^4 o. ,-J^ ^"-;^. ^ A ^^0^ <', A ^. V -^^0^ * ^^ .-V .0 .% -^ ^^0^ K^ Ho. > * ^^' ^ 2i America's Attitude — James M. Beck Z2> The Issue: Autocracy against Democracy — William C. Redfield. 34 The Menace of Prussianism — How Germany Is Governed — W. S. D., University of Minne- sota 35 Why Germany Is Not a Democracy — National Security League's Handbook 37 Germany's Theory of War: "Out of Their Own Mouths" 39 Terrorism in Action: Three German Military Proclamations... 40 The Prussian Preparation for World Conquest — Dr. E. W. Sikes 41 German Frightfulness — Hunter A. Gibbes 43 4 Contents Page Prussianism's Perfect Work — Saturday Evening Post 43 Germany's Wars between 1871-1914 — Literary Digest 44 The Task of America — Wake Up, America ! — Pomeroy Burton . . .■ 45 America Saved by the Allies — Richard H. Edmonds 46 The Crisis — William Mather Lewis 47 What Would Happen If? — Oklahoma State Council of Defense. 47 Concerning Loyalty — No Room for Treachery — Richard H. Edmonds 47 The Soldiers' Question — Richard H. Edmonds 48 Rules for Disloyalists — The Independent 50 What "America" Means — Robert McNutt McElroy 51 United America — W. J. Bryan 52 The Road to Peace — The Peace Terms — Murphy's Cartoon in New York American. 53 No Peace in Sight — Oklahoma State Council of Defence 54 The German Intrigue for Peace — President Wilson 54 The Test of the Peace to Come — President Wilson 56 United in War for the Sake of Peace — W. J. Bryan 57 Two World Peace Programs — National Security League's Handbook 57 With Our Faces Toward the Light — President Wilson 58 PART II— THE VOICE OF SOUTH CAROLINA Governor Richard I Manning 61 Senator B. R. Tillman 61 Senator E. D. Smith 62 Attorney General Thos. H. Peeples 62 Assistant Attorney General Claud N. Sapp 63 Christie Benet, Columbia 63 H. H. Blease, Newberry 65 Lowndes J. Browning, Union 66 Robert A. Cooper, Laurens 67 William Spencer Currell, Columbia 68 Geo. B. Cromer, Newberry 68 John L. McLaurin, Bennettsville 69 T. G. McLeod, Bishop ville 70 John G. Richards, Liberty Hill yz Olin Sawyer, Georgetown 72 Chas. Carroll Simms, Barnwell 74 Henry N. Snyder, Spartanburg 75 Contents 5 Page W. A. Stuckey, Bishopville 76 John E. White, Anderson 76 The South's Responsibility in the War — R. S TJ PART III— HOW YOU CAN HELP WIN THE WAR [Mainly by Members of The State Council of Defense] Stop Criticizing, Cheer Up, and Get Busy — Christie Benet 81 Help the Allies and Support the Administration — E. R. Buck- ingham '. 81 Carry Out Existing Ideas — Ira B. Dunlap 82 Fight Germany on the Other Side — William Elliott 82 Every Man Needed — William Godfrey 82 Economize and Support the Administration — W. I. Johns 82 Stand Back of the Government and the Army — J. Ross Hanahan. . . 83 South Carolina's Duty in the Food Situation — W. W. Long 84 One Hundred Per Cent. Loyalty— A. C. Phelps 86 Show Your Faith— W. M. Riggs 87 Loyalty and Service — Frank J. Simmons 87 Produce and Conserve — J. E. Sirrine 87 Food Conservation — A. V. Snell 87 Subscribe to the Liberty Loan — Joe Sparks, ex-Secretary Council of Defense 88 More Corn and Less Wheat — John T. Stevens 89 Public Health — Horace L. Tilghman 89 Unselfish Patriotism — Bright Williamson 90 Help the Red Cross — National Security League's Handbook 90 Economize — National Security League's Handbook 90 Our Educational Creed — S. H. Edmunds 91 The Germ as Deadly as the German — David R. Coker 92 PREFACE THIS Handbook was authorized by the South Carolina State Council of Defense at its meeting in Sumter, Sep- tember 6. The committee in charge of compiling it consisted of Reed Smith, Chairman, Columbia; William Banks, Colum- bia; Christie Benet, Columbia; William Elliott, Columbia; Hunter A. Gibbes, Columbia; C. O. Hearon, Spartanburg; Robert Lathan, Charleston; Joe Sparks, Columbia. In the words of the National Security League's Handbook, "The task to which this book is meant to contribute is a task more fundamental than any other, when a democracy prepares for war— that of informing the understanding, of awakening the moral vision and the moral passion, of the entire people, concerning the cause for which they fight. It is essential to bring to the mind of every honest and loyal citizen the moment- ousness of the present crisis ; to make him or her understand what deep concerns of humanity are at stake; to bring all to feel that America has never entered upon a more just or more necessary war." Incomparably the finest utterances on the war are the great State Papers of President Wilson. These are available through two booklets issued by the Committee on Public Information, "How the War Came to America" (containing as appendices the President's address to the Senate on January 22, his War Message of April 2, and his Flag Day Speech of June 14) and "The War Message and Facts Behind It," an annotated text of President Wilson's message of April 2. Copies of these pamphlets will be furnished by the South Carolina State Coun- cil of Defense. Reed Smith. Columbia, Sept. 29, 19 17. FOREWORD To Those Patriotic Carolinians Who Are So Faithfully Co- operating With the Council of Defense in All of Its Tasks: As I begin this paragraph my eye rests upon the imprint of the great seal of the State with its circling Latin phrases — one, Duni Spiro Spero — the motto of the optimist ; the other, Animis Opihnsque Parati — the ideal of the patriot. These words should be our beacon lights in the great campaign to make our State ready to fulfil our every obligation to the Nation in war, and to live fully up to her noble traditions. Optimism we must have. We must believe in ourselves, our people and our cause in order that our State through the efforts of all her patriotic sons and daughters may be "pre- pared in mind and in works" to do her full share in defense of our sacred and inalienable rights which have been ruthlessly violated by a brutal autocracy. We must go throughout the State telling the people of the great issues which are at stake — of the fearful crimes against God and humanity which we now see are a part of the military policy of our antagonists ; of the purpose of world domination and world destruction which our adversaries have evidenced in their total disregard of treaty obligations ; in their universal spy system ; in their, arrogant assumption of dominion over the sea; in their destruction without pretense of right of neutral life and neutral property ; in their abuse of all diplo- matic privileges and amenities ; in their murder of countless thousands of peaceful non-combatants in Belgium, Poland, Servia and Armenia. This little handbook is intended to help you in your work of informing the people and securing universal co-operation in the performance of the tasks which the government expects of us all. lo Foreword Our aim must be to weld the people of South Carolina into a unit for patriotic co-operation to win the war. There must be no slackers. All must enlist and enlist they will if the great cause is properly presented. — David R. Coker, Hartsville, Chairman South Carolina State Council of Defense. THE SOUTH CAROLINA STATE COUNCIL OF DEFENSE Headquarters UNION NATIONAL BANK BUILDING Rooms 703 and 704 Columbia, S. C. Governor RICHARD I. MANNING, ex officio. D. R. COKER, Chairman. WILLIAM ELLIOTT, Vice-Chairman. REED SMITH, Executive Secretary. STATE COUNCIL Appointed by Governor Richard I. Manning at the direction of the Council of National Defense. William Banks, Columbia Christie Benet, Columbia E. M. Blythe, Greenville E. R. Buckingham, Ellenton D. R. Coker, Hartsville Ira B. Dunlap, Rock Hill William Elliott, Columbia Wm. Godfrey, Cheraw J. Ross Hanahan, Charleston Dr. James A. Hayne, Columbia C. O. Hearon, Spartanburg W. I. Johns, Baldock Robert Lathan, Charleston W. W. Long, Clemson College Mrs. F. Louise Mayes, Greenville Miss E. E. McCHntock, New York City Robert McDougall, Columbia A. F. McKissick, Greenwood Dr. F. H. McLeod, Florence A. C. Phelps, Sumter John G. Richards, Columbia W. M. Riggs, Clemson College Frank Simmons, Charleston J. E. Sirrine, Greenville Reed Smith, Columbia A. V. Snell, Charleston John T. Stevens, Kershaw W. A. Stuckey, Bishopville Horace L. Tilghman, Marion J. W. Wassum, Greenville Bright Williamson, Darlington Dr. John E. White, Anderson 12 Organization ORGANIZATION OF STATE COUNCIL OF DEFENSE EXECUTIVE AND FINANCE COMMITTEE D. R. COKER, Chairman Hartsville WILLIAM ELLIOTT, Vice-Chairman Columbia REED SMITH, Executive Secretary Columbia JOHN G. RICHARDS, Union National Bank Columbia CHRISTIE BENET Columbia J. ROSS HANAHAN Charleston W. W. LONG Clemson College IRA B. DUNLAP Rock Hill PUBLICITY ROBERT LATHAN, Chairman Charleston WILLIAM BANKS Columbia C. O. HEARON Spartanburg REED SMITH . Columbia A. V. SNELL Charleston MILITARY MATTERS E. M. BLYTHE, Chairman Greenville DR. F. H. McLEOD Florence WILLIAM GODFREY Cheraw PRODUCTION AND CONSERVATION OF FOODSTUFFS BRIGHT WILLIAMSON, Chairman Darlington W. W. LONG Clemson College A. C PHELPS Sumter INDUSTRIES CHRISTIE BENET, Chairman Columbia ROBERT McDOUGALL Columbia JOHN T. STEVENS Kershaw TRANS FOR TA TION J. W. WASSUM, Chairman Greenville FRANK SIMMONS Charleston W. A. STUCKEY Bishopville ALLEVIATION OF DISTRESS CAUSED BY ENLISTMENT HORACE L. TILGHMAN, Chairman Marion DR. JAS. A. HAYNE Columbia W. A. STUCKEY Bishopville CO-OPERATION OF ACTIVITIES OF PATRIOTIC ORGAN- IZATIONS DR. JOHN E. WHITE, Chairman Anderson MISS E. E. McCLINTOCK, 400 W. 118 Street New York City E. R. BUCKINGHAM Ellenton Organization 13 RESEARCH AND EDUCATION W. M. RIGGS, Chairman Clemson College J. E. SIRRINE ,,,,..,. , .Greenville J. ROSS HANAHAN Charleston CO-OPERATION WITH NEGRO ORGANIZATIONS W. I. JOHNS, Chairman Baldock BRIGHT WILLIAMSON Darlington DR. JAS. A. HAYNE Columbia COMMITTEE ON AUDIT JOHN G. RICHARDS, Chairman Columbia ROBERT McDOUGALL Columbia A. C. PHELPS Sumter MEDICINE AND SANITATION DR. JAS. A. HAYNE, Chairman Columbia DR. F. H. McLEOD Florence MRS. F. LOUISE MAYES Greenville 14 Organization CHAIRMEN OF COUNTY COUNCILS County Chairman Address Abbeville W. P. Greene Abbeville Aiken Walter E. Duncan Aiken Anderson T. Frank Watkins Anderson Bamberg E. O. Watson Bamberg Barnwell A. M. Kennedy Williston Beaufort George Waterhouse Beaufort Berkeley L. G. Fultz Moncks Corner Calhoun J. E. Wannamaker St. Matthews Charleston James O'Hear Charleston Cherokee Dr. Lee Davis Lodge Gaffney Chester R. B. Caldwell Chester Chesterfield L. C Hunley Chesterfield Clarendon W. C. Davis Manning Colleton W. W. Smoak Walterboro Darlington Rev. O. T. Porcher Darlington Dillon W. H. Muller Dillon Dorchester Dr. J. B. Johnston St. George Edgefield N. G. Evans Edgefield Fairfield T. K. Elliott Winnsboro Florence J. W. McCown Florence Georgetown J. L Hazard Georgetown Greenville J. B. Bruce Greenville Greenwood J. M. Gaines Greenwood Hampton E. R. Ginn Varnville Horry F. A. Burroughs Conway Jasper Senator H. K. Purdy Ridgeland Kershaw C. W. Birchmore Camden Lancaster Rev. Hugh R. Murchison Lancaster Laurens Dr. R. E. Hughes Laurens Lee H. W. Woodward Bishopville Lexington D. M. Crosson Leesville McCormick L. W. Harris McCormick Marion R. J. Blackwell Marion Marlboro J. L. McLaurin Bennettsville Newberry Dr. G. Y. Hunter Prosperity Oconee R. T. Jaynes Walhalla Orangeburg J. Rutledge Connor Eutawville, R. 2 Pickens W. E. Findley Pickens Richland L. L. Hardin Columbia Saluda Dr. L. J. Smith Ridge Spring Spartanburg Ben Hill Brown Spartanburg Sumter A. C. Phelps Sumter Union J. Lowndes Browning Union, R. 2 Williamsburg George A. McElveen Kingstree York (Eastern Dist.) . . . John W. O'Neal Rock Hill York (Western Dist.) . . John R. Hart York PARTI AMERICA AND THE WORLD WAR HOW THE WAR CAME TO EUROPE From a Clear Sky The Opportunity. — In 1914 the German army was at the pink of perfection. It could hardly be increased or improved. The Russian army was disorganized after the Japanese war and many strategic railroads were still unbuilt. The French army sadly lacked heavy artillery and other equipment ; be- sides France seemed rent by great political scandals. Great Britain appeared to be controlled by pacifist ministers and was threatened by civil war in Ireland. Now or never was the German chance for a great increase of power. The precepts of Frederick the Great and of Bismarck forbade that such an opportunity should be let slip. The Plot. — Serbia was a weak country with a standing quarrel (over Bosnia) with Austria, Germany's supply ally. Russia was the protector of Serbia, but if an attack were made on Serbia either (i) Russia would desert Serbia and let the Teutons make a great increase of power in the Balkans at little risk or cost, or (2) Russia would help Serbia with arms, which would bring on the great war that the Teutons were sure they could win. Either outcome seemed desirable. The Pretext. — On June 28, 19 14, the Archduke of Austria, heir to the throne, Franz Joseph, was murdered at Sarajevo, Bosnia, by assassins who seemed to have been instigated from Serbia. There was no proof of official sanction by Serbia for the deed, but here was an excellent pretext for an ultimatum. The Austrian Ultimatum: — On July 23, 1914, at a time when Europe seemed remarkably quiet and when many diplo- mats were on vacation, Austria sent Serbia a "note" demand- ing, not merely the complete punishment of all her anti- Austrian agitators, but the allowing of Austrian officials to enter Serbia to take charge of the prosecution. No indepen- dent government could have admitted such a sweeping claim. The Austrians must have imagined the Serbians to be rabbits instead of men to have proposed this and expected peace to i8 How THE War Came to Europe continue. Serbia was given forty-eight hours wherein to decide between signing away her national independence or war. Russia Becomes Involved. — Russia as Serbia's "great brother" begged the Vienna government at least to extend the time Hmit to their demands. This was brusquely refused. Serbia, however, consented to nearly all the Austrian demands, and offered to submit the remainder to the Hague. Not the least attention was paid to the suggestion. Less than one hour after the Serbian reply was presented, the Austrian minister quit Belgrade. On July 28th, 1914, Austria declared war on Serbia, although practically all her demands had been con- ceded. The Kaiser Intrudes. — Russia now appealed to Germany to mediate between herself and Austria, making it plain she could not, in self-respect, allow Serbia to be overwhelmed without aid. Kaiser Wilhelm affected to "mediate", but warned the Czar this was an affair between Austria and Serbia, and if Russia did not abandon Serbia a great war would follow. When the Czar began to mobilize (following mobilization already by Austria) the Kaiser took the attitude that Russia was really threatening Germany, not Austria, and began coun- ter preparations. The Kaiser Forces War. — England and France (friendly to Russia but anxious for peace) frantically offered moderating counsels. At Vienna the dangers of the situation at length dawned, and friendly discussions with Russia, for a compro- mise, seemed about to recommence. Then as if panic-stricken lest their plot be spoiled the war-lords in Berlin caused an ultimatum to be sent to the Czar giving him twelve hours to demobilize or Germany would strike. A similar demand was sent to France (Russia's ally). The tones of these mandates were utterly insulting. No great nation could have cringed to them. August ist, 1914, Germany declared war on Russia, although the latter was still at peace with Austria, in whose behalf the Kaiser claimed to be acting. The Road to Paris. — Prussian military plans required the first attack should be on innocent France, whose only crime was that she would not betray her Russian ally. The best road to Paris lay across Belgium, and whether Germany would How THE War Came to Europe 19 forego martial advantage out of respect for the neutral rights of a small neighboring state and for her plighted honor had long been a mooted question in European military circles. The German choice between advantage and honesty was soon man- ifest. On August 4, 1914, the Germans entered Belgium, an unoffending, happy country, whose 7,000,000 peaceful people had not one iota of interest in the miserable Balkan quarrel, nor in the affairs of Austria, Germany, Russia or France. The Scrap of Paper. — England had been very friendly to France and Russia, but there was no formal alliance. A strong peace party existed, and England might well have kept out of the war — at least for the first few months when (as events turned out) Germany, without English intervention, might have won a complete victory. But England's honor was deeply concerned in defending her treaty, which guaranteed Belgium. The violation of this solemn compact silenced the British peace advocates. When the British ambassador went to Bethmann- Hollweg to give Germany the choice between keeping honor as to Belgium or fighting England, the Chancellor cynically demanded whether England would go to war "jiist for a scrap of paper?" German statesmen evidently misunderstood the way in which Frenchmen, Englishmen and Americans take solemn treaties and promises. England declared war on August 5, 1914. The Austrian note to Serbia had been presented, out of an almost clear sky, on July 23rd. Only twelve days had sufficed to change the world from Eden to Gehenna. What will seem the responsibility of the Teutonic arch-plotters when they stand at the bar of universal history? — W. S. D., in Facts Ahont the War, University of Minnesota. How the War Came to Belgium The violation of Belgium made it practically impossible for all but hopelessly prejudiced people to look with favor upon the German cause. It became a standing refutation of the claim that the Teutons fought merely in defense of their sorely assailed "Kultur," and not for brutal aggrandizement. The main facts are known to every intelligent person, but there is 20 How THE War Came to Europe utility in marking the exact stages which led up to what has been called "the most woeful event in history." 1839. Prussia, France, England, Austria and Russia sign a joint treaty guaranteeing the "perpetual neutrality" of Bel- gium. 1870. Bismarck (during the Franco-Prussian war) besides giving assurances to England, gives Belgium written assur- ances that her neutrality would be respected. 1907. Second Hague Conference. Convention adopted by all the powers (including Germany) that the territory of neutrals was inviolable, that no armies should be sent across them, and that it was the duty of neutrals to resist such attempts by force of arms. 191 1. Bethmann-Hollweg directs the German minister at Brussels to assure Belgium "Germany has no intention of violating Belgium neutrality." 1913. Von Jagow (Bethmann-Hollweg's chief assistant) declares in the Reichstag that Germany would respect the neutrality of Belgium, and the international treaties. July 31, 19 14. Bethmann-Hollweg evades the question when asked by the English ambassador at Berlin whether the neutrality with Belgium would be respected in case of war with France. Aug. 2, 1914. German minister at Brussels reassures the Belgian government "unofficially" that so far as he knew the neutrality of Belgium would be respected. Aug. 2, 1914. (Later in same day) Germany sends word to Brussels that in view of [non-existent] French schemes for violating Belgium, Germany also may have to enter the country. Aug. 3, 1914. Belgium denies any such French schemes exist and declares that Germany should not threaten her. Aug. 4, 1914. (6 A. M.) Germany formally declares war on Belgium for having declined its "well-intentioned proposals." German troops begin to cross the frontier. Aug. 4, 19 14 (later in same day) Bethmann-Hollweg in Reichstag boldly avows that the occupation of Belgium "is contrary to the dictates of international laiv." [But from mili- tary necessity] "we must over-ride the just protests of Bel- How THE War Came to Europe 21 gium. The wrong — I speak openly — we are committing, we will make good as soon as our military goal has been reached." "We are now in a state of necessity, and necessity knozvs no law." And so Prussianism unmasked itself. The Belgian Deportations. — The Belgian deportations came two years after Belgium had first been violated by the Prus- sians. The invaders knew perfectly well what America and other then neutral nations would think of their actions, but in contempt for us and for every possible appeal of humanity they went ahead in cold blood. In the fall of 19 16 the German authorities having stripped Belgium of all raw materials, closed her factories, ruined her commerce, starved her people and crushed them down by con- stant war fines ($8,000,000 per month regularly, besides many extra and greater ones), began to deport the inhabitants, hus- bands, fathers and bread winners — to Germany, there to toil at forced labor in German factories with pitiful wages and rations, or to starve utterly in prison camps more noxious than even the worst reserved for prisoners of war. Similar deeds can hardly be recalled since the wicked days of Sennacherib of Assyria and Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon. The protests of Cardinal Mercier and of President Wilson were powerless to move the German military tyrants of Bel- gium (Von Bissing and his peers) who understood no con- siderations which were not military, no appeal save that of the sword, although vague promises of "mitigations" were ex- tended. Early in November it was reported that the Germans were deporting "all men fit to bear arms, rich and poor, irrespective of class, whether employed or unemployed. Hunchbacks, cripples and one-armed persons alone are excepted. These men have been torn in thousands from their families; 15,000 from Flanders alone are sent God knows where, whole train- loads are going east and south." Later reports so swelled the numbers that it was declared the intention of the Germans to deport 400,000 in all before the process was ended. Cardinal Mercier, the heroic primate of Belgium, flung this protest to the horrified world : "Today all able-bodied men 22 How THE War Came to Europe are carried off pell-mell, penned up in railway vans and deported to unknown destinations like slave gangs. "The whole truth is that each deported workman means another soldier for the German army. He will take the place of a German workman, who will he made a soldier. ["Now] parties of soldiers enter by force peaceful homes tearing youth from parent, husband from wife, father from children. They bar with the bayonet the door through which wives and mothers wish to pass to say farewell to those de- parting. They herd their captives in groups of tens and twenties and push them into cars. As soon as the train is filled the officer in charge brusquely waves the signal for departure. Thus thousands of Belgians are being reduced to slavery." [New York Times "Current History," December, 1916, p. 478-481.] No, this has not happened in Nineveh or Babylon or in the days of Nero and heathen Rome. It has happened just a few weeks or months ago. American soldiers (your friends perhaps) will, very likely, soon be lying dead, killed by German workmen whom these Belgian slaves have released from the factories to go to the trenches. We are at war with Germany, and unless we defeat her speedily Americans (whom her militarists hate as they never hated harmless Belgium) will suffer worse things than these. — W. S. D., in Facts About the War, University of Minnesota. How Belgium Responded "Three years ago today, Aug. 3, 1914, my country was free. On August 2, in the evening, my Government had received a most insulting ultimatum from Germany, demanding unim- peded passage for her troops and offering a bribe, to sell our honor and to disregard our plighted word. "We were given 12 hours within which to reply. The time was more than enough. Yet, there could be only one answer. The King summoned his cabinet and his ministers of state. They were all of one mind. In fact, there was absolute unan- imity of thought in every Belgian mind, and there was not a dissenting voice in the council of the King. Belgium's reply How THE War Came to Europe 23 was sent to the German legation before 7 o'clock in the morn- ing of August 3. You all know the substance of that reply. One sentence of the document reads : 'The Belgian Govern- ment, if they were to accept the proposals submitted to them, would sacrifice the honor of the nation and betray their duties toward Europe.' Neither Belgium's liberty nor her honor was for sale. "You all know what has happened since that fateful day three years ago. My country has been ravaged with fire and sword. Old men, women and children have been deliberately and ruthlessly massacred. Our war materials and our crops have been seized without payment, our factories have been destroyed, our machinery has been stolen and sent into Ger- many; and, crowning infamy of the centuries, our workmen have been torn from their homes and sent into slavery. The Belgian people still stand caged behind steel bars, formed of German bayonets. Those who have escaped fire and sword and nameless evils are still hungry, famished and enslaved, ground down beneath the heel of the tyrant. But their courage remains unbroken and unbreakable. "No true-hearted Belgian regrets the decision which was made three years ago. They are ready to lay down their lives for liberty. They know that in the end justice will triumph. As our King said three years ago, 'A country which defends itself commands the respect of all the world and cannot perish.' " — Baron Moncheur, Head of the Belgian Mission to the United States, in an address before the Massachusetts Constitutional Convention, Boston, Aug. 3, 1917. • When a deed is done for Freedom, through the broad earth's aching breast Runs a thrill of joy prophetic, trembling on from east to west; For mankind are one in spirit, and an instinct bears along, Round the earth's electric circle, the swift flash of right or wrong ; Whether conscious or unconscious, yet Humanity's vast frame Through its ocean-sundered fibres feels the gush of joy or shame; — In the gain or loss of one race all the rest have equal claim. — James Russell Lowell. 24 How THE War Came to Europe The Ethics of the Invasion of Belgium "I am a gentleman of independent means and important position, living in one of the best sections of Washington City. I have money and all the comforts of life ; but my family is growing up rapidly and I find my house a little too small. I am therefore breaking a door into the adjoining house where there lives a widow who is unable to defend herself. If she is quiet and submissive, I will allow her to occupy the hall room on the third floor. But if she says a word, I will split her head open with a battle-ax." — John Delafield. Where the War Has Hit the Hardest: Poland If this war ends without the redemption of Poland as a nation and without all the Poles, not merely those in Russia, but in Prussia and Austria also, being united under their own flag and government, one of the most terrible tragedies in human history will have been enacted in vain. Belgium has seemed nearer, but Poland — the battle ground of three years of mighty armies — has suffered even more. The alleged facts are so terrible as to stagger imagination, yet they seem authentic. Here are the cold figures : In 1914 there were 34,000,000 Poles. Since then 14,000,000 from one cause or another have perished. (Try to think what one million dead persons would seem.) Practically all children in Poland under seven years of age have ceased to exist ; disease and hunger have claimed them all. Property worth $11,000,000 has been destroyed. 1,600 churches have been destroyed. 200 cities and towns and about 20,000 villages have been razed to the ground. [See New York Times, Current His- tory, October, 19 16, p. 196.] And all this was smiling country full of industrious and harmless people three short years ago, just before the Kaiser and his military "experts" precipitated war on less than two weeks' notice. It is for us Americans to see to it that this devil's work can never happen again. — W. S. D., in Facts About the War, University of Minnesota. How THE War Came to America 25 HOW THE WAR CAME TO AMERICA The Submarine Aggressions The more important stages whereby American patience was exhausted : 1. Dec. 24th, 1914 (Christmas Eve — fit day!) — Admiral von Tirpitz throws out a newspaper suggestion on an "unlim- ited submarine policy," and directly asks — "What will America say?" 2. Feb. 4th, 191 5. Germany declares a "war zone" around the British Isles, without protection to crew or ship passengers. 3. Feb. loth, 191 5. America warns Germany that harm thus done to American citizens will involve "strict account- ability." 4. March 28th, 191 5. "Falaba" sunk, one American per- ishes. 5. May 1st, 1915. American steamer "Gulflight" tor- pedoed. 6. May ist, 1915. German embassy publishes warning in New York and other American papers against Americans sail- ing on "Lusitania," although United States government had decided such action proper and lawful. 7. May 7th, 1915. "Lusitania" sunk; 114 Americans (many women and children) drowned. 8. May 15th, 1915. Mr. Wilson's "First Note" of protest at submarine policy. 9. May 28th, 191 5. German rejoinder defending "Lusi- tania" sinking. 10. June 9th, 19 1 5. Mr. Wilson's "Second Note" of pro- test ; just subsequent to Mr. Bryan's resignation. 11. July 8th, 19 1 5. Germany promises Mr. Gerard at least to protect American and neutral ships. 12. July 2ist, 1915. Mr. Wilson's "Third Note" of pro- test. 13. Aug. 19th, 1915. "Arabic" sunk unwarned; two Americans perish. 14. Sept. 1st, 1915. Ambassador Bernstorff gives solemn promise at Washington that "liners" will not be sunk without warning. 26 How THE War Came to America 15. Dec. 30th, 1915. "Persia" sunk unwarned in Medi- terranean ; an American consul going to his post of duty per- ishes. 16. Jan. 7th, 1916. Germany promises still again that in the Mediterranean, at least, no ships should be sunk unwarned, 17. Feb. i6th, 1916. Germany, seeking a money compro- mise about the "Lusitania," says that she has now "limited her submarine warfare, because of her long standing friendship with the United States." 18. March 24th, 1916. "Sussex" (British Channel pas- senger steamer) torpedoed. Several Americans injured. 19. April i8th, 1916. (Following clear proof in the Sus- sex affair of the breach of German promises) Mr. Wilson threatens to break friendly relations unless outrages cease. 20. May 4th, 191 6. Germany formally promises to respect international law and not sink ships unwarned. ("Promise No. 5.") 21. Oct. 9th, 19 1 6. A German submarine sinks five mer- chant vessels (one Dutch neutral) off American coast. Heavy loss of life inevitable if American destroyers had not rescued passengers and crews. 22. Jan, 31st, 1917. Germany (having now built sufficient U-boats) tears up her "pieces of paper" to us and proclaims "unlimited submarine warfare" ("running amuck," says Mr, Wilson), 23. Feb. 3rd. 19 1 7. Mr. Wilson gives von Bernstorff his passports. 24. Feb. 4 to April 2, 1917. Seven American ships sunk; at least 13 American citizens on them perish, as well as several on non-American ships. 25. April 2, 19 1 7. Mr. Wilson asks for war. These are only part of the outrages, protests and promises : a record of patience on our part unparalleled in history ! — W. S. D., in Facts Aboiit the War, University of Minnesota. How THE War Came to America 27 America's Case Against Germany 1. Some two hundred and fifty American citizens, exercising rights unquestioned under the law of nations, and traveling under the presumed protection of their Government, have been killed by agents of the Imperial German Government. 2. The German Government was solemnly warned by the Government of the United States on February 10, 19 15, that such acts were "an indefensible violation of neutral rights," and that our Government "would take any steps it might be necessary to take, to safeguard American lives, and to secure to American citizens full enjoyment of their acknowledged rights on the high seas." 3. In spite of this protest and warning, more than once repeated, such unlawful killing of Americans continued at intervals during two years. 4. In addition to the submarine attacks, the German Govern- ment, through its diplomatic representatives and other agents, carried on throughout 191 5 and 1916 a secret campaign against our domestic security and order, by fomenting strikes, hiring criminals to destroy munition plants and other property, sub- sidizing a propaganda of disloyalty among citizens of German birth, placing spies in our offices of government, and organ- izing upon American soil unlawful conspiracies and military expeditions against countries with which we were at peace. 5. On January 31, 191 7, the German Government pro- claimed that it would destroy without warning, and without safeguarding the lives of passengers and seamen, ships of any nationality (regardless of the character of their cargoes and their destinations) which might be found by German sub- marines in certain vast areas of the high seas. 6. This renewed and enlarged threat, and defiance of the warnings of our Government, was speedily carried out, several American ships, some of them bound for American ports, being destroyed, with loss of American lives, during February and March, 1917. 7. These acts constituted acts of war by Germany against the United States, and were formally recognized as such by the two houses of Congress on April 4th and 6th, 19 17. We are at war, then, because Germany made war upon us. We 28 How THE War Came to America had no alternative, except abject submission to lawless coer- cion. — National Security League's Handbook. Why We Are Fighting Germany We fight Germany — Because of Belgium — invaded, outraged, enslaved, impover- ished Belgium. We can not forget Liege, Louvain, and Car- dinal Mercier. Translated into terms of American history, these names stand for Bunker Hill, Lexington, and Patrick Henry. Because of France — invaded, desecrated France, a million of whose heroic sons have died to save the land of Lafayette. Glorious golden France, the preserver of the arts, the land of noble spirit — the first land to follow our lead into repub- lican liberty. Because of England — from whom came the laws, traditions, standards of life, and inherent love of liberty which we call Anglo-Saxon civilization. We defeated her once upon the land and once upon the sea. But Australia, New Zealand, Africa, and Canada are free because of what we did. And they are with us in the fight for the freedom of the seas. Because of Russia — New Russia. She must not be over- whelmed now. Not now, surely, when she is just born into freedom. Her peasants must have their chance ; they must go to school to Washington, to Jefiferson, and to Lincoln until they know their way about in this new, strange world of gov- ernment by the popular will. Because of other peoples, with their rising hope that the world may be freed from government by the soldier. We are fighting Germany because she sought to terrorize us and then to fool us. We could not believe that Germany would do what she said she would do upon the seas. We still hear the piteous cries of children coming up out of the sea where the Lusitania went down. And Germany has never asked forgiveness of the world. We saw the Sussex sunk, crowded with the sons and daughters of neutral nations. We saw ship after ship sent to the bottom— ships of mercy bound out of America for the Belgian starving; ships carry- How THE War Came to America 29 ing the Red Cross and laden with the wounded of all nations ; ships carrying food and clothing to friendly, harmless, ter- rorized peoples ; ships flying the Stars and Stripes — sent to the bottom hundreds of miles from shore, manned by American seamen, murdered against all law, without warning. We believed Germany's promise that she would respect the neutral flag and the rights of neutrals, and we held our anger and outrage in check. But now we see that she was holding us off with fair promises until she could build her huge fleet of submarines. For when spring came she blew her promise into the air, just as at the beginning she had torn up that "scrap of paper." Then we saw clearly that there was but one law for Germany — her will to rule. We are fighting Germany because she violated our confi- dence. Paid German spies filled our cities. Officials of her Government, received as the guests of this Nation, lived with us to bribe and terrorize, defying our law and the law of nations. We are fighting Germany because while we were yet her friends — the only great power that still held hands off — she sent the Zimmermann note, calling to her aid Mexico, our southern neighbor, and hoping to lure Japan, our western neighbor, into war against this Nation of peace. The nation that would do these things proclaims the gospel that government has no conscience. And this doctrine can not live, or else democracy must die. For the nations of the world must keep faith. There can be no living for us in a world where the state has no conscience, no reverence for the things of the spirit, no respect for international law, no mercy for those who fall before its force. What an unordered world ! Anarchy ! The anarchy of rival wolf packs ! We are fighting Germany because in this war feudalism is making its last stand against on-coming democracy. We see it now. This is a war against an old spirit, an ancient, out- worn spirit. It is a war against feudalism — the right of the castle on the hill to rule the village below. It is a war for democracy — the right of all to be their own masters. Let Germany be feudal if she will, but she must not spread her system over the world that has outgrown it. Feudalism plus 3b How THE War Came to America science, thirteenth century plus twentieth — this is the religion of the mistaken Germany that has linked itself with the Turk ; that has, too, adopted the method of Mahomet. "The state has no conscience." "The state can do no wrong." With the spirit of the fanatic she believes this gospel and that it is her duty to spread it by force. With poison gas that makes living a hell, with submarines that sneak through the seas to slyly murder non-combatants, with dirigibles that bombard men and women while they sleep, with a perfected system of terrorization that the modern world first heard of when Ger- man troops entered China, German feudalism is making war upon mankind. Let this old spirit of evil have its way and no man will live in America without paying toll to it in manhood and in money. This spirit might demand Canada from a defeated, navyless England, and then our dream of peace on the north would be at an end. We would live, as France has lived for 40 years, in haunting terror. America speaks for the world in fighting Germany. Mark on a map those countries which are Germany's allies and you will mark but four, running from the Baltic through Austria and Bulgaria to Turkey. All the other nations the whole globe around are in arms against her or are unable to move. There is deep meaning in this. We fight with the world for an honest world in which nations keep their word, for a world in which nations do not live by swagger or by threat, for a world in which men think of the ways in which they can conquer the common cruelties of nature instead of inventing more horrible cruelties to inflict upon the spirit and body of man, for a world in which the ambition or the philosophy of a few shall not make miserable all mankind, for a world in which the man is held more precious than the machine, the system, or the state. — Frankin K. Lane, Secretary of the Interior. America Caught by the Inevitable It is plain enough how we were forced into the war. The extraordinary insults and aggressions of the Imperial German Government left us no self-respecting choice but to take up arms in defense of our rights as a free people and of our honor as a sovereign government. The military masters of How THE War Came to America 31 Germany denied us the right to be neutral. They filled our unsuspecting communities with vicious spies and conspirators and sought to corrupt the opinion of our people in their own behalf. When they found that they could not do that, their agents diligently spread sedition amongst us and sought to draw our own citizens from their allegiance, — and some of those agents were men connected with the official Embassy of the German Government itself here in our own capital. They sought by violence to destroy our industries and arrest our commerce. They tried to incite Mexico to take up arms against us and to draw Japan into a hostile alliance with her, — and that, not by indirection, but by direct suggestion from the Foreign Office in Berlin. They impudently denied us the use of the high seas and repeatedly executed their threat that they would send to their death any of our people who ventured to approach the coasts of Europe. And many of our own people were corrupted. Men began to look upon their own neighbors with suspicion and to wonder in their hot resentment and sur- prise whether there was any community in which hostile intrigue did not lurk. What great nation in such circum- stances would not have taken up arms? Much as we had desired peace, it was denied us, and not of our own choice. This flag under which we serve would have been dishonored had we withheld our hand. But that is only part of the story. We know now as clearly as we knew before we were ourselves engaged that we are not the enemies of the German people and that they are not our enemies. They did not originate or desire this hideous war or wish that we should be drawn into it ; and we are vaguely conscious that we are fighting their cause, as they will some day see it, as well as our own. They are themselves in the grip of the same sinister power that has now at last stretched its ugly talons out and drawn blood from us. The whole world is at war because the whole world is in the grip of that power and is trying out the great battle which shall determine whether it is to be brought under its mastery or fling itself free. The war was begun by the military masters of Germany, v/ho proved to be also the masters of Austria-Hungary. These 32 How THE War Came to America men have never regarded nations as peoples, men, women, and children of like blood and frame as themselves, for whom governments existed and in whom governments had their life. They have regarded them merely as serviceable organizations which they could by force or intrigue bend or corrupt to their own purpose. They have regarded the smaller states, in par- ticular, and the peoples who could be overwhelmed by force, as their natural tools and instruments of domination. Their purpose has long been avowed. The statesmen of other nations, to whom that purpose was incredible, paid little atten- tion; regarded what German professors expounded in their classrooms and German writers set forth to the world as the goal of German policy as rather the dream of minds detached from practical affairs, as preposterous private conceptions of German destiny, than as the actual plans of responsible rulers ; but the rulers of Germany themselves knew all the while what concrete plans, what well advanced intrigues lay back of what the professors and the writers were saying, and were glad to go forward unmolested, filling the thrones of Balkan states with German princes, putting German officers at the service of Turkey to drill her armies and make interest with her gov- ernment, developing plans of sedition and rebellion in India and Egypt, setting their fires in Persia. The demands made by Austria upon Servia were a mere single step in a plan which compassed Europe and Asia, from Berlin to Bagdad. They hoped those demands might not arouse Europe, but they meant to press them whether they did or not, for they thought themselves ready for the final issue of arms. — (From Presi- dent Wilson's Flag Day Address, June 14, 191 7.) The German Tragedy We must accept the German challenge, if we would have peace. If we were contending with an uncivilized people, we might hope to gradually educate them to higher standards, but we are not. We are contending with a philosophy of scientific savagery evolved by people who, in their personal relations, are civilized, but who, collectively, acting as a state, are under what seems to many a tragic obsession. The only thing that will cure them of this obsession is a conclusive and How THE War Came to America 33 overwhelming proof that it does not pay, and that can only be accomplished by defeat. In helping to bring this about, the United States must realize it will be required to make a supreme sacrifice. It will need not only all of its physical and material resources, but it must exemplify the very highest moral qualities at the same time. Discipline, self-restraint, courage and tenacity must be shown, if we are to rid the world of the plague which this philosophy has brought upon it and enable civilized man to again resume his progress in the direc- tion of humanity, respect for treaty obligations, and inter- national decency. — Dr. Henry W. Farnam of Yale University. A Solemn Moment It is a solemn moment when a nation has the scales of faith in another nation stripped from its eyes and begins to see clearly. For in these past few months we have seen a nation we have honored, whose universities we have attended, whose literature we have studied, stripped of spiritual leadership. Never again can Germany be what it has been to the world. We have seen brutality where we had been accustomed to see power, ruthlessness where we had seen efficiency, deception where we had seen ideals, greed for land and money where we had seen philosophy and statecraft. Germany itself has worked the disillusionment. Germany itself has transformed our respect into apprehension, our neutrality into war. Our task is perfectly plain. With strong faith in the God who is carrying things forward toward freedom and justice, we set ourselves to defend our national existence, international law, and democracy. — Shailer Mathews of Chicago University, Chautauqua., N. Y., July 4, 19 17. America's Attitude It is infinitely better for the United States to go to war, even should the Allies lose, than for us never to have gone into the war. There would be a bar sinister across the escutcheon of America for all time if we had not entered the war. (And simply sat back and grown rich on the sorrows of the rest of the world.) 34 How THE War Came to America Too many in this country regard the United States as a great corporation from which they draw dividends, but to which they do not owe any duty. The leading nation in causing this war has exhibited a mahgnant treachery of which the Apache Indians would be ashamed. If a man three years ago had mentioned the idea of a great passenger steamer carrying women and children being sunk, if he had mentioned the thousand other atrocities which this war has developed, he would have been voted a hopeless idiot. The outraging of Belgium by the Germans stands unequalled for ruthlessness and atrocities since the days of Babylon. Women, children and men were torn away without half the consideration accorded to blacks in our own nation in the worst days of slavery. The /trained men and munitions which France sent to America in our Revolutionary War put our backwoodsmen on some kind of an equal footing with the trained and equipped soldiery of England. The indispensable aid of France caused the triumph of Yorktown and crowned the colonies with suc- cess. France helped us in our hour of need ; now play a man's part and repay the debt. We have taken up our cross and are ascending towards Calvary to advance the progress of mankind to that event toward which all creation moves. — James M. Beck, Former Assistant Attorney General of the United States, St. Paul, June 2, 1917. The Issue : Autocracy Against Democracy If autocracy succeeds in Europe, democracy is not safe in America. If the free peoples of Europe are crushed, the crushing of the free peoples of America comes next in order. This is inevitable — not a matter of opinion but of necessary consequence, for if Germany controls Europe we stand as the one great opposing force to all she represents in the world. Autocracy and democracy are normal antagonists. They can- not abide in peace. War is the only state possible between them. Force is the weapon of autocracy and cruelty its normal The Menace of Prussianism 35 expression. The rape of Belgium, if it succeeds, is the prelude to the rape of South Carolina. In stealing the daughters of France from their homes for the purpose of being, in polite language, "servants of German officers," you see but the pre- lude to what would come upon the daughters of America. An American woman and child is no more sacred in the eyes of autocracy than is an English woman and child. The sea is no barrier, rather the reverse. It is the convenient and ready means of passage. If Germany wins this war America must bear a military burden equal at least to the German power which in a few days could threaten an American port. Think what she has already done. Her agents have been far and wide throughout our land wrecking factories, attempting to control the press, making surveys, manufacturing bombs, con- spiring, in short, to destroy ships carrying harmless and inno- cent passengers. Is the Lttsitania so soon forgotten, or the Sussex or the hundreds of cases in which men, and women, too, have been exposed in open boats to the winter sea? Has one read the gentle proclamation posted in Belgium that if a wire is found cut in any neighborhood, all the people in the vicinity shall be immediately killed? These things have not as yet threatened us. We are in arms that they shall not do so, but they show what the autocracy is against which we fight. — Letter of Willimn C. Redfield, Secretary of Commerce, to Hon. R. E. Coker, Aug. 24, 191 7. THE MENACE OF PRUSSIANISM How Germany is Governed Among all great peoples Germany today gives her citizens the least political freedom. Even Austria and benighted Tur- key have, on paper at least, more liberal constitutions than she. Germany has tried to unite modern scientific progress and efficiency with seventeenth century autocracy — a non-moral and unnatural union. The Autocratic Emperor. — The Kaiser gets most of his power as King of Prussia, wherein his authority is absolute indeed, but as Emperor of the 26 states of the German federa- tion he has practically complete control of the foreign affairs, army and navy of the empire. In 1914 Wilhelm II declared 36 The Menace of Prussianism war on France and Russia by his own personal fiat, and after that called together his parliament and asked for a grant of money to wage a war about which the people had never been consulted. The Ftitile Reichstag. — This parliament is indeed elected on a fairly popular basis, but it is really little more than a pre- tentious, officially recognized debating club. It cannot orig- inate any important law. It has never been able to defeat any law which the government was really anxious to force through. If it resisted it was dissolved, and offi^cial influence got one more obedient elected. It cannot dismiss the imperial ministers, who can snap their fingers at adverse votes so long as the Kaiser supports them. The Oligarchic Federal-Council. — This is a more powerful body. But it is a secret conclave of deputies not from the German people but from the various German reigning princes. Thanks to the great power here alloted to Prussia, the Kaiser can almost always have his way. The Federal Council is accountable to nobody but the "majesties, highnesses and serenities" which send out the members. It is one of the non- democratic, and also one of the most influential bodies in the world. The Still Less Democratic Government of Prussia. — Sixty per cent, of all Germans live in the kingdom of Prussia. Nearly all local problems belong to the several German states. It is as King of Prussia that Wilhelm II has his greatest real authority. Prussia has the mere similacrum of free institu- tions. The phantom thereof was granted in 1850 by Friedrich Wilhelm IV, the great uncle of the present Kaiser, a man who hated constitutional rule so much that a little earlier he had asserted, "I will never let a sheet of paper (i. e., a constitution) be placed between God and our country to make its paragraphs our rulers." He granted this pretended constitution merely to satisfy popular clamor. In Prussia the King has absolute veto on all laws, and creates and dismisses his ministers at his own sweet will. There is a very powerful "House of Lords" of great princes and "life peers" chosen by the King. The Outrageoiis Prussian Electoral System. — Even thus The Menace of Prussianism 37 hampered the "lower house" of the parliament is not chosen by a fair ballot. Voting- is open — the government and the Junker landlord can know just how every peasant stands. The choice of deputies is divided on a complicated system between three classes of the population, graded according to the amount of taxes they pay. Each class has equal influence. About 3 per cent, belong to the first class of voters (wealthy), 9.5 per cent, to the second class (with moderate means), 87.5 per cent, to the third class (all the rest of the population). In some dis- tricts there is only one voter of the first class ! — the great landlord, whose voice counts for 33 1-3 per cent, of the whole electoral body. In the Prussian election of 1903, thanks to this system, 324,000 "conservative" voters chose 143 legislators, and 314,000 "Social Democrats" did not count for enough to choose a single one. Under these circumstances it is easy to see why Prussia is a perfect paradise for Junker conservatism, and that the military caste (largely sprung from the Prussian landed aristocracy) is struggling against the least change in this abominable sys- tem. — W. S. D., in Facts About the War, University of Minne- sota. Why Germany is not a Democracy 1. Because Prussia, which dominates the German Empire and comprises two-thirds of its population, is ruled by a king who professes to hold his crown by divine right. The Prussian Constitution exists only by the king's pleasure, and may be revoked by him whenever he sees fit. 2. Because the entire executive power of the German Em- pire is wielded by the Imperial Chancellor, appointed by the Emperor, to whom alone he is responsible, and by whom alone he can be removed. 3. Because the greater part of the legislative power of the Empire is wielded by the Bundesrat, which represents solely the rulers of the twenty-five federated states. In this body most legislation is initiated ; its consent is necessary to every law passed by the Reichstag; and through it the Princes of Ger- many, and chiefly the Emperor (as King of Prussia), who 38 The Menace of Prussianism directly controls one-third of its votes, have an absolute veto upon the action of the Reichstag. 4. Because the Emperor, in conjunction with the Bundesrat, has power to declare war without consulting- the Reichstag. In case of alleged attack by a foreign country, he may — as in 1914 — declare war without even the consent of the Bundesrat. 5. Because the electoral districts of the Reichstag (which have not been changed since 1871) are so unequal that, while a Berlin deputy represents on the average 125,000 voters, a deputy from the Junker districts of East Prussia represents only 24,000. This gives a wholly disproportionate voting power to the agrarian interests and the landed aristocracy. 6. Because the kingdom of Prussia is likewise ruled by an executive responsible neither to Parliament nor to the people, but only to the sovereign. 7. Because the upper house of the Prussian Diet consists of members of the nobility, created and selected by the king, and is for all practical purposes completely subject to his control. 8. Because the House of Representatives in the Prussian Diet is elected in the following manner : the voters in each district are divided into three classes according to the taxes paid by them. Those few who pay the first third of the entire tax constitute one class ; those who pay the second third, another ; while the third class consists of those who pay the remainder of the taxes. Each of these groups, voting sepa- rately, elects an equal number of delegates to a convention, which chooses the representatives of that constituency in the lower house of the Diet. By this unequal franchise, the 4 per cent, of the population, making up the first class, have as much representation in the Diet as the 82 per cent, making up the third class. In one district, for example, 370 rich men had the same voting capacity as 22,000 poor men ; in some districts a single individual constitutes the first class, and exercises one-third of the voting power. 9. Because the Great General Staff of the German army, which is subject to no civil or elective authority but only to the Emperor, is practically one of the principal organs of gov- ernment, exercising in many matters an authority superior to that of either the Diet or the Reichstag. An eminent German The Menace of Prussianism 39 publicist, Professor Delbriick, has recently declared: "The essence of our monarchy resides in its relations with the army. Whoever knows our officers must know that they would never tolerate the government of a minister of war issuing from parliament." — National Security League's Handbook. Germany's Theory of War: "Out of Their Own Mouths" The words of Frederick the Great — "If possible, the powers * * * should be made envious against one another, in order to give occasion for a coup when the opportunity arises. "If a ruler is obliged to sacrifice his own person for the welfare of his subjects, he is all the more obliged to sacrifice treaty engagements, the continuance of which would be harm- ful to his country. Is it better that a nation should perish, or that a sovereign should break his treaty ? "Statesmanship can be reduced to three principles : First, to maintain your power and, according to circumstances, to ex- tend it; second, to form alliances for your own advantage; third, to command fear and respect even in the most disas- trous times. "Do not be ashamed of making interested alliances from which you can derive the whole advantage. Do not make the mistake of not breaking them if * * * your interests require. "To despoil your neighbors is to deprive them of the means of injuring you. "When he is about to conclude a treaty * * * if a sovereign remembers he is a Christian, he is lost." The mords of The Kaiser — "We Hohenzollerns take our crown from God alone. "On me the spirit of God has descended * * * who opposes me, I shall crush * * *." ***** "Whoever uses force, without any consideration and without sparing blood, has sooner or later the advantage if the enemy does not proceed in the same way. One cannot introduce a principle of moderation into the philosophy of war without 40 The Menace of Prussianism committing an absurdity. It is a vain and erroneous tendency to wish to neglect the element of brutality in war merely because we dislike it.'' — (Von Clausewitz, Vom Kriege, 1, 4.) "It would be giving up ourselves to a chimera not to realize that war in the present will have to be conducted more reck- lessly, less scrupulously, more violently, more ruthlessly, than ever in the past. * * * Distress, the deep misery of war, must not be spared to the enemy State. The burden must be and must remain crushing. The necessity of imposing it follows from the very idea of national war. * * * That individuals may be severely affected when one makes an example of them intended to serve as a deterrent, is truly deplorable for them. But for the people as a whole this severity exercised against individuals is a salutary blessing. When national war has broken out, terrorism becomes a principle which is necessary from a military standpoint." — General J. Von Hartmann, cited in Lavisse and Andler, German Theory and Practice of War.) — National Security League's Handbook. Terrorism in Action (Literal translations of three typical German military proclamations.) Order to the People of Liege. The population of Andenne, after making a display of peaceful intentions towards our troops, attacked them in the most treacherous manner. With my authorization, the Gen- eral commanding these troops has reduced the town to ashes and has had no persons shot. I bring this fact to the knowledge of the people of Liege in order that they may know what fate to expect should they adopt a similar attitude. Liege, Aug. 22, 19 14. General Von Bulow. Proclamation In future the inhabitants of places situated near railways and telegraph lines which have been destroyed will be pun- ished without mercy (whether they are guilty of this destruc- tion or not). For this purpose, hostages have been taken in all places in the vicinity of railways in danger of similar The Menace of Prussianism 41 attacks ; and at the first attempt to destroy any railway, tele- graph, or telephone line, they will be shot immediately. The Governor, Brussels, Oct. 5, 1914. Von Der Goltz. Deportation Notice at Lille. All the inhabitants of the house, with the exception of children under 14, and their mothers, and also of old people, must prepare themselves for transportation in an hour-and-a- half's time. An officer will definitely decide which persons will be taken to the concentration camps. For this purpose all the inhab- itants of the house must assemble in front of it. In case of bad weather, they may remain in the passage. The door of the house must remain open. All appeals will be useless. No inmate of the house, even those who will not be transported, may leave the house before 8 a. m. (German time). ^ H= ^ ^ * ^ Lille, April, 1916. Etappen-Kommandantur (Depot Commandant.) The Prussian Preparation for World Conquest For the next forty years [from 1871] the great aim of Bis- marck and of Germany is to prepare for the time when Eng- land can be made to walk the gang-plank like Austria in 1866 and France in 1870. For forty years German soldiers have been drinking to "Der Tag." Every force of the Empire has been directed toward this preparation. The school system has been used by the government for this purpose. The teacher who failed to teach in the spirit of the government found no promotion awaiting him. The minister when he accepted a pulpit was forbidden to criticise the policy of the government. The college professors became the agents for propagating the imperialistic ideas. Every social force of the state was har- nessed to the one great purpose of preparing Germany for her Armageddon. But there were, those who would not submit tamely. The socialist element was not content to see labor neglected. Bismarck's solution of this difficulty was to grant 42 The Menace of Prussianism them what they wanted in local affairs on condition that he be given a free hand in his imperialistic foreign policy. Bismarck said, "Give the wage earner a permanent job, guarantee him against un-employment, supply him with a sickness and old age pension, and he will care nothing for his political freedom." With this opiate he lulled the labor forces into apathy. But back behind all these stood the army. The people of Germany have been taught that war, not peace, is the way to human development. Year by year the army has grown. When the present Kaiser came to the throne thirty years ago he spoke to the army and said, "You and I were made for each other. Whether God wills peace or war, you and I will stand together." The whole nation has become an armed military camp. It has been "soldiers, soldiers everywhere." While other peoples have talked of universal peace, Germany has prepared for war. In 1907 England proposed to reduce her program to three new Dreadnaughts, but Germany increased hers. In 1908 England laid down two and Germany four; in 191 1, when President Taft delivered his great peace message which called for reduc- tion of armaments, Bethmann-Hollweg's answer was "the vital strength of a nation is the only measurement of that nation's armament" ; in 1913, when a "naval holiday" was proposed, Germany smiled, increased her munitions, her aircraft, and the army more than two hundred thousand. This has been the story to 1914. That year dawned. The English-speaking world was talking peace. The greatest orator of the day was pro- claiming peace and trying to form peace treaties. The German race was whetting its sword. The Kaiser gazed upon the army and said, "When that army moves I will show the world its first great army." His army lay like a glittering sword in his hand. Could he resist the temptation to use it? The world thought that he could. Had we not become convinced that war was too expensive? Had we not outgrown war and its barbarism? But there was the "head of the huge dragon, crested, fanged, clad in glittering scales, poised above the world and ready to strike." Quickly the adder uncoiled and struck, and the great day had come. There need be no rekind- ling of the flames of universal peace till the German "lust for blood and iron" has been destroyed. — Dr. E. W. Sikes. The Menace of Prussianism 43 German Frightfulness One of the most astonishing and appalling facts relating to the war is the spirit of frightfulness with which the Germans have attempted to terrorize neutrals as well as enemies. When the reports of systematic cruelty and murder first came to America during the fall of 1914, we would not believe them. It was thought that they were grossly exaggerated. It was inconceivable that a civilized government would permit its soldiers to commit such barbarous acts of inhumanity. How- ever, the investigation made by Lord Bryce, the affidavits of hundres of eye witnesses, the reports of American war cor- respondents, and, indeed, the admissions, proclamations and acts of the German Government itself show that these un- speakable tales of horror are for the most part absolutely true. Suppose Germany had invaded South Carolina and had burned towns and cities, murdered old men, women and children, cut off the hands of boys and girls, raped young women, and sent them by the hundreds to Germany there to meet an unknown fate? What would you have thought of it? Would you be a peace-at-any-price person? Such was the treatment of Bel- gium. When the Prussian soldiers invaded Poland, the fate of the old men, women and children was none the less terrible. In Northern France it was the same. Wherever the Germans have appeared, barbarity has been the rule. The horror of it all is that these things have been sanctioned by the German officers and the German Government. — Hunter A. Gibhes. The German Way Germans torpedoed the merchant ship Belgium Prince 200 miles from land, smashed the lifeboats, took the sailors' life- belts, stripped them of outer clothing, placed them on the deck of the submarine, then submerged. Thirty-eight men, non- combatants, were drowned like rats. Prussianism' s Perfect Work The Manchester Guardian calculates, on the best available information, that, to the first of last month, nine and three- quarter million men had been killed in the war ; twelve millions more had been permanently crippled ; four and a quarter mil- 44 The Menace of Prussianism lions were held as prisoners ; one hundred and seven billion dollars had been spent by the warring governments ; and eight billion dollars' worth of property had been destroyed. For three weeks in July, 19 14, the Austrian Government considered what demands it should make on Serbia in view of the probability that the assassination of the Austrian Arch- duke Franz Ferdinand had been planned by Serbians. It was well known that Russia would defend Serbia's independence. After full deliberation Austria made demands that no state calling itself independent would have submitted to, except under compulsion ; and required absolute compliance within forty-eight hours. And in this course Germany acquiesced. Deliberately and after full consideration Germany and Austria took the chance of war in order to further a dynastic purpose of the Hapsburgs. That is the crime which nearly ten million dead men and twelve million cripples now prove against the Hohenzollern and Hapsburg dynasties. The criminals will go unpunished if those dynasties retain their power to upset the peace of the world at will. — Courtesy of Saturday Evening Post, Sept. 22, 1917. Germany's Wars Between 1871 and 1914 German apologists are constantly telling us that from 1871 to 1914 Germany was at peace, and was the one uniformly peaceable first-class Power. But it seems to Mr. Henry A. Forster that "German propagandists are as ignorant of the facts of modern history as modern German statesmen are indifferent to the validity of treaties, which they describe as only scraps of paper !" So this New York lawyer writes to the editors of New York and Boston papers to call attention to Germany's warlike record during those years when her pro- found peacefulness was supposed to present such a delightful contrast to the military activities of her neighbors. To quote from the letter to the Boston Transcript: "From 1903 to 1907 the Herrero War in German Southwest Africa was the most bitterly contested war between whites and blacks known to the twentieth century. Five thousand Ger- man soldiers and settlers and 20,000 to 30,000 natives perished. "In 1897 Germany seized Kiaochow because of the murder The Task of America 45 of two Catholic missionaries, and rattled the saber to such an extent that when in 1900 the Chinese Boxers began a war with- the world it wa§ primarily because of Germany's acts. The German minister to China was the foreign official against whom the Boxers struck their first blows. In the Boxer War of 1900 that followed, Germany, as the leader of Continental Europe, sent Field-Marshal von Waldersee as the international commander-in-chief, and waged a Hun-like war without quarter. 'Tn 1888-1889, 1891-1892, and 1905 and 1906 Germany was three times at war with and finally conquered the Arabs and blacks in East Africa. Von Wissman, Karl Peters, and other German commanders waged aggressive wars of conquest with the utmost ferocity. One hundred and twenty thousand natives are estimated to have fallen in the last of the three East- African wars alone." — Literary Digest, Aug. 18, 1917. THE TASK OF AMERICA A great American army in Europe now is the best possible insurance against a great European or Asiatic army in our own country a couple of years or a couple of decades hence. — Theodore Roosevelt. Wake Up, America! The main facts which the people of the whole United States must be made to realize and understand at once are : First. That the war is nowhere near an end. Second. That its most serious phases are yet to come. Third. That it is and has been as much America's war as it is and has been France's and England's war, ever since the first shot was fired. Fourth. That notwithstanding the warnings of the past three years, this country finds itself entering upon war against Germany amazingly unprepared. Fifth. That if a long war is to be averted, with its attendant world-wide suffering and a continuance of the ghastly fighting that is now in progress, America must quickly throw its full strength and resources into the struggle. Sixth. That the pressing and immediate reason for arousing this country to action on the greatest possible scale is that, if anything were to go seriously wrong with the Allied war pro- 46 The Task of America gramme so as to affect sea-control, Germany would at once descend upon this country and exact a stupendous war indem- .nity, wreaking vengeance in true Prussian military fashion upon our defenceless women and children, and establishing a permanent foothold on this continent. Seventh. That the vital Allied war needs of the moment are ships, food, and aeroplanes in vast numbers ; hence the urgency of getting the whole war programme moving without a single hour's unnecessary delay. Eighth. That much valuable time has been lost and still more time is now being wasted in dangerous controversy, while the war goes swiftly on. Ninth. That the only safe basis of procedure, in view of all the circumstances, is to assume that this country alone is fighting Germany ; that there is no British fleet to shield it and no other Allied armies to pound the German forces back while the United States is making ready for war, but that invasion is imminent, and that back of the Government's war programme must be the people's whole strength and fully aroused spirit in order to avert national disaster ; and Tenth. That on America's promptness of action may depend the length, and possibly the actual outcome, of the war. — Mr. Pomeroy Burton, Speech at Chautauqua, N. F., July 2, 191 7. America Saved by the Allies For nearly three years we literally hid behind the fleets of Great Britain and France. Every soldier of the Allies who in this struggle died on the battlefields of Europe died for us as well as for his own country. Had there been no great English fleet to hold the German fleet in its harbor of refuge, our coasts would have been ravished, our cities destroyed, and the scenes enacted in Bel- gium would have been repeated, magnified many fold in this country. Had the Allies failed to stem the onrush of the hordes of barbarism who have stained the record of mankind as never before in history, certainly since the days of Attila, Germany would have sought to wreak its vengeance on this country, and it would have been abundantly able to do so. Concerning Loyalty 47 Germany's plans involved a war with the United States, where it had everything to win and nothing to lose ; for it would not have been possible for us in ten years to get ready to meet Germany if Germany had already conquered Europe. — Courtesy of Richard H. Edmonds, Editor of Manufacturers' Record. The Crisis Russia wavering ; Italy in dire need ; France driven well nigh to the limit of her super-human endurance ; England crippled by the submarine ; Germany no nearer exhaustion and starvation than her enemies and fighting on the inside of the circle; if that situation does not find its only hopeful answer in a united embattled America, it finds it nowhere under God's heaven. — Wm. Mather Lewis. What Would Happen? If Russia should collapse? If the British fleet should be overcome? If the food situation should yet bring the Allies to their knees ? If great reversals should be met on the western front? If the submarine menace be not checked? Other things less unexpected have already happened many times in this war. America will be in danger of invasion by Prussia until the Prussian military power is broken. — Okla- homa State Council of Defense. CONCERNING LOYALTY No American is against this war. If anybody opposes it that opposi- tion is sufficient proof of that person's un-Americanism. — Chicago Daily News. No Room for Treachery All that this nation holds dear in life, in womanhood, in liberty, in the sacredness of homes, in religion, in business, in government, is at stake, and the danger is terribly great. Every potentiality of the nation will be needed to save our- selves from complete destruction, and destruction as ruthless, as frightful as that of Belgium. Indeed, the bitterness of 48 Concerning Loyalty Germany against us would result in even more fearful con- ditions here than existed in Belgium if Germany, through the destruction of France and England, were able to land on our shores through Canada and turn this land into a condition which would make General Sherman, if he were alive, apol- ogize to Hell for speaking of war as hell. These are not overdrawn statements. They are not fig- ments of an overheated brain. They merely express in sober language what every man in this country who has had the opportunity to look on the inside of things during the last two years knows to be the case. Facing this situation with a determination to win, regardless of the cost — and win we shall — we are permitting ourselves to be handicapped, indeed, our country to be betrayed, by the traitors, open and secret, who in every possible way are trying to foment trouble in our own land. Some German-American papers are openly and aggressively fighting the United States and encouraging pro- Germans of this country. Even in Congress there are men who are still so pro-German in sentiment that they would apparently be willing to sell their nation rather than see Ger- many defeated. There are some millions of pro-Germans in this country. Fortunately, many other Germans and those of German descent are honest, true-hearted men and women and are ready to stand by this, their own land, as against Germany. To them all honor. But there are some millions of Germans who are not citizens, and of citizens who are of German descent, but who would stab the country in the back, would welcome to our shores the invading hosts of Germany's army of beasts and brutes and rejoice in the privilege of heralding themselves to this incoming army as friends of Germany. These men and women who uphold Germany's murderous campaign are them- selves copartners in the vilest work that has ever been done on earth. — Courtesy of Richard H. Edmonds, Editor Manu- facturers' Record. The Soldiers' Question Some thousands of American soldiers have already landed in France, and other thousands, and hundreds of thousands and millions will have to follow. These men are not at all Concerning Loyalty 49 unmindful of the reality of the struggle upon which they are entering. Each one knows full well that he is ofifering his life ; and if perchance he be saved to return to his loved ones, comrades all around him and by his side he knows will die. Each man realizes fully that he is going into a war for service. These men are not going from any thoughtless desire for adventure; they are not going without a full understanding of what is meant to lie in the trenches day after day and night after night, and crawl out over the trenches to and through the barbed wires and struggle in a great death grapple. These things are before them, and yet they go forward with a cour- age which should stir every latent quality of good in every human heart. Before such men those who cannot go should stand with uncovered heads and bemoan the fate that makes it necessary for them to be saved by the sacrifice of the lives of others. These are the living realities, the verities, of this hour. They call in thunder tones to the nation. They call to every human heart to honor the soldiers and the sailors ; to throw around them every possible safeguard to protect them from every temptation ; to make their task as light as possible ; to furnish every comfort and convenience ; to lighten their work and lessen their sorrows ; to provide the means for their healthful enjoyment around every camp, and to banish from every camp the accursed liquor traffic and all the evils which follow ; to provide the nurses and the stretcher-bearers, and the physi- cians, and the hospitals which may minister unto them in hours of agony ; to provide the facilities for the training of the body and mind afforded by the Young Men's Christian Association in every camp. For these things the American people must work whole- heartedly, with an enthusiasm which matches that of the men in the battle line. Out of the nation's work and the wealth that may be accum- ulated therefrom must be poured to the fullest limit the money needed for these things. A few weeks ago Maryland troops on a parade in the interest of the Liberty Loan carried a banner on which was inscribed : 50 Concerning Loyalty "We have given ourselves. What will you give?" That is the question which the life of every soldier puts before every man and woman in this country. What will you give to the men who are giving their lives? What service will you render to them to lessen their burdens, to lighten their homesickness, to- soften their agony on the battlefields, to save their bodies and to save their souls ? What answer will the American people give to the question, "We have given ourselves ; what will you give ?" — Courtesy of Richard H. Edmonds, Editor of the Manufacturers' Record. Rules for Disloyalists 1. When driven to make an unequivocal statement protest your loyalty and then change the subject. 2. Assert on every occasion that "Wall Street" made the war. Never mind explaining when, how, or why. 3. Get in all the sneers you can at any professions of ideal motives. If you can find any flaw in our democracy say that "we are just as bad an autocracy as Germany." Use the word "hypocrisy" at every opportunity. Place the war in as sordid a light as possible. 4. It is dangerous to denounce the United States directly. But rake history from end to end for mud to throw at the Allies. Especially, twist the lion's tail. 5. Profess great concern lest sending food to Europe will starve America. Support every embargo movement that ap- plies to the Allied nations and none that does not. 6. If the President asks for any extension of powers rave about "dictatorship" and the "overthrow of the liberties for which our fathers, etc." 7. Spread rumors that the Allies are going to betray us or take advantage of us as soon as we are deeply enough involved in the war. 8. Accept conscription in principle but hamper its working in every possible way. One good way is to start scares about revolution and internal disorder as a pretext for keeping a large part of our army at home. Concerning Loyalty 51 9. Demonstrate that the enemy is unconquerable and victory hopeless. Play the "candid friend" and act as a depressant. 10. Be very jealous to prevent "entangling alliances" and be much concerned about the Monroe Doctrine if we "mix ourselves in European quarrels." A permanent league of nations would embarrass your Junker friends if they remain in power after the war. Germany can only hope to conquer other nations of they act selfishly and in isolation. To these the Chicago Herald would add : "Oppose sending our boys to France to save the country and insist on the war being fought on our own soil," and "when caught in the ham- stringing act mention the names of Washington and Lincoln." — The Independent {in Literary Digest). It does not take a prophet to see that those who are attack- ing our Government and those of our Allies, by unfriendly speeches and writing, while we are in this great death struggle for liberty and justice, are preparing for themselves and their posterity a far more bitter animosity of their neighbors than the Tories and their descendants have suffered from 1776 to this day. — Joseph Norwood. Here in America and there in Russia German propaganda is seeking to sap the strength of a free democracy. German money is buying men and inspiring the press here and there to build up a great concealed structure of treason. Here and there are sentimentalists who, while speaking for peace and justice, are lending themselves to the greatest enemy of peace and justice. Here and there are men who proclaim their conscience and sell their country. When American democracy exerts itself against the enemy within let these men beware. — Elihu Root. What "American" Means Did you ever realize what it means to be an American citizen? A Frenchman may reside for years in England, or Germany, or Russia, but he will always remain a foreigner, 52 Concerning Loyalty no matter how many papers of citizenship he may secure. An Englishman may spend a Hfetime in Italy, and catch, as Browning caught, the poetry of her soul ; but he will die an alien. A Russian may rear his family in Holland, but they will never become Dutch. But let this same Frenchman or Englishman or Russian come and dwell on our shores, and the great moving force of Americanism transforms him into a true American. A nation so composed cannot stand upon the narrow platform of a provincial patriotism. Its funda- mentals of citizenship must transcend race, and its ideals must be so high that ancient animosities and hereditary loyal- ties cannot compete with them, or divide the allegiance which they demand. — Robert McNutt McElroy of Princeton Uni- versity. United America So, today, our nation is one. If there is a discordant voice in this nation today it must come from one who either does not understand the genius of our institutions or whose heart is not with his country. I think I know the American people ; I believe I am as well acquainted with them as any other citizen. I have been among them now for a generation and I know that the American people will stand back of the President and Con- gress and furnish the government whatever it needs, in men and money, to win this war. — William Jennings Bryan. THE PEACE TERMS Murphy, in Neiv York American Copyrighted by International News Sert'ice — Courtesy of The Literary Digest 54 The Road to Peace THE ROAD TO PEACE "I am for peace at any price, and today the price of peace is war." — President Hibben of Princeton University. No Peace in Sight "It is idle to talk peace, to argue about provinces, frontiers, colonies, while the German maintains his right to seize what he desires, to kill when and whom he pleases, and to abrogate every law, human or divine, which interferes with his appetite or his lust." ' Peace now would be nothing more nor less than a German victory. Germany has accomplished her dream of the Middle Europe, the empire from Berlin to Bagdad. The lands of her allies are hers. German farm lands are still fertile. German homes have not known the ravage of an invading army of barbarians. Peace would mean but the beginning of prepara- tions for another great war, in which the forces of autocracy and democracy would clash in another death struggle. And a part of that second death struggle would have to be fought out on American soil, the granary of the world. — Oklahoma State Council of Defense. The German Intrigue for Peace Is it not easy to understand the eagerness for peace that has been manifested from Berlin ever since the snare was set and sprung? Peace, peace, peace has been the talk of her Foreign Office for now a year and more ; not peace upon her own initia- tive, but upon the initiative of the nations over which she now deems herself to hold the advantage. A little of the talk has been public, but most of it has been private. Through all sorts of channels it has come to me, and in all sorts of guises, but never with the terms disclosed which the German Government would be willing to accept. That government has other valu- able pawns in its hands besides those I have mentioned. It still holds a valuable part of France, though with slowly relaxing grasp, and practically the whole of Belgium. Its armies press close upon Russia and overrun Poland at their will. It cannot go further ; it dare not go back. It wishes to close its bargain before it is too late and it has little left to offer for the pound of flesh it will demand. The Road to Peace 55 The military masters under whom Germany is bleeding see very clearly to what point Fate has brought them. If they fall back or are forced back an inch, their power both abroad and at home will fall to pieces like a house of cards. It is their power at home they are thinking about now more than their power abroad. It is that power which is trembling under their very feet; and deep fear has entered their hearts. They have but one chance to perpetuate their military power or even their controlling political influence. If they can secure peace now with the immense advantages still in their hands which they have up to this point apparently gained, they will have justified themselves before the German people : they will have gained by force what they promised to gain by it : an immense expansion of German power, an immense enlargement of German indus- trial and commercial opportunities. Their prestige will be secure, and with their prestige their political power. If they fail, their people will thrust them aside ; a government account- able to the people themselves will be set up in Germany as it has been in England, in the United States, in France, and in all the great countries of the modern time except Germany. If they succeed they are safe and Germany and the world are undone ; if they fail Germany is saved and the world will be at peace. If they succeed, America will fall within the menace. We and all the rest of the world must remain armed, as they will remain, and must make ready for the next step in their aggression ; if they fail, the world may unite for peace and Germany may be of the union. The facts are patent to all the world, and nowhere are they more plainly seen than in the United States, where we are accustomed to deal with facts and not with sophistries ; and the great fact that stands out above all the rest is that this is a People's War, a war for freedom and justice and self-govern- ment amongst all the nations of the world, a war to make the world safe for the peoples who live upon it and have made it their own, the German people themselves included ; and that with us rests the choice to break through all these hypocrisies and patent cheats and masks of brute force and help set the world free, or else stand aside and let it be dominated a long age through by sheer weight of arms and the arbitrary choices 56 The Road to Peace of self-constituted masters, by the nation which can maintain the biggest armies and the most irresitible armaments, — a power to which the world has afforded no parallel and in the face of which political freedom must wither and perish. For us there is but one choice. We have made it. Woe be to the man or group of men that seeks to stand in our way in this day of high resolution when every principle we hold dearest is to be vindicated and made secure for the salvation of the nations. We are ready to plead at the bar of history, and our flag shall wear a new lustre. Once more we shall make good with our lives and fortunes the great faith to which we were born, and a new glory shall shine in the face of our people. — From President Wilson's Flag Day Address, June 14, 1917. The Test of the Peace to Come The test, therefore, of every plan of peace is this : Is it based upon the faith of all the peoples involved, or merely upon the word of an ambitious and intriguing Government, on the one hand, and a group of free peoples, on the other? This is a test which goes to the root of the matter; and it is the test which must be applied. The purposes of the United States in this war are known to the whole world — to every people to whom the truth has been permitted to come. They do not need to be stated again. We seek no material advantage of any kind. We believe that the intolerable wrongs done in this war by the furious and brutal power of the Imperial German Government ought to be repaired, but not at the expense of the sovereignty of any peo- ple — rather a vindication of the sovereignty both of those that are weak and of those that are strong. Punitive damages, the dismemberment of empires, the establishment of selfish and exclusive economic leagues, we deem inexpedient, and in the end worse than futile, no proper basis for a peace of any kind, least of all for an enduring peace. That must be based upon justice and fairness and the common rights of mankind. We cannot take the word of the present rulers of Germany as a guarantee of anything that is to endure unless explicitly supported by such conclusive evidence of the will and purpose of the German people themselves as the other peoples of the The Road to Peace 57 world would be justified in accepting. Without such guaran- tees treaties of settlement, agreements for disarmament, covenants to set up arbitration in the place of force, territorial adjustments, reconstitutions of small nations, if made with the German Government, no man, no nation, could now depend on. We must await some new evidence of the purposes of the great peoples of the Central Powers. God grant it may be given soon in a way to restore the confidence of all peoples everywhere in the faith of nations and the possibility of a cov- enanted peace. — From President Wilson's Reply to the Pope's Peace Proposal. United in War for the Sake of Peace People ask me every day how long this war will last. My answer is that I do not know ; and I do not know anybody who does know. When anybody tells me he thinks he knows, 1 lose confidence in his judgment. I know of nothing upon which any human being is able to predicate a guess that is of any value as to the length of this war. But I can state a fact that is worth more than any guess, prediction or prophecy, and that is that no matter whether the war be long or short, the shortest road to peace is the road straight ahead, with no division among our people. We can not afford to allow any- body in this world to think for one minute that there is any division among the American people when once our nation has decided to enter a war. The more earnestly one desires peace, the more loyally he should support the government as the only way to hasten peace. — William Jennings Bryan. Two World Peace Programs The World's Court League The League to Enforce Peace Favors a League among na- Favors a League of nations tions to secure : to secure : 1. An International Court i. A Judicial Tribunal for of Justice for all justiciable all justiciable questions not questions not settled by nego- settled by negotiation, tiation. 2. An International Council 2. An International Coun- of Conciliation. 58 The Road to Peace cil of Conciliation, in addition to the Permanent Court of Arbitration at The Hague, 3. World Conferences meet- ing regularly at shorter inter- vals than heretofore : To es- tablish the Court and Council ; to formulate and codify rules of international law valid for all nations which approve them. 4. A Permanent Continua- tion Committee of the World Conferences with such powers as the Conferences may grant. —National Security League's 3. Conferences of signatory powers from time to time : To formulate and codify rules of international law valid unless vetoed by some signatory power within a stated period. 4. Joint use of economic forces against a signatory power which refuses to sub- mit any question to court or council before committing hostilities ; joint use of mili- tary forces against a signatory which actually begins war be- fore such submission. Handbook. With Our Faces Toward the Light This America that we thought was full of a multitude of contrary counsels now speaks with the great volume of the heart's accord, and that great heart of America has behind it the supreme moral force of righteousness and hope and the liberty of mankind. — Woodrow Wilson. PART II THE VOICE OF SOUTH CAROLINA GOVERNOR RICHARD I. MANNING "South Carolinians have too splendid a history behind them in times of war not to do and give their utmost at this time, when the United States has arrayed itself against the most formidable military machine the world has ever known. Our people will do their duty courageously and with a spirit that will not admit defeat. "But this war, thrust upon us by the unscrupulous designs of an autocratic power, calls upon us to make every sacrifice. The world-wide German intrigue, revealed by recent dis- closures, proves beyond question the justice and necessity for this war. It shows Germany's purpose to subjugate the coun- tries of Europe by the basest means known to man, by dis- gracing the women, and then to pursue these methods on us. Red-blooded, brave men could not fail to act decisively to pre- vent such action and to defeat such purposes. The war was a necessity if the world is to be a safe place for men and women, and it must therefore be won at any cost and sacrifice. "We will be called upon to give our time and money, to give ourselves and our loved ones, in the cause of democracy. Let us do it with the knowledge that we are fighting for our own safety, for the honor of our women and our country, for civilization and humanity, and for the security of liberty in the ages to come. Let us not measure our patriotism by what we deny ourselves, but also by the service we are rendering our State and our country in this crisis. "I urge you, therefore, to join in with all accredited agencies of the Government in their earnest efforts to put this country, and our State especially, upon a war footing." — Richard I. Manning. SENATOR B. R. TILLMAN "I am, heart and soul, in favor of the vigorous prosecution of this war until the Hohenzollerns are brought to their senses. The policy outlined by the President in his reply to the Pope has been made a fact of history. If we do not fight Germany in Europe, and see that her scheme for universal domination 62 The Voice of South Carolina of the world comes to naught, we will certainly have to figfht her here later. Therefore, in every way possible, I am encour- aging the most vigorous prosecution of the war. We cannot afford to lie supinely on our backs and not fight for all we are worth. The sooner the people understand the situation and pursue this policy the better off we will be." — B. R. Tillman. SENATOR E. D. SMITH "This war was not of our seeking; our rights as Americans were ruthlessly disregarded and international law of long standing was violated by the German Government. It might have been a question whether we should have gone to war if only American property had been destroyed, but when Amer- ican lives, the lives of women and little children, were heart- lessly taken, then there was nothing left but for us by a declar- ation of war and its relentless prosecution to serve notice not alone upon the German Government but upon the world at large that free, democratic America would not allow the rights of her citizens and of the government to be violated with impunity, more especially when this violation took the form of cold-blooded murder of her citizens upon the high seas. "We have sent our soldiers and seamen to vindicate these rights and to uphold the honor and dignity of our flag. Those citizens who are to be at home should find it a glorious priv- ilege to rally in every way possible to the support and sus- tenance of our army and navy and to lend what aid we can to our Allies. "In this mighty struggle the National and Local Councils of Defense are the organized bodies charged with the duty of indicating the lines along which the best service can be ren- dered. Hearty co-operation with them will be the most efficient means of rendering the best service." — E. D. Smith. ATTORNEY GENERAL THOS. H. PEEPLES "It is absolutely essential to the preservation of our govern- ment, and to democracy, that each of the sovereign States co-operate with the Government in its every effort to achieve a speedy victory in the great conflict that is overshadowing the world, to the end that peace may again reign supreme. The The Voice of South Carolina 63 response of South Carolina and her citizens will be what it has always been in every emergency which has confronted the nation — the performance of their whole duty with a devoted and sacrificial loyalty and patriotism." — Thos. H. Peeples. ASSISTANT ATTORNEY GENERAL CLAUD N. SAPP "The American Union is at this time in a death grapple with the Imperial German Government, the strongest nation in arms the world has ever known. Upon the result of this struggle the existence of democracies in the future depends. The strength of the nation is no greater than the average of her citizenship. It is, therefore, the duty of all loyal Americans to rally to the support of the President and the flag, as failure so to do will give aid and comfort to the common enemy." — Clcmd N. Sapp. CHRISTIE BENET "If your life has been a good one, bounded only by your am- bition and your ability ; if you think that the oceans are the highways of the world to be used by all the nations ; if you have lived under a flag that means freedom to you and to all ; if you feel that women and children are to be protected and guarded at any cost ; if you believe in truth and honor, and that right is greater than might ; — then you believe in the cause of the Allies, now the cause of the United States. "Germany believes in the divine right of Kings, and that the Hohenzollerns are to be kept on their throne, although men and women by the million must die to bring that about. She caused the wanton and studied destruction of Belgium and has justified the rape of the women of Belgium, France and Armenia. She has ordered her officers to sink at sea and at night unarmed passenger ships so that 'no trace will be left.' She has caused the sinking of hospital ships and the bombing at night of hospitals, both filled with wounded men. She believes that war justifies killing unarmed nurses who were trying to save wounded men from the buildings set on fire by German aviators ; shooting Edith Cavell, the English nurse, in the dead of night, and lying about her farcical trial to the Minister of the United States who tried to save her. She has plunged the world in blood to get her 'place in the sun,' which 64 The Voice of South Carolina means every place under the sun. She believes that her ambas- sadors and chancellors are justified in using trickery and deceit, bribery and murder, to bring about her ends, and that Peace is contemptible and War glorious ! "The Allies of the United States are : England, — the home of free men and of free speech ; France, — the sister Republic that aided us in our hour of peril and need, now 'bled v^hite' by three years of war; Russia, — betrayed by her own sons bought by German gold, but with all the long- ing for democracy taught by France and the United States ; Italy, — the land of Garibaldi and Cavore, with her 'pas- sion for liberty' ; Canada, — Australia, — New Zealand, — India, — the chil- dren of Great Britain rally- ing from the ends of the earth to her support ; Cuba, — our own baby ; Belgium, — who lost her lands but saved her soul when she could have bargained and grown rich ; Servia, — crushed by the power of the Teutons but reso- lutely fighting on ; Roumania, — knowing the path was bloody, but choosing it in preference to the rule of the Kaiser and the Turk ; "On the other side stand : Germany, — the home of Kul- tur, the advocate of Might, the country of the subma- rine and the bomb at night ; Austria, — the backward-look- ing, controlled by the Kaiser and the Pro-German party ; Bulgaria, — who traded with the side her crafty King, Ferdinand, thought the stronger ; Turkey, — the unspeakable, the home of the harem, the assassin of Christian Arme- nia. The Voice of South Carolina 65 Greece, — long betrayed but now free to fight for her future and the future of the world, "The Hour has come! Stand up and choose your side!" — Christie Benet, Columbia. H. H. BLEASE "It is immaterial whether we approve of the war, or whether we approve of the wisdom of the Government in selecting our soldiers by draft. The fact is, that we are at war, and that our young men have been drawn, and American citizens have been killed. It is the duty of every citizen to do everything possible to conserve our men morally and physically, and to exert all of our energy to cause our armies to be successful. This is no time for halting or quibbling. It is no time for asking and answering questions. It is our duty to act, act promptly, act positively, act intelligently, in obedience to the voice of our Government, which has spoken through the National Congress and the great Chief Executive of this Nation. "On one occasion, the Great Teacher, the Savior of men, was asked a question. Before answering the question, He called for a penny. After examining this penny. He said, 'Render unto Caesar the things which are Caesar's.' I under- stand this to teach in this day, which day is yours and mine, that it is the duty of every person to render obedience unto the laws of his State and Nation. It is, therefore, the time when we should forget selfishness ; it is the time when we should not think of partisanship ; it is the time when we should not think of political preferment; it is the time when South Carolinians should stand shoulder to shoulder, as one man; it is the time when every citizen should be invited to do publicly and pri- vately that which he can to advance the great work in which we are engaged, and every one should do everything possible to advance our common interests and preserve our integrity as a State and Nation ; it is the time when we should all strive to do the obscure things, if we are the best fitted to do such 66 The Voice of South Carolina things, and whether we are best fitted or not, if we cannot do the prominent thing, we should do the obscure thing. "We have nothing to do with the cause of the war. What- ever that cause may have been, it is now necessary for us not only to fight for world-wide democracy, for national democ- racy, for state democracy, but it is necessary that we should fight for liberty, our liberty, the liberty of our wives, the lib- erty of our children, the liberty of our posterity, the liberty for which our forefathers fought. If the Germans are victorious, and if they are guilty of one-tenth of the atrocious, heinous and unspeakable crimes which are charged against them, God have mercy upon our girls and women, by taking them imme- diately to heaven, for if they are forced to undergo that which it is said the women of the sections of the countries that have been overcome by the Germans have had to undergo, death will be preferable. It is the duty of every man and woman to be up and doing, doing actively, doing earnestly, everything that it is possible for them to do in order to bring victory to our mil- itary forces, in order to bring peace to our country, in order to bring permanent peace to all men. Therefore, let us dare to be true, true to ourselves, true to our countrymen, and true to God." — H. H. Blease, Newberry. LOWNDES BROWNING "Our country is at war, and it is the duty of every citizen to aid to the utmost in bringing it to a successful issue. Whether we were justified in entering this war will be a fit subject for discussion after peace is concluded. My whole being tells me that no nation ever entered upon a more justifiable, a more righteous war. But did I believe my country was unjustified in entering upon this conflict, I would be a traitor did I give public utterance to such belief, because I would be giving aid and encouragement to the enemies of my country and stimu- lating them to greater resistance, my utterances showing that there was a division of sentiment on this question. I would be a murderer of my fellow citizens, because in encouraging the enemy to greater exertion, I necessarily cause more of my countrymen to die upon the field of battle, before they bring the war to a successful issue. The Voice of South Carolina 67 ''The man who says the United States was not justified in entering this war, is one who, when travehng upon a pubHc highway with his wife and children, is attacked by a ruffian, runs away, leaving those dependent upon him for protection, to be robbed or murdered at the pleasure of the outlaw, and who afterwards justifies his cowardly action and also excuses the ruffian for his brutal murders." — Loivndes Brozvning, Union. R. A. COOPER "It is practically impossible to add anything to what has been stated many times on this subject. Every patriotic citi- zen can assume but one attitude, and that is a determination to serve his country in every way possible to bring this war to a successful and speedy conclusion, and reduce the sufifer- ing and sacrifice to a minimum. We must be ready and will- ing to make any material sacrifice necessary for the efficient work of our armies and navies. Let us cease discussing the merits of the controversy. The question of our duty has been determined by the court of last resort. Our cause is just; the victory must be won. Our soldiers will soon be on the firing line and they are entitled to the active, sympathetic sup- port of those who can not go to the front and share with them the hardships of battle. We must maintain that attitude so well expressed by Mr. Wilson in his address before Con- gress on April 2nd, when he said : " 'We have no selfish ends to serve. We desire no con- quest, no dominion. We seek no indemnity for ourselves, no material compensation for the sacrifices we shall freely make. We are but one of the champions of the rights of mankind. We shall be satisfied when those rights have been made as secure as the faith and freedom of nations can make them.' "If we live up to this high standard and carry this war to a successful conclusion — as we must and will do — America will become the guiding star and the 'bow of promise' of all the nations seeking the glorious light of liberty and our compen- sation will be the consciousness of having rendered a real service to the cause of humanity and democracy." — R. A. Cooper, Laurens. 68 The Voice of South Carolina WILLIAM SPENCER CURRELL "Three chief motives, gratitude, self-protection and the desire for the ultimate triumph of right, should impel our Government to prosecute with vigor and persistence the great struggle against the Central Powers dominated by Prussian Germany. For three years our four great allies, Italy, Russia, England and France have been fighting our battles at tremendous cost to themselves in men and money. Defeat for them would leave Europe at the mercy of a foe, striving for world-wide supremacy with 'the treachery of a spy and the ruthlessness of an assassin.' Against these aims and methods the forces of three-fourths of the world are arrayed in behalf of the cause of freedom, humanity, civilization and for the establishment on a firm and lasting basis of a safe and sane democracy in opposition to an aggressive autocracy. In this conflict an overwhelming majority of patriotic South Caro- linians are on the side of right and justice, and our citizens without distinction of race, color or sex will support the National Government with unflinching zeal and devotion. Animis opibusque parati, ready with our souls and resources, the motto of our State, is engraved indelibly on the hearts of our people." — W. S. Currell, University of South Carolina. DR. GEO. B. CROMER "We might have kept out of the war : "By admitting that Germany has the right selfishly to treat her solemn contracts with other nations as 'scraps of paper.' "By admitting that Germany had the right, with mailed fist and iron heel, ruthlessly to crush and destroy Belgium, a weak nation whose neutrality she was under sacred obligation to protect. "By admitting that Germany has the right to fence in the high seas, the great highway of nations, and to destroy the peaceful commerce of neutral countries, while professing to be their friend. "By admitting that Germany, while enjoying our hospitality and professing to be our friend, had the right to maintain an army of spies and carry on a campaign of lawlessness in our own country. The Voice of South Carolina 69 "By admitting that Germany, while professing to be our friend, had the right to embroil us with Mexico and Japan in an effort to destroy the integrity of our country. "By admitting that Germany, while professing to be our friend, had the right, with ruthless and devilish disregard of law and humanity, to destroy our ships and murder our citi- zens, men, women and children, traveling on peaceful missions and within their perfect legal rights. "By admitting that might is right ; that there is no law of nations above the will and power of the Imperial German Gov- ernment ; that our flag is no longer an emblem of sovereignty and national honor; that we have a spineless and nerveless Government or a nation of slackers and cowards ; and that our Constitution and the Declaration of Independence are 'scraps of paper.' "Being unwilling to admit these things, we are in the war. We will come out of the war by the gate of Victory — victory that will vindicate the rights and freedom of our own people, and victory for justice, liberty, and humanity. But we must overcome an army at home as well as vast armies in Europe. In our own country are spies, so-called pacifists, traitors and demagogues, who are diligently sowing the seeds of sedition and treason by criticising the methods and policies of our Gov- ernment and by creating division and dissatisfaction among our own people. They are trying to shackle the Government, and, in effect, they are attacking our army in flank and rear. Our army is entitled to the undivided support of a united coun- try. To this end and to the utmost limit of its Constitutional authority, the Government should put down the sinister Pro- German influences that are at work in our own country. There is no middle ground. Our citizens who are not Pro-American are Pro-German. Those who are not for us are against us." — George B. Cromer, Nezvberry. JOHN L. McLAURIN "No one has stated the question at issue so clearly as Presi-, dent Wilson in his reply to the peace proposal of the Pope. "There is no government in Germany upon whose assurances concerning peace we can depend. When the Junker in Germany 70 The Voice of South Carolina is put down, we can talk peace and not before. I have but little patience with the so-called pacifist. He is first cousin intellectually to the Prussian bully, who thinks that by a war of frightfulness the courage of a nation may be broken. One is a coward and the other is a brute. It is hard for mothers to give up their boys, but I have yet to hear of one holding back. When our women read of the outrages committed on mother- hood, the fountain from which springs the purity of the race, they understand the necessity and glory in giving their sons to save womanhood from the Hun despoiler. "The draft law is a success, and makes ridiculous those members of Congress who forecasted riots and bloodshed in the attempt to enforce it. It is being put into operation with order and system, undisturbed save by a few political agitators and other designing men who really sympathize with the enemies of the United States. All that the people want is to have the facts clearly presented as to the need of ridding this world of the German Scourge. We have the men and resources, let us never stop until German Savagery is com- pletely crushed into everlasting harmlessness." — Jno. L. McLaurin, B ennettsznlle . WHAT THE FREEDOM OF THE SEAS MEANS TO THE FARMERS T. G. McLEOD "Does the freedom of the sea affect you? If you say it is a Wall Street war, then I say that if under those circumstances it involved a cardinal principle and the maintenance of our liberty and honor I would fight for Wall Street even, but it does not. And Wall Street might say with a great deal more truth that it is a cotton war. You people are dependent upon cotton and it is your money crop. Therefore the happiness and prosperity of your homes are dependent upon your market for your cotton. It is a well known fact that we export prac- tically two-thirds of our' crop. Now, if Germany had been allowed to close the seas to our commerce then instead of get- ting twenty-five cents per pound for your cotton, you would probably be getting less than six. Why ? Because you would The Voice of South Carolina 71 have had a twelve million bale crop with a demand for only about four million bales. "Therefore, my cotton growing friends, when the Kaiser of Germany said to America, 'You cannot transport your cotton or any other goods across the ocean,' he stood upon your toes and spit in your faces. The sea is the great jugular vein of commerce, the main artery. You can sever the small veins of your hand and with first aid remedies to assist, immediately stop the flow of blood and your body maintains its normal con- dition, but cut the jugular vein and all the surgery in the world cannot save your life. The sea is the great jugular vein, the main artery of commerce. Our national life is dependent upon commerce for its existence, and as a nation, therefore, destroy this and you have destroyed our existence, or at least made us so dependent upon another power that we will remain no longer freemen but commercial serfs and slaves. 'T heard this splendidly illustrated a few days ago in a con- versation on the train. It was between an intelligent traveling man and a plain, one-horse farmer whom I knew. My friend, the farmer, began the conversation. He said, 'Look here. Mis- ter, what do you think about this war ? Me, myself, I ain't got no time for it. I don't see any use of it. They tell me it is about the sea. Now, I never been on the sea and I never expect to go on the sea, but if Germany wants the sea, I say let Germany have it and us keep out of this war. What do you think about it?' "The drummer took time, as all intelligent people should do, to answer intelligently the man, and he said : 'My friend, do you live on the public road?' " 'Yes, sir,' said the farmer. " 'What do you use it for?' " 'Why, haul my cotton to market ; I go to see my relatives and friends ; I go to church ; my children use it to go to school.' "Said the drummer: 'Suppose that twO' of your neighbors living upon that public road have a row, and either one of them says to you, "as long as this row lasts between us, you keep off of that road. If you do not you will get into trouble." Now, what will you do about it ?' "Said the farmer: 'Why, that road is free. If you take that 'J2 The Voice of South Carolina road away from me you take my living away from me. I will fight for that road. I would die before I would stay off of it.' " 'Yes,' said the drummer, 'and what the public road is to you, to your life and to your wife and your children, the great ocean is to the United States of America and to all the peoples that go to constitute this great government, and President Wil- son has said to the world and to Germany the same thing in a different way, and so has Congress. They have said to Ger- many, 'the great seas are free and we will die before we will surrender this basic principle of our existence.' "The farmer said, 'I see the point.' And so must any honest man." — From T. G. McLeod's Speech at Darlington, Harts- ville, etc. JOHN G. RICHARDS "All of us cannot go to the front, but we can at least per- form our duty to our country at home or wherever circum- stances have called us to serve. There are many ways in which we can serve our country in this great crisis, and these opportunities will be eagerly grasped ; but the greatest, the most sacred duty for us who are to remain at home is to assure our boys who go to the front, and who must bare their breasts in their country's cause, that they are heroes every one of them ; that they are performing the greatest duty that it is possible for a citizen to perform for his country ; that they not only have our love and respect, but the gratitude which our country offers them shall last forever. "Let us stand as one man with our whole hearts behind the men who are to fight our battles in this war, and they will win." — John G. Richards, Liberty Hill. DR. OLIN SAWYER "After most serious and prayerful consideration, I do not see how our country could have taken further injuries and insults and maintained our respectability among the nations of the earth in order to have kept out of this war. If the Presi- dent and Congress made any mistake, it was in not declaring war on Germany when the Lusitania was sunk. "T do not see what else Germany could have done to make us fight, unless the Kaiser had come over here and slapped The Voice of South Carolina 73 the President's face. Of course everybody wanted an 'hon- orable peace' before war was ever declared, but we were fast coming to a dishonorable position in trying to keep that peace. Now, war having been declared, we still want that 'honorable peace', but how can we get it? I know of no way to get it from a ruthless, vain-glorying, ambitious foe who doesn't think we will fight, and, if we do, that he can lick us — I say I know of no way to get that 'honorable peace' but to give this haughty and arrogant government such a thorough thrashing that it will be willing to come down from its high place and agree to this 'honorable peace.' "Our country being at war, I can conceive of but two stands — for our country and government or against our country and government. There can be no half-way ground or fence- straddling. "Our allies are fighting our fight and we are fighting theirs ; and, therefore, abuse and attacks upon them or any of them is an attack upon us and upon our country. "In my judgment it is supremely proper to teach and to explain to our people the causes of this war and the many complicated questions and interests that are involved and that will continue to arise until a final settlement is reached. Such teaching and explanations are not signs of weakness in the causes of the war, any more than the continuous preaching of the Gospel is evidence of its weakness and inefficiency ; therefore, the State Council of Defense and all other agencies should lose no occasion to preach and teach the absolute justi- fication of our country being forced into this war and on the defensive at that, regardless of the doubtful position taken by those who show to the enemies of our country that we are not standing together in this fight, by still arguing the question of our entrance into this war, and that it is a sign of weakness of the cause when effort is made to teach and inform the people of the insidious way many things were done that forced our President and Congress to lead us into war. "Then, for the sake of all that is great and glorious in our country, long the standard of successful republics and democ- racies, to which the less free peoples of other nations could point as a living example of a government of, for, and by the 74 The Voice of South Carolina people — let us rise up as one man against the enemies of America and the enemies of democracies and in deed and in truth fight till Democracy is safe and the curse of every Autoc- racy is struck from the necks of the children of men, wherever they may inhabit the earth." — Olin Sawyer, Georgetown. CHAS. CARROLL SIMMS "If the President is criticised on his Mexican policies, there can be no question of his earnest efforts to maintain neutrality in the present war, and the entry of this country into this war was inevitable and preordained. The European conditions for centuries have been abominable. Aristocratic arrogance all pervasive. Class controlled and rights of the people trampled upon. Slavery of the worse character was endured by the poor and working classes, whilst social equality depended not upon merit, but upon privilege. Unbridled license in court cir- cles and freedom from all moral, intellectual or even decent influences, prevailed, and whatever the abilities and character of a man, his social importance was established by his wealth and not by his earning capacity. "A like degeneration has progressed in this country. All ideals have been laid aside and disregarded in the mad en- deavor for enjoyment without work and amassing money, until we have become a people uncontrolled by God or the fear of eternal consequences. We have worshipped the golden calf and like the balance of the world, we are facing the fate of the Ephraimites. This war was not a spontaneous combus- tion, nor incidental to European entanglements, but has arisen in the Providence of God, and the mere death of a Duke, or the violation of the Belgium treaty were merely excusatory of that which had to come, and such incidents, as the thirty pieces of silver to Iscariot, form merely a part in the fulfillment of the destiny of the world. "Out of this war will be evolved a greater world. The chaff will be winnowed from the seed; new ideals will be estab- lished ; purification in the blood, in the sacrifice will result and a prosperity hitherto unknown will come, especially to the South, and a consciousness of duty to the Supreme Authority and a happier communion among men in equal enjoyment will The Voice of South Carolina 75 be established, founded upon mutual respect and considera- tion." — Chas. Carroll Simms, Barmvell. DR. HENRY N. SNYDER "The deeper we try to think into the causes and issues of the world-tragedy into which we have been drawn, the more evident does it become that we are engaged in a conflict of irreconcilable ideals of life and government, and that the bat- tle-ground for determining which of these ideals shall prevail cannot be confined to European lands. The stark, naked truth of the matter, then, is that the ideals held to and put into frightful practice by the Imperial German Government and the ideals of the American Government cannot exist together on this planet. They are so fundamentally hostile to one another that the world is not big enough to furnish to both room for peaceful and friendly living. A victorious autocracy now would mean either the death of democracy or its slow recuperation for another and even bloodier test of its right to live. "Gradually and firmly this conviction is gripping the minds of our people, and with a grim, quiet, fixed determination they are taking up the mighty task of war in order that govern- ments of the people, by the people, and for the people shall not perish from the earth. 'Tn the accomplishment of this task they are realizing: "i. That the war they are in is a matching of the whole resources of the nations involved, — man-power, money-power, material-power, spiritual-power. "2. That these resources, to be practically available, must be intelligently mobilized. All that the nation has, therefore, must be at the command of every official call and appeal and be related vitally to the various organizations that have been put in motion for utilizing the national resources. "3. That the motto of each American citizen should be, — Each the bit for which each is fit. For when we think of all the resources of the nation, we think of each of us and what each can do as an essential part of those resources. In this battle to save democracy each man and woman is privileged to have his share, and not to accept it whole-heartedly is to 76 The Voice of South Carolina fail to meet the big patriotic duty of the hour. Therefore, behind the soldiers in the fighting fronts we are to form a vast army of the hosts of freedom, creating, conserving, and organ- izing the resources of the nation that the victory may be sure and complete. This means that we are soldiers all wherever we are, — in the home, in shop, and store, and office, and on the farm, consecrating our labors and co-ordinating our service to the supreme business of the hour." — Henry N. Snyder, Spartanburg. W. A. STUCKEY "It was either war with Germany or absolute disregard of our national ideals, honor, dignity, safety and self-respect. "Since a soldier is worthy of honor and dignity in propor- tion to the loftiness of the principles for which he contends, surely, then, the soldier of the army of select draft will always be worthy of our highest admiration and esteem, — having given the highest service for the freedom and happiness of mankind. "He who does not by word and deed give his service to his country in this struggle is untrue to the best traditions of his country, and the future generations will be taught whom to honor." — W. A. Stuckey, Bishopville. DR. JOHN E. WHITE "I am sorry for any South Carolina fellow citizen who has gotten off on the wrong foot about this war and the obligation of his State to support his country and humanity in the world struggle for democracy. "If he is lukewarm, uninterested or indifferent I would appeal to him to arouse himself to the fact that it involves everything — his, mine, and ours — for all the future. "It is wrong — nay, it is belittling to mind and heart for a man to be placid and unconcerned while such a vital issue of human fate is suspended in doubt. "If he has permitted himself to express what he regards as honest and intelligent opposition to the course his country has taken against Germany, I would beg him to consider that the great Southerner and Democrat, upon whom the burden fell. The Voice of South Carolina 77 tried everything — patience, pleading and endurance beyond measure — to keep the German fist away from America's face, and to keep America's fist in the glove of peace ; and that in spite of injury and insult, such as no nation in history ever tolerated, our country did not enter the war in the spirit of pugilism and brute anger, but only when the Russian revolu- tion nakedly exposed the true nature of the struggle as an issue of destiny between brutalism and autocracy, and human- ity and democracy. "I would beg him to consider before he utters another word in opposition to his country's position in this war the moral meaning of his personal situation when a South Carolina cit- izen allows himself to be associated for one minute on the un- American side of such a struggle as this. If Germany wins it, then the hope of peace for centuries is dead. For democracy, beaten for the time, will enter upon an age-long defense of its life on this earth. If Germany is not defeated, the American republic as we have known it and loved it will through sheer necessity, which nothing can prevent, become a military nation with concentrated and autocratic powers taken from the States and from the people and placed in the hands of its Presidents. "I would beg every Southern man as he loves peace and remembers his forefathers fighting for democracy to allow no one to mislead him into forgetting what we owe to France for our liberty ; what the owe in sympathy to men striving for free- dom anywhere ; what we owe to the cherished democratic forms of our own republic ; and what we owe to the ideal and hope for an enduring peace between nations, for this war by the defeat of the very gods of war is the only chance international brotherhood has on this earth." — John E. White, Anderson. THE SOUTH'S RESPONSIBILITY IN THE WAR For the first time in many years the South has recently come into its own in national circles. The party whose principles it has striven for for generations is in power. A Southern man is in the presidency ; Southern men are in the cabinet ; South- ern statesmen are at the head of important committees in both houses of Congress and are directing legislation of world-wide import; Southern views and Southern ideas are 78 The Voice of South Carolina making- themselves understood and appreciated in Washington. To such an extent does this condition prevail that certain other sections of our country, long used to controlling the reins of government, are showing signs of restlessness and uneasiness. Their attitude is well expressed in the skeptical old saying, "Get away from the wheelbarrow ; what do you know about machinery?" As one influential Pennsylvania Republican remarked to a member of the South Carolina State Council of Defense, partly in jest but mainly in earnest: "Well, one thing is sure. The conduct of this war is in the hands of the South. We entered it under your leadership and are con- ducting it under your management. If the United States falls down, it will be your fault. The responsibility rests squarely on 'you air." Of course, he overstated the case. South, North, East, and West, Demjocrats, Republicans, and Pnogressives, — all are standing shoulder to shoulder in the tremendous struggle for world freedom. But there is just enough truth in what he said to give food for thought. The South was the birthplace and cradle of our national democracy. On the anvil of the South was forged the sword of American liberty. After the brief divided years of the 6o's and the slow healing of Reconstruction days, the South has grown into the most homogeneous and strongly individualized section of our country. We are one in thought, one in feeling, one in purpose. Nowhere does there throb more vitally and enduringly the fine noblesse oblige of democracy, liberty, and idealism. South Carolina above all is peculiarly linked to the present administration by manifold, powerful ties of allegiance, loy- alty, and love. The unwavering support and steadfast devo- tion of our whole State is the least gift we can bring. If there is one spot in the United States where doubt, criticism, divi- sion, and disloyalty should at present be unthinkable, that spot is South Carolina. R. S., Columbia. PART III HOW YOU CAN HELP WIN THE WAR STOP CRITICIZING, CHEER UP, AND GET BUSY 1. Learn ten reasons why you think we should be at war and be prepared to put forward those views whenever oppor- tunity offers. 2. Stop criticizing people who are actively working for the war, whether they are in the military or naval service, in the Red Cross or what not. Get busy yourself and let some one else who is not working criticise you. 3. Cheer up. We are going to have lots to be down-hearted about, and there is no need to cross a bridge before we get to it. 4. Resolve not to spend a cent unless it is necessary. Make this apply to your purchases of personal effects, except a moderate amount of pleasure-giving recreation. It is neces- sary that people keep sane, and they have got to have some amusement to stay sane. — Christie Benet, Columbia. HELP THE ALLIES AND SUPPORT THE ADMINIS- TRATION The Government of the United States has done wonder- fully well in the steps it has taken in the limited time we have had towards winning the war. The best place to win the war is by concerted action with the Allies on the other side of the ocean, and the sooner we get an adequate number of men there to aid those who are in the field, and to push the war to its end, is the best thing that can be done. In my humble judgment no peace will be reached until the Allied troops invade a considerable portion of German territory. The Council of Defense in South Carolina can only assist in encouraging enlistments, and supporting the administration, not only by act but by word, and build up a healthy sentiment in favor of what the administration is doing. No matter what differences of opinion may have existed when the war started, as to why we should go into it, or why we should not go into it, it is our war now, and we must all stand together. — E. R. Buckingham, Ellenton. 82 How You Can Help Win the War CARRY OUT EXISTING IDEAS Sufficient ideas have already been advanced and the best work that can be done at this time by individuals is to help carry through to success those ideas. Plans put forth may not meet with each individual's idea, but it should be remem- bered that the greatest good can be accomplished by the indi- vidual lending his best efforts to make the plans already in operation a success rather than to try and show that some other plan would be better. It is the duty of every American citizen to support in every possible way the present adminis- tration. — Ira B. Dunlap, Rock Hill. FIGHT GERMANY ON THE OTHER SIDE Germany's plan was to crush France swiftly, overwhelm Russia at her leisure ; then having the channel ports, to invade England, which would have been easy because of England's vast unpreparedness. Having defeated the English navy, she planned then to levy an indemnity on the United States of $125,000,- 000,000, half of the United States' entire wealth. We had better whip Germany now while we have the aid of England, France, Russia, Italy and the others than be forced to fight her single handed a few years hence. If you are not needed in active service at the front, one of the best aids to your country is to make your own business a success. It is the failure of her business interests which will crush Germany much more than the armies fighting against her. — William Elliott, Columbia. EVERY MAN NEEDED The people have such explicit confidence in President Wil- son that they are prone to leave the war in his hands — but America "expects every man to do his duty" — and every one should contribute his individual thought and energy to assist- ing to an ultimate and lasting peace. — Wm. Godfrey, Cherazv. ECONOMIZE AND SUPPORT THE ADMINISTRATION You can help to win the war by setting an example of econ- omy ; by encouraging the production and conservation of those articles of food and clothing which your land will produce How You Can Help Win the War 83 more cheaply than you can buy, but which you are now fool- ishly importing at ridiculous prices ; by the prevention of waste which is a more formidable enemy than the Kaiser him- self, while our own army and those of our allies are dependent on us for supplies. By unselfishly lending your time, talent and energies to the various service leagues and similar organizations in your com- munity. By keeping in touch with the motives and purposes of the administration, and creating a sentiment of patriotic co-opera- tion and encouragement among those who are not so well informed ; by discussing with them intelligently the necessity for America's participation in the war, and pointing out the inevitable catastrophe that would have befallen the entire world, including ourselves, as the result of a Teutonic victory, and preaching the gospel that regardless of such necessity, since we are in it, we are in it to win. — W. I. Johns, Baldock. STAND BACK OF THE GOVERNMENT AND THE ARMY Let each one of us give our government, its department heads and officers and employees our earnest, energetic and loyal support first, last and all the time ; whether we differ with them in the administration of business matters or not, we must back them and help them solve the many problems which now have so little time for solution. In State and city affairs, let us give the same loyal support to those who are in charge and let no small differences of opinion interrupt good work for the community. In our industries, let us keep them going to the best produc- tivity and serve our customers as usual and at the least ex- pense. In our homes, let us save on food, regulate our pleasures and enjoyments, put in good shape our financial affairs and save in every way we can in order that we may help the government by purchasing bonds, subscribing to the many needs of the hour and furnishing the means of supplying the boys at the front with the very best equipment for fighting and defending themselves and when hurt of taking care of them. §4 How You Can Help Win the War Above all, let us encourage a respect and affection for the great, splendid army that is forming to fight our battles on foreign soil for freedom and the restoration of those lands despoiled by the heel of the tyrant. — /. Ross Hanahan, Charles- ton. SOUTH CAROLINA'S DUTY IN THE FOOD SITUATION The thought prevails that the issues involved in the present war will be decided in favor of the countries furnishing the last crust rather than the last soldier. If this be true, the responsi- bility placed upon the shoulders of the rural people of the United States is greater than that ever borne by any class of the world's citizenship since the beginning of the Christian era. South Carolina is expected to do its part in furnishing bread, fats and meat to our soldiers and those who are now fighting our battles. We should be thankful that we live in a State the natural advantages of which make it an easy task for us to comply with the sacred demands of our Government. The Government expects us to increase our acreage in wheat in South Carolina this year by 37 per cent, over our acreage of last year. Last year's acreage was 225,000. A 37 per cent, increase will give us a total of 308,250 acres. Surely this demand will be cheerfully complied with when we remember that in the fall of 1914 we seeded 337,000 acres in wheat, when the necessity for this large acreage was not so urgent as it is today. Some one suggested an acre of wheat to the plow. As we have in South Carolina only 79,847 horses and 155,471 mules, making a total of 235,318 plow stock, and when we deduct 30,000 that are being used for other purposes than for the cultivation of the soil, we can understand that that slogan cannot be adopted. The County Councils should ascertain the number of acres of wheat seeded last season in each county and endeavor to secure a 50 per cent, increase, which would very probably result in obtaining the increase suggested by the Government. The Extension forces of Clemson College and the United States Department of Agriculture, at the proper season, propose to make a vigorous campaign in co-operation with the State Council of Defense and the County Councils to obtain the desired end. How You Can Help Win the War 85 It would not be a wise policy to greatly increase our wheat acreage over the figures suggested by the Government for if this were done we would have to decrease our acreage in cotton or corn. This would be economically wrong for the rea- son that the average production of corn per acre in the State is 20 bushels and the average production of cotton seed is 16 bushels per acre and the average production of wheat is 10^ bushels per acre. A bushel of corn and a bushel of cotton seed have as great a food value as a bushel of wheat, and besides, cotton seed is one of our cheapest sources of fat and, there- fore, if we were to carry out the suggestion of the Govern- ment of increasing our wheat acreage by 37 per cent, we would not only perform our duty as requested by our Government but we would act wisely. The war has injected into an already difficult situation a number of vicious conditions which are jeopardizing the ulti- mate animal products supply of the world. A decrease of 115,- 000,000 in the world's meat producing animals is shown by a comparison of present with pre-war conditions issued recently by the Department of Agriculture at Washington. While the increase of cattle in the United States was 7,000,000 during this three-year period, the total world's decrease was 28,- 000,000. Sheep decreased 3,000,000 in the United States and 54,000,000 in the world. Hogs decreased 6,275,000 in the United States and 32,425,000 in the world. The demand made by the war on the American meat supply is shown further in the quantity of our meat exports which were 1,339,193,000 pounds for the year ending June 30, 1916, as compared with 493,848,000 poimds for a three-year pre-war average. These exports have chiefly gone to our Allies whose capital stock of animals has decreased by 33,000,000 head. We have been dealing with existing conditions as to food animals in the United States and the world. Let's come a little nearer home. In 1850, with a population of some 500,000 souls, there were in South Carolina 777,686 cattle, 193,244 dairy cows, 1,065,503 hogs and 285,557 sheep. In 1910 (cen- sus figures) we had 412,278 cattle, 180,842 dairy cows, 678,228 hogs and 37,928 sheep with a population of a million and a half souls. This gave us one head of cattle to every 35 acres 86 How You Can Help Win the War of land, one dairy cow to every 75 acres, and one hog to every 20 acres ; one dairy cow to every nine persons and one hog to every three persons. This was a distressing condition before the war, but then we could expect to purchase at reasonable prices our food and breeding animals from other parts of the country. What must we expect if the war continues for a year or possibly two years ? This situation is not only serious but alarming. This fact is a certainty, that the world's supply of meat and dairy products, of animal fats, is all involved not only now but far into the future. Surely sensible men will begin to make preparations in order that our people shall not be denied these prime necessities of life. Therefore, we should begin at once to increase our forage crops, pay special atten- tion to the development of pasture lands and pass a law in the State that no heifer calf shall be sold for slaughter for a period of five years. Another source of meat supply can be developed in South Carolina at exceedingly little cost. Our streams contribute great quantities of fish. At little expense a great many farms are so situated that artificial ponds can be constructed and with the co-operation of the Fish Commission at Washington these ponds can be stocked with the choicest table fish and with some little care a bountiful supply of meat products can be secured from this source. Every fish eaten is that much gain in solving the present problem of living. The food products of the land are conserved by eating those of the streams. This is a matter that is worth looking into and the Extension Division of Clemson College is arranging to take this matter up with the Fish Commission at Washington in order to render assistance to those who are interested in con- structing their private fish ponds. — W. W. Long, Director of Extension, Clemson College. ONE HUNDRED PER CENT. LOYALTY AMERICANS ! Are you willing to be the slaves of a German Military Autocracy? If not, to win this war for the liberty of Democ- racy ; to make the world a safe place for you and your children to live in, these things are demanded of you : How You Can Help Win the War 87 You must support the Government with 100 per cent, of loyalty and patriotism. You must give 100 per cent, of service, if necessary, in your business ; and in your living 100 per cent, effilciency is de-- manded of you. You must produce ; you must conserve. You must be prepared to make sacrifices again and again, if the barbarous rule of brutal Prussia is to be overthrown, and the war lords of Imperial Germany crushed. — A. C. Phelps; Sumter. SHOW YOUR FAITH We can help win the v/ar by having faith in the patriotism, wisdom and efficiency of our Government, and by showing that faith by our words, deeds and attitudes at all times and under all circumstances. Such a showing of faith will cheer those who are discouraged, inspire to greater effort those who are loyal, and stay the hands of those who, in the soil of ignorance and selfishness, sow the yellow seeds of discord and dissatis- faction. — President W. M. Riggs, Clemson College. LOYALTY AND SERVICE We can win the war by true loyalty to the Government and personal sacrifice. — Frank J. Simmons, Charleston. PRODUCE AND CONSERVE You can help win the war by remembering that every moment of your time which is not devoted to the production of some- thing useful or the conservation of your health and energy, is in a way that much time contributed to the support of the enemy. — /. E. Sirrine, Greenville. FOOD CONSERVATION It is conceded that "food will win this war." The campaign for the production of food in the United States has been emi- nently successful. Without conservation of food, however, the entire food campaign would fail. In the conservation of food we must begin with the indi- vidual home. This is a vital factor. In a great democracy 88 How You Can Help Win the War like the United States, we can not deal with the consumer as in Germany, where nothing is left to voluntary action. In our great democracy we must secure the will or the voluntary sup- port of our people. Herein lies the necessity of this campaign. The early part of September a preliminary work was performed by the women of the land, some two million homes pledging themselves to support the National Food Administration, but as there are some twenty million homes in America it can readily be seen that much more strenuous efforts are necessary. It was felt by Mr. Hoover that once our people thoroughly understand the necessity of food conservation they will heartily support the National Administration. Therefore an intensive educational campaign is planned, to be started on the first of October, this campaign to close with a house to house canvass throughout America the week of October 21st. To undertake such a canvass many volunteer workers are required. For instance, in this State there are in round num- bers 350,000 families. To reach these 350,000 families requires thorough organization in each county, and a total of about seven thousand workers for the State. The National Adminis- tration expects at least 175,000 pledges from South Carolina. Once these pledges are signed by the heads of our families, they will be gathered in Columbia, and used as a mailing list for the purpose of sending out, from time to time, simple instructions for the conservation of food. This will demon- strate our democratic unity and will help to win this war. — A. V. Sfiell, Charleston. SUBSCRIBE TO THE LIBERTY LOAN The war to make the future of democracy safe and to prove that democracy is safe will be won by every individual, man, woman and child, putting his or her whole soul into the task at hand and later, if called by the Government, be ready to do more than a man's share and make the supreme sacrifice if necessary. There will be a great surplus of money in South Carolina this year as a result of the increased value in cotton ; the banks are overloaded with money ; many mortgages are being satis- How You Can Help Win the War 89 fied ; therefore the Liberty Bonds offer the best outlet for the surplus money. It is better to buy an interest-bearing Liberty Bond than to subscribe indefinitely to indemnity bonds which will certainly be levied in the event that the German Imperial Government is successful. — Joe Sparks, Columbia. MORE CORN AND LESS WHEAT While away last week in some of the big Eastern cities, I noticed that people were eating just as much wheat bread as ever. Corn bread is not given any more publicity than it was a year ago before we entered the war. I would suggest that all hotels, restaurants and dining cars be asked to serve on a bread and butter order one-half corn muffin and one-half wheat bread. A great many people prefer corn muffin and would be glad to have it served to them, and a good many more, espe- cially in the Eastern cities, would learn to like it if it were con- stantly placed before them. I also think it would be well to ask the heads of all colleges in this State to help carry out this suggestion as far as possible. The people are not alive to the fact that we must save our wheat for the men who are fighting for the very existence of our liberty, and we can not eat it all and divide what we haven't got with them. The people must be brought to a realization of the seriousness of this fact, and I most earnestly recom- mend that every extra available acre be planted in wheat this coming season, and the people be urged to reduce the amount of wheat bread that they are now consuming. — John T. Stevens, Kershazv. PUBLIC HEALTH It is impossible to overstress the importance of clean, v/hole- some living amid sanitary conditions for the boys and girls of today so the men and women of tomorrow will be able to carry on the war and insure the future of our great country. Boys and girls in all walks of life should be cared for as never before, for when peace comes their tasks will be immense, and the fact that they are physically fit and mentally efficient to cope with them is all important. Parents, teachers, ministers, doctors and all in authority should be called upon to see to this 90 How You Can Help Win the War and made to realize its importance to the nation. — Horace L. Tilghman, Marion. UNSELFISH PATRIOTISM The best way to win the war is for every one to realize and bring home to himself the full importance of the seriousness of this war, and the fearful consequence and result if we do not win. Unselfishness and patriotism must prevail. We must be as loyal to America as the Germans are to Germany, and we must deal with traitors and slackers as they deserve. We must, all, not only be loyal, but every individual must support the Government to his utmost, and we must have active and enthusiastic co-operation on the part of all the people. — Bright Williamson, Darlington. HELP THE RED CROSS One of the great duties of Americans is to unite in the national organizations for rousing the spirit of the people and for the care of sick and wounded soldiers and of families left destitute by the absence or death of their supporter. Every American ought to join the Red Cross, an immense nation- wide organization which takes the place occupied by the Sani- tary Commission during the Civil War. It has the faithful and untiring aid of the military, naval and hospital authorities of the government. The hundred million dollars so splendidly supplied will before long be exhausted, and the community must make up its mind to subscription after subscription. Some people can aid by paying their dues and subscribing other sums ; some people, especially the women, can give their thought, their work and their powers of organization to the great cause. There cannot be too many bandages or comforts or supplies. The Red Cross is well organized and well offi- cered, and has been made an official part of the military organ- ization of the country. — National Security League's Hand- hook. ECONOMIZE Another field of patriotic efifort is a share in the national duty of economy. Everybody ought to economize. When the taxes are raised, as they must be, when prodigious sums are How You Can Help Win the War 91 taken out of the available capital in order to use them to save the country by destroying the opposing forces, the net national income will be that much reduced; it is impossible that every- body should have the same net income as before. Hence there must be a -concerted effort to club together to facilitate saving. This applies first of all to the food supply, which must be care- fully nursed ; for it is as needful that our Allies and the troops who are fighting in the common cause should be fed out of our surplus as it is that men and munitions should cross the ocean. We Americans have always had a great abundance of cheap food, and the average consumption during the next few years can be very much reduced without anybody suffering. There is food enough for all, though the prices may be high. It is part of the duty of the individual to aid in preventing the taking of inordinate profits by the middleman, and in seeing that families who are on a small fixed income do not suffer. — National Security League's Handbook. OUR EDUCATIONAL CREED 1. We believe in education; because it makes us despise lit- tleness and induces us to endeavor to be big of mind, generous of soul, and sound of body. 2. We believe in public education ; because it best fits one to live the life of a free man in a free country. 3. We believe in education at public expense, because it is the payment of a just debt that a citizen owes his State in return for her fostering care to see to it that the next genera- tion shall be an enlightened and educated citizenship. 4. We believe in compulsory attendance upon the public schools; because ignorance is a remedy for nothing and ignorant greed and selfish arrogance can not be counted upon to give to every boy and girl an equal chance in life. 5. We believe in the education of the whole man that will produce a sound body, a broad-gauged mind, and a generous soul, crowned with life's fundamental virtues and graces. — 6^. H. Edmunds, Sumter. 92 How You Can Help Win the War THE GERM AS DEADLY AS THE GERMAN As we go about the State on our various campaigns let us not forget to talk "sanitation" when the opportunity affords. Tuberculosis, typhoid, malaria and diarrhoea carry off more of our people in a year than will probably be killed in the whole war. The germ is as deadly an enemy as the German, and is no less a world menace. The fly and the mosquito are here, doing their deadly work today and are killing our people every year by the thousand. Let us not fail to fight the enemy within as well as the one without our borders. — David R. Coker, Hartsville. H kh- 79 i't> 0' • .V .^ ,0 ,v 0' •1 On ^°-;^. ^. " 1^ »-'»o^ "O- \> •0.' »<^ n •'■*•» o ^'^ ^ * ^ca ?.^-;^ ^^'\ <^ /■"'"' ^. ■^^0^ ^^-^^ ^h O "v'^^'^^i^vii!^^* Deacidified using the Bookkeeper proce ^ V. .?) *^ " - ° , Neutralizing agent: Magnesium Oxide ^ *VZ' > ^ .*^]oL'* "^ 4.*^ Treatment Date:u AY 2001 PreservationTechnologi \.^ A WORLD LEADER IN PAPER PRESERVAT 111 Thomson Park Drive Cranberry Township, PA 16066__ ^5^ DEC 73 W^^ N. MANCHESTER,