tm J pH83 • ADDRESS TO TUB PEOPLE OF PENNSYLVANIA, ISSUED BY AUTHORITY OP THE ASSOCIATION OF LOYAL PENNSYLVANIANS. OP WASHINGTON, D. C. SEIPTEl^BEI^, 1864=- WASHINGTON, D. C. : PRINTED AND STEREOTYPED BY McGILL & WITDEROYT. '-> ' v 18G4. Il .A- LOYAL PENNSYLVANIANS. The Association of Loyal Pknnsylvanians of "Washinp^ton city, D. C, wi-.^? f)rracn i«f Judge Woodward, of tlie bench. The votes against theiu cast by Copp'-ilieads in the Ligi-latun; of our State, and finally the votes cast at the Polls on August '.^ when they even violaU'd that sanctuary of the American citizens, tho Ballot Box, by casting in th(,'ir Copprrhead votes to prevent the soldiers from enjoying their sacred right of sufiVage. 1 hese two addresses are now respectfully nrcsented by the Loyal Penns^dvanians of Wash- in/^toii, to our brethren at home, in our good Old State, and our brothers at "Tho Froat** figliting for C.id and Freedom. The IJxecutivo Committee con«i:^riicular reasons that render such a conr»c both ba«e and imprac- ticable. Where shull we draw tlic line of divi- sion between the two sections? f^hall we yield up the noble t-tate of Maryland, wiiose pi-ople have just given renewed proof of their devo- tion to the Uniim, and are beginning to cliant tho song of deliverance from the foul blol that has so long tarnished her escutcheon ? What shall we do with Kentucky and Missouri, and Arkansas and Louisiana, all just about to wheel into freedom's line ? What with the people of Eastern Tennessee, whose sublime endurance and unyielding devotion to their country chal- lenge the aarly of llio comitry. There wcro no pi-aca fighting for a cause that is abhorrent to the Koniocrais in the war of 1S12, ihcro were no peace Domo- betttT sciilinicnt r>f <.ll m....I-;.,,I In c„,.1, . c^i-'s >" "'« *"«■ With Mexico, lliore were none such in oeutr htnlimtnt ol all mankind. \n such a jackaon's tlino. Iiown with secession ami milliflcalion and Btrugglc as this, to doubt that victory shall, up wnii ibe Cuusutuiion and tlio Uuiua was tho JueUsno battle-cry. These men who cry peace are tbo subjects of King Cotloii, anil tliey ought to go South where Ihoy cau flaunt theu- puuco flugs iu the face ff their Kmir. Li-l ihcin go South where they properly belong and get up a pcaco party there who will bo williug to live in peace under tho Coustitutjon and they will entitle themselves to tho tliauks ci all good men. Iu the view that we have taken of the sub- ject thoa but a single inquiry remains, but it embraces the whole of the general policy of the Administration. Has the Government pur- sued the proper course to crush the rebellion ? And whether it has done so or not we deny tho right of the Democracy to criticize or condemn it for several reasons, and — First, because it is impossible to escape the conclusion that so closely are the Democracy linked in sympathy with the rebels that tho complaint of one is the complaint of the other. The proofs of this identity of interest and feel- ing are abundant. It crops out most strongly in Mr. Buchanan's last annual message to Con- gress in which he says — speaking of the Im- probability that there was any just ground for apprehension that his successor would be likely to make an attack on the rights of the South — Reason, justice, a regard for tho ConstitutioD, all require Ihat WE should wait lor some overt and dangerous act on the part of the President elect before rcsortuig to tho rtmedy of revolution. And again: Surely under these circumstances WE ought to bo re- strained from present action by the precept of Him who spake as never man spake, " sufficient unto to the day is Uie evil thereof." Showing by this most significant word, WE, how completely he felt himself and his party identified in interest with the Southern rebels. Again: humiliating as is the fact it is never- theless undeniable, that the success of the rebels depends upon the success of the De- mocracy, and vice versa. The success of the Democracy at the polls would be worth more than a triumph of their armies to the rebels, and the surest road to Democratic triumj>h at the polls is (hat which is most slippery with the blood of our brave soldiers in the field. There is no possible escape from the conviction of the truth of this allegation, and that any man not doubly dyed with treason can remain iu such a posi- tion, when he sees it clearly, is a proposition so monstrous as to be incredible. Fellow-citi- zens who have thoughtlessly acted with a party which depends for success upon the slaugh- ter of your sons, arid brothers, and neighbors we implore you, as you value your reputation your manhood or your honor consider this thing veil. Were more evidence neeeded on this point it is to be found in abundant measure in all their papers, in the speeches of their leaders, and in their general conduct ia regard to everything that concerns the war. You may read their papers from one year's end to another, you may listen to the speeches of their leaders in and out of Congress and you shall fail to find in them all one single hearty sentiment of sym- pathy with the Government in this awful strug- gle — one single earnest exhortation to rally around its imperilled banner. Nor on the con- trary shall you find in them all one singlo hearty denunciation of tho rebellion or its out- rages against humanity and violation of all tho usages of war. They are haunted with an ap- prehension of tho outrage and violence which might result from tho liberation of the slaves and their employment as soldiers in the Union army, and yet they have no words of itidignu- tion at the starvation of our prisoners in rebel hands. The cowardly massacre of non-com- batants by QuantrcU and his dastardly horde of villains in Kansas, tho horrid butchery at Port Pillow, the burning of Chambersburg, have failed to evoke from their stony hearts a single murmur of remonstrance even, while they actually quote columns from Richmond papers and parade extracts from speeches of Early in justification of the last-named horrible outrage. They grow eloquent over the uncon- stitutional outrage of rescuing a negro from the curse of bondage and shut up the bowels of compassion for the defenceless women and children who were driven forth destitute in the light of their burning homes. You find them ever eager to depreciate the results of Union victories and to magnify the results of rebel triumphs, and it is impossible to resist the in- ference gathered from all their conduct that they regard the liberties of the country as being in more danger from Mr. Lincoln than from Jeflf. Davis, and the arrest of Vallandigham as a greater outrage than the rebellion itself The voice of their party conventions is ever silent as to the outrages of the rebellion, but waxes loud and fierce over the deserved arrest of some miserable northern traitor who has been guilty of endeavoring to incite domestic insurrection among the people at home or stir up mutiny among our soldiers in the field. They study the Constitution solely for the pur- pose of finding limitations that may lessen the force of the blows dealt at the rebellion and seek to restrict its provisions within the nar- rowest limits in this regard, and yet stretch I;, .:".definitely to shield the traitor from well merited punishment. They justify the rebel- • lion because it is based on the sacred right of revolution, and deny the right of the Govern- ment to crush it because the Constitution gives no right to make war upon a sovereign State. They constantly invoke its provisions in behalf of those who have ignored their obligations to it and voluntarily put themselves beyond the pale of its protection, and they ignore all its provisions when invoked for its own preserva- tion. They deplore the employment of negro soldiers for fear that they may commit excesses not sanctioned by the usages of modern war- fare, and yet had no words of denunciation when in the outbreak of the war the southern leaders endeavored to enlist the services of the red-handed savages of the wilderness in their support, and boasted with hellish malignity that they would come to the work armed with the tomahawk and scalping knife. The reso- lutions of the last Democratic State Convention 8 of Pcansjlvaaia at Hanisburg teem with tlcnunciiitions of all the meiismus which the (iovcrniuont had adopted for tbe sui)pressiou of the ri'l(ollion — are barixMi of siiggestiuus as to any better means of nccoinpli>;liiii}^ it— glow wiih symp.nthy for the lion-hear:cd Dpinocracy of Ohio in their glorious struggle for the right as crucilicd in the person of V'allandigliam and yet contain not a word of dcnunciatioa of the rebels whose guns were at the moment thunder- ing in thfir very hearing against Carlisle. At the very moment when tlie electric wires were tlashing over the country the earnest call of the (loveruor for troops to defend the State against the rebel invasion of 18G3, a Democratic County Convention meets at Washington, Pennsylvania, and after transacting the business that brought them together a resolution was offered to the effect that the Convention do now adjoun, and that its members solemnly pledge themselves to go home and use ever^' effort to raise troojis for the defence of the State, and they vote it down by an overwhelming majority, thus de- claring their iixed determination to do nothing for the rescue of their State from the rebel grasp or to defend their own homes and hearths from rebel pollution. Their prominent leaders hr.ve, many of them, made it their boast that I hey had never raised a man nor a dollar for the suppression of the rebellion and have de- clared that they never would. They may en- deavor to delude the people with the plausible excuse for their apathy that the policy of the Administration had been changed, and that the r.-ar had degenerated into a crusade against flavery, but the fact is that from the outset I hey never lent any support to the Govern- ment except for a while when we seemed to be waging the war on the principle of not hurting anybody, when we were trying to shoot rebels with bullets cased in cotton for fear we might break their skins, and were carefully station- ing Union troops around every rebel planta- tion for fear his negroes might get off or a poor wounded Union soldier get on, while white men, our sons and brothers, were permitted to die in the ditches and trenches and negroes could not be employed in their place for fear of a violation of the coustitutional rights of the rebel master. No sooner however did the Qovcrnment awake to a consciousness that this war must be waged on the common-sense prin- «iple of hitting your enemy where you can hurt him mo;t, than the Democacy suddenly took refuge in the miserable subterfuge that it had become an abolition war and " they would none of it." Nor are the evidences of this identity of in- terest between the rebels and the Northern de- mocracy less abundant in the South. Their papers teem with encomiums of Vallandigham, Voorbees and Long and with ardent longings for the success of the democratic party, of which the following extract from a speech recently de- livered by J. L. M. Curry, a member of the itebel Congress, is a fine sample : Again, my hearers, wo bIkjuU remember thai much do- pends upon the choico Ih j Nortb?rn pnoplo ma'-- e for a Pres- iileut Iho incomiiijT f.all!*. There will bu at least two parties rcprcstMU I, i.. wii: the war party, who will doubtlrss mJk;' an • :i u > I: ,v I.mrolu retai; e I, and the peace party, «lio y. I !,] , ,: 1. ,| 1 .ffuil to elect a man ploilgua to giva tiic ('..;i, , ■ .1 ,. ji. li^:<^ auU rt'storc praoe — long-desired and ar(li'iit,\-,;i-a;y.-.;-a)r peace — to our blcoiliug country. Wo hope, wf iicsi, wo pray that they may be successful. [Tremendous 'jUcr-i iug.] Should they be siicci'ssful, such a shout as was nevn- b"16ro heard would sprcail over our afflicted South. Songa, sweet songs of praise, would ascend from every heart to the mansions ol Para<'ii.se, and the many myriads of holy angels who surround thi> brightand dazzling" throne of Om» nipotonco woiiM join in the chorus, and tano their harps t» a new soug of liberty to man on earth. IC such bo the happy result, our iudepondenco will bo forever oslablish.^d. [Cheers] But should Lincoln be re-elected, our fond hopes will ba dashed to tho ground ; our independence but a thing dreamed of; for we havo exhausted our resources, and could not possibly hope to bo able to continue Ibo war four yars 1 in;;er. Past experience has taught us that wo could expect no favors at tho hands of tho iudomiuble tyrant and usurper, Abraham Lincoln. Let us repose our trust in tba God of bultlis and anxiously await the result. If further Southern evidence is needed on thig point, it is to be found in the anxiety which they evince for the action of the Chicago Con- vention, leading to the irresistible conclusion that upon its aciion are all their hofjes for suc- cess dependent. Says the Richmond Sentinel of August 20; AVc have arrived at a very critical stage of the war. tv weather tho next six weeks will be a most difficult task for tho North. AVitliin that time it is not at all improbabl* that tho lu-niii .1 of Grant, Sherman, and Sheridan will hara iMcnal-;.. I .Ml ^il.lf(.l. Within that time it is almost cer- t.iin tl.ii r, ' i! > Cfiiivcntion will h.avo thrown the .aj>- jileni' ,1 , I , i -n-uctinn into tho already discordant .•aiduii . ■ . Ml,.. North. Lef ii; r.mait palicatly t/icresi'-'': /' .-.-;/■,;/./:,■- ' ^n, , i i ;,i; /ourselves to aiii/ .-/.■' '■ -.<'," :-./■>-!'.., . ,' : • fiyir fnm thati\..i' . ■ , ,,,,,.,/;.)._;,,.,/,,;,,/;,,,,,,,'. It may rnalit ilieif iUuuUua w,,i\>L, but cuJiiiU ujjict uii,\i.'' If we were to refer the question to the armies confronting each other on the banks of the Jaiues river as to which party they respectively desire to see succeed in the coming elections, can we for a moment doubt the response ? — that while from the rebel army we would get an ex- pression of their earnest desire for the success of the democracy, we should have an answer to our inquiry coming up in thunder tones from our own gallant army, " For God's sake stand by the Government at home while we endeavor to maintain it on the battle-field." But again: not only have the democracy no title to complain of the conduct of the war, for the reason that they arc identified in sympathy and interest with the rebels in arms, but fur- ther because they are to a great extent re- sponsible for the war itself. That they delib- erately invited the rebellion by their own acts and declarations will be tho certain judgment of impartial history. We are aware that wo here make a serious allegation, and we regret that time alone prevents our citing all the proofs. Let a few suflice as a sample of many more that might be adduced. It cannot be denied that both on the floor of Congress as well as elsewhere throughout the country prominent leaders of the Democratio party expressed their determination not to raise an arm against tho South if she attempted disunion, and Sontliern papers complained bit- fiil provision of it liberally in your favor, and terly alter the outbreak tliat llicy bud been de- wo pledge }uu ibul we will do so yd. imd tlmt ceived liy liieir Northern friends in their assu- it'oir inll .enee can uccornplisli it., y..iir riglilt ranees ihai they would stand by them. Tliey under tiiu Coti.sliluliou shall be \n:,,l sacred; counted on Northern dissen,si:!ns as a c ief bill, we want yon dislincily to under.vian.l ihal guarantee of their success. Judge Woodward wc will not permit you lo destroy this Guvcrn- had declared in Independence Square, in 1800, uicnt, and if you attempt that we will only and his judicial station gave emphasis to his endeavor lo outvie the other parly in votiug dec'aritlon, that, "the time would come when the men and means for your d' struction," — wc ask South might hnrfttlly fall back on its natural if this had been thv po.sition of the Democracy, rights and employ whatever means it possessed is ii to be doulitcd for a moment that the South or ccMild command in defence of its slave would have paused and weighed well tho property " Mr. Buchanan had told them in chances before she had hurled herself against his aniiual message that they had no right the bosses of t' o bucklers of a united people? to sec de, but if they did he had no right lo Never had ihc Democracy amorogloriouschance prevent it." The Democratic Couvenlion of for immortality, and never was glorious cLanca Peniifvlvania speaking for the party, had on more shamelessly lost forever, the 2-2d of February, 18GI, told the rebels by a No' only did (hey invite the attack, but thcj- resoLiiion, that "they never would take up did nothing lo repel it after it was made. They arms against the South -until the personal- declared in advance that they would not, and liberty bills ot the N rth should be repealed." they remained true to the declaration We aro F. W. Hughes and others had -volunteered to aware that the contrary Las been asserted by declare that in case of a dissulu ion of the our opponents who, even from their places in Federal Union Pennsylvania shou'd link herself Congress, have declared Mr. Duchanan wa« with the S uih. Fernando Wood had expressed, anxious to repel the assault and asked Congresi in the politest possible manner his regret lo the to give him the power by the passage of a Fore* Governor of Georgia that he had bem prevcLted Bill, which was refused. l5ut an examinalioa from getting fire-arms to murder us with. A of the record will show that this allegation is Democratic meeting at Philadel|/hia after tho but a part of the misrepresentation that ciiar- Star of the West had been fired in^o by rebel act.rizes all the allegations of the opposition balls on her errand of mercy to relieve the party. Wc confidently challenge thei)roduction wants uf the starving garrison at Fort Sumter, of a single request from Mr. Buchanan at any declared that in case of a dissolution of the time for a Force Bill, or for authority to put Union the natural geographical position of dowu the rebellion. In his message of the «lh Pennsylvania would be with the youth. And January, 18C1, the only one in which it will be that no i-.ssurance of immunity from the blow pretended that he asked for additional powers, of the Government might be wanting the after speaking of the executive authority to Con=;titutional adviser of the President, Judge collect the revenue and protect the p ^blic pro- Black had deliberately announced that " the perty and declaring, as he had done ia his an- Union mu^t utterly perish at the moment when nual message, that this " was still his purpose," Congress shall arm one ])art of the people though he had done nothing toward either, and against the other for any other purpose beyond h id permitted the capture by the rebels of-Fort« that q{ merely protecting the General Govern- Moultrie, Pulaski, and Morgan, and the arscn- raont in the exercises of its proper constitu- al at Mount Vernon, Alabama, and, subse- tional functions." quontly, the capture of Forts Jackson, Sts And now we ask : Can any man doubt that Philips, and Pike in Louisiana, of Pensacola if, inste d of this miserable policy tho Democ- Navy Yard anl Forts Barancas and Mcllae, of racy, true to their past traditions and true to Baton Rouge Arsenal and the New Orleans .Mint the motto of the party in its earlier days, "Our and Custom House, and the transfer of tlicgov- country, may she ever be right; but light or ernment property in Texas by Twiggs without wrong, our country," had stood up in their a single blow struck in their defence, he says, manhood and had said to the South as they "my province is to execute, uot to make the might have said in all truthfulnoss, ''Gentle- laws. It belongs exclusively to Congress to men, we have been your friends from the very repeal or enlarge their provisions to meet oxi- ovganiza ion of this Government; we have gcncies as they occur. I certainly had ni right stood by Southern interests through good and to makean aggressive war upon any Slate ;" and evil report; we havo carried heavy loads then evidently fearful that Congress might con- (politically) in defence of Southern rights ; wc strue what he had said into an intimation that have given you three-fourths of the patronage he desired enlarged authority- he hastens to and four-fiiths of the offices of the Federal declare: "I am perfectly satisfied that tha Governraont; we have supported your postal Constitution has wisely withcld the power," system at our expense ; we have suffered you (that is, the power to declare war against ti to fill the high places in the Army and Navy, sovereign State,) " even from Congress." IIo while we 'niudsilL' havo been content to fill then proceeds to say that " the fact cannot b« the ranks or work the vessel ; we have given denied that we are in the midst of a great rcT- you every right you were cnti led to under tho olulion," and "commends the subject in all Constitution, aud have interpreted every doubt- its bearings, to Congress. To them exclusivelj 10 btlongs the power to declare war, in all cases istration because they are identified in interest couteinplated by the Constitution," of which and sympathy with the rebellion, because they cases he had just taken care to inform them invited the revolt and did nothing to quell it, the riiiht to declare war was not one. We have we might fitly conclude this address with an becu thus particular in quoting from this mes- appeal to the people, whether they are willing eage to show how utterly gronndless is the again to entrust the Government to the hands assertion that Mr. Buchanan asked for a force of a party who have been shown to have been bill which Congress refused to give him. And chief instruments in its destruction; whether we aflirm that the language quoted is the near- they are willing to entrust with the duty of est approach to any requc-it of the kind that the subduing the conflagration the miscreants message contains. The fact was that the last who with their own hands kindled the flames, thing -Mr. Buchanan wanted was a force bill; but we feel that our task would be incompleta for if it had been passed he would have fouud did we refrain from casting a rapid glance at himself either stripped of the thin disguise by the measures of the Government which have which he sought to excuse his dereliction of provoked the fiercest hostility of the opposition, duty, or he would have bten compelled to swal- And first as to the general charge of uncon- low the sentiments of his annual message in stitutionality of these measures, it may be re- which he had declared that the General Gov- marked that it is no time to study Constitutions ernment had no right to coerce a sovereign when the assassin's kmfe is at your heart or State. The only show of a disposition to do theincendiary's torch applied to your dwellings, anything was his flourish about protecting the and if Mr. Lincoln had waited the slow opera- public property, (fee, and that it was only a tion of Constitutional measures in the outbreak flourish is shown conclusively by the fact al- of the rebellion, in the language of Judge Holt, ready adverted to that he did nothing for its " Washington city had been a heap of smoulder- protection ; but on the contrary had permitted ing ruins." There is a law of paramount ob- Floyd to send the army to the confines of Texas, ligation to all laws and Constitutions, not writ- with a full understanding doubtless of the ten in books nor upon stone, but on the "fleshy disposition that was to be made of it, and Ton- tablets of the human heart"— alike applicable cy to scatter the Navy to the four quarters of to nations and to individuals— the great law of the globe, and Cobb to bo impoverish the self-defense, which makes constitutional all Treasury and beggar the credit of the Govern- measures adopted for the preservation of either ment that he could not raise a dollar at less than individual or national life. This may seem a twelve per cent, interest. broad proposition, and we therefore propose to Now, in contrast with this undisguised treach- inquire what support it finds in the practice of cry compare the course of the very idol of the very party who now condemn it as the tyrant's the democracy in the past, Andrew Jackson, in plea. The battle of New Orleans was fought, a similar emergency. He dispatches General as it will be remembered, after peace had ao- Scott to Charleston on the first whimper of nul- tually been declared between the United States lification, orders his ships of war to its harbor, and Great Britain, but before the news of its sends to Congress a message that meant and ratification had reached New Orleans, owing to was intended to mean something, and issues a the want of means of communication between proclamation that will ring through coming the Capitol and that distant point v.'hich modern centuries. The idea that there was no power science has since supplied through the agency in the Government to protect itself from de- of railroad and telegraph. General Jackson struction could never have found a lodgment in then in command had been compelled, as many his brain ; and that he must act strictly on the a general in similar circumstances, to declaro defensive, as Mr. Buchanan thought he was martial law in that military district. Shortly bound to do, in other words, "stand still and after the battle news was brought from MobiU be shot at," was too much for the fiery courage that a British vessel had arrived in that port of the hero of New Orleans. Ue never thought bringing the intelligence of the ratification of it worth while to look beyond the obligation peace. Nobody doubted the truth of the report he had taken as Chief E.xecutivc of the United and the people, restive as any people must bo Stales for direction as to his duty. Says he, under the restraints of martial law, soon be- Ln .his message to Congress, "the Constitution, came clamorous for its abrogation. No atten- which the President's oath of ofiicc obliges him tion was paid to their complaints by General to support, declares that the E.xecutive shall take Jackson and the press soon began to inveigh care that the laws shall be faithfully executed;" against his military usurpation" and teemed and with such an obligation resting on his soul, with articles which it is impossible to distin- it is not to be doubted that he would have guish from the modern Copperhead productions taken care th:it it should be done, and if the with which the press of our day abounds. Constitution did not give him the means to do Complaints of infringement of the freedom of what it reiiuired he should do, he would have speech and of the press, charges of undue taken it for granted that he was to use all the exercise of arbitrary authority by Jacks^on in means that Cod and nature had put in his violation of the constitutional rights of the power for that jiurpose. people and of dangerous invasion of their liaving thus shown that the democracy have rights everywhere abounded, things soon reach- no title to complain of the acts of the Admin- cd a crisis. Jacksou ordered the arrest of a 11 Frenclinian by the name of Louillaier forliaving wrilteu au iiilliirnmatory coiiimuiiicatiou in one of the city papers and broiiglit him into his eamp ; a Iriend of L.ouiliaier who witnessed the arrci-t, apjilied to Judge Hall of the United 8tat(3 Court for a writ of kuicas corpus, which wiH granted and put into the hands of aa oHicer to execute ; on his arrival in camp, Jacksuu put him uuder arrest and took his habeas corpus from him and stuck it in his pocki-t (^ rather a summary suspension of habeas corpus that), and then sent a iletachnienl to arrest Judge Hall and brought him into camp ou the charge of endeavoring to excite insubord- ination iu his military district, and after keeiiing him there a few days sent him up the river out- side his lines with directions to rem .in there until the news of peace should be officially re- t ceived During this excitement a courier ar- rived from Washington bearing, as he sujiposed, the otiic al despatches of the Government an- nouncing the latilication of peace, buton open- ing his papers he found that he had by a mis- take kfb the pac :et contfiining the despatch lying on his table at Washington. There ho was however, willing to swear to the truth of his mission, and not only so, but having with him the order of the Postmaster General of the United States requiring his deputies on the route to afford the courier bearing the news of peace al^ the facilities in their power for the rapid performance of his journey. Here one would have thought was suOicient evidence certainly to justify the abrogation of martial law, and yet Jackson, resting ou the mere mili- tary punctilio that he could not pay attention to auytljiag short of an official despatch still maintained his rule with iron hand. A few days afterwards another courier arrived from Wasiiingtjn with the missing despatches ; mili- tary rule was abrogated, the laws resumed their sway. Judge Hall returned to the bench, at once issued a warrant for Jackson's arrest on a charge of contempt of court in refusing obedience to the habeas corpus tind on the hearing of the case imposed a fine of one thou- sand dollars upon him, for which the old hero gave his check and left the court room. Now in this case — with the facts of which every Bchool-boy is familiar, and a reference to which would be perhaps unpardonable but for the fact that the constant perversions of truth by the Democracy seems to require it — there was military usurpation, martial law, suspension of civil remedies and of the writ of habeas corpus, illegal arrests, abridgment of the freedom of speech and of the press, all perpetrated, not by the President — who is Commander-in-Chief of the Army, but by a subordina-e military commander in a distant military district, act- ing wi;h Hit orders on his " ow7i responsibility" — without the slightest pretence of necessity as a justiiicition of his conduct; and yet what was the result ? Why, nearly forty years afterwards a Dcmiicraiic American Congress impelled by a sense of justice to that old hero and a convic- tion that he had simply done his duty, ordered that fine to be paid with its accrued interest, hj which act, as liis biographer Mr. Partoii, fi«ia whose work this account is taken trnihlully 8 .ys "Congress notilied the future command- ers of armies, first, that they may place u city under miirtial Itiw when threatened \y aa enemy. Second, that they may keep it under martial law for the space of two months after the enemy has been vanquished and diiven from the soil and from the waters of the Slate in which that cily is situated. In other words Congress invested the military commanders of cities in time of war with supreme authority." Now what answer is attempted to this argutnent drawn from the history of the country ? Will it be pretended that the action of Jackson was confined in its ojieration to a particular dis- trict while that of Mr. Lincoln extends oveo the entire nation? This would only affect ih© extent of the exercise of the right, 1)U' in no- wise effect the existence of such a right and for the exercise of the right the Presid"ni is, of course, responsible to the country. It is a question of necessity of which he alone must judge. And that the assertion of the existence of such a right is not a novel thing in our his- tory is shown conclusively by the opinion of Jefferson, as declared in the great Burr Conspi» racy. Says he : A strict observance of the written law is one high fluty of a good cfti/.i.'ii, but not tbo liighest. Tlio \a.\\s of ui<-e»- Bity, of sflf-|irostTvution, of suriug our country wlieu in danger aro all of higher obligation. Surely, the people are not willing to discard the teachings of the great leaders of parties in our past history for the teachings of the Woods, Vallandighams, and Woodwards of the present. What is a constitutional way of putting down the rebellion has never been disclosed by these modern illuminators. When the committee of Vallandigham sympathizers waited on the Pres- ident a year ago to ask that the sentence of banishment might be revoked, the President agreed to it on condition that they would en- dorse as true the proposition "that there was a rebellion in the land, and that an army and a navy were constitut'onal means of putting it down, and by th( ir refusal to do so, they im- pliedly declared their disbelief in its truth." They thought it was a constitutional way of putting down a whisky insurrection, a Shay rebellion, and the riot at Boston in the case of the fugitive slave Burns, on which occasion it is said that President Pierce stood in the tele- graph office at Washington and almost worked the wires himself to assure the authorities that the whole military power of the nation should be used to enforce the fugitive slave law. There may be a difference as to the means that may be rightfully employed to suppress an abolition riot from those that may be used to suppress a slaveholders' rebellion ; but we fail to perceive it. It may be possible that an insurrection in favor of human rights is to be punished with fire and sword, and an insurrection in favor of human slavery is to bo punished by "digging it down;"' but our ot>- 12 jection to the latter is tbat it would exhaust that the conslitutionalify of them is a question the iron mines of the country in making picks for the courts and by tlieir dooisioii wu abide, and shovels before the work would be' uccom- As to the justice of such nieaHuros ag:iinst the pl'siied. But to look at this subject a little rebels, it uiuy bo sufficient to recall to rcc llec- more in detail, it may be safely aihinied that tion the fact that one of the firrU acts of the it -would he impossible to raise armies or main- llebol Congrcg« was to conliscatc the ]iro|icrty tain miiiiary subordination in time of war of all northern men in their midst upon which without imposing limitation? upon the rights they could lay their hands. It is nlieged, which have free exercise in lime of peace; however that the effect of such mofisur':>3 is neitlier is tlie justice of shooting a po(ir boy to crush the union seniiraent of (he South ; in for desertion and suffering the : coundrel who other words that the severity of such uiea'-ures told him to desert escape under the plea of defeatMheir object. It may be a sufScir nt re^ freedom of speech very apparent. Nor will it ply to such objection to remark that its f;ilsity sufiice to answer that the ordinary tr-bunals is shown by tlie f.ict tliat no f^oonci d cs a are open for the punishment of such offences, utdon man of the South escape from the clutch- for, as Mr. Limoln has quaintly observed, it es of the rebel leaders, than he " out-Ilerods woidd be very likely there would be some IIer()d"iii support of tlie severest measures ; traitors in the jury-box who would rather hang and his only compiaii.t is that we have not the panel than hang the criminal. This plea adopted mcas res sevei-e enough. No such of freedom of speech cones loo with bad complaint comes up from Andy Johnsin, or gr;ice from a party who, under Jackson's ad- Parson Urown'ow or Lo\. Montgomery of the ministration and thenceforward, sanctioned the Vicksburg Whiff. rifling of the mails and authorized the post- Tiic conscription bill has been anoiier sub- masters to throw out any documents going ject of bitter complaint. Although its uncon- Soulh wliich they might deem incendiary in stitutionalify was affirmed liy. Judges Woodward their tendency, from a jiarty which haspractical- and Lowrie of the ."^'upreme Court of Pcnnsyl- ly dt'nied all freedom of speech or of the press, vania, smarting under their recent defeat at and almost of thought for a half century in the the liands of ihe peo])le, it lias tieci ailirnicd to Soutliern portion of tiie Union and has tamely be constitutional by Jndgf Cadwahidcr of the sanctioned outrages which if perpetrated by District Court of the United States, wiih the any foreign nation would have been regarded sanction of one of tl;e most eminent jud'^r^s of as just cause of war. How much they are in- this or any other country — the lien, ilobcrt C. fiuenced by any real regard for freedom of Grier of the Supreme Couit of tlie United speech may be learned from the remarks of States. I>ut t) show the utter insincerity of Judge Woodward, in his speech in Independ- the complaints made against it by the democ- ence Square, in 18C0, wherein he dechires, racy it is surely unnecessary to do more Ihan expressly referring to Ihe Abolitionists, "The refer to the fact that they bitterly denounced Constitution has become too weak to restrain the three-hundred-dollar clause in the original us wlio have outgrown the grave and temperate bill as an unjust discrimination in favor of the wisdo a of our fathers, which excited no irre- rich, and made it the instrument of exciting pressil)!e conflict among brethren, but taught insurrection and civil war in the North; and them to dwell together in unity. I would then, when ihe exigencies of the milita.y situ- make it strong enough to restrain the madness ation. required its n peal they Avcre equally of our day ;" in other words he w uld apply bitter in their opposi ion to such re[icnl, and the gag law to every man in the laud who dare are now making that very repeal the pretext raise his voice in denunciation of the •' sum of for again arraying the people of the North in all vill.-iinies." The riots of last year that have treasonable hostility to the Government. Such cast a foul blot upon the ci y of New York, conduct needs no comment. Dtit they allege Biimulated as they undoubtedly were by the that but fur the removal of McCh-llan fioin the allegations of Vallandigham and others, that command of the ifirmies the peijle would have the Conircription Bill was merely the highway- kept the ranks of the army full by volunteer- man's jilea of "your money or your life," is the ing, and rendered a resort to a draft entirtdy best jiractical illustration of the consequences unnecessary. This allegation is completely dis- of unbridled licence of speech in times of great posed of by the following docunu nts, which public excitement like the present. are not found in McClcUan's report of the As to the suspension of the habeas corpus, Teninsular Campaign, it may be dismissed with the single remark W.^snixcTON, ^wjust CO, ISGl. that there is no sincerity whatever in the clamor Sni : I have just received tlie incluseii iiis,.at(:!i in ci; hor. that has been raised about it as is clearly f::!'';::\^'-''?: '"r^^'Il'rl'nv- s\'!'u*^:J ^ evident from the fact that the first olijection to it i ^; ,, , i i. ., i.-fJiU i riiccucJs in was thai the Presidenlhad no power losuspend ^ 'i ^ ' ' " i- imt iiroccoding it ; and then when he asked Congiess to give i^^^vu iiiiiiwitliou- (iliiV '' '''''■■■" ""'^''- ^Vomust him the pjwor, nearly every Democrat in the Kcsiicctiullyiyonr oi)eilioiitsfiv;iii, Ilou^e voted against 'it. GEOKUE C. c( I.! I.1..\X,^ 111 iPj-^fird to the confiscation measures adopt- ^■'^>- ^'^"- f'-f>-^' ed l>y the Admiuibtruliou, let it suffice to say The following is the dispatch of Col Marcy, 13 to wbich Ctncral McClcUan alludes in the above letter : New Ydrk, Autpiit CO. 1801. I urg' you to maki^ o positivH uiul iiiicoiniitioiiul tk'iiiuiul for nil iiiiiTf'iliati) (Iralt ul tliu adiljiiuiial lroi)|)H you may requac. Moll will not voimiloi r now aiicl dii.fliiip is Hid duly sicccsoiiil \)\a\\. Tlij pcoiilo wili ftii|)laml such a •oursc, ruly uiion it, n. n. MAHCY. We propose to next clancc liriefly nl tlu; pol- icy ot the Administriitioii on llic slavery ques- tion, purticiil.irly as ri'p;ar