Cortaldo, in Tuscany.
These three eminent men are considered to be the creators of
the classic Italian language, especially the first. They were
all living at the same time, in the first years of Boccaccio and
ihc last of Danto, though thoeo two were not known to each
other. The Decameron (one hundred tales in prose) is the
work on which the fame of Boccaccio rests.
The earliest of the English poets, Geoffrey Chaucer, (born
in 1328, died in 1400,) was contemporary with Boccaccio and
Petrarch, and may have produced similar effects in his native
isle with those which were produced by his brother poets in
Italy. However this may have been, the fact is established,
that the genius of Europeans Avas called into action in the
early part of the fourteenth century, on subjects more useful
and more permanent than scholastic erudition. The honors
which were accorded to the learned, must have excited great
emulation among all who had claims to be considered among
that class. The single instance of the honors offered to Pe-
trarch, shows that literary fame transcended all other fame.
On the 23d of August, 1340, Petrarch was invited by the sen-
ate of Rome to go to that city and receive there the laurel
crown, according to the ancient forms established in the best
days of Roman grandeur ; and, in the evening of the same
day, he received an invitation from the chancellor of the uni-
versity of Paris, to repair to that cit}^ to receive a laurel
crown, as the just reward of his literary eminence.*
* The most reasonable account of Petrach, and his real merits, may
be found in Sismondi's Italian Republics, vol. v. chap. 34.
472 DISCOVERIES AND INVENTIONS.
The fourteenth century produced many writers in the Ital-
ian cities, historians as well as poets, some of them of great
celebrity, especially three of the name of Villani. The names
of Dante, Petrarch, and Boccaccio, are the only ones which
are familiar to most readers of the present day. Soon after
these eminent men flourished, learned industry devoted itself
to the study of ancient manuscripts; and the pride of ambition
was gratified in Latin scholarship. On this, Sismondi re-
marks : — " It was in the language of past ages, and by placing
one's self by the side of the dead, that glory was sought ; as
though inspiration could ever come through a language which
had never reached the bottom of the heart in the intimacy of
domestic relations ; a longue in which the son had never heard
his mother, nor the lover his beloved, and which was incapa-
ble of exciting a popular emotion." [Sismondi, vol. viii. p. 5.]
The great discoveries and inventions which have been men-
tioned, require a brief notice of their origin.
The 'mariner'' s Compass. This is attributed to a citizen of
Amalfi, named Flavius Gioja, about the year 1300. The com-
pass was known before that time, though it is not known
when it became sufficiently understood to be generally used.
Dr. Robertson places the discovpry " soon after the end of the
holy war," (1291.) Vol. i. p. 68. It is placed fifty or one
hundred years earlier by others. See Hallam's Middle Ages,
vol. ii. p. 277. Koch, vol. i. p. 245. Macpherson on Com-
merce, vol. i. p. 364.
Guii'pou'der. If Roger Bacon, who died in 1292, knew
any thing of that composition now called gunpowder, Koch
(vol. i. p. 242) thinks he acquired his knowledge from the
books translated from the Arabic. The same writer treats the
commonly received opinion of invention or discovery by the
German Schwartz, as a fable. Cannon were first used by the
Moors, in Spain, in 1342. Small-arms did not come into use
till about one hundred years afterwards. This accidental
combination of saltpetre, charcoal, and sulphur, (substances
harmless and insignificant, singly,) banished the gorgeous dis-
play of the tournament, and deprived chivalry of its heroic
honors. It may be truly considered as a levelling invention.
Printing. The uncertainty of its origin indicates that it
was not the invention of any one mind, but of many, and at
different times and places, and gradually perfected by different
suggestions and experiments. Koch (Tableau des Revo,
de I'Europe, vol. i. p. 257, and seq.) attributes moveable types
to John Gutenburgh of Mayence, (or Mentz, on the Rhine,)
DISCOVERIES AND INVENTIONS. 478
in 1436. He considers Peter SchcefTer, of Gernsheim, the in-
ventor of casting of types, at Mayence, in the year 1 452. Oth-
ers attribute the invention of casting to John Faust, the son-in-
law, and associate of Schocffer. Koch seems to have made it
certain, that the same Gutenburgh had a press at Strasbourgh
from 1436 to 1445, in which latter year he returned to May-
ence, and formed a partnership with Faust. It can hardly be
doubted that the art was kept secret as long as possible. In
1474 William Caxton introduced printing in England. The
first|book was on the game of chess.* [Macpherson on com-
merce, vol. 1. p. 688.]
Ancient manuscripts or hooks. It is evidence of a great
change in the intellectual occupations, that a diligent search
was made throughout the fifteenth century for ancient literature.
The places in which the search was most successful were
churches and monasteries ; and Bracciolini Poggio, a Tuscan
by birth, and of noble family, is supposed to have been the
most successful of those who so employed themselves. He
was secretary to eight successive popes. In the first volume of
Roscoe's Life of Lorenzo de Medici, an account is given of this
man, and of his labors.
Paper. It is probable that the invention of paper-making
from linen, had some efTect in promoting the changes in Europe.
Paper-making from cotton was very ancient in China. In the
year 947, the best paper known was said to be that made at
Samarcand, in Bucharia, (east of the Caspian.) Macpherson,
vol. 1, p. 269. The oldest linen paper known, is in the library
of the emperor at Vienna, of the date of 1253.
In connexion with these intellectual pursuits, the practical
arts and sciences had been advancing. The time may be said
to have gone by, in which princes and prelates could command
the submissive multitude to ^ȣ'/ieye and obey. The day was
dawning in w^hich the adverse doctrine, inquire and examine,
was to prevail. The causes of this great change may be, in
part, perceived ; but there must have been many others not to
be traced, but no less efTective. All these causes known and
unknown, and whether operating singly or in conabination,
had stamped a new character on society, compared with that of
the eleventh century. The despotism of the Roman church
preserved its character. But its avarice, profligacy, and cor-
* In the Foreign anarterly Review, (London,) Art. VII., April, 1837,
the origin of the art of printing is discussed. The honor, according to
this writer, belongs to Gutenburgh.
40*
474 EASTERN EMPIRE.
ruption, could no longer be concealed under the sacred office of
the priesthood. The elements of revolution had long been fer-
menting; and society may well be considered as sufficiently
enlightened to have carried revolution to its full length, and to
have abolished the clergy, and to have reformed the church.
There were many obstacles to such measures. Whatever may
have been thought of the clergy as a class, there were many
pure and worthy members among them. Religious reverence
was associated with every thing, political, social, domestic; and
multitudes were blind to the clerical abuses, or interested to
maintain them. A reformation in the church was known to
be necessary, and was earnestly desired ; but opinion was much
divided as to the manner of effecting it. There were perils in
attempting it in any manner, as the church had lost none of its
terrific power. The case was hopeless — nothing but convul-
sion and violence could break up the existing relations, and
form new ones. The pope, the cardinals, the bishops, and
the hosts of inferior clergy would not relinquish their hold, nor
admit the need of change ; the church had associated itself with
all temporal governments, and every grade of society — the
people of every Christian country, had a superstitious dread of
interfering with the objects so long regarded with reverential
awe. Great commendation may be due to some of the agents
who appeared in the measures of reform in the sixteenth centu-
ry. But the all-important event of freeing one portion of the
Christian community from the Roman church, was not of hu-
man design. It was too grand a conception for any mortal.
It was a result, not a purpose ; a result to which the Christian
world owes all its freedom, happiness and capacity to improve.
CHAPTER LXIV.
Constantine — Constantinople — Justinian — Factions of the Circus — Theo-
dora — Bclisarius — Narses— Edifices — Civil Law— Remarkable Events.
Constantine the Great, according to Gibbon, in his chap-
ter XIV., was born at Naissus, in Dacia, about the year 274.
Naisus is 450 miles north-west from Constantinople, and 100
miles south from the Danube. On the decease of his father
Constantius, at York, in England, in 306, Constantine was de-
clared emperor, by the army at that place. He had several
EASTERN EMPIRE. 47&
competitors for the throne, whom he vanquished in several bat-
tles, in different places. The last of them was Licinius, who
maintained the imperial dignity at the eastern part of the em-
pire, in Europe. In the year 334, Constantine had united the
whole empire under his dominion. He had no partiality for
Rome; and, probably, had never resided there but at the time
when he conquered Maxentius, one of his five competitors, in
its vicinity. The design of establishing a new capital was
first entertained in 324. Gibbon's chapter XVII. is devoted to
a description of the site of ancient Byzantium, and the waters
and territory around it — to the selection of this place by Con-
stantine, as his seat of empire — to the building of the city — to
the government of the empire, from this place ; and to the or-
er of internal arrangement and police. The design was wor-
thy of a great mind, and was successfully executed. The
whole empire was laid under contribution to aggrandize Con-
stantinople, and it arose, at once, to be the grandest city of the
world. The most comprehensive and particular description we
have seen of this city is contained in a work entitled, " A Me-
moir on the Commerce and Navigation of the Black Sea, and
the Trade and Maritime Geography of Turkey and Egypt :
by Henry A. S. Dearborn.^^ (Published at Boston, in 1819,
2 vols. 8vo., with a third volume of maps; a work containing
a rich compilation of historical, geographical, and commercial
facts.)
The short description, necessary to the present purpose, is
taken from Gibbon, and the work above mentioned, and from
some other sources. The Euxine or black sea, and the Pro-
pontis, or sea of Marmora, are connected by the Bosphorus, or
channel of Constantinople, about sixteen miles in length, of
irregular course from north-east to south-west. Through this
channel there is an unceasing current from the Black Sea to the
Marmora. When this current comes within about a mile of
the Marmora, its course is nearly south. On the European side
it passes by the suburbs of Pera and Galata ; and the Port,
which is an arm of the Bosphorus, (extending up north-west-
wardly between these suburbs and the city;) and then by the
eastern side, or point of the city. On the Asiatic side, it passes
by Scutari, (the ancient Chalcedon) w^hich is nearly opposite
to the city. Between the city and Scutari, the Bosphorus
is about one mile and one furlong wide. The eastern point
of the city forms an obtuse angle, of about two-thirds of a mile,
between the Marmora and the Port, having the former for its
south boundary, and the port for its north-eastern one. As the
476 EASTERN EMPIRE.
city extends westvvardly, between the Marmora and the Port,
over several hills, it gradually widens. At the distance of three
miles and a half, west from theBosphorus, it is four miles wide,
from the Marmora across to the port. On this line is the west-
ern wall of the city, or base of the triangle. At the south end
of the line, on the Marmora, are the seven towers. The walls
of the city are in contact with the waters, on all sides, but the
west. The wall here was (in 1453) a double one, having an
intervening ditch of great depth. The Port is 7 or 8 miles
long, of various widths ; the narrowest, opposite the city, is
about one quarter of a mile. The church of St. Sophia, now
a Mosk, is about three furlongs west from the Bosphorus, and
nearly in the middle of the point of land. Measuring from
the port to the Marmora, in a line through this church, running
from north to south, the distance exceeds, a little, seven fur-
longs. After the capture of Constantinople, in 1453, the whole
space between the church and the Bosphorus, and towards
the port, was appropriated by the sultan to his own exclusive
use. Here are the palace, harem, courts, and gardens. South-
west of the church, and near it, is the hippodrome, in which
the factions of the charioteers exhibited themselves.
At the west end of the sea of Marmora, about 120 miles from
the city, is the Hellespont, or Straits of the Dardanelles, about 35
miles in length, which connects the Marmora with the Grecian
Archipelago. The Black Sea, the channel of Constantinople,
the Marmora, and the Dardanelles, and the Archipelago, sepa-
rate Europe from Asia.
In the year 395, Theodorus divided the Roman empire into
west and east, and gave the one part to Honorius, the other to
Arcadius, his sons. The eastern empire extended from the
Black Sea along the Danube, to the 20ih degree of east long.,
about 600 miles west from the Black Sea; and from the Danube
southwardly to the Adriatic, including Thrace, Macedonia, and
Epirus, and the territory known as Greece, and its islands.
The coast of Africa, from ancient Carthage to Palestine, includ-
ing Egypt, was part of the empire. The eastern coast of the
Mediterranean, was included, and thence northwardly to the
Black Sea, including also, all Asia Minor. Beyond this eastern
boundary, was the territory of the great valley of the Eu-
phrates and the Tigris, which had been the shifting boundary
of the Romans and Persians, for many centuries.
In the former part of these sketches, the succession from
Constantine to the commencement of the sixth century, has
been noticed. The authentic source of historical information
JUSTINIAN. 477
for his period is found in the seventeenth and six following*
chapters of Gibbon. The present purpose is to make a sketch
of the eastern empire, from 500 to 1453, when the Turks pos-
sessed themselves of Constantinople. The materials are taken
from Gibbon, in general, excepting as to the crusades and the
church. As to these, Heeren, Koch, Hallam, and histories of
the church are the principal guides. As to the civil law,
Harris's Institutesof Justinian, and other authorities, are relied
on. The principal object is to notice those events which have
had a lasting effect on subsequent ages. Secondary to this, is
the actual condition of society in these ages, and the causes of
its wretchedness. Last, and the least important, is the course
of crime by which the throne of the Eastern, or Greek empire,
was gained or lost. It is probable, that more atrocious crimes
were committed in Constantinople in these nine or ten centu-
ries, than were ever known in any place, or among an equal
number of persons, in the same space of time. The character
of this criminality seems to hav^e been the more odious from
the power and influence which women appear to have had in
public aflairs. Many of these scenes occurred in the close of
the fifth, and commencement of the sixth century, which are
passed uver, to consider the reio-n of the emperor Justinian.
The family of this emperor was of humble origin. It was
first known at a place called Saidica, the capital of Bulgaria;
now known as Sophia, 285 miles west-north-west from Con-
stantinople. Justin, the uncle of Justinian, with two other
peasants, found their way from their birth-place to Constanti-
nople. Justin entered the army and acquired respect and
confidence as a soldier; and was raised by his comrades to the
throne, in the year 518. He adopted his nephew Justinian,
who reigned thirty-eight years and seven months, from 527 to
565. The events of his reign have been transmitted by Pro-
copius, who was secretary to the general Belisarius.* It is
worth noticing that while Justin w^as on the throne of Con-
stantinople, Theodoric w^as on the throne of Italy, and that
neither of these monarchs had been so w^ell educated as to be
able to write or read. Both of them attained to their distinction
by means of military renown. Remarkable as these vicissi-
tudes may appear, they were not singular. There were
changes in the condition of other individuals, equally remark-
able ; and perhaps no one more so than in the case of Theodora,
the wife of Justinian. She was one of three daughters of
^ S?e Gibbon's fortieth chapter,
478
JUSTINIAN.
Acacius, a native of the isle of Cyprus, whose employment
was that of keeper of the wild beasts maintained by the faction
of the blues. There were two numerous bodies of men, dis-
tinguished by the color of their garments, the blues and the
g-reens, who were pledged to deadly hostility to each other.
They were communities within the city, and sufficiently pow-
erful, not only to put the whole city in terror, but even the
emperor himself All occurrences, religious, political, and
military, had some connection with these factions. The fate
of Theodora was, in some degree, influenced by them, as her
father was connected with the blues. At his death, the oldest
of the three sisters was not seven years of age. All of them
were remarkable for grace and beauty, and all of them were
devoted to the theatre by their mother, at a time when it was
infamous to be of the theatrical company, even in depraved and
licentious Constantinople. There is no moral degradation
which is not affirmed of Theodora. After being for years,
Gibbon says, " the delight and the contempt of the city," she
accompanied a native of Tyre to Egypt, where he abandoned
her, and she found her way from Alexandria, through Syria
and Asia Minor, to Constantinople, having left a son who was
educated by his father, somewhere in Arabia. On her return
she became more discreet; assumed a character of chastity,
and ensnared Justinian, who, through many difficulties and
serious objections from her former infamy, made her his wife
and empress. " The prostitute who had polluted the theatre
of Constantinople, was adored as a queen, in the same city, by
grave magistrates, orthodox bishops, victorious generals, and
captive monarchs." The character of the government, and
the order of society is shown by the fact, that the cellar of
Theodora's palace contained prisons and dungeons, to which
all were hurried, without trial or public accusation, who in-
curred her displeasure. She saw with her own eyes, that
chains and torments were properly applied, according to her
feelings of justice. Yet Theodora is spoken of for her good
sense, and even her virtues, as a queen. After reigning
twenty-two years, she died of a cancer. Gibbon says, "the
prudence of Theodora is celebrated by Justinian himself; and
his laws are attributed to the sage counsels of his most revered
wife, whom he had received as a gift of the Deity."
The character of the times is further shown in the factions
of the circus. They arose from the color of the dress worn by
those who contended for the prizes. They soon became
associated with every public concern, and their influence ex-
JUSTINIAN. 479
tended to the great cities of the provinces. The blues espoused
the side of orthodoxy, the greens were heretics ; that is, Mani-
chseans, Eutychians, Arians, &c. In the fiftli year of Justinian,
a tumult arose at the circus, at a celebration of the ides of
January, ordered by the emperor. The games were disturbed
by the clamors of the greens, till the emperor became irritated,
and ordered a crier to proclaim : " Be silent, ye insolent railers,
ye Jews, Samaritans, and Manichseans !" The greens then
complained that a general persecution was exercised against
their name and color: they at last lamented that the father of
Justinian had been born, and declared his son a homicide, an
ass, and a perjured tyrant. "Do you despise your lives!"
said Justinian. The blues, always armed, immediately com-
menced a conflict with the greens, which continued through
several successive days. All civil authority was at an end;
liberty, property, and person, without distinction of office or
sex, were submitted to the violence of the blues and greens.
The city was set on fire; the church of St. Sophia, and part of
the palace were consumed. Justinian prepared to escape into
Asia, and assembled a council to decide whether he should fly.
All of this council advised to flight, but Theodora. If the
words which Gibbon attributes to her, were hers, w^hatever
her morals and her heart may have been, she has claim to be'
ranked as a heroine : " If flight were the only means of safety,
yet I should disdain to fly. Death is the condition of our
birth. I adhere to the maxim of antiquity, that the throne is a
glorious sepulchre." This firmness turned the attention of the
council to other measures. The blues and greens had come
to a sort of armistice, and were assembled in the hippodrome.
Three thousand chosen troops were led thither, and the en-
trances at the two ends were cautiously approached by this
body in two divisions, and thirty thousand persons are said to
have fallen in the promiscuous slaughter. Justinian and
Theodora were thus reinstated in their power. They used it,
as may be expected, with a vigor proportioned to the insult
which the dignity of the purple had received; and especially
on the greens and their adherents, who, in the course of the
tumult, had proclaimed an opponent emperor.
The wars of Justinian were almost incessant; sometimes
wdth the Persians, and sometimes with the barbarians. His
wars were conducted by Belisarius, and afterwards by Narses.
The former is entitled to the highest praise that can ever be-
long to the character of a warrior. He came from an obscure
family in Thrace. He rose to the highest command. The
480 JUSTINIAN.
military glory of Justinian was won by him. In 530, he van-
quished an army of Persia. The only battle he ever lost, and
that not by his fault, was in the following year, against the
same enemy. In 532, he was called home to suppress the
blue and green factions. In 534, he was sent to Africa, to
conquer the Vandal kingdom established at Carthage. The
most consummate prudence and skill accomplished this enter-
prise. Gelimer, the king of the Vandals, driven in the last
resort to a fortress in Mauritania, was there besieged. When
invited to surrender, and when almost destitute of the necessa-
ries of life, he refused; but besought the leader of his enemies
to send him a loaf of bread, and a harp to console his sorrows,
and a sponge to bathe his eyes; (which were diseased from
exposure and suffering.) He was taken and conducted to the
foot of the throne, on which Justinian and Theodora were
seated. To Belisarius was allowed a triumphal entry, the
only one that was ever allowed to a subject, at Constantinople.
Among the trophies, were the holy vessels of Solomon's tem-
ple, which had been carried to Rome 450 years before. It
was seventy years since they had been plundered from Rome
and carried to Carthage. By the emperor's order they were
returned to the church of Jerusalem. This was the end of the
•Vandals. There is a medal still in being, commem.orative of
these events, bearing the words — Belisarius Gloria Roman-
orum. In 540, Belisarius conducted Vitiges, the C4othic king
of Italy, to Constantinople. In 559 he carried on the war
against the Bulgarians, and conquered them. He was, at other
times, engaged against the Persians and barbarians.
Although Belisarius thus contributed to the glory of Justin-
ian, and at no time assumed to exercise power on his own ac-
count, (though he might have placed himself on the throne,
probably,) he could not escape calumny and suspicion ; especial-
ly when such a person as Theodora was to be pleased. He
was suspected of a conspiracy, deprived of his command, im-
prisoned in his own palace, fined 120,000 pieces of gold; and
was informed that he owed his life to the prayers and tears of
his wife Antonina. This person was of the same order, and
more infamous, if possible, than Theodora, on the stage. She
was the acquaintance, and, alternately, the companion, the
enemy, the instrument, and the friend of Theodora. Belisarius
was not ignorant of her faithlessness to him ; yet his forbear-
ance to her, (Gibbon says,) was above or below the dignity of
a man. Perhaps the wise Belisarius understood the times,
and the characters around him, and tolerated Antonina as
JUSTINIAN. 481
necessary to him, and because she was a lover of his glory, if
not of himself. The accounts given, that the eyes of Belisarius
were put out; that he was imprisoned, and begged alms by
letting a bag down from his grate;' and that he begged his
bread in the streets, are not supported by any evidence. If he
had so fallen in the estimation of Justinian, it must have been
from suspicion of offence which would have required the
sacrifice of his life. He died in 565, at an advanced age.
After Belisarius was disgraced, the eunuch Narses com-
manded in Italy, and conquered the northern part, from the
river Po southwardly; so that all Italy, south of that river,
was again a part of the Roman empire. But Narses, like
other successful chiefs in the service of a suspicious and cor-
rupt court, was feared in proportion to his success. He also
was disgraced, and died of shame and grief; though he might
well have died without such cause, since he is said to have
attained to the age of ninety-five.
Two other occurrences in Justinian's reign are to be men-
tioned, (avoiding now the affairs of the church, which are to
be mentioned separately;) first, the edifices; and secondly, the
new compilation of the laws. The early attention of Justinian
was devoted to rebuilding the church of St. Sophia, (or the
eternal wisdom.) Ten thousand men were employed. At the
end of five years, ten months, and eleven days, Justinian ex-
claimed, at the solemn feast of the dedication, " Glory be to
God, who has thought me worthy to accomplish so great a
work! I have vanquished thee, O Solomon!" There is no
space for the description of this magnificent temple, which still
remains, (nearly 1300 years,) though transformed into a Turk-
ish mosque, an object of admiration. Besides this church, he
built twenty-five magnificent churches in, and near, Constanti-
nople. The detail of similar structures throughout his empire,
and of bridges, aqueducts, and fortifications, need not be pur-
sued. He seemed to be ambitious of leaving some enduring
memorial of himself, wherever one could be raised. But this
was a costly vanity to his subjects. He availed himself of eve-
ry resource which ingenuity could devise, however unjust and
oppressive. In these respects, the pious Justinian disregarded the
maxims which he proclaimed. He exercised the power of the
strongest, without regard to justice or suffering. It would be
too charitable to suppose that piety and patriotism were his
motives, and not an unprofitable ambition, and a criminal
selfishness.
Though the fame of Justinian is connected with splendid
41
482 JUSTINIAN CODE.
Structures, some of which remain to the present time; and
though historians may consider his reign glorious, from the
conquests which his generals achieved, these are slight claims
to consideration, compared with the code of laws which bear
his name. So long as the Corpus Juris Civilis (the body of
the civil law) continues to be the standard of right and wrong
in the administration of justice, among enlightened nations,
this emperor must be remembered. This great work was,
probably, his own design. He was learned, diligent, and
competent to do what he professes to have done. There is
evidence of his own agency in the declaration which prefaces
the Institutes. He therein says, — " The imperial dignity
should be supported by arms and guarded by laws, that the
people, in time of peace as well as war, may be secured from
dangers and rightly governed. For, a Roman emperor ought
not only to be victorious over his enemies in the field, but
should also take every legal course to clear the state from all
members whose crafts and iniquities are subversive of the law.
Be it the care, therefore, of him upon whom government de-
volves, to be renowned for a most religious observance of law
and justice, as w^ell as for his triumphs."
It is among the sure indications of a nation's decline, that
the authority of law-making has returned, by gradual usurpa-
tions, to the will of a monarch. The concentration of all
power in himself, enabled Justinian to abrogate all customary
and written law, and present a new system to his subjects ;
and enabled him, also, to dispense with that system, and sub-
stitute his own w^ill and pleasure whenever it suited his inter-
est or caprice to do so. What Junius said of a certain Eng-
lish judge, with more malice than truth, was strictly applica-
ble to Justinian : — " For the defence of truth, of law, and
reason, the Doctor's book may be safely consulted ; but who-
ever wishes to cheat a neighbor of his estate, or rob a country
of its rights, need make no scruple of consulting the Doctor
himself" [Letter xiv.]
When a nation has moved onward, for centuries, under the
rules which have regulated all rights of persons, of property,
and of political power, it is a difficult and a serious labor to
form new rules for all these purposes, or to give a new form
to those in force. To do this, and do it well, and so well that
other nations, not then in being, have unanimously consented
to regard the product of such labor with respect and reverence,
and to receive it as declarative of the eternal principles of
justice, is a reward of exalted value, however unthought of by
CIVIL LAW. 488
the author. Those for whom the civil law was designed,
have, long since, disappeared from the earth ; the whole region
in which it was to rule is ignorant that it exists. The koran
and the laws of " the prophet " reign there in sullen despotism.
But the civil law is known and cherished by enlightened na-
tions, who were enveloped in the deep obscurity of barbarism
when this law was promulgated.
When Justinian lived, more than twelve hundred years had
elapsed from the foundation of Rome. In the revolutions
which occurred in this city, the law-making power was in
various and different hands. The laws and the commentaries
on them had become so numerous that they would make
" many camels' loads." Justinian says, — " When we had
arranged and brought into lucid harmony the hitherto confus-
ed mass of imperial constitutions, we then extended our care
to the numerous volumes of ancient law, and have now com-
pleted, with the favor of Heaven, (wading, as it were, through
a vast ocean,) a work which exceeded even our hope, and was
attended with greatest difficulties." These words disclose
what the materials of the civil law were. By " imperial con-
stitutions " is intended the laws which were made by the sole
authority of the emperors. In the year 31 before our era,
Augustus made laws, but used the formality of having the
assent of the senate. His successor, Tiberius, disencumbered
himself of this form ; and, ever after, the laws came from the
mere will of the emperors. The senate and the people ex-
empted Augustus from the coercion of the laws, and gave him
the power of amending or making whatever laws he thought
proper. He and his successors made laws by epistolcc, which
were letters containing the emperor's opinions on matters aris-
ing in different parts of the empire. By dccreta, which were
judgments given by the emperor, personally, in court. By
edicla, or edicts, or positive enactments, in affairs of the state,
independent of the senate. By mandates, or commands to
particular officers. By inteoyretationes, or interpretations of
existing laws according to the imperial will. The first part of
the civil law consists of these imperial constitutions, and is
called " the code." But the compilation did not go to a time
more remote than when Hadrian was emperor, A. D. 117 to
138.
The second part of the civil law is what Justinian intends
by the words " the numerous volumes of the ancient laws."
These were digested into a form which is called " The Digest,"
or " The Pandects," usually quoted by the former name.
484 CIVIL LAW.
How deeply the compilers penetrated the antiquity of Roman
jurisprudence, i-s very doubtful. It is probable that the laws
of the republic, when Home breathed the spirit of manly inde-
pendence, were little to the purpose. The word Pandects is
said to be compounded of two Greek words, which mean all
and receivers, or general receivers ; but Gibbon seems to doubt
(in a note to his 44th chapter) whether the word is Greek or
Latin. This part of the work purports to be the marrow of
all former jurisprudence, and to be drawn from many labori-
ous works. Among others, — I. The laws of the early kings,
collected by Papirius. 2. The " twelve tables," or the laws
inscribed on twelve tables of brass, about sixty years after the
expulsion of Tarquin. 3. The juris consulti, or opinions of
learned jurists, both under the republic and under the empe-
rors. 4. The plebiscita, or laws of the people, made during
their contentions with the patricians. 5. The senatus con-
sulta, or laws of the senate, under the republic. 6. The laws
made by the praetors, who exercised judicial office. 7. The
laws of the curules sediles, originally inspectors of the public
buildings. 8. Besides these, there were many digests made
by learned men in various ages of Rome ; and, among the
most eminent are, — 1. Offilius, in the time of .Tulius Caesar.
2. Sulvius Julius, time of Augustus, author of the " perpetual
edict." 3. Gregorius, Hermogenes, and Papirius, first half
of second century, time of Antoninus. 4. The code made in
438, in the time of Theodosius the younger, which furnished
the rules of law in the west for centuries. 5. The five emi-
nent civilians in the first half of the third century, Caius, Pa-
pinian, Paul, Ulpian, and Modestinus. But there were hun-
dreds of others, who w^ere authors of more or less note. These
digests had little effect in preserving a general knowledge of
right and wrong. From the time of Augustus to the end of
the empire, the whole population had become so debased and
corrupted, that the language of Theophilus, in the court of
Justinian, applied equally to all times : — "What interest or
passion can reach the calm and sublime elevation of the mon-
arch ! He is already master of the lives and fortunes of his
subjects, and those who have incurred his displeasure are
already numbered with the dead."*
Justinian selected seventeen lawyers from Constantinople,
Rome, and Berytus, which were the most eminent. Berytus
* Before the end of the first half century of the American republic,
a majority of the people seem to be ready to echo similar sentiments.
CIVIL LAW. 485
(known now as Barout) was situated in Phoenicia, not far
from Sidon, and was a place distinguished for its law-school
in that day. At the head of these was Tribonian, the chan-
cellor of Justinian, alike distinguished by his learning and his
want of integrity. The incessant labor of three years was
devoted to the digest. Forty different works were taken from
Tribonian's library, comprising three millions of lines or sen-
tences, and these were reduced to one hundred and fifty thou-
sand. The laws are supposed to have been in the short form
of precepts, and to have contained commands or prohibitions,
in all the endless variety of cases which can arise as to per-
sons, property, offences, and crimes. The digest, then, is a
selection of all those principles of justice which applied to
human affairs, as then understood, under the imperial authority
of Constantinople. But, after all, the Avork was in a language
which few of Justinian's subjects could understand, even if it
were accessible by them. The generality of them already
spoke a barbarous sort of Greek, at the seat of empire and in
the provinces. The Latin had become a language for the
learned. It is probable that these stupendous labors were of
like use to most of the subjects of the empire, as the laws of
Congress are to the German population of Pennsylvania, or
to the patriotic emigrants from the Emerald Isle.
The third part of the civil law consists of the Institutes.
Of these, Justinian says, — " As soon as, by the blessing of
God, this (the Code and Digest) was accomplished, we sum-
moned Tribonian, our chancellor, with Theophilus and Doro-
theus, men of known learning and tried fidelity, whom we
enjoined, by our authority, to compose the following Institutes,
that the rudiments of laio might be more effectually learned
by the sole means of our imperial authority." The Institutes
are, therefore, an introduction to the Code and the Digest, or
a general elementary treatise on their contents. They contain
the principles of law in four books: 1. Persons. 2. Things.
3. Actions. 4. Private wrongs and criminal wrongs. Gibbon
(44th chapter) passes this eulogium on the Institutes : — " The
same volume which introduced the youth of Rome, of Con-
stantinople, and Berytus, to the gradual study of the Code and
Pandects, is still precious to the historian, the philosopher, and
the magistrate." To preserve the civil law, as thus arranged,
Justinian declared that any attempt to change, in any respect,
his work, or even to comment upon it, should involve the crime
of forgery. But, before six years had elapsed from the publi-
cation of the code, (that is, in 534,) he published a corrected
41*
486
JUSTINIAN.
edition, adding thereto two hundred new laws of his own, and
" fifty decisions of the darkest and most intricate points of
jurisprudence." [Gibbon, chap, xliv.] Of these, one hundred
and sixty-eight novels and thirteen edicts have been retained,
which constitute the fourth part of the civil law, (as now read,)
under the name of Novellcs, or novels, or new laws. These
alterations, for the most part trifling, are said to have arisen
" from the venal spirit of a prince, who sold, without shame,
his judgments and his laws." It is in vain to have laws, how-
ever admirable, unless there be upright and learned magis-
trates to administer them. The profligacy and corruption of
the times, in which Justinian and his governess, the infamous
Theodora, fully partook, defeated all the beneficent designs
which may be attributed to the emperor. His subjects derived
little benefit from his laws, since the arbitrary will of himself
and of his empress were superior to all laws. In form, but
not in effect, the Justinian code continued in force about three
hundred years, and was then superseded by a feeble and muti-
lated version in the Greek language, in the time of the empe-
ror Basil, called the Basilicce. The Justinian code is the basis
of the civil law among the nations on the continent of Europe,
and is highly respected in England and the United States. It
is often quoted in courts of justice in both countries.
Justinian died at the age of eighty-three, having reigned
nearly thirty-eight years, (November 14, 565,) eight months
after Belisarius. All the description of his person that has
been met with, is, that he was of well-proportioned figure,
ruddy complexion, and of pleasing countenance. He excelled
in the virtues of chastity and temperance. He was abstemi-
ous ; his repasts were short and,frugal ; he contented himself
with vegetables and water. He reposed, usually, but a single
hour, then rose and walked, or studied, till daylight. He pro-
fessed to be musician and architect, poet and philosopher, the-
ologian and lawyer. Yet his reign, taken altogether, was
little to his honor. His conquests were costly and unprofita-
ble. His people were oppressed with exactions ; he ruled for
himself and Theodora, and not for them. He was neither
beloved in his life nor regretted in his death. [Gibbon, chap,
xliii.] Comets, earthquakes, and pestilence, marked his reign.
The former, to a superstitious people, were terrible. In 526,
two hundred and fifty thousand persons are said to have per-
ished by an earthquake at Antioch. In 531 Berytus was
destroyed ; many of the first youth of the empire, gathered at
the law-school there, perished in that convulsion. Constanti-
JUSTINIAN. 487
nople suffered severely, and a portion of the church of St. So-
phia was thrown down. In 542, Europe and Asia were vis-
ited by the plague. It continued more than fifty years. A
particular account is given by Procopius, before mentioned,
who saw its ravages at Constantinople. Justinian was among
the diseased. What the mortality may have been in this visi-
tation, may be conjectured from the fact, that during the three
months in which the plague visited Constantinople, five thou-
sand, and, at length, ten Thousand were the daily number of
victims. Terror and improvidence brought the natural conse-
quence, scarcity of food ; and from this cause calamity was
increased.
The splendor and luxury of Constantinople, in Justinian's
time, imply agriculture, commerce, manual labor, and no small
degree of industry. The arts must have flourished ; but few,
if any, which are considered sciences as well as arts. There
are no records in honor of the fine arts. Manual labor was
conducted by slaves, and the cultivation of the earth was richly
repaid in portions of the fertile provinces in Asia Minor, now
a desolate region, and so to be while the Turks are its tenants.
Egypt was the granary of this city as well as of Rome.
Traffic was carried on with the east. From the Phoenicians
came the rich purple (extracted from a shell-fish) which was
appropriated to royalty. At this time the silk-worm was in-
troduced from China. Two monks, whose zeal had carried
them thither, brought the eggs of the silk-worm in the hollow
of their canes, and these were hatched by artificial heat. They
were thus brought into notice, were multiplied, and the ancient
Peloponessus of the Greeks, now called the Morea, became
celebrated for its silk manufactures.* The products of industry
and commerce were applied to the luxury of the palace, the
army, and the church. Bad as this state of society may have
been, it was the best that was experienced in the eastern
empire from the time of this emperor to its fall, in 1453.
Justin IL, a nephew of Justinian, was his successor.
* The name Morea is either from a Greek word signifying tree^ or
from the Latin vioncm, the mulberry.
483 HERACLIUS.
CHAPTER LXV.
The Emperor Heradius and the Persians.— Restoration of the Holy Cross
— Succession of Greek Eviperors — Basilican Code — The Latin kingdom
at Constantinople.
After Justin II. came Mauritius, or Maurice ; and then
Phocas, who is represented to have been alike odious in person
and character. At this time the war with Persia had been so
disastrous that the Persians had approached, through Asia Mi-
nor, and had encamped within view, from the walls of Con-
stantinople. A personal enemy of Phocas invited Heraclius,
a prefect of Africa, to come and take the empire. Heraclius
sent his son, of the same name, with a fleet. Phocas was be-
trayed into the hands of this person, w^ho put him to death, and
ascended the throne. The reign of Heraclius was distinguish-
ed by some remarkable events, and some extraordinary achieve-
ments, on his part.
The Persians on the western shore of Asia Minor were im-
peded from approaching the walls of Constantinople, only by
the flow of waters which separate the two continents. Along
the Danube were a barbarian people known by the name of
xlvars, numerous, brave, and hostile to the Greeks, though easi-
ly purchased, or bribed, to be quiet. But their engagements
were as easily broken ; and when least expected, they might
appear as enemies even under the walls of Constantinople. The
military of the empire were no longer Romans, but a corrupt
and sedhious assembly of any and of all surrounding nations,
who had nothing better to do than to enlist. The city itself
was divded into inveterate factions.
At this time, year 602, when Heraclius became emperor,
Chosroes, the grandson of a celebrated king of the same name,
was on the Persian throne. The war which began between
the elder Chosroes, and Justinian, had been continued, with lit-
tle intermission. The Persians had found it easy to penetrate
to the Bosphorus, though they left in their rear some fortified
cities, which had not submitted to their power. The first im-
portant information which Heraclius received, as emperor, was,
that the ancient and famous city of Antioch, on the eastern
shore of the Mediterranean, and near its north-eastern corner,
had been taken by the Persians. They thence turned their
arms to the south, and, proceeding along the coast of Syria,
took Cesarea, and, at length, the city of Jerusalem. It is relat-
HERACLIUS. 489
ed that the patriarch Zachariah, and the holy cross, to that time,
(614,) preserved in that city, were taken, and transferred to
Persia. Egypt was next conquered ; and the whole coast of
the Mediterranean, from Egypt on the south and west, around
to the shores of the ^Egean Sea, and of the Bosphorus, were
subjected to the Persian king. He maintained his camp for
ten successive years, in full view of Constantinople. Such
were the difficulties with which Heraclius had to contend ; and
who had hitherto shown no disposition to encounter them.
There remained nothing of the ancient grandeur of the empire.
Its limits, on the east, were the Bosphorus ; on the west, the
very walls of the city. Greece, a small part of Italy, the
African provinces, and some cities on the eastern shore of the
Mediterranean, and two or three cities on the Black Sea, (Tre-
bezond, the principal one,) were all that acknowledged the Ro-
man dominion. The interior state of things was not less de-
plorable, than the exterior ; and the last days of the empire
seemed to have come. Yet the apparently careless and imbe-
cile Heraclius, awaking from his long-continued apathy, was
destined to retrieve his empire, and to acquire a renown which
places him in the rank of the ablest and most effective gene-
rals, of any age.
He began with taking the treasures of the church, and pur-
chased a peace with the Avars. With the same means he ob-
tained new troops, though wholly undisciplined, and composed,
mostly, of barbarians. The Persians had no maritime force,
and the emperor had the command of the sea. Well knowing
what would be his fate, if he led his new troops over the Hel-
lespont, and engaged with the veteran forces of his enemy, on
the Asiatic shore, he embarked them, and proceeded to the
north-east corner of the Mediterranean, and landed them on the
shores of a bay called Scanderon. The place of his encamp-
ment was on the river Issus, where Alexander defeated Darius,
Here he devoted himself incessantly to the discipline of his
troops, sharing equally with them, the labor, their coarse fare,
and privations. His encampment had attracted the notice of
the Persians, who were not disposed to entangle their cavalry
in the defiles of the mountains, by which Heraclius was pro-
tected. When he was prepared, he boldly crossed these barri-
ers, engaged his enemies, and proved that they were not invinci-
ble. He encamped, for the winter, on the Halys, the largest
river of the peninsula, and leaving his army there, returned to
Constantinople.
He gathered and disciplined 5000 men, and departed, by the
490 HERACLIUS.
way of the Black Sea, to Trebisond, an important city near its
south-eastern corner. He assembled the troops which he had
left on the Halys, and, with such auxiliaries as he could com-
mand, proceeded to Armenia. Gibbon says, that, " since the
days of Scipio and Hannibal, no bolder enterprize has been at-
tempted, than that which Heraclius achieved for the deliver-
ance of his empire." To understand the military career of
Heraclius a geographical knowledge of the countries, in which
he met his foes, is necessary. Some sketches of those coun-
tries are contained in chapter LXVI., under the head of Persia.
Gibbon's account of these movements will be found in his
XLVI. chapter.
Heraclius passed, unimpeded, through Armenia, to the city
Tauris, and possessed himself of its treasures. While he was
here, the Persian king, Chosroes II., approached him with an
army, from the south. The emperor offered battle, and also
offered to treat of peace, but the king declined both, and re-
treated. The emperor pursued his conquests towards the Cas-
pian Sea, and took the town of Thebarma, or Ormia. Here
was preserved the sacred fire of the Persians, kindled by Zoro-
aster himself This place is said to have been the birth-place
of this founder of Persian religion, if such a person there ever
was. The sacred fire was extinguished. Fifty thousand cap-
tives (taken in the Roman and Persian wars) were liberated.
Heraclius is the first, and only Roman general, that ever pene-
trated to the city of Ispahan. Meanwhile, Chosroes had recall-
ed apart of his armies from the Nile and the Bosphorus, and
gathered an army from the east. Heraclius was exposed to
the attacks of three armies at the same time; but he defended
himself successfully, and, by adroit generalship, still maintain-
ed his superiority. Laden with spoils, and with numerous
prisoners, he retired across the Tigris, and proceeded south-
westwardly, to Cilicia, at the eastern end of the peninsula of
Asia Minor, having encountered, on his way, many of the Per-
sian forces, which still remained in the countries they had con-
quered from the Romans.
The Persian forces which remained on the west shore of
Asia Minor, and the Avars, had combined their efforts to sub-
due Constantinople, while Heraclius w^as absent. The city
was in imminent peril. Heraclius, on being informed of this,
sent 12,000 chosen troops, by sea, for the defence of the city.
The Avars were compelled to retreat. Both the king, and the
emperor, were occupied with preparing for new encounters.
The king had gathered one army of fifty thousand, distinguish-
HERACLIUS. 491
ed as the army of the golden spurs. A second army was or-
ganized to prevent the troops which were under a separate
command of Theodorus, from joining the forces of his brother
Heraclius. The third army was ordered to proceed directly
to Constantinople, and conquer that city. On his part, Herac-
lius had secured the alliance of the hordes of Tartars, who
dwelt on the Volga, north of the Caucassian mountains, and
who furnished him with 40,000 horse. A Persian general,
whose camp was on the east side of the Bosphorus, was induc-
ed to revolt. Chosroes had collected a force in Media, and
Assyria, of 500,000 men ; and thither Heraclius proceeded.
The armies met on the plain (in the year 627) where were the
ruins of Nineveh. The battle lasted from day-break to the
eleventh hour of the night, and ended with the total defeat of
the Persians. By the event of this battle, the palaces, and rich-
es of Assyria, from the plains of Nineveh to within a few
miles of Ctesiphon, became the spoil of Heraclius, and what-
soever could not be carried away, was either burnt or destroy-
ed. Many thousands of captives were liberated. The ap-
proach of winter, and the improbability of taking Ctesiphon,
to which Chosroes had retired, induced Heraclius to retreat to
Tauris. The defeat of Chosroes, raised a conspiracy against
him, and he was deposed, and confined in a dungeon, by his
own son Siroes, who assumed the crown.
Peace was made between Heraclius and the new king, who
surrendered the cross which had been taken from Jerusalem.
All the conquests of the Persians from the Romans were given
up, and the former extent of the empire resumed. From Tau-
ris to Constantinople, Heraclius proceeded in a continued tri-
umph. He entered his capital in a chariot drawn by four ele-
phants. This is the only triumphal entry, by an emperor, that
ever occurred in that city. He had been absent three years,
devoted incessantly to the severest toil, and in numerous battles,
in w^hich he was, sometimes, in imminent peril. Many of his
foes fell by his own hand. The name of his horse (Phallus)
has been handed down. In these conflicts he is not supposed
to have-been w^ounded but once, and then slightly. His Phal-
lus was wounded in the same battle.
In the next year, 629, Heraclius went to Jerusalem, and
there, with great splendor, and with pious ceremonies, restored
the cross to its former place, on mount Calvary. This event is
celebrated in the Roman church by an annual festival, called
the exaltation of the cross.
Heraclius had married his niece, Martina, an ambitious and
492 GREEK EMPERORS.
unprincipled woman, after his return from Persia, and left chil-
dren, by this and a former marriage, with Eudoxia. He died
in February, 641, at an advanced age. During the next sev-
enty-seven years, the history of the empire discloses only a
series of crimes among the descendants of Heraclius, in their
contests for the throne. Murder, by assassination and poison,
mutilation of the person by cutting off the nose, and pulling
out the tongue; factions, cabals, insurrections, and ecclesiastic-
al tyrannies, are the materials of history, which cannot be
used for any purpose of instruction, unless to show how basely
and wickedly human beings can struggle for the exercise of
power.
In 718, Leo III., surnamed the Isaurian, from the place of
his birth, became emperor. Isauria was in Asia Minor, between
latitudes 37 and 38, long. 32. Leo was of very humble origin,
probably son of a grazier. He entered the army, rose to distinc-
tion, and was prochiimed emperor by the soldiers. He is princi-
pally distinguished by his zeal to destroy the worship of images,
which, in his time, had become almost universal in the church.
The sect or party of which he was the head, were called im-
age breakers, which words, in the Greek, were rendered by
the term Iconoclasts. He reigned 34 years, and died peaceably
in his palace.
Constantine, (Capronymus,) the fifth of that name, son of
Leo, is a remarkable instance of the different accounts which
history may give of the same person. Being an Iconoclast,
and having pushed his zeal, in this matter, with extreme intole-
rance, ecclesiastical writers represent him to have been the
most profligate, and the most cruel monster, that ever appeared
in human form. Other historians admit him to have been se-
vere in his persecutions, and entitled to no praise for his vir-
tues ; but ascribe to him qualities of a monarch that make him
respectable. He seems to have been able to maintain his em-
pire against internal and external foes, and to have contributed
to its prosperity.
Constantine the Sixth, a child under the guardianship of his
mother Irene, began his reign in 780. Irene restored the wor-
ship of images, and went as far in the persecution of the Ico-
noclasts, as Leo had gone in the support of them. This un-
natural mother dethroned her son, and put out his eyes, and had,
probably, few equals in the enormity of her crimes. She moved
through the streets of Constantinople drawn by four milk-
white steeds, having as many patricians to hold the reins, and
who went on foot by her golden chariot. She fell from this
GREEK EMPERORS. 493
proud eminence, and ended her life under banishment to the
isle of Lesbos ; where she acquired a humble subsistence by
the work of her own hands.
Passing over several emperors, from the time of Irene, in
802, as unnecessary to be noticed, the first emperor that
attracts attention is Basil, I., who began his reign in 867,
and which continued twenty years. His father was a humble
farmer near Adrianople, about 150 miles nearly north-west of
Constantinople; but he was reputed to be descended from the
royal house of the Arsacides, anciently of Parthia. The moth-
er of Basil is supposed to have been a descendant of Constan-
tine the Great. While Basil was an infant, his native place
was destroyed by a horde of Bulgarians from the north, and
he was carried away a captive, and rose to manhood as a slave.
The number of captives encouraged them to make a desperate
effort to free themselves. Basil returned to Adrianople in pov-
erty, and soon after went to Constantinople, and passed his first
night, in that city, on the steps of the church of St. Diomede.
He found employment with one of the retinue of the palace,
and rose to be an officer in the imperial stables. He attracted
the notice of the emperor Michael, and by successive grada-
tions, was associated in the imperial authority; and having
caused Michael to be put to death, ascended the throne.
Such a course would lead one to expect the common exhibi-
tion of vices and crimes. It was far otherwise; and Basil is
deservedly ranked among the most able and honorable of all
the Greek monarchs. His private life was respectable, and his
public administration useful, and advantageous to his empire.
He reformed abuses, and selected the most competent and virtu-
ous for his agents. Though he did not lead his armies him-
self, he gave the command to deserving men, and the enemies
of the empire, both in the east, and the north, were once more
compelled to respect the majesty of the Roman name. The
civil code of Justinian had become obsolete, and unintelligible
to most of the subjects of the empire, who knew only the
Greek language. He, therefore, made a new compilation,
known under the name of Basilicas, which his son, and grand-
son, perfected, and which was the law of the empire until the
conquest of the Turks in 1453. It was made out of the Jus-
tinian code.
The descendants of Basil held the throne till the year 1056,
w^ith the interruption of two usurpations. This succession
was attended by several murders, some of them by violence,
and some of them by poison, with many acts of excessive cru-
42
494 GREEK EMPERORS.
elty. The possession of the throne depended on many con-
tingencies. The son or daughter, the brother or the nephew,
might succeed as heir, or the tenant might nominate a suc-
cessor. The army, the officers of the palace, the populace,
or the widow of a deceased emperor, might fill the vacant
throne, by violence or intrigue. The most common of the
contingencies was that of assassination, poisoning, banishment,
imprisonment, mutilation, or some more cruel act, successfully
perpetrated by some revengeful aspirant. The power of the
emperor seems to have been absolute. The offence, the law,
and condemnation, and punishment, came in rapid succession,
and all, but the offence, from the emperor's will. As one in-
stance of the practices of these days, the barbarians, near the
Danube, had taken 12,000 prisoners, who were in the emperor's
service ; their noses were cut off^ and they were sent back to
Constantinople, thus mutilated. Constantino, emperor in 969,
sent back to the barbarians some thousands of captives, divided
into companies of 100, having put out 199 eyes in each compa-
ny, leaving one eye for the use of their guide. These are
some of the atrocious acts of this age, but not, perhaps, the
worst which might be selected. The materials of Byzantine
history are very few. Such as may have existed were, proba-
bly, in the burning of Constantinople — a loss, not much to be
regretted, in this respect.
Some volumes attributed to Basil, and others, respectively at-
tributed to his son, Leo VI., called the philosopher, and to his
grandson, Constantino VII., called porphyrogenitus, (or born
in the purple chamber,) appear to have been known to Gibbon.
These three emperors comprise the space between the years
867 and 959, and from these volumes some information is ob-
tained of the state of the empire. The code of laws called the
Basilicse, is said, by Gibbon, to be a feeble version of portions
of the Justinian code, into the Greek. An elaborate account
is given in these volumes of the minute andburthensome cere-
monies of the palace, of the military regulations, and of the
different provinces of the empire. The riches of some indi-
viduals are noticed. One instance is found in the condition of
a female called Danielis, a Grecian matron, of Patras, in the
north-western part of the Peloponessus. This matron is rep-
resented to have been a patroness of Basil, who was sent to
Greece at an early period of his life, and who appears to have
enjoyed her favor and bounty, after he became emperor. Among
her presents to him were a carpet of wool, wrought of exceed-
ing fineness, and of a pattern which imitated the spots of a
GREEK EMPERORS. 495
peacock's tail ; and of a size adapted to cover the floor of a
church. She gave, also, 600 pieces of silk and linen. The
silk was painted with the Tyrian dye, and adorned with the la-
bors of the needle. The linen was so exquisitely fine, that an
entire piece might be rolled in the hollow of a cane. Another
present to Basil, was 300 young men, as slaves. When Dan-
ielis visited Basil, at Constantinople, she was carried from Pa-
tras thither, 500 miles, in a litter, attended by 300 slaves, who
relieved each other on the way. At her decease, she gave to
Basil's son, Leo, the residue of her estates, which comprised
80 farms, and 3000 slaves. [Gibbon, chap, liii.] No sugges-
tion is made, how a private female should have acquired such
riches in the ninth century, nor how the arts should have at-
tained to such perfection in that place, and in that age. This
was the darkest and most barbarous age of Avestern Europe,
with the exception of the transient attempts of Charlemagne to
emerge from it. The Basilian (called also the Macedonian)
dynasty, terminated in the two daughters of a great grandson
of the first Basil, Zoe and Theodora. The former ranks
among the most criminal and profligate of the many females
who appeared, from time to time, on the Byzantine throne.
There remain yet about four centuries of the Greek empire,
(1056 to 1453,) in which will be found only a repetition of the
same scenes of depravity and crime, in acquiring, holding, and
losing the throne. It is a singular fact, that in the long lapse
of 1000 years, there seems not to have been any material
change in the character of the government, of the people, of
their religion, commerce, or occupations, whether in serious
affairs, or in those of pleasure or amusement. While the Lat-
in empire (so called) existed at Constantinople, from 1204 to
1261, the same course of events continued; and if there had
not been a change of names, it would seem to be a continua-
tion of the same scenes of violence, depravity and crimes of the
Greek empire. This general assumption admits of a single
qualification. There w^ere some persons who studied the an-
cient Greek literature, from about the commencement of the
eleventh century. Constantino Porphyrogenitus was a patron
of learning, as were some of his family after him. Some of
the Comneni princes were versed in literature. Anne Com-
nenus, the daughter of Alexius L, (1081 — 1118,) was an au-
thoress of distinction. She described the reign of her father,
though probably with more filial reverence than historical truth.
Her work, called the Alexiad, is fully treated of in Heeren's
history of classical literature.
496 THE COMNENI.
The family of Comneni succeeded the Basilian or Macedo-
nian dynasty, on the throne of Constantinople, in 1057. The
first was Isaac I., who resigned in 1059, in favor of Constan-
tino Ducas, who died in 1061. He left three minor sons, and
left his widow Eudocia, regent. The sons were Michael, An-
dronicus and Constantine. Eudocia, her second husband, Di-
ogenes, and her sons, had given way in 1081 to Alexius Com-
nenus I., who died in 1118. John, his son, succeeded him 1118
— 1143. Manuel, his son, succeeded him 1143 — 1180. Alex-
ius II., his son, reigned from 1180 — 1183, when he was de-
throned and slain by Andronicus, a grandson of Alexius I.
With Andronicus ends the Comneni family, in 1185.
The fortunes of this Andronicus were so extraordinary that
Gibbon had devoted an unusual space to them, chap. XLVIII.
He is represented to have been brave, eloquent, accomplished, of
singular grace and beauty, and temperate in an extraordinary
degree ; " with a heart to resolve, a head to contrive, and a hand
to execute." The sister of the empress was his concubine,
and preferred that relation to being a wife. He attempted to
assassinate the emperor Manuel, and was punished by imprison-
ment, which continued twelve years. He discovered in a part
of the wall that the bricks could be removed, and might be re-
placed, so as not to change their usual appearance. Beyond
this wall was a recess, in which a person might be concealed,
but beyond which he could not go. Andronicus removed the
bricks, and, having passed into the recess, was able to replace
the bricks, from that position, so as not to lead to suspicion.
Not being found in his prison, it was believed that he had es-
caped; and his wife, or concubine, being suspected of having
aided him, was sent to take his place. " In the dead of the
night she beheld a spectre — she recognized her husband— they
shared their provisions." By a course of ingenious contriv-
ances he escaped, and fled to the Danube. There, after many
perils, he found his way into Russia, and there rendered such
important services to the Greek emperor, as to secure his par-
don. He again fell under the displeasure of the emperor, and
was banished to Cilicia, in Asia Minor, but with a military
command. Here his romantic amours brought him into new
difficulties, and, to escape the consequences, he undertook a pil-
grimage to Jerusalem. New amours with the widow of Bald-
win, third king of Jerusalem, (who was a relative of the em-
peror,) made Andronicus more obnoxious, and a price was of-
fered for his head. He fled to Damascus, thence to Bagdad,
and Persia, and, at last, settled among the Turks, in Asia Mi-
THE COMNENI. 497
nor, the implacable foes of his country. He employed himself
with a band of outlaws in predatory excursions, into the Ro-
man empire, and raised for himself an extensive renown,
throughout the east. The attempts of the emperor to secure
his person were unsuccessful ; but his concubine, the widow
Theodora, and their two children were taken, and sent to Con-
stantinople. His next measure was to manifest his penitence,
and implore pardon, which was granted, and he prostrated
himself at the foot of the throne ; but he was not permitted to
remain near it. His place of exile was on the southern shore
of the Euxine, and near its eastern extremity.
The death of Manuel was followed by a civil war at Con-
stantinople. The friends of Andronicus ministered to his am-
bition. He gathered a military force, and proceeded to Con-
stantinople, and marched, unopposed, to the throne, but not to
ascend it himself— assuming only to be the guardian of Manu-
el's infant son, Alexius. This unfortunate child, and his moth-
er, soon disappeared. The latter was made odious in her fame
before life was taken, and her body thrown into the sea. The
son was strangled with a bow-string. After surveying the
dead body, Andronicus rudely struck it with his foot: "Thy
father," said he, " was a knave, thy mother a prostitute, and thy-
self a fool."
The ancient proverb, " blood-thirsty is the man who returns
from banishment to power," was verified by the emperor An-
dronicus, in the use of poison, and the sword, the sea, and the
flames. Alexius Angelus, a descendant of Alexius the first,
was marked as a victim. In a moment of despair, he slew the
executioner who approached him, and fled to the church of St.
Sophia. A mournful crowd was assembled there, whose la-
mentations soon turned to curses, and curses to threats. At the
dawn of the day the city burst into sedition, and in the general
clamor Isaac Angelus was raised to the throne. Andronicus
was absent, at one of the islands of the Propontis. He hurri-
ed to the city, found it full of commotion, the palace deserted,
and himself forsaken by all mankind. He attempted to escape
by sea. His galley was overtaken, and he was brought, in
chains, before the new emperor. He was placed astride on a
camel, and conducted through the city, subjected to blows, and
outrages ; and then hung alive by the feet, between the pillars
that supported the figures of a wolf and a sow. All whom
he had robbed of a father, a husband, or a friend, were allowed
to take vengeance. " His teeth, hair, an eye, and a hand, were
torn from him, as a poor compensation for their losses." His
42*
498 THE ANGELII.
prolonged agony was terminated by two furious Italians, who
plunged their swords into his body. [Gibbon, chap. xlviii.]_
This painful narrative (much abridged from Gibbon) is in-
troduced, not to show the fortunes and the fate of Andronicus,
but as an illustration of the manners and morals of Constanti-
nople, at the end of the twelfth century.
The family of Angelus. Isaac II., who dethroned Andron-
icus, was the grandson of Constantine Angelus, who had mar-
ried a princess of the Comneni family. Isaac was dethroned
by his brother Alexius, in 1195, imprisoned, and deprived of
sight ; but Alexius was dethroned himself in 1203, and his
blind brother restored to the throne. While Isaac was in pris-
on, and his brother, Alexius III., was on the throne, Alexius,
son of Isaac, applied to the French and Venetians, who were
engaged in the year 1201, at Venice, in preparing for a crusade
to Palestine. Young Alexius offered great inducements to the
crusaders, to postpone their enterprise towards the east, and to
aid him in expelling his uncle, and in obtaining the throne for
his father and himself
A treaty had been made between the French and Venetians.
The latter were to transport 4,500 horses, 9000 squires, 4,500
knights, and 20,000 foot soldiers; and supply a fleet of 50 gal-
lies. The French were to pay 85,000 marks of silver, and all
conquests were to be equally divided. In the following year
the treaty was carried into effect, Boniface, marquis of Montfer-
rat, being the chosen chief of the French party, among which
was a body of his own Italians. The counts of Flanders, and
Blois, were next in command. On the part of the Venetians, the
doge Henry Dandolo, then blind, and more than 80 years of age,
took the command. A serious difficulty arose. The French
could pay only 34,000 marks instead of 85,000. Dandolo pro-
posed, that the city of Zara, on the opposite coast of Dal-
matia, which had revolted from Venice, should be taken, by
the joint forces, and the deficiency made up from the spoils.
The city was taken. Then the allies (the Venetians in hope
of extending their commerce, the French in hope of plunder)
proceeded to Constantinople in April, 1203.*
On the 6th of July (1203) the crusaders landed at Scutari,
opposite to Constantinople, and prepared to cross the Bospho-
rus. The details of this valiant assault are too long to find a
place here. At the end of ten days the city was taken ; the
blind Dandolo, having been the first of the Venetians to find a
* See Gibbon's chap. LX. for a description of this splendid armament.
THE LATIN KINGDOM. 499
footing on the shore, and among the first to salute the hlind
emperor on his restoration to the throne. The suburbs of
Galata and Para, on the north-east side of the port, were as-
signed to the French and Venetians. The demands of the
invaders were so exorbitant, that the emperor and his son
Alexius dared not to comply with them. Attempts to treat
and compromise ended in mutual threats of hostility. The
indignant Greeks expelled both the emperor and his son, and
sought for some one who would maintain their independence.
The throne was offered to many, and rejected. At length, a
person of the house of Ducas, called Alexius, and surnamed
Marzoufle, assumed the command, poisoned or strangled the
young Alexius, and his blind father soon after died.
Under Marzoufle, called Alexius V., preparation was made
for defence. Three months, January to April, 1204, were
devoted by the French and Venetians to besieging the city.
A more perilous, obstinate, and valiant enterprise, is not record-
ed in history, than that of the allies in taking this city ; not
from the skill and bravery of its defenders, but from its
strength. The numbers of the Greeks were sufficient, even
when the city was taken, to have overwhelmed the invaders.
But the character of Romans had long been lost; and, instead
of resistance, the invaders received, in the morning after their
conquest, a suppliant embassy. Though the city had experi-
enced some destructive conflagrations, the spoils surpassed all
expectation. After deducting fifty thousand marks from the
share of the French, for their debt to the Venetians, their half
equalled four hundred thousand marks. The use whicii the
conquerors made of their power is narrated by an eye-witness,
Nicetas. His palace had been reduced to ashes in the second
conflagration. His family and friends found an asylum in an
obscure mansion, which a friend, a Venetian merchant, in the
disguise of a soldier, guarded, until Nicetas had prepared to
escape, with the relics of his fortune, his wife and daughters.
On foot, and bearing their own burthens, this senator and his
family escaped from the city, and found no place of safety or
repose till they had travelled forty miles. On their way they
overtook the patriarch, unattended, almost naked, and riding
on an ass.
Besides the barbarous outrages inflicted on persons and on
private property, the public monuments were broken down
and destroyed ; the churches plundered and profaned ; but that
loss, which is felt to the present time, was the destruction of the
volumes and manuscripts which had been gathering, through
500 THE LATIN KINGDOM.
many ages, in this splendid city. Besides the narration of
Nicetas, there is one from a Frenchman, Villehardouin, who
accompanied the invaders. According to Heeren, in his Essay
on the Crusades, (p. 408, &c.,) the second fire continued not
less than two days and nights, (Nicetas,) or a whole week,
(Villehardouin.) It began on the north-east side of the city,
near the port, and extended, uncontrolled, through the city a
full league, to the Propontis, comprising the richest and most
beautiful quarters. Nicetas says, — " That all the conflagra-
tions which the city had ever experienced, were nothing com-
pared to this." This calamity preceded the dethronement of
Isaac and his son Alexius, by Marzoufle, and was one cause
of that revolution, from the popular excitement. When the
city was taken, in April, 1204, Heeren thus speaks of the
complicated misery : — " All the horrors of sacking — all that
a thirst for gold — all that religious hatred — all that the rage
and brutality of an unrestrained soldiery could inflict, Con-
stantinople was doomed to suffer. A third conflagration, as
terrible as the two former, laid waste the eastern part of the
city, the only part that remained. Whatever the flames spared,
was the prey of the brigands, whom pillage had only made
more ravenous." He cites Villehardouin as saying that more
houses were destroyed than were then contained in any three
of the largest cities of Europe. Nicetas sought a refuge at
Nice, in Asia Minor, where his account is supposed to have
been written, and where he died, two years after, (Heeren
says,) doubtless from the afliictions which these events had
occasioned.
There remains a valuable memorial from the hand of the
patriarch Photius, composed about two hundred years before
the taking of Constantinople, from which some measure of
literary loss may be obtained. This work contains extracts
and critical notices of books in his possession. It is thus
known that Photius had the history of Macedonia, by Theo-
pompus ; Arien's history of the Parthians, of Bythinia, and
of the successors of Alexander ; Ctesias' history of Persia,
and description of India, and the geography of Agatharchides.*
The whole of Diodorus of Sicily, (therefore called Siculus,)
who wrote in the time of Julius Caesar and Augustus. He
called his work the Historical Lihraiij, in forty books, of
which one to five, and sixteen to twenty, only remain. The
whole of Polybius, a Greek historian, who wrote two hundred
* There are only some disconnected fragments of these works.
THE LATIN KINGDOM. 501
years B. C, from the beginning of the second Punic war to
the end of the Macedonian empire, fifty-three years, in thirty-
eight books, of which the first five remain, and some fragments
of the others. The whole of Dionysius of Halicarnassus,
(Asia Minor,) who wrote, about twenty years B. C, twenty
books, from the early history of Rome to the first Punic war,
of which the first eleven, and some fragments of the others,
remain. Instead of forty-five, there were sixty-five orations of
Demosthenes ; two hundred and three of Lysias, instead of
thirty-four ; sixty-four of Iseus, instead of ten ; fifty-two of
Hyperides, instead of one. From this accidental notice of
Photius, It is supposed that there probably were many other
works in this city, the loss of which is much to be regretted.
The four works, first mentioned, might have disclosed many
interesting facts in eastern history.
The Greek princes having disappeared, the conquerors es-
tablished an empire for themselves. Twelve electors were
selected to choose a king, who agreed on Baldwin, count of
Flanders and Hainault. The bishop of Soissons announced
the unanimous choice. He Avas crowned in May, 1204, and
the Latin kingdom then began. Innocent III., in answer to
notice from Baldwin, of this revolution, inculcates obedience
and tribute from the Greeks to the Latins, from the magistrate
to the clerg)^ and from the clergy to the pope. One fourth of
the Greek empire was appropriated to the new king ; one half
of the remainder to Venice, and the other to the French and
Lombard adventurers. Dandolo was declared despot of Ro-
mania, (the territory next to the Adriatic) and invested with
the purple buskins. His powers were exercised by a regent.
He died at Constantinople. That which the Venetians con-
sidered as most important to them, was the selection of those
parts of the empire which would best promote their commer-
cial pursuits, a purpose not interfering with their allies. They
purchased of the marquis of Montferrat, for ten thousand
marks, the island of Crete or Candia. Greece, Thessalonica,
and Macedonia, were also a part of his share. Thus, the
Greek empire was parcelled out among a comparatively small
number ; a measure not easily effected by agreement, but more
easily apportioned than held.
The fate of Alexius (Marzoufle) was this : — He was first
deprived of his eyes, among his Greek connexions; then strip-
ped and turned out to wander, as a marked murderer of an
emperor and his son. While seeking to escape into Asia, he
was taken by the Latins, carried to Constantinople, condemned
503
THE LATIN KINGDOM.
to ascend the Theodosian column of one hundred and forty-
seven feet in height, and to be thence cast headlong to the
pavement.
In the following year, 1205, the Greeks had induced the
king of Bulgaria to aid them in an attack on the Latins.
Baldwin moved towards Adrianople, to encounter this new foe.
He was taken prisoner. His fate is not certainly known.
The conjectures are stated in Gibbon, chapter LXI. He did
not return to Constantinople. A year elapsed before his suc-
cessor, Henry, (who was his brother,) would consent to be
crowned. In the following year, Boniface, count of Montfer-
rat, (now called king of Thessalonica,) fell in the same Bul-
garian war. The Greeks, finding the friendship of the Bul-
garians more afflictive than the enmity of the Latins, volunta-
rily submitted, and peace was made. Henry appears to have
maintained his difficult station w^ith prudence and ability, about
ten years, when he died ; and in him the male line of the
counts of Flanders was extinct. Their sister, Yolande, had
married Peter Courtenay, a Frenchman, count of Auxerre.
He was invited to succeed Henry in 1217. But this person,
in attempting to pass from Fr.Tnce, by way of Venice and the
mountains of Thessalonica, to Constantinople, was made pris-
oner by some rebels in that quarter, and never reached his
destination. His widow, Yolande, reigned with ability during
her son Robert's minority. When he came to the throne, the
Greeks recovered the whole kingdom, the city only excepted.
During the minority of his son, Baldwin II., John of Brien
was regent. He was titular king of Jerusalem, and son-in-
law of Frederick II. of Germany. He died at an advanced
age, and Baldwin took the throne. He was employed not in
the performance of duties at Constantinople, but in going from
court to court, in the west of Europe, to ask aid against the
Greeks. He returned to Constantinople, and made a feeble
effort to resist the increasing power of the Greeks, and was,
at length, fortunate in escaping to Italy, where he continued to
live several years. The title to the throne of the Latin king-
dom passed to the kings of France, by the marriage of his
grand-daughter with Charles of Valois, brother of Philip the
Fair, king of France. Baldwin II. was the last of the Latin
kings.
GREEK EMPIRE. 603
CHAPTER LXVL
Greek Empire-^ Military Adventurers — SiLCcession of Emperors— Attack
of the Turks — Bajaret — Coiidliation of Greek and Latin Churches —
Siege and taking of Constantinople by the Turks — Note on the Greek
Church.
From the end of the Latin empire at Constantinople, to the
destruction of the Greek empire, there were ten emperors, and
one hundred and ninety-two years, (1261 — 1453.) The dura-
tion of the empire for so many years, did not arise from the
ability of the emperors nor the power of the people, to resist
the causes of decline and final overthrow, but from the diver-
sion of their enemies to other objects. The history of these
one hundred and ninety-two years is destitute of interest ; nor
can any regret be felt for the disappearance of a once mighty
empire, which had endured eleven hundred and twenty-three
years, including the fifty-seven of the Latin dominion. The
new masters of Constantinople were not the inferiors of the
Greeks in any of the qualities which deserve respect ; nor
even in religion and its prescribed duties, though the Greeks
called themselves Christians.
In the revolutions of the palace at Constantinople, some
princes of the royal families escaped into Asia Minor. Some
•of the family of Angeli and of Comneni had established them-
selves in small sovereignties there ; the Comneni at Trebi-
zond, on the south-east corner of the Black Sea; the Angeli
at Nice, situate near the east end of an arm of the Marmora,
about eighty miles south-east of Constantinople. The little
kingdom of Nice was founded by Theodorus Lascaris, who
married a daughter of Alexius Angelus, the same who de-
throned his brother Isaac, and who was on the throne in 1204,
when the crusaders took Constantinople. Another daughter
of this Alexius had married a Pal^ologus, and from this mar-
riage came Michael Palseologus ; from that of Lascaris and
the other daughter came Irene, who married John Ducas,
surnamed Vataces; and his son John was considered heir of
the crown of Nice. Being a minor, Michael Palseologus was
his guardian, and regent ; and, availing himself of this rela-
tion, he deprived John of sight, and usurped the throne. The
possession of the crown of Nice appears to have implied a
title to that of Constantinople. When the city was taken from
504 GREEK EMPIRE.
the Latins, Michael went thither, and placed himself on the
throne, and was the first of the sovereigns after the Latins
v/ere expelled, July, 1261. " After the first transport of devo-
tion and pride, he sighed at the dreary prospect of solitude
and ruin. The palace was defiled with smoke and dirt, and
the intemperance of the Franks ; whole streets had been con-
sumed by fire, or decayed by the injuries of time ; the sacred
and profane edifices were stripped of their ornaments ; the
industry of the Latins had been confined to the work of pil-
lage and destruction."
The reign of Michael was remarkable, principally for the
censures of the patriarch, drawn forth by Michael's treatment
of John, whose place Michael had usurped. 2. For ecclesi-
astical schisms. 3. The invasion of the empire by Charles
of Anjou, who had made himself master of the kingdom of
Naples. 4. The employment of "the great company," or
military adventurers, to resist the Turks.
The patriarch of Constantinople exercised an authority like
that of the pope ; and his excommunication of Michael pro-
duced a penitence resembling that which Gregory VII. im-
posed on Henry IV. of Germany. The ecclesiastical state of
the empire will require a short notice in another place.
The possession of the Neapolitan throne by Charles of An-
jou, (brother of Louis IX. of France,) attracted numerous
warlike adventurers. Charles believed himself powerful
enough to conquer Africa, Greece, and Palestine. In notices
of Italy, John of Procida was mentioned as the industrious
enemy of Charles, and as the author of "the Sicilian Ves-
pers." Procida consulted the emperor Michael, and warned
him of his danger, and obtained from the emperor money and
counsel. By these means the Catalan, or Spanish expedition,
was undertaken against Sicily ; and if the emperor did not
suggest the massacre at Sicily, it was known to him to have
been intended, and had his approbation. It proved to be an
effectual measure in defeating the designs of Charles against
the Greek empire.
The companies of military adventurers, who let themselves
to the highest bidders, and who were the terror of Italy in the
thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, have already been men-
tioned. After the fall of Charles of Anjou, and about the year
1303, a numerous company, under the command of Roger de
Flor, sailed from Sicily for Constantinople, to aid the emperor
against the Turks. They crossed into Asia Minor and de-
feated the Turks, but treated the subjects of the empire as a
GREEK EMPIRE. 505
conquered people. It was soon found that the protection of
these friends was far more distressing than any evils which
could be inflicted by their infidel enemies. According to the
moral code of that age, the remedy was the assassination of
Roger de Flor, the chief The emperor attempted, next, to
drive these adventurers away by sending against them a force
outnumbering their own, twenty to one; but this force was
disgracefully defeated. Perhaps the empire might have been
subdued, if discord had not arisen among the adventurers, and
if it had been possible to supply themselves with provisions.
They retraced their steps towards the west, intending to pos-
sess themselves of Greece.
When the Latins divided the territories of the empire, a
principality, including Athens and Thebes, fell to Otho de la
Roche, one of the followers of Boniface, marquis of Montfer-
rat. In the fourth descent from Otho, Walter de Brienne was
duke of Athens, when the company of adventurers approach-
ed, now reduced to thirty-five hundred horse and four thousand
foot. The duke met them with seven hundred knights, sixty-
four hundred horse, and eight thousand foot ; but the duke
was entirely defeated, and most of his army slain. The ad-
venturers took possession, and married the widows and daugh-
ters of the slain. The descendants of Otho were expelled.
In his flight, Walter de Brienne passed through Italy, and is
the same person whom the Florentines placed at the head of
their army, and who is known in the history of that republic
as " the Duke of Athens and Tyrant of Florence."
The fate of Athens was determined by the sultan Mahomet
II., who strangled the last duke, and educated his sons as
Mussulmen. (1456.)
The close of Michael's life was afflicted and disgraced by
civil wars, in which himself, son, and grandson were parties
and enemies. Andronicus, the son, and the grandson of the
same name, occupied the throne till the year 1341. There is
not a fact (disregarding their own crimes and follies) which
deserves notice while these persons reigned. Meanwhile, the
Turks had approached to the shores of the Bosphorus. The
younger Andronicus left two sons, John and Manuel, minors,
of whom John Cantacuzenus became guardian. The guar-
dian despoiled his wards of the throne, after a long and afflic-
tive civil war. In 1355 he was compelled to abdicate, and
retire to a monastery, the rightful heir, John, having been pro-
claimed by the people. This appears to have been a period
of gross superstition and of clerical tyranny. Heresies, not
43
506 GREEK EMPIRE.
unlike those at the same time prevailing in the west, disturbed
the repose of the east. In addition to these dissensions, the
Turks were continually growing stronger, as the power to
resist declined. The Pisans, Venetians, and Genoese, estab-
lished within the suburbs of the city, were no less dreaded
than the Turks.
The Genoese had gradually expelled their rivals in com-
merce, and had enclosed their settlement on the north-east side
of the port, Galata, with walls, and then secured their position
by fortresses. Their strength and the imbecility of the em-
peror, encouraged them, in the time of Cantacuzenus, (1348,)
to find a pretext for hostilities. The Greeks were compelled
to seek the alliance of the Venetians. In February, 1352, a
memorable battle was fought under the walls of the city, by
the hostile fleets, the Genoese on the one side, the Venetians
and Greeks on the other, in which the latter were defeated,
leaving the Genoese the sovereigns of the sea. The maritime
war of the two republics continued, with little intermission,
for one hundred and thirty years, when Venice drove Genoa
from the seas ; a destiny not likely to have occurred, if the
latter had not been enfeebled by internal fections in their own
city, at home.
John Cantacuzenus (who had supplanted John Palaeologus
in 1341, and abdicated the throne in 1355) retired to a monas-
tery, where he employed himself in writing a memoir of his
own time, which appears to have been among the historical
materials consulted by Gibbon. John Palseologus having
been re-established, held the throne from that lime till 1391,
and is described by Gibbon as " the helpless, if not the care-
less, spectator of the public ruin." In the early part of this
emperor's reign, the Turks established themselves in Europe,
by crossing the Hellespont to the Thracian city of Galliopolis,
which was taken by them. It was considered to be the key
of Greece, and even of Europe. Gallipoli is on the Euro-
pean shore, at the outlet of the sea of Marmora, about one
hundred miles south-west of Constantinople. Possessed of
this strong hold, the Turks extended themselves northwardly
towards the Black Sea. circumscribing the remnant of the
empire to a space of fifty miles by thirty, of which the city of
Constantinople was at the extreme eastwardly point. The
seat of government of the Turks in Europe, was the city now
called Adrianopolis, (about one hundred and fifty miles nearly
north-west of Constantinople,) situate on the river anciently
called the Hebrus, and now called the Marisa, and which runs
GREEK EMPIRE. 609
south from Adrianopolis, and empties into the Archipelago,
fifty miles north-west of Gallipoli. At this time, Amurath I.
was the sultan of the Turks, having dominion on both sides
of the waters which separate Asia and Europe, excepting the
remnant of the Greeks. It is supposed that the only reason
why Amurath did not subdue this remnant, or attempt to do it,
was the apprehension that he might thereby combine the west
of Europe against him. He contented himself with treating
the feeble emperor of the Greeks as his vassal.
Sauses, the son of Amurath, and Andronicus, the son of the
emperor John, met at Adrianople and formed an intimacy ;
they conspired to dethrone their respective fathers. Their
designs having been made known to Amurath, he deprived his
son of his eyes, and required of John to inflict the like pun-
ishment on Andronicus. Andronicus had a son called John,
who was included in this punishment, and deprived of his sight.
The two blinded Greek princes were shut up in the tower of
Anema. Their punishment was so inflicted, from design or
accident, that the sight of one eye was left to one of them, and
the sight of the other prince was only impaired. The empe-
ror John associated his second son, Manuel, with him on the
throne. Such were the vicissitudes of royal life, in this shadow
of an empire, that, within two years, the two emperors were
consigned to the same tower of Anema, and the two half-
blinded princes raised to the throne. But, within another two
years, the prisoners had escaped, and the grandfather, his two
sons, and grandson, engaged in a furious civil war for the
mastery, and compromised their contest by a partition of the
small territory, which was all that remained of the Roman
empire. The grandfather and his son Manuel had the capital,
with very little space beyond the walls, and the two blind
princes divided the residue between themselves. When the
grandfather, John, died, in 1391, Manuel was a visiter in the
court of Bajazet, (the successor of Amurath,) on the eastern
side of the Bosphorus. The sultan had resolved on the con-
quest of Constantinople, and was mortified that Manuel had
succeeded in escaping from his power, on having secret intelli-
gence of his father's death. The sultan considered himself
sufficiently powerful to meet the forces of the west, if his con
quest of the capital should combine them against him. The
last days of the Roman empire (as it was yet called by its
princes and subjects) had come, if a new and unexpected event
in the east had not prolonged its miserable existence for yet
half a century.
508 BAJAZET.
Timour, or Tamerlane the Great, returning westwardly
frorn his far distant conquests in Asia, had come to reduce the
empire of Bajazet, and number him among the vanquished.
Instead of pursuing his conquests on the western side of the
Bosphorus, Bajazet gathered his forces to meet Tamerlane ;
and, moving to the east, their great conflict was had on the
28th of July, 1402, at Angora, in Asia Minor, where the for-
tieth degree of north latitude and the thirty-third of east lon-
gitude intersect. A million of men are said to have engaged
in this battle. Instead of reigning at Constantinople, Bajazet
became a captive, and one (doubtful) account of his destiny is,
that he was imprisoned in an iron cage.*
The only hope that remained to the Greeks, was to engage
the Christians of the west to unite in defending and preserving
the empire. Manuel undertook this embassy, leaving one of
the blind princes on his throne w^hile he should be absent.
The principal inducement held out to the west was the union of
the Greek with the Latin church, and the consequent admis-
sion of the supremacy of the pope. The states of the west
were too much occupied with their own concerns to listen to
the proposals of Manuel, and the points of difference between
the two churches were irreconcilable. The pride of the
Greek prelates might have been a sufficient obstacle, if there
had been none other.
John It., oldest son of Manuel, succeeded his father in 1425.
At this time the Christian states of Europe were involved in
the great schism. The council of Constance had been held in
1414 and the following four years. The principle had been
established, that the pope was not supreme, but subject to the
great council of Christian nations, and that councils should be
periodically assembled to inquire into the state of the church, and
to correct and reform. The next meeting of the council was to be
held at the city of Basle, (or Basil,) on the Rhine. At this meet-
ing the union of the Greek and Latin churches was considered,
and deputies were sent to the emperor and patriarch to invite
their concurrence. The pope, who was not in favor with this
council, desired to prevent their acquisition of so great a prize
as the submission of the Greek church to their party, and to
acquire it himself It is an amusing fact, that the Christian
states, through their delegates to the grand council, on the one
* Gibbon, chapter LXV., treats the story of the iron cage as a fable,
and is of the opinion that Bajazet was generously treated, and died a
natural death about nine months after his defeat.
GREEK AND LATIN CHURCHES.
509
side, and the pope on the other, were contending for the good
will of the poor emperor of the mere city of Constantinople,
who could not defray the expense of a visit to either, and who
had no intention of submitting to either. Both parties des-
patched vessels, and both parties agreed to pay the expense of
his personal attendance. The pope had the advantage, as his
vessels went from Venice ; those of the council from Mar-
seilles. The emperor preferred the pope's invitation, as he
was to meet him at Ferrara, (on the river Po,) instead of
going further west. In February, 1438, the emperor and the
patriarch, with a retinue of prelates and learned attendants,
(employed to argue the points in controversy,) arrived at
Venice, and proceeded thence to Ferrara. The ceremonies of
meeting, and the rank, precedence, and rights of the parties
having been adjusted by tedious negotiations, the Greeks were
surprised to find how small a number of dignitaries were
present. They discerned that the pope did not represent the
Christians of the west, and that they, in general, denied his
authority. The meeting was adjourned for six months, then
to be held at Florence. The poor and dependent Greeks
found themselves prisoners, and compelled to await the meet-
ing at the adjournment. Here a false and deceitful compro-
mise was made on points of doctrine and belief, which are
utterly incomprehensible by any rational mind ; and about the
moment of solemn ratification of that compromise, by signing
the parchment, the pope was deposed by the council of Basle.
After many difficulties and mortifications, the Greeks reached
Constantinople in February, 1440, having been absent two
years. The emperor found his subjects in great disorder, civil
and ecclesiastical. The pretended union was rejected univer-
sally by the Greeks, and the opposition extended into the great
empire of Russia, which derived its religious creed from the
Greek church.
The pope Eugenius having restored himself to power by
humiliating concessions, formed a league in Hungary and
some other states, and a successful war was carried on against
the Turks, and produced a peace in 1443, which was soon
broken. In the following year the destructive battle of Warna
was fought, in which the Turks obtained a costly victory, and
in which the king of Hungary was slain. Peace was again
made, with strong assurances of preserving it.
In 1451, Mahomet II. being sultan, and having tried the
efTect of a western league against him, he resolved to possess
himself of Constantinople. The emperor John had left the
43*
510 CONQUEST OF CONSTANTINOPLE.
throne to his son Constantino XL, in 1448. The sultan be-
gan his hostile measures by building a fort on the western
shore (it is supposed) of the Hellespont, in a triangular form,
one side being on the sea. It was raised and finished with
the utmost despatch. Constantino remonstrated with the sul-
tan, that this was an infraction of the existing treaty ; but the
remonstrance was disregarded. In the following winter, Con-
stantino made the best preparations for defence which his poor
ability would allow, while Mahomet was intensely occupied in
effecting his purposes.
Four centuries have nearly elapsed since the fall of Con-
stantinople ; but that event will long continue to be felt through-
out the civilized world. As one of the thousands of instances
of siege, assault, merciless pillage, and cruel subjection of a
city and its people, it holds an eminent rank. The ability and
resolute perseverance of its assailant, the conduct of the last
of its monarchs, (unexpectedly proved to be able and patriotic,
after a long succession of worthless princes,) impart an un-
common interest to the final struggle. This was the last of
all the unconquered cities of Asia, Africa, and Europe, that
had borne the name of Roman. It was, at least, professedly
Christian. It fell, that there might arise on its ruins, in the
name of religion, a relentless despotism over the body, the
heart, and the mind ; and which spread its withering influence
over the fairest portions of the earth, long endeared to the
scholar, the philanthropist, and the Christian, by familiar and
imperishable associations.
The city has already been described as having all its walls
in contact with the surrounding waters, except on the west
side. Here the double wall was four miles in length, extend-
ing from the sea of Marmora on the south, to the waters of
the Port on the north-east. Between the walls was a ditch<'of
the depth of one hundred feet. Mahomet had no vessels capa-
ble of attacking the walls protected by the sea. All his ener-
gies were, therefore, directed to the west wall. At this time
gunpowder and cannon were used in the west of Europe, but
not by the Turks. During the winter of 1452 — 3, a Dane or
Hungarian, named Urban, had deserted from the Clreek ser-
vice, and carried the knowledge of casting to Mahomet, at
Adrianople, and produced a brass cannon capable of throwing
a stone of six hundred pounds weight. Two months were
consumed in transporting this cannon from thence to Constan-
tinople, a distance of one hundred and fifty miles. Other
pieces of cannon were cast. Besides these instruments of
CONQUEST OF CONSTANTINOPLE. 511
destruction, the Turks were accustomed to the ancient forms of
attack, called ballista^, catapulta, &c., used in casting stones, and
in battering down walls; and to the erection of towers by the
side of walls, whereby to rise to a level with the besieged, and
to pass from thence on to the walls. It is supposed that the
whole Turkish force was 258,000 men, on the land. The na-
vy was computed at 320 sail, but only 18 of them were gallies,
the residue small vessels, or boats: the Turks were unskilled
in maritime warfare. Such was the force which Mahomet had
arrayed against the object of his earnest craving. Powerful as
it may have been, and feeble as the Greeks were, it would have
been insufficient, if not directed by the able sultan. He is sup-
posed to have been about 23 years of age. He had been well
educated, and could, it is said, speak the Arabian, the Persian,
the Chaldean, or Plebrew, the Latin and the Greek languages.
But, by nature and habit, he was severe, and even cruel; and
he commanded with a terrible energy. H^is forces had been
trained, during the long preparation, for this great effort; prom-
ises and menaces were alike used, and he appealed, especially,
to the spirit of fanaticism, the doctrine of fate, and the rewards
of paradise, which the founder of the Moslem faith prescribed,
as the surest means of conquest.
The Greeks had little to rely on, except their natural and
artificial protection. Among themselves, within the city, there
were 100,000 inhabitants, mostly consisting of mechanics,
priests, women, and men, " destitute of that spirit which even
women have sometimes exerted for the common safety."
Phranza, the minister of Constantine, was commissioned to in-
quire what number of the whole could be depended on for de-
fence, and he reported that he found only 4970 Romans. To
this number 2000 strangers, under the command of Justinian, a
Genoese, were added. The states of the west had been appris-
ed of the peril of the Bulwark of Christianity, in the east, but
not a movement was made for defence or succor. The dis-
sensions between nations, intestine factions, and the declining
power of the church, were insurmountable obstacles to furnish-
ing any adequate force. All sympathy for the obstinate and
heretical Greeks had been extinguished ; they were not deemed
worth saving, of themselves. If there was fear, that the con-
quest of Constantinople would open the west to the Turks, it
was not strong enough to produce any movement to prevent
that consequence.
The pitiable picture of the remnant of Romans, as they still
called themselves, is relieved by a single object, the character
513 CONQUEST OF CONSTANTINOPLE.
and conduct of Constantine. He was then 50 years of age.
In his hopeless condition, expecting no succor from the west,
shut up by sea, as well as by land ; certain to perish by famine,
if he could defend himself against the sword of his enemy, the
world might have justified him in making the best terms he
could, for his miserable subjects, if not for himself Nearly a
year before the siege began, he made an answer to Mahomet, to
which he firmly adhered. " Since neither oaths, nor treaty,
nor submission, can secure peace, pursue your impious warfare.
My trust is in God alone. If it should please him to mollify
your heart, I shall rejoice in the happy change. If he delivers
the city into your hands, I submit, without a murmur, to his
holy will. But until the Judge of the earth shall pronounce
between us, it is my duty to live, and die, in the defence of my
people."
The siege began on the 6th of April. The forces of Ma-
homet were arranged along the western wall, from the sea to
the Port. With his cannon and his other implements, he at-
tempted to batter down the wall. This was the post of danger,
and here was the post of Constantine, animating and sustain-
ing his little army, by his presence and example. At the close
of day, the tower of St. Romanus, in the outward wall, had
been battered down, and after a fierce conflict, at the breach,
the Turks were repulsed, and retired. The emperor and Jus-
teniani passed the night on the spot, and in the morning, the
sultan perceived, with grief and astonishment, that the wooden
tower which he forced over the ditch, had been burnt, the ditch
cleared, and the tower again strong and entire.*
The reduction of the city now appeared to be hopeless, un-
less a double attack could be made on the west, and from the
Port, on the north-east side. The sultan conceived the project
of transporting his light vessels, ten miles over land, from the
Bosphorus to the upper part of the harbor, where the water
w^as too shallow to permit the heavy vessels of the Greeks to
approach. Eighty vessels, with almost incredible labor, were
thus transported along a line north-east of the suburbs of Para
and Galata. With the aid of these boats he constructed a plat-
form, which could be floated to the base of the wall, of suffi-
cient length and breadth to support a heavy cannon, and scaling
ladders. Whether known to the sultan or not, it was by a sim-
* It is not clear, from any description met with, whether the ditch was
outside of the western wall, or between the two walls; nor whether there
was a double wall. According to different accounts, either of these sup-
positions may be assumed.
CONQUEST OF CONSTANTINOPLE. 513
ilar measure that the crusaders possessed themselves of the
city, 250 years before. Forty gallant youths, who attempted to
burn these works, were taken and massacred. Constantine re-
taliated by exposing-, on the walls, the heads of 250 Turkish
captives.
The 29th of May (1453) was selected for the general and
double assault. Every inducement which the inventive genius
of Mahomet could suggest, was presented to the hopes, fears,
and cravings of his soldiery. Constantine appears to have
expected this flual attack. His officers-were summoned to the
palace, on the evening of the 28th, and prepared for their du-
ties and dangers. "The last speech," says Gibbon, " of Con-
stantine Paloeologus, was the funeral oration of the Roman em-
pire." The account of this mournful meeting is given by
Phrauza, who was, himself, present. " They wept — they em-
braced — regardless of their families and fortunes, they devoted
their lives, and each commander departed for his station." The
emperor entered the church of St. Sophia, partook of the com-
munion ; reposed some moments in the palace, which resound-
ed with cries and lamentations; mounted on horseback to visit
the guards, and exploie ihe motions or ihcfuemy.
At the dawn of day the general assault was made, on the
land, and on the water. This scene is not within any descrip-
tive power. "All," says Gibbon, " is blood, horror, and con-
fusion ; nor shall I strive, at the distance of three centuries,
and 1000 miles, to delineate a scene of which there could be
no spectators, and of which the actors themselves w^ere incapa-
ble of forming any just or adequate idea. Amidst these mul-
titudes, the emperor, who accomplished all the duties of a gen-
eral and a soldier, was long seen and finally lost." His last
fear was that he might fall alive into the hands of the sultan,
and his last expression, " Cannot there be found a Christian
to cut off my head." He cast away the personal distinctions
of his rank, and fell by an unknown hand, and was found
" under a mountain of the slain." Soon after resistance ceased ;
the remnant of Greeks fled into the city, and the Turks fol-
lowed.
On the assurance that all was lost, the inhabitants of the
city fled to the Church of St. Sophia, and crowded every part.
A tradition had been received among them, that the Turks
would enter the city, and that they would come as far as the
column of Constantine, in the square before the church ; that
an angel would descend with a sword, and deliver it to an old
man seated at the foot of the column, saying, " Take this sword
514 CONQUEST OF CONSTANTINOPLE.
and avenge the people of the Lord" — that the Turks would
be immediately driven back, and across the Bosphorus, and
even to Persia. This belief appears to have been common to
all classes, for the assembly in the church included all. The
assailants soon found the way into the church, and proceeded
to bind the captives in couples, without discrimination of age,
sex, or condition. More than 60,000 of the inhabitants were
sold as slaves. Phrauza was among the number. After four
months of servitude, he purchased his freedom, and redeemed
his wife, whom he found in the service of the sultan's master
of horse. His children perished. The wealth of Constanti-
nople had been granted by the sultan, to his troops; the city,
and its buildings, he reserved to himself. The churches and
monasteries, and some private dwellings, afforded a rich spoil.
The Byzantine libraries, like those of Alexandria, were of no
value in the eyes of the Turks, and are supposed to have been
destroyed, and, probably, many valuable works then perished.
Before the close of the day the sultan made a triumphal entry.
He entered the church of St. Sophia, its Christian ornaments
were torn down, its walls purified, and the building converted
into u. uiusque. TWc oulian was dcoivouo of tm inhabited city,
and not a desolate one; and he therefore invited the Christians
to return, and assured them of life, liberty, and their religion.
This concession was observed, during sixty years. That por-
tion of the city, which lies on the eastern point, was cleared,
to make room for the apartments of the sultan. There they
still remain, in the vicinity of the church of St. Sophia, and
the Hippodrome, the earliest works of the first Constantino.
The renewal of Constantinople, under Turkish dominion, is
a very different city from that which it was under its founder;
and even different from that which it was when the Greeks re-
covered it from the Latins. This city has been besieged 24
times, and taken six times, in the course of the 1853 years,
which preceded its conquest by Mahomet. Thrice, while it
was Byzantium ; by Alcibiades, the xithenian, about 400 years
before the Christian era; by the emperor Severus, about the
year 200, of our era; and by Constantino, (from his rival em-
peror, Licinius,) about 325. After it became Constantinople,
it was thrice taken ; by the Latin crusaders in 1204 ; by Mi-
chael Paloeologus in 1261 ; and by Mahomet IL in 1453.*
* The history of this city has been principally taken from Gibbon's De-
cline and Fall of the Roman Empire ; and its final overthrow from ch.
LXVIII. Dearborn's Memoir on the Commerce of the Black Sea, &c.,
has been useful in the local description.
GREEK CHURCH. 515
Note on the Greek Church.
There having been frequent occasions to allude to the differ-
ences between the Greek and Roman churches, the following
brief remarks are added, to show their origin.
When the new capital of the empire was founded by Con-
stantine, the like power and dignity were conferred on the bish-
op there, which were held by the bishop of Rome. As the
eastern capital became more and more the object of attraction,
having the presence of the emperor, and his court ; the an-
cient capital became less and less important. The bishop of
the former gradually extended his power, and assumed to be
the superior of the bishops of Antioch, in Syria, and of Alex-
andria, in Egypt. The discontented parties appealed to the
Roman bishop, and their complaints were graciously entertain-
' ed. Athanasius, among others, when he considered himself
persecuted at Alexandria, fled to the western church. This
contention for superiority continued, with little interruption, for
150 years. In the synod, held at Constantinople, in 588, the
patriarch, or supreme head of the church there, assumed the
title of universal bishop, w^hich greatly offended the bishop of
Rome. About the year 600, the emperor Phocas saw fit to
transfer that title to the Roman pontiff. But his Greek subjects
were obstinately opposed to this measure, and refused to ac-
knowledge any spiritual subjection but to their own patriarch.
This contention was continued until some time in the eighth
century, when doctrinal points arose between the two churches,
f which caused dissension for more than 600 years, viz. Wheth-
er the Holy Spirit proceeded from the Father, only, or from
the Father and the Son. The first opinion was entertained by
the Greeks, the second by the Roman, or Latin church.
In 853, Photius, a learned and able man, \vas patriarch at
Constantinople, Ignatius having been displaced to elevate him.
Ignatius appealed to the pope, who excommunicated Photius.
Photius excommunicated the pope, and charged him with divers
heresies, which show the character of their dissensions. 1.
That the Romans fasted on the sabbath, or seventh day of the
week. 2. That in the first w^eek of lent, they permitted the
use of milk and cheese. 3. That they prohibited their priests
to marry, and separated from their wives such as were married,
when they went into orders. 4. That they authorized the
516
GREEK CHURCH.
bishops, alone, to anoint baptized persons, with the holy chrism,
I (sacred oil,) withholding- that power from presbyters. 5. That
they had introduced into the creed, filioque, that is, the Holy
Spirit proceeded from the Son, as well as from the Father.
There were other dissensions between the two churches,
which were utterly irreconcilable. The Latin church relied
on the False Decretals as the basis of the supreme power of
the popes, both temporal and spiritual. The Greek church,
from the first, denounced these decretals, as forgeries. The
Greek church adhered with unyielding pertinacity to the early
doctrines of the first ages, while that of Rome adopted every
innovation, and construction, which would promote their pur-
poses. In the last two centuries of the Greek empire, the
clergy, and many laymen, had become learned in chiJrch doc-
trines, and the whole people were obstinately devoted to the
practices and opinions which had been transmitted, unimpair-
ed, through many ages. They regarded many of the ceremo-
nies, and many points of belief, of the Latin church, as abomi-
nable heresies. These were insurmountable obstacles to the
union of the two churches. Yet a union was exceedingly de-
sirable, by both parties. The Latin church desired it, because
it would establish the pope's supremacy. The Greek church
desired it, because they would thereby acquire the aid of the
west in resisting the hostilities of the Turks. The attempts to
efTect this union were repeated, again and again, through suc-
cessive centuries. Among the last of these attempts, the points
of difTerence were reduced to these four: — I. The proces-
sion of the Holy Spirit. 2. The use of leavened or unleavened
bread in the Eucharist. 3. Purgatory. 4. The supremacy of
the pope.
On the first point, the difference was the same w4iich it had
ever been. The Greeks maintaining that the Holy Spirit pro-
ceeded from the Father only; the Latins, that it proceeded from
the Father and the Son. On the second point, the Greeks were
immoveable in the belief that the holy communion could be
administered only with leavened bread, and the Latins that the
bread might be unleavened. On the third point, both parties
believed in an intermediate state of purification of the soul.
But there were irreconcilable difTerences, on the nature of that
purification, on its duration, and on the liability of different
classes of sinners, to be subjected to it. The last (fourth) point
involved, on the part of the Greeks, all their long-cherished
and bigoted opinions; and, on the part of the Latins, the main
object of the whole controversy. It was of little importance
GREEK CHURCH. 617
to them what became of the three first points, if the pope's
supremacy were not acknowledged. The labored effort at
Florence, in 1439, to unite the two churches, has already been
noticed, and that the Greeks, with great unanimity, rejected
the contract, and would, probably, have done the same thing
if they had believed that the taking of their city by the Turks
would have been the inevitable consequence.
In the year 1451, less than two years before the final con-
quest, pope Nicholas V. made a solemn address to the Greeks,
at a time when the Turks had reduced the empire almost to
the walls of Constantinople. He exhorted them to pay some
regard to their own safety, and to reconcile themselves to the
church, as the only means of securing it. The pope was,
probably, sincere in this, as he had hoped to arouse all Chris-
tendom in a final effort against the common enemy, if the
reconciliation were first effected. He warned them that there
were yet three years for probation, resembling their case to
the parable of the fig-tree. The closing scene of the attempts
at reconciliation occurred the next year. It shows the nature
of religious delusions among this remnant of the Romans, or
Greeks.
The pope sent his legate to enforce the address of the pre-
ceding year. The emperor, who knew, better than his sub-
jects, the impending peril, received him graciously, and went
with him to celebrate the divine services in the church of St.
Sophia. When the pope was mentioned, the whole assembly
rose, the city was filled with commotion, the entire population,
excepting only the immediate dependants of the emperor, joined
in an " anathema against all who had united with the Latins."
" The sanctuary of St. Sophia was declared to be profaned;
all intercourse was suspended with those who had assisted in
the service with the legate; absolution was refused, and the
churches closed against them."
The Greek church survived the empire, persevered in its
separation from the Latin church, and still numbers a large
portion of the people of eastern Europe among its votaries.
It is the established relisfion of ancient Greece, and of Russia.
44
518 ASIA MINOR SYRIA,
CHAPTER LXVII.
WESTERN ASIA PERSIA.
Asia Minor, or lesser Asia, is about six hundred miles
long, from east to west, and of irregular breadth, averaging
three hundred and fifty miles. It lies between thirty-six and
forty-two north latitude, and twenty-six and thirty-six east longi-
tude. Having the sea on three sides, a full proportion of pro-
ductive land, and favorable latitudes, no equal portion of the
eastern hemisphere is better adapted to agriculture and com-
merce, and to the maintenance of a numerous population.
The proximity to the sea, and the elevation of the m.ountains^
may occasion great variety of climate and sudden changes.
No equal portion of the earth's surface has borne so many
armed men as Asia Minor. During two thousand years, it
may be called the highway of armies. The Taurus range of
mountains begins in the westwardly part of this peninsula,
and, tending towards the south-east corner of the Black Sea,
it passes, in a curve, around Armenia: then tending south-
wardly between the Tigris and the Caspian Sea, to about the
thirty-second degree of north latitude, it turns eastwardly be-
tween that sea and the Gulf of Persia, and runs eastwardly
through Persia, and along the north of India, Chin-India,
and into China, and disappears on the eastern coast of China.
Numerous branches are thrown off in this long course.
As this mountain range passes around Armenia, it furnishes
the sources of the Euphrates and the Tigris. The former
takes a south-westwardly course, along the foot of the range,
towards the north-east corner of the Mediterranean, and then
a south-eastwardly course, through Mesopotamia, to the Per-
sian Gulf The general course of the Tigris is south-east,
through Mesopotamia, the two rivers uniting one hundred miles
from the gulf, and then taking the name of Shat al Arab.
The Aras, or Araxes, rises in the mountains (Arrarat) where-
on Noah's ark is supposed to have rested, and flows south-
eastwardly into the Caspian. Arrarat is north-eastwardly of
the Taurus range, where it passes around Armenia.
The east end of the Mediterranean is about four hundred
miles in extent, from north to south. Near its north-east
corner, on the Orontes, sixteen miles from the sea, is Antioch.
Going southwardly from Antioch, along the east shore of this
sea, these cities and places are found : — From Antioch to Trip-
EUPHRATES AND TIGRIS. 519
oli is one hundred and fifty miles. From Tripoli to Barout,
the ancient Berytus, is sixty miles, and thence to Sidon is
thirty miles. From Sidon to Tyre, twenty-two miles ; .and it
is about the same distance from Tyre to St. Jean d'Acre, or
Ptolemais. From Acre to Joppa (or Jaffa) is fifty miles, and
Joppa is about seventy from the south-east corner of the sea.
Beginning again at the north, and going south, the following
are some of the remarkable cities, interior from the coast : —
Eastwardly from Antioch, forty miles, is Aleppo, the ancient
Beria. East from Barout, sixty miles is Damascus, still a
considerable city. East from Tripoli, nearly on the thirty-
fifth degree of north latitude, two hundred miles, is Tadmor
in the Wilderness, or Palmyra. This magnificent city is seen
to have been such by the ruins which still disclose its site.
They are about one hundred miles west of the Euphrates, the
whole distance being a desert. Jerusalem is thirty miles east
from Joppa.*
In the great valley of the Euphrates and the Tigris is Mes-
opotamia, or the country between the two rivers, as the name
implies. Here was the varying boundary between the Greeks
and Romans, Persians and Parlhians, for centuries. Samosata
was on the west side of the Euphrates, latitude thirty-eight.
Edessa was east-south-east of Samosata, and twenty miles east
of the river. On the east side of the Tigris, and nearly oppo-
site to the modern Turkish town, Mosul, midway between
thirty-six and thirty-seven north latitude, was Nineveh. East
from this, forty miles, was Arbela, now Erbila, where Alex-
ander conquered Darius. North-east from Mosul, three hun-
dred miles, and one hundred west from the Caspian, was the
great city of Taurus, now Tabris or Tabrees, the same which
the Roman emperor Heraclius took. In the time of the caliphs
(800) it had half a million of inhabitants. Cyrus brought the
riches, of which he rifled Crcesus, to this city. It is now a
poor Turkish town of thirty thousand people.
Down the Tigris, about two hundred and thirty miles from
Mosul, in a course a little east of south, is Bagdad, celebrated
as the seat of the caliphs of the Mahommedan empire, in the
* This territory is described by Henry Maundrell, (who went from
Aleppo to Jerusalem in 1697,) in a small volume, lately published, and
edited by the Rev. F. W. P. Greenwood, an exceedingly instructive and
interesting work. Palmyra has lately been brought to view, in the
letters from Lucius M. Piso, from Palmyra, to his friend Marcus Cur-
lius, at Rome. This work is attributed to the Rev. William Ware, and
has acquired a lasting and honorable fame for its author,
520 PERSIA.
eighth and ninth centuries. Here was the abode of science,
of luxury, and of fanciful invention. The thousand and one
tales (Arabian Nights) were first recited here. It is still a
considerable place, having eighty thousand inhabitants. Its
latitude is about thirty-three and a third. Twenty miles south
of Bagdad are ancient ruins ; geographers and travellers differ
in opinion as to what ruins they are. Following Make Brun,
who is the latest, and, probably, the best authority, these are
all that remains of Ctesiphon, in which was the palace of
Chosroes II.. in the time of Heraclius, (year 628.) The ruins
also of a fortress called Kochos, both on the east side of the
Tigris. There are still some admirable buildings at this
place, which are called, by the Turks, Takt-Kesroo, which
may be a term derived from Chosroes. The city of Seleucia
(Make Brun, vol. iii. p. 118) was west of this place, three
miles, on a canal. Other writers consider Ctesiphon to be
Seleucia. In this vicinity the ground is covered with ruins.
In the splendor of Arabian power, in the eighth century, there
was such a continuation of buildings as to make one street of
twenty miles in length. Directly south of Bagdad, at the
distance of sixty miles, are the ruins of Babylon, on the Eu-
phrates, latkude thirty-two and a half. The ske of the tower
of Nimrod, or temple of Belus, is here ascertained. Six
miles below is the Turkish town, Helleh, bulk entirely of
bricks taken from these ruins. South of Babylon to the gulf,
the whole country is a plain. Somewhere in this vicinity was
ancient Chaldea. At Korna, two hundred miles south-east of
Babylon, the two rivers unite. Forty miles below this con-
fluence, is Basra, or Bassora, where merchant vessels and the
caravans meet, to exchange the merchandise of India, Persia,
and the north.
Modern Persia is situated eastwardly of the Tigris, and
between it and the Caspian Sea, and between that sea and the
Gulf of Persia. The northw^ardly end of this gulf is about
six hundred miles south from the south end of the Caspian.
Persia extends along the north-east side of this gulf and the
Gulf of Ormus, to the intersection of the twenty-sixth degree
of north latkude, and fifty-seventh of east longitude. Then the
boundary runs northwardly, leaving the mountainous country
of Beluchistan, and the modern kingdom of Afganistan, on the
east, to the intersection of the thirty-seventh degree of north
latitude, and sixty-first of east longkude, and thence westwardly
to the Caspian, near its south-east corner. Persia, therefore,
has wkhin its limits many cities celebrated in Jewish, Greek,
PERSEPOLIS.
521
Roman, and Mahommedan history. Echatana. Turkish Ha-
medan is on the site of this ancient city, latitude thirty-five,
longitude forty-nine. In the time of Cyrus and his successors,
Susa, or Sushan, was the royal residence; latitude 31, 32, — 66
east longitude, perhaps one hundred and fifty miles north of
the Gulf of Persia, Which of the mounds of earth here,
cover the ruins of Susa, is unknown. Daniel dwelt here in
his captivity, and was buried here. Ispahan, to which Herac-
lius penetrated, was the capital of Persia, four hundred miles
east from the ruins of Babylon, three hundred south from the
Caspian, and near latitude thirty-two. It was a splendid city.
Around it were fourteen hundred villages. It is still a great
city, but no longer the capital, which is Teheran, near the
south end of the Caspian.
Whatever admiration some of the cities before mentioned
may have attracted, they are insignificant, compared with Per-
sepolis, (the name given by the Greeks,) which, like the pyra-
mids, arose before history began, and, like them, has baffled
conjecture.
Persepolis is situated near the twenty-ninth degree of north
lat. and the fifty-third of east long., and about two hundred and
fifty miles a little north of east from the place in the Gulf of
Persia where the united waters of the Euphrates and Tigris
are received. Ispahan, the largest city of modern Persia, lies
nearly north-west of these ruins, about one hundred and fifty
miles. The remains of Persepohs, and of the monuments
around it, are formed out of the mountain of rock at the foot
of which they are found, and out of marble wrought with
wonderful skill, and of such grandeur in extent, as to fill
beholders with astonishment. No words can convey any idea
of these magnificent relics. The inscriptions cut in the solid
rock, like those in Egypt, have not yielded to the diligent in-
quiry of the learned.
By what hands, and at what age of the world, and for what
purposes, were these structures of Persepolis raised ? Noth-
ing within the range of historical records affords any answer.
If they had been constructed of bricks, like the great cities on
the Tigris and Euphrates, they would, probably, have disap-
peared even before Babylon arose. They seem to have exist-
ed before the Persian empire, and they may have been intended
for the double purpose of religious worship and of royal resi-
dence. No historical account regards them as such residence,
at any time within five hundred years before our era. Heeren
appears to consider Persepolis to have been a sacred city, and
44*
522 CENTRAL ASIA.
the place assigned for the preservation of the royal treasures,
and for the sepulchre of Persian kings. The tomb of Cyrus
is supposed to be here.
When Alexander visited Persepolis, three hundred and
thirty years before our era, the magnificent palace in which
he took up his abode was entire, and while he was there, all
of it, that fire could destroy, perished. It is said that this
wanton destruction was an act of vengeance, and that the fire
began from a torch held in his own hand. Other accounts
say, that it began in a drunken revel which he held in this
palace, as he did in all others, wherein he sojourned in the
east, and that it was proposed to finish the banqueting of the
night by this splendid conflagration. Whatever may have
been the motive, the palace was then burnt. Astonishing
treasures had accumulated in Persepolis, which the great Al-
exander had, undoubtedly, secured, before he applied the torch.
He found here, surviving, hundreds of Greek captives, taken
in former wars, whose personal appearance indicated the
character of Persian warfare. All of them had been mutilated
in some cruel manner. Either a hand, a foot, a nose, an ear,
or a tongue, were wanting to each of these unfortunate beings.
Alexander offered to send them all back to Greece, but they
declined the offer, as they could not endure to be seen in their
native land, in such a disgraceful condition.
That part of Asia which the learned consider to have been
" the cradle of nations,^^ includes a part of modern Persia,
and may be thus defined : — Its western boundary is on a line
beginning on the fiftieth degree of north latitude, two hundred
miles north of the Caspian Sea, and running south on the
fifty-fifth degree of east longitude, by the east side of that sea,
to the thirtieth degree of north latitude. From the extremi-
ties of this western line, and between the fiftieth and thirtieth
degrees of north latitude, twelve hundred miles in extent, east-
wardly, would come to the Beloor range of mountains, and
this range would form the eastern boundary. In other words,
•' the cradle of nations " is between the Caspian Sea and the
Beloor mountains, and between the parallels of fifty and thirty
degrees of north latitude. It is about twelve hundred miles
from west to east, and about one thousand from north to south.
The Altai range of mountains, which run east and west, is on
the northern boundary of this territory, and the Taurus range
of mountains is on its southern one. There are no rivers
which flow from the Altai mountains, southwardly. From
the Taurus mountains the Oxus, or Gihon, flows northwardly ;
JUSTINIAN AND CIIOSROES. 5'23
and the Jaxartes, or Sihon flows north-\Yest\vardly: both empty
into lake Aral, east of the Caspian. From this cradle the na-
tions of the earth are supposed to have come forth, originally;
and many are known to have come from this territory, within
the time of historical record.
This geographical sketch will elucidate the Persian and Ma-
hommedan history. It is not intended to describe Persia.
Curiosity may be satisfied, in this respect, by the perusal of
many works, easily found, Rollin's Ancient History (the most
approved edition is by Samuel Walker, in 1827) shows what
ancient Persia was; and the works of Sir Robert Ker Porter,
and James Morier, Esq. contain the best account of modern
Persia. To these may be added Make Brun's excellent ffeosr-
raphy.
In 523 of our era, Cavades was succeeded on the Persian
throne by Chosroes, or Nushirvan. The Roman emperor,
Justinian, and Chosroes, were contemporaries about 40 years.
Their adjoining boundaries were between the Caucassian
mountains, (situate between the Black and Caspian Seas,) and
thence south-east, through Armenia, and Mesopotamia, to the
gulf of Persia. It was a continually varying boundary, accord-
ing to the fortune of war, which was almost incessant, between
these two monarchs.
The reign and the character of Justinian have already been
noticed. Chosroes was the third son of Cavades, and to se-
cure the throne to himself, he caused his two elder brothers,
and their families, to be murdered. Yet he professed to be a
just prince, and to be ever solicitous for the welfare of his sub-
jects. He effected many salutary reforms, and promoted edu-
cation and agriculture, by expending the nrioney of his treasu-
ry. He assumed to be the patron of learning, and of the arts.
The few of the Grecian philosophers (seven are mentioned by
name) who remained in Justinian's dominions, were driven out
by his intolerance. They visited Chosroes, but were soon dis-
gusted with him, and his country. They found that he was
vain, cruel, and ambitious ; the Magi, (priests,) bigoted and in-
tolerant; the nobles haughty; the courtiers, servile; the mag-
istrates, unjust. They were shocked by the plurality of wives,
the number of concubines, the incestuous marriages, and the
custom of exposing the dead to dogs and vultures. They hast-
ily returned, considering a residence within the empire, under
any circumstances, preferable to any favors which the Persian
monarch could bestow. He did them, however, that favor
which they most desired, by making an agreement with Justin-
524
CHOSROES II.
ian that they should live unmolested, within his dominions.
They so lived and died, leaving no disciples. This was the
end of the long list of Grecian sages, about the middle of the
sixth century. The interpretation of Epictetus, by Semplicius,
one of the seven, is found in libraries of the present time.
[Gibbon, chap. xl.J
Notwithstanding the opinion which these Grecians enter-
tained of Persia, Chosroes was entitled to the praise of having
been munificent in obtaining the intellectual products of other
countries, and in having translations made into Persian, and in
having widely disseminated them. He sent the physican Pe-
reses to India, to obtain the fables of Pilpay, the fame of which
had reached him. This difficult enterprize was accomplished.
These fables have come, through many versions, into some of
the modern languages of Europe; but their original character
no longer remains. The game of chess, invented in India,
was introduced to his subjects, by this king. He founded a
school of phiysic, near Susa, the capital, at this time, of Persia,
which became a school of poetry, philosophy, and rhetoric.
Justinian lived to the year 565, and Chosroes to the year
569. During this time, they had alternate war and peace, with
various success ; but the Persian appears to have had the ad-
vantage in sagacity and in arms. The details of these con-
flicts, as they were void of permanent results, are uninterest-
ing ; or, if otherwise, there is no space for them. The seat of
the war was between the Euphrates and the eastern part of
Asia Minor, and eastwardly of the Mediterranean. In 550,
Chosroes took and destroyed Antioch, and affected to weep over
the misery he was obliged to occasion. Within the next twenty
years he undertook the conquest of Arabia, and proceeded to
the further end of the Red Sea. Within this time, also, new
wars arose with the successor of .Justinian. Chosroes closed
his reign in 569, by dying of sorrow, leaving a fame which
has induced historians to confer on him the title of Great; a
title which he deserved more than any of his predecessors, Cy-
rus only, excepted.
After scenes of rebellion, violence, and murder, inseparable
from Oriental despotism, Chosroes II. appeared on the Persian
throne in 614. In this reign, the usual employment between
Greeks and Persians was resumed. Jerusalem, at this time
subject to the Greek emperor, was besieged and taken by as-
sault. This warfare was instigated by the Magi, and twenty-
five thousand Jews volunteered to serve therein. The church-
es, the tomb of the Saviour, and the cross, preserved there,
PERSIA CONQUERED. 525
were peculiarly devoted to the conqueror's malice. The pa-
triarch Zachariah, and the cross itself, were carried to Per-
sia. Ninety thousand Christians, without respect for age or
sex, were slaughtered. Egypt was subdued to the confines of
Ethiopia; and the conquests w-ere pushed westvvardly, to the
neighborhood of Carthage. In Asia Minor, Chosroes was
master, even to the Bosphorus, for ten years.
No Persian king had more cause to be proud of his magnifi-
cence and glory, than Chosroes II. His abode was neither at
Ctesiphon, nor at Susa, but at Artemita, about 60 miles north
of the former, on the east side of the Tigris. The riches of
\vhich he had despoiled the vanquished, were lavished here, for
ihe pleasure of the monarch. Lions and tigers were turned
loose for the chace. Nine hundred and sixty elephants, 12,000
camels, 6,000 horses and mules, were part of his establishment.
The daily guard of the palace was 6,000, the number of slaves
12,000, the number of selected females for the seraglio, 3,000.
The Roman historian adds, "The voice of flattery, perhaps of
fiction, is not ashamed to compute the 30,000 rich hangings that
adorned the walls ; the 40,000 columns of silver, or more prob-
ably, of marble, and plated wood, that supported the roof — the
1000 globes of gold suspended in the dome to imitate the mo-
tions of the planets, and the constellations of the Zodiac."
While such was the condition of the exulting monarch of Per-
sia, he received an invitation from an obscure citizen of Mec-
ca, inviting him to acknowledge Mahomet, or Mohammed, as
the apostle of God. The indignant monarch tore the epistle,
and dismissed the bearer. It will be seen how^ easily the gran-
deur of Oriental despotism can vanish.
The efforts of the emperor Heraclius, to retrieve his fortunes,
in conflict w'ith his Persian enemy, have already been narrated.
The disasters of Chosroes caused him to be deposed, by his
own subjects. He witnessed the massacre of eighteen of his
own sons, was thrown into a dungeon, and died in five days
afterwards. These measures were conducted by his son Si-
roes, who assumed the crown. He reigned eight months, and
gave place to an anarchy of 12 years, in which nine competi-
tors were contending for the mastery. At the end of this pe-
riod the followers of the obscure citizen of Mecca closed these
tragical scenes, as will be shown in the history of this remark-
able person, next to be reviewed.
526
CHAPTER LXVIII.
THE MAHOMMEDAN RELIGION.
Arabia — Ancient Religion — Mahomet or Mohammed.
This religion began in Arabia. This extensive country is
bounded, westwardly, by that part of Syria which lies eastward-
ly of Palestine; and passing around Palestine, south-west-
wardly, it comes to the eastern boundary of Egypt, between
the Mediterranean and the Red Sea ; then by the latter sea,
south-westwardly, about 1400 miles. Then south-eastwardly,
by the Arabian Sea, 1300 miles, to the gulf of Ormus; then
north-eastvvardly, by this gulf and the Persian gulf, 900 miles..
Thence, bounded still north-eastvvardly, along the skirt of the de-
sert, 500miles, nearly parallel to the Euphrates,and distant from,
that river about 50 miles, to the 34th degree of north latitude.
The form of Arabia is an irregular triangle. The northern part
of the great desert, which is the northern part of the triangle, lies
between Syria and the Euphrates. Arabia contains nearly one
half the number of square miles which are contained in the
whole of the United States. The capital of South Carolina,
Columbia, is nearly in the same latitude with the most north-
wardly part of Arabia. The whole of Arabia is, therefore, in
the same latitude vvith the countries, islands, and seas, which
lie between Columbia, in South Carolina, and the republic of
Columbia, in South America.
In 17G2, Carstens Niebuhr, a Hanoverian by birth, and fa-
ther of the celebrated Roman historian, visited Arabia, as one
of a scientific expedition, sent out by the Danish government.
In the following year he published his travels. From his ac-
counts it is known, that there are many tribes settled along the
coast of the Red Sea, and the Arabian Sea; and some in the
interior, among the mountains. But it also appears, from this
traveller's account, as it does from others dating back in far more
distant times, that the largest part of Arabia consists of deserts
of burning, moving sands.
Caravans and whole armies have sometimes been buried
alive in them. The northern part, next to Palestine, was once
a country of numerous population, as is known from Jewish
history. Here lived the Edomites, the Amalekites, and Cush-
ites j and this is supposed to have been the country of Job ; it
ARABIA. 527
was, also, that in which the Israelites wandered. Before the
Portuguese found the way to India around the Cape of Good
Hope, a large portion of the commerce with eastern regions
came up the Red Sea to Idumea, which was situate at the north-
w^ardly end of that sea. Hence, in Solomon's time, it was a very
rich country. It is now mountainous, rocky and barren, in-
habited only by pastoral tribes, who have the common name
of Bedouins, (children of the desert.) That part of Arabia
which is connected with our present purpose, lies between the
north-east side of the Red Sea, and a range of mountains par-
allel to it, and of the average distance from it of about 150
miles. Passing from north to south, between these mountains
and the sea, the first city to be mentioned is Medina, situated
nearly in latitude 25, north. Two hundred and fifty miles
further south, a branch from these mountains runs to the Red
Sea, on the south side, and at the fool of this branch, is the city
of Mecca, lat. 21, 22., forty miles from Jedda, which is the
nearest port on this sea. Seven hundred miles further south is
the south-west point of Arabia, having, on the west, the Red
Sea, on the south, the Straits of Babelmandel. A part of this
country, on both sides of the point, and extending back from it
three or four hundred miles, is now called Yemen, within
which was Arabia the Happy. This name was not obtained
from its superiority over other parts of the globe, but to distin-
guish it from other parts called the Sandy, and the Stoney.
Arabia Felix, or the Happy, was and still is, the land of frank-
incense, myrrh, spices, gums, and of some vegetable produc-
tions, used in medicine. Moka, situated near the point, is the
port at which a superior kind of coffee is obtained.
There is a tradition, that the family which rules at a place
called Saba, are the descendants of Balkis, the queen of Sheba,
who visited Solomon. But there is a similar tradition on the
other side of the Red Sea, as to a princely family there. If
the one or the other be true, the lineage of Solomon and Bal-
kis is the oldest known in the w^orld. This celebrated queen
approached Jerusalem from the south, but whether from Arabia,
or Abyssinia, the curious must still remain in doubt.
Arabia is not, in the opinion of the German historian, Muller,
the country originally of the horse. He thinks it was Kuku,
a country somewhere west or south of Egypt. But the horse
is no where a finer animal, or more valued or cherished. Ped-
igrees are alleged to be carefully preserved, extending back
through centuries. This is the country of the camel, of which
there are two kinds, one of which outstrips the fleetest horse.
528 ARABIA.
The former has two humps on the back, and is the camel of
burthen. The latter has one hump, and is, properly, the drom-
edary: this name comes from the addition of the word dromos,
or runner, by the Greeks, to the word which expressed the
name of camel. The camel of burthen is called the living
ship of the Arab, in his ocean of sand. A learned writer says
of this camel, — " While he bears double the burthen of the
mule, he is more frugal than the ass; his flesh is not less es-
teemed as food, than that of the calf; the value of his hair
rivals the finest fleece; his dung serves as fuel, and his urine
yields sal-ammoniac. He often marches three or four hundred
leagues without drinking more than once in eight or ten days,
or eating any thing in the space of four-and-tvventy hours, ex-
cept a few thistles, or stalks of wormwood. He bears, for \Wieks,
a load of 1300 pounds, whhout ever being lightened of his
burthen." Such an animal seems to have been providentially
bestowed on such a country as Arabia.
This extraordinary abstinence of the camel is accounted for
by the fact that he has a separate stomach, appropriated exclu-
sively to the reception of water. The bewildered Arab is some-
times reduced to the hard necessity of deciding whether he will
submit to perish himself, or prolong his chance of life by slay-
ing his precious camel, to obtain the contents of his stomach.
The whole population of Arabia is computed, at the present
day, at 10 or 12 millions. The most ancient race of Arabs
derive their origin from Heber, four generations before Abra-
ham. The second race, from Ishmael, the son of Abraham
and Hagar, of whose posterity it was declared, "their hand
shall be against every man, and every man's hand against
them." The Arabians boast that their country has never been
conquered, while their nation has conquered more than half of
the Eastern world. They are to be credited, in some respects,
in their boasting, for nature has made most of their country un-
assailable. Parts of it have been conquered. In the year 600
of the Christian era, Arabia Avas held by various native tribes
of Arabs; some of whom were Nomads, or wanderers, with
their flocks and herds ; some were robbers, or plunderers of
caravans; some were merchants ; some cultivators of the earth;
some mechanics; a few of them were inferior manufacturers.
The trade with the east was carried on through their coun-
try, the merchant ships, and the caravans, meeting in Arabia
the Happy. Besides the Arabs, there were settlements of Jews
and Christians, who had sought an asylum in this country
from various persecutions. All the Arabians vv'ere idolaters
MECCA. 529
worshipping the sun, moon, and stars, and a multitude of gods
of their own making. They entertained many absurd super-
stitions. They had two solitary virtues, those of charity and
hospitality, but exercised only under peculiar circumstances.
Their enmity was cruel and merciless. They were of middle
stature, abstemious, brave, and hardy. Under an exterior of
extreme gravity, they had violent passions, and an ardent im-
agination.
As further introduction to Mahommedanism, there is an en-
closure at Mecca, a square surrounded with colonnades and
adorned with minarets. In this square are six or eight chap-
els, and a square building of stone called the Kaaba, \yhich is
the sacred spot of this religion. The Kaaba dates from the
time of Abraham, at whose solicitations the Arabians believe
it to have been let down from heaven. Within this building,
at the south-east corner, about four feet from the ground, is the
black stone, fixed in that wall, and ever held sacred by Arabi-
ans, whether in the time of their idolatry or Mahommedanism :
this veneration is founded on the belief, that the black stone
represents the earth, the mother of all, around which the cha-
otic matter was originally distributed and reduced to order.
(Miiller's Universal History.) Among the fables transmitted
is this : that the stone was sacred on earth before the deluge,
and was preserved from the general desolation of that event,
by being taken up into heaven, and afterwards restored to Abra-
ham, who placed it in the Kaaba. This temple contained 360
images, intended, perhaps, to represent the days of the year,
according to the Arabian calendar. On the top was a superior
image, called the God Kobal, which may have represented the
sun. [Malte Brun's Geography.]
Within the enclosure which surrounds the Kaaba, is the sa-
cred well Zem Zevi, whose waters (it is said) can wash away
even moral pollution. Around the Kaaba, before Mahomme-
danism was established, the idolatrous Arabs performed their
sacrifices and other religious ceremonies, not, however, in ref-
erence to its supposed founder, who had been long forgotten by
them as an object of veneration. There were family distinc-
tions among the Arabians, as there are among most of the na-
tions of the earth. These were derived from the common
sources, military renown, abundant riches, hereditary rights, or
official dignity. There were princes, and there were noble
families, whose various branches had a common appellation.
This distinction of families was common in the east, and still
exists among the Scottish clans.
45
530 MAHOMMEDAN NAMES.
Those who profess Mahommedanism are called Musulmen,
or Musslemen, Moslems, or Mahommedans — names of the same
signification, importing that one has given himself up entirely
to the faith of that religion, which faith is expressed by the
word Islam. Mahommedanism and Islamism are synonymous.
The name Arabia means the land of the west ; as it, in truth, is,
relatively to the rest of Asia. When Mahomet's followers
had conquered the east, and had turned their faces westward,
they were called Saracens, which means a people from the east.
This name was applied in common to them, and to Turks, who
were from the east, and who first mingled with the Arabians
and then overthrew them ; and to Tartars, still further from the
east, who overthrew the Turks, and mingled with them. The
name of Saracen has disappeared in that of Ottoonan of the
present day, which is an odious compound of Arabian, Turk,
and Tartar, whose bond of union is Mahommedanism.
Mahomet was of noble, if not princely origin. He was of
the tribe of Koreish, and of the family of Hashem, one of the
most illustrious of the Arabs, the princes of Mecca, and he-
reditary guardians of the Kaaba. The grandfather was Ab-
dol Motallet, the son of Hashem. The father was Abdallah,
the mother, Amina, and Mahomet, their only son, was born at
Mecca, in the year 369. While he was in infancy, his parents,
and his grandfather died. He had several uncles, who were
rich and powerful, though his own inheritance was five camels,
and one Ethiopian female slave. His uncle, Abu Taleb, was
his guardian. At the age of twenty-one, he entered the ser-
vice of Cadijah, a rich and noble widow of Mecca, whom he
soon married, and was thus restored to the ancient rank of his
family. Mahomet was distinguished by a manly beauty. In
the words of Gibbon — " Before he spoke, the orator engaged
on his side, the affections of a public or private audience.
They applauded his commanding presence, his majestic aspect,
his piercing eye, his gracious smile, his flowing beard, his
countenance that painted every sensation of the soul ; and his
gestures that enforced every expression of the tongue. His
memory was capacious and retentive ; his wit easy and social,
his imagination sublime, his judgment clear, rapid and decisive.
He possessed the courage both of thought and action." Yet,
Gibbon adds, after such commendation, that he was an " illite-
rate barbarian." In his youth he is said to have made but two
journies beyond Arabia, one when he was thirteen years of
age, and one when he had entered the service of Cadijah ; the
first, to Bastra, a city ea^twardly of the Jordan, the other to
MAHOMET. 531
Damascus, as one of a caravan. He is not supposed to have
derived his plans from tiiese journies, nor had he the means
of learning- more of the countries which he saw, than the eye
could impart, for he was ignorant of every language but his
own. It is probable that his future celebrity was the work of
his own genius.
Before his time, one month in the year, that of Ramadan,
was devoted by the Arabs to fasting and prayer. This month
Mahomet used to pass alone, in the cave of Hera, three miles
from Mecca. Here he is supposed to have engendered, in fraud
or enthusiasm, his plan of converting the world to a new, or
rather to a reformed religion, comprehended in the expression
which forms the faith of the Mahommedan to the present day :
" There is only one God, and Mahomet is the ajoostle of God.^^
" He rejected," says Gibbon, "the worship of idols and of men,
of stars and planets, on the rational principle that whatever
rises must set ; that whatever is born must die ; that whatever
is corruptible must decay and perish." He assumed to be a
prophet at the age of forty.
His first convert was Cadijah : the second, Varaca, his father-
in-law; the third, his faithful servant Zeid; the fourth, Ali, the
son of his uncle Abu Taleb ; and next Ahubeker, whose wealth,
influence and character were a great acquisition. In three
years he had acquired only fourteen proselytes. He now felt
sufficiently assured of success, to invite all the members of his
family to a festival. To this assembly he said, — " Friends and
kinsmen ! I offer you, and I alone can offer the most pre-
cious of gifts, the treasures of this world, and of the world to
come. God has commanded me to call you to his service.
Who among you will support my burthen 1 Who among you
will be my companion, and my vizier ? " Astonishment, doubt,
and contempt pervaded the assembly, till Ali, then only four-
teen years of age, arose and said, " O prophet ! I am the man ;
whosoever rises against thee I will dash out his teeth, tear out
his eyes, break his legs, and rip up his body. Oh prophet !
I will be thy vizier."
The progress of Mahomet was slow and difficult. He en-
countered the deep-rooted prejudices of his countrymen. They
were offended by his audacity and presumption. He gained
over, however, his uncle Hamza, and the fierce and inflexible
Omar. He now ventured to appear in the Kaaba, and pro-
mulgated his doctrines to the crowds who periodically as-
sembled there to perform their religious ceremonies. But the
prophet was assailed by envy and malice, and with the charge
532 MAHOMET.
of attempting to subvert the ancient religion of his countrymen.
In Mecca, especially, where he was best known, he had little
credit as a prophet, and abundant reproach as a fanatic and
impostor. His own tribe, the Koreish, were his bitterest ene-
mies, and they included with him the whole family of Hashem.
They decreed, and the decree was suspended in the Kaaba,
that they would neither buy nor sell, marry nor give in mar-
riage, with the family of Hashem, until the person of Mahomet
was given up to the justice of the gods. While the prophet
was thus menaced, he lost his faithful Cadijah. Abu Sophian,
of the family of Ommiyah, succeeded to the principality of
Mecca. This person was devoted to the ancient worship of
idols, and was the implacable foe of the family of Hashem.
The death of Mahomet was resolved on, and he had no re-
source but flight. In the dead of night, accompanied only by
Abubeker, he escaped from his house. They concealed them-
selves three days in the cave of Thor, a league from Mecca.
While here, they heard their pursuers, but the appearance of
a spider's web over the entrance to the cave, and of a pigeon's
nest near it, led them to suppose the place solitary, and they
turned away to make further search. When Abubeker heard
them, he said, — " We are only two." " There is a third,"
said the prophet, " it is God himself"
From this cave, Mahomet and Abubeker directed their
flight to Medina. They were overtaken by their pursuers,
but escaped through prayers and promises. Gibbon remarks,
that one thrust of a lance might now have changed the destiny
of the world. From this flight of the prophet, (from Mecca
to Medina,) Mahommedans compute their years, under the
name of the Hegira, or flight. This is the era of the follow-
ers of Mahomet, and commences on the 16th of July, 622.
It was not established till the time of Omar, the next but one
of the prophet's successors, in the year 634. Mahomet was
well received at Medina, as some of its noblest citizens had
been converted during their visits to Mecca. He stopped at
Koba, two miles from Medina, and there entered into a solemn
contract with a deputation, which Gibbon considers to have
been the first vital spark of the empire of the Saracens. On
the sixteenth day of his flight, he entered the city in a sort of
triumph. Here his disciples, who had been dispersed by the
persecutions at Mecca, assembled around him, and among them
Ali. Mahomet assumed the dignity of royalty, combined
with that of the holy prophet. At the end of six years, he
could number fifteen hundred Moslems or followers, well-
MAHOMET.
533
armed, and ready to shed their blood for him and his religion.
Such was the veneration for the prophet, that a hair which
fell from his head, and the water in which he had washed,
were preserved, as though they contained some prophetic
virtue.
Thus strengthened, Mahomet began to show his earthly
ambition. He proclaimed peace and fraternity to all who em-
braced his religion — war and extermination to all who did not.
The surrounding country first felt the force of the warlike
prophet. He fought, in person, in ten battles or sieges, and
accomplished fifty military enterprises himself, or by his lieu-
tenants, in his first ten years. One fifth of all the spoils was
preserved by the prophet for pious and charitable uses ; the
residue was distributed among his armed followers. The
caravans Avhich passed along the shores of the Red Sea were
subjected to the plunder of the Mahommedans. The com-
merce with Mecca was thus interrupted, and his former ene-
mies, the Koreish, assembled a numerous force to proceed to
Medina, and annihilate the prophet and his robbers. The
opposing forces met a few miles south of Medina. Those of
his enemies greatly outnumbered those of the prophet. Seated
on a throne whence he overlooked the battle, he saw that his
own troops were on the point of yielding, when, starting from
his seat, he took up a handful of sand, and, casting it into the
air, exclaimed, in a tremendous voice, — " Let their faces be
covered with confusion." The Koreish trembled and fled.
This defeat only stimulated Abu Sophian, the prince of Mecca,
to appear, in person, with a still greater force. The second
battle was fought six miles from Medina. But hefe the proph-
et was vanquished, having been wounded in the face by a
javelin, and having two of his teeth knocked out by a stone.
Yet he rallied the faithful, and the prince of Mecca did not
see fit to besiege Medina. In the following year, ten thousand
men appeared before Medina, composed of various nations,
and led by Abu Sophian. The prophet declined a battle, and,
during the twenty days' siege, he artfully fomented divisions
among his enemies, and a tempest having overturned their
tents, the allies of the Koreish deserted, and the siege was
abandoned.
45*
534 MAHOMET*
CHAPTER LXIX.
)GRESS DEATH ABUBEKER OMAR.
The prophet next made war on the Jews, who were settled
in Arabia. Towards that nation he entertained an implacable
hatred. He took from them all they possessed, but their lives,
and exiled them to Syria. He next ventured to approach
Mecca. He was met within a day's journey of the city by
his enemies, the Koreish, supported by numerous allies. He
was adroit enough to waive his apostolic dignity, and to obtain
a truce of ten years, stipulating, among other things, that he
might enter the city as a devout pilgrim, and render his hom-
age at the Kaaba. Within these ten years, he entered Mecca
in triumph, and even the proud Abu Sophian, in surrendering
the keys of the city, confessed (under the scimetar of Omar)
that Mahomet was the Apostle of the true God. Between
the years 629 and 632, the whole of Arabia had submitted
to Mahomet, The ambition of the prophet was far from
being satisfied with these conquests, He now turned his at-
tention to Palestine and to Syria. While the emperor Herac-
lius was returning from the east to Constantinople, an embassy
from Mahomet met him, and invited him and his empire to
embrace the Mahommedan faith. This being refused, three
thousand men were despatched to invade Palestine. A battle
was fought at Muta, (supposed to be on the eastern side of
Palestine,) where the faithful Zeid wa& slain. The names of
Jaafar, Abdallah, and Caled, are celebrated in this battle.
Jaafar bore the holy standard. When he lost his right hand,
he held the standard with the left ; when this was severed, he
clasped the standard with his bleeding stumps. He fell with
fift}^ wounds, Abdallah stepped into the vacant place and
bore up the standard, till a Roman lance laid him on the earth.
Caled, surnamed the Sword of God, rescued the standard.
Nine swords were broken in his hand, but he succeeded in
repelling the superior number of the Christians. Such was
the valor and enthusiasm with which Mahomet had inspired
the faithful. It will be seen how far this spirit has extended
his_ name and his faith. Mahomet now undertook a more
serious enterprise against the Roman empire, and embodied a
large force which he led himself half way towards Palestine;
but, excessive heat in traversing the desert, and the suffering
KORAN. 535
from the want of water, discouraged his army, and the enter-
prise was given up.
On his return to Mecca, the prophet's health was seen to be
much impaired. He is said to have considered a slow poison,
administered by a revengeful Jewess, to be the true cause of
his decline. The immediate cause of his death was a fever
of fourteen days. He was aware of his approaching dissolu-
tion, and it might have been expected that he would, in some
way, have disclosed his own opinions of the reality of his
mission. But he persevered to the end, and died consistently
with the high dignity he had assumed, declaring that the
angel of death had no power to take his soul until he had
given his consent. This he affected to give, and expired on a
carpet spread on the floor, his head resting on the lap of Aye-
sha, June 7, 632, at the age of sixty-three. Mahomet thus
left to the speculation of future ages, whether he was a mere
fanatic, sincerely believing in all that he professed to believe,
or whether he was an ingenious and successful hypocrite. It
is probable that he began in the disbelief of his divine mission,
and equally probable that an ardent Arabian imagination might
discipline itself into a conviction that he was divinely commis-
sioned. Whether it was the one or the other, or a mixture of
credulity and hypocrisy, it was necessary, to the honor of his
fame, that he should die as the " Apostle of God."
The Koran was compiled with a full knowledge of the Old
and of the New Testament ; within six hundred miles of Je-
rusalem, and about half that distance from the land in which
the book of Job is supposed to have been written. Whatso-
ever the Koran contains of reasonable, sublime, or beautiful,
was borrowed from the Old Testament ; all that deserves the
name of good morals, was taken from the New Testament.
The Koran is without method or order, and abounds in con-
tradictions and repetitions. The author obtained from Gabriel
successive chapters, to excuse or justify his own conduct, or
enforce his new orders. The last communication from the
angel repealed all former ones, if inconsistent with the last.
Mahomet's mother was a well-informed Jewess, and he had a
monk and a Jew in his own house. Such is the statement to
account for the fabrication of the Koran. Mahomet declared
that it was originally written by the hand of the Almighty,
on the skin of the goat which Abraham sacrificed in place of
his son, and that it was brought down and delivered to him by
the angel Gabriel, in parcels, at various times. [American
Encyclopaedia — Koran.] This book is about the size of the
536
MAHOMET S CREED.
New Testament. Its parts were collected into a volume, after
the prophet's death, in 634. Its contents are the supreme
law, religious, social, civil, and military, for about one seventh
part of the whole population of the earth.
The private life of Mahomet was subject to many infirmi-
ties and reproaches, nor is there a single instance of a redeem-
ing virtue, unless it be true that he was grateful. He placed
his wife Cadijah among the four perfect women, whom he
considered to be, the sister of Moses, the mother of our Sav-
iour, his daughter Fatima, and Cadijah, The most beloved
of his eleven wives, Ayesha, the daughter of Abubeker, once
said to Mahomet, (in the consciousness of youth and beauty,)
when he spoke respectfully of Cadijah, — " Has not God given
3^ou a better one in her place 1 " " No," he answered, " there
never can be a better. She believed in me when men despised
me; she relieved my wants when I was poor and persecuted
by the world." The civil government of the prophet was
salutary to his countrymen. He established order, and pro-
vided for the punishment of crimes. As a temporal prince, he
may be entitled to commendations. He was grievously dis-
appointed in not having an heir to his empire. His four sons
b}^ Cadijah died in infancy. His son by an Egyptian concu-
bine died at the age of fifteen months. Ten of his wives
were widows when he married them, neither of whom gave
him any child ; but he had four daughters by Cadijah, who
were married among the most exalted of his disciples. His
daughter Fatima, the child of Ayesha, shared largely in his
affections. The Fatimites, who, at an after period, arose in
Egypt, a denomination of Moslems, derive their name from
this daughter. When the excessive irregularities of the
prophet shocked his harem and the faithful, the angel Gabriel
always helped him to an exculpatory page. The prohibition
of wine, under the awful denunciations of the Koran, may
have been from a wise policy, to prevent the contentions and
infirmities which an inordinate use of it is apt to produce.
The prohibition of swine's flesh was common among Egyp-
tians and Jews, for ages before Mahomet appeared. The pro-
hibition undoubtedly arose from the belief that such food
brought on certain horrible diseases, which were of frequent
occurrence in Egypt and southern Asia. This prohibition
was severely enforced by the prophet.
Fatalism is, to the present day, a strict point in the creed of
every true Mussulman. But this ingenious prophet was ap-
prehensive that all his purposes might not be answered by the
537
gift of the persons and property of all the unbelievers on the
earth, and by the assurance that no one could avoid dying in
battle, to whom that death had been foreordained, nor so die,
if it had not been. He promised the joys of heaven to all
who fell in his cause, and made these joys exceedingly capti-
vating to an Arabian imagination. A respectable historian
gives this account of the prophet's heaven, as the reward of
every true believer : — " Seventy most beautiful women ; a tent
of incomparable costliness ; a prodigious number of servants ;
the choicest wines, free from intoxicating qualities, and pre-
sented in golden goblets ; the most delicious food ; the most
sumptuous dresses, and renovated youth that would endure
forever." But unbelievers he threatened with torments as
enduring and as terrible as the joys of heaven were desirable.
To these may be added a short account of the present creed
of Islamism, or Mahometan faith. Mahomet was the last of
the prophets; his name is written on all the gates of paradise.
The devil was cast out at his birth. He visited the seven
heavens, and was superior to all men in genius and wisdom.
He performed three thousand miracles, besides those in the
Alcoran, which contains sixty thousand in itself, as every verse
is a miracle. He cleft the moon. Fountains of pure waters
have gushed from his fingers. God divides with him his
blessings, and has ordered the universe to obey him. The
earth belongs to him ; and before him it was stained by Chris-
tians, idolators, and Jews. He purified it by his doctrine.
Mahomet instituted prayer, the custom of washing hands after
meats, of making a hollow on one side of the tomb, the fash-
ion of wearing turbans, Avith streamers hanging from behind,
a mark of distinction even among angels. Mahomet had the
privilege of committing murder in all the sacred territory,
even in Mecca ; to judge according to his will; to receive
presents ; to parcel out lands even before he had possession of
them. The best spoils were his. Celestial spirits obeyed
him. The angel of death could not take his soul till he had
first asked his permission.
True Moslems have a string of beads around the neck, and
each bead, as counted over, is to remind the disciples of the
various qualities of the founder of his religion, or of his mira-
cles. The Catholics also have strings of beads. There is a
natural similarity between the benedictions, privileges, and
assurances dispensed by the popes to the crusaders, and those
announced to his followers by the accomplished and successful
Napoleon of the Arabs.
538 Mahomet's successor.
" The sword," says Mahomet, " is the key of heaven and
hell. A drop of blood spent in the cause of God, a night
spent in arms, is of more avail than two months of fasting or
prayer. Whoever falls in battle, his sins are forgiven : at the
day of judgment his wounds shall be resplendent as vermilion,
and odoriferous as musk ; the loss of limbs shall be supplied
with the Avings of angels and of cherubim." His followers
advanced fearlessly to battle. Where there is no chance there
is no danger.
As the prophet had created the Mahometan throne by his
own genius and valor, he had a much better right to dispose
of it, by naming a successor, than despotic monarchs generally
have had. This he did not do, and contentions arose among
his chiefs. On the one part, the pretensions of Ali, the first
of his avowed adherents, and the husband of his favorite
child, Fatima, were strongly supported. On another part it
was insisted upon, that the prophet intended to leave the suc-
cessor to choice, or he would have chosen one to take his
place. This latter opinion prevailed, and Abdallah Ebn Abu
Koafas, surnamed Abubeker, was elected. This surname is
differently understood by different writers. It has been said to
signify the father of the virgin, as this person stood in that
relation to Ayesha, who was the only one of the prophet's
wives who had not been previously a wife when married to
him. It has also been said to signify the first witness, and the
faithful witness. He took the titular distinction of caliph,
which is said to mean vice-general, or the substitute for the
prophet. He was far advanced when elected. He ruled two
years and four months, and assumed to name Omar as his
successor. When Omar was informed of this, he went to the
caliph and told him that he had no occasion for the place.
That may be true, said the caliph, but the place has occasion
for you.
In the reign of Abubeker, the first caliph, (632 — 634,)
Caled, surnamed the Sword of God, led an army from Medina
across the Desert, to the banks of the Euphrates, and thus
invaded the Persian empire. " In his first year," says an
Arabian historian, " Caled fought many signal battles ; an
immense number of the infidels was slaughtered, and spoils
infinite and innumerable were acquired by the victorious Mos-
lems." The Persian kingdom, convulsed by internal divi-
sions, made a feeble effort to resist the Arabians. The house
of Sassanides then reigned, but it was destined to fall, and,
with it, the religion long cherished, of which Zoroaster was
ARABIAN CONQUESTS. 639
the founder. The final struggle of Persian power was at
the battle of Cadesia, sixty-one leagues south-westwardly from
the present Bagdad, and, perhaps, a fourth part of that distance
from Cufa. The contest has obtained the distinction, in his-
tory, of " obstinate and atrocious."
After the battle, in the year 63G, the Arabians founded the
city of Bosra, or Bassora, forty miles below the confluence of
the Euphrates, on the Tigris, and forty miles above the north-
wardly end of the Gulf of Persia. Bassora is still a com-
mercial city. Yezdeyard, the last king of the Sassanides
family, fled north-eastwardly, to the hills of ancient Media,
and his seat of empire, the city and palace of Ctesiphon, near
the spot on which Bagdad stands, became the spoil of the
Mahometans. Among the spoils was a magazine of camphor,
which was used, with a mixture of w^ax, to light the palaces
of the east. The extent of a hall in the palace of Ctesiphon
is known by the carpet which covered the floor. It was a
square of silk, one hundred and fifty feet on each side. It
was richly wrought, with brilliant and golden colors, to repre-
sent a garden. It was sent entire to the venerable caliph at
Medina. This royal residence, after the pillage of the Arabs,
■was permitted to fall into ruins, and travellers now dispute
where it was. Before the year 752, and within twenty years
after the decease of the prophet, his pious followers had sub-
jected and converted the people of the vast territory between
the Tigris and the Caspian Sea. They had done the like
favor to all whom they had not slain, from the Tigris, north-
eastwardly beyond the Caspian, to the river now called Sihon,
by the Greeks of Alexander the Saparlis, w'hich is more than
twelve hundred miles from Bagdad. South-eastwardly, they
had carried the name and the religion of the prophet fifteen
hundred miles, to the confines of India. These conquests are
spread over many pages by historians, who narrate the thou-
sands of mournful scenes which accompanied them. It was
a rule with Mahometans, in ev^ery case, first to enrich them-
selves with whatsoever they desired, and then to put all to the
sword, and to burn and demolish whenever they were resisted.
While these conquests were going on in the east, other
Arabian forces were engaged in like terrible operations in
Palestine and Syria, then part of the dominions of the Roman,
or, properly, the Greek emperor, Heraclius. Caled, the Sword
of God, had been transferred, at an early period of the Persian
war, to command in the conquest of these countries. The
whole history of the world does not exhibit a more daring,
540 ARABIAN CONQUESTS.
brave, skilful, and victorious chief than Caled. His own na-
ture, and his entire devotion to the prophet, had so nerved his
arm, and steeled his heart, that no enterprise was too difficult
for him, if there was even a hope of extending the knowledge
of the koran, or of exterminating an unbeliever.
It will be recollected that the whole extent of the eastern end
of the Mediterranean is about 400 miles from north to the
south. The Jews never possessed more than 100 miles of the
coast, from the river Egypt ; which is at the south-east corner
of this sea, up to the south end of the small territory which
was anciently called Phoenicia, in which were the cities of
Tyre and Sidon. Phoenicia was about 60 miles long, and, per-
haps, 25 miles wide, bounding on the sea. Palestine ex-
tended up northwardly behind or east of the Phoenician terri-
tory, about as far up as that did. The breadth of Palestine no
where exceeded 90 miles. North of Palestine and Phcenicia,
quite up to the Black Sea was Syria, a length of 550 miles.
All the territory east of Palestine, and between it and the desert
of Arabia, which runs up further north than Palestine does,
was either part of Syria, or part of Arabia, the latter being the
most southwardly. In the year 632, there were many popu-
lous and wealthy cities in Syria, and some of them had been
strongly fortified by the Romans. Among these cities is
Damascus, and north-eastwardly of that was Palmyra, cel-
ebrated as the seat of empire of the renowned and unfortu-
nate Zenobia, whose prime minister was the learned Longi-
nus, author of a treatise on the sublime, now well known.
He was a native of Syria, and fell with his noble queen into
the power of the Romans, who put him to death, in the year
275. The river Orontes rises in the mountains near to Da-
mascus, and takes a course nearly north-westwardly, through
vallies once populous, cultivated, and beautiful, towards the
north-east coiner of the Mediterranean, and, passing by Anti-
och, 16 miles from the sea, it empties into that sea about 40
miles from its north-east corner. In these vallies there were
rich cities, and among them Emessa, the birth place of Lon-
ginus.
The whole of that region of Palestine and Syria was made
to feel the military strength, and unsparing fanaticism of the
disciples of Mahomet. The invasion began in the same year
that the prophet died, 632, while Abubeker was Caliph. Hap-
py would it have been, compared with the experience of the
eastern world, if the commands of Abubeker, to his generals,
had been observed by them, and their successors : •' Remem-
ARABIAN CONQUESTS. 641
ber," said he, " that you are always in the presence of God, on
the verge of death, in the assurance of judgment, and in the
hope of paradise. Avoid injustice and oppression; consult
your brethren, and study to preserve the love and confidence of
your troops. When you fight the battles of the Lord, acquit
yourselves slike men, without turning yourjbacks; but let not
your victory be stained with the blood of women and children.
Destroy no palm-trees, nor burn any cornfields. Cut down no
fruit trees, nor do any mischief to cattle, only such as you kill
to eat. When you make any covenant, stand to it, and be as
good as your word. As you go on, you will find some relig-
ious persons, who live in monasteries, and who propose to
themselves to serve God in that way: let them alone, and neither
kill them, nor destroy their monasteries. You will find anoth-
er sort of people, that belong to the synagogue of Satan, who
have shaven crowns; be sure you cleave their skulls, and give
them no quarter, till they either turn Mahommedans, or pay
tribute." By those of the shaven crown, the pious caliph in-
tended, the monks of the catholic church.
The first object of attack was Bosra, a city of Syria, east of
the mountains of Gilead. This was the ancient city of Bezer,
one of the six cities of refuge, which Moses was commanded to
appoint. It is mentioned as having been appointed in the book
of Joshua, ch. xx. ver. 8. This conquest was easily made,
partly by the military fervor of the Moslems, and partly by the
treacher}^ of the Roman governor. Damascus is four days'
journey, about 80 miles north of Bosra. The forces of Caled
were insufficient to subdue Damascus. He, therefore, concen-
trated around that city all the warriors of the prophet who had
engaged in different expeditions, and the whole number which
assembled was 45,000. In the mean time, Heraclius, the em-
peror, had assembled a force of 70,000, near Emessa, on the
Orontes, 100 miles north of Damascus. On modern maps
Emessa is called Hems.
The Arabs suspended the siege of Damascus to encounter
this army, which they entirely defeated in a plain near Emessa.
If one should recite the exploits of the Arabs, (acting under
the belief of fatalism, or predestination, devotion to fheir faith,
and the certainty of paradise,) in this, or any of their thousand
battles, it would require extensive details, for which we have
no space. These exploits always equalled, if they did not sur-
pass, the best efforts of Greeks and Romans, under the stimu-
lus of what they called patriotism ; or those of the French ar-
46
54^ JTERUSAtEM TAKEN.
mies, wlien in their revolution they carried liberty at the point
of the bayonet, through Europe.
The Arabs returned to the siege of Damascus. At the
end of 70 days, that beautiful city was submitted to the pillage
of these fanatical barbarians. A portion of its men, women,
and children, were permitted to depart down the Orontes, to-
wards Antioch, in the hope of finding their way through Asia
Minor to Constantinople. The causes of the pursuit, by the
Arabs, of this party, and their total destruction, are narrated by
Gibbon, in his chapter LI.,, with as much feeling as that cele-
brated historian has displayed any where throughout his mel-
ancholy details.
After several intermediate conflicts, the Arabs appeared be-
fore Jerusalem, in 637. At this time, Omar had succeeded to
the caliphate. Caled, wdio had been highest in command, had
given place to Abu Obeidah, in whose name Jerusalem was
called on to surrender. His short epistle is worth transcribing.
" Health and happiness to every one that follows in the right
way. We require of you to testify that there is but one God,
and that Mahomet is his apostle. If you refuse this, consent
to pay tribute, and be under us forthwith. Otherwise I shall
bring men against you, who love death, better than you do the
drinking of wine, or the eating of hog's flesh. Nor will I
ever stir from you, if it please God, until I have destroyed
those who fight for you, nor until I have made slaves of your
children." After a siege of four months, during which there
were sanguinary conflicts, almost daily, between the Arabs and
the besieged, Jerusalem offered to capitulate. One condition
was, that the contract should be signed by Omar in person.
He was sent for and came, but not as the sovereign of Persia,
and of Syria, might have been expected to come. He was
mounted on a red camel, which carried himself a bag of corn,
a bag of dates, a leather bag of water, and a wooden dish.
Omar remained only ten days at Jerusalem, and then re-
turned to Medina, but he employed his time usefully. He re-
formed the errors of his Arabs in the quantity of wives which
each had taken to himself; he forbade extortion and cruelty;
he repressed luxury, by taking aw^ay the rich garments with
which the conquerors had clothed themselves, and punish-
ed some of them by causing them to be dragged with their
faces in the dirt. By his command, the ground floor of the
temple of Solomon was prepared for a mosque. He regulated
the future government of his Syrian conquests, and departed in
the same humble manner in which he came.
CONQUESTS IN SYRIA. EAST. EGYPT. 543
The forces of the Arabs were then divided into two unequal
parts; the inferior one remained in Palestine, under Amrou;
the superior one departed, under Caled and Obeidah, to take
Aleppo and Antioch. Aleppo is still known by the same name ;
it was called Beriaby the Greeks. This city is in lat. 36, long.
37, and 70 miles east from the Mediterranean, the capital of
Syria, and now the third town in the Ottoman empire. It has
now a mixed population, computed at 200,000, but was a much
more considerable city when attacked by the Arabs. Before
the 1st of September, G38, both Aleppo and Antioch had been
subdued, but the latter ransomed itself at the cost of a great
sum of money. Heraclius, the emperor, had come into Syria,
but he chose not to encounter the Arabs in person. He had
seen the destruction of the last of his armies, and after the fall
of Antioch he hastily withdrew to Constantinople. But the
Arabians had so far diminished their numbers, by battle, dis-
ease, and hardships, that they contented themselves with their
conquests thus far, in Syria. They had now extended their
empire from the eastern shore of the Mediterranean to the
Jaxartes, or Sihon, and to the Indus. In the ten years of Omar's
reign, and within thirteen years of the prophet's death, 36,000
cities or castles, had been taken or reduced to submission ; 4000
churches, or temples of unbelievers, had been destroyed, and
1400 mosques had been established, for worship according to
the religion of Mahomet. Omar perished by poison, adminis-
tered by a revengeful Jewish slave, not, improbably, in honor
of fallen Jerusalem. This Caliph is the first who assumed the
title of Emir el Moumenin, or prince of the faithful. His suc-
cessor was Othman, who fell by assassins of his own country
and faith, with the Koran on his knees. This event occurred
in 655.
CHAPTER LXX.
Conquest of Egypt — Alexandrian Library — Conquests in Barhary — Mix-
ture of Arabs and Moors.
It w\\\ be recollected that Egypt is comprised of the flat
land called the Delta, so named from its resemblance in form
to the Greek letter D, which is in the shape of a triangle; sec-
544
EGYPT.
ondly, of a valley of an average width of 8 or 12 miles, be-
tween two ranges of mountains, extending southwardly, at least
600 miles from the south point of the Delta; thirdly, of these
two ranges of mountains, and of the country beyond them.
On the west side of the westwardly range, the country is a
sandy desert. On the east side of the eastwardly range is a
country extending to the Red Sea, mountainous, rocky, and lit-
tle known in history. The river Nile runs through this val-
ley, from south to north, emptying into the Mediterranean.
The whole of the Delta has been formed by the deposit of
matter floated down by the Nile, if the traveller and historian,
Heroditus, should be credited. He says that when he w^as in
Egypt, (about 450 B. C.,)it was apparent to him that the Med-
iterranean flowed, at some former time, at the foot of the moun-
tains, now nearly 80 miles south of its southern shore. When
the Nile comes to the southern point of the Delta, it divides
into branches, the most westwardly one of which runs to Alex-
andria, in about 80 miles. The eastwardly branch runs to an-
cient Pelusium, about the same distance, both on the sea shore.
The points at which these two branches respectively reach the
sea, are distant about 70 miles from each other. A short dis-
tance (perhaps 20 or 30 miles) south of the place where the
Nile divides, was Memphis, in which Pharaoh and Joseph
dwelt. Its exact position is unknown, as travellers and anti-
quaries differ in opinion. It was, probably, near to the present
capital of Egypt, Grand Cairo. (A more particular description
of Egypt will 136 found in the preceding volume.) In the year
638 Egypt was a province of the Greek emperor, Heraclius.
It had stood in the relation of a province to Rome, or Constan-
tinople, ever since Octavius (afterwards Augustus) had over-
thrown the last of the Egyptian race of Ptolemy, in the per-
son of Cleopatra, thirtj?- years before our era. In 638 it was
inhabited by the remnant of Egyptians, under the general
name of Copts, by a great number of Jews, who had been driv-
en, at various times, from Judea ; and by the Greeks, who
were divided, among themselves, into several Christian sects,
and who were intolerant opponents of each other. But Egypt
was still a rich country, possessing an important commerce.
Alexandria was still a splendid city, and then the most commer-
cial city of the world. The valley of the Nile, and the Delta
preserved their ancient fame for fertility, and were the principal
dependence of Constantinople, for wheat.
At this time, 638, Omar, at Medina, being the second caliph,
or vice-regent of the prophet, permitted his brave general, Am-
EGYPT CONQUERED. 545
rou, to attempt the conquest of Egypt. Between this time and
640, Amrou had been entirely succesful in this enterprise. He
was aided by the Copts, who were disgusted with their Christ-
ian masters, and even these Greeks bore an unwilling alle-
giance to the emperor. Although we avoid, as much as possi-
ble, all military details, as these are all much alike, and convey
little of instruction, yet the proceedings of the enthusiastic
Moslem, Amrou, in the conquest of Alexandria, require a short
notice. He had first made himself master of Memphis, after a
severe month's siege, during which he was much distressed by
the annual overflowing of the Nile, an event of which he was
ignorant, and for Avhich he was unprepared. He then trans-
ferred his forces to the maritime city of Alexandria. The
Greeks, who had been driven from Memphis, had concentrated
near this city, xilexandria stood on land Avhich separated the
Mediterranean from the lake Mereotis. The distance of the
sea, from the lake, was a mile and a quarter. The city was
6 or 8 miles long, and of the width of this land, IJ mile.
The sea bathed the wall of the city on the north-west, and the
waters of the lake, on the south-east. The ends of the city
were protected by Avails extending from the sea to the lake. A
street of 2000 feet in width extended from the sea to the lake;
and this street was crossed at right angles by one of equal
width, from one end of the city to the other. The street across
the city was decorated by magnificent houses, temples, and pub-
lic buildings, and was the most superb street in the world.
Nothing remains of this city but some of its ruins, which time
has not been able to destroy. The modern city, of the same
name, is not on the site of the ancient one. This city was
planned and built by Alexander the Great, and his remains
were deposited here in a golden cofiin, in the year 323, before
.the Christian era. Amrou could not approach the city through
the walls which protected it by the sea and the lake; and he
directed his successive attacks, therefore, only against the walls
at the ends of the city. These were returned by sallies of the
besieged, in which the invaders were usually the victorious par-
t}^ In one assault, Amrou entered the city, and he and a slave
were severed from their associates, and taken prisoners. When
conducted to the presence of the governor, or prefect of the
city, his lofty demeanor, and resolute tone, had disclosed his
dignity, and the battle-axe was raised to fell him to the floor,
when Amrou's slave struck him on the face, and commanded
him to be silent in the presence of his superiors. By this for-
tunate turn the prefect was deceived as to the rank of his pris^
46*
546 ALEXANDRIAN LIBRARY.
oner, and dismissed him, on the assurance that he would en-
deavor that a suitable embassy should be sent by the Mahome-
tans to treat of peace. No sucli embassy was sent. The siege
continued, and at the end of fourteen months the prophet's flag
was raised on the walls of Alexandria, Dec. 22, 640. [Gib-
bon, chap, li.]
Amrou's report to the caliph thus describes his conquest.
" 1 have taken the great city of the west. It is impossible for
me to enumerate the variety of its riches and beauty. It con-
tains 4000 palaces; 4000 baths ; 400 theatres and places of
amusement; 12,000 shops, for the sale of vegetable food ; 40,-
000 tributary Jews." Although the city w^as taken without
capitulation, and was at the mercy of Amrou, the pious chief
saved it from pillage and destruction, and appropriated its treas-
ures to the use of the caliph, and the propagation of the faith.
The loss of Alexandria is said to have hastened the death of
the declining Heraclius, who died seven weeks after its capture,
of the dropsy. In the next four years two attempts were made
by the Greeks to recover the city, but Amrou defeated them,
and Alexandria and all Egypt was now severed, and forever,
from the Greek empire.
It has been often repeated that the world suffered a great and
irreparable loss in the destruction of the libraiy, which the suc-
cession of kings, after the dismemberment of Alexander's em-
pire, had gathered in Alexandria. Some of this race of kings,
Avho were called the Ptolemies, were distinguished patrons of
learning. Alexandria was the successor of Athens as the seat
of science, and here many philosophers were assembled in the
time of these kings. It is related that there were 700,000 vol-
umes, (:n writing, printing being then unknown,) in this city, of
which 400,000 were kept in the temple of Jupiter Sarapis,
and 300,000 in the royal palace. If this vast number was
ever gathered at Alexandria, a portion is v>'ell known to have
been burnt when Julius Csesar was besieged there, CO years
before our era began. But, shortly after, Mark Antony pre-
sented the whole library of the town of Pergamusto Cleopatra,
then queen of Egypt. Pergamus was near the western shore
of Asia Minor. Its library consisted of 200,000 volumes,
beautifully written on parchment, which was invented at this
place. Esculapius practised medicine in this city. It was the
birth-place of Galen. About 400 years afterwards, the library
of Alexandria was ao-ain impaired, (to what extent is unknown,)
when the fanatical Theodosius the Great, (in 381,) emperor of
the Romans, ordered all heathen temples to be demolished
547
throughout his empire. Still, it is probable that the number
of volumes remaining in the time of Amrou, was very great.
The library was the only public property which was not ap-
propriated to the caliph's use, and this was disregarded because
Amrou thought it to be worthless. A distinguished philoso-
pher, named Philopomus, asked of Amrou the gift of the
libraiy, and Amrou was disposed to assent, but concluded to
consult the caliph Omar, who returned the often-quoted an-
swer : — " If these, writings of the Greeks agree with the book
of God, (the Koran,) they are useless, and need not be pre-
served ; if they disagree, they are pernicious, and ought to be
destroyed."
It has been transmitted, as an historical fact, that these lite-
rary treasures were applied to heating the four thousand baths
of Alexandria, and that it required six months to consume
them. Gibbon appears to have made a critical examination
of the evidence of this alleged fact, and he discredits the
stated number of the volumes, and the value of the number,
whatever it may have been ; and thinks that the loss does not
deserve the regret which has been so often expressed. But
other writers are of opinion, that there must have been many
highly important works there, which would have elucidated
many doubtful facts in history, philosophy, the arts and sci-
ences, though there may have been many on sectarian contro-
versies, which are not to be regretted.
Omar having a desire to know what sort of a country it
was, v;hich Amrou had added to his empire, the latter sent
him. a description of it, as follows : — " Oh ! commander of the
faithful ! Egypt is a compound of black earth and green
plants, between a pulverised mountain and a red sand, (mean-
ing the shore.) The distance from Syene (now commonly
known as the first cataract of the Nile, about seven hundred
miles) is a month's journey for a horseman. Along the valley
descends a river, on which the blessing of the Most High
reposes, both in the evening and the morning, and which rises
and falls both with the revolutions of the sun and moon.
When the annual dispensations of Providence unlock the
springs and fountains that nourish the earth, the Nile rolls his
swelling and sounding waters through the realm of Egypt ;
the fields are overspread by the salutary flood, and the vilTao-es
communicate with each other in their painted barks. The
retreat of the inundation deposits a fertilizing mud for the
reception of the various seeds ; the crowds of husbandmen
who blacken the land, may be compared to a swarm of indus-
548 CONQUESTS IN AFRICA.
trious ants, and their native indolence is quickened by the lash
of the taskmaster, and the flowers and fruits of a plentiful
increase. Their hope is seldom deceived ; but the riches
which they extract from the wheat, the barley, and the rice,
the legumes, the fruit-trees, and the cattle, are unequally shared
between those who labor and those who possess. According
to the vicissitudes of the seasons, the face of the country is
adorned with a silver wave, a verdant emerald, and the deep
yellow of the golden harvest." If these were truly the ex-
pressions of the Arab Amrou, he is entitled to some consider-
ation for poetical taste in his description. This was, doubt-
less, in substance, a just account of the Delta at that time.
But the scene is far different now, as it is in every country
which has been destined to submit to the despotic power and
paralyzing religion of Mussulmen.
The details of Mahometan conquests from Egypt, west-
wardly, resisted by the feeble forces of the empire of the
Greeks, would impart little instruction. The first attempt
was made in 647, but it was not before 709 that the whole of
the north-east coast of Africa had submitted to the arms and
the religion of the Mahometans. A series of battles, disasters,
and miseries, to both the invaders and the invaded, constitute
the materials of history here, during these sixty-two years.
The names of many renowned warriors occur ; but all that
needs to be known of any or all of them, is, that they were
the instruments by which Islamism was carried and establish-
ed, to the very shores of the Atlantic. The spirit in which
all this was done, may be understood from the declaration of
the general Akbah. Spurring his horse into the Atlantic,
and raising his eyes to heaven, he exclaimed, — " Great God !
if my course were not stopped by this sea, I would still go on
to the unknown kingdoms of the west, preaching the unity of
thy holy name, and putting to the sword the rebellious nations
who worship any other gods than thee." In their course
along the Mediterranean Sea, these Arabs had passed over
Carthage, which Virgil has immortalized — in which the un-
fortunate and gallant Hannibal was born — over which Scipio
triumphed with mournful tears, and which Marius had visited
both as a conqueror and a fugitive. They had passed over
Utica also, where the despairing Cato fell by his own hand,
and to whom Addison has raised a monument in his admired
tragedy, presented to the world in 1713.
The most numerous and powerful enemies whom the Arabs
encountered, were the inhabitants of the country westwardly
INVASION OF SPAIN. 549
of Carthage, and extending through the modern Algerine
territory. These were the descendants of the ancient people
of Numidia and Mauritania, who were formidable enemies of
the Roman republic. The most ancient people known in
history, on the northern coast of Africa, from Egypt to the
Atlantic, were called Berbers, and, in modern times. Barbers,
meaning Children of the Desert. Their language is a matter
of curiosity to the learned, since it cannot be traced to any of
the known parent stocks. The Berbers have acquired national
names from the territories into which the northern coast of
Africa is divided, and in these they are intermingled with
people who have, from time to time, appeared as conquerors.
Their own name of Berbers, or Barbers, has given to the
coast the general name of Barbary. From the same source
is the name of barbarian, which was the uncourteous appella-
tion bestowed by Greeks and Romans on all nations but their
own.
When the Arabians had penetrated to Mauritania, opposite
the coast of Spain, their conflicts were of a ferocious charac-
ter, and, on the part of the Arabians, so disastrous, that they
were compelled to retreat the whole distance of fourteen hun-
dred miles, to the confines of Egypt. But they returned, in
sufficient strength, to make themselves masters of the whole
coast and of the interior countr3^ The native people of Mau-
ritania acquired the name of Moors, from the name of their
country. They had, in manners, habits, propensities, and in
complexion, a strong resemblance to their conquerors, and
readily adopted the religion which w^as offered to them. The
Arabian name was here lost in that of Moors. When the
invasion of Spain was undertaken, from Mauritania, in 711,
by the mingled forces of Arabs and Moors, it was considered,
in Spain, as the invasion of the Moors, and has been so treated
of in history. It was, nevertheless, a continuation of the Ma-
hometan warfare against the world, for the Moors had adopted
the Koran, and had become as zealous in propagating the
faith of Islamism as the Arabs themselves.
To continue the sketch of the African conquests, without
intermission, it has been unavoidable to advance in time be-
yond the order of succession to the caliphate. We now return
to the successor of Othman, w^ho had been slain by assassins
in 655. This successor was Ali, the fourth caliph, and the
husband of the prophet's daughter, Fatiraa.
550 ARABIAN EMPIRE,
CHAPTER LXXI.
MAHOMETAN EMPIRE IN THE EAST HOUSE OF OMMIADES.
On the death of Othman, Ali, whom many considered the
rightful successor of the prophet, in the first instance, became
caliph. Rebellions against his authority arose. One was
headed by the prophet's widow, Ayesha, who was ever the
inveterate foe of Ali. The principal scene of action was now
in Syria, and between Syria and the Euphrates. A battle
was fought between the rebels and Ali, near Bassora, in which
battle Ayesha was present, mounted on a camel, in a sort of
cage. Though she was not hurt, seventy men were succes-
sively killed in the office of bridle-holder to her camel. Her
party was defeated, and she was sent to Mecca to weep at the
tomb of the prophet for the residue of her life, and nothing
more is known of her. Ali had a much more formidable
adversary in Mowiyah, the son of Abu Sophian, already men-
tioned as the early enemy of the prophet. This person had
been appointed governor of Syria by Omar, and dwelt in
Damascus, He raised a powerful force against his sovereign,
whose place of abode was at Kufa, a city on a lake, fifty miles
south of the ruins of Babylon, and two hundred and fifty miles
north-west of Bassora. After ninety-six battles and skirmishes,
■\vhich these enemies fought on the plains of Babylon, Ali was
conquered, and Mowiyah became the fifth caliph, and founder
of the line of caliphs called the Ommiades, from Omiyah, the
name of his grandfather. His seat of government was Da-
mascus, and Medina ceased to be the royal city. Ali was
assassinated in a cruel manner, and all his supporters, from
\vhom any resistance to the new caliph could arise, were
exterminated. Mowiyah's reign began in the year 673, or in
the fifty-fourth of the Hegira.
At the death of Ali, and the usurpation of Mowiyah, the
schism which arose on the decease of the prophet, re-appeared
with implacable bitterness, and has ever since continued. The
one party are called Schiites, and the other Sonnates, or Sun-
nites. The former maintain that the rightful succession was
in Ali, the other, in Mowiyah. The former are the heretics,
the latter the orthodox. The name of the latter is from sonna,
which means the oral traditions concerning the prophet and
his doctrines. Both parties respect the sonna, the contents of
ARABIAN EMPIRE. 551
which enter materially into the Mahometan creed. The Per-
sians and the Turks maintain an implacable hatred under
these sectarian names ; but the principal difference is the orig-
inal one, the right of the succession. The Mahometans have
had, from age to age, the most bitter and bloody contentions on
the point, whether the Koran existed from all eternity or was
created for Mahomet's use by the Almighty. Christians may-
think this a most absurd controversy. But, move a little to
the west, to Constantinople and Rome, and see what Chris-
tians themselves were doing, and with like bitterness and thirst
for blood, at the same time.
All that remains to be said of Mahometans may be com-
pressed in three divisions : — First, events in the time of the
Ommiades, from the year 673 to the year 750. Secondly, the
events which occurred w^hile the princes, called the Abassides,
were caliphs, before the foreign influence of the Turks inter-
posed, and commenced the train of evils which closed by the
subjection of the Arabian power to that of the Turks. This
second period was from the j^ear 750 lo 936. Thirdly, the
events while the Turks were absolute rulers in the Mahometan
empire, though the caliphs still existed in name, but only as
spiritual representatives of the prophet. In this condition,
they were sometimes called Mahometan popes. This third
division is comprised in the space between the years 936 and
1050. After this time, the Arabian powder is entirely lost in
the power of the Turks, though the Mahometan religion still
continued in full vigor.
It will be useful to consider what the natural elements of
history would be among such a people as the Mahometans, i'n
the periods now to be considered.
In the time of the first of these divisions, they were illiterate
and barbarous, having no books but the Koran and the volume
of traditions. They were superstitious] y devoted to their re-
ligion, and held all the world to be enemies who were not of
their faith. Every Mahometan was allowed to have more
wives than one, and the affluent were allowed to have as many
as they could maintain. They were, however, excessively
jealous as to their rights in female property, and women were,
therefore, kept in seclusion. The numbers which made up
society were distinguished into the great officers and depend-
ants on the reigning prince — into subjects who were in vari-
ous conditions as to wealth — into mechanics, cultivators of the
earth, freedmen, slaves, and soldiers. There w'as excessive
indulgence in sensual pleasures, among all classes, so far as
552 ARABIAN EMPIRE.
they had the means. The form of the government was the
most absolute of despotisms, the whole power being vested in
the caliph, and he having no rule but the Koran ; yet, as he
was not only the temporal prince, but the spiritual representa-
tive of the prophet, he could construe the Koran to suit his
own purposes. The administration of justice vvas confided to
subordinate officers, whose maladministration of their powers
rarely reached the caliph's ear; and when it did, complaints
were regarded as calumnious, or wholly disregarded. Plun-
der and commerce had created abundant riches; but these
were only in the hands of a few, while the majority were poor,
subservient, and depraved. Such was the picture which his-
torians draw of Mahometan society. There cannot be a more
odious one, unless it be that which might be drawn of Con-
stantinople, in the same age.
This despotism extended over vast territories. These were
divided into provincial governments, like those which existed
among Romans and Persians. The governors in provinces
were the lieutenants, or representatives of the caliphs. Ap-
pointments to these high offices were rewards for military
services, or were dictated by interest, favoritism, or family
partialities. These lieutenants, remote from the eye of the
caliphs, often exercised their power to oppress their subjects,
gratify their caprice, or to enrich themselves. Whenever
these provincial chiefs thought themselves sufficiently power-
ful to resist their sovereign, and to establish an empire for
themselves, revolt and rebellion ensued. Hence it will be
found, that no small portion of Mahometan history is devoted
to details, showing that a rebellious lieutenant attempted to
dethrone the prince, and was successful, or that the prince had
the pleasure of adorning his palace gate with the rebel's head.
In such governments, the succession to the throne, on the
decease of a reigning prince, usually leads to bloody conten-
tions. If the last ruler named a successor, in the expectation
of his own decease, his nomination was liable to be disputed.
A disappointed son, brother, nephew, or military chief, could
easiljr raise a force to contest the succession. The prevailing
party must, therefore, commence his reign with such punish-
ments as w^ould disable his adversaries, and secure the crown
on his own head. This was done by murder of some kind,
often the most cruel that could be invented, or by depriving
the vanquished party of his eyes, his tongue, or his hands.
If the reigning prince had sons, and divided his empire
among them, this was sowing the seeds of fraternal discord,
ARABIAN EMPIRE. 553
and the strongest and most fortunate of the nuniber, would
despoil the others of their inheritance, and make them, by
death, mutilation, or imprisonment, incapable of disturbing his
tranquillity. In the Asiatic regions, the same prince had
often sons by different mothers, and each mother would natu-
rally suppose her own son best entitled to the sceptre. Her
intrigues, plots, and crimes, to place this emblem of authority
in her favorite's hand, constitute materials in Mahometan, as
w^ell as in all Asiatic history. The multitude of persons who
throng a despotic court, have deep interests in these contests
for power. In proportion to their hopes and fears, their agency
becomes conspicuous, and they display the usual course of
cunning, perfidy, and crime, to accomplish their respective
purposes.
Such governments are liable, also, to sudden invasion by
any potentate who is disposed to show that he is strong enough
to despoil the possessor of his power ; and such disposition is
rarely absent, when the ability to gratify it is believed to exist.
These invasions, among Asiatics, have always been accompa-
nied by bloody battles, cruel devastation, and by the slavery of
the vanquished. The number of persons Avho fell in battle,
or who perished from the miseries which follow in the train
of war, and the number of cities captured, pillaged, and utterly
destroyed in Asia, between the years 500 and 1500 of our era,
would seem incredible, if fully stated. Such details are proper,
and, perhaps, indispensable, if the object in view were limited
to any one country, instead of extending to all countries.
They will, therefore, be avoided, as far as can be done con-
sistently with disclosing the series of events which have
brought the world to its present condition.
As the sceptre was sometimes obtained by usurpers of su-
perior talents, and as the chances of succession sometimes
placed that emblem of power in the hand of able and well-
disposed princes, an oasis now and then occurs in the tedious
desert of Mahometan history. There is a still better relief in
a single instance. It did so happen, that two or three caliphs
were patrons of science and of learned men. While the
Avhole of Italy, Germany, and France, were overshadowed by
the barbarism which came on with the fall of the Roman
empire of the w^est, and while the Greek empire was convuls-
ed with factions and sectarian controversies, learning wns as-
siduously cultivated in the courts of these caliphs. It was
transferred, partially, to the south-west of Italy, and into Spain.
They the first dawn of the revival of learning in the west, is
47
554 ARABIAN EMPIRE.
fairly attributable to Mahometans. This is the only good they
have ever done. They soon sunk, themselves, into ignorance
and barbarism, and there must ever remain, while they con-
tinue to venerate the prophet of Mecca.
Succession of Caliphs. Momiyah reigned till 676. The
empire was extended, in his time, rather by able military
chiefs, than by his own personal exertions. At one time his
victorious banner could be seen in Asia Minor, from the walls
of Constantinople. The general character of his government
may be supposed from one incident. He commanded his
natural brother, Ziyad, to clear the country of Bosra from
robbers. Ziyad forbade any person to be seen in the streets
after evening prayers, on pain of death. The first night two
hundred were killed by the patrol ; the second, five ; the third,
none. He then commanded every householder to leave his
house open through the night, and no robbery occurred. A
person, ignorant of this new order of things, had driven a
flock of sheep into the city, for sale. It was already evening
when he arrived. He was taken before Ziyad, and pleaded
his ignorance. His plea was admitted. " But," said Ziyad,
•' the safety of this place depends on your death," and ordered
his head to be taken off! Thus, despotism is seen to be the
exercise of legislative, judicial, and executive power, by one,
or the same persons.
At the end of the seventh century there had been several
caliphs after Mowiyah, and several rebellions, and consequent
crimes and sufTerings. Yet the limits of the empire were
extended, and included Armenia towards the north, and a part
of India. The contentions for power around the throne, did
not affect the success of military chiefs on the frontiers. The
craving for plunder, and the glory of propagating the holy
prophet's religion, were sufficient to insure victory wherever
Mahometans appeared. But, it is to be remembered, that the
two great empires, the Greek and the Persian, (the former
beginning in Italy and reaching to Mesopotamia ; and the
latter beginning where the former ends, and reaching to Tar-
tary and the Indus,) were tottering into ruin ; while that of
Mahomet was now fresh, vigorous, and qualified, by great
physical strength and pervading enthusiasm, to subdue any
adversaries it might encounter.
The true character of Mahometan government may be un-
derstood from some facts related by the French historian,
Anquetel. In 705, Walid was caliph. Hejaj was governor
of Irak, the country around the southern end and western side
ARABIAN EMPIRE. 555
of the Caspian Sea. Hejaj told his subjects, that if they
would have him behave well, they must behave well them-
selves ; that is, they must implicitly obey all his commands.
"The sovereign and his lieutenant," said he, "are like a
mirror, which reflects all objects placed before it. The proph-
et says, Obey God, as much as in your power. He says, also,
Obey princes ; but this command is absolute, and without reser-
vation." This Hajaj, like other tyrants, was curious as to
what was thought of him. Meeting with an Arab, to whom
Hajaj was personally unknown, — " Who," said he, " is this
Hajaj, of whom they talk so much ? " "A wicked man,"
replied the Arab. " Do you know me ? " said Hajaj. " No,"
said the Arab. " I am that Hajaj, of whom you speak so
rashly." The Arab rejoined, — " Do you know me? " " No,"
answered Hajaj. " Well, I belong to the family of Zobeir,
whose descendants have a fit of insanity three days in the
year, and this is one of them." This ingenious turn saved
the Arab's life. Hajaj consulted an astrologer, who had the
imprudence to foretell his death. " Since you are so skilful,"
said Hajaj, " I may want your services in the other world,
and you shall set off before me." The astrologer's head was
immediately stricken off Hajaj is said to have exterminated
one hundred and twenty thousand people by the sw^ord, and
to have caused fifty thousand men and thirty thousand women
to perish in prison, exclusive of the numbers slain in war,
during the twenty years that he governed Irak. Yet this
man, probably, supposed that he was serving God and the
prophet, for he died peaceably himself, at the age of fifty-five.
Passing over several successors, in 744 Mersvan is found
on the throne, who was the last of the house of the Om-
miades. In his time a powerful insurrection arose against
his authority, in the Persian provinces of Irak and Khorasan,
(which are east of the Caspian,) conducted by two brothers,
Ibrahim and Abul Abbas, descendants of Ali. Merwan was
compelled to fly into Egypt. Having entered a convent in his
way, and having become suddenly enamored of a nun whom
he found there, she invented the means of escaping him. She
showed the caliph an ointment, which, she said, would make
any part invulnerable to which it was applied ; and, having
applied it to her own neck, she invited the caliph to test the
truth by a blow with his ow^n scimetar. The caliph struck
the blow, and her head fell at his feet. Though many similar
stories are gravely related by the most accredited historians,
one cannot help some incredulity, when it is perceived how
556 ARABIAN EMPIRE.
difficult it is to ascertain the truth of what is daily said and
done, almost within the reach of one's own observation.
In this rebellion, both Merwan and Ibrahim fell by violence.
Abul Abbas survived, and founded the illustrious house of the
Abbassides. But Abbas had only obtained peace, and his own
security on the throne, by the extermination of all competitors,
when he died of the small-pox, at the age of thirty. One only
of the house of the Ommiades escaped the sword of the new
dynasty. This prince was fortunate enough to save himself
by flight into Egypt, and along the northern coast of Africa.
He appeared in Spain, and was received there as a sovereign
by a revolted province. He was the founder of the illustrious
caliphate of Cordova, which has been mentioned, in the notices
of Spain. The final destruction of the Ommiades was an act
of singular atrocity. When the whole family had submitted
to their conquerors, eighty of them were gathered, by invita-
tion, at a conciliatory banquet, in Damascus. The whole
number were massacred at table. " The board was spread
over their fallen bodies, and the festivity of the guests was
enlivened by the music of their dying groans." No one who
had any kindred to the proscribed race, was permitted to exist
in the empire, and no one did exist but the young prince who
$aved himself by flying to Spain. Yet, all that is grateful in
Mahometan history, to one who desires the intellectual im-
provement of the human race, as the source of its virtues and
social utility, is to be found in the reign of the Abbassides.
This is the second of the divisions, before mentioned, com-
mencing in 750.
CHAPTER LXXII.
House of Abbassides — Splendor of the Caliphate — Decline and Fall of
Arabian Power — Origin of Ottoman Empire.
The early death of Abbas, whose name gave the princely
distinction of his race, Abbassides, raised to the sovereignty
Al Mansur, or Almansor, his brother. His proper name was
Abu Jaafar ; his surname Al Mansur, meaning the victorious.
Before his time, the imperial seat had been removed from Da-
mascus to the city of Aubar, the position of which is uncer-
tain, but is supposed to have been between Damascus and the
ARABIAN EMPIRE. 557
Euphrates, and near the latter. The early part of this reign
was disturbed by formidable rebellions, in which much Ma-
hometan blood was shed. Events, not of importance enough
to be stated, induced Almansor to build the celebrated city of
Bagdad, and to make that the seat of empire. The word Bag,
in the Persian tongue, is said to mean garden. The place
chosen was on the east bank of the Tigris, fifteen miles to the
north of the ancient city of Ctesiphon, in which was the pal-
ace of the Persian kings. It belonged to one named Dad, a
Christian hermit, or was the garden of Dad. [See a note of
Gibbon, chapter lii.] Soon after his removal to Bagdad, (in
768,) he was cured of a dangerous disease by a Christian
physician. The grateful Almansor sent the physician a purse
of money, and three beautiful Greek girls. The physician
returned the girls, informing the caliph that his own religion
forbade him to have more than one wife.
The caliphs had long forgotten the frugality and the sim-
plicity of life practised by Slahomet and Omar. They had
acquired immense riches, and lived in correspondent luxury.
Such was the weahh and population of Bagdad, in Almansor's
time, that " the funeral of a popular saint was attended by
eight hundred thousand men and sixty thousand women, of
Bagdad and the adjacent villages." [Gibbon, chapter lii]
Notwithstanding the numerous wars and the costly building
in which Almansor engaged^ and his magnificent pilgrimages
to Mecca, he had amassed, in the twenty years of his reign,
and left at his death, thirty millions sterling in gold and silver.
The character given of this caliph, in the second volume of
Modern Universal History, pages 100 — 135, is a singular one.
He is there represented to have been, in private, mild, concili-
alorj^ inspiring affection and attachment ; in public, inspiring
terror by his aspect and demeanor. He was prudent, brave,
engaging in discourse, versed in the science of government,
stu^dious in philosophy and astronom3^ while he was covetous,
perfidious, implacable, and cruel. The French historian, An-
quetel, has collected some curious anecdotes of this person,
but they are too many to be transcribed, if they deserve credit.
He die'd at the age of sixty-three, while on a pilgrimage to
Mecca, and was there buried. He is supposed to have given
the first impulse to learning. He died in 774.
Mahadi, or Al Modhi, the son, was the next caliph. Among
the remarkable incidents of this reign was the rebellion headed
by the pretended prophet, Mokanna, who was one-eyed, and
so hideously ugly, that he covered his face with a veil. The
47*
558 ARABIAN EMPIRE.
adventures of Mokanna furnished to the inventive genius of
Thomas Moore the ground-work of his beautiful and touching
poem, entitled Lalla Rookh.
Mahadi governed his vast dominions with great ability, and
with much success, though perplexed with wars and with
many sectarian controversies. He lavished the treasures
which his father had accumulated, in various modes. Among
others, he made a pilgrimage to Mecca (one thousand miles)
with such a retinue as to enable him to carry ice enough
(brought to Bagdad from northern regions) to preserve to him,
through the desert, his accustomed luxuries. His fruits and
his liquors were daily served in the scorching sands, with the
same coolness and freshness enjoyed in his splendid palace.
Mahadi's brilliant reign closed by a murder intended for
another, but which fell on him. It is worth relating, as it
shows the moral character of the east. He had a multitude
of wives, and, among them, a favorite, named Hasfana. One
of the neglected and jealous, inserted a deadly poison in a
beautiful pear, and presented it to Hasfana. She, intending to
commend herself to the caliph, gave it to him. He ate it,
and died.
Musa, the son of Mahadi, reigned but two years, and Harun,
or Haroun, his uncle, succeeded him, in 786. This caliph
was surnamed Al Rashid, or Al Raschid, the just. He is
familiarly known as the hero of the Arabian Nights' Enter-
tainments. These ingenious fictions are supposed to have
originated in India, and to have passed into Persia, and thence
to Bagdad, where they were transformed and adapted to Ara-
bian taste. Haroun has a worthier celebrity, as the patron of
learning and of learned men.
While his brother Mahadi ruled, Haroun was the leader of
armies, repeatedly, into Asia Minor, against the Greeks, and
he compelled the proud Irene and her feeble son, Constantine,
who then reigned in Constantinople, to pay an annual tribute
in gold. Whenever the tribute was delayed, Haroun always
appeared in Asia Minor to enforce performance. Nicephorus
having ascended the Greek throne, he ventured to send a letter
of defiance to the caliph. " The queen," said the Greek em-
peror, in alluding to Irene, " considered you as a rook, and
herself as a pawn. That pusillanimous female consented to
pay a tribute, the double of which she should have exacted
from the barbarians. Restore, therefore, the fruits of your
injustice, or abide the determination of the sword." The am-
bassadors, who brought the letter, cast a bundle of swords at
ARABIAN EMPIRE. 559
the foot of the throne. Haroun ordered these swords to be
stuck in the ground, and with one blow severed them all with-
out turning- the edge of his scymetar. He returned for answer
to the letter : " In the name of the most merciful God ! Ha-
roun Al Rashid, commander of the faithful, to Necephorus,
the Roman Dog. I have read thy letter, oh ! thou son of an
unbelieving mother ! thou shalt not hear, thou shalt behold my
reply." Immediately, 130,000 paid soldiers, accompanied by
a train of attendants, amounting, in all, to 170,000, appeared in
the provinces of Asia Minor, under the black standard of the
Abbassides. The whole of that territory was made to feel the
terrible vengeance of Haroun. Necephorus was glad to re-
tract his defiance and return to his submission. This fact is
sufficient to show the military power of Caliphate, and the
warlike character of Haroun.
If Haroun deserved the surname of the just, his conduct to
the family of the Bermacides may show what injustice and op-
pression must have been in his time. This family was the
most able and affluent of his empire, and equally respected and
beloved. There were four brothers, one of whom was Ha-
roun's vizier, and was affectionately regarded by him. Others
were in places of high honor and confidence. Haroun had a
sister namsd Abbas, whom Jaafar, the vizier, was permitted to
see. A mutual passion arose between them. Though the
honor of a marriage with so elevated a person as Abbas, with
a subject, was inadmissible, yet, Haroun to manifest his affec-
tion for Jaafar, assented to their union, but under the injunc-
tion that they should be forever separate, The injunction was
disobeyed, and two sons w^re born. Haroun caused Jaafar to
be cruelly put to death, and ordered Abbas, and her sons, to be
thrown into a well, and the well to be closed over them. Not
contented with this act of justice, he directed that the whole
family of the Bermacides should be exterminated, wherever
they might be found. But that diligent student of authorities,
Gibbon, suggests, that there may have been better motives, less
odious than those commonly assigned, for this barbarous exer-
cise of oriental despotism. He thinks it not improbable that
the Bermacides may have been conspirators.
In another light, Haroun has rendered his name illustrious.
Engaged as he was in wars — in pilgrimages to Mecca — in sup-
pressing domestic factions, and heresies, he found time for cul-
tivating learning, and for the introduction of learned men to his
court. He laid the foundation for the superstructure Avhich
adorned the reign of his son Al Mamun, or Almamon. This
560 ARABIAN EMPIRE.
pious prince made eight pilgrimages to Mecca, and one of them
on foot. When he could not go himself, he was represented
by three hundred deputies. It is related of him that he invited
a learned Mahometan teacher to come to the palace to instruct
his sons. The teacher answered, that knowledge would not
Avait upon any person, but was itself to be waited upon. Ha-
roun assented, and sent his son to be instructed at the common
seminary. His court abounded with physicians, astrologers,
philosophers, and poets. He selected a philosopher to counsel
him, and take care of his conscience. The rules which he
prescribed to this mentor, deserve to be mentioned as illustra-
tive of the^caliph's character : " Never instruct me in public,
nor be in haste to give me advice in private. Wait till 1 ques-
tion you ; answer in a direct and precise manner. Do not at-
tempt to prejudice me in flivor of your sentiments; nor expect
of me to pay too great a deference to your capacity. Use no
prolixity in the histories or traditions which you relate to me.
If you see me quitting the path of rectitude, gently lead me
back to it, without any harsh expression. Assist me in the
orations I must make in the mosque, or elsewhere ; in fine,
never address me in equivocal terms." Almost the last words of
Haroun the Just, were to order the death of a subject. The
brother of a rebel was brought into his presence when he was
about to die. " If I had only strength," said Haroun, " to utter
two words, they would be, kill him." He died of desponden-
cy, occasioned by ill-omened dreams, at the age of forty-seven,
in the year 809.
The vast empire of Haroun was apportioned to his three
sons, by himself. These sons were of very different character.
War arose among them. Al Mamun, or Almamon, had the
eastern division, including Persia. Amin, the central part, in-
cluding Bagdad. While Almamon was besieging Bagdad,
Amin was playing at chess, or fishing in the Tigris, with his
freed man Kuthay. He submitted to his brother when he found
that the people of Bagdad were not willing to have their city
taken and pillaged for his sake.
The reign of Almamon is the most illustrious of any re-
corded of the Mahometans. Two things are to be noticed, his
magnificence, and his patronage of learning. At his marriage
" a thousand pearls of the largest size were showered on the
head of his bride ; and a lottery of lands and houses, display-
ed the capricious bounty of fortune." In a single gift he dis-
posed of 2,400,000 gold denars, a sum exceeding four millions
of dollars. During the time of the Ommiades, Musselmen
OTTOMAN EMPIRE. 561
were limited to the koran, and to interpretations of its meaning-,
and to the poetry for which the Arabians were distinguished,
even before the time of Mahomet. There were contests for
honor in poetry as early as the year 500. Several poems are
mentioned in Arabian literature, which had attained to the fa-
vor of being hung up in the Caaba ; from which circumstance
they had their name, " hung wp." Almamon, improving on
the impulse given by his grandfather Almansor, which was
promoted b^^ his father Haroun, ordered his ambassadors to col-
lect the volumes of science. The works of the Greeks were
gathered at Bagdad, from Constantinople, Armenia, Syria, and
Egypt. These were translated into Arabic, and Almamon ex-
horted his subjects to the diligent study of them. He attended
the assemblies of the learned, who were invited to his court
from all countries. This example was imitated in Egypt, in
Spain, and in all the provinces. In the first half of the ninth
century, the natural enthusiasm of the Arabians was devoted
to science and literature. A vizier founded a college at Bag-
dad by the gift of 200,000 purses of gold, equal to three and a
half millions of dollars, and with an annual revenue of 26,600
dollars. Six thousand students were instructed, of every de-
gree, from the noble to the mechanic. Every city had its col-
lection of literary works. " A private doctor," says Gibbon,
" refused the invitation of the sultan of Bochara, because the
carriage of his books would have required 400 camels." In
Egypt, the royal library comprised 100,000 volumes, accessi-
ble gratuitously, by every student. That of Spain comprised
600,000, besides others in many cities in that country. Nu-
merous authors arose in different parts of the empire. The
age of Arabian learning declined until about the middle of the
thirteenth century, when the invasion of the Tartars overspread
anew, the barbarism which prevailed throughout this time, in
Italy, France and Germany.
Notwithstanding the improved condition of the Arabians,
from intellectual attainments, yet rebellions, civil wars, and the
contentions of religious sects continued ; but the splendor of
the caliphate also continued. The second caliph after Alma-
mon, named Motasem, acquired the historical name of Octona-
ry. This person is related to have had 130,000 horses in his
stables. He loaded each one with a pack of earth, and thus
earth enough was carried 50 miles, to raise a mountain in Ara-
bian Irak, whereon a palace was erected called Samara. This
event seems to be proper for the Arabian Nights, rather than
for history ; as do some other facts stated of this caliph. He
^2 OTTOMAN EMPIRE.
had eight sons, eight daughters, reigned eight years, eight
months, and eight days; was born the eighth month of the
year ; was the eighth caliph of the Abbassides ; fought eight
battles; possessed eight thousand slaves; left eight millions
of gold coin, and died at forty-eight years of age. He was
the first who employed Turkish soldiers in his armies. He
died in 841. The moral depravity of the Mahometans was
now, and continued to be, excessive. Their annals are stained
with rebellions, schisms, bloody contentions, and every species
of crime from the lowest to the highest, not excepting parricide.
When Motavvakkel was caliph, in 846, he ordered Honain,
a Christian physician, to prepare a poison so subtle as to make
death inevitable, yet so natural as to lead no one to suspect the
cause. Honain refused. " What can inspire you with such
resolution," said the caliph, " when you have death before your
eyes?" "My religion, and my profession," said Honain.
" The first teaches me to do good to my enemies, and no hurt
to my friends. The second has been established for the ad-
vantage of the human race. When I embraced it, I took a
solemn oath, never to be concerned in any preparation of a
mortal or hurtful nature." The caliph imprisoned him for a
year, then released him, and bestowed on him his full confi-
dence.
One would be wholly incredulous of the magnificence of the
caliphate in the reign of Moctader, if the cautious Gibbon had
not given it his confirmation. This magnificence was display-
ed on the occasion of receiving an ambassador from the court
of Constantinople. The army of horse and foot were under
arms, amounting to one hundred and sixty thousand men. His
state officers and favorite slaves stood near him, their belts glit-
tering with gold and gems. Near these, 4000 white eunuchs,
and 3000 black ones. The porters and door-keepers were 700.
The Tigris was covered with gorgeous boats and barges. In
the palace were hung 38,000 pieces of tapestry ; 12,500 of
which were of silk embroidered with gold. One hundred lions
were brought out. A tree of gold and silver was exhibited,
spreading into eighteen large branches, on which, and on the
lesser boughs, sat a variety of birds, made of the same precious
metals, as well as the leaves of the tree. The leaves waved in
the wind, and the birds warbled their natural harmony. [See
Gibbon, chap, lii.] If all this is to be credited, one may be
rather astonished at the mechanical attainments of the Mahom-
etans, than at the use which they made of them, since no mech-
anism, of subsequent days, bears any comparison with such in-
genuity.
OTTOMAN EMPIRE. 563
But the glory of Mahometan power was rapidly approach-
ing its close. This grand army of Moctader was principally
composed of Turks. They had entered by thousands into the
service of the caliphs. They professed to be Mahometans, but
they were still Turks. They gradually acquired the absolute
control. In the year 936, it had become absolute. They ap-
pointed, deposed, imprisoned, and murdered caliphs at their
pleasure. They could, and would have assumed the sole au-
thority, if their conversion to islamism had not made it indis-
pensable to continue a nominal caliph, as the spiritual repre-
sentative of the prophet. The dominion of these representa-
tives was soon reduced to the city of Bagdad. Here they had
no temporal authority, but were limited to the duties of the
mosque. While actually in office, they were treated with
great solemnity, but whenever it suited the Turks, they were
thrust from their elevation, and substitutes appointed. Several,
■who had been caliphs, became beggars. In 1253, the Tartars
poured in from the east, and all the temporal and spiritual au-
thority of the caliphs was extinguished ; and the name itself
gave place to sultan. But still, unhappily for the world, the
fame of the prophet, and his desolating religion, survived.
The origin of the Turkish, or Ottoman Empire, can be only
briefly noticed. To this subject, and to the origin and con-
quests of the Mogals, (or Monguls,) Gibbon has devoted his
chapters LVIL, LXIV., LXV. _ The Turks come first into
view in the regions of the Altai mountains, north-east of the
Caspian. After subjecting the Arabians, they founded a vast
empire, under the name of the Seljooks, or Seljoukians, so
called from the name of Seljook, the first distinguished chief
of this people. Among his immediate successors, the names
of Togrul Beg, of Alp Arslan, and Malek Shah, are conspic-
uous. The Turks are of the original Tartar race. This Sel-
jook empire extended, westwardly, into Asia Minor; and in-
cluded Syria, and Palestine. These are the people with whom
the cnusaders first contended, in the eleventh century.
In the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, the Mongul empire
had arisen, on the northern Chinese frontier, eastwardly of the
Tartar or Turkish dominions, under Ghensis Khan. Under
him and his successors, the Turkish empire in the east, and in
the west, w^as overthrown. A remnant of the Seljooks had
found refuge in the mountains, at the eastern part of Asia Mi-
nor. One of this remnant, named Osman, gathered a force
which increased, under able and fortunate leaders, from the
commencement of the fourteenth century, and they founded the
564 CENTRAL ASIA.
Ottoman empire, from the name of Osman. This division of
the orignal Seljookian Tartars or Turks, with an accession of
adventurers, and Christian captives, established a dominion in
Asia Minor, and fixed their seat of empire at Bursa, on the
south side of an arm of the sea of Marmora, which penetrates
some distance into Asia Minor. Bursa is about 75 miles south
by east from Constantinople. From this Osman, descended
the race of sultans which was in continual conflict with the
Greek emperors of Constantinople, until Mahommed, or Ma-
homet II., in 1453, terminated this conflict by the conquest of
that city. It was characteristic of the Turks to preserve their
original barbarism, and never to adopt the improvements, phys-
ical, moral, or intellectual, of those, whom they subdued, and
with whom they intermingled. The only recorded exception
is, that they received the Mahometan religion ; and, consequent-
ly, the koran, as their book of civil and religious law.
The name of The Sublime Porte is, perhaps, taken from
the name of one of the gates of the Ottoman palace : perhaps
it is an oriental metaphor, signifying the king's gate. [Dear-
born, Cm. of Black Sea, ch. 1. p. 150.]
CHAPTER LXXIII.
CENTRAL ASIA.
" The Cradle of Nations'' — Zoroaster — His Religion.
The great territory east of the Caspian Sea, called the Cra-
dle of Nations, has been defined in chapter LXVIII. It is so
far beyond the range of civilized life, in modern times, that it
hardly belongs to our globe. Rollin, Robertson, Sir William
Jones, professor Heeren, and many other like eminent men,
consider this territory to be the source of nations. Hence,
from age to age, have issued the founders of the states and em-
pires which have existed, and which still exist in the world.
Sir William .Tones (5th anniversary discourse, Feb. 1788) re-
marks, that this space of earth has been denominated^ "the
great hive of northern swarms " — " the nursery of irresistible
legions " — " the foundary of the human race " — " the cradle of
our species." These comprehensive terms may have included
CENTRAL ASIA. S66
territories eastwardly of that which has heen described ; that
is, beyond the Beloor mountains, where are now the provinces
of the Chinese empire, extending- through the vast mongul
countries to the Pacific Ocean. They may have included, also,
regions north of the Altai mountains, now Siberia, part of the
Russian dominions. Gibbon considers the Turks (42d chap.)
to have begun their career in the sixth century, from the Altai
mountains, near the sources of the Irtish, which are northward-
ly of the territory before described.
The five great nations, (according to Sir William Jones,)
which divided Asia among them, were the Indians, the Chi-
nese, the Tartars, the Arabs, and the Persians. All of them
can be traced to this territory. The barbarous nations who
overthrew the Roman empire, and founded the states and em-
pires of modern Europe, came from the same regions. Those
also, who destroyed the Mahometan caliphate; and, finally,
those who put an end to the Greek empire, and established
themselves in Constantinople, in 1453.
From the elevation of the mountains, and the depth of the
vallies, and the vast plains, which are found on the mountain
ranges, there is every variety of climate, and every variety of
country, from the barren summits, covered with eternal snows,
to the most luxuriant and enchanting vallies. A portion of the
territory through which the Oxus flows was once the most de-
lightful portion of the earth.
x\ll that is known of this part of Central Asia, in the earliest
ages of the world, is founded on conjectures, sustained with va-
rious degrees of probability. The scriptures afford no infor-
mation on this subject. Herodotus, when he visited Babylon,
about 450 years before Christ, collected such facts as were ac-
cessible to him. Xenophon, gives some traditions, which he
had heard of, about 50 years later. The accounts commonly
relied on are those which have been transmitted by Arrian,
who is supposed tohave copied the journals of Ptolemy, Aristo-
bulus, and Nearchus. These persons accompanied Alexander,
in his way to India, who established a Grecian kingdom in
Bactriana, which existed 130 years. It was overwhelmed by
a horde of Tartars, which came from the east, or mongul re-
gions, about 200 years before our era. Of this kingdom there
are no records. From this time till the followers of Mahomet
entered this country, in the seventh century, there are no his-
torical accounts.
In this cradle of nations, there was, in the beginning, accord-
ing to Jones, who concurs with Sir Isaac Newton, in this, •' a
48
566 CENTRAL ASIA.
firm belief, that one supreme God made the world by his pow-
er, and continually governed it by his providence — a pious
fear, love, and adoration of him — a due reverence for parents,
and aged persons — a fraternal affection for the whole human
species, and a compassionate tenderness even for the brute crea-
tion." There was, also, one language in the beginning, from
which all others were successively derived. The confusion of
lano-uages, as stated in the scriptures, may be taken historical-
ly, or as an allegory, after the lapse of so many ages. The
Zend language of the Persians, the Sanscrit of the Indians,
the Chaldaic, known in Babylon, the Hebrew and the Arabic,
may have been original languages, consequent on the confu-
sion ; or they may have been kindred languages in some un-
known time, derived from that spoken by the family of Noah.
Though no reliance can be placed on the similarity of words,
or of grammatical construction in different languages, to prove
a common origin, the Greek, the Latin, the Teutonic, or Ger-
man, and even the language of the Icelanders, have some
words, which are said to have affinity to the Sanscrit, and the
Zend. It is to be remembered that there are a thousand years,
at least, after the deluge, in which there are no historical rec-
ords ; probably, not even traditions, except among the Israelites,
which stand on different ground from common history. What
changes among nations, and in language, religion, intelligence,
and manners, may have occurred in this long lapse of time,
can only be conjectured. We know what has occurred on our
own part of the earth, in a space which three lives, of no great
duration, would cover.
From the time when Alexander penetrated into this " cradle
of nations," about 330 years before our era, in his way to India,
down to the end of the tenth century, thereare no events which
arrest our progress. It is sufficient, for the present object, to
know that it was a country sufficiently populous to put forth
the legions which subdued Europe; and that whatever learn-
ing or refinement antiquarians may ascribe to inhabitants there,
in ancient days, they were barbarous hordes when they first
appeared in authentic history.
As to all that portion of the globe which lies north and east
of the " cradle of nations," no events are known to have occur-
red there, material to the present purpose, before the end of the
tenth century, except such as are intermingled with Indian and
Chinese history
Next east of the Beloor mountains is Bucharia, and east-
wardly of this is the grand sandy desert of Gobi, 1000 miles
CENTRAL ASIA. 567
long and 600 wide, which was anciently resorted to in search
of gold and precious stones. Next east of this is the vast mon-
gul country, inhabited by numerous nations, now subject to the
Chinese, though, in ancient days, the natives of these regions
subjugated them, their wall, of 1500 miles in length, notwith-
standing. But further remarks on this subject may be reserved
to notices of China.
Zoroaster. There is a difference of opinion among French,
German, and English writers, on this remarkable person and
his religion. Professor Heeren, of CTOttingen, in his elaborate
Avork on the politics and commerce of ancient nations, assigns
an earlier time to Zoroaster than any writer, and places him
in unrecorded ages, long before the most ancient Persian mon-
archy. According to Heeren, Zoroaster was born on the
western side of the Caspian sea, near the river Araxis ;* and
went thence to Bactra, in Bactriana, on the western branch of
the Oxus or Gihon. Heeren places Bactra, in his map, near
north lat. 32, and 600 miles east of the south-east corner of the
Caspian, and near the modern city of Balk. This, Heeren
considers to have been the original empire of the Medes, ante-
rior to that of the Persians. The Zenda- Vesta (Zoroaster's
bible) enumerates medio-Bactrian provinces, which are not
known as Persian, in later times. The Taurus range of
mountains (here called the Paropamissus) separated Bactriana
from modern Kaboul, in which are the sources of the Indus.
The Bactrians may have been the Medes, afterwards known
on the Tigris ; if so, their empire was mingled in the Persian,
which arose next ; but the religion of Zoroaster was adopted
by the Persians, and continued until supplanted by Mahome-
tanism.
If Zoroaster was a reformer of a corrupted religion, it must
indeed have been corrupt. He founded his system on two an-
tagonist principles — the one good, the other evil, engaged in
unceasing hostility. Ormuzd, the good, reigned in an empire of
light. Around his throne were seven princes, (Amschaspans,)
below whom was a descending series of genii, (Izeds.) Ahri-
man the evil reigned in an empire of darkness, surrounded
by his princes, (devs,) with a similar organization of in.feriors.
These agents, on the one side and the other, were the authors
of all human blessings and miseries. At an appointed time,
Ormuzd was to vanquish Ahriman. He was then to depart,
with all the virtuous dead, and dwell with them forever, in a
* The same place where Heraclius extinguished the sacred fire, about
620.
568 INDIA.
world of his own. Ahriman was to depart to a world of his own,
taking with him all the wicked. This system was obviously
an invention to subject the multitude to religious and political
slavery. It strongly resembles the Catholic Koman Church
of the middle ages. Ormuzd was to be worshipped with gifts
and sacrifices. Ahreman was to be propitiated in like man-
ner. Whether it was the one or the other, the priesthood
were the receivers. [Heeren, vol. i. p. 480. Walker's edition
of Rollin, vol. i. p. 210.]
This system was political, as well as religious. The zenda-
vista seems to have been addressed to the reigning monarch.
He is likened to Ormuzd ; and his subjects are socially and
politically classed, and enjoined to be obedient, on the terrible
penalties denounced in the sacred volume. First, (as in
Egypt,) the priesthood ; second, the warriors ; third, the agri-
culturalists ; fourth, the industrious, (various arts.) The same
classification is found in India to the present day. When this
system was afterwards adopted by the Persians, it assumed a
more idolatrous form. The sun, as the source of light, be-
came an object of adoration. Thence arose the worship of
jflre, and the sacred flame was preserved, by the priesthood, in
temples, from age to age. When the Arabs invaded Persia,
some of its inhabitants escaped to India, and settled on the
western coast, near Bombay. There the sacred flame is still
preserved.
The Bactrians voluntarily moved to the westward, it is sup-
posed, or were impelled thither by tribes who came from the
east. They were, probably, the Medes ; and, as before men-
tioned, were mingled with the Persians, who came into view
in Jewish history.
, CHAPTER LXXIV.
INDIA.
Population — Religion — Ancient Temples — Singular Opinions.
India, according to Sir William Jones, (third discourse,
February, 1786,) comprehended, on the north, anciently, Thi-
bet, the valley of Cashmir, the domains of the ancient Indo-
Scythians, and all south of these countries to the seas. In
INDIA. 569
modern geography, India, or Hindostan, is bounded north-
westwardly by the most northwardly branch of the Indus, so
that this great river, and all its tributary streams, are in Hin-
dostan. It includes, also, on the right bank, Upper and Low-
er Sinde, a long and narrow range of country. Cashmir,
near the sources of the Indus, is' now part of Afgahnisthan.
Malta Brun is of opinion that the modern kingdom of Afgah-
nisthan (which lies on the west side of the Indus, and extends
eastwardly across its sources, and among the mountains) con-
tains some of the descendants of the lost tribes of the Jews.
This opinion rests on personal appearance and on national
habits. This is not inconsistent with the opinion of Rennell,
(in his Geography of Herodotus,) who thinks these ten tribes
were distributed through the extensive regions east of the Eu-
phrates, and were gradually intermingled with other nations.
Thibet is separated, on the north, from Cashmir, by high
mountains. The same mountains, extending south-eastwardly,
are the Flimelehs, the highest on the globe, and form the
north-east boundary of Hindostan, separating it from Thibet,
which was the Indo-Scythian country mentioned by Jones.
On the north-east side of the Himelehs, the Brahmapootra
rises, and, flowing eastwardly into the Burman empire, (which
separates Hindostan from China,) it turns to the west, and
then to the south, and enters the Bay of Bengal. The Ganges
and its many tributary streams rise in the Himeleh mountains
and near its base ; and, flowing first southwardly, gather in a
south-eastwardly course into one of the grandest of rivers ; it
empties, by many mouths, like the Nile, into the same bay, and
very near the other river. The Indian Sea bounds this coun-
try on the south-west and southeast, so that a line drawn from
the mouths of the Indus to the mouths of the Ganges, nearly
east and west, would form, with the two maritime shores, a
triangle, usually called the hither, or w^estern peninsula. This
line would divide India nearly midway of its length. The
number of square miles in Hindostan is one million ; the num-
ber in the United States is about two million, while the popu-
lation of the former is about thirteen times greater than that
of the latter. Its latitude being from eight to thirty-four de-
grees north, the whole of it is south of the United States.
It would take greater space than can be devoted, to give
a description of this country. It is represented to be one of
the most favored regions for fertility and variety of produc-
tions, taken as a whole. It has, however, its mountains, sandy
deserts, and salt plains. The ancient and stupendous ruins of
48*
570 INDIA.
this country, which have survived all history and tradition,
have exercised the curiosity of historians. These are the
stone temples at the Isle of Elephanta, five miles from the city
of Bombay, on the west coast of Hindostan, and similar struc-
tures at the Isle of Salsette, within a mile of Bombay. The
structures at Elora, longitude 75° 23' east, latitude 19° 38'
north, two hundred and fifty miles north-east of Bombay, are
still more astonishing. There are also pagodas of wonderful
grandeur, especially those called the seven pagodas. These
are situated nearly in latitude twelve, longitude ninety-seven,
towards the south end of the peninsula, and directly north
from the north end of the island of Ceylon. These there
will be occasion to notice, in connexion with the religious insti-
tutions of India.
These sketches of India will comprise — The' Origin of its
Population, Religion, Civil Institutions, Literature, Science, and
Commerce. These general divisions will require several
subdivisions.
Origin of Population. It may be considered as settled, that
at some unknown time, within the 1000 years that followed the
deluge, India was peopled from the cradle of nations east of the
Caspian Sea. An impenetrable obscurity veils these 1000 years,
and thus forms an age to which the vanity and pretensions of
different nations have resorted, to deduce their origin from dei-
ties. It is very doubtful whether Europeans had any knowl-
edge of India before Alexander's invasion, in the year 328 be-
fore our era. It is suggested that Darius Hytaspes had con-
quered a part of this country earlier. Robertson, in his dis-
quisition on India, regards this fact as resting on no satisfactory
evidence. He remarks that Alexander's object was not less
conquest, than a design to establish an immense empire, and to
connect its widely diversified domains by an enriching com-
merce. In his time India had attained to a refinement and
wealth, which could only have been acquired by a succession
of ages. This military chief entered India from the north, that
is, from Bactria, within the territory where all nations began.
He may have taken the same path which the first inhabitants
of India explored. He penetrated no further than the Penjab,
which is that country, in which the tributary streams are tend-
ing to a confluence, to form the Indus. Several learned men
and journalists accompanied him. Their works, except those
of Nearchus, (who conducted the fleet down the Indus, through
the Erythrean, or Indian Sea, and up the Gulf of Persia,) are
lost. But they are supposed to have existed when Strabo wrote.
INDIA. 571
This celebrated traveller and geographer was born early in
the first century of our era, at Amacia in Cappadocia, (Asia
Minor.) He published seventeen books, which are considered
as invaluable. These journals are also supposed to have exist-
ed when Arrian wrote. He lived in the second century, and
was appointed Prefect of Cappadocia, by Adrian. His seven
books on the expedition of Alexander are among the few of his
works which remain. To show the dense population and ad-
vancement of India at this time, Porus, with whom Alexander
had a battle, reigned over a kingdom, which contained seven
distinct nations, and comprised not less than 2000 towns. The
King of Prasij, further east on the Ganges, was prepared to
encounter the Greeks with an army of 20,000 cavalry, 200,000
infantry, 2000 armed chariots, and a great number of elephants.
But here Alexander's army refused to follow him further: he
retraced his steps, about 200 miles, to the Hydaspes, which is
a tributary of the Indus, and despatched his fleet. He divided
his army into two parts, one each side of the river, and accom-
panied his fleet to the mouth of the Indus, and then proceeded
along the coast, and through the south-western part of Persia,
to Babylon. The Greeks saw but a small portion of India ;
but it is very certain that the whole of it was equally populous
and rich at that time.
The state of India before Alexander's time, and for anterior
ages, is left to conjecture and inference. The researches made
in India have not yet brought to light any historical works.
Most civilized nations have had eras, by which they computed
the lapse of time ; as, by Olympiads, among the Greeks; from
the time of building the city among the Romans. The Indians
computed by generations of royal families, than which there
can not be a more uncertain mode. This people, the Egyp-
tians, and the Chinese, (who were probably of the same original
stock,) so compute as to ascend to thousands of years, which all
other intelligent nations reject. The investigators of this diffi-
cult subject are of opinion, that they can ascend to about 1200
years before our era, in which India appears to have been much
hi the same condition, in which it was, when first known to
commercial nations in Europe, within the three last centuries.
These 1200 years would carry us back to the infancy of the
Greeks, and near to the siege of Troy.
The religion of the Indians or Hindoos, is an important ele-
ment in their civil and social condition. It has been before
remarked that the Zenda-vesta of Zoroaster, divided society into
four great classes — the Priesthood, the warriors, the cultivators
572
INDIA,
of the earth, and the industrious, or'" the servile." The last
class includes many subdivisions, not less, it is said than eighty,
in India. Whether this distribution was imitated or original,
among the Hindoos, is beyond the most diligent research. It
is enjoined by the sacred books, called the Vedas, (or Hindoo
bible,) and has ever been adhered to with the utmost fidelity.
The priests are a sacred and a privileged order, even superior
to the kings, who are always of the warrior caste. The Roman
Church does not exhibit, in any period of its history, so absolute
a despotism over the human mind, and over all civil institutions,
as has at all times been exercised by the Hindostan priesthood.
From the works of Sir William Jones, Robertson's disquisi-
tion on India, Professor Heeren's inquiry into the policy and
commerce of ancient people, and from Col. James Tod's work
on the north-western provinces of India, the Hindoo religion
may be made known. The latter gentleman w^as employed in
military and civil capacities, eighteen years, in Northern India,
and has published a work which shows a sound head, a good
heart, and the tact of a scholar.
The domination of the priesthood produced its natural con-
sequences, and among these the maintenance of one entire class
of men, in idleness and luxury, by exactions from ignorance and
superstition. These stupendous temples were formed for the
residence of Brahmins, as well as for Avorship. Every induce-
ment which ingenuity and fraud could suggest, has been in
continual operation to cause annual pilgrimages to these places,
and to accumulate riches in the form of gifts and sacrifices.
Some of the numerous apartments were appropriated to uses
which would hardly appear credible, if it were decent to disclose
them. As late as when Tod was in India, a female was known
to have presented a bill of exchange, as a gift, of 70,000 rupees,
equivalent to about 40,000 dollars. The rajahs (kings) are ac-
customed to weigh themselves against gold, silver and precious
cloths, all of which are perquisites of the priests. Around the
pagoda of Juggernaut, which is south-west of Calcutta, on the
coast, and distant therefrom about 300 miiles, the ground is white,
for miles, with the bones of pilgrims. The belief is, that if one
can' reach the holy ground, when death is expected from disease
or old age, the dreadful liability to be born again in the shape
of a hog, or some other animal, or in the humbler condition of
a reptile, may be escaped. It is at this place, that once in every
year the figure of Vischnou, or of some other god, is biought
forth with great solemnities, and pompous ceremonies; the
figure is then placed on a column 60 feet high, moveable on
INDIA. 573
wheels. The assembled penitents draw this column by ropes,
and many of the number cast themselves before the wheels, and
are happy to be crushed to death, A merchant of Calcutta
lately gave ,£10,000 to make a better road from Calcutta to this
temple. Heeren says, that 2,500,000 persons are annually
assembled on the banks of the Ganges, to bathe and wash away
their sins in its sacred waters. All of them bear gifts to the
priesthood. About fifteen years ago, John B. Seely, an English
gentleman in the military service, was at Elora. From his
volume, it seems that this city of temples is declining, in conse-
quence of political causes, and changes in population, in the
number of pilgrim visiters. But he found there the accustomed
tenants, idle, lazy, and ignorant Brahmins. Here, as in all
other places of worship, "the Brahmins live in a subordination
which knows no resistance, and slumber in a voluptuousness
which knows no wants."
It is supposed that one-fifth part of all the rents of lands, and
of personal industry and capital, go, directly or indirectl)^ to the
maintenance of religion, and the priesthood. Whether this
proportion be more or less than the fact, it gives a solution to
the problem, by what labor and by what means were the won-
derful temples of India formed ? The enthusiasm of a whole
people, in any cause, good or bad, can effect any thing. It is
not surprising that the human mind should be intensely engaged
in the phenomena of existence, and should exhibit the result of
its labors in poetical systems of theogony. All these, of which
almost all nations had some, are taken from the action of nature
on man and society. The Greeks, the Egyptians, the Celtae,
are known to have been thus busy, no less than the Indians.
Some persons ascribe to Hesiod an antiquity equal to that of
Homer. His confused and extravagant theory of gods, is of
the same stamp with the mythology, which, before his time, had
established its empire in India. We may thus account, by a
natural and obvious course of action, for many things, which
at first are wonderful to the improved intelligence of the present
age. Whence came the Parthenon, (at Athens,) containing the
astonishing statue of Minerva ? and the temple of Jupiter Olym-
pus at Elia, containing a statue of that god, which all Grecians
thought it better not to have lived, than to have died without
beholding? Homer, (or whoever wrote the Iliad,) gave the
impulse, from which these admirable exhibitions of combined
art and science arose. Phidias did no more than to present to
the eyes of the Greeks, what Homer had presented to their
imagination. So the Ramayan or the Mahabharat, or some
574 INDIA.
other work of poetical genius, and religious enthusiasm, may
have described these Indian wonders, before they existed. If
this were not so, the empire of the priesthood was strong enough
to extract the gifts, and put the hands in motion, necessary to
have produced these astonishing resuhs. The enthusiasm in-
spired by the popes, and which poured the riches and the
strength of Europe into Asia for two centuries, is much more
wonderful than any which must have existed among the Hin-
doos. The muscular action and the treasure expended in the
crusades, would have constructed an hundred Eloras.
The wonders of Egypt, the Pyramids, Thebes, Meroe, and
those of Persia, Persepolis by what labor, and by what means,
did they arise? There are no poems, no records to answer.
It is nearly 2,200 years since every thing traced by human
hands, except those on monuments themselves, have been swept
away. Some sort of despotism over the human mind, rejoicing
in its shackles, raised these proud proofs of its empire. It is
very probable that commerce gave its helping hand, and paid
its rich tribute to religion and to kings, descended from gods.
It is held to be infamous to lose one's caste. This infamy
can befall the members of either caste. Infidelity to the estab-
lished religion, marriages which tend to confound the castes,
marrying with one who is not of the Indian religion, (as a
Christian, or Mahometan,) are among the causes. The efl^ect
of this loss is precisely that which followed excommunication
by the church of Rome, while Europe was so ignorant and
debased as not to perceive its absurdity. This loss is not, in
modern times, irremediable. Expiations will restore. These
depend on the circumstances of the case. Proper sacrifices to
the insulted majesty of the gods, are included in all expiations,
which is another name for gifts, to the priesthood.
Among the warrior caste, females are held in high respect.
They are secluded from the public gaze rather out of veneration
to them, than from usual oriental distrust and jealousy, which
established the Persian, the Mahomedan and the Turkish ha-
rems. Instances are mentioned by Tod, of distinguished and
able government by women, not as queens, but as regents, dur-
ing the minority of a successor. This accomplished and in-
teresting writer describes an interview, more properly a meeting,
which he had with a lady who held this relation to her son.
The occasion was one of business. The conversation was con-
ducted, while the parties were on opposite sides of an impervi-
ous veil. He mentions Hindoo females of the warrior caste,
with great respect; and is eloquent in praise of their beauty,
INDIA.
675
accomplishments, and virtues. Yet the birth of a daughter is
regarded as a misfortune, while that of a son is cause of great
rejoicing. A misfortune — because the parent must marry the
daughter conformably to her rank, and with a suitable dowry, or
not at all. But the birth of a son is connected with highly impor-
tant religious consequences. If a father have not a son to perform
the required obsequies, and make donations, his soul is liable to
descend to futtra, (the Indian purgatory,) there to remain till
some one of his race is able and willing to make the gifts and
sacrifices which will ensure its liberation. The fear of encoun-
tering such an evil, has led to the custom of adopting sons.
Adoption admits of twelve different description of sons. Their
rights in the succession to the parental estate, is one of the
causes of litigation in the Indo-British courts. The disposal
of one's estate by will, is unknown in India. — [Sir T. Strange,
Hindu-Law.]
The English government in India are said to have abolish-
ed Satiism (usually called the Suttee, or self-immolation of
widows) in December, 1829. It is believed that this abolition
does not apply to the whole of India, but to those parts only
of which the English have, as yet, acquired absolute domin-
ion. Tod says, that Menu has not ordered this sacrifice,
though he makes widows severe ascetics, and dooms them to
single life. This shocking practice, in common with all
others of less revolting character, is taken from the Hindoo
mythology. The poets are, no doubt, the authors of this sin-
gular custom.
The precedent is found in the example of Sati, " who, to
avenge an insult to Iswara, in her own father's omission to
ask her lord to an entertainment, consumed herself in the
presence of the assembled gods." By this act, she secured
her own regeneration and reunion to her husband. " The
chief characteristic of Satiism is its expiating quality. By
this act, the widow makes atonement for the sins of her hus-
band, secures the remission of her own, and has the joyful
assurance of reunion to the object whose beatitude she pro-
cures." [Tod, vol. i. p. 634.] While such are the sentiments
which prompt this sacrifice, there is little reason to believe
that the humanity of any strangers to Indian religion can
effect its abolition, unless by force.
Infanticide (effected by means of opium, soon after birth) is
very common in India. This is not a crime. The practice
does not arise from poverty, redundant population, nor from
the common source of Indian errors, religious duty or super-
stition. It is to escape the inconvenience or burthen of having
576 INDIA.
to provide for females, in marriage, consistently with the pride
of family, or caste, as before mentioned.
The laws of Menu, obviously framed by the Brahmin caste,
disclose the sources of that extraordinary submission (in this
age of the world) to signs, omens, auguries, and ceremonies,
which one cannot read of without compassion and contempt.
This pervades the whole tenor of life, in all things, whether
serious, amusing, or frivolous. The prince ties the little tute-
lary deity of his household to his saddle-bow, when he goes
to war. He eats, sleeps, rises, sacrifices, works, amuses him-
self, and even visits his harem, by rule. The periodical festi-
vals, which are very numerous, have each their appropriate
emblems and ceremonies. The Brahmin must be consulted
on all occasions, by the lower orders, in all things, not merely
indifferent, before an act can be done. The kindling of a fire
by the friction of pieces of wood, and pouring clarified butter
on the flame, (always by Brahmins,) are essential acts in all
serious ceremonies. But, while one is compassionating the
subdued and ignorant Hindoos, he should remember how it
was among the wise Greeks and valiant Romans ; and that,
within the present century, it was essential to a legal corona-
tion, in a Christian country, to anoint the sovereign with
holy oil. In the commercial character of the Hindoos, and in
their manufacture and arts, they appear in a very different light.
In all other respects their mythology had an influence, espec-
ially in agriculture, because this was associated with the phe-
nomena of the seasons, a rich department for the operation of
deities. In the sacrifices and ceremonies recurring with the
seasons, the Hindoos are particularly mystical and devout.
The lotus, a sort of water-plant, is an emblem in these services,
and is rarely absent in any. Most nations had such emblems.
The Celtse of Europe had their sacred misletoe, (a parasitical
plant,) when found on the oak. The Irish have their sham-
rock, and France has its lily. But in commerce the Brahmins
seem to have interposed but little, since their interest was pro-
moted by whatever tended to accumulate wealth. The natural
Hindoo character is, therefore, more favorably developed by
their commerce, than in any other light in which they can be
viewed.
INDIA. 577
CHAPTER LXXV.
INDIA.
Commerce — Political Revolutions — Conquests by Europeans.
The diligent researches of the English have not brought to
light books of history, geography, or science.* All that is
known, of more ancient times, has been laboriously attained
through questionable traditions, and through the mists of poetry
and fiction. It will be sufficient to mention the important
changes in political power. In the century before the Chris-
tian era began, there Avas a celebrated monarch called Vicra-
maditya, whose death is fixed in the year 56 B. C, His court
was brilliant in Oriental grandeur, and renowned for the "nine
poets," among whom was Calidas, the supposed author of
Sacontola. In 710, the Mahometans established an empire in
North India, as far as the Ganges, and maintained it for some
time after the caliphate had become insignificant. In 1155,
the Persians, who had freed themselves from the caliphate,
between the Indus and the head of the Gulf of Persia, sub-
dued the Mahometans in India. In 1221, Gengis Khan added
all India to his vast empire, whence the northern provinces
acquired, and long held the name of the Mogul empire. Be-
tween this time and 1739, there were several other invasions
from " the cradle of nations;" and, among others, one by the
terrible Timur, or Tamerlane. In the last mentioned year,
the celebrated Persian, Nadir Shah, conquered Northern India,
but restored the Mogul emperor to his throne. That domin-
ion long continued, but gradually diminishing in importance,
so that only Delhi and a small territory around it remained.
This remnant yielded to the British in 1803. These invasions
have caused some mixture of population, and there may be
ten or twelve millions of Mahometans. But the Indians per-
secute no one for difference of religious opinion ; maintaining
* If this be otherwise, it has escaped notice. No sach work, by any
Hindoo hand, has been referred to. Ayen Acbaree, (or Ayeen Akbery,)
or Institutes of the emperor Akbar, is not an exception. It was written
by the very able minister (Abul Fazil) of the Mogul emperor, Akbar,
in the Persian language, about the year IGOO ; it is referred to, as a valu-
able work on India, by Rennell, Heeren, and many others. It is said
that ii has been translated into English, lately, at Bengal.
49
578 INDIA.
that all may worship the Great Being in whatever manner
they think right. The British power in India is about one
century in duration. Its origin will be noticed. It is a strong
proof of the devotion of the Indians to their ancient laws,
opinions, ceremonies and customs, that they are wholly un-
changed throughout the vicissitudes of three thousand years.
India seems, from the earliest knowledge of it, to have been
tenanted, like Greece and ancient Italy, by many distinct and
independent nations, having different customs and languages,
Chief Justice Strange says, that the languages of some of
them are as dissimilar as those of Germany and Spain. But
the general national resemblance has been preserved, by one
and the same religion, through all interior revolutions and
foreign invasions. This resemblance may have justified the
use of the word Hindoo, or Hindu, when speaking of the
inhabitants of India, though, properly, Hindostan is a part of
India, and lies south-east of the Indus, south-west of the Jum-
na, and enters but little into the peninsula. Tod's work arose
from residence in this part of India, which is the most proper
region for the study of Indian character.
From the earliest accounts of India, it has been a country
peculiarly adapted to an enriching commerce. It has a pro-
ductive soil, great rivers, and many small ones, which the
Indians have ever known how to use advantageously, in form-
ing reservoirs to be resorted to for irrigation. Agricultural
products are rich and abundant. Among them may be men-
tioned all the varieties of tropical fruits, rice, and other grains,
and many vegetables ; spices, cotton, silk, sugar, and indigo.
There are many articles used in dying, but they are all of
vegetable growth, as the Indians do not use minerals for this
purpose. They have iron, lead, copper, silver, precious stones,
ivory ; and gold is found in rivers. Their coasts are rich in
pearls, especially near the island of Ceylon. But the wealth
of the Indians is less in the productive power of their country
than in their own skill and industry. Though navigators
themselves, in their ancient and unchanged manner, they have
not sought foreign intercourse, but have willingly exchanged
their productions with those who sought them. Hence it has
been, that gold and silver has been gathering in India, from
the earliest traces of commerce.
There is no doubt that the Phoenicians had merchandise
from India at a very early age. This may have been in three
modes — by Caravanseras, by the Gulf of Persia, and by the
Red Sea. Tyre was destroyed by the Assyrian Nebuchad-
J
INDIA. 579
nezzar, 573 B. C. This, Josephus says, was seventeen hun-
dred years after its foundation. But it appears to have been
renewed, as it was taken by Alexander, and, on the partition
of his empire, fell into the Syrian division, and lost its impor-
tance. Whether the Tyrians went by sea to India, or obtained
Indian products from Arabs, in Arabia Felix, is doubtful.
When Solomon engaged in commerce, and went into partner-
ship with Hiram, king of Tyre, their ships were sent down
the Red Sea to Ophir, the position of which is not known.
His commercial enterprise induced Solomon to build Tadmor
in the Wilderness, which the Greeks called Palmyra, as a
resting-place for caravans. It is one hundred miles from the
Euphrates, and two hundred from the Mediterranean. The
grandeur of Egypt, and perhaps its structures, were derived
from commerce undoubtedly connected with India across the
Eurythrean, or Indian Sea. The merchandise was brought
to Berenice, a port near Babelmandel, the south end of the
Red Sea, thence through Abyssinia to Moroe, and down the
Nile. All this course of traffic appears to have been well
understood by Alexander, and, to secure its profits, he built
Alexandria.*
The earliest authentic knowledo-e of Indian commerce is
derived from Alexander's invasion. It was then divided into
rich and powerful kingdoms, which could only have been
from long-continued commerce. The Indians were then, as
of the present day, a people of slender form, dark complexion,
black uncurled hair, clad in cotton, living on vegetable food.
When Egypt was subdued by the Romans, 30 B. C., they had
learned the utility and the luxuries of commerce. They gave
a powerful patronage to that which was carried on with India
through Egypt, as well as to that which was conducted through
the Gulf of Persia, and thence by caravans. When the regu-
larity of the monsoons was discovered by Heppalus, voyages
were greatly accelerated. Rome now enjoyed, and eagerly
sought, the spices, the aromatics, the precious gems, the pearls,
cotton and silk, which India produced, and gave, in exchange,
the gold of which she had rifled all the world. In the reign
of Aurelian, A. D. 275, a pound of India silk was worth a
pound of gold in Rome. To .the articles already mentioned,
may be added all those which are familiarly known as Indian
products of the present day, showing that the skill and manip-
* All the detail of this ancient commerce is thoroughly investigated
by Professor Heeren, but there is no space to examine it here.
580 INDIA.
ulation of this people must be referred to great antiquity, and
must have been of their own invention.
After the conquest of the Roman empire of the west, by
the barbarians, in 475, nothing is heard of commerce with
India by the way of Egypt. The church was then inserting
its deep and lasting roots into society, its branches extending
on all sides from Rome, while the seat of barbarian empire
was at Ravenna. The eastern empire, seated at Constantino-
ple, had but a precarious supply of Indian merchandise, since
it was rarely at peace with the Persians. In Justinian's reign,
about the middle of the sixth century, two missionaries, who
had found their way to China, returned with the eggs of the
silk-worm in the hollow of their canes, which were hatched,
by artificial heat, at Constantinople, and thus introduced the
silk-worm into Greece. The modern name, Morea, the ancient
Peloponnesus, is derived from morus, the Latin name for the
mulberry, which may be connected with this fact. It is prob-
able that the culture of silk in the Morea, supplied, in some
degree, the privation of that article from India. Before the
middle of the seventh century, the Mahometans had become
masters of Egypt, and of all the country eastward, to India,
and have been mentioned as entering India as conquerors, in
710.
The Arabs, having established themselves on the Tigris,
engaged as zealously in commerce as they had done in propa-
gating the religion of their prophet. The caliph Omar built
Bassora (in 635) with a special view to the trade with India.
We need not stop to show the splendor of the Arabian power
here, where the Babylon of Nebuchadnezzar, the Seleucia of
Selucus, the Ctesiphon of the Parthians, and then of the Per-
sians, had flourished, and where their own Bagdad followed
in their train.* The Arabs engrossed the commerce of India,
and the supply of Europe was wholly dependent on them.
As they were almost incessantly at war with the tottering
Greek empire, and as all the rest of Europe was then semi-
barbarian, the products of India rarely passed to the west of
the Arabs.
When the Turks, about the year 1253, had entirely prostra-
ted the Arabian empire, the commerce with India ceased, as
these new sovereigns knew nothing of its value. If the Hin-
doos had been accustomed to make and preserve historical
* The present Bagdad of the Turks, is just below that of the Arabs,
on the Tigris.
INDIA. 581
records, it would be known from them what effect the revolu-
tions in the countries around the eastern end of the Mediterra-
nean had on their prosperity. No information of this nature
has been disclosed by the diligent examiners of their fortunes.
The crusades had given a new impulse to eastern Europe.
Italy now appears in the commercial world with extraordinary
splendor. In the thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth centuries,
the Venetians, Genoese, and Florentines, are seen to elevate
their cities to the dignity of empires. The Genoese were
able to renew the commerce with India, through Egypt, by
permissive treaties with the Mamalukes, who had now become
the masters of Egypt. This was the time, — the beginning of
the fifteenth century, — when the merchant princes of Florence
enlightened and adorned the world.
Meanwhile a plan was engendering, in the brain of Colum-
bus, which was destined, by, its example, to prostrate the com-
mercial grandeur of Italy. This adventurous man had opened
a new world to Europe, and had inspired the hope that India
could be found by passing around Africa. To Vasco de
Gama, of Lisbon, belongs the honor of having shown to the
ship-owners of Europe the way to India. His first successful
attempt was made in 1498. The commercial intercourse of
Europe with the east, from this time, by the way of the Cape
of Good Hope, is foreign to the present purpose. The effect
on India is otherwise.
Whatever benefits Europe may have derived from opening
a maritime intercourse with India, the consequences to the
original people of the east have been mournful. China, only,
by a relentless policy, has hitherto maintained its independence,
without losing the benefits of commerce. The policy pursued
towards the natives may have been forced on the Europeans ; if
not, it was often mutually disastrous, unwise, perhaps treacher-
ous and cruel, especially on the part of the Portuguese. Force
soon became necessary, and all that was acquired may be said
to have been yielded at the point of the sword. If there were
true and faithful historical records of eastern experience, they
would probably disclose a deplorable picture of the joint opera-
tion of bigotry, avarice, and ambition.
Gama established himself, about 1500, at Goa, on the west-
ern (Malabar) coast of the peninsula, latitude sixteen degrees
north, longitude seventy-four degrees east, and this became the
seat of Portuguese empire in India.
Almeida was the first viceroy of India, in 1505. He did
nothing to conciliate his new subjects. On the other hand,
49*
582 INDIA.
he is represented to have been a fierce and unsparing- warrior.
His son Lorenzo, under Ahneida's orders, established th^
Portuguese power in Ceylon. Almeida was succeeded by the
celebrated Alphonso de Albuquerque, who effected a settle-
ment at Ormus, near the mouth of the Persian Gulf. The
king of Persia sent his ambassadors to demand the accustomed
tribute. The viceroy laid before them a bullet and a sword :
" These," said he, " are the coin in which Portugal pays her
tribute." He acquired dominion over the whole of the Mala-
bar coast — extended the power of the Portuguese in the island
of Ceylon — acquired a large portion of the peninsula of Ma-
lucca, and conquered the Sunda Isles. He was by far the
worthiest of the Portuguese who, in that day, appeared in the
east. He is mentioned as having been " active, cautious, wise,
just, and humane." It is not known, historically, what the
Indians thought and said of him. It is much in his praise, if
it be true, that the Indians made pilgrimages to his tomb, to
beseech him to protect them from the tyranny of his succes-
sors.
The grandeur of the Portuguese was not of long duration.
If it be allowed a whole century, that may cover the extent of
it, though its power continued, in a declining state, till it was
wholly lost, (except as to the first possesion, Goa,) when Por-
tugal came under the dominion of Spain, in 1580.
In 1602, the Dutch appeared in the east. They assumed
to aid the people of Ceylon against the oppression of the Por-
tuguese, and succeeded in gaining a footing on the island.
They soon expelled the Portuguese. If the Dutch are fairly
dealt with in history, they were very uncomfortable friends to
the poor people of Ceylon, who were driven on to the high-
lands in the interior, while the Dutch possessed the fertile
lowlands which border all around on the coast. Ceylon
abounds in rich merchandise. Cinnamon, pearls, and ele-
phants are said to be of superior worth on this island. After
various attempts, both by the French and English, to dispos-
sess the Dutch, they held the island, with one interruption, till
1795, when it was added to the vast territories of the English
in the east. It now belongs to the crown, not to the East
India Company.
The Dutch gradually drove the Portuguese out of most of
their possessions. Having no room for details, it appears that
in 1621 the Dutch gained the Moluccas; in 1633, Japan; in
1641, Malacca ; in 1660, the Celebes Isles ; and, by 1663, the
places held on the Malabar coast, except Goa, and a small
BRITISH INDIA. 583
territory around it. The Dutch had established themselves at
Java, which the English took from them, and afterwards re-
stored by treaty, and which they still hold as a colony.
The French turned their attention to India about the year
1665, and first established themselves at Pondicherry, on the
south-eastern (or Coromandel) coast of the Peninsula, (lat. 12,
N. long-. 80, east) then an inconsiderable place. The French
were the first to gain a settlement on a branch of the Ganges.
This occurred at Chandernagore, on the Hoogly, (a little north
of Calcutta) about the middle of the last century. They had
several places of deposit in the Peninsula, in the next fifty
years, which they successively lost in the wars betw^een their
country and England. The means are not at hand to ascertain
precisely their possessions, but they are believed to be very in-
considerable. Pondicherry, and its territory of about 85 square
miles, is the principal one. It has been repeatedly taken by
the English, and restored by treaty, the last time at the peace
of 1814.
CHAPTER LXXVI.
INDIA.
British Conqiiests and Possessions in India:
The Brhish possessions in India present a most extraordina-
ry feature in the history of nations. A sovereignty, held by a
company of merchants, over a territory of 5 13,000 square miles,
and over a population of 90 millions, is a phenomenon. The
English were late in the field, but they have carried it, over
all competitors, and over all adversaries. The first East India
Company arose from a grant of the crown, in 1599. Crom-
well annulled the grant, which had proved to be neither of
public nor private utility ; but he renewed it again. In the
time of the commonwealth, the English possessed themselves
of factories at Bombay and Madras. Grants, or charters, by the
crowai to the East India Companies, had been repeatedly re-
newed, and the course of afl^airs show a peculiar connexion be-
tween the company and the government of England. Some-
times the government was borrower, and the company lender ;
and sometimes the case was reversed. The details and the for-
584
BRITISH INDIA.
tunes of the company are not interesting, until about the be-
ginning of the last century.
In 1708, an act of parliament established the present East
India Company, by the name of The United Company of
Merchants of England, trading to the East Indies. About the
same time, (as near as the date is ascertained,) an embassy had
been sent to the Mogul emperor, by the British merchants at
Surat, (a large and ancient city, 150 miles north of Bombay,)
in the hope of obtaining a firman, or grant of territorial juris-
diction. The emperor, (by a course of events for which there
is no space here,) was about to marry a Hindoo princess; the
nuptials were prevented by a malady of the emperor. An
English gentleman, named Hamilton, was consulted, and effect-
ed a cure. The marriage was celebrated with great pomp. In
oriental style, "the illuminations rivalled the planets, and seem-
ed to upbraid the faint lustre of the stars." The grateful mon-
arch requested Hamilton to name his reward, who satisfied
himself with obtaining the object of the mission. This is said
to be the first instance of British sovereignty in India. [Tod,
oh. 1, p. 401.]
It was not, however, till 1748, that the company began to as-
sume political power. Hitherto the military power had been
used only in defence of the forts and factories. They had not
a force adequate to offensive operations. The French had set
an example in taking natives into their service, of which the
English have profited. The native soldier is called seapoy,
sepoy, or sipoy, (from sip, how, or arrow,) and was employed
because European troops could not be had. Thus, in the east,
as in the w^est, natives have opposed each other to make the
conquest of their own country inevitable.
The last public statement w^hich has been met with, esti-
mates the British exports from India at 14 millions annually —
and the imports at about the same sum. Annual duties paid
in England 4 millions. Annual contributions to government
in England, 1 1 millions. The company have 200,000 men
under arms, and nearly 16,000 civil officers.
Several views maybe taken of this state of the ancient, rich,
and beautiful India. If the human race were created for no
better purpose than to show how the ingenious, educated, and
strong can subdue and make profitable to them any and all who
are inferior in these qualities, then British India is a glorious
example of the exercise of talents. The conquest of India,
regarded as a commercial enterprise, is magnificent, and far
beyond anything that men have done. The conquests, col-
onies,^and maritime force of the political power of Venice,
BRITISH INDIA.
585
Genoa, and Florence, are Lilliputian efforts in comparison with
those of the East India Company. Among the consequences
are, that London, from which all proceed, and to which all re-
turn, is, (from this and other contributary sources, at home and
abroad,) the grandest commercial city of any country, and of any
age. Its population is computed at 1,750,000. It is the great-
east city now standing on the globe, unless Pekin is greater, of
wdiich there may be doubt. It is very difficult to ascertain
Chinese population. In the time of Augustus, just before our
era, and when Rome was the capital of the world, it was said
to contain four millions. But Gibbon enters into a careful anal-
ysis to show that no more than 1,200,000 ought to be regarded
as the highest extent. If we take the whole number of people
of the island of Great Britain, and divide the whole property
owned by them, by that number, the dividend would be far
greater to each one, than a similar experiment would show as
to an equal number of persons of any other country, of any
time, present or past. The national debt has nothing to do with
this case, because it is due from the inhabitants of England to
themselves. England is, and long has been the greatest mari-
time power of any age, and has achieved the greatest victories
of any nation, on the ocean. On the land, her arms have
agcQin and agQ.iriDcttlc.cl tko Jv^otiuico wf Eulupc. All this grail"
deur springs from the head and from the hand, applied to in-
ternal industry, and commerce, as well that which her own
subjects carry on with each other, as that which is had with
other nations. This is the worldly view of the matter.
This grandeur, like that of Rome, has been costly. Nations
have no hereafter. If they do wrong the punishment must
come upon the generation in whose time it is done, or on their
descendants — otherwise it comes not at all. It may be a very
different case with the individuals, by whose voluntary act the
wrong is done. In this mode of judging of human actions, it
is probable that there are some sins to be answered for. As
the Carthagenians left no history of their three great wars with
Rome, we have only such history as Romans gave ; the voice
of India is not loud enough to be heard around half the globe.
The only sources of information are British records ; they tell
of valorous deeds done in India; of the glittering grandeur of
Hindoo armies that have disappeared, by death or flight, before
a tenth part of their number. Vast territories ceded, immense
sums secured by capitulations, the enriching tributes yielded
on treaties of peace, and, finally, the power of unlimited and
irresponsible taxation, over half a million of square miles, in
586 BRITISH INDIA.
one of the richest countries of the earth, bearing- one person
for every square mile and an half [The United States have
not one person for every 14 square miles.] The company take
no reproaches to themselves for these results ; they are rather
glories which illustrate the British name. If the company
were asked how they justify themselves, they would probably
veil the right of the strongest, which has ever been the law of
rational man towards his fellow, by necessity. Was it not law-
ful to attack and conquer those who would have expelled us
from the country? What answer would the saints and sages,
who repose on Plymouth Hill, make to that plea 1 And what
would the ghost of the noble king Philip have to say on this
matter ? The astonishing power of the British in India grew
up, just as the power of the British in America grew up, atari
earlier date. On both sides of the globe the British and the
French met, and took part adversely to each other with the na-
tives. In 1751, the Nabob of Arcot was contending with a
native enemy, whom the French were aiding. The English
aided the Nabob in like manner. In 1756, the Mogul empe-
ror, or Subah, called Ali-Verdi Khan, died. Just before his
death he said to his successor, in relation to the Europeans
who had entered India, — "The power of English is great;
reduce ihem tirst ; the others will give you little trouWe. Suf-
fer them not to have forts, or soldiers, if you do, the country is
not yours." In attempting to give effect to this advice, the suc-
cessor. Son Rajah Dowla, was defeated, and a successor ap-
pointed by the English, who paid a large sum in money, and
ceded the sovereignty of a considerable territory near Calcut-
ta. It was in this conflict (1756) that the horrible tragedy oc-
curred which is familarly known by the name of the " The
Black Hole, at Calcutta." In the course of the warfare. Son
Rajah Dowla had beaten the English, at this place: he took
146 Englishmen, and confined them in a " hole " about eighteen
feet square, from which the air was excluded, except through
two windows barred with iron. The door was closed on them
at 8 in the evening, and not opened until 6 the next morning,
when all were dead but 23, and most of these in a high state of
putrid fever. The detail of this night's torments may be left
to the imagination ; it cannot transcend the reality.
It fell to the lot of a gentleman, who was afterward Lord
Clive, to take vengeance for this act. He was, in fact, the found-
er of the military empire of the Company. His career in In-
dia was what some military men call glorious. He was there
from 1747 to 1761, deducting an absence to England. When
BRITISH INDIA. 587
he finally returned, he was immensely rich, and was cre-
ated a Lord by the title of Baron of Plassey, the name of a
place in which he gained a signal victory. A severe attack
was made on him in the House of Commons, but it ended in
a vote of approbation. Though apparently possessed of all
means of earthly happiness, he fell into a state of gloom and
despondency, and ended his life, in 1774 at the age of 50.
After him. Warring Hastings appeared as the great man of
the New Eastern empire. He held the office of Governor
General of India, from 1773 to 1785, something may be made
known of his administration from perusal of the most splendid
judicial pageant that ever occurred, and in which illustrious
actors are seen. On his return to England, the House of Com-
mons presented articles of impeachment against him to the
House of Lords. The articles were carried up in May, 1787,
and the trial went on with no other intermission than that which
was inevitable from the remoteness of the country whence wit-
nesses and evidence were to come. It closed in April, 1795,
by an acquittal of the charges, but in a sentence to pay costs,
which exceeded the sum of 315,000 dollars. He had, besides,
his own costs to pay. The cost to the Crown exceeded 440,000
dollars. The Company, however, indemnified Mr. Hastings.
After Warren Hastings, the present Duke of Wellington figured
in India ; but it is not recollected that his conduct was reproached.
It is not the present purpose to express opinions on the moral
or political conduct of Englishmen in India. Any attempt to
do this might provoke recrimination, and the question might be,
whether the English in the East, or the descendants of the
English in the West, have the heaviest burthen of moral wrong.
There is nothing new or wonderful in either case. Men have
always exercised the right of the strongest, whether the strength
resided in the head, or in the hand, or in both. They have
always excused and commonly justified all such exercise of
power as self-defensive, as necessary chastisement, or as public
good. However these things may be, it is amusing to see with
what complacency so sensible and candid a man as Col. Tod
exults in the grandeur and friendly influence which the English
exercise over the fallen tribes of Hindostan, and with what
amiable and benignant temper they command peace in the con-
flicts of their Hindoo chiefs.
It was intended to have made some geographical sketches of
India, and of that plain of 1350 miles in length, through which
the waters of the noble and enriching Ganges flow ; (one should
rather say sacred waters, because the Hindoos believe that they
588
issue from Vishnou's foot,) but our limits do not permit a fur-
ther notice.*
To end, then — here is an astonishing empire in India, another
rapidl}^ increasing- in New Holland, comprising three millions
of square miles, (United States about two millions) — and here
in the west, one vast continent inhabited, with little exception,
by people whose language is English. One hazards nothing
in assuming, that within a century, one half of all the people
of the earth will speak, as a mother tongue, or by adoption the
language of one part of the little isle of Britain.
CHAPTER LXXVn.
CHIN-INDIA.
Eastwardly from India, and between it and China, is an
extensive country, commonly called Further India, or the
Further Peninsula. Make Brun, for reasons which appear to
be sufficient, proposes to call this country CIii?i-I>idia ; by
that name it will, probably, be known in future. Neither its
commercial nor historical relations require much notice.
Chin-India is bounded on the west by India, south-west by
the Bay of Bengal and the Straits of Malacca ; south-east by
the Chinese Sea ; north-east by China ; northwardly by the
mountains which separate it from Thibet. These mountains
are a continuation of the Himmeleh range. From the north
boundary to the end of the peninsula of Malacca, the line is
nearly two thousand miles. From India across to China, the
broadest part is about thirteen hundred miles. Latitude from
one to twenty-seven north ; longitude ninety to one hundred
and nine east. It contains not far from the same number of
square miles as are contained in the United States. Its natu-
ral products are many and valuable, consisting of timber-trees,
spice-trees, various plants and fruits, and it is rich in mines
and precious stones. Science, art, and industry have done
very little to give a commercial value to these products. In
the north-western part of Chin-India, between Bengal Bay and
the northern mountains, the British East India Company has
added large territories to their possessions, and is gradually
* Lately, the monopoly of the East India Company has been abol-
ished, and the commerce thrown open to all British subjects.
CHIN-INDIA. 5S9
extending- its dominion south-eastwardly along the coast. East-
wardly of these possessions is the Birman empire, with which
the British have been sometimes at war. South-east of the
British and the Birmans, are the kingdom of Siam and the
empire of Annam ; and on the long peninsula of Malacca
(five hundred and fifty miles by about seventy) are several
native independent states. The interior of this country, not
before mentioned, is held by similar states. Neither commer-
cial enterprise, nor the desire to add to the stores of useful
knowledge, nor the desire to propagate Christianity, have in-
duced Europeans to adventure much into this country. Little
is known beyond the shores, and that little is not important.
The population is thought to have been derived from the
north, from India, and from China, at an early period. Per-
sonal resemblance, the religion of Budha, and the languages,
(of which there are at least five different ones,) affected as all
these are by the lapse of ages, leave no doubt of this origin.
The Portuguese introduced the Catholic religion, of which
there are some professors. The religion of Fo, from China,
is found here, and the rude tribes are of that low order of
idolaters who are called Fetechists, or worshippers of stones,
arms, vessels, plants, and other inanimate objects.
There are some historical details of this country, but they
consist of nothing more than the common course of violence
and crime, incident to all human society, when government is
mere despotism. If this country should ever be blessed with
intelligence and refinement, it is capable of becoming rich and
powerful. Some of its products, and the mechanical ingenuity
of some of its inhabitants, afford the assurance that it might
sustain a very valuable commerce. The industrious and capa-
ble Malte Brun has collected and arranged, — in the fifty-first
and fifty-second books of his Geography, — all that is known
of Chin-India.
50
590 CHINA.
CHAPTER LXXVIII.
CHINA.
Geography of China — Origin of Chinese — Great Wall — Eleraents of
History — Tartar Dijnasty of 1664 — Characteristics — Government — For-
eigners — Langitage — Religion — Preseiit Condition.
China is the end of continental Asia in the east. The pol-
icy of the Chinese, long persevered in, — the exclusion of
strangers, — may have preserved them from a destiny similar
to that of the Hindoos ; bat it has prevented them from chang-
ing their condition for the better. They are the only people
of the earth who are proud of having learned nothing, for-
gotten nothing, changed in nothing, through thousands of
years. They are fixed in the opinion that they are eminently
the superiors of all nations. As no earthly name can express
their grandeur, they call themselves the Celestial Empire.
Their pretensions will be tested by considering the facts dis-
closed by some of the few persons who have gained admission
to this country.
Chinese territories are geographically divided into those
which are south, and those which are north of the great wall.
China Proper is south of the wall. Mr. Barrow, secretary to
Lord Macartney in his embassy to the Chinese emperor in
1792, says, that a Mandarin, whom the ambassador interro-
gated, stated the population at three hundred and thirty-three
millions, according to a census of the preceding year. Bar-
row does not credit this statement. Malte Brun says that
some persons estimate the population of China Proper at one
hundred and fifty millions, and the square miles at 537,000.
GutzlafT, the most recent historian, (in 1834,) says the whole
of China comprises 3,010,400 square miles, of which China
Proper, south of the wall, has 1,298,000, and that the whole
amount of Chinese subjects is three hundred and sixty-seven
millions. If this is right, China has less than one half, but
more than one third of the whole population of the earth.
Malte Brun estimates the Chinese dominions at about one
tenth of the habitable globe. China and its provinces extend
from twenty to fifty-five north latitude; from ninety to one
hundred and thirty-eight east longitude ; and, if its eastern
appendages be included, to one hundred and forty-three.
LAMAISM. ORIGIN OF CHINESE. 591
The cUmates of China and its provinces are exceedingly
varied, including tropical heat and excessive cold. South of
the great wall, its products are similar to those of India, with
the addition of yellow cotton and tea. The latter, within one
hundred and fifty years only, has become an article of immense
traffic, and is used from the palace down to the cottage, in
most of the civilized world. Robertson, in his Disquisition
on India, note fifty-seven, says, — " Its highest praise is, that it
is innoxious." This is a praise which it does not always
deserve. The first knowledge of the silk-worm dates from
China. The patient ingenuity of this people, in various man-
ufactures, has excited wonder.
On the north, the Chinese provinces (Mongul territory)
adjoin Russian Siberia. Westwardl)% they extend to the Be-
loor mountains, and include Tliibet. Here is the seat of that
singular religion called Lamaism, professed by Thibetians,
Monguls, and Calmucs. By this faith, Shigemooni is the
Supreme God. The Dalai Lama, or great Lama, is the rep-
resentative of this god on earth, and is, himself, a divinity.
He is immortal, because his soul passes from its last tenement,
when that decays, into a new body, and the new tenement is
discovered by the skilful. This is not unlike the papal suc-
cession, and the Great Lama has attributes strongly resembling
those of the popes. He is surrounded by priests, and main-
tains over these an absolute despotism, as to body and mind.
He knows all things. He can read the living heart. The
laying of his sacred hand on the head of any one, is the par-
don of all earthly transgression and sin. His subjects have
monasteries and idols, and celibacy is enjoined on his priests.
He is a temporal despot as well as a spiritual ruler. These
facts show that Lamaism is only one form of the corruptions
of the Roman church, introduced among the ignorant and
superstitious of the east by the Nestorian monks, who wan-
dered thither in the sixth century. Prestor John, in the middle
ages, was supposed to be a Christian prince, somewhere in the
interior of Asia. It is now supposed that this prince w^as
none other than the early predecessor of the Grand Lama.
The origin of the Chinese is not certainly known. One
writer (Heeren) gives reasons for thinking that they came
from a military emigration from India ; while other writers
give satisfactory reasons for believing that they are of Tartar
origin, and came from the north. Among these reasons are
the physical formation, and especially the form of the eyes,
which are not found in a straight line drawn across the bridge
592 GREAT WALL,
of the nose, as in the Caucassian or white race, but placed
obliquely to that line. And also that the interior ends of the
eyes are rounded, and the exterior angular, which are Tartar
formations. The Chinese are, probably, from causes common
to all nations, invasion, conquest, and emigration, a mixed
people. Physical form and historical facts afford as little
solution of the problem of origin, in regard to the Chinese, as
to any people on the globe.
This remarkable nation claim, like the Hindoos, an inad-
missible antiquity. They date back many millions of years,
which the best-informed nations utterly exclude, from all com-
putations of time. The realities admitted, as to the Chinese,
(in a condensed form,) are the following: —
The oldest historical book is said to be called Shu-King.
It is considered unworthy of credit. Like other nations, the
Chinese begin with the reign of imaginary deities. It would
be a waste of time to state these fabrications of fancy, which
go back far beyond the history of Moses. When we come
down to a later time, there is some probability in Chinese his-
tory, because it is consistent with those natural occurrences
which are known among other nations. Thus, about two
hundred and fifty years before our era, China is represented
to have been divided into small, independent principalities.
At this time, one of their princes, called Chi-hoang-ti, was
sufficiently powerful to unite them all in one monarchy, and
to have founded the royal race of Ting, or Tsin. This person
may have been an Alexander, Bajazet, Tamerlane, Ghengis
Khan, or Napoleon. To his time is referred the building of
the Great Wall of China, the most extraordinary of all human
works. Its object was to fence out the Tartars. It is within
the parallels of thirty-seven and forty-one degrees of north
latitude, extending from the extreme west of the province of
Shenshee, longitude ninety-eight, to the Gulf of Petcheli, fif-
teen hundred miles. The exterior is, generally, brick and
stone, filled in with earth, twelve feet wide, thirty feet high,
and fortified with intervening towers. Its course is over val-
lies, morasses, and mountains. Mr. Barrow calculated that
the dwelling-houses of England and Scotland, taken at one
million eight hundred thousand, are barely equal to the bulk
of solid materials of the wall, exclusive of towers. The latter
he equals to the masonry and brick-work of London. Yet,
this wall is said to have been built in five years. Whatever
its ancient utility may have been, a Tartar dynasty has occu-
pied the Chinese throne since 1664. Some writers doubt the
TARTAR EMPERORS. — CHINESE. 593
antiquity of this wall. The commonly received opinion is,
that it was built more than two thousand years ago. It is
little thought of by the Chinese, themselves, and is permitted
to decay.
After an attentive study of Chinese history, from the time
of this emperor, Chi-hoang-ti, down to the year 1664, nothing
is therein found but the same scenes which have been common
in all the rest of Asia and in Europe, in early ages of the
world. The difference is little more than the names of agents,
and the particular part of the earth's surface on which the
scenes occurred. A few sentences will comprise the political
history of China in this long lapse of time. A powerful mili-
tary chief, like the emperor last named, connected the whole
country under his dominion. His successors were able to
maintain that dominion, a longer or shorter time, against do-
mestic factions, rebellion of one or more provincial governors,
and foreign invasion. Then a new partition arose of the
whole country into distinct sovereignties. Wars, treachery,
and barbarous cruelties marked their intercourse until a new
chief arose, capable of establishing, anew, a universal domin-
ion. This is but the history of Europe and of all nations ;
the elements are ever the same, variously compounded. It is
the contest among a few, for the power to exercise despotism
over the many. It concerns the multitude but little by whom
that despotism is wielded — their fate is ever the same.
In 1664, the present Tartar dynasty established itself in
China. The Tartars found their way as conquerors, the great
wall notwithstanding. The Chinese call it the dynasty of
Tsim, or Tsing. In 1792, Lord Macartney went through
China, in the character of ambassador from England, and
passed some days at the seat of empire, the city of Pekin, in
the north. In 1816, a similar embassy was sent, at the head
of which was Lord Amhersr. The object, on both occasions,
was to establish a commercial intercourse, secured by treaties.
This object proved to be unattainable. It is remarkable, that,
in the changes and dissensions among the Chinese, they have
never departed from the policy of excluding foreigners from
their cities and territories, excepting in the single port of Can-
ton, for commerce. Here, all foreigners are restricted to a
particular suburb, between the city and the river ; and, on no
account, permitted to pass the gates of the city. They regard
all foreigners with contempt, and consider all nations, of whom
they have any knowledge, as the dependent vassals of their
sovereign. It is worth inquiry, how these millions of persons
50*
594 CHINESE GOVERNMENT.
are occupied, and how the common propensities of our nature
are directed among them. As in all other nations, they have
families, industry, objects of desire and aversion, duties, delin-
quences, pains and pleasures, and something called religion.
To these subjects a few moments are due; but it will be found
that the people of the Celestial Empire, who hold themselves
superior to all mankind, are singularly ignorant, subdued, and
servile.
The most obvious peculiarities of the Chinese are found in
their relative position on the globe — their form of government
— their exclusion of foreigners — their very singular language
— their agricultural productions — their mechanical skill —
their veneration of themselves, and their contempt for all other
nations. These causes, combined, have made them incapable
of any social melioration, and have qualified them to be a
nation of slaves.
All nations, civilized or savage, must have government; that
is, there must be power capable of commanding obedience to
the law, whether the law be established and permanent, or de-
pending on the will of rulers. The Chinese government is a
singularly modified despotism, resembling the ancient patri-
archal government. The emperor is the father of the nation.
All the grades of officers under him, exercise a parental author-
ity over the mass of people ; so that all who have no other re-
lation to the civil power, but that of obedience, are, civilly,
children, and the whole nation may be comprised in the names
of parents and children. The emperor demands and receives
the reverence w^hich is due to an austere and severe father. He
can be approached only in the form of the humblest submission ;
and is regarded rather as a deity, than as a man. He is presum-
ed to know every thing, and to order every thing throughout his
vast empire. This he does, so far as is practicable, through
the multitude of agents, or various grades of officers. They
are his representatives as governors of the provinces, and of
numerous cities and villages.
He is assisted by two councils ; the one, composed of his six
ministers of state; the other, composed of princes of the blood.
There are, also, six boards or departments. 1. The court of
appointments, which consists of the six ministers, and certain
learned men, who are to judge of the qualifications of candidates.
2. The court to whom is confided the management of the reve-
nue, and the public expenditures. 3. The court of ceremonies,
who preside over the ancient customs, and who regulate the
forms of all intercourse. 4. The court established to regulate
CHINESE GOVERNMENT. 595
military affairs. 5. The tribunal of justice. G. The board
which superintends the public works. These several courts,
or boards, report to the emperor on their respective duties ; and
he consults his six ministers, or the board of princes, as he
thinks proper. He adopts or rejects the opinions offered, or
substitutes his own will, as he pleases.
Besides these councils, there are nine classes of mandarins,
who are the nobles ; and w^ho are employed in the various
provinces and cities, as executive, financial, and military offi-
cers ; and who report to the several courts, or boards, who are
at the head of these inferior departments. These public officers
hold the rank called noble in other countries ; but the rank is
official, not hereditary. The power is shown to be parental in
this : all these mandarins may order the corporal punishment
of the bamboo, whenever they think it proper ; and even the
emperor's ministers are subjected to the same punishment, by
his order. That this is parental, is shown by the fact, that no
disgrace follows the punishment; the person punished returns
his thanks to his superiors for his useful chastisement; and for
this kindness of making him sensible of his errors.
The military power of the Chinese is composed of a great
multitude, who are disposed of throughout the empire, not less,
it is said, than 800,000 men, who are mostly employed in public
service of various descriptions, as laborers, and as police officers.
It is only on the northern and western frontiers, that they have
military establishments, as garrisons and encampments.
In the administration of justice, so material a part of govern-
ment in all civilized nations, the parental government is again
apparent. There is no such class as learned men in the law.
There are laws and ordinances, the application of which, to the
particular case, is confided to the mandarins, who hear and de-
termine, in a summary manner. Their punishments are not
sanguinary. They consist of taking life, in certain cases; but the
number put to death is said not ro exceed 200 a year, a small
number compared to the immense population. Personal suf-
fering, of various descriptions, are the common modes of pun-
ishment, and sometimes the dreadful one of banishment. Con-
troversies concerning property, or law-suits, are very rare, as
custom and usage, through the lapse of ages, have left but
little space for litigation.
The moral state of China is shown in the administration of
government, in all its departments. Power exercised over so
widely extended an empire, by emissaries, who derive their
authority from the remote seat of government, is liable to great
596 CHINESE OPINIONS.
abuse. Oppression and tyranny are common, and the remedy,
being only by complaint to the supreme head, is rarely practi-
cable. Here, then, as in so many other countries, the many
are subjected to the power of a few, and the wrongs which the
many suffer, have the poor consolation that they are not as
grievous as they might be.
Chinese government is not a beneficent institution, designed
and adapted to secure to each member of the community the
enjoyment of life, by promoting industry, knowledge, securit}?-,
justice; but is a tyranny, which begins with the emperor and
descends, through various classes of officers, upon the sub-
jected and helpless multitude. All these public agents, from
highest to lowest, besides the customary salaries, practise an
oppressive exaction, so that the sentiment of a Chinese towards
his government is not that of pride in its excellence, and thank-
fulness for its benefits, but is a feeling of slavish dependence
and dread.
If there were no other causes of Chinese degradation, the
form of government would sufficiently account for it. The
patriarchal form extends to domestic life. Persons who are
of the same blood, in all the generations which are living at
the same time, have a common home, in which the power of
government resides in the male parents. Females are raised
but little above the rank of menial slaves, and are not allowed
the pleasures of social intercourse. The life of a Chinese is,
therefore, in his domestic relations, sober and joyless. So far
as his time is not necessarily given to acquiring subsistence,
it must be disposed of in satisfying the demand for excitement.
Like the indolent Turk, he smokes, consoles himself with
opium, or, like a savage, engages in some game of chance.
In the higher orders of society, the demand for excitement
naturally takes, as among other nations, the pleasures and the
pains of comparison in the modes of life, and in manners and
ceremonies. No people are more formal and ceremonious,
and life is wasted in learning and observing modes of action
in relation to each other, which are contemptible in the view
of the free and civilized. Such are the effects of political
government, aided by other causes to be mentioned.
Position on the globe. The Chinese are separated from
civilized and refined nations of Europe by so great a distance,
that they are rarely visited by any of these, except for the
purposes of commerce. On the north and west they have no
neighbors who could teach them to better their condition, if
they were disposed to be taught. On the east and south they
CHINESE OPINIONS. 597
are bounded by seas. These seas are traversed by foreigners
only, to approach one Chinese port, where they are restricted
to a very limited intercourse, for commercial purposes only.
The exclusio/i of foreigners. Whence this policy arose is
not known. It may have been suggested by the success of
Europeans in acquiring establishments in India and the islands
which are south and east of China. This policy has not
always prevailed, because, in the year 1682, the then reigning
emperor, Kang-hi, was a patron of learning and learned men.
At this time, that class of men so well known under the name
of Jesuits, in the Roman church, were attempting to propagate
Christianity in China. In 1692 the Jesuits were protected
and encouraged by a public decree of this emperor. A num-
ber of them were employed by him to survey the empire, in
which service they were engaged ten years. But, whether
they had excited distrust and jealousy, or whether the success
of the Europeans in India suggested the necessity of a differ-
ent policy, the same emperor reversed this decree in 1716.
He annulled all the privileges he had granted to Christians,
and revived and enforced certain ancient prohibitory laws as
to them. From that time foreigners have been restricted to
the suburbs of Canton for commercial dealings, and to a resi-
dence on the island of Macow, at the mouth of the river,
seventy miles below Canton. No European female is per-
mitted to approach Canton nearer than Macow.
A contempt and aversion as to all foreigners, is the settled,
policy of the government. It has been instilled into all sub-
jects of the empire, by teaching them to regard all other nations
much as the Greeks and Romans, respectively, regarded all
others, that is, as an inferior order of beings. The Chinese
are taught to believe that all other nations acknowledge their
superiority, and that it would derogate from their dignity to
learn any thing from others, or to have any intercourse Avith
them. It appears from the accounts given of Lord Macart-
ney's embassy, and his passage through China, that these
opinions are not those of the rulers of China, as matter of
policy, but are universal. The English, on this occasion,
were never permitted to gratify the curiosity of travellers, but
were, at all times, held under an inconvenient and irksome
restraint. While this non-intercourse prevails, the genius and
industry of the Chinese can derive no aid from the progress
of other nations ; and under such government and such exclu-
sion, they present the singular fact of a nation who seem deS'
lined neither to advance nor to decline.
593 LANGUAGE.
Chinese Language. Another insuperable difficulty in the
diffusion of knowledge is the language of this people. No
other than their own is known among them, except at Canton,
where there are interpreters, for the mere purpose of traffic.
These are persons who have knowledge enough, by the ear,
of the English language, to buy and sell, and minister to the
wants of visiters. There are Europeans who have mastered
this difficult language, for the purposes of commerce, and
some who have acquired a knowledge sufficient to read their
literary works.
The language of this country is the best evidence that all
languages are human inventions. It is easily traced to signs
intended to represent natural objects, and these are combined
in such manner as to represent intellectual objects and abstract
ideas. It is a language of monosyllables, each monosyllable
representing some known object. These originals (monosyl-
lables) are said to amount to three hundred and fifty, and the
flexible organs of the Chinese can pronounce, at most, about
fifteen hundred sounds. But there are said to be eighty thou-
sand combinations of these originals, in the form of letters,
which are made by putting, into one letter, signs which ex-
press these syllables ; some {q\y letters comprise not less than
seventy distinct marks or signs. There is often, therefore, a
language for the eye only ; that is, the combination is such,
that no sounds will express what is intended. In such case,
if a person would express that for which there is no sound,
but which may be expressed by letters, he describes these let-
ters by his finger, or his fan, in the air, as deaf and dumb
persons converse. The acquisition of such a language is
extremely difficult, for the student has to learn how to make
all these various combinations ; to which is to be added the
far more difficult task of learning their signification when
made.
It is not surprising that a language, so formed and so ex-
pressed, should have undergone no improvement, from age to
age, as all other spoken and written languages are known to
have done. The oldest Chinese writings are the same, in
appearance, with those which are most modern, and the sounds
given to words have probably undergone no change. Schol-
arship, or a claim to be considered learned, consists of a knowl-
edge of the combination of Chinese characters, and the most
diligent student, up to the age of manhood, can hardly accom-
plish more. There are dialects of the Chinese. In some of
the provinces different words are used to express the same
object.
KNOWLEDGE. RELIGION. 599
Knowledge, Science. If the Chinese were as able, natu-
rally, as Europeans are, to avail themselves of inventions and
discoveries, and to construct sciences from established princi-
ples, they ought to be better informed and more scientific than
any other people. They ought to be so, because they have
had the art of writing, and have made books as long, if not
longer, than any others. But (as is known from the history
of the two embassies) they are children in all the sciences.
Necessity has forced on them agriculture and mechanical
skill. They know nothing of astronomy ; nothing of medi-
cine, surgery, anatomy, or of cause and eflect, in the natural
world. With them, usage and tradition hold the place of
science. Intellectual attainments must be of little worth among
a people whose annual almanacs are consulted to know the
lucky days on which enterprises maybe undertaken, and even
to know when the most trivial acts, in the common course of
life, should be done. A people who substitute the result of
chances for the use of understanding, have small claim to be
regarded as the superiors of all others.
Religion among the Chinese is one cause of their degrada-
tion. There is greater difficulty in bringing the Chinese to
a knowledge of Christianity than any other eastern people,
because their language is (by themselves) acquired with much
labor, and because they are reluctant to acquire any other. If
the government oppose no obstacles, the progress Avould be
more embarrassed than elsewhere in Asia. The natural desire
of the human mind to account for the phenomena and changes
of human existence, — the curiosity to know^ what becomes of
the dead, — and the conviction which reaches every human
mind, however darkened by ignorance, that there is some
supreme and invisible power, whether good or evil, that gov-
erns the action of the visible creation, as well as human desti-
ny, is the source of natural religion. These phenomena have
been accounted for in various modes by those who assumed to
be the most learned or intelligent in different nations; and the
professors of this learning and intelligence have become,
every where, the ministers and guides of the submissive igno-
rant. Thus, among all people, who have not been blessed
with direct revelation of the will of the Deity, there is found
some kind of religious sentiment, belief and practice, sanction-
ed by the veneration due to the customs and habits of succes-
sive generations, and some description of teachers, however
ignorant, deluded, or fraudulent.
There has been occasion to remark, before, that the earliest
600 RELIGION.
religion which was professed, that is, by the immediate descend-
ants of Noah, is believed to have been the worship of the
Almighty. This worship, though deformed at an early period
by idolatry, and finally lost in that absurdity, was carried by
the migrating tribes, with different degrees of purity, into dif-
ferent parts of Asia. But the reverence due to the Creator
seems to have been soon transferred to the visible creation,
and thence to have descended into all the varieties of super-
stitious and depraved customs, now known among those who
have not been enlightened by Divine revelation.
The Chinese have among them five divisions of religion : —
1. That which has arisen out of the original worship of the
Supreme Being. This religion is contained or taught in cer-
tain ancient books, which are called U-king, and which are
supposed to have been written or compiled two thousand years
before the Christian era. Du Halde says, (vol. i. p. 394,)
" Nothing is more respected by the Chinese than the five
books which they call the U-king, or so much revered by
them for their antiquity and for the excellence of the doctrine
which (they say) they contain. These are, to them, sacred
writings." From the accounts given of these books, they
strongly resemble those which are held sacred among the
Hindoos, and are, probably, of like antiquity. There is no
doubt that when these books were written, tlie inhabitants of
China worshipped a Supreme Being as the governor of the
universe, called Shang-ti, or Tyen. To him prayers and sup-
plications were addressed, and to him sacrifices ^.were offered.
The emperors, like the kings of the Israelites, held the office
of high priest. To the present day, the emperor, on great
occasions, performs the duties of this office.
Towards the close of the seventeenth century, Lecomte, a
missionary, published his new memoirs on the present state of
China. He therein says, — " The Chinese had adored the
true God for two thousand years ; that, among the nations,
they were the first who had sacrificed to their Creator, and
taught a true morality." [Villiers' Prize Essay on the Ref-
ormation, p. 191.] This writer should rather have said, that
the Chinese were the people who had longest retained the
original religion and the morality which it enjoined. The
praise bestowed by Lecomte was due to a very small portion
of the Chinese in his time, and is, probably, due to no part of
them now.
This original religion, like many others, had become de-
based and idolatrous in the course of fifteen centuries, at the
CONFUCIUS. 601
end of which period Confucius appeared, who is still venerat-
ed among the best informed of this nation. He was born in
the kingdom of Lu, (according to Du Halde,) now called the
province of Shan-tung, 551 years B. C. ; consequently, twCx
years before the death of Thales, one of the seven wise men
of Greece, and was contemporary with Pythagoras and with
Solon. He was, like the distinguished Grecians, a teacher of
philosophy, and, like them, had numerous disciples. He ap-
peared at a time when China was under the dominion of an
unworthy race of princes. He had made himself master of
the sacred books, before mentioned, and being deeply impress-
ed by the depravity of the times, he attempted a reformation.
He " was not solicitous to search into the impenetrable secrets
of nature, but confined himself to speak concerning the prin-
ciple of all being — to inspire reverence, fear, and gratitude for
him — to inculcate that nothing, even the most secret thought,
escapes his notice — that he never leaves virtue without reward,
nor vice without punishment, whatever the present condition
may be. These are the maxims scattered throughout his works.
Upon these principles he governed himself, and endeavored
a reformation of manners." He divided his disciples into
four classes : — 1. Those who were to cultivate their minds by
meditation, and to purify their hearts by virtue. 2. Those
who were taught to reason justly, and compose persuasive and
elegant discourses. 3. Those who studied the rules of good
government, and who qualified themselves to teach the man-
darins how to acquit themselves worthily in public offices. 4.
Those who taught, in a concise and elegant style, the princi-
ples of morality. Du Halde says, — " His actions never con-
tradicted his maxims; and by his gravity, modesty, mild-
ness, and frugality, his contempt of earthly enjoyments, and
his continual watchfulness over his conduct, he uas, himself,
an example of the precepts he taught in his writings and dis-
courses." Confucius will bear a very honorable comparison
with any of the moral philosophers of the Grecian schools,
who flourished about the same time, of whom he was entirely
ignorant, as they were of him.
According to a tradition universally received among the
Chinese, (Du Halde, vol. i. p. 417,) Confucius was frequently
heard to repeat these words : — Si fang yew shin g j in, import-
ing that ill the ivest, the true secret teas to be found. About
five hundred years after the time of Confucius, this saying
was remembered, and the emperor Ming-ti having had a
dream, in which the image of a man, as coming from the
51
602 CONFUCIUS.
west, appeared, he sent two grandees to search out this person.
These messengers proceeded no further than India, where
they became acquainted with the doctrines of Budha, and the
image of a man who was said to have taught them ; and these
messengers, taking these doctrines to be the object sought,
introduced them to their own countrymen, and thus constituted
another religion, or the worship of Fo, presently to be men-
tioned.
Among the works of Confucius is one entitled Chong Yo7ig,
or the immutable 7?icdiu?)i, which contains a doctrine not sur-
passed, in good sense, by any of the philosophical schools of
any time : — " The law of Heaven is engraven even in the
nature of man ; the conduct of this nature, or rather the sacred
light that directs his reason, is the right path which he ought
to follow in his actions, and becomes the rule of a wise and
virtuous life ; he must never stray from this path, for which
cause a wnse man ought incessantly to watch over the motions
of his heart and his passions ; so that these passions keep the
middle, and incline neither to the right nor the left when they
are calm : if we know how to curb them when they rise, they
are then agreeable to right reason : by this conformity, man
keeps in that right way, that medium, which is the source and
principle of virtuous actions."
The theory of parental government, which, to the present
day, is the leading principle of the Chinese, whether in civil
policy or in domestic life, was either first taught by this sage,
or strongly enforced by him. But he was not the author of
that policy of exclusion of all foreigners, and all learning and
inventions of other nations, which is now so obstinately adher-
ed to by this nation. In the twentieth article of the Chong
Yong, he enumerates the virtues of princes. He prescribes to
the prince that he must regulate his whole life and conduct —
must honor wise men in a particular manner — must love his
parents tenderly — must treat the prime ministers of his empire
with distinction — must treat mandarins, and those who aspire
to office, as he is treated himself — must take care of his sub-
jects as his own children — he must draw into his own domin-
ions such as excel in any useful art or professio??,, and must
give a kind reception to strangers, and the ambassadors of
other princes. But these, and many other precepts of Confu-
cius, have long ceased to be justly valued by prince and peo-
ple. They have been perverted to establish an absolute des-
potism among rulers, and a severe tyranny in domestic life.
The great original principle of all being is forgotten in the
RELIGION. 603
adoration of the visible creation, and the adoration of objects
made by their own hands.
There is less to commend in the teachings of this wise man
on the subject of ceremonies, than in any tbing; else tbat came
from him, or which was enforced by him. He intended,
probably, by prescribing a severe and exact form of deport-
ment, in all the actions of life, from serious to insignificant, to
establish guards for virtue. This theory is rational where
virtue exists ; but where it does not, these forms are only the
cloak of deceit and selfishness. The most rigorous exactions
of these ceremonies continues among the Chinese. But they
have less pretension to the respectful sentiments Avhich these
ceremonies imply, than any people on earth. The most recent
writer on the Chinese character, (the Rev. Charles Gutzlaflf^
in 1834,) confirms previous historians in regarding the people
and their rulers, from highest to lowest, as destitute of honor
and integrity, and as being governed by a mean and slavish
fear. This writer is of opinion, that the Chinese, under the
influences of a different government, and of Christian doc-
trines, might exhibit human nature in a respectable and amia-
ble form, but that they are now a nation of liars and cheats.
2. The second order of religion, in China, is that which arose
from the teachings of a philosopher who appeared about 600
years B. C, whose name was Lau Kyun. This sect were
afterwards called Tau-Tse. To its teachers may be traced
the worship of idols, the belief in spirits, and the worship of
them. They believe in a spirit of darkness, as the author of
the evils which afflict human life, and who may be propitiated
by sacrifices. A hog, a fish, or a fowl, are supposed to be the
most acceptable offerings. This sect accompany their worship
with horrible noises of the human voice, and by the din of
drums. They believe that future events are disclosed by
various contrivances of chance, as the drawing of one or more
sticks out of a bundle. There are, therefore, multitudes of
fortune-tellers, in whom the vulgar place confidence. They
exercise all the various arts which are adapted to astonish and
delude the ignorant, in which class a majority of the Chinese
arc included. Thus it is seen, that unenlightened human
nature is every where the same ; for, these practices of the
Chinese are only another form of satisfying human curiosity,
from the oracles of Greece down to the sorceries of American
savages, or the still more ignorant tribes that dwell in Africa.
3. The sect of Fo. This sect is supposed to be derived
from the Budhaism of the Indians, or Hindostans, and to have
604 RELIGION.
been introduced (according to Du Halde's History of China,)
about sixty-five years after the birth of Christ. To this sect
belong" the Bonzas, or priests, who resemble the same class of
persons described in India. They have monasteries and tem-
ples. The Bonzas are also to be likened to the mendicants or
beggars of the Roman church, before the reformation. They
teach a future life, by the transmigration of the soul into other
animals. They have strings of beads, like the Catholics, and,
while turning them in their fingers, they pronounce certain
words, which they do not understand, or which have no mean-
ing to them. These priests subject themselves to cruel, bodily
sufTerings, which they say they do to save the souls of others,
and thus excite compassion, and obtain gifts. It would be an
"unprofitable labor to enumerate the multitude of absurd, sense-
less customs of this sect, observed for the purpose of propitia-
ting the evil spirits, who can influence or order the events of
human life.
4. At what time some form of Christianity first reached
China, is unknown. The Nestorian order of monks pene-
trated far into Asia in the sixth century, and the Lamaism of
Thibet is undoubtedly the corrupt remains of their corruptions
of revelation. There is a tradition that St. Thomas found his
way into India and China. Some of the itinerant monks of
the Roman church appeared in China about the year 1300.
They made but little impression. After the way to the east
around the Cape of Good Flope was opened, about the year
1500, many missionaries of the Roman church were establish-
ed in China, and made some converts. , There are still some
persons who call themselves Christians, among the Chinese,
after the most corrupted forms of this Roman discipline. Gutz-
laff says there are six hundred thousand. After the present
dynasty of Tartars came to the throne, in 1664, the policy of
excluding foreigners arose, or was then more strictly enforced.
Before the end of that century it became the settled policy to
exclude them. The Chinese, therefore, exclude Christian
missionaries, not because they are such, but because they are
barbarians, in common with all foreigners, and unworthy to
enter the Celestial Empire.
5. Mahometans. Of this description there are some per-
sons in China, whose faith arose, originally, from the Ara-
bian invasions. The number is inconsiderable, and they are
unmolested. It does not appear to enter into Chinese policy
to regulate either faith or practice, in religion. Obedience to
the civil authority is required severely, and this does not
DEGRADATION OF CHINA. PACIFIC ISLES. 605
enjoin religious ceremonies. Yet, as connected with the civil
policy, there have been persecutions of the Christians. This
may have been caused by the intrigues of the Jesuits, who
were the Catholic missionaries ; but it does not appear that
the followers of Mahomet have been molested.
In the present degraded state of the Chinese, there are
many observances, in the great events of life, as birth, mar-
riage, death, and in the reverence of ancestors, which show
an uncommon ignorance and superstition. They make paper
houses, and put into them various utensils, constructed of
paper, and all the furniture and ornaments in common use,
with a store of ^^7/ paper. This preparation is for the use of
the departed, in another world, and is transmitted by reducing
the whole to ashes. This paper contrivance appears, in proper
form and substance, in that other world, for use ; and the gilt
paper is, by this process, not only transmitted thither, but in
the form of o-cal gold. One is reminded, by this folly, of the
customs which came, with the barbarians of the east, into
Europe. They sacrificed, or buried with the dead, appareJ,
treasure, favorite horses, arms, and sometimes family friends,
or relatives, as these would be needed to make a becoming
appearance in the halls of the gods. The hope is exceedingly
small, that the Chinese, wedded as they are by long-continued
custom, to their absurd practices, separated from the rest of
the world, shackled by a language which imposes almost in-
surmountable difficulties to intercourse, and ruled by an unre-
lenting despotism, for which only they are fit, are ever to
become a civilized, intelligent, and rational nation. But they
are likely to be an important member of the family of nations,
so long as they and their country only, produce the article of
Tea, and so long as other nations believe that water, stained
therewith, is necessary as food, or desirable as a luxury.
Australia and Oceania.
Eastwardly and southwardly of China are numerous isl-
ands — some of them very large. All of these were found
peopled when Europeans first visited them, about three centu-
ries ago. This population seems to be of Tartar and Chinese
origin, variously intermixed. Some of these islands, and por-
tions of others, are possessed by European nations. It may
be necessary to mention these possessions, in connexion with
European history, at some future place. Little is known,
51*
606 PACIFIC ISLES.
historically, of these original inhabitants, disconnected from
European history. Whatever is known, is rather matter of
speculation than important information, in the present object.
One of these islands was first known under the name of New
Holland, a continent rather than an island, and now included,
with many others, under Australia, constituting, more prop-
erly, a fifth division of the globe, than a part of one of the
four. A large portion of it is possessed by the British gov-
ernment. New Holland was first used as a place of banish-
ment for convicts, but has recently become a very thriving and
important colony to the British. The numerous islands of
the Pacific have obtained the geographical name of Oceania.
They have caused much inquiry among the learned, in respect
to origin, languages, customs, and traditions. These inquiries
have been pursued to aid in solving the problem of the origin
of the people who were found on the American continent
when first visited by Europeans. Assuming that the conti-
nents, islands, and seas have ever been the same since the
deluge, then there are two theories : — 1. America was peopled
from Asia, by migration from the north-eastern extremity of
Asia, across Bhering's Straits. 2. It was peopled by crossing
the Pacific Ocean from the eastern coasts of Asia. Perhaps
in both ways. But who can tell what changes have occurred
in the long lapse of ages, in the Pacific Ocean ; and what
islands there may have been which have disappeared, and
which may have facilitated the migration across that ocean, if
it was in that way that population first came ?
The sketches of Asia have been brought down to the pres-
ent time, to make those of Europe and America the only
objects in the intended volume, comprising the lapse of time
between the commencement of the Reformation and -some
period within the current century.
INDEX.
ALEXANDER in Persia, 522.
Alfred the Great, 63—73.
Arabia described, 526.
Arabians, see Mahomet.
Aristotelian philosophy, 469.
Armorial bearings, 460.
Asia Minor, 518.
Asia Caitral, 522.
Attainder, 25.
Australia, 605.
B.
Bacon, Roger, 113.
Bagdad, caliphs, 557. Their mag-
nificence, 560.
Barbarians in 500, their posses-
sions, 4. Character of, 3—9,
Bajazet and Tamerlane, 508.
Becket, Thomas a, 94.
Belisarius, 312, 479.
Belgium, see Netherlands.
Benedict, Saint, 17.
Bishops in, 500.
Bologna, 350.
Borgia, see Rome.
Boethius, 311.
Boccaccio, 471.
.Bri^ce and Baliol, 116.
C.
Ca:sar in England, 4.
Canonization, 229.
Capctian kings of France, 213.
Carlovingian kings, 203.
Ce^/s, 2.
CAe55, game of, 524.
China, description of, population of,
. 590. Origin of, Lamaism, 591.
Government of, 594. Moral con-
dition of, 595, Chinese lan-
guage, 598. Foreigners, exclu-
sion of, 597. Ignorance of Chi-
nese, 605. Their religion, 599.
Confucius, 601. Private life of
Chinese, 596. Commerce, 591.
Chivalry, see Crusades,
origin of, 457.
Chosrocs II. , his grandeur, 524.
Christianity, in 500, 13,
Church and State, united, 15.
Greek, 515.
Roman, see Rome.
CivU Law, 483,
Coiumbus, 186,
Commerce, (Heeren's remark,) 463:
Comines, (biographer,) 249.
Constantine the Great, 474,
Constantinople, description of, in
Justinian s time, 475, Taken by
crusaders, 498. Literaiy losses
in, 500. Latin empire at, 501.
Greek empire restored at, 503.
Taken by the Turks, 510,
Cradle of Nations, 522.
Cross, holy, restored by Heraclius,
elevation of, 491.
CriLsades, hoAV begun, 446. Meeting
at Clermont, 448. Jerusalem tak-
en, 449. Italian cities and cru-
sades, Saracens take Edessa,
Louis VII. and Conrad II. cru-
saders, Richard I., Philip Augus-
tus, and Frederick I. crusaders,
449. Richard takes Cyprus, siege
of Acre, truce with Saladin, 450.
Richard, captive, 451. Henry
VII. (Germ.) crusader, crusaders
take Constantinople, 451, 499.
Frederick II. of Germany, crr-
sader, 452. Teutonic crusades,
498. Louis IX. of France, his
crusades, 453. Christians expell-
ed from Palestine, 454. Effects
of, 454. Control temporal power
608
INDEX.
455. Increase papal power, 455.
Promote free cities, 456, Cru-
sades in Europe, 455. Advance
popular rights, tranquillize Eu-
rope, promote chivalry, origin of
chivalry, 457. Came from the
east, made sacred by crusades,
458. School of refinement, no-
bility connected with chivalry,
459. Armorial distinctions, tour-
naments, 460. Orders of knight-
hood, 461. Crusades promote
commerce, laws of the sea, 462.
Silk, sugar, 463. Effects, good
and evil, of crusades, 464.
D.
Damascus, city of, 519.
Dante, 470.
Dearhorn^s Commerce of Black
Sea, 475.
Druids, 55.
Dunstan, Saint, 83.
E.
Ebatana, city of, 521.
Edessa, 519.
England, Caesar, description of,
several names of, Roman posses-
sion of, 54, 55. King Arthur,
England abandoned by Romans,
56. Invaded by Saxons 57 — 59.
Saxon kingdoms, Christianity in,
60, 61. Invasion by Danes, 62.
Alfred's reign, 63— 70. His death,
72. Saxon character, 73-78. Sax-
on language, 79, 80. Saxon kings,
81, Saint Dunstan, 83. Edwin
and Elgiva, 84. Danish invasion,
87. Battle of Hastings, 88. Con-
quered by "William, 89. Feudal
system in, 90. Doomsday-book,
91. William's reign, 91, 92. Wil-
liam Rufus, Henry I., Stephen,
Henry II., 92—94. Thomas k
Becket, 94. Roman Church, 95.
Pilgrimage to Canterbury, Chau-
cer's tales, 95, 96. Henry's reign,
96—99. Richard I., 99, 100.
John, in Ireland, murders Ar-
thur, loses French provinces,
99—102 Stephen Langton, 102.
John and the pope, Magna Char-
ta, baronial wars, John's conduct,
death, 102— 106. Henry III., mis-
erable state of the kingdom, pow-
er of the church, confirmation of
Magna Charta, 106—109. Origin
of the House of Commons, 110.
De Mountfort,110. Henry and his
son, prisoners, battle of Evesham,
111. Death of Henry, 112. State
of the country, 113, 114. Roger
Bacon, 113.
Edward I. conquers Wales,
Prince of Wales, 115. Wars with
Scotland, wars with France, 116.
William Wallace, internal gov-
ernment, 117. Confirmation of
Magna Charta, 118. Judicial
Courts, 119. English language,
120.
Edward II., rebellions, 120.
Battle of Barmockburn, 120. Ed-
ward deposed and murdered, 121.
State of society, 121.
Edward III., 122. Claims
crown of France.war withFrance,
battle of Crecy, 123. Edward the
Black Prince, 124. Capture of
Calais, order of garter, battle of
Poitiers, 124. King of France
captive, conduct of Edward the
Black Prince, 125. New war
with France, 126. Edward B. P.
aids Peter of Spain, 126, Loss
of provinces in France, death of
Edward B. P., death of Edward
III., 127.
Richard II., w^ars with Scot-
land and France, 127. Wat Ty-
ler, 128. Richard's imbecility,
129. Murder of Glocester, 130.
Duel of Hereford and Norfolk,
130. Richard goes to Ireland,
130. Richard deposed, Henry IV.
assumes the crown, Richard mur-
dered, 131. State of England, ju-
dicial courts, pleadings in Eng-
lish, 132. Treason, statute of, 132.
John Wickliffe, Chaucer, 133.
Learning, eminent authors, 133
—135.
Henry IV., table of kings,
135. Origin of red and white
roses, 1.36. Division into two par-
ties, 138. Battle of Shrewsbury,
king of Scotland prisoner, Lol-
lards, 139.
J
INDEX.
009
Heniy V. invades France,
battle of Agincourt, 1 10, 141. H.
marries Catherine of France, his
death, 111.
Henr}^ VI., principal actors
in his time, 113, 144. Margaret
of Anjou, 14G. Elenor, wife of
Glocesler, Glocester murdered,
14G. Sufiolk beheaded,Jack Cade,
Henry's imbecility, 147. Attempt
to reconcile parties, 148. Battles
of York and Lancaster, Henry
prisoner, 149. Death of York,
Henry rescued by the queen, 150.
- - - - Edward IV., battles of York
and Lancaster, 151. Flight of
Margaret, Edward marries Eliz-
abeth Woodville, 152. Clarence
marries Warwick's daughter, in-
surrections, 153. Warwick rebels,
Edward escapes to the continent,
154. Henry VI. restored, Marga-
ret comes from France, Edward
returns, battle of Barnet, War-
wick slain, 155. Henry and Mar-
garet captives, 156. Edward's
reign, death, character, 156. Jane
Shore, 157.
Richard III., principal ac-
tors in his time, 158, 159. Rich-
ard imprisons his nephews, mur-
ders them, usurps the crown, IGO,
161. Richard proposes to marry
his niece, 162. Earl of Richmond
' claims the croAvn, battle of Bos-
worth, Richard slain, Henry VII.
proclaimed, 163. Richard's par-
liament, 164. Henry marries the
daughter of Edward IV., union
of roses,' 164. Pretenders to the
throne, murder of 5'oung War-
wick, 165. Reign of Henry Vll. ,
character, 166. Eminent Avriters,
inventions, 167, 168.
English language, prevalence of,
Euphrates, cities on, 519.
Enrope,noY\.h.era. and north-eastern,
257.
F.
Ferrara, 350.
Feudal system, 18. Opinions of em-
inent men on, 19. Origin of, 20.
Different tenures, 20. Lords and
vassalsj 21-— 25. Nobility arose
from, 22. Classes of society, 24.
Forfeiture and attainder, 25.
Oaths of vassals, 26. Livery and
sejzen, investiture, wars, 27. Sla-
very under, 28. Burthens of, 29.
Mitigation of slavery, note, 30.
Hallam's opinion of, 31. Feudal
system key of history, 32.
Florence, Tuscany, Tuscan cities,
357. Guelfs and Ghibelines in,
and hereditary feuds, 358. Influ-
ence of Florence, its government
in 1282, nobles excluded, 359.
Florence and Pistoia, 360. The
Bianci and Neri, 361. Charles of
Valois at Florence, 362. Pope
and Florence, 363. Attack on
Pistoia, 364. Its commercial
grandeur, 364. Sismondi's char-
acter of Florentines, 365. Balance
of power, war with Milan, deluge
at Florence, duke of Athens at
Florence, 366. His tyranny, fam-
ine and pestilence at Florence in
1348, 367. Charles IV. in Italy,
368. Sea-port of Telemone, 369.
Medici family in 1360, Florence,
Pisa, and Voltera, first maritime
war of Florence, war with pope,
revolution in 1378,370, 371. Med-
ici family, 371. John Hawkwood,
372. Glorious era of Florence, "
from 1383 to 1434, 372. Cosmo dp
Medici, imprisoned, banished, re-
called, 374; at the head of the
republic, 375. Cosmo's magnifi-
cence, his death, Sismondi's re-
flections, 376. Florence loses its
liberty, 377. Pierode Medici, 378.
Piero's reproach of his party, his
death, 378. His sons, duke of
Milan's visit to Florence, 379.
Reign of the Medici, Lorenzo the
Magnificent, his enmity to the
Pazzi, conspiracy of the Pazzi,
380. Increased power of Lorenzo,
382. Severe punishments, Loren-
zo and Sixtus IV., 382. Lorenzo
at Naples, makes peace, Turks
invade Italy, Lorenzo's power,
his debts paid out of public treas-
ury, his death, 383, 384. Savono-
raiaand Lorenzo, 384. Lorenzo's
character, 385. Opinions of him
by Hallam, Roscoe, and Sisraon-
di, Roscoe's description of his
610
INDEX.
person, 336. Piero succeeds Lo-
renzo, 387. His feeble govern-
ment, treats with Charles VIII.,
banishment of Piero, Charles at
Florence, 387. New constitution,
388. Savonorala, his power, 389.
His death, 390. Piero's death,
war between Germanj^ France,
Spain, and Ital}^ the Medici re-
stored, dukes of Florence, 391.
France, in the sixth and seventh
centuries, 198. Mayors of the
palace, battle of Charles Martel
and the Moors, Pepin assumes
the crown, 201. End of the Me-
roAingians, Carlovingians, 203.
Charlemagne, 204—209. Patron-
age of learning, Guizot's com-
ments, Alcuin, Eginhard, 207.
Charlemagne's death and burial,
ditticulties overcome b}' him, 208,
209. Louis debonaire, 209. Divi-
sion of France and Germany,
modern France, condition A. D.
1000, 210. Commerce, clergy, 211.
Mechanic arts, 212. Elements of
French historv, Capetians, 213.
Table of French kings, 214. Roy-
al branches, 215. Truce of God,
216. Crusades begun in France,
218. Philip L, Louis VI., 220.
Charters cities, 221. Louis VII.,
crtisade, 221. Divorces Elenor,
she marries Henrv II. of Eng-
land, 223. Philip II., Richard I.,
Frederick II., crusade, 223. Albi-
gen.ses, 224. Troubadours, Prov-
ence, courts of love, 225. Relig-
ious persecution, 226. Origin of
Inquisition, 228.
Louis IX., called Saint, 229.
Canonization of, his character,
229. Crusades, 230. His biogra-
pher, Joinville, 231. Philip the
Fair, 233. Third estate, 234. His
quarrel with Boniface VIII., 234.
Elects a French pope, popes at
Avignon, destroys knight tem-
plars, divides their riches, 235.
His death, and that of the pope,
236. Judicial courts, kings of
the house of Valois, miserable
state of France, 237. Wars
with England, Edward III. in-
vades France, battle of Crecy,
Capture of Calais, 238. John,
king of France, battle of Poic-
tiers, John captive, his treatment,
239. Pestilence, Petrarch's de-
scription of misery of France,
Charles the Bad, of Navarre, his
death, 240. Jacquerie, Charles V.,
241. Bed of justice, armed adven-
turers, 242. Internal commotions,
243. Henry V. of England, in
France, battle of Agincourt, 243.
Treatv of Troyes, Charles VII.,
244. Agnes Sorelle, Maid of Or-
leans, her agency, 245—248. First
standing army, 248. Absolute
power of the king, 249.
Louis XL, Comines his bi-
ographer, 249. Base character of
Louis, his quarrel with Charles
of Burgundy, 250. His dominion
over all France, his miserable
life and death, 252. Touches to
cure king's evil, establisl>es mails,
252
Charles VIII., 253. Con-
quers Naples, 254. His death,
Louis XII., marries Anne, wid-
ow of Charles, her excellent
character, 255. Death of Louis,
French language, 256.
Franks^ conquer Gaul, 199.
G.
Genoa, 350. Wars with Venice, 351.
Internal factions, 352. Commer-
cial riches, 353. Possessions at
Constantinople, 354. Subjected to
Milan, 355. Louis XII. at Genoa,
356.
Germany, separated from France,
259. Geography of, 260. German
histoi}'-, materials of, people of,
A. D. 1000, 261. Emperors elec-
tive, 262. Emperors and popes,
263. Table of German emperors,
264. Henry I. establishes cities,
265. Otho I., electors of, 266.
Title of king of Rome, iron
crown, war in Italy, 267. Henry
IV. and Gregory VII., German
population in 1138, state of soci-
etv, 268. Guelfs and Ghibelines,
origin of, 269. Conrad III., 269.
Frederick Barbarossa, his Italian
wars, 270. Frederick II., 271.
Fem-courts, 272. Frederick and
INDEX.
611
popes, Dnuham's opinion of Fred-
erick, '273. Great interregnum,
274. Electors of emperor, 275.
Richard of Cornwall, Rodolph of
Hapsburgh, 27G ; reign of, foun-
der of house of 7lustria, 277. Al-
bert assassinated, vengeance of
his daughter, 278. Charles IV.
establishes form of election, 278.
His golden bull, founds Univer-
sity of Prague, Wincelaus, de-
praved character of, 279. Sigis-
mund, presides at council of Con-
stance, John Huss, and Jerome
of Prague, 280. Zisca, blind gen-
eral, slaver}' gradually disap-
pears, 281. Frederick 'IV. and
house of Austria, his reign, 282.
Maximilian.283. Perpetual peace,
imperial chamber, Aulic council,
circles of Germany, 284. Military
force, 285. Fem-courts suppress-
ed, mails established, 285. Maxi-
milian's Italian wars, 285.
Greek empire, see Roman empire
of the east.
Greek philosophers, last of. 523.
Grenada, conquest of, 185.
Greenwood's edition of Maundrett's
Palestine, 519.
Guelfs and Ghibelines, origin of,
269. In Italy, 323, 324.
Guizofs historical lectures, 204.
Gunpowder, 467 — 472.
H.
Hallam's opinion of feudal system,
31.
Hanse to\^^ls, origin of, 274.
Heathen, origin of name of, 13.
Heraclius,'Rom?LXi emperor, 488,489.
Holland, see Netherlands.
Huns, origin of, 6.
Huss, John, burnt, 280.
I.
Iconoclasts, image-breakers, 492.
India described, 569. Origin of peo-
ple, 570. Ancient temples, 572,
Pagodas, 573. Alexander in, 579.
Commerce, 578. Religion, 571.
Castes, priesthood, 572. Elora,
superstitions, 573. Sutteeism, 575.
Laws of Menu, political revolu-
tions, 577. Conquests by Portu-
guese, 581. By the Dutch, 582.
By the French, 583. By the Eng-
lish, 583. By the Sjanish, 582.
East India Companv, 584. Lord
Clive, Warren Hastings, 586.
Lord Wellington, 587. Black
Hole at Calcutta, power of East
India Company, 586.
In(]uisUion,oiigin of, 228. In Spain,
187.
Ireland, description of, 32. Leland
and Moore, historians of, popu-
lation of, early annals of, 33.
Four kingdoms of, 34. St. Pat-
rick, 35. Early learning, 36.
Irish harp, Roman church in,
granted by pope Adrian to Henry
II., 37. Conquests of Strongbow,
38. Invasion of Henry II., etfects
of, 39. Causes of wretchedness
in, 40. Prince John in, 41. Af-
flicted state of Ireland to the year
1500, 42—44.
Islamisvi, see Mahometanism.
Ispahan, city of, 521.
Irving^s Washington, Columbus, 186.
Italian language, 315.
If all/, elements of its history, Theo-
doric, Gothic king, 309. His use-
ful reign, 310. Cassiodorus, Boe-
thius, Symachus, cruelty of The-
odoric to Boethius and S\-machus,
311. Miserable end of Theodoric,
312. Conquests in Italy of Beli-
sarius and Narses,312. Northern
Italy described, 320. Guelfs and
Ghibelines in Italy, 323, 324. At-
tempts of Frederick Barbarossa
to conquer northern Italy, 324 —
327- Peace of Constance, 327.
Elements of history, 328, 329.
Cities subjected by noble families,
330, 331. State of societv, 332.
The Visconti at Milan, 333—336.
Jack Cade, insurrection, 147.
Jacquerie in France, 241.
Jerome, of Prague, burnt, 280.
Jernsalcni taken by Chosroes, of
Persia, 521. By Arabians, 542.
Joinville, biographer of St. Louis,
229.
Justinian and Theodora, his origin,
477. Hisbuildings, 481. His code
612
INDEX.
of laws, 483. His reign, 485.
His death, 48G.
K.
Knighthood, orders of, 461.
Koran of Mahomet, 535.
Lamaism, origin of, 591.
Latin language, 315.
Laiv, canon, origin of, 422.
civil, compilation of, 483.
Laios of the sea, 462.
Learning, see society, 472.
study of Latin, revived, 472.
Lombard kingdom, 313 — 316.
M.
Macpherson, Ossian's poems, 34.
Magna Charta, 104.
MaJiomet, or Mohammed, his ori-
gin, 530. His religion, and prop-
agation of it, 531. The Hegira,
532. Mahomet takes Mecca, 534.
His death, the Koran, 535 His
private life, 536. His creed, 537.
His miracles, 538. Abubeker,
538. Conquests on the Euphra-
tes. Bassora founded, Persia con-
quered, conquests in the east, 539.
Syria conquered, 540. Jerusalem
taken, 542. Conquests in ten
years, 538—543. Egypt invaded,
'544. Alexandria taken, 545. Li-
brary burnt, 546. Amrou's de-
scription of Egypt,543— 548. Con-
quest of northern Africa, 548.
Succession of caliphs in the east,
house of Omniades, civil wars,
religious seels, 550. Mahometan
population and character, 551.
House of Abbassides, Omniades
overthrown, .5.56. Reign of the
Abbassides, 556. Grandeur of
Bagdad, 557. Mokanna, (Lalla
Rookh,)557. Haroun Al Raschid,
558. His patronage of learning,
his pilgrimages, 559. Almamon's
reign, 560. Greek works trans-
lated, 561. Motasem the Octona-
ry, 561. Moctador, his splendor,
562. Conquest of Turks, 563.
Origin of Ottoman empire, 563.
Manors, name of, 23.
Mariners^ compass, 467 — 472.
MaundreU's Palestine, 519.
Mediterranean, cities on coast of,
519.
Medici family, 371.
Merovingian kings, 199.
Milan, 332-339.
Monastic life, 17.
Morier on Persia, 523.
Mitratori, 311.
N.
Navies, surnames, origin of, 460-
Naples and Sicily, 391. Norman
kingdom in 1127, elements of his-
tory, Naples and Germany con-
nected, 392. Crown of Naples
passes to house of Suabia, crown
passes to house of Anjou, Conra-
din and prince Frederick be-
headed, 393. Peter of Arragon,
394. Sicilian vespers, death of
Charles of Anjou, Naples and
Sicily separated, 395. Joan, queen
of Naples, Charles III., 396. Na-
ples and Sicily conquered by
Spain, Alfonso of Arragon, 397.
Ferdinand, 398. Alfonso II.,
Charles VIII. of France, 399.
Personal description of Charles,
400. Prepares to invade Naples,
401. His entry into Rome, his
army described, 402. Charles and
pope Alexander VI , 403. Mur-
der of prince Zem-Zem, 404.
Conquest of Naples by Charles
VKL, league against him, 405.
His retreat, 406. Fate of the
French, 408. Ferdinand II. re-
covers Naples, marries his aunt,
his death, 409, 410. Wars of
France, Spain, and Italy, Naples
and Sicily pass to Spain, 410.
Netherkmds described, 192. Roman
church in, comprised in Charle-
magne's dominions, feudal sys-
tem in, 194. Commerce, wars,
cities, 195. Geographical divi-
sions, spirit of liberty, Arteveldt,
196. Dukes of Burgundy ,Charles
the Rash, his attempt to conquer
Switzerland, 197. His daughter
INDEX.
613
marries Maximilian of Germany,
consequences, 198.
Nobilitij, origin of, 22, 459.
Norman kingdom in Italy, 318 —
320.
O.
Orders of monks, see Rome.
of knighthood, 461.
Orleans, Maid of, 245.
Ottoman empire, 563.
Pagan, origin of name of, 13.
Patrick, St., of Ireland, Pelagian
heresy, 35.
Persia boundaries, 520. Persepolis
citv', 521. Porter on Persia, 523.
Pestilence in 1348, 367.
Petrarch, 471.
Pisa, its commerce, its buildings, its
decline, 352 — 356.
Philosophy, scholastic, 469,
Philosophers, Grecian, last of, 523.
Portugal, its origin, Joam I. and
his sons, 190. Conquests of, in
Africa, commercial grandeur of,
191. Portuguese language, 192.
Printing, art of, 467—472.
R.
Religion, state of in 500, 13—18.
Retrospect of five centuries, 1000 —
1500, 465.
Roman empire of the east in 500,
9—13. From 500 to 1453, 474.
Constantinople described, 475.
Justinian's reign, 477 — 483. Civil
law compiled, 482—486. Reign
of Heraclius, 488. Reign of Basil,
493. Comneni dynasty, 495.
Reign of Andronicns, 496. An-
geli dynasty, 498. Constantinople
taken by crusaders, 499. Litera-
ry losses at Coiistantinople, 500.
Latin kingdom at Constantinople,
501. Restoration of Greek empire
at Constantinople, 503. Attack
on Constantinople by Turks, 510.
Siege and conquest of Constanti-
nople by Turks, 511. Note on the
Greek church, 515.
Rome, the popes, and the church,
authorities relied on, 411. Rome,
5^
elements of papal power, 411,
False decretals, 412. Gregory
VII., 413. Popes from 1073—1303,
Geisler's opinion of Gregory VII.,
413, 414. His origin, policy, fall,
and death, 415. His contest with
German emperor Henry IV., 416.
Matilda's donation, 417. Celibacy
of clergy, religious orders, 419.
Mendicant orders, 420. Relations
of clerical and temporal power,
420. Appeal to Rome, 421. Papal
arrogance. Innocent III, and John
of England, 422. Canon law, its
origin, utility, duration, 422 — 425,
Roman population, Colonna and
Ursini families, 425. Transub-
stantiation, sacramental confes-
sion, 426. War against Albigeur
ses. Inquisition established, 427.
Its power over person and prop-
erty, 428. Dispensing and ena-
bling powers of popes, 429. Bon-
iface and Philip of France, triple
crown, bull unam sanctam, 431.
Death of Boniface, 432. Jubilee,
Benedict XL, 433. Rienzi, (Bul-
wer,) Clement V., Papal seat at
Avignon, restored to Rome, great
schism, 434. Council of Con-
stance, 435. Martin v., proposed
reforms, 436. Huss, and Jerome of
Prague, burnt, councils superior
to popes, 438. Succession of
popes, union of Greek and Latin
churches, second jubilee, Nepo-
tism, Pius II., 439. Sixtus IV.,
his profligacy, conspires against
the Medici, Innocent VIH. buA'S
papal crown, 440. Alexander VI.,
441, Csesar Borgia, his son, 442,
Their infamous deeds, 443. Al-
exander VI. grants America, 442.
Sismondi's account of the Bor-
gias, Alexander poisoned, 443-
Restricts the press, 444. Julius II.
and his wars, decline of the
church, Leo X., 4-45. Indulgen-
ces, approach of Reformation,
446.
S.
Scholastic learning, 469.
Scotland described, 44. Early pop-
ulation, 45, Name of, 46. ^Early
kings, Shakspeare's Macbeth,
614
INDEX.
Maid of Norway, proposed mar-
riage of, her death, 47. Bruce and
Baliol, 48. "William Wallace,
battles of Falkirk and Bannock-
burn, origin of house of Stuart,
49. Succession of Scottish kings,
50. Internal state of Scotland,
marriage of daughter of Henry
VII. with James IV., origin of
house of Stuart in England, 51.
Battle of Flowden Field, 52.
Character of the Scots, 53.
Sea-lmvs, 463.
Silk, 464.
Sicilian vespers, 394.
Slavery, decline of, 466.
Socieiij from 1000 to 1500, 465.
Society, review of, 465 — 474.
Spain, description of, 169. Gothic
kingdom, 170. Battle between
Alaric and Clovis, Roman church
in Spain, 171. Spain invaded by
Moors, origin of northern Gothic
kingdoms, 173. Feudal system
unknown in Spain, Arabian cali-
phate in, 175. Grandeur of, 176.
Arabian learning in, refinements,
177. Duration of caliphate, en-
largement of northern kingdoms,
178. Castalian spirit, 179. _ Cas-
tles, Cortes, freedom of opinion,
180. Privilege of imion, Justiza,
liberty, 181. The Cid, 18-2. Peter
the Cruel, man iage of Ferdinand
and Isabella, 183. Their joint
dominion, internal state of Spain,
184. Expulsion of the Moors,
conquest of G ranada, 185. Wars
of Ferdinand in Italy, 186 Death
of Isabella, her daughter Joan,
187. Character of Ferdinand,
188. Language and literature,
189. Prescott's History of Ferdi-
nand and Isabella, note, 190.
Sugar, 464.
Surnames, origin of, 460.
Susa, or Sushan, 521.
Switzerland, ancient state of, 285.
Description of, feudal lords of,
city of Berne, Albert, 286. Inso-
lence of his agents, union of for-
est cantons, oppressions, meeting
at Rutli, William Tell, 289. Bat-
tle of Morgarten, league of con-
federates, 291. Swiss name, 293.
Wars of S wisSjincrease of league,
294—296. Elements of Swiss his-
tory from 1350 to 1500, Zurich
and Austria, battle of Laupen,
294. De Coucy and the Swiss,
battle of Sempach, 295. League
of Sempach, Appenzal joins, 296.
Swiss conquests on the Aar, con-
tentions among confederates, 297.
Battle of St. Jacob, 298. Promi-
nent agents from 1450 to 1477,
298. Charles the Rash and the
Swiss, 299. His policy, 300. Bat-
tle of Granson, 301. Battle of
Morat, 303. Decline of Swiss
character, Swiss in Italy, meeting
at Stantz, 304. Nicholas of the
Flue, covenant of Stantz, Frey-
burgh and Soleure admitted, 305.
War with Maximilian, peace,
members of the confederacy in
1500, 306. Geneva, Neuchatel,
306. Grisons, Tyrol, 307. Sum-
mary of Swiss character, 308.
Symcon, the Stylite, 17.
Tacitus, on the Germans, 7.
Tadmor, or Palmyra, 519.
Tamerlane and Bajazet, 508.
Taurus, or Tabrees, city, 519.
Teheran, city, 519.
Teutonic nations, 5 — 7.
Theodora, her firmness, 479.
Tigris, cities on the, 519.
Tournaments, 460.
Treason, statute of, 132.
Troubadours, 225.
Truce of God, 216.
Tytler^ on feudal system, 18.
U.
Ulphilas, converts the Goths, 15.
Universities, 469.
V.
Venice, origin of, 339. Political rev-
olutions, 340—344. Frederick
Barbarossa at Venice, 341. Mar-
riage of Venice and the sea, 342.
Venice excommunicated, conspi-
racy, 342, 343. Perpetual aristoc-
racy, Council of Ten, its tyran-
ny,'343. Nobles and people, elec-
INDEX.
615
lion of Doge, 344. Venice and
Constantinople, 345. Rivalry with
Pisa and Genoa, 34G. Doge Mo-
cenago, his view of prosperity in
Venice, 347. Conquests under
Foscari, Venice and the Turks,
348. WarofVenice with France,
Germany and Spain, 348. Effect
of on Venice, 349. Decline of
Venice, 350.
W.
Ware's letters from Palmyra, 519.
Wat Tylcfs insurrection, 128.
WlLcatflii's Hist, of Northmen, 253.
Wicliiiffc, John, reformer, 133.
York and Lancaster, wars, 151.
Z.
Zend language, 5G6
Zenda -Vesta, of Zoroaster, 567.
Zisca^ blind general, 581.
Zoroaster, his religion', 567.
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