'■LIUUIH / -• V nopartur* frcm-Caloe, August 3c/I'l492. PCJRTRAIT OF COLUMBUS. {Frtiented (Q City 0/ Goioa by CUy of Venice in 1867,^ OLUMBIA FROM DISCOVERY IN 1-493 TO THE WORLD'S COLUMBIAN EXPOSITION, 1803. Columbus and his Discovery: TAKING TITLES ; FOUNDING COI^ONIES ; EXTENDING TERRITORY ; NATIONAI, INDEPENDENCE ; ORGANIZED INSTITUTIONS ; ADMITTING STATES. PLAN OF FEDERAL GOVERNMENT. ALL BRANCHES AND DEPARTMENTS ; GROWTH AND EXTENT OF INDUS- TRIES — COMMERCIAL, MANUFACTURING, 4GRICULTURAL, MINING, MECHANICAL, SCIENTIFIC; EDUCATION AND RELIGION. NATIONIIL ADMINISTRATIONS PROM WASHINGTON TO HARRISON. WORLD'S FAIR AND GATHERED NATIONS. BY JAMES P. BOYD, A. M., AUTHOR OF "military AND CIVIL LIFE OF GENERAL GRANT," "WONDERS OF THE HEAVENS, BAKTH AND OCEAN," " LIFE OF GENERAL SHERMAN," "LIFE OF GENERAL SHERIDAN," "RECENT INDIAN WARS," " STORY OF THE CRUSADES," ETC., ETC. P. W. ZIEGLER & CO., PHILADELPHIA AND ST. LOUIS. / C, X-4 v" k Copyrighted, 1893, hy Jas. p. Boyd, A. M. EnE ^1« INTRODUCTORY. '^'^ACES, Nations, Empires, have epochs, measuring points, 1^ historic accounting periods. Columbus opened the books \ of a Neiv World. That part of the great account, whose keeping fell to Columbia, or the United States of America, was a rapidly running one with the ambitious and greedy nations of Europe, till finally posted at the close of the American Revolu- tion in 1783. On that date an account of stock of freedom and independence was taken. New books were opened in the name of the " Great Republic of the West." It was an epoch and departure. Man- hood dynasty entered upon trial. Power passed from the few to the many, from throne to people, from blood descent to popular choice. Energy assumed fresh impetus and took new direction. Some day again there would be occasion for a grand accounting, first, to Nature, for loan of generous bounties ; second, to Our- selves, for use of opportunities. Such an occasion came with the four hundredth anniversary of the Discovery of the Continent, for then the Nation agreed to invite all the world to join in mighty celebration, amid which it would show its books posted to date, and its balances for or against civilization and humanity. The time would end and begin an historic era. The present volume is such part of our grand national reckon- ing as is designed to carry down to the people the main items of their four hundred years' account with other nations and with themselves. Such an array of entries, both as to number and magnificence, have never been found in any other national account. Such stupendous balances have never before been struck by any people in their annals of growth, books of history, (3) 4 INTRODUCTORY. or courts of glory. Such sources of pride and inspiration have never been found in human results. The volume presents those movements which focussed the eye of Europe on the West, impelled to ocean enterprise and dis- covery, nerved Columbus to his hardy undertaking, unveiled the New Continent. The life of the daring navigator is given, with its romance of perseverance, trials and triumphs. With his princely gift of a New to an Old World, begins the stirring -Story of American adventure, the ambitious struggles for con- quest and possession, the jealous divisions of territories by means of charters and colonies, the westward surge of con- querors and settlers. An Empire of the West rises in dim outline on the Atlantic border, where cluster the colonial nests built by Europe for her pioneering broods. Unexampled thrift and a broad spirit of free- dom follow the trail of the swarming, venturesome migrants. The ocean coasts glow with independence, ready to burst into glorious blaze when fanned by oppression. And so the story grows and swells into the grand and inspiring chapters of the Declaration, the long and bloody Revolution, the triumph and treaty, the experiment of the Confederation. And, still rising in majesty and interest, the chapters unfold a National Constitution, a Union of full-fledged States, a Govern- ment of, by, and for the people, knit by law and patriotism, strong for self-protection and conquest, replete with the possibili- ties of progress and civilization. The scene of Empire broadens, by purchase and conquest, till it touches Lake, Gulf, and further Ocean. The mighty fabric grows by multiplied States. The Federative plan is mapped, both as to its great Executive, Legislative and Judicial Divisions, and as to all its Departments of State, Treasury, War, Navy, Post-Office, Interior, Agriculture, Law. Then the wonderful story swings to the material side and narrates a growth and development unparalleled in human his- tory. Here all is marvel and surprise. No eartiily reckoning compares with it in rapidity of progress and splendor of results. Yesterday nothing, to-day a crowded nation ; yesterday chaos, INTRODUCTORY. 5 to-day majestic government; yesterday poor, to-day opulent beyond every economic dream. What pleasant lines as to home and climate ! What wealth of vegetation and strength of pour- ing waters ! What majesty of population and variety of callings! How soil teems with food products and textile coverings ! How earth gives forth treasures of mineral ! How mills sing and play the songs of thrift ! How ships groan under rich cargoes ! How railroads and telegraphs annihilate distance ! How schools and libraries diffuse knowledge! How churches shed forth celestial light! Truly, the story is unmatched in the sublimity of its energy and in its startling contrasts. Nor does it end here. It passes to the men and measures that have shaped and invigorated nationality and progress. Every National Administration, from Washington to Harrison, is out- lined as to its policy, its achievements, its results. These are all vivid chapters of political growth, essential steps toward that perfection of institution enjoyed to-day by the Great Republic. We cannot know what we were and are without them. They are not only light for the present but for the future. Lastly, the culminating event of the era comes into view — The World's Colianbiaii Exposition — with its object, its history, its organization, its triumphs of architecture, its plan of opera- tion, its splendid promises of success. This is a fitting conclu- sion to a volume already replete with sterling history. It leaves us, as a nation, right in the midst of the World's gatherec! nations, envious of none, a competitor with all, a mighty and genial host proudly presiding at the tables of civilization, and liberally dispensing the viands of humanity. CHKISTUPllEK COLUMBUS. (J^rom Ala fine Museum^ AFadrid.') CONTENTS. COLUMBUS AND DISCOVERY. Pointers toward the West — Story of the Polos— Henry the Navigator — Isles of the Atlantic — Search for the East — Earth shapes — Superstitions of the day — Trying to round Cape of Good Hope — Birth of Columbus — The weaver's career — The quays of Genoa — A round, round world — Columbus in Portu- gal — Asking favor of Spain — Battles before the court — The first voyage — * Mutinies and adventures — Land ahead — Hispaniola and triumph — A sec- ond voyage — More islands — Natives and gold — Cuba coasted — Troubles at Hispaniola — A third voyage — Pearls and a continent — Rebellious col- onists — Columbus in chains — A fourth voyage — Skirting Central America — Hurricanes and mutinies — The eclipse and canoe voyage — Battles with rebels — Return to Spain — Sickness and death — Burial-place of the great navigator — Character and works — Results to civilization '7-63 CHARTERS AND COLONIES. Seizing the new continent — European titles — England's ambition — First royal patent — French and Spanish claims — Rivalry and greed of the old nations — Raleigh and the Huguenots — The first Colonial Charter — English foothold at Jamestown — The Virginia settlers and government — Tobacco, cotton and slaves — Lord Baltimore and Maryland— Council of Plymouth — First Puri- tan, or Pilgrim, advent — Second Puritan advent — Massachusetts on the map — Roger Williams and Rhode Island — Birth of Connecticut — Confed- eracy of New England — Freaks of King Charles II. — Surge of immigration — Great colonial growth — Dawn of North Carolina — South Carolina and Locke's famous Constitution — The realm of the Dutch — Swedish advent on the Delaware — Georgia the asylum of Oglethorpe — How the English revo- lution of 1688 affected the American colonies — Outlines of the old thirteen States — French empire in Canada — France west of the Alleghenies — Eng- land wins the Mississippi — Struggle for the great valley — French advan- tages — England's poverty 65—124 THE MARCH TO INDEPENDENCE. Greed and tyranny of Great Britain — Desperate policy of Parliament — Odious taxation of colonies — Great colonial protest — A Congress of colonists — The First American party — The English Tea Act — Another protest and Con- gress — Colonial union and further Congresses — Sentiment of resistance — The Declaration of Independence — War of the Revolution — Battles from beginning to close — Victory at Yorktown — Peace of 1783 — Congresses during the Revolution — Government of the Revolution — Union under the Confederation — Starting-point of a new era 124-169 ACQUIRING THE PUBLIC DOMAIN. Fixing State boundaries — Gifts by the States — Cessions to the Government — Outlining new territories — Buying Louisiana — Wonderful stride toward the Pacific — Value of the purchase — Control of the Mississippi — Spain yields (7) g CONTENTS. Florida— The Gulf boundaries— Boundary in the Northwest— England's stubborn attitude— The Oregon trouble and treaty— The Republic of Texas — Battle for independence — Under the wing of American Union — Mexican protest — War with Mexico — Treaty of Hidalgo Gua.daloupe and Mexican cession of territory — The Gadsden purchase — Acquisition of Alaska — A solid stretch — Lake to gulf, ocean to ocean — Summary of cessions, pur- chases and acquisitions — Entire areas 169-175 INDEPENDENCE TO PERFECT UNION. The passing of the Colonies — The budding States — Tumults of the Revolution — Congresses and legislation of the war — How the Confederation came — The crude articles — Their merits and defects — The great seal of the Union — A national flag and its origin — Dawn of a Constitution — Its framing and adop- lion — Organization of a new government — The wheels in motion — Brave sentiments of the fathers — The old Thirteen States — State adjustments of lines and territory — Cessions and concessions — Ready for the new States — Reasons for their admission — Order of admission — Territorial history of each — Enabling acts and dates of admission of each — Secession of States — Re- admission and restoration — Organization of the Territories — The completed political structure — Union one and indivisible — Seals of the States 177-213 CHARTER PAPERS OF THE REPUBLIC. Declaration of Independence — Full text of the document — Fac-simile auto- graphs of all the signers. Articles of Confederation — Full text of the Articles — Resolution of the Con- tinental Congress respecting them. Constitution of the United States — Full text of the instrument — All tha amendments — Dales when proposed and adopted— Resolution of the conven- tion — Washington's address to the Congress. Washington's Farewell Address — Full text of the immortal production — Eloiiuent dying exhortations to the people 215-249 PLAN OF AMERICAN GOVERNMENT — T H E GREAT BRANCHES AND DEPARTMENTS— DESCRIPTION OF EN- TIRE GOVERNMENT MACHINERY. I'he three great branches of government — Legislative Branch — Congress, its divisions, and how formed — The Senate, its nature, powers and duties — Election of Senators — Senate machinery— House of Representatives — Elec- tion of members of Congress — Their number and manner of apportionment — Organization of the House — Territorial delegates — House machinery — The way laws are made — Congressional library — Public printing-ofifices 251-265 Executive Department — President-making — Presidential electors — The Elec- toral College — Choosing of electors — President's duties and powers— His Cabinet — How chosen, with a history of its growth — The Vice-President, his powers and duties 265-272 Department of State — Its history, nature and duties — Machinery of the De- partment — The diplomatic service — Ministers plenipotentiary — Ministers resident — Charge d' Affaires and Secretaries of Legation — Consular service — All the .Secretaries of State, with date of their appointment 272-279 Treasury Department — Creative acts — Secretary of Treasury, his powers and duties — Machinery of the department — All the divisions and bureaus — Officers of each and their duties — The Customs Service — Internal Revenue Service — National banks — National debt and bonds — The national credit — Losses of the Treasury Dejiartment under the respective administrations — All the Secretaries of the Treasury, with the dates of their appointment. .279-289 CONTENTS. 9 The War Department — History of the Department — Powers and duties of the Secretary — Machinery of the Department, its sub- departments, bureaus and divisions — Signal-office and Weather Bureau — All the Secretaries of War, with dates of their appointment — The United States Army, its organi- zation, size and discipline — Military Academy, its studies, officers and students 289-296 The Navy Department — History of its organization — Powers and duties of the Secretary of Navy — The Bureaus and sub-divisions of the Department — The Naval Academy, its studies, officers and students — United States Navy, organization and discipline — The new Navy — Number and classification of ships — Draught, size, and armor — Rank of new navy — Illustrations of Battle- Ships — Marine Corps — All the Secretaries of Navy, with dates of appoint- ment 298-327 Interior Department — History of its organization — Powers and duties of the Secretary of Interior — The Land Office and public land system — Pension Office, with history of pension system — Indian Affairs, and our dealings with the natives — The Patent Office — Census Office, with method of taking censuses — Bureau of Education— All the Secretaries of the Interior, with dates of their appointment 327~337 Post-office Department — History of its organization, and of the various postal systems — Powers and duties of Postmaster-General — Machinery of the Department — Modern features of our postal system — All the Postmasters- General, with dates of appointment 337-34° Department of Justice — History of the Department— Powers and duties of the Attorneys-General — All the Attorneys-General, with dates of appoint- ment 340-341 Department of Agriculture — Creative act — Powers and duties of Secretary of Agriculture 341-342 Judicial Department — The third co-ordinate branch of government ; its im- portance in the political system— Uses and powers of the Judiciary — Its machinery and methods of working — The Supreme Court of the United States — How officered and worked — All the Judges, with dates of appoint- ment and terms of service — The Circuit Courts — Their officers and the Circuit Districts — The District Courts, their organization, powers and duties — National Court of Claims — District Attorneys, Marshals and Juries — Admiralty and Maritime Courts 342-35 1 Government of the Territories — How Federal power passes into them — Government of the District of Columbia 35 '-354 TRIUMPHS OF INDUSTRY. Boundless Energy of Americans — From poverty to wealth — Comparison with other countries — Magnitude of resources — Causes of development — Free institutions — Origin of the people — Mingling of races — Advantage of topography — Effect of mountain systems — Rivers for power and commerce — Lake and gulf waterways — Advantages of soil, climate and vegetation — Intellectual development — Libraries, schools, colleges and universities — - Moral development — Churches and denominations — Wealth of precious metals — Exhaustless store of useful metals — Marvellous growth of mining industries — Resources of forest — Position as a manufacturing nation — The different manufactures — Wonderful outcrop of genius and skill — Unparalleled advance in mechanic arts— Commercial career — A nation of carriers — Ease and comfort of transit — Railroad facilities and comforts — Annihilation of distances — Telegraphs and Telephones — Applications of Electricity — Start- ling inventions — American architecture — Ideal homes — Agricultural develop- ment — A teeming land — Varieties of soil products — Yields and values — The workman's table — Food for foreigners — Triumphs of industry, institution and manhood privileges 355-3^2 10 CONTENTS. SOVEREIGNTY AND CITIZENSHIP. Various forms of government — Nature of Democracy — What a Republic is — What a Cominonwealtli — History of popular sovereignty — The stamp of citizenship — Duty of the American citizen — What the State asks — Mow to qualify for citizenship — School-house of the political campaign — Higher school of history and politics — Highest school of true qualification 3^3~395 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. Parties in General — Uses of Parties — First Parties — Parties of the Revolution — Of the Confederation — Of the Constitution — Parties of the new govern- ment — Federal and Anti-Federal 397~403 Washington's First Administration — The vote, the Cabinet, and the Con- gresses — The Constitutional Amendments— Commerce and the Tariff — Hamilton's policy — 'i'he First National Bank — The Whisky Rebellion — Political conditions — Second Presidential election — Rise of the Republican party 403-412 Second Administration — The vote, Cabinet and Congresses — Policy of the new Administration — Trouble with France — Antagonism of England — The first foreign policy — Fierce party contests in Congress — Eleventh Amendment to the Constitution — Ainended Tariff Act — Republican attack on the Adminis- tration — Conflict between the House and President over Jay's treaty — Wash- ington's farewell address — Election of 1796 412-422 Adams' Administration — The vote. Cabinet and Congresses — Policy of the Administration — Armed neutrality — Envoys to France — Alien and Sedition laws — Naturalization law — Federal and Republican policies — Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions of 1798 and 1799 — Election of 1800 — First political platform — Disputed election — Transfer of the Capitol to Washington. . .422-432 Jefferson's Administrations — Votes, Cabinets and the Congresses — The great political revolution — Nature of the new power — Removals from office — Pur- chase of Louisiana — First articles of impeachment — Election of 1804 — The political situation — Burr's trial — Internal improvements — Party measures — Embargo act — Flection of 1808 — Character of the campaign 432-446 Madison's Administrations — Votes, Cabinets, and the Congresses — The Political Situation — Failure to re-charter a National Bank — Declaration of War — Tariff of 1812 — Election of 1812 — The Clinton platform — Attitude of States and Parties — The war and the treaty of Ghent — Events of the war of 1812 — Battles by sea and land — Political results — Hartford Convention — Death of the Federal party — A new National Bank — Election of 1816.. 446-467 Monroe's Administrations — The votes, the Cabinets, the Congresses — The inaugural — Era of good feeling — Policy of the President — Jackson's invasion of Florida — Purchase of Florida — Beginning of the slavery agitation — Mis- souri Compromise — Election of 1820 — The Monroe Doctrine — Clay's "Amer- ican System" — Financial distress — Tariff of 1824 — Disputed election of 1824 — Disru[ition of the Republican party 468-481 John Q. Adams' Administration — The vote. Cabinet and Congresses — The National Republican (Whig) party — Democratic party — First Convention of Protectionists — Restatement of the " Monroe doctrine " — Tariff act of 1828 —Election of 1828 481-487 Jackson's Administrations — The Votes, Cabinets and Congresses — Jackson's policy — Victor and spoils — .Vnti-Masonic party — The pocket veto — Webster's and Ilayne's debate — Tariff of 1832-33 — Election of 1832 — Party platforms — Nullification — Death of the National Bank — Surplus revenue — Panic of 1837 — First nominating conventions — Election of 1836 — Anti-slavery party 487-508 CONTENTS. 11 Van Buren's Administration— Vote, Cabinet and Congresses— The Presi- dent's policy— Independent Treasury act — Slavery agitation— Election of 1840 and Whig success— Party platforms 508-513 Harrison's and Tyler's Administration— Vote, Cabinet and Congresses- Harrison's death— Tyler deserts the Whigs— Clay's retirement— Tarift of 1842— Texas and the Slavery question— Election of 1844—54° 40' or fight — The platforms and issues 5 "4 522 Polk's Administration— Vote, Cabinet and Congresses— The message— Mexi- can War— Events of the war— Taylor's victories— Scott's march to Mexico Battles on the way— Conquest of Mexico— First appearance of the Ameri- can party— Wilmot Proviso— Oregon Boundary— Tariff of 1846— Treaty of Guadaloupe- Hidalgo— Calhoun threatens secession— The Oregon bill- Election of 1848— Platforms and nominees— Free Soil Democrats 523-537 Taylor's Administration— Vote, Cabinet and Congresses— Calhoun's new doctrine— Compromise of 1850— Taylor's death— The political situation- Popular sovereignly— Election of 1852— The parties and platforms— Nebraska bill 537-544 Pierce's Administration— Vote, Cabinet and Congresses— Political situation —Kansas and Nebraska bill— Native American Party— Line of 36° 30'— Kansas trouble— Election of 1856— Rise of the Republican party— Tariff of 1857— Panic of 1857 545-555 Buchanan's Administration— Voce, Cabinet and Congresses— Political situa- tion— Dred Scott Decision— Squatter sovereignty and slavery— John Brown raid— The Lecompton Constitution— Covode inquiry — Election of i860— Conventions and platforms — Division in the Democratic party— Efforts at Compromise — The secession movement 555~567 Linocln's Administrations — Political situation— Secession and War — War legislation in the Congresses— Tariff of 1861— The attitude of parties— The Greenback system— Abolition of Slavery — Election of 1864— Parties and platforms— Events of the Civil War— Campaigns and battles— Victories and defeats— Final surrender— Peace and Assassination— Reconstruction under Johnson — Opposition to his policy, and impeachment — Election of 1868— Parties and platforms 5^7-632 Grant's Administrations— Vote, Cabinet and Congresses— Difficult recon- struction— The political situation— Legal tenders— Election of 1872— Liberal Republican party — Conventions and platforms— Tariff of 1874— Resumption act Dawn of civil service reform— Civil rights bill — Election of 1876 — The parties and their platforms— The disputed result 632-654 Hayes' Administration — Political situation— Silver coinage— Civil service reform— Chinese bill— Election of 1880— Parties and platforms 655-666 Garfield's and Arthur's Administration— Vote, Cabinet and Congresses— Garfield's assassination— Arthur's Cabinet— Tariff of 1883— New postal law Reduction of internal revenue— Civil service reform bill — The civil service commission— Message to 48th Congress— Measures of 48th Congress—" Hor- izontal reduction" of tariff— The Blair educational bill— Party conventions —Party candidates— Platforms of all parties— The campaign— Election of 1884— The political revolution— Retiracy of President Arthur 666-681 Cleveland's Administration— The electoral count— Popular vote— Officers of the Cabinet— President's inaugural— The political situation— Death of Vice-President Hendricks— First session of 49th Congress— The President's Message— The protection element in the Democratic party— Strength of parties in the Congress— Election of Mr. Carlisle as Speaker— Controversy between the President and Senate— The Morrison tariff bill— End of the session— 49th Congress, 2d session— The President's message— The political outlook- A short and confused session— Revenue reduction— Enmity toward 12 CONTENTS. the tariff — The anti-polygamy bill — Inter-state commerce — Trade Dollars — Pensions to Mexican soldiers — End of the Congress — 50th Congress, 1st session — The President's sliort and special message — Its free trade views — The Treasury surplus — Joy of the President's friends — Criticism of the Pro- tectionists — A square issue — The amended Cabinet — The Fishery Question — The amount ol Treasury surplus — The political outlook 682-708 Harrison's Administration — The electoral count — Popular vote — The new- cabinet — Pulitical situation — President's inaugural — First Session 51st Con- gress — President's message — Strength of parties — The " Working Congress " — Election of Speaker — Passage of McKinley Tariff Act — Reciprocity — Sherman Silver Bill — Number of national measures — End of session — Elections of 1890 — Political revolution — 51st Congress, 2d session — Presi- dent's messagt? — View of Legislation — Large appropriations — The '' Billion Dollar" Congress — End of 51st Congress — The Samoan trouble — Compli- cations with Italy — The Behring Sea Question — Threatened war with Chili — 52d Congress, 1st session — President's message — Status of parties — Election of Sj^eaker — Questions involved — Opposition to tariff — Plan of opposition— " Pop-gun " repealing bills — Dominant party defeats itself on free silver question — General character of legislation — Appropriations in excess of the " Billion Dollar" Congress — Campaign of 1892 — Conventions and platforms — Nominations and character of campaign — Results of the election — 52d Congress, 2d session — The President's message 710-731 "WORLD'S COLUMBIAN EXPOSITION. Birth of the Grand Enterprise — Rapid growth of Exposition sentiment — Why an Internatioral Exposition^ — Ancient games and festivals — Origin of fairs — Fairs of different nations — Growth of national exhibitions — Birth of Inter- national Expositions — History of Expositions — Incorporation of World's Columbian Exposition — Invitation to Stales and nations — Organization of Commission — Beginning work — Grounds, gardens, lagoons, canals, shrub- bery, etc. — Number and plan of Buildings — Sizes and costs — Descriptions of Buildings — State Buildings and appropriations — Acceptances of foreign nations — Architectural effects — Artistic merits of entire Exposition — Sur- passing beauty of grounds and structures 733-768 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. IHE WORLD THE WRONGS OF PORTRAIT OF COLUMBUS {from Genoa) CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS [from Madrid) CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS \from ail old paiiitiuif SPANISH SUPERSTITION REGARDING THE END OF COLUMBUS AS A BOY CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS {all ideal conception) ARMOR OF COLUMBUS COLUMBUS AND THE EGG .... THE QUEEN MOVED TO TEARS BY THE RECITAL OF SPANISH CARAVEL OF TIME OF COLUMBUS . DEPARTURE OF COLUMBUS FROM PALOS COLUMBUS NOTICES VARIATION OF NEEDLE FIRST SIGHT OF LAND LANDING OF COLUMBUS FLEVR D'OR ON BOARD THE SANTA MARIA COLUMBUS QUELLING THE MUTINY COLUMBUS STRIKES THE JEW COLUMBUS REFUSES TO HAVE HIS CHAINS REMOVED EXCEPT THE KIMG DEATH OF COLUMBUS JiOUSE WHERE COLUMBUS DIED . PIONEER DISCOVERERS AND EXPLORERS SIR FRANCIS DRAKE IN CENTRAL AMERICA SIR WALTER RALEIGH AND GEN. OGLETHORPE QUEEN ELIZABETH .... BUILDING FIRST HOUSE AT JAMESTOWN POCAHONTAS RESCUING CAPT. SMITH . CHARLES I. OF ENGLAND : PLYMOUTH ROCK .... JOHN WINTHROP AND JOHN ENDICOTT OLIVER CROMWELL .... GUSTAVUS I. OF SWEDEN PENN'S TREATY WITH THE INDIANS . FIRST SETTLEMENT OF NEW YORK PETER STUYVESANT .... EXPLORERS AND FIRST SETTLERS SAMUEL ADAMS AND ALEXANDER HAMILTON PATRICK HENRY AND GEN. ANTHONY WAYNE COLONISTS MEETING UNDER LIBERTY TREE DESTRUCTION OF TEA IN BOSTON HARBOR GEORGE WASHINGTON AND BENJAMIN FRANKLIN CARPENTER'S HALL AND HOUSE IN WHICH TH PENDENCE WAS WRITTEN INDEPENDENCE HALL ISRAEL PUTNAM AND FRANCIS MARION WASHINGTON CROSSING THE DELAWARE ENGAGEMENT BETWEEN THE SERAPIS AND BONHOMME BENEDICT ARNOLD AND MAJOR ANDRE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE AND NATHANIEL GREENE ACQUISITION OF TERRITORY IN THE UNITED STATES WASHINGTON'S RECEPTION AT TRENTON : i Froniispieci DECLARATION 17: (13) PAGE 6 16 19 21 23 26 27 29 31 33 35 37 39- 41 45 49 55 59 61 64 70 73 75 77 81 85 91 93 99 105 107 109 III "3 127 129 135 137 141 143 147 153 155 159 161 163 :- 173 176 14 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. COATS OF ARMS FOR EVERY STATE IN THE UNION SIGNING DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE . CAPITOL AT WASHINGTON . COLUMBUS DOOR IN THE CAPITOL THE U. S. SENATE CHAMBER HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES WASHINGTON DOOR IN THE CAPITOL WHITE HOUSE — NORTHERN VIEW STATE, NAVY AND WAR DEPARTMENT THE U. S. TREASURY . VIEWS AT MILITARY ACADEMY, WEST POIN r U. S. CRUISER BOSTON U. S. CRUISER ATLANTA U. S. DESPATCH BOAT DOLPHIN, AND U. S. MONITOR MIANTONOMOH U. S. CRUISER PHILADELPHIA U. S. GUNBOAT PETREL U. S. PACIFIC CRUISER VESUVIUS, AND U. S. TORPEDO DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR AND PENSION OFFICE THE PATENT OFFICE JOHN MARSHALL AND ROGER B. TANEY JUDGE JOSEPH STORY IN JUDICIAL ROBE THE WASHINGTON MONUMENT .... AMERICAN PRODUCTS AND INDUSTRIES A HARVEST 50 YEARS AGO COTTON INDUSTRIES OF THE U. S. . ROBERT FULTON AND SAMUEL F. B. MORSE CENTRAL PACIFIC RAILROAD IN THE SIERRA NEVADA; POPULAR SOVEREIGNTY — A CAMPAIGN SPEECH WASHINGTON'S INAUGURATION .... PRESIDENTS FROM I789 TO 1817 RESIDENCE OF GEORGE WASHINGTON AT MT. VKRNON JOHN ADAMS AND THOMAS JEFFERSON MONTICELI.O, THE HOME OF JEFFERSON DUEL BETWEEN BURR AND HAMILTON CAPTURE OF THE GUERRIERE BY THE CONSTITUTION THE WASP BOARDING THE FROLIC MCDONOUGH'S VICTORY ON LAKE CHAMPI.AIN CAPTURE OF CYANE AND LEVANT BY THE CONSTITUTI perry's victory on lake ERIE PRESIDENTS FROM 1817 TO 184I HENRY CLAY ADDRESSING THE U. S. SENATE JOHN C. CALHOUN AND ANDREW JACKSON . ' WEBSTER REPLYING TO HAYNE .... HENRY CLAY AND DANIEL WEBSTER . THE U. S. STATES BANK AT PHILADELPHIA GUSHING, FRELINGHUYSEN, GARRISON AND BENTON PRESIDENTS FROM 184I TO 1853 GENERALS WINFIEI.D SCOTT AND ZACHARY TAYLOR CASS, STEVENS, ADAMS AND PHILLIPS . HALE, FREMONT, MARCY AND WALKER PRESIDENTS FROM 1853 TO 1869 CHARLES SUMNF.R AND SALMON P. CHASE . HOME OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN AT SPRINGFIELD . HAMLIN, CK'TTENDEN, CAMERON AND DOUGLAS . ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS AND JEFFERSON DAVIS .STONEWALL JACKSON AND ROBERT E. LEE . (JENERAL W. T. SHERMAN AND ADMIRAL 1). G. FVkK (■r)MMODORE FOOTE AND MAJOR ANDERSON IRONCLAD RIVER GUNBOAT r.RA? was forced to stop at the Canary islands in order to repair the broken rudder of the Pinta. Starting thence, he was becalmed near Tenerifife, whose volcano the sailors looked upon with awe. On September 8 a breeze caught his fleet and it plunged into unknown waters. The sailors sighed and grew mutinous at thought of distance from home. Columbus resorted to all sorts of stratagems to keep them in subjection. He kept a short and long reckoning of the distance sailed, the former for the sailors, the latter for his private use. On the third day after leaving the Canaries a broken mast was picked up. This frightened the sailors, who saw only wreck ahead. On the sixth day even Columbus him- self was amazed to find that the compass showed material varia- tion. His pilots stood aghast at this now well-known phenom- enon, and Columbus was compelled to invent an ingenious theory to explain it. Soon the ships entered the course of the trade winds, and were blown gently along on smooth seas and amid a balmy atmosphere. By-and-by, birds began to appear of a kind that did not fly far away from land. Then patches of seaweed floated by, indicative of neighboring islands or reefs. Soon it was noticed that the .seaweed bore crabs, and that the fishes ran in schools. Of course everything was observed closely — the westward flight of birds, the indications of land, the winds and currents; and everything affected the sailors, who were hopeful or despondent according to their superstitions. At length Columbus found his most hopeful signs of land in a change of DEPARTURE OF COLUMBUS FROM PALOS. » 33 34 COLUMBUS AND THE NEW WORLD. wind, a shower of rain and a visit from land birds who parted from his ships at nightfall. All were hopeful, for in their des- perate strait the men depended on Columbus for their courage, though they frequently grew tired of his signs. On comparing distances and the maps, Columbus and his pilots agreed that they must now be near the coasts of Japan, for they had sailed over 1 200 miles. Many times cries of Land! Land! had been ut- tered, for a pension had been offered him who should first descry it. But in each case the discoverer had been deceived by sunset clouds. Despite these false alarms the birds grew thicker, and their nightward course was toward the southwest. Columbus changed his course, and held to it for many days. On October 12, 1492, land odors were observed, the seaweed grew fresher, the fishes were such as swarmed near rocks. Branches, reeds and canes were picked up. Even a board was found. Colum- bus ordered prayers, harangued his men, and encouraged them to keep a sharp lookout during the night. LAND ! LAND ! LAND !— At two o'clock on the morning of October 12, 1492, a sailor on board the Pinta saw land, and a signal gun was fired. The sails of the entire fleet were furled, and all rejoiced till morning, Columbus being the happiest of all. At daylight every eye was turned toward the coveted spot, which was a low, verdure-covered island. Never was sight more wel- come to men, for they had been thirty-three days in mid ocean. Never was sight more welcome to navigator, for he had found land by sailing westward, whether that land were Japan, China, or something unsuspected and unknown. The scene on board the vessels was impressive. Solemn ceremonies were held, and thanks were rendered for the great discovery and deliverance, for it was as much the latter as the former to desperate men. Tlie scene on board tlie Santa Maria exceeded all in solemnity. The name of the land first seen is disputed. But whether it was Watling's Island, Grand Turk Lsland, Cat Island, Samana Island, or what, the morning revealed the fact that it was peopled. But, alas ! the people were naked, and none of the magnificent cities of Japan appeared. Columbus dressed himself in admiral's uni- form, put off to land with a fleet of boats, and took possession COLUMBUS DISCOVERS VARIATION OF NEEDLE, 35 36 COLUMBUS AND THE NEW WORLD. ill the name of the King and Queen and of San Salvador, or Saviour. It was all very formal, audacious beyond precedent, and awfully ostentatious, especially when he was greeted by his men as viceroy of a new world, and when, like a potentate, he extended pardon to each cringing mortal for the offences com- mitted during the voyage. Never had mortal such an audience. Innocent natives gazed at the ceremonies in solenm awe, and even participated in the ceremonies, little dreaming that they were compromising their most precious possessions. They looked on the ships and men as a visitation from some super- stitious source, and were wonderfully delighted with the trinkets and baubles Columbus dispensed for their favor and lands. They proved to be an innocent people, highly pleased and easily beguiled by the offerings of the white men. In this they began the story which has been repeated by every subsequent discovery. Columbus explored the island coasts as best he could with his boats, always receiving the same kindly recognition from the natives, and always practicing the same impositions on them. He then, in the plenitude of his courage and knowledge, re- solved to push further on for the coasts of China and Japan, amid whose outlying islands he thought himself already. The golden ornaments of the natives, their pointing to the southwest as a source of riches and power, seemed to imply that thither lay the coveted East with all its regal splendors. EXPLORING ISLANDS.— li seemed that Columbus called his first island San Salvador. He visited another contiguous island, which he called Santa Maria. The natives being the same, and gold being scarce — it is wonderful what an induce- ment gold was — he sailed for other islands. He struck a larger island, which he named Fernandina, where he found rich vege- tation. May weather, and a kindly people, as susceptible to his trinkets as any thus far met. He then found an island he named Isabella, whose foliage and spices convinced him that he was in the Orient. To all inquiries as to where gold was to be found, the innocent natives pointed in the direction of Cuba, which Columbus did not doubt was the Cinpango of the Chinese, or perhaps Japan itself. He took formal possession of all the 3g COLUMBUS AND THE NEW WORLD. islands he visited, and confidently felt that he would soon be in direct intercourse with the great Khan of China, to whom his letters had been directed. CUBA APPEARS.— S\ght of Cuba inspired Columbus and all his followers. With its mountains and evidences of a higher civilization, it was the threshold of China, sure. But his inter- preters proved to be useless, for no oriental speech was found. He did, however, find a superior native race, and first became acquainted with the potato, tobacco, Indian corn, and cassava. But he had gold in his vision and sailed away for Hayti, which he named Hispaniola. Here he found timid natives, but a beautiful country. He met a personage who passed as king, and went through the ceremony of a treaty with the now historic wampum belt. While in the waters of Hayti, his ship, the Santa Maria, was wrecked, and the crew were received and kindly treated by the islanders. Here Columbus built a fort, and left it in possession of thirty-nine of his crew, who, being crimi- nals at home, were thus glad to find escape from crime. This was the fort of La Navidad, or Nativity. HOMEWARD BOUND.— Wh\\Q Columbus was at Hayti the Pinta, in command of Pinzon, had gone off on an exploring expedition of her own. She now returned, with rich stores of gold aboard, and many natives, whom the thrifty Pinzon had captured, intending to sell them in Spain as slaves. Among these were two Indian girls. Though Columbus himself had brought on board many natives, both to interpret for him and with the intention of carrying them back to Spain, and though among them was the beautiful maiden named FlcJir dc Or., or " Flower of Gold," lie ordered Pinzon to put his captives asliore, lest the natives should harbor resentment against the Spaniards. After repairs at Samana, and the taking of food and water, the Pinta and Nina started for Spain. All went well till P^ebruary 12, 1493, when a violent storm separated the ships, and both were in danger of foundering. During the storm, which was of long duration, Columbus wrote a detailed account of his discoveries, and sealing it in a barrel threw it into the sea, determined that the results of his labors should see the light, in case he 40 COLUMBUS AND THE NEW WORLD. perished. On February 15 land was signalled. It proved to be the Azores, belonging to Portugal. The jealous officials here arrested a part of the crew of Columbus, and put him to great trouble to have them set free. The storm still raged, but Columbus resolved to brave it. On March 3 his ships started for Spain, but were driven into the port of Lisbon, Portugal. Wonder at the escape of such frail barks from so terrific a storm came to their rescue. Columbus was received with open arms, and was invited into the presence of King John, to tell of his wonderful voyage and discoveries. Jealous as the King of Portugal was, he could not help admiring the fortitude of the great discoverer. On March 13 Columbus sailed for Spain, and in two days entered the port of Palos, whence he had started. It must be remembered that Columbus made the journey fiom the Azores to Palos in the Nina, and separate from the Pinta, which was supposed to be lost. Pinzon, on board the Pinta, supposed the Nina was lost. Therefore, when the Pinta reached Galicia, Pinzon sent an account of the discovery to Ferdinand and Isabella, as though Columbus were no more. But Colum- bus had taken the precaution to do the same, while at Lisbon. The motive of Pinzon thus became plain to the King and Queen, and he was refused an audience. He died soon after of a broken heart, it is said. COLUMBUS AT COURT.— ¥evd\n:ind and Isabella received Columbus with great honors at the Court, then at Barcelona, There was a grand procession, in which thousands participated, and the windows and housetops were crowded to catch sight of the great navigator and the wild men — six in number — of the New World. The King and Queen received Columbus, seated on their throne, but when he bowed to kiss their hands they caused him to sit in their presence. The monarchs then heard his story, and examined his trophies, such as parrots, plants, ornaments, and the Indians themselves. Then the King and Queen thanked God for the great discovery. Thenceforth, Columbus was the recipient of the highest royal favors. News of the wonderful revelation spread to all the courts of Europe, and it was regarded as " more divine than human." All be- FLEUR D'OR ON BOARD THE SANTA MARIA. 41 42 COLUMBUS AND THE NEW WORLD. lieved that the Eastern part of Asia had been brought to Hght, and the country was called the Indies. Not for some time did it come to be known as the West Indies, and the islands of the Caribbean as the Antilles, after the Antilla, supposed to be lost in the Atlantic Ocean. As the Pope was supposed to have universal temporal sovereignty, he was informed of the discovery and asked to confirm the title in Spain. He did so, and, in order to appease the jealousy of Portugal, drew an imaginary line north and south in the Atlantic Ocean, westward of which all discovery should enure to the benefit of Spain. A SECOND ]'0YAGE.—\N\\2it a difference between the first and second voyage of Columbus! Then all was doubt, solicitude, poverty. Now royalty made all haste to fit out a second expedition to confirm titles. Fame was in store for ad- venturers, and thousands of volunteers offered. The magic word " gold " had been spoken, and swarms clamored for the privilege of voyage to the new lands. No less than seventeen ships were made ready, and the port of departure was to be Cadiz. The royal treasury gave freely of its stores. The furore was like that which had preceded a Crusade, and this in more ways than one. The heathen Indian of the West was classed with the Infidel of the East, and the duty to convert him justified his conquest, theft of his lands and possessions, murder of himself, wife and children. Moreover, in order to provide means for this great work of Christian discovery, con- quest and propagandism, it was deemed right to persecute and rob the Jews of Spain, as before each of the Crusades. This nefarious business was participated in, or encouraged, by even Columbus himself, who, it is said, took occasion more than once to mani- fest his Christian superiority, and religious detestation of the Jew- ish race, by the visitation of blows upon their heads. The fleet carried away nearly 1500 adventurers, among whom were many of the most distinguished citizens. That they went with the intention of making the most of the situation is plain from the fact that they took along cattle, seeds, sugar-cane and plants of various kinds, and it is equally plain that they had about the same idea of the fancy or cupidity of the Indian as we have to- COLUMBUS AND THE NEW WORLD. 43 day of the African of the Congo, from the fact that they took along immense amounts of beads, bells, looking-glasses, and gew- gaws for the purposes of trade. It was not until Sept. 25, 1493, that the bustle of preparation was over and the ships were off. The ships sailed for the Canaries, where they completed their stores, and where Columbus distributed sealed orders to each of his captains how to reach Hispaniola, or Hayti, in case they became detached from the fleet. They left the Canaries on October 13th, and with favoring winds sped across the ocean and struck land in twenty days. Their course had been south of the former one, and the first land greeted was one of the Caribbee Islands. It was Sunday, and Columbus, therefore, named the land Dominica. The land was clothed in the rich green of the tropics, but, there being no visible harbor, Colum- bus sailed for the next island in sight which he named Mariga- lante, after his own ship. After possession was taken in due form he sailed for the prominent island, which he named Guadalupe, in honor of the Convent of Guadalupe. The natives fled the presence of the Spaniards, but much was learned of their habits by the cabins, weapons and utensils left behind. Some of the women were captured, who informed Columbus that there were many islands to the south, and that off in the west was a main land. Columbus was intent on reaching his colony on Hispaniola, and on his voyage thither he discovered so many little islands that he grouped them under the high-sounding but convenient title of the Eleven Thousand Virgins. He took cap- tive many of the natives, who gave him much valuable information. On reaching Hispaniola he found his fort deserted, and every colonist dead either through disease or the enmity of the natives, which last they had no doubt provoked. Notwithstanding this fatality Columbus resolved to effect a permanent settlement on Hispaniola, and he laid out a town which he called Isabella. Soon, malaria swept off scores, and death continued till they learned the native laws of food and habit. While learning these the natives were hardly less shrewd as to the Spaniards, whose power they had to acknowledge, and whose morals they para- 44 COLUMBUS AND VUE NEW WORLD. phrased in the sentence, " Behold the Christian's God ! " — point- ing to their bits of gold. HUNTING GOLD.—T\\Q site for the city of Isabella had been chosen because it was supposed to be near the gold-bear- ing mountains. Expeditions were fitted out, led by native guides, some of which returned with specimens of gold. Colum- bus wrote a glowing letter to Spain in which he prophesied that th.e King and Queen would soon be the richest sovereigns in the world. Twelve of his ships were dispatched homeward bearing specimens of everything strange to the old country and incident to the new. But the very strangest thing they bore, and the least creditable to the great discoverer, was his proposition to capture the natives of the Caribbean Islands and trade them as slaves in Spain for cattle and such things as his colon}- on Hispaniola would quickly need. The failure of the adventurers to find gold, or any of the riches and advan- tages they had come for, made them homesick and discontented. A violent mutiny broke out on board the ships, and a plot was formed to seize them and return home without the Admiral. Columbus resorted to extreme measures to quell the mutiiu', and landed the leaders in prison. All arms and ammunition were placed aboard of one vessel, which was placed in command of his brother Diego. Columbus now headed a grand expedition of 400 men, richly dressed, preceded by drums and banners, accom- panied by a large body of natives from about Isabella, the object being to find the gold fields of Cibao, and to impress the natives with his power. They climbed the mountains of Monte Christo, crossed the beautiful valley of Vega Real, ascended the rugged slopes of Cibao, and laid out a fort, called St. Thomas, because of the doubt which had been expressed about finding gold. The natives received him kindly, offering food and grains of gold in exchange for Spanish gew-gavvs. Leaving fifty-six men to build the fort, Columbus returned to Isabella on March 2q, 1494. He found that the wheat, sugar-cane, cucumbers, and other seeds which had been planted about Isabella, had grown, and he was greatly pleased with the fertility of the soil. But the climate proved deadly to the colonists, and they grew more and more COLUMBUS (QUELLING THE MUTINY. 45 46 COLUMBUS AND THE NEW WORLD. discontented. Many of them were of noble blood and unused to work, and they rebelled at the rules laid down by Columbus, whom they looked upon as a foreigner and plebeian. He did his best to keep them employed, that being his safeguard against open mutiny. As a means to this end he ordered some to build mills, sent forth another expedition to Fort St. Thomas, and prepared for another voyage of discovery, having by this time concluded that the firm land of Asia lay not far to the west of Hispaniola. LOOKING FOR ASIA.— On April 24. 1494, Columbus sailed westward for the Continent of Asia, in three small ships. He was most anxious to discover and claim all the new lands in the name of Spain, before the Portuguese should reach them by sailing around Cape of Good Hope in the opposite direction. From this we may infer that Columbus had accepted the theory of the rotundity of the earth. He struck the island of Cuba and skirted its southern coasts, finding the natives friendly, and always propitiating them with presents. He then discovered Jamaica, which he named Santiago. Here he met with slight opposition from the natives, who were soon dispersed by the superior weapons of the Spaniards. He did not remain long in Jamaica but sailed again for Cuba, determined to find out whether it was main-land or an island. He learned from the natives that Cuba was an island, and that there was a great country called Mangon beyond, about which the natives had many fables to relate. Both the name of the country and the character of the fables sounded so much like those mentioned by Marco Polo in respect to Asia, that Columbus was encouraged to push ahead in search of a land where men wore clothing. But with all his sailing, in leaky ships, through island-dotted and treacherous waters, with a low stock of rations, and with discontented crews, he could not find the western bounds of Cuba. So by June 13 it was concluded that Cuba was the Continent of Asia. Ever\- officer was sworn to this, so as to prevent the possibility of con- tradictory statements, and then Columbus returned to Hispaniola, discovering, on his way, the island of Pines. AT HISPANIOLA.— Columhui^ did not get back to Hispan- COLUMBUS AND THE NEW WORLD. 47 iola (Hayti) till the middle of September. He then fell sick with malarial fever and lay a long time unconscious and at the point of death. He came back to health to find that his brother Bartholomew had arrived from Spain with ships and stores for the colony. This rejoiced him very much, but he was sad over the condition of affairs on the island. His expedition to St. Thomas had quartered among the Indians of the Vega Real valley, and the troops had driven them to hostility by their excesses. The garrison at St. Thomas had also estranged the natives by their tyranny and cruelty. Isabella was in danger of attack. Sickness and want prevailed. In the midst of a people naturally kindly, amid a climate and soil that promised abun- dance, Hispaniola was simply a first chapter in American coloniza- tion, to be repeated a thousand times, the gist of the verses being ' cruel, rapacious adventures ; a sense of superiority and tyranny ; indolence that refused support even where soil was kind ; starvation except as help came from home; disappointment and failure of honest enterprise ; contempt for compact with the natives; hostility and extermination.' To outwit, deceive, kidnap, enslave, kill, a native, became an adventurer's ambition, a warrior's glory and a Christian's right. Columbus found Hispaniola at virtual war with the natives. Sickness and threatened famine added to the confusion. Fortunately four more ships came out from Spain, loaded with provisions. Colum- bus sent them back with five hundred Indians aboard to be sold as slaves in Spain. The excuse was need of money, and the hope that they would become Christian converts. The hostility of the natives, which the Spaniards themselves had provoked by their cruelties, disappointment at not finding gold, the instability of food supplies, had made the Spaniards hate the Indians, and furnished justification for any and every outrage upon them. The Indians sent to Spain escaped a prolongation of their fate by speedily dying in a climate and under conditions they were not born to. At length war broke out on the island, and Columbus was forced to fight the combined forces of the five chiefs. He was victorious, and placed them all under tribute of a certain amount of gold dust each year. This 48 COLUMBUS AND THE NEW WORLD. assured peace, but it proved so exacting to the Indians as to reduce them to poverty and helpless subordination. BACK IN SPAIN. — The malcontents wiio had returned to Spain liad told the King and Queen terrible stories of affairs in Hispaiiiola, and blamed the situation on Columbus. They depu- tized one Aguado to visit Hispaniola and report on the condition of affairs. He proved to be an officious intcrmeddler and an enemy of Columbus. When he returned home Columbus prudently resolved to go with him. But a storm destroyed all the vessels except the Nina, and Columbus, not wishing to sail in the same vessel with Aguado, had to wait till he could build another vessel. Meanwhile Miguel Diaz, who had killed a man in a fight, ran away to escape punishment and arrived at a native village where San Domingo now stands. Here he met and married an Indian queen named Catalina, who revealed to him the existence of gold mines near by. Diaz hastened bade to Isabella confident that such good news would secure him immu- nity from punishment. Columbus was pleased with his story, and sent his brother, Bartholomew, to investigate, wishing to confirm so important a discovery, that he might bear the news to Spain. Bartholomew confirmed the story. Diaz and his queen became very important personages. Columbus, imagining himself to be in the far East, thought he had struck upon the ancient Ophir whence King Solomon drew his treasures of gold for the temple. Columbus sailed for Spain in March, 1496, taking along 225 sick and discontented colonists and thirty Indians, among whom was a captured chief, Caonabo, whom he promised to return. After a most tedious voyage on short rations, Columbus landed his starved, sick and bilious-looking crew in Spain. Many of the Indians had died, among them Caonabo. When the people of Spain saw the poverty-striclccn and sallow crowd, they declared that all the gold they had brought with them was in their faces. COLUMBUS AT COURT.— Qo\\.\\\\h\\^ was invited to Court by the King and Queen. Knowing that the impression was abroad that there were no riches in the West Indies, that naked savages, imaginary spices, and undug gold, did not compensate for the COLUMBUS STRIKES THE JEW. 49 50 COLUMBUS AND THE NEW WORLD. expenses of his expeditions, and that liis abihty to colonize and govern wisely was in question, he travelled towards the Court with his Indians decorated with feathers, trinkets, and chains of gold, and with a full display of the ornaments, images, fabrics and woods he had gathered abroad. He was well received at Court, exposed his curiosities with great effect, told very plaus- ibly how he had coasted along Asia (Cuba), and wound up with the request for eight more ships to continue his discoveries. The ships were promised, but the mone}- for them was not immediately forthcoming. Columbus had a long wait, and was chagrined to find that other discoverers were actually receiving the favor he asked, and were sent off on expeditions calculated to rob him of his hard-earned honors. After waiting patiently for two years, during which time the Queen remained his pronounced friend, six ships were equipped and placed at his disposal. All the old titles were conferred on him and made hereditary, as his ambition was to found a family. Two mis- fortunes now fell upon him. One was that the sentiment in Spain was so much against seeking a permanent home in the Indies as to make it ne.xt to impossible to secure colonists out- side of the criminal classes. The other was that he got into a dispute with one Ximeno, a man of great wealth, high standing at Court, and of Jewish extraction, whom he knocked down. This freak of anger is said to have done him more harm at Court than all the disparaging reports from Hispaniola. THE THIRD VOYAGE.— (Zo\mw\iViS> .sailed on his third voyage May 30, 1498. He steered farther to the south than be- fore, believing that the main-land of Asia lay farther south, and that the most precious metals and stones were to be found in the hottest regions. At the Canaries he divided his fleet, sending three ships directly to Hispaniola with food for the colonists. With the other three he sailed for Cape de Verde Island, and thence westward nearly on a line with the Equator. Calms and intense heat forced him to change his course more to the north. On July^ 31 three mountain peaks rose into view. They were named Trinidad (Trinity), and the land proved to be an island whose southern coast he skirted. While at anchor on the south COLUxMBUS AND THE NEW WORLD. 5^ side of Trinidad, land was descried to the southwest. The waters were very rough and torn by conflicting currents. Colum- bus made it out that he was in a Strait which he named Mouth of the Serpent. He feared to try his vessels on such tumultuous waters. Little did he dream that the land beyond the Strait was a main-land. After being nearly swamped by an immense tidal wave occasioned by the swift volume of the Orinoco river, as it empties into the ocean, he sailed across the Strait, and was surprised to find fresh water well out to sea. Turning northward, with a continent on one side and Trinidad on the other, he saw a settlement on the main-land. Tiie natives came off to him in boats. They called their country Paria, and said it extended indefinitely westward and southward. The fact that Columbus had found fresh water where it should have been salt, helped him to believe that Paria was indeed a main-land, for how could there be fresh water and such tidal agitation so far out to sea, except upon the theory that some mighty river was finding an outlet? He found the natives friendly and dressed lavishly in ornaments of pearl which they obtained from their pearl fisheries. The existence of pearls was a valu- able discovery, and Columbus profited by it. His provisions be- gan to run short, and he was forced to sail for Hispaniola, dis- covering, on the way, the Cubagua group of Islands. On his arrival at San Domingo, the port of Hispaniola at which he had left his brother Bartholomew, he made known his supposed dis- covery of a new continent, and indulged the theory that the earth was pear-shaped, that in its centre lay the Garden of Eden, and that thence flowed down in great volumes the sweet waters he had found off the coast of Paria. AGA/N IN HISPANIOLA.— B^vtho\ovnQvj Columbus had been left in charge of Hispaniola during the absence of Christo- pher m Spain. He had proven to be a severe,. indiscreet, but industrious governor, and had transferred the seat of trade and power from Isabella to San Domingo. He had warred with the natives and generally lost their favor. The idle and dissolute colonists, whom he made work, detested him and had broken into rebellion under the lead of one Roldan. The priests had 52 COLUMBUS AND THE NEW WORLD. made very little headway in converting the Indians. Ships had arrived from Spain in 1496 and 1498, which had brought sup- plies of food, much to the delight of the indolent and discon- tented colonists. Now that Columbus had come again, he found the situation anything but promising. The rebellion of Roldan was fully on. It was August, 1498. Columbus had been much disheartened while in Spain. He was sick with gout, and nearly blind. He had had dangerous sailing in the Strait of Paria, and had been carried fifty miles westward of San Do- mingo by the gulf stream. He was afraid of the rebels, who outnumbered his own forces. His own forces could not be trusted, for they too had felt the severity of Bartholomew. So he entered into compromises with them, offering them immunity from punishment and passage back to Spain, thinking thus to get rid of them. They refused to go, but grew more exacting. They demanded grants of lands and Indian slaves. Columbus was forced to gratify them by giving them large tracts of land, and, as he himself set the example of slavery by shipping natives to Spain, he permitted them to enslave the Indians to their heart's content. Nor was this all that Columbus had to contend with. One of his former officers, Alonzo de Ojeda, had gone back to Spain, secured favor at court and started on an exploring expedition of his own. Having secured the maps of the third voyage of Columbus, he followed his route, visited the pearl fisheries of Paria, and had stopped on the west end of Hispaniola to lay in a cargo of dye-wood and slaves. On the ships of Ojeda were two other of Columbus's old pilots, and the famous Amerigo Vespucci, who afterwards got into print so effectually as to give his name to the New World. Columbus sent Roldan to find out why Ojeda had landed without ask'ing permission. Ojeda prom- ised to sail to .San Domingo and explain, but instead he sailed to another port, [)Iaccd himself at the head of the former follow- ers of Roldan, and marched toward San Domingo. Roldan was loj'al enough to Columbus to help check this second rebellion. Ojeda was driven back to his ships and forced to go elsewhere for his cargo of slaves. Columbus ordered the execution of all COLUMBUS AND THE NEW WORLD. 53 the leaders of these rebellion who were captured, and thus re-es- tablished his authority. But reports of the doings were continually reaching Spain and discrediting Columbus. Moreover, his imagination had been so vivid, and such his pictures and promises of riches and power, that royalty was suffering disappointment and disgust at their failure to materialize. Those who envied Columbus harped on the fact that he was not a Spaniard and was meanly born. As such they looked upon him as a dangerous person to be entrusted with so much present and prospective power. That he was a very weak and unpopular governor was manifest to ro}'alty, from the fact that he was continually referring to it the petty disputes which an heroic official would have settled forthwith, even if he had permitted them to arise. He had lost his best friend — Queen Isabella — because he kept sending the Indians to Spain as slaves. COLUMBUS IN CHAINS.— The Spanish Court deputed Francisco de Bobadilla to go to Hispaniola to investigate matters, and to take the government away from Columbus, if he found it in a bad state. The Queen sent along with him many of the slaves which had been sold in Spain. Bobadilla arrived in August, 1500, to find Columbus in great disrepute and every- thing in confusion. All the malcontents poured their tales of hardship and cruelty into Bobadilla's ears. Being a needy man, ambitious and a Spaniard, he quickly decided that Columbus was a cruel, incompetent ruler and must be deposed. He headed a mob, captured the fort at San Domingo, took possession of Columbus's house, books, maps, and accumulated gold, and made himself popular by paying the overdue salaries with what he had stolen. ColumbuS was at Fort Concepcion, in the interior, when Bobadilla landed and seized San Domingo. There he received word that he must surrender the fort and his author- ity. He refused at first, but when he learned that Bobadilla bore a commission from the Spanish sovereigns, he started for San Domingo. Immediately on his arrival he was put in irons and held a prisoner. The same fate befell his brothers, Diego and Bartholomew. After lying in prison for two months in the 54 COLUMBUS AND THE NEW WORLD. tower of San Domingo, which stands to-day, he was ordered, with his brothers, on board ship for transport to Spain. One Villejo had them in charge. Being of gentlemanly turn, he offered to take the chains off Columbus, after they were well out to sea. " No," answered Columbus, " their majesties com- manded me to submit to whatever Bobadilla should order in their name. I will wear these chains until they shall order them to be taken off, and I will keep them afterwards as memorials of the reward of my services." When Columbus arrived a prisoner in Spain, he felt that he could not approach the King and Queen directly, so he wrote a letter to Donna Juana de la Torre, their favorite, in which he made plain the whole situation in His- paniola. This letter was so full and frank, so full of weakness and strength, as to damn Columbus in the eyes of some and excuse him in the eyes of others. Whatever his boldness on one hand, or his baseness on the other, it proved that he was sincere. The King and Queen heard of his imprisonment with horror. They ordered the release of his brothers, and invited him to the Court, where he was received with tears, and with promises of comfort. But his reputation had suffered a severe shock not only with royalty but with the populace. He was as much a beggar for favor as ^vhen he first set his foot on the soil of Spain. All his honors were withheld, and his prospects for future advancement were cut off The Portuguese had stolen all his ideas of the Orient by rounding the Cape of Good Hope. Vasco da Gama had arrived in Calcutta and found the real land of spices, with more gold, pearls and substantial treasures than Columbus ever dreamed of Portugal had received Vasco da Gama with open arms, and had fitted out a fleet of thirteen vessels, which were blown westward to the coast of Brazil, and thus made the accidental discovery of the main-land of South America, before Columbus was sure of what he had done. Cabot had proved that there was a North American Continent. Thus the genius and daring of Columbus were placed at a discount, and Spain became anxious lest other powers should run away with the new lands which were coming to sight. She fitted out many expedi- COLL'MBUS REFUSES TO HAVE HIS CHAINS REMOVED EXCEPT BY ORDER OF THE KING. 55 56 COLUMBUS AND THE NEW WORLD. tions, under the old captains of Columbus, and one of them had come back loaded with pearls and gold. The opinion grew that Columbus was neither a good discoverer or governor, in com- parison with others, and that the privileges which had been granted him were entirely too vast. But a ray appeared in his favor in the fact that Bobadilla had proved a worse governor than he. His favoritism led to disor- ders, slavery became more than ever a confirmed institution, and the worthless colonists lolled in their hammocks at the expense of the natives whose lands they had stolen and whose liberty they had sacrificed. So crying became the situation in Hispaniola that Bobadilla was deposed and Nicholas de Ovando made governor. Under Ovando came the magnificent Christian reforms which limited slavery of Indians to those who worked for the Crown for pay, and which substituted for the system which Columbus had adopted, the enslavement of negroes, stolen from Africa. Thus the heroic native race, which could not brook slavery, was eliminated by the imported race, for which slavery seemed to have no terrors, except those of capture and separation from parents and friends. Ovando was sent to Hispaniola with a fleet of thirty-three vessels, and with a blazonry that became a direct representative of royalty. Columbus was naturally chagrined at this diver- sion of favors from himself Whether honestly or not, is neither here nor there, but he sought the favor of the King and Queen by means of a letter in which he undertook to prove that the best means of instituting a new and successful Crusade and recovering the Holy Sepulchre would be to push through to the East by means of such straits as he might discover in the West. This substitution of a holy for a scientific motive induced royalty to give him the control of four little ships, on condition that he was not to visit Hispaniola, but should find out what was yet undiscovered of the New World. The wonder is that the terribly independent, confident, daring and successful Columbus, of whom we have read, should ever accept such humiliating terms. The wonder is equal, that the COLUMBUS AND THE NEW WORLD. 57 royalty which clouded all his past efforts with suspicion should commission him for further honors. THE FOURTH VOYAGE.— QQ\^xx\^h^x^ sailed on his fourth voyage, May 9, 1502, taking along his brother, Bartholomew, and son Ferdinand. He made quick passage, and after passing many islands, was forced to touch at Hispaniola, though forbid- den. Here he met the fleet of Ovando about to return to Spain, loaded with gold and culprits. This fleet went to the bottom in a storm which Columbus predicted, and which he himself avoided by hugging the shores. He then visited Jamaica and Cuba. Thence he sailed westward and finally reached Hondu- ras, where the natives were more civilized than any he had seen. In expectation of a strait which would lead him to India, he turned southeast, and skirted what is now known as the Mos- quito Coast, also the coast of Costa Rica, landing occasionally to barter with the natives and inquire for gold. Through tra- ditions he learned of a populous country in the interior, inhab- ited by a superior race, rich in gold and cattle, with houses and cultivated lands. Though this description doubtless referred to the Aztecs or Montezumas, Columbus saw in it the Eastern country which haunted his imagination, and sailed confidently along the coasts expecting to find a strait through which he could pass to his destination. He thus skirted the coast of Veragua, trading trinkets for gold, and finding everywhere a civilization superior to that of the Caribbean Islands. Columbus next touched at Puerto Bello on the Isthmus of Panama, where he found the ground cleared and under cultiva- tion. After sailing somewhat further eastward, he was forced to give up hope of finding a water-way through to the East or to the Pacific, though he knew nothing at all of the Pacific, nor that he was within forty miles of it when at Puerto Bello. He therefore put backward along the coasts he had skirted, expect- ing to gather more gold and make further acquaintance with the natives. In the Veragua country he met a native chief, named Quibian, who showed Columbus a gold-producing section, but took good care to locate it in the country of his most powerful enemy. The great navigator was delighted with the prospect 58 COLUMBUS AND THE NEW WORLD. of riches, and felt that he was indeed within reach of King Solo- mon's mines. He therefore determined to found a colon}' in Veragua, and to this end sent his brother Bartholomew inland with a force of eighty men to select a site and erect houses. They found it a veritable land of plenty, abounding in corn, yams, potatoes, bananas, pine-apples, cocoa-nuts, etc. But Quibian resented the permanent settlement of the Spaniards and the theft of his lands. His hostility forced Columbus to aban- don his settlement, and he started homeward with his two re- maining ships, and these worm-eaten and leaky. On his way he was driven by winds and currents to Cuba, and thence to Jamaica, where his ships were stranded, and their two hundred occupants were rendered dependent on the natives for support. A ML/TINY. — There was no hope for the adventurers except the desperate one of reaching Hispaniola by means of a small boat and bringing thence a ship of rescue. This undertaking was entrusted to one Mendez, who started in a large canoe manned by native rowers. His absence ran into weeks and months. Columbus was confined to his cabin with gout. His companions grew desperate and threatened the life of Columbus unless he immediately consented to lead them back to Spain. Columbus showed that no way was open except by marching to the further end of the island and taking canoes for Hispaniola, but he declined to desert his stranded ships till Mendez had been heard from. He gave the mutineers full liberty to try the risky experiment for themselves. They did so, but many of them perished in the attempt. Their absence was a relief to Columbus, for he was enabled to get along better with the natives, whom he caused to be called into council on the day preceding an eclipse of the moon, telling them that the white man's God, who dwelt in the heavens, would darken the moon in anger that very night if more and better provisions were not furnished to his companions, and if they did not cease all con- spiracies to harm him. They laughed at his story, but when the eclipse came on the moon, they ran to his cabin begging for his intercession, and promising him provisions and protection. Columbus withdrew to his cabin and shut himself up till the DEATH OF COLUMBUS, 60 COLUMBUS AND THE NEW WORLD. minute the eclipse began to recede. Then he appeared and told them that througii his intercession he had appeased God's anger, and that if they would prove faithful to their contracts he would withdraw the eclipse. They were delighted to see the darkness pass away, and thenceforth had the highest respect for the great navigator. THE RESCUE. — The situation of Columbus on Jamaica grew more and more desperate. Mutiny broke out a second time, which was only quelled after a hot battle in which several were killed. Mendez had succeeded, after a perilous trip, in reaching Hispaniola, but he found the Governor, Ovando, indif- ferent to the fate of Columbus, whose presence he feared, since Ovando's administration of affairs had been far worse than that of his predecessor. But after an interval of eight months some ships came out from Spain. Mendez bought one of these and sent it, well laden with supplies, to Columbus. Great was the joy of Columbus and his companions when this ship arrived at Jamaica. They had lived nearly a year in the cabins of their stranded vessels, and had suffered appallingly from famine, ex- posure, sickness and feuds. In another month Columbus reached the harbor of San Domingo. DEATH OF COLUMBUS.— Aktr spending a month on Hispaniola, Columbus fitted up two ships for his return to Spain. One vessel was forced by storms to put back to Hispaniola. He arrived on the other in Spain after a long and tempestuous voy- age, and was carried to Seville, to recover his broken health. He soon had to regret the death of his best friend. Queen Isa- bella, which proved to be a great loss, for King Ferdinand was much more selfish and calculating than his Queen. The best Columbus could do under the circumstances was to keep his son, Diego, and his faithful Mendez at the court to petition for a ful- filment of the royal contracts with him. But Ferdinand loolced indifferently on the claims of Columbus. He thought Colum- bus far too tenacious of his rights, had found more profit in the corrupt governorship of Ovando, and did not wish to be limited in his selections of future governors of Hispaniola from the family of Columbus. COLUMBUS AND THE NEW WORLD. 61 As winter passed Columbus resolved to journey to the Court, then at Segovia, and afterwards at Salamanca and Valladolid. This was the winter of 1504-05. All the next summer Colum- bus was a petitioner for his rights at the Court of Ferdinand. In despair of living to enjoy his rights, even if he regained them, he pleaded with the King to confer the government of Hispaniola on his son Diego, and in consideration of this offered to lay down his title as admiral, and all other advantages to himself HOUSE WHERE COLUMBUS DIED. and family. The King promised, but delayed, hoping that Columbus would be finally tired out, and would be content with the title of a Spanish nobleman. As the sovereignty of Castile passed, in reality, to the heirs of Isabella, Columbus transferred his suit to them, but it was not heard amid the excitement of their accession to the throne. He grew gradually worse at Valladolid, and amid worriment of mind and pain of body made his will, giving to his son Diego all his rights and revenues, after him to his descendants, and after them to King Ferdinand. Thus prepared, he died at Valladolid, May 21, 1506. His death passed almost unnoticed, except by a few of his closest friends, owing to the excitement occasioned by the arrival of the new King and Queen of Castile. 62 COLUMBUS AND THE NEW WORLD. There has been no end of disputes over the final resting-place of Columbus's remains. They were probably buried in Valla- dolid, and after some years removed to Seville. Later, they were exhumed, and together with those of his brother, Bar- tholomew, and son, Diego, carried to San Domingo, where they were interred in the catliedral. In 1795, when San Domingo became a French possession, the Duke of Veragua, a descendant of Columbus, removed what he supposed to be the remains of his illustrious ancestor to Havana, Cuba. This last removal is doubted, and as there is no official record of their interment in Havana, the claim that they still remain in the cathedral at San Domingo is strongest. Diego was forced to go to law to sustain his rights, and finally won his suit. He married a Spanish lady, a near relative of Ferdinand, and soon after received a commission as governor of Hispaniola. He sailed thither in 1509, with his wife, two uncles, Bartholomew and Diego, and a splendid retinue of ladies and gentlemen, and soon had a mansion and court that surpassed in beauty and luxur\' those of Spain. But he found his subjects turbulent, and himself in the midst of endless lawsuits to collect his revenues. Like his father he became the victim of complaints at the Spanish Court, and like him he crossed the ocean several times, a petitioner of royalty for his rights. He died in Spain, in 1526, leaving his affairs so unsettled that his wife and son were forced into a compromise with the Crown, by which the descendants of Columbus were to accept a pension and the title of Duke of Veragua. Christopher Columbus passed away with only the knowledge that he had made a great discovery and had earned distinguished honor. He died maintaining the idea that his discoveries were the insular approaches to Asia, and that somewhere existed 5 water thoroughfare, like the Mediterranean, by means of which Asia could be reached. We all know now how erroneous his geog- raphy was. We know equally well that the halo of heroism and saintship which early historians threw around him is a false one. He was a clever, a notable product of his time, a genius of vivid imagination, a pei'sistent, hardy, daring man, with all the ambi- COLUMBUS AND THE NEW WORLD. (53 tion for power, vanity for glory and greed for gold of his age. In all his long experience and with all his vast opportunities, he cherished the scientific errors he started with. As a governor, he was a failure, having all the elements of tyranny in his bosom, none of the arts of civil discipline, and lacking that appreciation of mine and thine which would have made Indian slavery impossible. But as against these there stands to his credit a great and novel purpose, carried out with sublime fortitude. Hardship lent pathos to his career, and misfortune crowned it with majesty. Measured by results to civilization, no man's achievements are more conspicuous than those of Columbus. The New World will ever stand as his monument, and its triumphs will ever excuse his shortcomings of character. PIONEER DISCOVERERS AND EXPLORERS. tM BIRTH AND GROWTH OF THE COLONIES. MARCH TO INDEPENDENCE. ACQUIRING OUR PUBLIC DOMAIN. HE FIRST OWNERS.— When America was discov- ered the title to the soil was in the Indian. He was sovereign proprietor. He acknowledged no obedience, allegiance, nor subordination to any foreign nation. He has never to this day yielded a jot or tittle of his original right of dominion, except when he sold out voluntarily, or was forced by arms into a treaty. His claim was precisely like that of all civilized nations, a claim based on exclusive possession and use for his purposes, for hunting, for trading, for subsistence. If he had no fields, no fixed towns, few of the things which fasten other folks to one spot, it was nobody's business. That did not invalidate his claim in the least. THE EUROPEAN TITLE.— The discovery of America in 1492 brought across the ocean the doctrine that general title to all the new lands and the right to govern them rested on the fact of discovery. Perhaps it would be better to say, the discovery of America was the date of the invention of this doctrine. The legal doctrine of discovery was, that title to the soil was in the discoverer provided the territory discovered were unoccupied, uninhabited. Why was this doctrine twisted out of all legal shape, or so greatly enlarged? Because the Indian was a heathen. The Christian thought of the time did not draw a line between political and spiritual sovereignty. The right to con- vert a heathen carried everything with it — right to govern him, right to own his soil. In a word, he was, if unconverted, an encumbrance, and it became a Christian duty and glory to con- 5 <65) 66 COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. quer him and possess his domains.* This is what m.ade the broad claim of title by discovery defensible, or rather, it is what reconciled it to the European mind, for no lawyer would ever agree, without fee in advance, to establish the righteousness of a title by discovery to an unknown inhabited land, be the inhabitants heathen or not. Imagine the King of the Cannibal Isles sailing out and striking the, to him, unknown coast of America at San Francisco, and, landing and planting his banners in the soil, tak- ing possession and declaring the whole country his by right of first discovery. How many of us would quake at the thought that we, heathen to the great king, would have to give up our titles and pass under a new dynasty Pf How many of us would acquiesce in his bold claim, or do other than the Indian has done — deny his right to soil and dominion, and fight to the death against it? ARE OUR TITLES GOOD?— In law, time is a great cura- tive. We can at least plead that we ought not to be disturbed, because lapse of time has come in to cure the defects of our title by discovery. However indefensible in law or morals the European title to our soil was, the then civilized nations stood committed to it, and we are entitled to the excuse which this general commitment furnishes. It was a policy erroneous and despotic. But even such policy may lead to results which, after a long time, ought not to be questioned or disturbed. Besides, * It might be curious to inquire how far we are away from this doctrine now. Is not the red man still in the road ? Has not our national policy toward him always savored too much of the policy of the pioneer, that because he is in the way and his land is good, therefore it is right to drive him away and lake it ? f " The truth is, the European nations paid not the slightest regard to the rights of the native tribes. They treated them as mere barbarians and heathens, whom if they were not at liberty to exterminate, they were entitled to deem as mere tempor- ary occupants of the soil. They might convert them to Christianity, and, if they re- fused conversion, they might drive them from the soil as unworthy to inhabit it. They affected to be governed by the desire to promote the cause of Christianity, and were aided in this ostensible object by the whole influence of the papal power. Rut their real object was to extend their own power, and increase their own wealth by acquiring the treasures as well as the territory of the New World. Avarice and am- bition were at the bottom of all their original enterprises," — Story on (he (^onsHtti' COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. 67 the Indians were much dealt with outside of this poHcy. In some instances it was modified by the sovereigns themselves in granting charters ; in others by the proprietaries in acquiring their lands; in others still by the actual settlers. These, in a more becoming spirit of humanity and with a view to having their titles peaceable and perfect at the start, actually bought the soil of the Indian, and left him free to enjoy his tribal form of government. It need not be assumed that any very clearly or elegantly worded contracts were made, nor that deeds contain- ing exact descriptions of the lands were given, nor even that anything like fair prices were paid, according to our notions of value, yet the fact that the Indian, accustomed to roam a con- tinent, with no attachment to locality, and therefore with no idea of an acre or its equivalent in cash, assented to the terms, gives the transaction validity in law, FIRST ENGLISH PATENT.— What a grand rush there was for discovery and possession as soon as land was known to exist amid the waters which supposably stretched from West- ern Europe to Eastern Asia! In this rush, and so far as we are concerned, England got the lead. The Cabots, father and sons, Bristol merchants in long commerce with the fishermen of Iceland who may have told of Greenland, first discovered the continent of America.* With a boldness second only to that of Colum- bus, and a confidence which almost compels us to think they were familiar with Icelandic traditions, they went into the midst of the unknown waters, bearing a patent from the politic Henry VII., one clause of which read : " Empowering them to search for islands, countries, provinces, or regions, hitherto unseen by Christian people ; to affix the banners of England on any city, island or continent they might find, and, as vassals f of the Eng- lish crown, possess and occupy the territories that might be discovered." * We readily accept the Icelandic history — it is certainly more than tradition — that their people were in communication with the fishing-grounds of Newfoundland and the eastern coast of America centuries before Columbus sailed. But, so far as national or political results followed, we must speak of Cabot's discovery as the first. f Observe the feudal word w^^fi'/. " The first maxim of feydgl tenure (title) was 6g COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. ENGLAND GETS A CONTINENT.— This clause is in- teresting as part of the most ancient American state paper in England, and, further, it gave to England an entire continent. Its date is March 5, 1496. The Cabots struck the continent in N. lat. 56°, Labrador, in June, 1497, fourteen months before Columbus, on his third voyage, came in sight of the mainland o^ the mouth of the Orinoco. You ask why England didn't hold the continent if she claimed by right of discovery. The answer is she did not know she had one to hold. Again, when she learned that it was really a continent, and was anxious for a title as against some other discoverer or occupant, she always made bold to set up the one founded on this discovery. It always served her when she was the stronger party and nothing was wanting but a pretext to title. And just here it is well to note that this whole matter of title by discovery underwent many changes. Several nations set up claims to the continent because each thought it had discovered it. Ignorant of its geography and of the discoveries of others, each nation had to modify its claims under certain circumstances. FRENCH CLAIMS.— ^ot knowing what they had struck, the planting of the English banners on Labrador did not deter other nations from joining in the hunt for possession. Nor did a second voyage (1498), by Sebastian Cabot, which resulted in a profile of the coast from Newfoundland to Albemarle Sound. The French came skirting up the coast * from North Carolina, stopping at New York, at Newport, thence on to Nova Scotia, striking the grand fishing-grounds, a field they never quit till driven off two hundred and forty years afterwards (1763) by the English. t Though ten to twenty years later than the Cabots \ that all lands were originally granted by the sovereign and therefore held of the crown. The grantee, who had only a use, according to the terms of the grant, was called the feudatory or vassal (tenant)." — Blackstone, vol. ii., p. 53. * The voyage of John Verrazzani, an Italian in the employ of Francis I., of France, in the " Dolphin" (1524), reads like a novel. f We use the modern names of these places for convenience. The French names, as St. John, St. Lawrence, Cape Breton, are all early. \ Within seven years of the discovery of the continent, the fisheries of New- foundland were known to the hardy mariners of Brittany and Normandy.— - Bancroft, COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. 69 in asserting title, the French took a decided lead in discovery and settlement in their St. Lawrence region, New France. Champlain was anxious to found a state, and he backed up De Monts, who had gotten a patent for the sovereignty of Acadia, extending from Philadelphia to beyond Montreal (1603). It was to be a Huguenot country, but the Jesuits came also. Though they wrangled much, Champlain managed to hold the line of the St. Lawrence for France, and the settlements there became the source of that wonderful Jesuit movement beyond Niagara, out the chain of the great lakes and down the Mississippi to the gulf.* SPANISH CLAIMS. — For years after 1492, Spain had been working her way through the Caribbean Islands, and in 1512 struck Florida. Ponce de Leon first saw this land on Easter Sunday {Pasaia Florida). This meant a continent for Spain, as much as the discovery of Labrador by the Cabots meant one for England, though De Leon supposed it only an island. He was to have its government on the condition that he colonized it. Spain did not trust to mere discovery so much as to actual settlement. The natives fought the Spanish off, and wounded De Leon unto death. Thirty years after along came De Soto, an old friend of Pizarro, who desired to rival him in wealth and Cortes in glory. He began his wonderful freebooting march to the Mississippi, beneath whose waters he found a grave.f What was Florida? In Spanish imagination it was everything from the Gulf of Mexico to Newfoundland, and as far west as the " River of Palms " (Mississippi) or as land extended. Canada was in the Spaniard's Florida ; so was Louisiana ; and so every intermediate mountain chain and waving prairie. The Missis- sippi rose in Florida and emptied in Florida. Not a nation dis- puted her claims so far as they embraced the Gulf coast. * Cartier's voyages (1527 to 1542) planted the French standard in all that in- definite country of Norimbega. He built a fort at Quebec in 1541. ■}■ Narvaez previously made a similar march to the " River of Palms " and on to the Pacific. The story of his exploits is too wild for belief. The Spanish under Gomez had also skirted the coast to New England, calling the country The Land of Gomez. COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. i^| THE RIVAL CLAIMANTS.— Were then were three rivals, all claiming the same lands as discoverers, England claimed a continent, or would have done so had she known it was a conti- nent. France in mapping her New France claimed from Dela- ware bay northward. Spain claimed for her Florida, or New Spain, everything from the Gulf of Mexico to Newfoundland. What a chance for future troubles ! But as yet these claims were so misty and vague as not to be worth fighting about. In- deed they did not serve even as a bar to other claims on the ground of discovery by these same nations or by others, espe- cially when a permanent settlement followed. Thus when Coligny wanted (1562) to establish a Huguenot colony and found a Protestant French empire in America* he selected Florida as the site, and calling it Carolina, after Charles IX. of France, gave it a limit extending from St. Augustine to Port Royal entrance. His first colony failed (1563). In 1565 he tried another which brought a storm about French ears. Maddened at this audacious attempt to set up a Protestant empire within her Catholic domains, Spain drove the French colonists out and proclaiming Philip II. monarch of all North America hastened to found St. Augustine (1565), the oldest town in the United States by forty years. The fighting period had now arrived, and home jealousies and wars had as much to do with colonial disturbances as any- thing else. England had broken away from Catholicism : why shouldn't she be jealous of Spanish ascendency in the New World ? The century, or thereabouts, since the discovery of America, had fired European rulers with a mania for the enlargement of their empires by discovery. The idea grew more and more popular that titles by discovery, in order to be substantial, should be backed by actual settlement. It was found that no mean trade could be driven with the natives in the shape of furs, etc., and that our coasts furnished favorable fishing-grounds. The thrill- ing stories of Spanish adventure, conquest and enrichment in Peru and Mexico had gotten abroad and were filling men of every nationality with dreams of El Dorados in all parts of the * A disastrous attempt, under the special co-operation of Calvin himself, had been made to found a similar empire at Rio Janeiro in Brazil. — Southefs Brazil. 72 COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. New World. Religious enthusiasm built imaginary abiding- places in the wilderness for the faithful, away from persecution, competition and all state interference. Humanitarians, philan- thropists, political theorists, saw golden opportunity in the American wilds for great reformed and reforming empires. Bankrupt nobility pictured to itself a renewal of estates and titles amid our splendid virgin areas on a far larger and grander scale than their fathers had ever heard of RALEIGH'S SCHEME.— Kz\€\^\\ had been a pupil of Coligny. He dreamed of an empire for England on the very spot whence the Protestants of France had been expelled. He therefore took up Coligny 's failure. Armed with a patent from Queen Elizabeth (1584) he tried his experiment a little farther north and under more favorable auspices. But failure awaited him also. His abandoned " City of Raleigh " on the barren island of Roanoke (1587) was two centuries later (1792), and by solemn act of the legislature of North Carolina, revived in its capital " The City of Raleigh." As Coligny's scheme gave to the Carolinas (the New France of the South) a name, so Raleigh's gave to the indefinite territory of his patent the name of Virginia, after the virgin queen.* FIRST COLONIAL CHARTER.— Tmmng the century (1600) England was better prepared than any other country for adventure, or say permanent settlement, in North America. The * This attempt of Raleigh to found a Huguenot colony under English auspices as a set-off to Spanish Catholic influence on the South did more to spread a correct idea of the soil, climate, inhabitants and resources of the new land than any other thus far. Its historian, Hariot, was a keen observer. He observed the culture of tobacco and accustomed himself to its use, after the Indian fashion. He studied the mnize crop and noted its productiveness. He also tried the potato with the natives and found it very good food. The natives were treated as men, and the cliief, Manteo, was given a peerage, the first in Anglo-American annals. It ought not to escape attention that Raleigh took possession of this Virginia country, so signal a part of Spanish Florida, and at so late a date, by reason of discovery. He of course knew of Coligny's claim to the same for France. But France and England could afTord to pull together in the scheme of a Huguenot (Protestant) colony or empire right down upon and overshadowing Catholic Florida. It was a long-headed, deeply concocted scheme on the part of Raleigh and Elizabeth, and one that Eng- land, or rather Protestantism, could afford to take much stock in. 74 COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. timid policy of King James I. (1603-1625) in throwing out 01 employment the gallant seamen who had served under Elizabeth left them no option but to engage in the quarrels of strangers or seek employment, wealth and fame in the new world. The vague uncertain title of the first discoverer could now be backed up by actual settlement. That possession which was then as much as even ten points of law could be brought into play. A true colonial scheme could be developed and practised which would not only reduce the wilderness to an inchoate govern- ment, but anchor it safely at the foot of the throne. Now see the hold this spirit of colonization had gotten in England. The influential assigns of Raleigh's patent, the wealthy Gorges, governor of Plymouth (Eng.), the experienced Gosnold who first set English foot on Cape Cod (1602), the enthusiastic Captain Smith, the persevering Hakluyt, historian of all the early voyages, and towering above all, the Lord Chief Justice himself, Sir John Popham — these formed a coterie whose plea " to deduce a colony into Virginia " James I. could not resist. He granted them the first colonial charter under which the English were planted in America, April 10, 1606. Do not forget the date : it is an important one, the beginning of many real things in connection with our government. Do not forget the coterie. They were tenacious men, representative of Eng- land's wealth and influence at home and her adventure abroad, and they or their assigns come up continually from this time on to disturb future titles and worry future colonists. Do not fail either to look a little into the charter itself, for its bearings on our history and institutions are direct, and it shows in what shape English monarchy first fastened itself on our soil. The charter gave twelve degrees, reaching from Cape Fear, N. C, to Halifax, Nova Scotia (34° to 45° N. lat.), to two rival companies, one of London, the other of towns in the west of England.* The London Company (Southern Colony), which *The first goes, popularly, by the name of the London Company. As its portion of the above grant was the southern part of Virginia and its settlement on the James river, it is known to our history as the Southern Colony. The second company, whose residents were njostly at Plymouth, is called, popularly, the Western Company, QUEEN ELIZABETH. 75 76 COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. alone succeeded, had right to occupy from 34° to 38° ; that is, from Cape Fear to the southern Hmit of Maryland. The Western or Plymouth Company (Northern Colony) had right to occupy from 41° to 45° ; that is, from say New York to Halifax. From 38° to 41° was open to both, with right to the soil fifty miles north or south of any actual settlement they might make therein.* The government was a Council in England appointed by the king. A Local Council had charge of local affairs in the re- spective colonies. The king reserved the right of supreme leg- islative authority and supervision. The emigrant and his children should continue to be Englishmen. The original grantees or patentees were to hold the lands and other rights by the tenure of free and common socage, and not iti capite.^ The patentees could of course regrant their lands to actual col- onists according to the tenures they held. The hard, impractic- able features of the charter were that the emigrant had no elec- tive franchise, no right of self-government. The power was first or the Plymouth Company, and as their part of the grant was in the north of Vir- ginia, i. e., from New York to Halifax, it is known in our history as the Northern Colony, but chiefly by its failures. * " The name of ' Virginia ' was generally confined to the Southern Colony, and the name of ' Plymouth Company ' was assumed by the Northern Colony. From the former the States south of the Potomac may be said to have had their origin, and from the latter the States of New England." — Story on the Constitution. f This is very important as marking a point of decided departure from the feudal tenures based on military service, or tenures in capite. However rapidly the process of undermining feudal institutions may have been going on, it must have been a very bitter pill for a sovereign like King James to give such a signal recognition of their decadence, for be it known his signature to this charter not only broke in on all precedent for military (capite) tenure to land in America, but established the most democratic tenure then known in England, tenure by " free and common socage." This tenure existed only in Kent (Eng.) under the title gavelkind, "given to all the males alike." Says Blackstone, " It is probable the socage (plow service) tenures were the relics of Saxon liberty, retained by such persons as had neither forfeited them to the king nor been obliged to exchange their tenure for the more honorable though more burdensome tenure of knight service. This is peculiarly re- markable in the tenure which prevails in Kent, called gavelkind, which is ac- knowledged to be a species of socage tenure, the preservation whereof inviolate from the innovations of the Norman conqueror is a fact universally known, and those who have thus preserved their liberties are said to hold in free and common soraire." BUILDING THE FIRST HOUSE AT JAMESTOWN. 77 7,^ COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. in a trading company composed of a select few, of which the actual settler was not one ; then in a Local Council, in which he had no voice ; then in a Supreme Council at home, which could never know him and could never have sympathy with his rights ; lastly in the king himself, who not only created and dis- missed the Supreme Council at pleasure, but held the power of making or revising their legislation. It was a truly wonderful scheme, and one, in most respects, well calculated to tickle the vanity of a weak prince. What wonder that, under it, the Local Council got to be a pure aristocracy entirely independent of the settlers, the people ! What wonder that no element of popular liberty found its way into the government of the colony when its code of laws was completed and received kingly sanction ! And what wonder the parliament of England speedily raised the question — a question which would not down until the American revolution — of how far the king was a usurper of their powers in assuming legislative authority abroad ! Even the religion of the colonist was, under this memorable instrument, to be that of the Church of England. One may well say all this was a long way off from what kings were afterwards taught to grant, and from that spirit of free thought and action which now pervades our institutions. Under such a charter and code permanent colonization at a distance from home, and in a spot where everything invited to freedom, was impossible. Every effort to plant under it, or to make it work for the good of emigrants, showed its imperfections in glar- ing colors. The weeding and paring process began early. ENGLAND'S PERMANENT FOOTHOLD.— Under this charter the London Company founded Jamestown, Va., May. 1607, one hundred and nine years after Cabot's discovery of the Continent, and forty-one after Spain had settled Florida. As the Puritan, destined for the Hudson, was blown upon Cape Cod, so the three ships with the Virginia Colony were blown past Raleigh's old settlement at Roanoke, and into the waters of the Chesapeake. One year would have settled the fate of James- town, but for Captain Smith, who had fought for freedom in Holland, roamed France for pleasure, visited Egypt for »study, COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. 79 plunged into Mohammedan warfare for glory, escaped from Con- stantinople to Russia for safety, and now entered as hero on a drama the most exciting and thrilling of all. Even his ingenuity in handling hostile natives, and his unbending will, stronger than that of cowardly governor (Wingfield and Ratclifife) or famished, rebellious emigrant, could not have saved the colony, but for an amendment to the charter government which robbed the king of the supreme legislative powers he had reserved and turned them over to the company and its governors. This gave to Smith's genius a fuller rein. He made the gentlemen colonists work, saying, " He who would not work might not eat." He entreated the company to send " more suitable persons for Virginia." " I entreat you," he writes, " rather send but thirty carpenters, hus- bandmen, gardeners, fishermen, blacksmiths, masons and diggers up of trees' roots, well provided, than a thousand of such as we have." Hopeless as his task seemed he held his control of the unruly colonists till disabled by an accidental explosion of gun- powder he was forced to go to England for treatment, without reward of any kind but the applause of conscience and the world. He was the true father of Virginia, and, vastly more, the pioneer who secured to the Saxon race its first permanent foot- hold within the borders of the United States. Virginia was a fact, but as yet a limitless fact. And this it proved, and con- tinued to prove, that just as the king was shorn of his charter powers, and just as the Home Council and tlje governors were deprived of their arbitrary control, and the same passed over to and began to be exercised by the people under the forms of law, in that proportion the colony throve. America was no place for restricted individual rights nor absolute foreign authority. TOBACCO, COTTON AND SLAVES.— Ih^ Jamestown colonist got to be an industrious man. It was a clear question of the " survival of the fittest." He grew tobacco and the cereals, and found both profitable. The former became a staple and a cur- rency. He was not satisfied with his farm title. It was amended so as to make him secure. He clamored for representation. This too he got, The first colonial assembly met at Jamestowrij 30 COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. June, 1619. This was the dawn of legislative liberty in America. They who had been dependent on the fickle will of a governor demanded a code of laws based on those of England. Such a code came over in 162 1. It was a form of government away outside of the harsh and narrow provisions of the charter. Under it the colony got a parliament, very like that of England. Thenceforth Virginia was the Virginia of the colonists. It was their country, and their country reached from North Carolina to Halifax, and as far west as imagination chose to go. The king was still king, and of a new empire, but of a people who had gradually acquired rights they would never voluntarily part with. He had a rival though. In 1621 the first cotton-seed was planted with success. The infant thus cradled grew into " King Cot- ton." Strange to say, only one year before, August, 1620, four- teen months after the first Virginia Assembly, four months be- fore the pilgrims landed at Plymouth rock, more than a hundred years after slavery had disappeared from England, six years after the abolition of serfdom in France, a Dutch man-of-war entered the James river and landed twenty negroes for sarle. Unfortu- nately the constitution and code of laws which were received by the colony the next year had been prepared without knowledge of this event, or they might have contained some clause prohibit- ing this kind of commerce. As it was, the commerce grew and the slave system got hold, in spite of a strong sentiment among the better class of colonists against it, and in spite of a few feeble colonial laws passed with a design to discourage it. By one of those strange contradictions in human affairs, the colony which had in fourteen years converted a despotic charter into a repre- sentative form of government, and had actually become an asylum of liberty,* became also the abode of hereditary bonds- men. f *The Virginia Colony had not as yet i)aid much attention to its religious codb, and even the heady Puritan could find an asylum there. His presence was not inter- dicted till the democratic revolution in England under Cromwell gave political im- portance to religious seels. Then to tolerate a Puritan was to favor a member of a republican party. f Negro slavery was certainly an offence against the better instincts of all the colonies. Though all the earlier ones tolerated it, there was no lack of discourag- I.APTAIN JOHN SMITH. POCAHONTAS RESCUING' CAPTAIN SMITH. 6 81 82 COLr)NIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. A ROYAL PROVINCE.— K.mg James got jealous of the London Company. On the plea of mismanagement its charter was cancelled. Virginia was free from a control which, while it made a colony possible, had ever been an interference. Charles I. (1625-1649), in accordance with his father's intentions, would regard it as a Royal Province, to be governed by himself, but fortunately more with a view to securing a revenue from its tobacco and other staples, than with a design to interfere seriously with the political rights of the colonists. But up came the question of boundary. Virginia had no limits but those in the charter, and it was gone. There was, therefore, no Virginia for the map. Only the .settlement called Virginia remained, and the best it could do was to claim the old charter limits, whether the charter existed or not. It therefore crossed swords with the Marylander who had come with his grant right into the midst of the Virginia territory. But the flurry soon passed over. The fate of Charles I. was sealed, Virginia thought to fight Cromwell, but by capitulating got terms which were almost equivalent to independence, Cromwell never bothered himself about governors nor anything else outside of the mere question of allegiance. So the colonists elected their own governors, and the custom once established, it ever after prevailed. A grand step toward popular independent government in the new world ! MARYLAND CHARTER.— The mind of the Virginian was not clear as to his country. Under the charter of 1606 his domain was practically boundless to the north. Under an amended charter he could claim to 41° (200 miles north of Old Point Comfort), which was vaguely supposed to be the southern limit of New England, or the southern boundary of the New Netherlands. At any rate he would, now that he was pros- perous and had ambitions, push his enterprises north of the ing laws and regulations. The force of sentiment outside of themselves, especially that seiitiment born of traffic and cupidity, was stronger than the true and just col- onial instinct, and hence ordinances discouraging slavery became dead letters. But time would have corrected the errors of cupidity, all along the colonial line, had it not happened that as long as the slave traffic was active, the climate, staples and commercial tastes of the Southern colonies permitted the introduction of the slave element to such an extent that heroic action against the system became impolitic. COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. 83 Potomac and Susquehannah. But, alack ! he was suddenly cut off Sir George Calvert had tried a Catholic settlement at Avalon on the coasts of Newfoundland, but cold, a barren soil, and French fishermen, had driven him away. He would try again in a more favorable clime. His influence with the king (James I.) was great, and the canceling of the Virginia patents had restored to the monarch his authority over the soil. The French, the Dutch, the Swedes, were preparing to come. Why shouldn't Calvert have a slice of kindly soil for his experiment ? He got it, and evidently wrote his own charter.* It gave him a clean slice of what was Virginia. Its bounds were the ocean, the 40th parallel, the meridian through the fountain of the Potomac, that river to its mouth, and a line from Watkin's Point to the ocean — almost the Maryland of to-day. Calvert's (Lord Baltimore's) province was a creation with a definite boundary, the first, it may be said, thus far,t and it was Mary- land, after Maria, wife of Charles I. Lord Baltimore was a Proprietary , that is, the country was his estate. He was governor, subject to the provisions of the charter, which were very liberal indeed, securing to the colonists representative government from the start, and therein contrasting strongly with the Virginia charter, granted to mere trading companies. Christianity was by the charter made the law, but no preference was given to any sect, and equality in religious rights not less than in civil freedom, was assured. Sir George Calvert died April 15, 1632, but the charter was confirmed to his son, Cecil, June 20, 1632. As has been noted, Virginia was * " The nature of ihe document itself, and concurrent opinion, leave no room to doubt that it was penned by the first Lord Baltimore himself, although it was finally issued to his son." — Bancroft, vol. i., 241. f Ignorance of ttie geography of the interior left many of the early grants with- out western limits. Some had the clause inserted " and extending through to the Pacific," or " extending from ocean to ocean." But in general they were vague, kud the source of much future difficulty, as were those north and south boundaries which so overlapped each other. The failure of the successive monarchs to under- stand what their predecessors had done, the lapsing of so many grants by time or oy non-user, the desire of each monarch to gratify his friends or to map a new colonial policy of his own, all these contributed to the confusion of charter bound- aries. 84 COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. furious over this robbery of her domain. She at first warred a little about it, then carried her case to England, but the king's privy council told her to go home and cultivate amicable rela- tions with her neighbor. Her wrath had time to cool while the boundary between her and Maryland was being adjusted. Cal- vert knew quite well the folly of attempting a Catholic experi- ment, no matter how liberal its provisions, so near the Virginia settlement, and within its claimed limits, without first securing for it carefully determined boundaries. Virginia's church was the established church, which, liberal at first, was nearly ripe for that uncharitable statute which banished all non-conformists and made their return a felony. SETTLEMENT OF MARYLAND.--yi^xc\v 27, 1634, Calvert founded his village of St. Mary's, and his state. The Ark and Dove bore his colony. He treated with the Indians and bought their soil. Thus his possession was peaceable, ex- cept that Clayborne of Virginia wanted to drive him away by force.* The colonists stuck from the start, and, unlike those of Virginia, went to work. In six months St. Maiy's was ahead of Jamestown in its sixth year, f In one year the people, not liking Calvert's Code, passed one of their own which, though it did not go into eficct, resulted in such modifications of Calvert's as they wished. The " religious freedom " of the charter took as wide shape in the statutes as was then possible. It embraced all Christians, but with the awful proviso that, " Whatever per- son shall blaspheme God or shall deny or reproach the Holy Trinity, or any of the three persons thereof, shall be punished with death." Nowhere in the United States is religious opinion now regarded as a proper subject for such a penalty or for any penal enactment at all. We have seen how Virginia profited by the neglect of Cromwell, under the English Commonwealth. * The native tribe had been punished by the Susquehannahs on the north, and was just about to quit its seats on the Potomac, when Calvert came. He therefore was able to drive a good bargain with them, and to quiet his title with a few pres- ents of clothes, axes, hoes, knives, etc. f " Within six months it (the Maryland colony) had advanced more than Virginia had done in as many years." — Bancroft, vol. i., p. 247. CHARLES I. OF ENGLAND. 85 86 COI.ONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. New England did the same. But Maryland went through the fires of angry disputation. With the king gone, where was the Proprietary who held from and under him ? " Gone too," said Virginia. " Gone too," said Cromwell, though he was going to trust to Calvert's good sense to manage things. But Virginia, through the ambitious Clayborne, got over into Maryland, and under cover of a commission actually ran away with the government. Maryland had invited Puritans. They were strong in Anne Arundel, and were Cromwellian republicans. Calvert was shrewd enough to save his charter, but when he went to reduce the Puritans he was whipped and his agent, Stone, was imprisoned. Clayborne could reduce neither Catho- lics nor Puritans. Thus matters stood for years, till the people voted themselves a lawful assembly, without dependence on other power in the province, and enacted compromise laws, which Virginia ultimately assented to, and which both Puritan and Catholic could respect. Thus Maryland like Virginia was, at the restoration of Charles II. (1660), in full possession of liberty based on the sovereignty of the people, and like Virginia it had so nearly completed its political institutions that not much further progress was made toward freedom and independence till the period of final separation from England (1776). THE PLYMOUTH COUNCH.—Wq must now go back a little in time and look northward. The Virginia charter of 1606 incorporated two monstrous companies, the London Company (Southern colony), and Western or Plymouth Company (North- ern colony). We have seen how the London Company suc- ceeded at Jamestown, and how it was shorn of its rights in Vir- ginia. What did the Western or Plymouth Company do with its splendid grant of lands (in Virginia remember) between New York and Labrador, 41° to 45°, and its magnificent privileges? Under Popham himself it settled at St. George on the Kennebec (1607). But Popham died and the colony failed.* Inspired * The Maine historians make mucli of this settlement, not only as ante-dating all others in Northern Virginia or New England, but as going to show the directness of the Maine title from the Virginia charter of 1606, and therefore the wrongfulness COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. S1 anew by Smith, the Virginia hero, who had (1614) scoured the coast from the Penobscot to Cape Cod and named the country New England, another trial was made, but the colony never landed. Still Smith's enthusiasm was all pervading. A new and independent charter was sought for the company. This set the Londoners and Westerlings to fighting. But clashing in- terests could not stay results. Out of the conflicting claims came a charter to forty of the king's favorites, many of them members of both the old competing companies, and the best men in them. It was one of the most sweeping papers which ever bore royal signature. Its date was Nov. 3d, 1620, and it incorporated "The council established at Plymouth (England) for the planting, ruling, ordering and governing of New Eng- land, in America." NATURE OF THIS CHARTER.— ^oi& first the size of the territory it covered, and how it wiped out the entire field given to both the London and Western Companies in the charter of 1606, also how it silenced forever the legal claim of Virginia (not the popular claim) to her domain north of 40°. It extended in breadth from 40° to 48° north latitude, and from the Atlantic to the Pacific ; that is, it embraced nearly all the inhabitable British possessions of to-day,* all New England, New York, more than half of New Jersey, nearly all Pennsylvania, and the mighty sweep westward of all these States. So grand an empire had never been given away by a single stroke of the pen. But more, and worse, the charter gave to forty men the soil, the sole power of legislation, the selection of all officers, the formation of a gov- ernment, and powers over commerce as arbitrary as those con- of the claim which Massachusetts subsequently made good. Had the Kennebec colony stuck, they would have much better ground for their position; or had not the character of titles shifted. Even at this early date the principle was abroad that a title confirmed by actual settlement was better than one with no such substantial backing. * It paid no attention to the French possession of New France, which was already permanently occupied at Port Royal, Quebec, and many other places along the St. Lawrence. The thought evidently was to rely on the old Cabot title by discovery, claim the continent, and drive off settlers of other nationalities if necessary. 88 COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. vcycd to the Cabots by Henry VII., in " that oldest American State paper in England." No regard was shown for the liberty of a single colonist. Everything was left to the council at Ply- mouth. It was too big a monopoly to be of any use. Parlia- ment rose in angry question of the king's right to thus fritter away the public domain. France laughed at the thought of thus appropriating her lands, in which settlements had existed for a score of years. The patentees fell to furious wrangling about their respective privileges, and while the confusion was at its height something far-reaching and wonderful took place. FIRST PURITAN ADVENT.— ThQ Reformation had made possible the Puritan and Pilgrim, the man who wanted, and was bound to have — for himself — religious and political liberty, at whatever cost. When he imbibed Genevan Calvinism he drank in at the same time the spirit of the Genevan republic. This was the ferment which was working in feudal England when Henry VIII. cut off the political horns of the pope, and which came to the surface when Edward VI. permitted the Protestant sects to show their heads without danger from the block. One of these sects, Cranmer's, wanted mild reforms. This one be- came the Church of England. The other would have no cere- mony not enjoined by the word of God, no divine right of bishops, no inequality of clergy, no fixed rule of worship or in- terpretation appointed by parliament, hierarchy or king. This was Puritanism, pure and undefiled, and it had the sanction of Martyr, Calvin, Hooper and Rogers. Under Mary, the Puritan, as well as the Episcopalian, had to leave England, if he would talk and act his convictions. He went to Amsterdam, Leyden, Frankfort, Geneva, to every asylum on the continent, and he learned much. When he came back under Elizabeth he was no longer a monarchist, but wanted a state of his own, one in which he had a personal voice; therefore he was a politician,* and now doubly dangerous and doubly to be despised. The hard meas- ure of Elizabeth to exile or hang all who should be absent from * Even the English church charged them with seeking a popular state ; and Elizabeth declared they were more perilous than the Romanists. The Romanists were for monarchy, and Elizabeth did not despise them <»n that account. COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. §9 the English service for a month sent the Puritan abroad again, and especially the stiffer-necked branch called Independent or Separatist. The more politic remained to make Elizabeth ashamed of her hanging of Barrow and Greenwood, and to teach her that the spirit of liberty was sufficiently abroad to endanger the chances of her successor to the throne if she carried on in too high-handed a manner.* Elizabeth, " dead and forgotten in four days," was succeeded by James I., a most cowardly sprig of royalty, who was a Puritan in Scotland, but who was no sooner over the border than he couldn't distinguish between the interests of the English church and his own political prerogatives. " No bishop, no king" was his inspiration, and the Puritan was more a "viper" than ever, even if the king was a Protestant. He would " harry them all out of the kingdom, or, better, hang them, if they did not conform," and then when the Pilgrim wanted to go he had to escape. Wherever he went in Holland or on the continent this was true of him : he was industrious, nearly always a farmer or tradesman, frugal, patient, pious, shrewd, liberty-loving, and though a Pilgrim, attached to his nationality. He was not con- tent in Holland, but, like others, began to dream of a colony in the wilderness which should augment the king's realm, give him the government of his native land without its hardships, and thus secure him the liberty he wanted. Whom should he consult? It was 1617, and the London Company which had given life to Virginia was yet in existence and claiming everything north of North Carolina. It therefore was consulted, and would have responded favorably but for bickerings. The king was petitioned for a charter. He promised nothing, but gave out the impres- sion that if the Puritan would only betake himself to America and there behave himself he would be let alone. That was something; perhaps all he had a right to expect. Then he went back to the London Company, which granted a patent, but being made in the name of one who failed to accompany the Pilgrim expedition it was of no use. There was nothing left but the * '• The precious spark of liberty had been kindled and preserved by the Puritans alone."— Crtr/tf'f England, iii., 707. 90 COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. king's promise of neglect. With this for a charter the " Speed- well " (60 tons) and " Mayflower " (120 tons) were equipped for the voyage. A solemn fast (the original of the American thanks- giving), and the Leyden Pilgrims sailed for Southampton. There the English faithful came aboard, and the two ships dared the ocean voyage. But the " Speedwell " gave out, and the two ships put back to Plymouth, where the rotten one was dismissed. A hundred souls, men, women and children,* crowded into the " Mayflower," and on the 6th of September, 1620, the ship was off again, off for the Hudson. Bad navigation or storms brought the Pilgrim boat to the bleak coast of Cape Cod, Nov. 9, 1620, thirteen years after the founding of Jamestown, and less than two months after the signing of the wonderful charter of the Plymouth Council, above mentioned. After a period of pro- specting, on Monday, Dec. 11 (say Dec. 22 new style), 1620, a landing was effected at Plymouth rock, and actual New Eng- land had a beginning. The colony was that of Plymouth, whence they had sailed. The gov^ernment of the Pilgrim,t framed in the cabin of the " Mayflower," provided for a " proper democracy " in the Colony of Northern Virginia, based on religious and political rights. It promised loyalty to the Crown, which was its bid to be let alone. The Pilgrim weathered two years of cold, barrenness, and adver- sity which would have broken up any colony but a Pilgrim colony. His tenacity, industry, thrift, morals, family, organizing power, memory of wrongs, and intense love of freedom, gave him a foothold in spite of cheerless climate and unproductive soil. He placated the Indians by treaty, raised corn, drove a brisk trade, started his " little democracy," worshipped as he wished, partitioned his lands. Were his titles good ? The Indians had * The pilgrim brought his family along. The Virginian came without wife or child. Smith's prayer was for farmers, mechanics, and men with families. Till such came colonization was mere adventure. •)• " Puritan " and " Pilgrim " are fairly interchangeable. The latter was the former in exile, before he crossed the Atlantic. Not all Puritans were Separatists and In dependents. In general the Puritans were more diplomatic than the Pilgrims. Puritanism covers both very well. PLYMOUTU KOCK. 91 92 COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. said, " Come; " that was as good as a purchase. The principles of English law, and natural justice, said they were good. So the Pilgrim was secure. He struck deep in his own barren soil and branched out to the Connecticut, to Cape Ann, and to the Ken- nebec. PLYMOUTH COUNCIL.— The shrewd Pilgrim heard of the wonderful grant to the Plymouth Council and knew it embraced his Plymouth. He worked into the good graces of the Council through the influence of Gorges and got a sub-patent. This attempt of the great Council to portion its powers and lands again brought up the grave question in parliament of how far the king had made a fool of himself in parting with so much territory and power without parliamentary sanction. The Coun- cil, monopolists as they were called, and the king were pitted against the parliament and such level-headed lawyers as Sir Edward Coke, who wanted the power of the Council broken and a free opportunity given to colonize the rest of New England. The Council, forced partly to the wall, determined to make the best of a bad bargain by breaking up its immense domain. There was a scramble for corporation patents. Mason got a patent for the lands between the Salem river and the farthest head of the Merrimac (1621). Gorges and Mason took a patent for Laconia, the whole country between the sea, the St. Lawrence, the Mer- rimac and Kennebec, and the plantations on the Piscataqua, as well as the towns of Portsmouth and Dover came into being, say 1623. Mason got a second patent (1629) for the country between the Merrimac and Piscataqua, which was afterwards known as the New Hampshire patent, and so the business ran into interminable confusion and endless law-suits. The omnip- otent Council of Plymouth was fast frittering away its lands, influence and prerogatives. SECOND PURITAN ADVENT— The Puritan at home chafed under the constraints of English law and the severities of the English church. Minister White, of Dorchester, though not a Separatist, would lead a colony of the faithful across the waters. Despite his puritanism, he formed a company, which bought of the expiring Plymouth Council a belt of land extend- 94 COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. ing from the Atlantic to the Pacific, and from three miles south of the river Charles and Massachusetts bay to three miles north of every part of the river Merrimac. This was a strong com- pany in men, for it included such as Sir Henry Rosvvell, Sir John Young, Thomas Southcoat, John Humphrey, John Endicot, Simon Whetcomb, and afterwards Winthrop, Dudley, Johnson, Pynchon, Eaton, Saltonstall, and Bellingham, all names well known in colonial history. Endicot, the sternest kind of a Pur- itan, was selected to begin the work of establishing a plantation of " the best of their countrymen " on the shores of New Eng- land and in safe seclusion, where the corruptions of human superstition might never invade. Not trusting to this patent from the Council, for it was in contravention of half a dozen others, it was confirmed by a charter from Charles I., and " The Governor and Company of the Massachusetts Bay in New Eng- land " was on its feet. Its date is March 4, 1629. The king was evidently mad when he signed it. He had made up his mind to govern his foreign territory, or have it governed, as he pleased and without the aid of parliament. So, the provisions of the charter were not unlike those of Virginia, not a whit more liberal as to the rights of the emigrant, equally as hard and close as to the powers of the corporation, which had even the right to elect its own governors. As in Virginia, " the blessed boon of freedom " for the colonist, the right to local self-government, was to come about over the wreck of corporation codes and amid the ruin of original charter claims. MASSACHUSETTS COLONY.— \5xi<^Qx the auspices of this Company of Massachusetts Bay, the Puritans struck Salem, but Charlestown got a few of the new-comers, and so did the vil- lage of Boston, soon to become the capital. These Puritans came full of notions of a church wherein they might worship after their liking, and with no, or veiy narrow, notions of a po- litical state. But they were shrewd and business-like. The thought of being under a company whose members resided at a distance was not pleasant. An original idea struck them. Why not pick the whole company up and carry it across the waters ? It could execute the provisions of the charter better on the spot COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. 95 than 3,000 miles away. That is just what was done, and in a twinkling it changed a commercial corporation into an inde- pendent provincial government. Governors, deputy governors, members of the company, and all interested became colonists — a happy Puritan band intent on their religion and church, but wide awake as to their political freedom and all local and ma- terial interests. They held in their own hands the key to their religious asylum, and unceremoniously locked the doors against all enemies to its harmony and safety. Winthrop, the aristo- cratic, pious, conforming, discreet Winthrop, came over as governor. The hard trials and disappointments of colonists, especially on a shore so bleak, passed, the community settled down to an " assembly of all the freemen of the colony," at Boston. Their first effort was a sort of elective aristocracy. Their second, the next year, 163 1, was a sort of commonwealth of the chosen people in covenant with God — a theocracy, if you please. No man was admitted to the freedom of the body politic unless he was a member of some of the Puritan churches. But in all things their government was representative. That was a great point. The colony was politic. It encouraged peaceful barter with the Indians. It sent messengers of peace to the Pilgrims, and to all former colonists. It traded with the Dutch on the Hudson. It invited and got large accessions of colonists from England, the very best men there, such as Cotton, and Hooker, teachers and thinkers at home, the fittest material for preachers, governors, and long-headed diplomatists abroad. When the ministers would hold too hard to the theocratic idea, the freemen inquired more deeply into their liberties and privi- leges, demanded annual elections, introduced the ballot-box, instead of the old-fashioned show of hands, got to be as noisy and self-assertive as the modern politician. With the exception of a limited suffrage, the democracy of Massachusetts was as perfect then as now. Unfortunately the suffrage was limited only to the faithful. Hence the split with Roger Williams and his expulsion as an heretical fellow who taught that " The civil magistrate should restrain crime, but never control opinion ; should punish guilt, but never violate the freedom of the soul." 96 COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. This doctrine would blot out the felony if non-conformity, would repeal every law compelling attendance on public worship, would give protection to every form of religious faith, would make every freeman a voter whether Puritan or not, would, in a word, smash the whole Puritan fabric. And then he had com- mitted other offense by writing an article in which he argued that an English patent could not invalidate the rights of the Indian to the soil. This was very like treason against the charter of the colony. The very wise Bradford thought Williams crazy. All in all, he had to go, this first person in Christendom to assert fully the doctrine of freedom of conscience, the equality of opin- ions before the law, and this defender of them even in advance of the immortal John Milton and Jeremy Taylor. And his going meant what ? THE BIRTH OF RHODE ISLAND.— W\\\\2.ms stopped at Seekonk, but that was within the Plymouth patent. He pushed on to a spot where patents would not interfere, and hav- ing found it he called it Providence (1636). A deed from Miantonomoh quieted his title as to the Indians. His govern- ment was a pure democracy. Williams gave all power and lands to the people, and they decided everything in their conventions. A magistracy, executive officers, governors, were things of an after time. CONNECTICUT TAKES SHAPE.— Th& shrewd Puritan would head off the Dutch who were creeping toward the valley of the Connecticut. The soil was in the Earl of Warwick, as proprietary, under a grant from the Council of New England, or rather, in Lord Say and Seal, Lord Brooke and John Hampden, as his assigns. But before they could colonize it the people of New Plymouth had built a trading-house at Windsor, and soon had settlements at Hartford, Windsor and Wethersfield. To the Puritans the valley of the Connecticut was indeed a new Hesperia. Thither they marched in no limited numbers under the lead of such as Hooker and others — emigrants from the most valued citizens, the earliest settlers, and oldest churches of Massachu- setts Bay. The bloodthirsty Pequods could not intimidate them nor stay their westward march, but went down before it even to COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. 97 the last of their tribe. The Puritan was a soldier as well as preacher. At New Haven, too, an independent Puritan colony sprang up with Davenport as pastor and Theophilus Eaton as governor, for twenty years (1638), with no statute-book but the Bible, and no freemen but the elect. UNITED COLONIES.— Vsissmg the long legal fight be- tween the old Plymouth Council and the Company of Massa- chusetts Bay, which brought Puritanism under the suspicion of aiming more at a distinct political sovereignty than at simply a church of its own, the time had come for closer co-operation among the New England colonists. At least this was the Mas- sachusetts thought, though it was doubtless suggested as much by her desire to extend her power and influence as anything else. The first move was on New Hampshire, which we have seen had existence under the Mason grants. She readily accepted the jurisdiction of the stronger colony, not doubting that a strict construction of her charter gave Massachusetts a valid claim on her territory, and wishing to avoid the disputes which were sure to follow refusal. The Pequod wars, and fears of the Dutch on the south, made it the policy of the Connecticut and New Haven governments to seek terms of union. The Indian tribes of Narragansett wanted the protection of Massachusetts, so they granted to her their Rhode Island. But Williams, who had gone to England to get a charter, returned with it (1644) in time to save his little state from absorption. Down in Maine, Rigby, purchaser of the Lygonia patent, and the assigns of Gorges, were in bitter legal warfare about their right to own and govern. They agreed to refer their disputes to Massachusetts as umpire. The shrewd umpire decided that neither party was right, and told them to go home and live at peace. This was impossible, and the umpire knew it, but it knew also that the plum, not yet ripe enough for the plucking, would be as soon as the disputes had impoverished both parties. An appeal was had to England, but she took no stock in the contro- versy. Then Massachusetts offered mediation. The role of King Stork was repeated. Unfolding her own charter and point- ing to its date, which was prior to that in the patents of either 98 COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. of the disputants, and pointing again to her boundary hne, three miles north of any point on tiie Merrimac, she politely informed the Maine folks that they had all along been shearing goats, and that the territory was hers at any rate, which claim she made good. Thus did Massachusetts extend her territory to Casco Bay, and there was such a thing as the " United Colonies of New England."* A GENERAL ADVANCE.— AW this colonial growth and consolidation made free local legislation more desirable, and the interference of parliament more intolerable. The principle was echoed from Virginia to the Kennebec, that the colonies were entitled to their own parliaments and legislatures. Royalty was pitiably situated, for kings did not wish to go back on their grants and their claim to give their soil to whom they pleased, to be governed as they prescribed. This was the three-sided fight, now fully on, and not to be determined till the American Revo- lution settled it. During the time of Cromwell (1648-1659) the northern colonies, being republican in spirit, gained a more solid footing, and made great progress. As the issue of Puritanism was popular sovereignty, Cromwell was pleased with the New England situation. " He that prays best will fight best," was his judgment, and he did not doubt the ability of the Puritan to take care of himself, without a king at the helm in England. FREAKS OF CHARLES //.—The restoration of royalty in England (1660) was a period of apprehension in Colonial America. King Charles II. (1660-1685) had no respect for ac- quired rights on this side the Atlantic, and none for the acts of his royal predecessors. He would be original or nothing, would tear everything to pieces in order to enjoy confusion or the pleasure of reconstruction. His freaks in upsetting old colonial lines and titles astonished the world. Fortunately their very * " The first conception of an American union entertained by the founders of New England was to join in political bonds only those colonies in which the people were of a similar way of thinking in theology, when, in the spirit of a theocracy, they aimed to form a Christian state in the bosom of the church. This was em- bodied in the New England Confederacy (1643-1684). Its basis was not broad enough to embrace the whole of this territory, or sufficje^itly jjw^^ ta |^C^^c^<^ 1^1 ^U popwiation,"-*y7--■' nil WILLIAM PENN. EXPLORERS AND FIRST SETTLERS. 1J3 114 COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. strength largely preponderated in this council and its control grew irksome. So the lower counties withdrew, with the con- sent of Penn, and were incorporated into a separate government under Governor Markam. Thus did Delaware secure a sepa- rate existence (1691). It was the act of her own citizens. But one thing must be observed. The Stuart dynasty had fallen in England, and the revolution of 1688 had been completed by the induction of Protestant William and Mary. There was a new order of things beyond the water ; there was to be here. Dis- tinctive Delaware was not a Stuart creation, as were all the colonies before it. It therefore had no great change to contem- plate, no radical innovation to fear. It would go on sitioothly, toward that destiny which awaited all the colonies, when the hour of Independence came. COLONY OF GEORGIA.— UkQ Delaware, Georgia was not to be a colony of the Stuarts. Every colony thus far had its motive for existence, moral, commercial or otherwise — Carolina for the Huguenot, Virginia for the Cavalier, Maryland for the Catholic, Pennsylvania, New Jersey and Delaware for the Quaker, New York and Connecticut for the commercial Dutchman and Puritan, Rhode Island for the Independent, Massachusetts and the Northeast for the Puritan. Georgia was to be dedicated to the cause of oppressed poverty in the old world. England and Spain had long been clashing about the Florida and Carolina boundary. England determined to settle the proud claim of Spain to a limitless Florida; in other words she determined to push her Carolina border as far down as she could, and thus open the magnificent area of the Savannah. Oglethorpe, the Penn of the South, a member of parliament, knew of it. He had long been impressed with the hardships of the British debtor laws ; had seen thousands of really good but unfortunate men thrown into prison, lose their all, and their caste too, by means of them ; had devised a plan of giving them a home in the new world, far from the scenes of their misery and disgrace, and where industry and freedom would enable them to recover manhood and fortune. To further this end George II. granted him a charter (June 9, 1732) for the country COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. II5 between the Savannah and Altamaha, and from the head springs of those rivers west to the Pacific. It was the province of Georgia (after the donor) and was placed for twenty-one years under the guardianship of a corporation " in trust for the poor." With 120 emigrants, Oglethorpe planted his ensign on the "high bluff" where Savannah now stands. His enterprise had been undertaken with the best wishes of benevolent England. It was welcomed by the natives of every neighboring tribe. Under the happiest auspices Oglethorpe began the Common- wealth of Georgia, " a place of refuge for the distressed people of Britain and the persecuted Protestants of Europe." And it was truly a refuge (but not for Catholics), for there came num- bers from England, from other colonies, and many Moravians from the continent of Europe. Augusta was laid out, 1734. Oglethorpe's government was somewhat crude, but it proved yielding and the colonists soon enlarged it to suit themselves. While it proscribed Catholics, it prohibited slavery. The fame of this youngest colony was much spread by Oglethorpe, who returned to England after a residence here of fifteen months. Scotch mountaineers came and pitched at New Inverness. Oglethorpe himself returned with large Moravian reinforce- ments. The enthusiasm of religion was abroad in the new country, and the colonists did not fear death. They were therefore brave to shove the Spanish back and make for Eng- land a southern border. Pushing to the St. John's and claiming it as the line, they planted Fort St. George, as the defence of the British frontier. At this Spain rallied. Negotiations ensued, and St. Mary's became the southern boundary of Oglethorpe's colony. But war soon followed, for England was not satisfied with the Spanish presence in Florida at all, neither was Spain satisfied with the Protestant menace which now hugged so closely her northern border. Oglethorpe valiantly defended his colony, drove off the Spaniards, and the " pious experiment " was on a substantial footing. The transition of power from the corporation of Georgia, at the expiration of its twenty-one years, to the people was easy, and sovereignty was as free and fully representative as in any colony. 116 COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. REVOLUTION OF 1688.— One thing at least is clear in this sketch of colonial creations. The king ever denied the right of the English parliament to interfere with his power to grant lands and to ordain governments for them. The Stuarts clung to this principle with Spartan tenacity. Another thing is equally clear. The colonies, accepting the Stuart doctrine, always claimed exemption from the laws of the British parliament. But in doing so they did not thereby fall back entirely under the legislation prescribed by the king. Colonists claimed the rights of Englishmen. Among those rights was that to a parliament or assembly. Local legislation was theirs by their birthright as Englishmen. Sovereignty meant the same thing here as at home. This at first, and after- wards vastly more, for the colonists had come here because their voice was not large enough at home, nor their rights as freemen broad enough. Here the word freeman meant vastly more than at home. The American assembly was therefore more clearly representative, more popular, more directly responsible. All freemen were in general eligible to it. There were no titles, no estates, nothing to hamper full, free representation. The republican or democratic spirit which had been under- mining the Stuart dynasty at home and shaking monarchical institutions to their centres, here found that expression denied it at home. It here won a victory which the king withheld from his own parliament. But the time had come in England when Englishmen must speak more firmly through their parlia- ment. It too must be made stronger against royal claims ; in other words must become more truly representative of the wishes of the people. The Stuart who would further defy public opinion, who would blindly arrogate legislative power, who would refuse to move with the age and in obedience to overwhelming sentiment, must abdicate. This was the revolu- tion of 1688. For the glory of England they passed from the throne, leaving as their monuments in America a tier of Atlantic colonies which owed their titles and limits to royal charters, but which in liberty and enlightenment were an hundred years in advance of the last representative of the line. COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. 117 They were gone. The tide of liberty had rolled so high, even in England, as to engulf them. The people had assumed to sit in judgment on divinely appointed royalty. The old idea of a Christian monarchy resting on the law of God was exploded, and political power was to seek its origin in compact. Nothing was to bind freemen to obey government save their own solemn agreement. Power for the Stuart was a right. Power hence- forth was to be a trust, whose violation dissolved the obligation to allegiance. Supreme power was to be in the legislature, which was the true embodiment of the sovereignty of the peo- ple. In 1688 England had gotten as far on as Massachusetts in 1620, or, for that matter, as any of the colonies at the date of their foundation. Yet not so far, for the parliament that arose to the full height of English sentiment in expelling the Stuarts and assuming to act as the guardian of power for the people, too boldly stood in the king's shoes. It was well enough at home, but when it claimed the right to legislate for the colonies, it was doing far more than smiting a dead Stuart ; it was doing, now that there was no Stuart to interpose his despotic veto, that which would arouse in America a sentiment of opposition full of remonstrance at first, fulj of revolution at last. The parliament's fight was always with the king ; now it would be direct with the colonies. Thus, by a strange conjuncture of affairs, the very dynasty which had all along stood in the way of English progress and reform, had been not only the protec- tion of the colonies, but the chief contributor to the triumph of the republican spirit within them and to their ultimate inde- pendence. But as yet the consequences of the change in dynasty could not be foreseen. Even if some prophetic soul could have taken in the next century as far down as to 1776 or 1783, and proclaimed what it saw in tones sufficiently loud to have been heard by every colonist, the rejoicing over the accession of William III. and Mary would not have been kss spontaneous and emphatic. Charters which existed had been overlapped and confused be- yond comprehension. Charters which covered heady and oppos- ing colonies had been unceremoniously and ruthlessly cancelled. 118 COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. Many colonies had fought the battles of the new American institution and civilization against the king's claim of legislative interference, to the very verge of despair and surrender. But above all the new dynasty was confirmedly Protestant, and in that respect representative of a great majority sentiment at home and in the colonies. A source of fresh colonial inspiration, it began by rejecting the old order of things. Cancelled charters were restored. New governors were commissioned. There was jostling here and shaking up there, but in general the liber- ties of the people became more securely imbedded in well-under- stood forms of law. Prosperity was not retarded, nor faith in colonial experiment weakened. The grand result was a rebound of strength and confidence, and a new departure in colonial spirit and enterprise. Only on one side was the sky dark, and there hovered the cloud of the rejuvenated English parliament. The seeds of the American revolution had ever been in its claim of a right to legislate for the colonies. Now the seeds were bursting through the ground, for parliament was already legis- lating on American commerce ; they would grow and bear bloody fruit when the avowal came that the right existed to legislate for them in all cases whatsoever. STATE OUTLINES. — Wc have now taken a hasty view of English titles to the territory on the Atlantic coast. We have followed the divisions of that territory among the colonies, and seen how each colony got metes and bounds. Further, we have endeavored to give a reason for the existence of each colony, its underlying and actuating motive for colonization, the class of mind that took part in the work of pioneering, the shape their new institutions took almost from the start ; and especially have we tried to impress on the reader a knowledge of the active political spirit, the love of freedom, the desire for unfettered per- sonal sovereignty, the rapid growth of the democratic idea and republican institutions, in the new land, all in spite of firm attach- ment to monarchy, and because the men, the time, the country, made other results impossible. One can already see in these beginnings the dawn of the full state institution. The spirit which permeated each colony at COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. 119 the time of the EngHsh revolution of 1688 did not change, ex- cept as it grew larger, freer, bolder, till the colonial yoke was broken.* And so one can see in the confused and overlapping boundaries of these colonies the dim territorial outlines of the thirteen original States. Indeed some, as Delaware, Maryland, Rhode Island, never afterwards shifted their colonial limits. With others, time brought about many geographic changes, and settled grave questions of boundary which arose chiefly from the fact that their charters and grants were either open at the western end, or extended clear through to the Pacific. The names of the colonies became the names of the respective States both under the articles of confederation and the present federal constitution. FRENCH EMPIRE.— Though the Dutch, the Swedes, and the French had passed from the Atlantic front of the present United States, the latter were still the proud claimants of vast and fertile areas North, West, and South. French adventure in America was a strange admixture of commercial and religious zeal. A single person was often priest, trader, and colonist. As already seen, the French advent was early. Years before the Pilgrims anchored at Cape Cod, French missionaries had planted a Roman Church in eastern Maine (161 5), and Le Caron, sub- sisting by alms from the natives, had, on foot and in canoe, pushed his way to the rivers of Lake Huron (1616). The grant of New France to Richelieu, Champlain, Razilly and the hundred associates, by Louis XIII. (1627), embraced the St. Lawrence basin, and that of all rivers running into the sea (hence the French claim to Maine and New York), and also all the country * " Even if the colonists disclaimed any present passion for independence, they were, in the inherent opposition between their principles and the English system, as ripe for governing themselves in 1689 as in 1776." — \Bancroft, vol. iii., 109. "The independency the colonies thirst after is notorious." — Btitish Lords of Trade, in 1701. " Commonwealth notions improve daily, and if it be not checked in time the rights and privileges of English subjects will be thought too narrow." — Quarry, writing in 1703. " The colonists will in time cast off their allegiance and set up a government of their own." — Print, of 1705. 120 COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. south of Virginia and north of Spanish Florida (perhaps even all Florida).* To the West all was open, and to the Jesuit was entrusted the work of enlarging the French Dominion. Cham- plain held and peopled the line of the St. Lawrence. Brebeuf and Daniel pierced the Huron possessions, chanting their Te Deums among the pines and bringing the tawny natives to sea the light. Quebec and Montreal got to be important towns, and the great lake water-ways became familiar. Frenchmen stood looking into the land of the Sioux, the great valley of the Mis- sissippi, five years before Eliot addressed the Indian in the vicinity of Boston. Marquette established the Mission of St. Mary, at the outlet of Lake Superior, in 1668. It was the oldest settlement by Europeans within the present State of Michigan, but was not permanent. He projected the discovery of the true Mississippi, and designed to plant the banners of France on the Pacific or by the side of Spain, on the Gulf of Mexico. With Joliet for a companion, they ascend the Fox River, cross to the Wisconsin, and in two birch-bark canoes " happily float down the great river" between the wide plains of Illinois and Iowa, to Des Moines, then past the great Missouri, the Ohio (then called Wabash), and on to the Akansea (Arkansas). There they found that the Father of Rivers went, not into the ocean east of Florida, nor yet into the Gulf of California. Returning, they ascended the Illinois, passed up through Chicago to Lake Michigan (Lake of the Illinois), and on to the Green Bay Settlement (1673). La Salle took up the wondrous tale and added one of its most brilliant chapters. His towns mark his trail. Leaving Niagara in 1679, he was at the site of Detroit,t Mackinaw, up the St. * This New France of the South was the portion Coligny designed to settle with Huguenots, and after him Raleigh. It passed naturally from France to England, because both countries were anxious to see Raleigh redeem Coligny's failure, and to have a Protestant barrier set up against Spain's Catholic Florida. f Detroit was permanently settled by De la Motte Cadillac, with one hundred Frenchmen, in June, 1701. It is the oldest permanent settlement in Michigan. Michigan, therefore, has a history back of Georgia, and is the oldest of the Western States with, perhaps, the exception of Illinois. We say perhaps, because the claim is made that Kaskaskia (111.) was the oldest permanent European settlement in the ▼alley of the Mississippi. It was founded by Father Gravier, as a Jesuit Mission, COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. 121 Joseph, and over at Kankakee. While Hennepin took in the upper Mississippi, perhaps to its source, La Salle studied the valleys of the Ohio, Illinois and Tennessee, and in 1682 descended the Mississippi to its mouth, realizing Marquette's dream of plant- ing the arms of France on the Gulf It was named Louisiana, in honor of Louis XIV., and " the terrestrial paradise of America," " the delight of the New World." By 1685 a colony came for Lou- isiana, but striking Matagorda Bay, it stopped there, and made Texas a part of the French Empire in America. By no treaty or document did France ever relinquish her hold on Texas ex- cept by the general cessions of Louisiana. For years France clung tenaciously to her magnificent Amer- ican possessions, the richest, best watered, most boundless, owned by any foreign nation. Though an active and indefati- gable colonist, her institutions were too far behind the age, too much infused with Romanism, too feudal in character, to find high or permanent development in the new soil. By 1706 her title to the New France of the South, between Virginia (really the Carolinas) and Florida, had been wholly merged in that of England. In 17 13, Acadia (Nova Scotia and part of Maine) was ceded to the English. It " was the most important part " of the New France of the North. There was a general withdrawal of all French claims to the line of Lake Champlain, and to the set- tlements in New York. But by 172 1 they were back at Niagara, and stout claimants for, as well as actual occupants of, their St. Lawrence possessions. Their Louisiana, which had not been affected by the peace of Utrecht (17 1 3), was a wonderful country. Blending with New France on the line of the lakes, and cut off nowhere in the north except by the possessions of the Hudson Bay Company in the extreme northwest, it ran to the gulf at Mobile, swept the gulf line to the mouth of the Rio Grande, then up to the Red River ridges, then west to the Gulf of California. These were ideal but the date is not known exactly. He was in Illinois in 1693, and probably his mission was then founded. The fact that Kaskaskia got to be an important mis- sionary centre may have helped to give it rank as the oldest permanent settlement of the West. 122 COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. bounds, but such as France was willing to maintain against both England and Spain. Not a fountain flowed west of the sources of the Allegheny, Monongahela, Kanawha or Tennessee which did not rise in French soil. What a menace to the British colonies ! What a barrier to westward advancement ! Such could not long be. By the tripartite treaty of February i6, 1763, between England, France and Spain, France ceded to Eng- land all Canada and all of her Louisiana east of the Mississippi and as far south as the Iberville River, thence eastward to the sea. This left her only a small strip along the gulf, east of the Mis- sissippi, and her immense domains west of that river. But only for a moment. On the same day all that was left of Louisiana on the continent was ceded to Spain. France was virtually out of the country. It had been a war (the Seven Years' War) for new territorial adjustment, both in Europe and America, and even in view of the results on this continent alone, well may George III. have said : " England never signed such a peace before, nor, I believe, any other power in Europe." RESULTS OF FRENCH LOSS.— Moreover, it had been a war largely fought on American soil. Never before had the forests of the New World reverberated the steady tramp of so many armed and disciplined men. At Lake George alone there assembled an army of 15,000 from New York, New Jersey and New England for the grand assault on Canada. To the south the forces of Virginia, Maryland and Pennsylvania fell into line to move on Fort Duquesne, and embalm the name of Pitt in the border town (Pittsburg), which was to stand as the gateway of the west so long as the Allegheny and Monongahela shall flow to form the Ohio, or the English tongue shall continue to be the language of freedom in the boundless areas traversed by their waters. And still farther to the south arose the clangor of camp and din of war. France would strike the rear of Virginia and the Carolinas by means of the Indians in the fastnesses of Ten- nessee, fed and spurred on by food and counsel from the line of the Mississippi. The rangers of the Carolinas did their best to puncture the eastward moving centre of the mighty Cherokees. If they failed, failure was not disastrous, for peace covered dis- COLONIAL BIRTH AND GROWTH. 123 comfiture with the bloom of new auspices, and a knowledge of the Tennessee and Cumberland valleys had been gained which would soon be turned to good account. THE AMERICAN OUTLOOK.— \{ the English king and Protestant Europe could justly fall into raptures over the im- mense results of the war in America alone, much more could the colonies pride themselves on such results. They had opened an empire for themselves beyond the Alleghenies, across the prairies, even to the father of waters. The acquisition repre- sented their money, valor and blood. Even the plan of striking France through her New France and Louisiana was American, and due to the sagacity of our own Franklin. Then its result here was not a mere riddance of a powerful neighbor, not a mere acquisition of limitless, fertile acres. It was proof that the colonies could stand together in the face of a common danger, evidence that thus compacted they had all the elements of a nation, and especially that of strength to defend themselves against old world aggression, however skilfully armed and boldly pushed. With confidence, therefore, they peered from the peaks of the Alleghenies into their western valleys, and with a fervor, too, equal to that of Marquette, who, seventy years before, stand- ing on the margin of the lakes, cast his prophetic eye to the gulf and saw the French lily bloom perennially amid the wild flowers of the prairies. Thus contemplating a political mastery which ranged from the gulf to the poles, whose forms of institu- tion, law and literature were to spread the English tongue more widely than any that had ever given expression to human thought, the gazers from their mountain tops might well have chanted in chorus Bancroft's sublime apostrophe : " Go forth, then, language of Milton and Hampden, language of my country, take possession of the North American conti- nent ! Gladden the waste places with every tone that has been rightly struck on the English lyre, with every English word that has been spoken well for liberty and for man ! Give an echo to the now silent and solitary mountains ; gush out with the foun- tains that as yet sing their anthems all day long without response; fill the valleys with the voices of love in its purity, the pledge* 124 MARCH TO INDEPENDENCE. of friendship in its faithfulness, and as the morning sun drinks the dewdrop from the flowers all the way from the dreary At- lantic to the Peaceful ocean, meet him with the joyous hum of the early industry of freemen ! Utter boldly and spread widely through the world the thoughts of the coming apostles of the people's liberty, till the sound that cheers the desert shall thrill through the heart of humanity, and the lips of the messenger of the people's power, as he stands in beauty upon the mountains, shall proclaim the renovating tidings of equal freedom for the race ! " DRIFT TOWARD INDEPENDENCE.— The plans of kings, as well as those of ordinary mortals, go oft awry. The wisdom of statesmen however shrewd may become a torment to nations. When England drove out the Stuarts, and enthroned Protestantism in the person of William III. and Mary, she un- wittingly strengthened the hands of aristocracy, and organized a parliament which in support of its own claims to authority could never consistently surrender its control of the American colonies. Here was the beginning of independence and revolu- tion. Now, by the Treaty of Paris (1763), and the cession of her American possessions to England and Spain, France had very deftly shifted the whole colonial policy of Europe. Her states- men saw that for France to attempt to maintain colonies in New France and Louisiana, was to incur constant wars and expend- itures, if not to attempt impossibilities. They saw that her monarchical forms simply shut off from her American colonies even her own philosophy, economy, industrial genius, legal skill, and ideas of Protestant freedom, and that without these, or even better than these, no American colony could be made to live permanently and prosper vigorously. They saw that the exhausted polity of the middle ages, the castes of feudal Europe, the despotism of infallible churchism, the titles of nobility, the leases of land to vassals, and vassalage itself, could not be perpetuated, where men who held the plough were the bone and sinew of the land, and the only hope of colonial success. And seeing these things — the power of England and Spain MARCH TO INDEPENDENCE. 125 had opened their eyes to them — they were not afraid to make confession of them by that surrender which left France without a patch of American ground. And they saw other things too. They saw that as England held the Atlantic front, her future colonial policy would be largely commercial. If France should add to this front a do- main extending to the Mississippi, to the gulf, and to the pole, it would make England's policy both political and commercial. It would sharpen the desire of her parliament to rule it from home, and would make anxious and determined that authority, which nothing but revolution could shake. In a word, it would fully commit England to a dominion in America, in accordance with her own forms of law. And thus committed, France saw that the British situation would be full of dangers. Far ad- vanced as England was, it would still be like an attempt to fit a dead carcass to a living soul, for English-America had English liberties in greater purity, and with far more of the power of the people than in England. The colonial inhabitants were self- organized bodies of freeholders, natural forest-levelers, industrious soil-winners, bold pioneers, pushing their way farther and farther each year, and scorning to take any step backward. They had schools, printing presses, books, newspapers, lawyers, doctors, ministers of their own choosing. They were self-helpful in private affairs, and confident of their ability to care for them- selves politically through their local legislatures and municipal corporations. They were proud of their dwelling-place, and had unbounded faith in its future, under their own management. They were strong numerically and physically, and had just showed that they were capable of union both for defending the flag of England, and driving off the French foe that hovered all along their northern and western border. That menace removed, the need of reliance on England for protection against France no longer felt, left alone to confront only the attempt of England to fasten on them her obnoxious laws, what wouldn't they do? France saw what they would do, and knew what they were capable of doing. Her surrender of Canada and Louisiana was therefore a blow at England. She would turn the force to which 126 MARCH TO INDEPENDENCE. she had to succumb into a weapon with which England might cut her own colonial throat.* BAD FIX OF ENGLAND.— The Treaty of Paris (1763) left England with a debt of ;^700,ooo,ooo, half of which was due to The Seven Years' War. She got nothing in Europe to com- pensate her. But she got, in America, Canada and the Ohio Valley. With her rule of the former we have nothing to do. The latter came directly to her Atlantic colonies. As they pro- fited, therefore should England profit. Here began that scheme of parliamentary control which was designed to make the col- onies pay as much of the English war debt as possible, which took exclusive jurisdiction of their commerce, which imposed burdensome taxes, which denied representation in the British parliament, and which culminated in the claim of a right to ex- clusive legislative jurisdiction. The colonial charters should all fall and one uniform system of government be substituted in their stead. To make sure of order and strict enforcement of law, a part of the standing army was to find quarters in the col- onies and be supported at their expense. The father of the *This policy of France, even if a compulsory one, was far-sighted and clung to with the greatest tenacity. She had studied it long and well, and its merits were recognized by shrewd observers, long before the game was exposed by the surrender of her American territory. As early as 1748 it was reasoned in New York that the conquest of Canada by relieving the northern colonies from danger would hasten their emancipation. A Swedish traveller, in that year, published the same in Europe as his impression. It was an early dream of John Adams that the " re- moval of the turbulent Gallics," would be a prelude to the approaching greatness of the country. The French minister of foreign affairs warned the English envoy that the cession of Canada would lead to the independence of North America. When New France surrendered, Choiseul, a Frenchman, exclaimed, " We have caught them (the English) at last." Vergennes said, " England will ere long re- pent of having removed the only check that could keep her colonies in awe. She will call on them to contribute toward supporting the burdens they helped to bring on her, and they will answer by striking off all dependence." Lord Mansfield de- clared, " Ever since the Treaty of Paris I always thought the Northern Colonies were meditating a state of independency on Great Britain. France backed the policy thus begun by aiding the colonies when they did strike for independence. And so Napoleon, to further aid the commercial supremacy of the United States and cripple that of England, got possession of Spanish Louisiana, only to turn it over to this country." 128 MARCH TO INDEPExXDENCE. scheme was the celebrated Charles Townsend, English First Lord of Trade, with the administration of the colonies, who was supposed to know more about American affairs than any other man. It struck parliament March 9, 1763, in the shape of an American tax-bill, and almost immediately the colonies, espe- cially those of the north, began to thunder back their resentment. The horns of parliament and the colonies were locked in that dread encounter which in thirteen years would result in inde- pendence. FIRST COLONIAL CONGRESS.— lowns^nd's Tax scheme was known to be the forerunner of the Stamp Act, Sugar Act, and Tea Act, which, when they came, would crown the power of parliament to get into the homes and pockets of the American colonists. The sentiment of protest therefore became as lively as if these acts were already a fact. The stream of resistance ran rapidly and angrily, and bore along inevitably toward the final plunge into revolution. The eloquent voices of Samuel Adams and James Otis were heard in Massachusetts, and a Boston town-meeting, protesting loyalty to the crown, pleaded for the rights of " the free-born subjects of Great Britain in America."* A response was heard from the Rhode Island assembly, where Stephen Hopkins was governor (1764). New York, which had moved in 1759, now seconded her first motion. North Carolina expressed her concurrence with the views of Massachusetts in the same year. And soon Connecticut, Pennsylvania, South Carolina, and Virginia joined their voices of remonstrance to tlic chorus, which was now heard high above the din of waves * Otis argued that the original possessors of power were the whole people ; that the colonies enjoyed the right of governing and taxing themselves through their local legislatures; that there was no proscription old enough to supersede the law of nature and the grant of God Almighty, who had given all men a right to be free; that nothing but life and liberty were hereditable ; that in solving the grand political problem the first principle must be the equality and power of the whole. And these became the prevailing Wliig (anti-Tory) views of the day and the colonial cause. The party names were Whigs, Patriots, Sons of Liberty, these for the colonists opposed to taxation ; and Loyalists, Tories and Friends of Government, these for the parliament and crown. 130 MARCH TO INDEPENDENCE. on the whole Atlantic front. Plea followed plea, for justice; petition after petition was sent over for parliament to stay its hard, heavy hand. Argument after argument was advanced in favor of free colonial existence, subject always to that depend- ence which had existed from the start. Parliament persisted. Townsend closed his mightiest effort in favor of the Stamp Act (1765) with "These children of our planting (the colonists), nourished by our indulgence until they are grown to a good degree of strength and opulence, and protected by our arms, will they grudge to contribute their mite to relieve us from the heavy load of national expense which wc lie under?" To which Colonel Barre, with eye darting fire and voice full of emotion, replied : " Children planted by your care ? No ! your oppression planted them in America. They fled from your tyranny into a then uninhabited land where they were exposed to almost all the hardships to which human nature is liable, and among others to the savage cruelty of the enemy of the country — a people the most subtle and terrible of any that ever in- habited any part of God's earth ; yet, actuated by principles of true English liberty, they met these hardships with pleasure, compared with those they suffered in their own country from the hands of those that should have been their friends. "They nourished by your indulgence? They grew by your neglect of them. As soon as you began to care for them, that care was exercised in sending persons to rule over them in one department and another, who were perhaps the deputies of some deputy of members of this house, sent to spy out their liberty, to misrepresent their actions, and to prey upon them — men whose behavior on many occasions has caused the blood of those Sons of Liberty to recoil within them — men promoted to the highest seats of justice ; some, to my knowledge, were glad by going to foreign countries to escape being brought to a bar of justice in their own. " They protected by your arms ? They have nobly taken up arms in your defence, have exerted their valor amidst their con- stant and laborious industry for the defence of a country whose frontiers, while drenched in blood, its interior parts have yielded MARCH TO INDEPENDENCE. I31 all its little savings to your enlargement ; and believe mc — re- member I tJiis day told y oil .<:o — that the same spirit which actuated that people at first will continue with them still. But prudence forbids me to explain myself further. God knows I do not at this time speak from motives of party heat. What I deliver are the genuine sentiments of my heart; however superior to me in general knowledge and experience the respectable body of this House (of Commons) may be, yet I claim to know more of America than most of you, having seen and been conversant in that country. The people there are as truly loyal, I believe, as any subjects the king has ; but a people jealous of their liberties, and who will vindicate them, if they should be violated. But the subject is too delicate. I will say no more." Imagine the effect upon the colonists of a speech like this fired right into the midst of a Tory parliament! Otis suggested to the Massachusetts assembly a meeting of committees from all the assemblies of the colonies and a circular was sent out to such assemblies, to secure joint action in opposing the English policy. Now, England trusted her entire policy of taxation to the assumed fact that union among the colonies was impossible. As the response to the Massachusetts circular was slow, it began to seem as if the English idea were, for the time being, correct, but Virginia sprang into the front, and her Patrick Henry, against the opposition of such as Bland, Pendleton, Randolph, and Wythe, startled her House of Burgesses with his warning flash of history : " Tarquin and Caesar had each a Brutus ; Charles the First his Cromwell ; and George the Third [cries of treason ! treason !] may profit by their example ! " The result (1765) was a series of resolutions whose gis^. was no obedience to a law imposing a tax not sanctioned by the general assembly. Rhode Island agreed to act in concert with Massachusetts. South Carolina, through, the influence of Gadsden, selected com- missioners. Pennsylvania and Connecticut acted similarly. All the thirteen colonies either expressed sympathy or chose dele- gates. " Join or die " became a favorite motto. The " Sons of Liberty " were organized, who meant opposition of the most determined character. " Liberty, property, and no 132 MARCH TO INDEPEXDENXE. stamps " was the greeting prepared for the English stamp dis- tributors.* The congress met in the City Hall, New York, Oct. 7, 1765. It consisted of twenty-eight delegates from nine colonies, four, though sympathizing with the movement, not choosing repre- sentatives. For the first time the patriots of America were together on the question of entire colonial union. It published a declaration of rights and grievances, expressing loyalty to the king, respect for parliament where it had a right to legislate, claiming the rights of English-born subjects, affirming the injus- tice of taxation without representation, setting forth the adequacy of their own local legislatures to attend to all their local con- cerns.t An address to the king was prepared in the same spirit The congress adjourned on the 25th of October. There was something now to give coherency to debate and resolution in the respective colonies. The Whig and Tory parties in each could talk to a point, and they did with a direct- ness and vehemence which made the forest assemblies ring. * The Stamp Act passed the House of Commons Feb. 27, 1765, and the House of Lords March 8, 1765. It introduced direct taxation into the Enghsh policy. But for the fact that it was carrying that policy to the uttermost, it should not have been as objectionable as the previous navigation acts which virtually limited Ameri- can trade to England alone. Americans could get no commodity of use to them, from any nation, other than England, without collecting a heavy duty on it for England's benefit. And now, under the Stamp Act, stamps were to be paid for and affixed to all legal and commercial transactions of moment. f The colonies represented were : Massachusetts, by James Otis, Oliver Partridge, Timothy Ruggles. South Carolina, by Thomas Lynch, Christopher Gadsden, John Rutledge. Pennsylvania, by John Dickinson, John Morton, George Bryan. Rhode Island, by Metcalf Bowler, Henry Ward. Ccinecticut, by Eliphalet Dyer, David Rowland, William S. Johnson. Delaware, by Thomas McKean, Caesar Rodney. Maryland, by William Murdock, Edward Tilghman, Thomas Ringgold. New Jersey, by Robert Ogdcn, Ilendrick Fisher, Joseph Bordon. New York, by Robert Livingston, John Cruger, Philip Livingstone, William Bayard, Leonard Lespinward. Virginia, New Hampshire, Georgia and North Carolina did not send delegates. Delegates present from only six of the colonies signed the proceedings of the con- gress ; New York, Connecticut and South Carolina delegates not being authorized to sign. MARCH TO INDEPENDENCE. I33 The turmoil grew thicker and louder, and the voice of remon- strance turned to angry, desperate threat of everlasting resist- ance, when the odious Grenville ministry fell and the Rocking- ham Cabinet took its place. It had an ear for colonial plaint, and Franklin * was there to fill it with his wisely weighed * Grenville. " Do you think it right that America should be protected by this country and pay no part of the expense ? " Franklin. " That is not the case : the colonies raised, clothed and paid during the last war (with France for Canada and Louisiana) 25,000 men and spent many mil- lions of pounds." Grenville. " Were you not reimbursed by parliament ? " Franklin. " Only what, in your opinion, we had advanced beyond our propor- tion, and it was a very small part of what we spent. Pennsylvania spent ^^500,000 and got back _^6o,ooo." Grenville. " Do you think the people of America would submit to pay a stamp duty, if it were moderated?" Franklin. " No; never. They will never submit lo it." Grenville. " May not a military force carry the Stamp Act into execution ? " Franklin. " Suppose one were sent to America ; they will find nobody in arms, what can they do ? They cannot force a man to take stamps who chooses to do without them. They will not find rebellion ; they may, indeed, make one." Grenville. " How would the Americans receive a future tax, imposed on the same principle with that of the Stamp Act ? " Franklin. " Just as they do this; they will not pay it." Grenville. " What will be the opinion of the Americans on the resolution of parliament asserting the right to tax them ? " Franklin. " They will think it unconstitutional and unjust." Grenville. " How would they receive an internal regulation connected with the tax ? " Franklin. " It would be objected to. When aids to the crown are wanted they are, according to the old established usage, to be asked of the assemblies, who will, as they always have done, grant them freely. They think it extremely hard that a body in which they have no representation sliould make a merit of giving what is not its own, but theirs." Townsend. " Is not the post-office which they have long received a tax as well as regulation?" Franklin. "No; the money paid for postage of letters is a remuneration for service done." Towtisend. " If a small tax were levied, would they submit ? " Franklin. " They will oppose it lo the last. The people will pay no internal tax imposed by parliament." Grenville. " But suppose the internal tax to be laid on the necessaries of life? " Franklin. " I do not know a single article imported into the northern colonies but what thay can do without or make themselves. The people will work and spin for themselves in their own nouses. In three years there may be wool and manu- factures enough." — Condensed from Bancroft, vol. v., 430-433. 134 MARCH TO INDEPENDENCE. words of remonstrance and counsel. The Stamp Act was re- pealed March i8, 1766, and a thrill of joy was felt throughout colonial America. Liberty Tree in Boston was lighted with lanterns : South Carolina voted Pitt, the Whig leader in the House of Commons, a statue ; Virginia an obelisk to the king. The resolutions and address of the first American Congress, which had called a halt in parliament, were thus being rever- berated through the colonies. AN AMERICAN PARTY.— ^\xt joy was soon turned to sorrow. Pitt left the Commons and went into the House of Lords, as Earl of Chatham. This brought the odious Charles Townsend to the front again in the Commons, and he was at his old scheme of American taxation, this time in a form ev^en more objectionable than the Stamp Act. An export tax was to be collected on all goods sent to America. Any American assem- bly which dared to discuss the measure or appoint delegates to a convention or congress whose object was to remonstrate against it or to take further steps toward colonial union, was to be regarded as seditious, and if need be dispersed. Again the colonies were in a ferment. This time the sentiment of union and independence was deeper and bolder. Every colony agreed to resist to the uttermost the claim of the parliament. The result was a partial repeal of the obnoxious act, but the danger was not wholly removed. What had been all along a patriotic public opinion was now becoming an anti-Itnglish or American party. The demand became specific for a Union and a Con- gress, and it was urged that such a union, firm and perpetual, would be a sure foundation for freedom and the great basis of every public blessing. All the colonies were enjoined to prepare to act as joint members of the Grand American Com- monwealth. TEA ACT AND A CONGRESS.— The Tea Act of 1773 was an effort to tax the colonists for the benefit of a mere trading company. The mighty surge of passion now plainly meant resistance. The demand was for a " Congress of Ameri- can States to frame a bill of rights or form an Independent State, an American Commonwealth." Thus thundered the Press 23(3 MARCH TO INDEPENDENCE. throughout the colonics. " Union, Union, was the first, the last hope for America." The contents of the Boston tea-ships were emptied in the harbor. Those for Philadelphia put back with- out unloading. Those for Charleston landed their contents to have them perish in the cellars. The ministry had chosen the least effective way of governing, and the most effective way of uniting the colonies. Louder than ever cried the Press; "No time is to be lost; a Congress or meeting of the American States is indispensable, and what the people wills shall be effected " (1773), The predicament of parliament was getting more desperate every day. It must recede, or coerce the defiant colonists. The Boston Port Act (1774) was coercive. Now, said Samuel Adams, " Not only common danger, bondage and disgrace, but national truth and honor, conspire to make the colonists resolve to stand or fall together." On the flag floating over the popular assemblies which gathered everywhere was the legend " Union and Liberty." Wrote Ezra Stiles, " If oppres- sion proceeds despotism may force an annual congress; and a public spirit of enterprise may originate an American Magna Charta and a Bill of Rights, supported by such intrepid and persevering importunity as even sovereignty may hereafter judge it not wise to withstand. There will be a Runnymede in America." * A population of two and a half million colonists were in action, moving steadily forward, marching together toward an end which Providence had marked out for them. Plans for a Congress were well under way. Delegates were being selected and instructed, and the talk of Independence, Union and force was universal. The calm Washington said in the Virginia Convention, "I will raise one thousand men, subsist them and equip them at my own expense, and march myself at their head for the relief of Boston." f At ten o'clock, Sept. 5, 1774, delegates from twelve colonies (Georgia did not elect) met at Carpenters' Hall, Philadelphia, and began the Sessions of * Ilolemc's Life of Sliles. The time of the writing was July I, 1774. f August, 1774, Works John Adams, ii., 360. Lynch of South Carolina said to John Adams this was the most eloquent speech that ever was made. 138 CONGRESS AND UNION. the First Continental Congress.* They came well instructed and full of the work in hand, literally forced together by a common grievance. The spectacle was one calculated to im- press any beholder. Differing in religion, commercial interests, in everything dependent on climate and labor, in usages and manners, and swayed by prejudices, even quarreling about boundaries, the colonies found themselves in one representative body, and the exponent of a power that was to be felt throughout the civilized world.f CONGRESS AND UNION—" To petition for redress, to restore harmony between Great Britain and America." On this basis the Congress started, with Peyton Randolph as president. " Each colony should have one vote ; " this after animated de- bate. The Congress sat with closed doors. Word came that Gage was firing on Boston. This nerved the members. Gallo- way's Tory plan for governing the colonies as dependencies of Great Britain was rejected, and the vote showed that the Whigs had control of the Congress. A resolution of sympathy with, and approval of, the conduct of the Massachusetts people was * The colonial Congress of 1765 at New York was properly speaking a conven- tion. So of that at Albany in 1754. f The delegates were, in the order of their choosing by the colonies : Rhode Island, Stephen Hopkins, Samuel Ward. Massachusetts, Thomas Cashing, Samuel Adams, John Adams, Robert Treat Paine. Maryland, Matthew Tilghman, Thomas Johnson, Robert Goldsborough, William Paca, Samuel Chase. Connecticut, Eliphalet Dyer, Roger Sherman, Silas Deane. New Hampshire, John Sullivan, Nathaniel Folsom. Pennsylvania, Joseph Galloway, Samuel Rhoades, Thomas Mifflin, Charles Humphries, John Morton, George Ross, Edward Riddle. New Jersey, James Kinsey, William Livingstone, John Dehart, Stephen Crane, Richard Smith. Delaware, Crcsar Rodney, Thomas McKean, George Reed. South Carolina, Henry Middleton, John Rulledge, Thomas Lynch, Christopher Gadsden, Edward Rutledge. Virginia, Peyton Randolph, Richard Henry Lee, George Washington, Patrick Henry, Richard Bland, Benjamin Harrison, Edmund Pendleton. North Carolina, William Hooper, Joseph Hewes, Richard Caswell. New York, James Duane, John Jay, Philip Livingston, Isaac Low, William Floyd, Henry Wisner, John Alsop, John Herring, Simon Boerum. CONGRESS AND UNION. 139 passed and ordered to be sent to Gage. On October 14, 1774, the celebrated Bill of Rights was agreed upon. With the excep- tion of two articles it was adopted unanimously. It was passed with the hope that it would lead to a permanent colonial union, self-supporting, self-governing, yet a union unbroken in its con- nection with England. The next step was coercive. The Con- gress agreed to a great American association (October 20) to regulate commercial intercourse with Great Britain. It consisted of fourteen articles, and the covenant was in these words : " We do for ourselves and the inhabitants of the several colonies, whom we represent, firmly agree and associate under the sacred ties of virtue, honor and love of country." It looked to non- importation, non-exportation and non-consumption of English merchandise as a means of compelling the restoration of Amer- ican rights. It struck directly at the slave trade. It agreed on non-intercourse with any colony that violated the articles of the association, holding it as " unworthy the rights of freemen and as inimical to the liberties of their country." This compact for the preservation of American rights, this " league of the conti- nent which first expressed the sovereign will of a free nation in America," may be justly regarded as the commencement of the American Union.* Its members had no hope that their actions would prove acceptable to England. They therefore adjourned, privately advising one another to prepare for the worst and to be looking after sinews of war and methods of defence. Fixing the loth of May, 1775, as the time for a second Congress, it dis- solved on October 26, 1774. Its work was ratified in the entire twelve colonies with a heartiness and unanimity which showed * " The signature of the association by the members of the Congress may be considered as the commencement of the American Union." — Hildrct/i, iii., p. 46, "Among all the original associates in the memorable league of the continent in 1774, which first expressed the sovereign will of a free nation in America, he (Washington) was the only one remaining in the general government." — President John Adams, December 22, 1799. " It was an embodiment of the sentiment of Union and of the will of the people on the subject of their commercial relations — the first enactment, substantially, of a general law for America. For nearly two years the instrument was termed " The Association of the United Colonies." — Frothingham^ s RUs of the Republic, p. 374. ,-^.,.^^-. 140 CONGRESS AND UNION. how deeply the sentiment of union was laid and how all-pervad- ing it was. The States of Greece, after centuries of existence, never reached the dignity thus attained by the American col- onies, to wit, that of a federal council habitually directing and to be habitually obeyed. The Whigs saw in the union a sentiment crystallized into law and power. The Tories saw in it only an ebullition, a rope of sand. It was at least such a thing, said Richard Stockton, " as would repel force by force if the British government should attempt to execute its acts by force." The doings of the Congress were rejected by the king and parlia- ment, and force was agreed upon. SECOND CONGRESS. — Nearly the same members as com- posed the first Congress assembled in Independence Hall, May lo, 1775. All its acts looked to a closer colonial union. But up came the question of sovereignty. What is its source, what its limit? Whence does it come, where does it stop ? The answer would in- volve the real principle of government. The provincial assembly had been a great training school. It was, tacitly at least, agreed that the people were the source of sovereignty, that it was theirs to command, to institute organic law, to establish public authority, to compel obedience. On this foundation rose the American superstructure of permanent, federal government. It was not a shock to the architects, but in fitting the principle to practical union much difficulty would be experienced, many surrenders would have to be made, for, be it known, the colonies had as yet few elements of union in themselves. The impelling thing was a common danger. The vigor, power, beauty, advantage, pride of union were things to be unknown to them, or only guessed at, till the panoply of union had been over them for a little time. The second great question was defence. Boston was besieged. Washington was made commander-in-chief of all armies raised or to be raised for the defence of America by unanimous ballot on June 15, 1775. Thus began an American army. Franklin submitted a plan of confederation and perpetual union under the name of " United Colonies of North America."* Lord North * This plan was submitted July 21, 1775. It was not acted on at this session, but was largely incorporated in the Articles of Confederation. \:m'^ 142 CONGRESS AND UNION. had weakened a little and submitted a plan by which he thought peace might be brought about. It was submitted to Franklin, Jefferson, John Adams and Richard Henry Lee. Their report, repudiating it, was adopted by the Congress July 31. The col- onies deliberately chose the hazards of war rather than surrender their ancient right of self-government. North hoped to deal with them as separate units. They resolved to be dealt with only as a bundle of units — a nation. Postal communication was estab- lished from New Hampshire to Georgia ; two persons were ap- pointed to act as joint treasurers of the colonies ; other defensive measures followed. Then Congress adjourned (August i) till September 5. The nearer war came, the more they shrank from it, at least the more cautious they became. Tory sentiment was active. Every step taken must be a sure one. The adjourn- ment would give time to hear from the colonists, and especially to hear from the last memorial to the king. By the 1 3th of September the Congress was in full session again, with Georgia represented. From this time on the union was called " The Thirteen United Colonies." The king's reply to the memorial came back in the shape of a proclamation for suppressing rebel- lion and sedition, for, said he, " It would be better to totally abandon the colonies than to admit a single shadow of their doctrines." The wheels of Providence were now in swiftest motion. Lexington and Concord had been fought in April, Ticonderoga in May, Bunker Hill in June. South Carolina had been warned to resist all attempts to occupy Charleston, and Virginia encouraged to defy Lord Dunmore to the uttermost. A naval code was created (November 17), Every measure was now for offensive war, not defensive. The press took up the idea of independence. The thought of union, as a dependency of Britain, was gone. "A Grand Republic of the American United Colonies, which will, by the blessing of heaven, soon work out our salvation and perpetuate the liberties, increase the wealth, the power and the glory of this western world ; " this was the popular thought. Ten years had worked the idea of union into an actual " Continental Association." Would it take the idea of independence as long to work into actual independ- CO 144 THE DECLARATION. ence ? The Tories were numerous in the local assemblies, and active. They could retard action, if not prevent it. DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.— Tht Congress was proceeding in matters of peace and war as though " The United Colonies " were one political power. To the encourage- ment of powerful sentiment had been added the confidence of victory in armed conflict. New Hampshire, South Carolina and Virginia were recommended by Congress to form local govern- ments. This was a step which looked directly to independence. On New Year Day, 1776, Washington unfurled the " Flag of Thir- teen Stripes," as the flag of the United Colonies, and arrayed it as the symbol of national power against the far-famed banner of St. George. From this time till June the Congress was busy with questions of war and finance. Its acts were those of a de- termined and active revolutionary government. But it was all the while being petitioned to cut the chain which bound the col- onies to England, and which was hampering their individual and concerted action. It therefore recommended to all the colonies to form local governments, independent of charters, royal gov- ernors, and every English restriction. On June 7, 1776, Rich- ard Henry Lee moved for Independence, a Foreign Alliance, and a Confederation. John Adams seconded the motion. A com- mittee was formed on Independence, composed of Thomas Jef- ferson, John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, Roger Sherman, and Robert R. Livingston, and they were given till July to report. A committee of one from each colony was also formed on Articles of Confederation. By the last of June it could be said that op- position to Independence, in every colony except New York, had ceased ; at least twelve colonies had instructed their delegates in Congress to vote for a declaration. And these delegates were present in the Congress on July i, when it took up the resolution on Independence, or rather the report of the Committee on Inde- pendence. Four days of debate and amendment brought forth the Declaration of Independence as agreed upon by the delegates from twelve States (July 4, 1776) — New York delegates not vot- ing under her instructions. It was ordered to be authenticated by the signatures of John Hancock, President, and Charles THE DECLARATION. 145 Thomson, Secretary, sent out to the State assembhes, and read at the head of the army. On July 9, the convention of New York resolved to support it. By August 2, it was engrossed and ready for the signatures of the members.* The high honor of having been its author is due to Jefferson, for the changes made in his draft, though numerous, did not alter its tone nor general character. The equally high honor of having been its strongest champion in the Congress belongs to John Adams. Said Jefferson to Daniel Webster, " John Adams was our Colos- sus on the floor. He was not graceful, nor elegant, nor remark- ably fluent, but he came out occasionally with a power of thought and expression that moved us from our seats." f And now that " the greatest question has been decided which ever was debated in America, and a greater perhaps never was or will be decided among men," The United Colonies were decreed a political unit of the United States of America. The Declaration was proclaimed everywhere among the people as the inestimable title-deed of their liberties, and they received it with speech, salute, bon-fire and general rejoicing. It seemed as if a decree promulgated from heaven. See Declaration, page 151. WHAT IT DID. — Before the Declaration was submitted to a vote, a test resolution was laid before the Congress (July 2, 1776) as follows : " That these United Colonies are and of right ought to be free and independent States ; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain is and ought to be totally dissolved." Twelve colonies united in adopting it. This assured the passage of the Declaration. It was its preamble, as it were. Observe that in it the word " Colonies " is dropped, * There is much uncertainty about the signing of the Declaration. The engrossed copy, signed on August 2, still exists in the office of the Secretary of State. Jeffer- son has given the impression that it was generally signed on July 4, but this copy of it is not known to exist. John Adams wrote on the 9th of July, " As soon as an American seal is prepared I conjecture the Declaration will be superscribed by all the members." Now, a committee composed of Franklin, John Adams and Jeffer- son, was appointed by Congress to prepare a device for the Seal of " The United States of America," after the Declaration had passed, probably on the 5th of July. f Curtis^ Life of Webster, vol. i., 589. 10 146 THE DECLARATION. never to be taken up again, and the word " States " * substituted. So the Declaration was " The Declaration by the Representatives of the United States of America in Congress Assembled," and the conclusion is : " Therefore we the Representatives of the United States of America in Congress Assembled," etc. The steps toward national birth were the ripening of public sentiment into a conviction that a common country was necessary, a delegation of power by the colonics for that purpose, a preliminary resolu- tion declaring the colonies independent States, a declaration to that effect, a ratification of that declaration by the States Thus the United Colonies by their joint act passed into " The United States." The Declaration has been called the fundamental act of Union. t It was the embodiment of the public will as a source of authority, when it was the will of the people composing one nation. I It established Union as a fundamental law. The old law was the law of diversity. It transformed the sentiment of nationality into a fact — the new birth was that of a nation, a country. As colonies, each had a State of its own, and could have had, in one way or another. But only by creating a law high over all, only by ordaining and establishing something out of that supremacy which resided in all the people, could a union, a nation, a country, come. The Declaration announced to all nations that a new political sovereignty had arisen, whose work- ings internally were all right, whose external workings sought recognition. The colonist was true to his colony, yet he never hesitated in his allegiance to the king. He ever claimed and was ever proud of the rights of a British subject. Now he was equally true to his Colony (the State), but the * The title of "The United States of America" was formally assumed in the Articles of the Confederation, when they came to be adopted. But it was in use without formal enactment from the date and adoption of the Declaration of Inde- pendence. On the 9th of September, 1776, it was ordered that all continental com- missions and all other instruments, where the words " United Colonies " had been used, the style should be altered to the " United Slates.''— yoitrna/s, ii., 349. ■}• Wn'tins^s of Jl/adisoti, iii., 482. I "In our complex system of polity the public will, as a source of authority, may be the will of tiie people as composing one nation." — Madison's Wrilitti^s, iii., 479- 7 INDEPENDENCE HALL. 147 148 THE DECLARATION. allegiance which was to the king or to Great Britain was trans- ferred to the new political unit, the United States. For hundreds of years the contention had been for the doctrine of the equality of the human race. The Declaration clothed this abstract truth with vitalizing power. " We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal ; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights ; that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness ; that to secure these rights governments are instituted among men deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed ; that whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends it is the right of the people to alter or abolish it and institute new government, laying its foundation on such principles and organ- izing its powers in such form as shall to them seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness." This is the American theory expressed as Buckle says : " In words the memory of which can never die." To maintain it the battles of the revolution were fought, and to build on it a worthy superstructure of government and law was the work of the fathers of the constitution. NATURE OF THE CONGRESS.— T\\q Continental Con- gress, for by this name it got to be known, continued to be the National Government in fact, and conducted National affairs till the adoption of the Articles of Confederation, March, 1781, near the close of the Revolutionary war. There was no change in its construction, except that the delegates to it were appointed by the State legislatures, as soon as the States had organized State governments, which they made haste to do, under the recom- mendations of the Congress of 1776.* The powers of the Con- * New Jersey adopted a State Constitution July 2, 1776, which went into full operation, and tiie government thus formed lasted for sixty-eight years. Delaware adopted a Constitution and form of government (Sept. 20, 1776) wliich lasted for sixteen years. Maryland agreed on a Declaration of Rights, Nov. 3, 1776, and on the 8lh, upon a Constitution, which was not changed for seventy-five years. Pennsylvania framed a Constitution Sept. 28, 1776, which terminated its charter. But it was not generally received. Owing to division, the State officers were sup- ported in their authority by a Committee of Congress, till the amended Constitu- tion of 179a THE CONFEDERATION. 149 tinental Congress were nowhere defined or limited. They in- cluded power to declare war and make peace, to raise armies and equip navies, to form treaties and alliances with foreign nations, to contract debts, and do all other acts of a sovereign government which were essential to the safety of the United States. No Colony, or State, disputed the powers thus assumed and exercised. They originated from necessity and were only limited by events. Revolutionary though they were, the Con- gress in their exercise was supported by the people, and there was no other authority to question its acts. It was evident that when the dangers of war had passed, when the public liberties and independence of all the States had been assured, and when peace had dawned, these extraordinary powers of the Congress would have to give way to something more certain and better under- stood. And right here arose a momentous question. In relax- ing the control of Congress, there was danger that the Union which existed by reason of the Congress would be dissolved, and that the States would drift back into independent communities, without a central head, with no common system, with discordant local interests, with rivalries and jealousies as to boundaries, com- merce, manufactures, and institutions. Hard as had been the trial of the Revolution, here was something calculated to stir deeper apprehension, and tax more severely the genius of states- men. ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION.— As these Articles, finally adopted by all the States, March, 178 1, were the begin- ning of a government more specific than that of the Congress which had carried on the Revolution thus far, yet not so specific as that formed by the Constitution of 1787, they can be best ex- plained in connection with the latter. As the Congress led to North Carolina adopted a Constitution, Oct. 18, 1776, which lasted for si.xty-nine years. Georgia adopted a Constitution Feb. 5, 1777, lasting eight years. New York adopted a Constitution, April 20, 1777. Of the six States which adopted constitutions and forms of government before the Declaration of Independence, South Carolina amended hers in 1778, Virginia in 1829, Rhode Island and Connecticut did not displace their charters for many years, New Hampshire in 1784, Massachusetts in 1780 and 182 1. 150 THE CONFEDERATION. the Articles of Confederation, so the Articles of Confederation led to the Constitution. " States " got to be a definitive, well- understood term under the Articles. They were "Articles of Confederation and Perpetual Union between the States " (men- tioning them all). " The style of this Confederacy shall be The United States of America," Art. i. For this reason, also, we prefer to treat of the Articles in our next chapter, which con- cerns the finer pieces of our fabric — the States. But as the war came to an end under the government of the Articles of Con- federation, it must be understood that " The United States of America," which solemnized the peace of 1783, and accepted of the cessions of British territory, was the only power then existing which could do these National acts, and bind all the States by its authority. EVENTS OF THE REVOLUTION.— T\\Q first overt attempt of England to assert her right to tax her American colonies was met in the courts of Boston, in February, 1761, by James Otis, who appeared as Advocate-General for the Colonies. Notwith- standing this resistance, Parliament passed the odious Stamp Act of 1765, which drew resolutions of censure from most of the colonies. Sentiment against it took the bold form expressed in the speeches of Otis and Patrick Henry, which meant war. New York sent forth her " Declaration of Rights," October 7, 1765. On November i, 1765, the date the Stamp Act was to go into operation, English-America went into mourning, .business was suspended ; bells were tolled ; flags were hung at half-mast. The protest was sullen and awful. The universal resolve went forth to import no more English goods. This brought about a repeal of the Stamp Act, under the eloquence of Pitt and Burke. But they could not succeed in their effort at repeal except by coupling with it the equally odious " Declaratory Act," which as.serted England's right to bind her colonies as she pleased. The doors were therefore still open for oppression and intimi- dation. In June, 1 766, English troops were landcil in the col- onies, and the colonists were required to feed and shelter them under the penalties of the " Mutiny Act." In June, 1767, a tax was levied on imports to the colonies, commissioners of customs THE CONFEDERAtlON. 151 were appointed to act independently of them, and the decrees of their legislatures were annulled, where they refused to sustain the troops quartered in their midst. Before the close of the year 1768 every colonial assembly had resolved that the Imperial Parliament had no right to legislate for the colonies, and that the action of Massachusetts, which had taken the lead in opposition, must be upheld. TROOPS IN BOSTON.— In May, 1768, the British Com- missioners of Customs seized a sloop belonging to John Hancock, because of her refusal to pay the tax imposed on her cargo. Instantly the commissioners were set upon by a mob and driven into Castle William. At the call of the Royal Governor, General Gage entered Boston with 700 British troops. The insurrec- tionary leaders were ordered to be arrested and sent to England for trial. The citizens and troops soon came into collision, for the indignation of the colonists was fast breaking all bounds. Violent riots ensued, in which fell many of America's first mar- tyrs. The insurrectionary spirit took the form of a mob in Rhode Island, which burned a British vessel ; of the organized band known as " Regulators " in North Carolina. The arrival of several cargoes of tea in Boston, in December, 1773, led to the celebrated Faneuil Hall protest, and to the dumping of the cargoes in the harbor by angry colonists, disguised as Indians. This led to the closing of Boston Harbor by the Port Bill, to the subversion of the Massachusetts charter, and to other intimidat- ing and destructive measures. General Gage became Governor, and attempted to enforce the obnoxious measures with his army. CARPENTERS HALL.— In their strife to unite, a Congress of Colonies met in Carpenter's Hall, Philadelphia, September 5, 1774, agreed upon a " Declaration of Rights," and recommended non-intercourse with England. "Minute Men" were organized in New England, and made ready for armed resistance. General Gage began to fortify strategic positions about Boston. The colony of Massachusetts called a Provincial Congress, under the lead of John Hancock, and enacted measures looking to the raising of an army. 152 THE CONFEDERATION. LEXINGTON AND CONCORD.— By April, 1775, England had 3000 troops in Boston, On April 18, 800 of these were sent out to Concord, thirteen miles from Boston, to destroy the ammunition collected there by the colonists. The vigilance of Dr. Joseph Warren and the celebrated ride of Paul Revere pre- vented the surprise of the colonists, eighty of whom marched forward six miles to Lexington to meet the British. A collision took place, and the " Minute Men " were dispersed, with eight killed and many wounded. This was the first battle and first blood of the Revolutionary War. The British army pursued the " Minute Men " to Concord, where another collision took place, in which several more of their number were killed. After destroying the ammunition at Concord, the King's troops beat a retreat to Boston, enfiladed on every side by indignant colonists, who picked them off from behind trees and fences. On their arrival at Boston it was found they had lost 273 men, while the colonists had lost 103. Lexington and Concord set Colonial America aflame. By the close of April a patriot army of 20,000 men surrounded Gage in Boston, and before the summer of 1775 closed, the power of every royal governor, from Massachusetts to Georgia, was at an end. BUAU'CER'S HILL. — Hostilities were now on in earnest. In May, Col, Ethan Allen's New Hampshire Militia caj^tured Fort Ticonderoga ; and in the same month Col. Benedict Arnold's Connecticut Militia captured Crown Point. These captures gave the Americans forty pieces of artillery, secured control of Lake Champlain, and opened the way to Canada. In June, 1775, General Ward ordered Bunker's Hill to be fortified. By mistake Breed's Hill was fortified and held by 1500 Americans. Generals Howe and Pigot attacked them (June 17) with 3000 British troops. After suffering two disastrous repulses, they at length captured the Hill, driving the Americans to Prospect Hill. The British burned Charlcstown and fortified Bunker's Hill. The Americans lest 450 killed and wounded, and the British 1054. THE SECOND CONGRESS.— W\xg\n\^ forced Governor Dunmore from her soil. North Carolina passed the famous Mecklenburg declaration of independence. A Second Colonial 154 THE CONFEDERATION. Congress met in Philadelphia, May lo, 1775, voted to raise an army of 20,000 men, and elected George Washington, of Virginia, Commander-in-chief He took command of an army of 14,000 men on July 3, 1775, and besieged Boston, then occupied by the British forces under General Howe. INVASION OF CANADA.— Canada, was invaded by a small American army, led by General Montgomery, and St. Johns was captured, November 3, 1775. Col. Ethan Allen attacked Mon- treal, but was captured and sent to England. Montgomery followed up, and captured Montreal, November 13. He was joined by 750 Americans under Benedict Arnold, and the com- bined forces laid siege to Quebec. On December 31, 1775, they attempted an assault, but were repulsed with great loss, Montgomery being killed and Arnold wounded. By June of the following year the Americans were driv'en entirely out of Canada. Meanwhile, Governor Dunmore struck a blow at Hampton, Va., but was defeated by the Virginia militia. In revenge he burned Norfolk. He was finally driven away, and went to England. EVENTS OF 1776. — Washington forced the siege of Boston, and compelled Howe to evacuate the city, on March 17, 1776. He sailed to Nova Scotia with his army, and some 1500 Tory families. Part of Howe's fleet, under Sir Henry Clinton, threatened New York. Washington set General Charles Lee to defend the city, while he fortified the line of the Hudson river. Clinton did not attack New York, but sailed to capture Charleston, S. C. Lee was sent to defend it. He centred his troops at Fort Moultrie, which was attacked by land and water on June 28. The British were repulsed, and Clinton sailed away to join his forces with those of Howe, who, meanwhile, had now come to New York, and was threatening the city. On July 4 the Declaration of Independence was adopted by the Continental Con- gress, in session at Philadelphia. The British army had been augmented by 17,000 hired Hessian soldiers, and on Aug. 27th the bloody battle of Long Island was fought, the British being commanded by Generals Grant, Cornwallis, Clinton and De Hies- 156 THE CONFEDERATION. ter, and the Americans by General Putnam. The Americans were defeated, and forced to retreat to New York city ; New York could not be held against the British fleet and army combined, and Washington gave it up, retreating to the line of the Hudson, Sept. 15. The British pursued and forced an engagement at Harlem Plains, where the Americans gained a costly victory, and continued their retreat. Howe pursued, and on October 28 the battle of White Plains was fought. It proved disastrous to the Americans, and Washington was forced farther northward. Seeing that the British would now march to Philadelphia, where the Continental Congress was in session, Washington determined to protect it. He crossed his army over the Hudson into New Jersey, having lost Fort Washington, Nov. 16, and began the famous retreat across New Jersey. His army had been shattered to pieces, and numbered scarcely 3000 men. He was closely pursued by the British, under Cornwallis, but on Dec. 8th succeeded in reaching and crossing the ice-swollen Delaware into Pennsylvania. He was reinforced, secretly recrossed the Dela- ware on Christmas night, fought the battle of Trenton, and cap- tured 1000 Hessians. EVENTS OF 1777. — Success at Trenton inspired the Ameri- can army. Cornwallis was reinforced and surrounded Washing- ton, who escaped to Princeton, where he defeated the Britisli advance, Jan. 3, 1777. Washington then withdrew to a winter camp at Morristown, whence, by a system of guerrilla attacks, he drove the British out of New Jersey. In April, 1777, 2000 British, under Gov. Tr3^on, invaded and devastated Connecticut. They were met at Ridgefield, April 27, and defeated, by an American army led by Generals Wooster, Silliman and Arnold. Wooster was killed. During the year the two Frenchmen, Marquis de Lafayette and the Baron de Kalb, also the two Poles, Count Pulaski and Thaddeus Kosciuszko, arrived in America to join their fortunes with the struggling Americans. The skilful drill officer and Prussian, Baron de Steuben, arrived the next year. In June, Howe conveyed his fleet and army to the mouth of the Chesapeake Bay, and sailed to its head, where he disem- THE CONFEDERATION. 157 barked, intending to move eastward on Philadelphia. Wash- ington crossed into Pennsylvania, and met Howe at the Brandy- wine, Sept. II, where a bloody battle was fought, in which the Americans were defeated with a loss of 1200 men, the British loss being 800. Washington fell back toward Philadelphia. On Sept. 20 his right wing, composed of 1500 men, under General Wayne, was attacked at Paoli, and beaten. This was the " Massacre of Paoli." Seeing that it was useless to further defend Philadel- phia, Washington swung to northwest in the direction of Valley Forge. The Congress moved to Lancaster and then to York. Howe took possession of Philadelphia, Sept. 25. Washington aimed a blow at him, on October 4, when was fought the battle of Germantown, in .which the Americans were defeated with a loss of 1200 men. This ended the campaign for the year. Howe remained in Philadelphia with his army, while Washing- ton went into winter quarters, first at Whitemarsh, and after- wards at Valley Forge. Howe was soon reinforced by his fleet, which sailed up the Delaware, and, though worsted at Forts Mifflin and Mercer, succeeded in rendering them untenable. While the Americans were meeting these disasters in Pennsyl- vania, Burgoyne, with 10,000 British soldiers, invaded New York from Canada, captured Ticonderoga, and drove the Arneri- can army, under General Schuyler, back to the Mohawk river. The brilliant victories of the " Green Mountain Boys " under Stark, at Bennington, Aug. 16, and under Seth Warner, did not compensate for the larger misfortunes of the main army. The Mohawk Valley was invaded by Canadians, Tories and Indians, and Fort Schuyler was threatened. The battle of Oriskaney was lost to the Americans, when General Arnold came upon the scene with a relief party, and dispersed the besiegers of the fort. General Gates succeeded Schuyler, received large reinforce- ments, and confronted Burgoyne's army at Saratoga, where an indecisive battle was fought, Sept. 19, followed by another, far more sanguinary and decisive, on Oct. 7. This forced the sur- render of Burgoyne and his entire army of 6000 men, on Oct. 17. This victory filled the American heart with joy, and fell 158 THE CONFEDERATION. like a bombshell on England, Clinton was marching up the Hudson with a strong force to co-operate with Burgoyne, but when he heard of his surrender he beat a hasty retreat to New York. In November the American Congress passed the "Articles of Confederation," which remained the Colonial bond of union till superseded by the present Constitution in 1789. EVENTS OF 1788.— At this point the Americans formed an alliance with France, and the British asked for reconciliation with their rebellious colonies. The latter was refused except upon terms of absolute independence. Clinton succeeded Howe, as General of the British forces. A French fleet under Count D'Estaing was approaching the Delaware. Clinton evacuated Philadelphia, June 18, and fled across New Jersey toward New York. Washington pursued, with 12,000 men, and forced the indecisive battle of Monmouth, June 28. Clinton managed to reach New York, and Washington crossed the Hudson above the city and encamped at White Plains. As winter approached he recrossed and went into quarters at Middlebrook, on the Raritan. The French fleet, not now needed in the Delaware, sailed for Rhode Island to co-operate with the forces of General Sullivan. But it failed to furnish effectual assistance. During this year the Schoharie, Mohawk, and Cherry Valleys, in New York, and the Wyoming Valley, in Pennsylvania, became the scene of ter- rible massacres by combined forces of Canadians, Tories and Indians. In November Clinton sent 2000 troops under Campbell to invade Georgia. They entered Savannah, which they held till near the close of the war. EVENTS OF 1789. — The British forces were successful in several minor battles with the Georgia militia, notably that of Brier Creek, and they invaded South Carolina, under General Prevost, intending to capture Charleston. But they were forced to beat a retreat by the militia under Lincoln, and the severe but indecisive battle of Stono Ferry was fought. In April Governor Tryon made a destructive raid into Con- necticut with 1500 Hessians, and defeated the Americans under o > o w M H w 160 THE CONFEDERATION. Putnam, at Greenwich. But Putnam succeeded in forcing them to retreat, with the loss of most of their booty. In May a British squadron and land force ravaged the country around Norfolk, Va. On May 31 the battle of Stony Point, on the Hudson, was fought, and the place was captured by the British. In July Governor Tryon repeated his raid into Connecticut, burning East Haven, Fairfield and Norwalk. On July 16 General Wayne recaptured Stony Point with its garrison, and soon after General Lee captured Paulus Hook, now Jersey City, thus hemming the British in New York on the East and North. Meanwhile, the British army, composed of Indians, was meet- ing with reverses in the West, and had been forced out of Kas- kaskia and Vincennes. The Indians of New York were severely punished by an army under Sullivan for their massacres in the valleys of the Mohawk and the Wyoming. The French fleet went to Georgia to co-operate with the Americans under Lincoln. Savannah was besieged by sea and land, but the combined forces were repulsed September 23. Lincoln retreated toward Charleston, and Count D'Estaing sailed for the West Indies. On the same date the American Commo- dore, John Paul Jones, in the Boiihoinvic Richard, gained his celebrated naval victory off the coast of England by capturing the British man-of-war Scraps. EVENTS OF 1790. — On April 9 Clinton, with his army and fleet, laid siege to Charleston, held by the American forces under Lincoln. After a month of bombardment and manoeuvring Lincoln surrendered the city with his army of 6000 men and a great number of cannon. Leaving Cornwallis to hold the city, Clinton sailed back to New York. Cornwallis invaded South Carolina, but met with stout resistance at the hands of such lead- ers as Sumter, Marion, Pickens and Clarke. In August the American army under Gates entered South Carolina from the North. He fought the bloody battle of Sander's Creek with Cornwallis and Rawdon, August 16, and was badly beaten, losinfT 1000 men, among whom was the brave DeKalb. Two days afterwards Sumter's forces were defeated and broken up by 11 132 THE CONFEDERATION. Tarleton's British cavalry at Fishing Creek. Thus South Caro- hna passed virtually into the hands of the enemy, as Georgia had done. But as Cornwallis pushed northward to invade North Carolina the patriot spirit revived in South Carolina. The British were beaten with great loss at King's Mountain. Sumter, Marion, Clarke and Pickens, and others, were carrying on such activities as to alarm Cornwallis and cause him to return to South Carolina. In June the British army and fleet invaded New Jersey, but the landing force was defeated at Springfield by General Greene, and forced to withdraw. Near the close of the year a French fleet under Admiral de Ternay, bearing an army of 6000 men under Count de Rochambeau, landed at Newport, R. I. In Sep- tember General Benedict Arnold, in command at West Point, agreed to surrender that strong place to the British for $50,000 and a commission in their army. Major Andre, who negotiated the treason, was caught and hanged, and Arnold escaped to the British lines. EVENTS OF 1781. — On January i, 1781, Pennsylvania and New Jersey troops mutinied at Morristown, and marched toward Philadelphia to compel the Congress to vote them their pay. The Congress met them at Princeton, and having given them promises of favorable action, the mutineers returned to the ranks. In January, Arnold, the traitor, invaded Virginia with 1500 British and Tories, and ascended the James river. He was op- posed by Lafayette with 1200 Americans, but being reinforced by 2000 men he continued his marauding expedition, doing much damage at Richmond and throughout his course. The successes of the British in the South turned the tide of war there in 1781. General Greene was given command of the American forces. Part of his army, under Morgan, defeated Tarleton in the celebrated battle of the Cowpens, January 17. Morgan retreated toward Virginia with 500 prisoners, pursued by Cornwallis. Morgan was reinforced by Greene, and together they safely crossed the Dan into Virginia. The baffled Corn- wallis posted himself at Hillsborough, N. C. Greene returned to North Carolina and fought the bloody battle of Guilford Ig4 THE CONFEDERATION. Court House, in which he was worsted, but so crippled Corn- wallis that he retired to Wilmington. Greene advanced to Hob- kirk Hill, S. C, where he fought a winning battle with Rawdon's forces. Thus four important posts in South Carolina fell into the hands of the Americans. Greene now laid ineffectual siege to Fort Ninety-Six in Georgia, but the militia of the State under Marion, Pickens and others forced the surrender of Augusta, On September 8 Greene fought the disastrous battle of Eutaw Springs, but the British army retreated, and before the end of the year it only held Charleston and Savannah south of New York. On April 25 Cornwallis left Wilmington and invaded Virginia. His raid was disastrous far beyond Richmond, and till he met the Americans in full force, under Wayne, Lafayette and Steuben. He then retreated to Yorktown, which he fortified. In July, Washington, reinforced by Rochambeau's French forces, tried to drive the British out of New York, but failing in this, and seeing that Virginia was to be the final battle ground, he started thither with his main army. His departure was fol- lowed by a raid led by Benedict Arnold, into Connecticut, which was characterized by massacres and the burning of New Lon- don. Washington did not turn back, but appeared before York- town, September 28, with the combined American and French armies. Simultaneously, the Count de Grasse arrived from the West Indies with a powerful French fleet, and blockaded the York river. Washington laid siege to Yorktown, and pushed it so vigorously, that Cornwallis was forced to surrender the place and his entire force of 7000 men on October 19, 178 1. His shipping was surrendered to Count de Grasse. Three days afterwards Sir Henry Clinton appeared with a fleet and 7000 British troops in the Chesapeake to assist Cornwallis, but when he heard of his surrender he put back to New York. The French troops remained during the winter in Virginia, but Washington marched back to the Hudson. The English I^arliament was amazed at these defeats. Lord North and his cabinet were compelled to resign. The impossi- bility of conquering the American Colonies was manifest. A THE CONFEDERATION. 165 new ministry in favor of peace came into power. Hostilities were ordered off A Commission was created to treat with the Colonies. It met an American Commission in Paris, and agreed on a preliminary treaty, November 30, 1782. A definitive treaty was concluded September 3, 1783, and the two countries were at peace, with American Independence an established fact. On the same date, Sept. 3, 1783, treaties of peace were signed between England, France, Spain and Holland, in all of which the United States was acknowledged as a power among the nations of earth. The British evacuated Savannah, July ii, 1782, Charles- ton, Dec. 14, and New York, Nov. 25, 1783. On Nov. 3. 1783, the American army was disbanded. Washington resigned his commission Dec. 23, 1783, and retired to Mount Vernon. FURTHER BUILDING.— ThQ war of the American Revo- lution resulted in the treaty of Sept. 3, 1783, signed at Paris. By it Great Britain relinquished all her " claims to the government, proprietary and territorial rights " of the United States (naming the thirteen), and acknowledged them " to be free, sovereign and independent States." It further ceded all the territory south of the Great Lake line, northward (in general) of 31° N. lat, and westward to the Mississippi, to the United States. Those pre- tentious charters and grants from the Crown, which ran through from the Atlantic to the Pacific, had now for their western limit the " Father of Waters." The territory of the United States lay between the Atlantic and Mississippi. The right of Spain (for- merly France) to all beyond, was recognized. STATE OWNERSHIP.— Bui ihrovigh this territory, before it was ceded, ran the titles of the Colonies or States. Their claims became a source of trouble long before the date of the treaty. Thus Connecticut, whose charter possessions extended indefinitely to the west, had colonized in the Wyoming Valley, Pa., and was exercising a disputed jurisdiction as early as 1769; so also in the Northwest, in what became the " Western Reserve of Connecticut." Virginia and New York had clashed, for a similar reason, both their boundaries being limitless to the west. So New York and Massachusetts had had trouble, and several 166 THE CONFEDERATION. other States. This whole matter of State ownership and juris- diction westward came up in a conspicuous and dangerous form when the Articles of Confederation were before the States for ratification. Some of the States refused to ratify till the question of western lands was disposed of. Lord North made much of this delay, and pretended to see in this land subject a perpetual source of disagreement and a final refusal to establish a Union under the Articles. It was not a new subject, for the conserva- tive Dickinson, of Pennsylvania, had introduced it into the Con- gress and insisted upon its being settled satisfactorily before that body passed the Declaration of Independence. As to their own boundaries, there was no controv^ersy with Pennsylv^ania, Dela- ware, New Jersey, Maryland, New Hampshire, and Rhode Isl- and, but the remaining seven States were deeply concerned, for theirs were the charters running to the Mississippi or the Pacific. The former States took the ground that any unoccupied, unde- fined territory wrested from a common enemy by the blood and treasure of the thirteen United Colonies, ought to be considered as common property, subject to be parcelled out by Congress into free, convenient, and independent governments. On these grounds Maryland refused to ratify the Articles of Confederation until an Article was added, securing the Western domain for the common benefit. Virginia entered into furious defence of her magnificent territory, embracing Kentucky and parts of Ohio, Indiana and Illinois. There must be concession somewhere or no Articles of Confederation. The question must be put out of the way before a closer Union could be assured. To be sure, the land was not yet conquered from Great Britain, but should it be, it were well to have the matter settled. New York was the first to move. By resolution of P^eb. 19, 1780, she agreed to relin- quish her right to unoccupied territory for the common benefit. Congress, mindful of the importance of Union, and " to their very existence as a free, sovereign, and independent people," advised (Sept. 6, 1780) similar surrenders by the other States, and on Oct. 10 resolved that out of the lands thus ceded should be formed States with the same rights of sovereignty, freedom, and independence as those possessed by the original States. THE CONFEDERATION. IQ^ Through the influence of Madison, Virginia agreed to surrender her western domain, and so of the others. Thus the leading obstacle to the ratification of the Articles of Confederation was removed. When the land became theirs by the terms of the treaty of 1783, would these States keep their pledges? ADJUSTMENT. — New York was prompt to keep hers. Choosing the meridian of 79° 55' as the limit of westward occu- pancy, she formally ceded all her domain west of that to the United States for the common benefit, on March i, 1784. This was but a small patch of 316 square miles which afterwards went to Pennsylvania. Her cession was worthless without the consent ot Massachusetts, who claimed clear through. (See Massachusetts, below.) But New York still disputed with New Hampshire the prize of the territory which afterwards became Vermont. This prize, after much contention, and some blood- shed, she relinquished in 1790, and took her present limits and titles. Virginia followed New York March i, 1784. Her cession was of that part of the great Territory, afterwards known as the " Territory of the Northwest," * lying between 41° north latitude and the southern border of Kentucky. That part of her cession north of the Ohio, according to its terms, entered into and formed a part of the States of Ohio, Indiana and Illinois. The part south of the Ohio afterwards became Kentucky. Massachusetts curtailed her indefinite claims April 19, 1785, by relinquishing her right to the small bit of ground just west of the New York boundary, which was then, Jan. 3, 1792, given to Pennsylvania. She held her Maine possessions till 1820, * The " Territory of the Northwest " was organized under the ordinance of Con- tinental Congress of July 13, 1787, which ordinance is regarded as a model, both as to its text and display of the principles of civil, religious and political liberty. It is popularly ascribed to Jefferson, but was written by Nathan Dane, of Beverly, Mass. Article VI. of this ordinance reads : " There shall be neither slavery nor involun- tary servitude in said Territory otherwise than in punishment of crimes whereof the party shall have been duly convicted." This clause afterwards became noteworthy as showing wherein the Congress of the Confederation had exercised the right to ex- clude slavery from the Territories. Its language was copied in the Missouri Com- promise affair, 1819-20 ; in the Wilmot Proviso, 1846, and in the XIII. amendment to the constitution, 1865. 168 THE CONFEDERATION. when they were surrendered in order that Maine might become a State in the Union. In 1855 the district known as the " Bos- ton Corner" was ceded to New York, and in 1861, by ex- changes with Rhode Island, both these States got their present limits. Connecticut under her ostentatious claims to western do- mains had sent out strong colonies into Pennsylvania and the northwest. Her claim to Pennsylvania soil was a matter for judicial determination. In order to quiet titles in the northwest, she, Sept. 14, 1786, relinquished her claim to everything west of a line drawn due north and south, 120 miles west of the Penn- sylvania line. This left her a "reserve" 120 miles wide. On May 30, 1800, she yielded all territory and jurisdiction west of her present limits, reserving whatever right of soil she may have had as a protection to those who held title from her. South Carolina ceded her claim to a strip of territory only twelve miles wide, lying south of 35° north latitude, and extend- ing along the southern borders of North Carolina and Tennessee, to the Mississippi, on Aug. 9, 1787. North Carolina adjusted her western border, Feb. 25, 1790. by ceding the territory which afterwards became Tennessee. Georgia made a most important cession of the territory west of her present western boundary, June 16, 1802. These cessions of their lands, and surrenders of their claims to lands, by the original States, fulfilled their pledges to thus dis- pose of them for the common benefit, made before the Articles of Confederation were adopted, and in order that they might be adopted. They quieted the title of the United States to all the territory, outside of the limits of the States, ceded by Great Britain in 1783. They put this part of the fruits of the war at the disposal of all the people. The United States could now begin to enjoy the full fruitions of that treaty. The States would cease their clamors and jealousies about old charter boundaries, and the general government could go on with its great work of State building and the acquisition of new territory. The old States had done nobly in making these surrenders. They proved by them the depth of their interest in the new experiment of ACQUIRING OUR TERRITORY. 16& self-constituted federal government, and the extent of their de- sire not to let selfish love of acres and limitless boundaries stand in the way of permanent national union, peace and progress. As States they could not contribute further to the geographic framework of the nation, nor to matters of title. The govern- ment as a whole must now buy or conquer its ow^n rough stones and timbers. THE LOUISIANA PURCHASE.— And it went about the" work right speedily. The English cession of 1783 left intact the Spanish claim to Florida and Louisiana, east of the Missis- sippi, and beyond that river the United States owned nothing, the boundary being the middle of the stream. We have seen how France ceded her Louisiana to Spain in 1763, and what it meant. Foreign possession of the mouth of the Mississippi was not tolerable. Nor was similar possession of its western shores, an.d to its middle, any more tolerable. Both were an annoyance and a menace, as had been abundantly proved time and again, and as would continue to be proved, if not removed. In 1795 a treaty had been made with Spain which gave the United States commercial rights at New Orleans. In 1802 Spain gave notice that these rights had ceased. Alarm spread all along the line of the river. It was looked upon as a Spanish trick, instigated by France. But what was the consternation when it was discov- ered that two years before Spain had parted with Louisiana to France, though the distinctive act of cession had not yet taken place. Tlie treaty of cession had been a secret one, carried out in the interest of Napoleon. Though we doubt not it was a shrewd move on the part of France to further cripple England by first getting back possession of this immense domain and then turning an honest penny by selling to the United States, thus helping the creation of a great commercial rival to England on this continent, in accordance with the French theory of 1763, yet Jefferson, then President, chose to look upon it as an attempt of France to rival England directly. He therefore sent Monroe to the aid of Livingston, minister to France, first to protest that if France took possession the United States would be forced into an alliance with England against her, and, second, to sound 170 ACQUIRING OUR TERRITORY. France as to the probability of a purchase. Probably the latter was what France wanted. She was needy, was about to war with England, and was in no position to be hampered with such a possession. Driving the best bargain she could, going up in her price from $13,000,000 to $15,000,000, a sale was consum- mated by treaty of April 30, 1803, ratified by the Senate Oct. 20, 1803, and by a resolution of the House to carry it into effect.* Of the $15,000,000, to be paid, $3,750,000 were withheld to be disbursed, under the French Spoliation bill, to pay the losses Americans had suffered in their commerce at the hands of the French. By this magnificent purchase the United States got a gulf frontage east of the Mississippi extending from that river to Florida, though all this Spain disputed. Leaping the Missis- sippi the country shot clear to the Pacific, for the ceded territory embraced Louisiana, Arkansas, Missouri, Iowa, Nebraska, Oregon, Minnesota west of the Mississippi, part of Kansas, the Territories of Dakota, Montana, Idaho, Washington, the Indian country, and portions of Colorado and Wyoming,! an added empire of 900,000 1 square miles, or one larger than the entire area of the country before. SPAIN CEDES FLORIDA.— Ihe next cession of foreign soil was by Spain, Feb. 22, 18 19. This was a transaction almost wholly in the interest of Spain, judged by the extent of territory which passed. She claimed that her Florida ran to the Missis- sippi, also that she had never recognized France's claim to that part of Louisiana west of the Sabine River (Texas). The United * Owing to the opposition of the Federalists to this purchase, which they regarded unwarranted by the constitution and as lending to increase the preponderance of the South in national legislation, Jefferson called the Eighth Congress together earlier than usual for the express purpose of having it ratify the treaty of purchase and vindicate his procedure. He admitted that the constitution gave no power to pur- chase foreign territory and make it a part of the Union, but claimed that when once the deed was done, it could be validated by the nation's ratification. f For the French boundaries of their Louisiana, much wider than those here enumerated, see page 66. And this is important, for Texas was clearly in the Louisiana of France, as the United States acknowledged when Spain came to cede Florida. I Not counting what was afterwards confirmed by the Oregon treaty of 1846, amounting to 300,000 square miles. ACQUIRING OUR TERRITORY. 17-] States claimed that Louisiana ran eastward to the present boundary of Florida. To quiet everything, Spain ceded her Florida clear to the Mississippi, for the sum of $5,000,000, and the additional consideration that the United States should abandon all claim to that part of French Louisiana which lay west of the Sabine. Thus a territory equal to six Floridas, which had already been bought and paid for by the United States, was surrendered to Spain, and was soon to become a part of the Republic of Mexico. In twenty-six (1845) years it drifted back to the United States again, as we shall see when the cession of Texas is reached. THE OREGON TREATY.— Avj^y up in the Northwest the boundary of Louisiana could not be made to fit to that claimed by Great Britain for her possessions. The United States claimed 54° 40' N. lat. as the boundary. England claimed that it was the Columbia River. From 1827, the disputed territory had been held by both claimants. The Democratic party made it an issue in their platform of 1844 to claim to 54° 40', with or without war with England. The watchword all along the line was " 54° 40' or fight." In the Congress of 1845-46, Calhoun, to the great embarrassment of President Polk and the Democratic party, proposed 49° as a compromise lin^ After much party backing and filling, and long negotiation, a treaty was agreed upon, June 15, 1846, which was ratified by the Senate, the Whigs coming to the rescue of the President, saving him from his party friends and the country from war. The treaty fixed 49° N. lat. as the boundary, as originally proposed by Calhoun. This necessitated an immense cession of land — all between the southern limit claimed by Great Britain and the 49° — to the United States. It amounted to 308,052 square miles, and the cession was called "The Cession by the Oregon Treaty of 1846." Thus were cured the defects of the treaty of purchase of 1803, with France, and the Ashburton treaty of 1842, with Great Britain. ANNEXATION OF TEXAS.''— Texas had been a State of * As Texas came directly into the Union as a Stale, see further about her history in connection with the S/a^e of Texas, next article. 172 173 174 ACQUIRING OUR TERRITORY. the Republic of Mexico, but had seceded, had set up for herself an independent republic, and was, in 1845, ^^ war with Mexico, though an armistice was then pending, with a view to peace. It was deemed an opportune moment to secure her vast domain for the United States. Under the lead of Calhoun, a treaty of annexation, pure and simple, was proposed, but rejected. This was followed by another proposing her admission into the Union, which was coupled with one for negotiation and treaty. In this shape it passed, and Texas was admitted as a State Dec. 29, 1845. Her debt, amounting to ^7,500,000, was assumed by the United States. Besides incorporating her wonderful territory of 318,000 square miles, with our own, she relinquished all her claims, by virtue of her having been a member of the Mexican Republic, to the lands west of the 27th meridian, and now in the territory embraced by Colorado and New Mexico. Her status being that of war with Mexico, it was assumed by the United States. Thus the country was plunged into the Mexican war, which made the Texas experiment a very costly one in the end. By that war, however, other vast and valuable areas were ac- quired. MEXICAN CESS/ON.— The Mexican war (1846-48) which had been going on for two years was brought to a close by the treaty of Feb. 2, 1848. By its terms Mexico ceded all the territory now covered by the States of California and Nevada, also her claims to Texas, Utah, Arizona and New Mexico, and parts of Wyoming, Colorado and the Indian country, holding, however, to a part of New Mexico and Arizona south of the Gila River. The lower Rio Grande from its mouth to El Paso was taken for the boundary of Texas. The United States paid Mexico, for this land, $15,000,000, in five annual instalments, and in addition assumed the claims of American citizens against Mexico, to an amount not exceeding ;^3, 250,000. GADSDEN PURCHASE.— The lands, above mentioned, as reserved by Mexico south of the Gila river, were purchased by the United States, Dec. 30, 1853, for jg 10,000,000. The transac- tion became known as the " Gadsden Purchase." This purchase gave the United States a better southern boundary, and compact ACQUIRING OUR TERRITORY. 175 areas between the two oceans. "Westward the course of em^ pire " had taken its way, and the Pacific front took a range of 1,343 miles, as against the Atlantic's 2,163 niiles. ALASKA CESSION. — The last accession of national terri- tory was May 28, 1867, when Russia ceded all her territory in North America to the United States for the sum of ^7,200,000. This gave us Alaska, which is not coterminous territory, being cut off by intervening British possessions. The policy of this purchase was, at first, regarded as unwise. But time has changed sentiment respecting it. If the question were up as to the pro- priety of its sale at the price paid for it there would be a nega- tive response. It is, to say the least, a good pivotal and strategic point, barren as it may be of other importance. TERRITORIAL SUMMARY.— Wow look our national areas when thrown into figures ? Using estimates and round numbers the showing is as follows: Sq. miles. Sq. miles. Estimated Area 1783 820,680 Gadsden Purchase.. . 1853 30,000 Louisiana Purchase. .. .1803 899,579 Alaska Purchase. ... 1867 500,000 Florida Purchase 1819 66,900 Grand Total 3,466,166 Oregon Treaty Lands. .1846 308,052 ggt'd Lake & Water Surface 396,116 Texas Annexation 1846 318,000 g ., r862^82 Mexican Cession 1848 522,955 ^"l" "^"^^ 3.SQ2.282 Acres 2,471,860,480 To all these acres the United States has undisputed title. They are the acquisition of one hundred years of national sover- eignty, and are exceeded by the figures of only three other em, pires in the world — Great Britain with all her detached de- pendencies, the Chinese Empire and Russian Empire. And now, having seen whence our national titles sprang, having built our country territorially, and having studied the beginnings of our institutions amid colonial life, let us turn to that part of the fabric in which States comprise the artistic subdivisions and comprise the sublime whole. Note. — Roman Empire, in time of Augustus, estimated by Gibbon at 1,600,000 square miles. DAWN OF THE STATES. THE CONFEDERATION AND ITS DEFECTS. GOVERNMENT UNDER THE CONSTITUTION. ADMITTING THE STATES. ROM COLONY TO STATE.— Having taken a view of the country in the rough, seen its titles and begin- nings as they arose Hke dry land out of a multitude of waters, caught something of that free, republican spirit which ripened in the colonies and urged perpetually toward independence and union, and witnessed our majestic territorial strides from Atlantic to Pacific, buying where the market was open; conquering where it was closed, let us turn to finer parts of the national fabric. The resolution of the Continental Congress, passed May lo, 1776, suppressing royal authority in the colonies, made neces- sary the formation of local governments, capable of answering the ends of political society and of continuing without interrup- tion the protection of law over property, life and public order. These newly formed local governments, or these reformed col- onial governments, for fortunately the political situation in many of the colonies required but little departure from their previous local institutions, were the true beginnings of the States. They were spoken of as "States" in the Declaration of Independence, and they made a near approach to States as they now are, under the Articles of Confederation. But, though States of a Union, they were not our States of the Union. How were they trans- formed ? THE FIRST STEP. — As has been seen, the Continental Congress was the only government during the Revolution and up until the adoption of the Articles of Confederation in 1781, It was simply a revolutionary government, with power for any- 12 177 178 A FEDERAL CONSTITUTION. thing or nothing, just as its acts were sanctioned or condemned by the popular voice. It was the result of a Union on account of public danger and not of a Union as the result of a charter or constitution. When the danger had passed, the function of the Congress would cease, and the Union would melt into its original components. There was more danger in this than in the presence of an armed foe. Statesmen were bu.sy at work to prevent such a catastrophe. Before the Declaration Franklin had proposed a scheme of Confederation. The Continental Con- gress of 1775 (the Congress of the Declaration as it was called) had raised a committee in whose hands measures for a more permanent Union were placed. The newspapers teemed with plans for a permanent republican government. On the 12th of July, 1776, the committee of Congress reported Articles, drawn by John Dickinson, of Pennsylvania. They did not meet the approval of the Congress, but rather plunged it into debate over questions of commerce, public lands, taxation, and the relative positions of the larger and smaller States. For sixteen months the Articles were delayed. At last, November 15, 1777, an agreement was had, and a draft of Articles, as agreed upon by the Congress, was sent out to the States for ratification, together with a letter commending them as a plan " for securing the free- dom, sovereignty and independence of the United States," as the best that could be adapted to the circumstances of all, as " essen- tial to their very existence as a free people, " and without which they might" soon be constrained to bid adieu to independence, liberty and safety. " Nine of the States promptly ordered their delegates in Con- gress to rati'y the Articles, which was done July, 1778. But they were not to be binding unless ratified by all the States. Political languor seemed to have taken the place of that blaze of freedom which had hitherto burned so brightly in the inchoate States. The burdens of war pressed heavily. Congress issued an appeal to the remaining States " to conclude the glorious compact." Henry Laurens, the President of Congress, wrote despairingly to Washington : " Where is virtue, where is patriot- ism now^ when almost every man has turned his attention to A FEDERAL CONSTITUTION. 179 gain and pleasure, practising every artifice of Change-alley or Jonathan's ? " * The capture of Burgoyne, October 16, 1777, and word of a French alliance, February 6, 1778, served to stir enthusiasm again and revive the hope of Union under fully ratified Articles. A few other States gave their assent, but Maryland held out. She would not consent till the great question of public domain was disposed of, nor did she consent till the States to whom the valley of the Mississippi would have fallen by virtue of their charter limits patriotically agreed to surrender all lands which England might cede by any treaty of peace to the United States. All conquered, or to be conquered, lands thus made common property, Maryland ratified February 2, 178 1, and signed March I, 1 78 1. The revolutionary government by a Congress was at an end. The step taken made union firmer under the forms of the first American constitution. ^^'^ Articles of Confederation, p. 155. WHAT THE ARTICLES /?//). f— They renewed the * Jonathan's was a London coffee-house, the resort of speculators. Precisely why the English applied the term to Americans is not clear. But, as thus applied, it appears in a printed ballad on the expedition to Rhode Island, 1778, "Jonathan felt bold, sir." The British account of the burning of Fairfield, 1779, uses the word thus : " The troops faced about and drove Jonathan." In the form of " Brother Jonathan," the term hardly appeared till after peace had softened the asperities of war. f The great seal of the American Union was adopted June 20, 1782. It was the American Eagle, holding in his right talon an olive branch, in his left a bundle of thirteen arrows, in his beak a scroll inscribed with ".£' Phcribus Unnrii " (one composed of many), and over his head an azure field with thirteen stars. On the reverse was an unfinished pyramid with an eye, having over it "Annuit Coeptis" (a beginning permitted, or approved), at the base MDCCLXXVL, and underneath " Novus Ordo Seclorum " (a new order of ages). Previously, June 14, 1777, Congress voted "That the flag of the United States be thirteen stripes, alternately red and white; that the Union be thirteen stars, white, in a blue field, representing a new constellation. This flag continued till Ver- mont (1791) and Kentucky (1792) were admitted, when it was changed (Act of January 13, 1794) to fifteen stripes and fifteen stars. It became apparent that the increase of stripes, as new States were admitted, would throw the flag out of pro- portion. Therefore the following was passed, April 4, 1818: " That from and after the 4th of July next the flag of the United States be thirteen horizontal stripes, alternate red and white ; that the Union be twenty stars (the then number of States), white, in a blue field; that, on the admission of every new State, one star be added to the union of the flag, such addition to be made on the 4th of July next swccceding such admission," 180 A FEDERAL CONSTITUTION. pledge of the States to Union, or rather made pubHc and official record of such pledge. They made inter-state citizenship free. They created a Congress and defined its powers, but endowed it with no executive function. They gave the States something to conform to. They created a tribunal to settle disputes between the States. But the best thing they did was to confer a great educational service through their weaknesses and defects. WHAT THEY DID NOT DO.— In saying that the Ar- ticles soon proved themselves full of glaring defects, it must not be forgotten that the States, while colonies, had been subject to a foreign rule whose restrictions had been severely felt and whose assumptions had been a source of constant jealousy and alarm. They had, naturally, nourished a spirit of resistance to all author- ity outside of themselves, and, having no experience of the con- venience or necessity of a general government to care for their common interests, they deemed the least possible delegation of their power quite sufficient for national purposes. Therefore the Articles created a confederation which had few powers for peace. It could make treaties, but could not execute them ; appoint am- bassadors, but not pay their expenses ; borrow money, but not pay a dollar ; make coin, but not import an ounce of bullion ; declare war and order the number of troops, but not raise a single soldier; in short, declare anything and do nothing. It was truly a feeble thread on which to string thirteen States and hold them in bonds of union. Its unfitness as a frame of government for a free, enterprising and industrious people, so manifest at the start, grew more and more so, till it finally lost all vigor and re- spect and tottered to its fall. Should it be left to silent dissolu- tion, or should an attempt be made to form something more commanding and vigorous before the great interests of the Union were crushed and buried beneath its ruins? DA WN OF A CONS T/TC/T/ON.— Hamilton saw the de- fects of the Articles of Confederation and (1780) proposed a con- vention to reform them even before they were ratified by the States. Similar propositions were made by Pelatiah Webster in 1 78 1, the New York Legislature in 1782, Hamilton in Con- gress 1783, Richard Henry Lee in 1784, Governor Bowdoin in A FEDERAL CONSTITUTION. 181 1785. But it required more than cold propositions and dignified discussion to overcome the indifference of the States. It re- quired the flat refusal of New Jersey to comply with an act of Congress. It required the open offense of Massachusetts in raising troops to crush Shay's rebellion. It required the quarrel between Virginia and Maryland as to the right to navigate the waters of the Chesapeake and Potomac. This last brought a convention to Annapolis, September 11, 1786. Only five States were represented. They did nothing respecting the point in dis- pute ; they could do nothing. But Hamilton was there, and Madison, and Dickinson, and they saw but one way out of such difficulties — that was by creating a stronger central government and endowing it with ample powers on all such delicate subjects. Their report suggested a call of delegates from all the States to meet in Philadelphia, May (second Monday), 1787. A CONSTITUTION.— Congress adopted this report, Febru- ary 21, 1787, and ordered a Convention. All the States sent delegates except Rhode Island. On May 14, they met in Inde- pendence Hall, but a majority of the States not being represented they adjourned from day to day till the 25th. Then organiz- ing by the election of George Washington as President, they proceeded to business. It was a memorable body. The veterans of the revolution were there, and the wise statesmen of the times which gave birth to the Bill of Rights, the Declaration of Inde- pendence, and the Articles of the Confederation. They were there to remedy the defects of the past and propose a new de- parture for the future. Franklin was there, at eighty-one. John- son of Connecticut, Rutledge of South Carolina, and Dickinson, had been members of the Stamp Act Congress. Seven of them had been in the Congress of 1774. Eight of them had signed the Declaration of Independence. Their deliberations ran through four months, and they were carried on amid great diversity of opinion.* The antagonisms of American society, errors of * The sessions were held with closed doors, and the utmost secrecy was enjoined, no member being even allowed to copy from the Convention's Journal, which was entrusted to Washington, and by him deposited in the State Department. It was printed by direction of Congress in 181 8. |g2 A FEDERAL CONSTITUTION, opinion and deep-rooted prejudices, local interests, State jealousies and ambitions, and especially the matter of slavery, these all trooped into the convention to make it a scene of furious storms, and to threaten its disruption time and again. Even the calm and hopeful Washington said he almost despaired of seeing a favorable issue to the proceedings, and more than once repented of having had any agency in the business. But an era of com- promise was reached, and the work was completed on September I7» '^7^7- ^^^ ^he members present signed The Constitution of the United States of America, except Edmund Randolph and George Mason of Virginia, and Elbridge Gerry of Massachusetts. It was then sent to the States to be ratified by Conventions, specially called for the purpose, and was to become operative when so ratified by nine of the States. All the States called Conventions and ratified, except Rhode Island and North Carolina.* See Constitution, page i6i. NEW GOVERNMENT.— On July 2, 1788, the President of Congress laid before that body the ratification of the requisite nine States. By September 13, "a plan for putting the Con- stitution in operation " was completed. The first Wednesday in January was fixed for the appointment of electors ; the first Wednesday in February for their meeting to vote for a President ; and the first Wednesday in March as the time, and New York as the place, for commencing proceedings under the new Con- stitution. The necessary elections of Senators and Representa- tives having been held, the first Congress assembled at New York, Wednesday, March 4, 1789. to adjourn for want of a quorum till April 6, when the votes of the electors being counted it was found that George Washington had been unanimously elected President and John Adams Vice-President. On April * North Carolina afterwards in a new convention held November, 1789, adopted the Constitution, and Rhode Island by a convention held May, 1790. The debates in the respective State Conventions over the question of ratifying took the widest range and showed great diversity of sentiment. In only three States was the Con- stitution adopted unanimously, New Jersey, Delaware and Georgia. In Connecticut, Pennsylvania, Maryland and South Carolina it had large majorities. In Massa- chusetts, New York and Virginia it had a bare majority, and in the remaining States a small majority. A FEDERAL CONSTITUTION. 183 30, Washington was sworn into office, and our present form of government was a fact.* SENTIMENT. — In his inaugural Washington said, "In the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government, the tranquil deliberations and voluntary con- sent of so many distinct communities, from which the event has resulted, cannot be compared with the means by which most governments have been established, without some return of pious gratitude, along with an humble anticipation of the future bless- ings which the past seems to presage." " The strongest government on earth " and " the onl/ one where every man, at the call of the law, would fly to the stand- ard of the law, and would meet invasions of the public order as his own personal concern." — jfcfferson's Inaugural. " America has emerged from her struggle into tranquillity and freedom, into affluence and credit ; and the authors of her Con- stitution have constructed a great permanent experimental an- swer to the sophisms and declarations of the detractors of liberty." — Sir jfames Mackintosh. " To those great men who framed the Constitution and secured the adoption of it, we owe a debt of gratitude which can scarcely be repaid. It was not then, as it is now, looked upon, from the blessings which, under the guidance of Divine Providence, it has bestowed, with general favor and affection. On the contrary, many of those pure and disinterested patriots, who stood forth the firm advocates of its principles, did so at the expense of existing popularity. They felt that they had a higher duty to perform than to flatter the prejudices of the people, or subserve selfish, sectional or local interests. Many of them went to their graves without the soothing consolation that their services and sacrifices were appreciated. Scorning every attempt to rise to power and influence by the common arts of the demagogue, they were content to trust their characters and conduct to the deliberate judgment of posterity." — Storj on the Constitution. * Chancellor Livingston administered the oath of office. The President delivered his inaugural address in the presence of both Houses of Congress, a custom which was adhered to till Jefferson changed it. 184 A FEDERAL CONSTITUTION. " It animated freemen all over the world to resist oppression. It gave an example of a great people not only emancipating themselves, but governing themselves without even a monarch to control or an aristocracy to restrain them ; and it demonstrated for the first time in the history of the world, contrary to all the predictions of statesmen and the theories of speculative inquirers, that a great nation, when duly prepared for the task, is capable of self-government ; or in other words, that a purely republican form of government can be formed and maintained in a country of vast extent, peopled by millions of inhabitants." — Brougham' s Political Philosophy. " The republican government was a success because in its operation it met the needs of the two fundamental conditions of American political life, diversity and union, as correlative forces — on the one hand, the development of the Commonwealth or State ; on the other, of the union or nation." — Frothing] lam s Rise of the Republic. " It actually secured, for what is really a long period of time, a greater amount of combined peace and freedom than was ever before enjoyed by so large a portion of the earth's surface. There have been, and still are, vaster despotic empires ; but never before has so large an inhabited territory remained for more than seventy years in the enjoyment of internal freedom and of ex- emption from the scourge of internal war." — Freeman's Hist, of Federal Gov. Even as Freeman wrote (1861), the Republic was passing through its severest ordeal — that of civil war ; and the verdict rendered in this supreme court of armed force was in favor of the Constitution. All the above are wonderfully pleasing and in- spiring pictures of potency and adaptation, yet they were not undreamt of among the early patriot seers. " The celestial light of the gospel was directed here by the finger of God ; it will doubtless finally drive the long, long night of heathenish darkness from America. So arts and sciences will change the face of nature in their tour from hence over the Appa- lachian chain to the Western ocean ; and as they march through the vast desert, the residence of wild beasts will be broken up THE OLD STATES. 185 and their ob'scure howl cease forever. Instead of which, the stones and trees will dance together at the music of Orpheus, the rocks will disclose their hidden gems, and the inestimable treasures of gold and silver be broken up. Huge mountains of iron-ore are already discovered, and vast stores are reserved for future generations. This metal, more useful than gold and silver, will employ millions of hands, not only to form the mar- tial sword and peaceful share, alternately, but an infinity of utensils improved in the exercise of art and handicraft amongst men. Nature through all her works has stamped authority on this law, namely, that all fit matter shall be improved to its best purposes. Shall not, then, those vast quarries that teem with mechanic stone, those for structure be piled into great cities, and those for sculpture to perpetuate the honor of renowned heroes, even those who shall now save their country ? O ye unborn inhabitants of America ! should this page escape the destined conflagration at the year's end, and these alphabetical letters remain legible, when your eyes behold the sun after he has rolled the season round for two or three centuries more, you will know that in Anno Domini 1758, we dreamed of your times " * THE OLD THIRTEEN ^'TMr^^.-These States had first colonial existence, then independent revolutionary existence under the Congress, then united existence under the pledge of the Confederation, and now they come to have cemented exist- ence under the Constitution and constitutional form of govern- ment. Their membership in the Republic dates from their rati- fication of the Constitution by conventions chosen for the pur- pose. These dates are: Delaware, Dec. 7, 1787; Pennsylvania, Dec. 12, 1787; New Jersey, Dec. 18, 1787; Georgia, Jan. 2, 1788 J Connecticut, Jan. 9, 1788; Massachusetts, Feb. 6, 1788; Mary- land, April 28, 1788; South Carolina, May 23. 1788; New Hampshire, June 21, 1788 ; Virginia, June 25, 1788; New York, July 26, 1788; North Carolina, Nov. 21, 1789; Rhode Island, May 29, 1790. * Written by Nathaniel Ames, father of Fisher Ames, in Ames' Almanac for 1758, and one of the most remarkable prophecies relating to America. 186 EARLY TERRITORIES. THE EARLIEST TERRITORIES.— \V\\\\e yet the country was limping along under the Confederation, it entered upon the work of disposing of its lands acquired by the treaty of 1783. Its first action was by the celebrated ordinance of July 13, 1787, already alluded to, which created " The Territor)^ Northwest of the Ohio river " out of the Virginia cession up to 41°, and out of all north of that parallel, ceded by Great Britain. Out of this territory, according to the provisions of the ordinance, not less than three States were to be formed fronting on the Ohio river. Out of all that was left, lying north of an east and west line drawn through the southern extremity of Lake Michigan, one or two other States were to be formed. The provisions of this ordinance were afterwards carried out in the formation of Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, and so, of the remaining portion of the ter- ritory, were formed Michigan, Wisconsin, and that part of Min- nesota east of the Mississippi. The next disposition of public domain was made by the present government on May 26, 1790. It then erected the "Ter- ritory south of the Ohio river," out of cessions by Virginia and North Carolina, and gave it a government similar to that or- dained for the Territory northwest of the Ohio. Out of this Territory, in due time, sprang the States of Kentucky and Ten- nessee, though to the latter was added the strip of twelve miles wide, ceded by South Carolina. DISTRICT OF C(9Zt/J/^/^.— All this was simply pushing the jurisdiction of the government in a Territorial way. The real work of State carving and building, outside of original limits, was, however, soon to begin in earnest. But we must first notice that important grant which had the effect of fixing the location of the National Capital. Article i, Sec. 8, of the Constitution empowered Congress " to exercise exclusive legis- lation, in all cases whatsoever, over such district (not exceeding ten miles square) as may by cession of particular States, and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat of government of the United States." By act of her legislature, Dec. 23, 1788, Maryland made a cession of territory ten miles square for the above purpose. Nearly a year afterwards, Dec. 3, 1789, Vir- ADMISSION OF STATES. 187 ginia ceded a like, or less, quantity of land tor a similar purpose. Thus the government was in possession of more than it needed for a capital. However, it accepted both grants, July 16, 1790, and ordained that the same should become the permanent seat of government of the United States. In the same act the Presi- dent was authorized to fix the boundaries of the cessions so as to bring their limits within the constitutional provision of ten miles square. This he did by proclamation, March 30, 1791. The territory retained embraced sixty-four square miles of that part ceded by Maryland and thirty-six of that ceded by Virginia. Over this the government assumed control by Act of Feb. 27, 1 801. But it was cut in twain by the Potomac. Therefore, by act of July 9, 1846, the Virginia portion was retroceded to that State, leaving the District of Columbia and the permanent seat of government to occupy only the Maryland cession of about sixty-four square miles. VERMONT FIRST.— The introduction of new States makes a curious and instructive history. Some ripened as Territories and drifted naturally into their places as States of the Union. Others were forced into position ere they were ready, in obedi- ence to a balancing principle which, at an early day, was resorted to for the gratification of sectional feelings and interests. Still others were admitted for protective border or commercial rea- sons. But, let it be hoped, that all were admitted for their own advantage and that of the national government, and that now no one would wish to lose its place in the federal arch. The first to link her fortunes with the " old thirteen " was Vermont. She, above all others, had had an unfortunate terri- torial existence, and her admission was a happy escape from troubles which otherwise seemed unending. Claimed by Massa- chusetts under the wonderful Plymouth charter, by New Hamp- shire whose western limit was practically unascertained, by New York because "the New Netherlands," afterwards the possession of the Duke of York, ran indefinitely northeastward, and by France because it lay along a water way into the St. Lawrence, and peopled more or less by all these claimants, New Hamp- shire had been from the earliest times a common raiding-ground Igg ADMISSION OF STATES. and seat of contention. The fight between New York and Mew Hampshire waxed so bitter that a decision was invoked from the crown. New York won, and her Hne was adjudged to extend to the Connecticut river. The folly of New York in deciding the New Hampshire grants of lands in Vermont illegal stirred up the landholders to armed resistance. There is no telling how far the war would have been carried, for the Vermonters were very determined, had not the revolution turned attention in another direction. Even during the war with Great Britain the Vermonters, January, 1777, established for their territory an independent jurisdiction under the name of " New Connecticut or Vermont." Thus equipped they petitioned the Continental Con- gress for admission into the Union, a request which was entitled to respect, for Vermont was playing a brave and important role, and was really as much of an independent colony as any other. But she was headed off by New York and New Hampshire, neither of whom were yet ready to relinquish their hold upon her. To make matters worse Massachusetts revived her sleep- ing claim to the soil. The plight was pitiable. No redress was to be had of the indecisive government of the Confederation, for it was really no government at all. The farmers again flew to arms under the lead of the intrepid Ethan Allen, and were now more than ever determined to resist the attempt of New York to push her authority into their midst. The British, knowing the tardiness and negligence of the Congress of the Confederation, and hoping that the Vermonters would soon be driven to seek the protection of a stronger government, actually opened negotia- tions to have them cast their lot in with theirs. But these spirited Green Mountain men were not disloyal enough for that. They clung closely together, kept up a government of their own, fought bravely through the war of the revolution, and at the peace of 1783 constituted a State, so far as machinery went, as perfect as any of the original thirteen. After the adoption of the constitution of 1787, and the forma- tion of the new government under it, she again petitioned for admission. New York opposed her as before. But this time the power of the central government was stronger. It could hear ADMISSION OF STATES. 189 and decide, and was willing to do so. A commission was created to investigate and decide the conflict. New York was paid ^30,000 with which to quiet the titles of her citizens holding lands in Vermont. Thereupon she withdrew all claims to juris- diction, and by act of Feb. 18, 1791, to take effect March 4, 1 79 1, Vermont was admitted into the Union, with all the rights and privileges of a State. As intimated her independent State existence became necessary as a cure for the evils which had come upon her through conflicting claims of ownership and their foolish assertion, and not for any very pressing geographic or commercial reason. The United States now embraced four- teen States. KENTUCKY' S ADMISSION.— Y.^xv\MzVy very properly came into the Union at an early date. She had been a dissatis- fied and dangerous territory for a long time. Her region had been a hunting-ground and battle-field remote from her mother Virginia, whose protection was quite too feeble to be of any account. The wild, brave spirits who had found a home in the midst of " the dark and bloody grounds " had more than once declared that inasmuch as Virginia could give them no pro- tection, they ought to set up a government of their own. But they never completely severed their relations with the mother colony or State, for the reason that they regarded the govern- ment of the Confederation as of no more consequence to them, in the matter of protection, than Virginia. So they drifted amid years and years of conventions, debates and resolutions, on the propriety of doing something toward protective organization. At one time it looked as if the entire territory might be lost to the Union, and a war to recover it be the consequence. Spain, understanding the situation, secretly proposed rare commercial favors if the territory would declare independence and start out on a career of its own. Knowledge of this proposition stirred pub- lic sentiment to the very bottom. Two conventions * were held in quick succession, at Danville, looking toward a territorial govern- ment, and as a greater measure of safety toward admission into the Union. In these the debates ran high, and disputes were often * They were the sixth and seventh which had been held. 190 ADMISSION OF STATES. long and angry. At length out of the turmoil came a proposi- tion to recommend separate territorial existence. Congress acted promptly and erected " The Territory South of the Ohio River," including Kentucky and Tennessee, May 26, 1790. This action was followed Feb. 4, 1 791, to take effect June i, 1792, by another act admitting Kentucky into the Union as a State. Thus was used the old territory of Virginia south of the Ohio. TENNESSEE ABM/TTED.— Tennessee was that part of the national domain ceded by North Carolina, to which was added, on the south, the strip of twelve miles wide ceded by South Carolina. It was also all that was left of " the Territory South of the Ohio," after Kentucky was admitted. It too was a dangerous Territory, bordering as it did on partly foreign waters (the Mississippi), and subject to the same inducements to drift away from the Atlantic influence, as was Kentucky. Like Ken- tucky, also, the Tennessee region had early become the scene of white settlement and bloody Indian encounter. It too was " a dark and bloody ground " for many years, extending from, say 1754 to the close of the American revolution. Indeed, during the revolution Great Britain attempted to work in the rear of the American situation by arming the Cherokees and pushing them through the settlements of the Cumberland and on to the colonists of Virginia and the Carolinas. Only by the most heroic efforts of the Carolina and Virginia militia was the terri- tory held against Indian foe and English promise to the inhabi- tants of special favors if they too would take up arms against the Atlantic colonists. As long as the territory belonged to North Carolina it was known as the " District of Washington." After the peace of 1783, and the founding of Nashville, the people felt that the Mother Colony was no longer protective, yet like those of Ken- tucky, they had no faith in the government of the Confederation, and deemed it a feeble power to tie to. They were, therefore, at sea as to a proper allegiance, till after the adoption of the Con- stitution of 1787. Then, with a .stronger central government in view, one which could afford the much needed protection, and which was worthy of confidence and support, their political ADMISSION OF STATES. 191 future became plain. North Carolina relinquished all control in 1790, and in the same year Tennessee became a part of "The Territory South of the Ohio." Two years after the admission of Kentucky, the people formed a State Constitution and pre- sented it to Congress. It was approved June i, 1796, and Ten- nessee became a State of the American Union, her territory having been that of North Carolina and part of South Carolina. The admission of Kentucky and Tennessee was a commercial necessity. They gave to the Union a Mississippi frontage, headed off further Spanish scheming in the upper valley, and presented the hand of our dynasty in such a way as to be taken hold of in friendly commercial clasp across the " Father of Waters," or with iron grip for supremacy from Lake Itaska to the Delta. The stars on the American flag numbered sixteen. OHIO GETS READY.— Tnrnmg the century the govern- ment was busy with its " Territory Northwest of the Ohio." By act of May 7, 1800, to take effect July i, 1800, it was divided into two parts. This was getting ready for the State of Ohio, for one part was very like the present Ohio. The other part was incorporated into the " Territory of Indiana." And a word about this "Territory of Indiana." It of course comprised all that was left of " The Territory Northwest of the Ohio," after Ohio was taken away. But it had a greater fame before it. After France made her cession of Louisiana it was, by act of October I, 1804, erected into "The District of Louisiana," and placed under the jurisdiction of the officers appointed to govern the Territory of Indiana. Thus, for purposes of government, the Territory of Indiana was a vast empire, the largest by far ever organized by the government within its territory. Territorial Indiana reached to the Pacific and the gulf. The part cut off, and which was to become Ohio, embraced all of present Ohio up to a line drawn east and west through the southern point of Lake Michigan, and this was Ohio as ad- mitted into the Union by act of April 30, 1802, to take effect November 29, 1802. But the Ohio of to-day contains some 600 square miles more territory. Her northern boundary was adjusted by act of June 15, 1836, called the " Enabling act for the State of Michigan," and by act of June zi, 1836. 192 ADMISSION' Of STATES. France and England, both original claimants of Ohio, began to clash about, and on, the soil as early as 1750. It had been a stamping ground for French traders long before this. At that time Virginians and Englishmen, having obtained a grant of 600,000 acres, came as settlers and traders. Frequent collisions with the French ended in war. To drive out the French was the object of Braddock's disastrous march on Fort Du Quesne. Not until the loss of Canada and the Mississippi valley by France in 1763, did Ohio become undisputed English soil. On account of these rival claims and bloody disputes, permanent settlement was tardy in a land so inviting and so contiguous to the old States. Even after the organization of " The Territory of the Northwest," Ohio was by no means a pleasant place to go to, for the Indians were very tenacious of their titles to the land, and were kept in a state of ferment and opposition by the British on the north. The entire region was in a state of war from 1790 to 1794, when the Miamies were humiliated by General Wayne. After this migration and settlement were phenomenally rapid. LOUISIANA COMES.— The mention of Louisiana intro- duces us to a strange people. The Latin race was in the ascend- ant there and not the Saxon. It was the key to the mouth of the Mississippi, and was desirable to any nation with commercial ambitions. When Spain held it she was very jealous of it, and her ownership was a bar to free commerce through either gulf or Mississippi channels. She saw that her occupancy was a standing threat on the United States, and that the commercial drift of all the country east of the river, whose drainage was into it, must be toward her. Hence, her schemes of an empire which should embrace both sides of the river. Hence, also, those other schemes, of which Aaron Burr's was one, for a great southwestern country whose strong point should be control of the " Father of Waters " — at this date let it be charitably sup- posed, in favor of the United States. After the purchase of Louisiana from France in 1803, no time was lost in getting it under control. That part of the immense territory now in the State of Louisiana (nearly all) was erected ADxMISSION OF STATES. 193 into the "Territory of Orieans," by act of March 26, 1804. Claiborne, who was sent as governor, found our form of govern- ment unsuitable for a people who spoke little English and whose institutions rested on laws and customs foreign to our own. So by act of Congress (1805) they were given a government similar to that established for the Territory of Mississippi, which also contained a mixed Spanish and French population. Out of this act sprang a system of local laws, embracing many features of the Code Napoleon, to which the people were reconciled. All the rest of the Louisiana purchase went into the District of Louisiana, which, as we have seen, became a part of the Terri- tory of Indiana. Spain would not relinquish her right to the territory of Louisiana lying east of the Mississippi, claiming that her ces- sion to France did not cover it, and that she still owned it as a part of her Florida. Therefore, in 18 10, the United States seized the port of Baton Rouge, and adjudged the Spanish territory to be a part of Louisiana. An act of Congress passed Feb. 20, 181 1, enabled the Territory of Orieans to become a State. By act of April 8, 1 812, to take effect April 30, the same was admitted as a State, under the name of Louisiana. Thus finally ended what had for a long time been a quiet struggle between Spain and the United States for permanent sovereignty of a section which, had the result been otherwise, must have for a long time retarded our western growth. The admission was a matter of clear and decisive policy, in a commercial sense, however much it may have been objected to by certain parties at the time. It created a sovereign State right where the greatest inducement existed to protect it, and right where one of firm attachment to the Union was most needed. It projected the national authority to the gulf lines and set up an everlasting barrier to interference with internal commerce along ten thou- sand miles of water way. INDIANA ADMITTED.— ThQ vast Territory of Indiana, created in 1800 out of that northwest of the Ohio and extended indefinitely by adding, in 1804, the District of Louisiana, now gave a State to the Union and its name to that State. It was 13 194 ADMISSION OF STATES. carved out of the southeastern part of that Territory by the et\- abhng act of April 19, 1 8 16, and the resolution approving of its constitution and admitting it into the Union, as the State of In- diana, was passed Dec. 11, 18 16. The State was not without a remote territorial history. France had dotted it with trading and missionary posts, some of which, as Vincennes, became permanent settlements. After the loss of the French territory, in 1763, to England, Indiana, like Ohio, was not an inviting field for settlement. The Indians were tenacious of their lands. Their liking for the old French influence, and the ease with which the British stirred them up to resent pioneering, kept back our civilization. After the treaty of 1783, when the whole ter- ritory passed from Great Britain to the United States of the Confederation, the Indians became bitterly hostile. In 1788, one year after the framing of the constitution, an Indian war broke out, which involved the whole Northwest. It only ceased when their powerful and dangerous confederacy was broken by the victories of General Wayne. Even then the brave Shawnee leader Tecumseh would not submit but held on, a source of terror to every infant settlement, till his defeat by General Har- rison in the celebrated battle of Tippecanoe, Nov. 11, 1811. MISSISSIPPI ADMITTED.— IhQ twentieth State to enter the Union was Mississippi. It was carved out of the Territory of Mississippi, by act of March i, 1817, which was also the date of the enabling act. Her constitution and form of government having been submitted to Congress and approved, she was ad- mitted into the Union by joint resolution of Dec. 10, 18 17. Out of the balance of Mississippi Territory, the State of Alabama was created. ILLINOIS A STATE.— We must turn to the north for the next State of the Union. Not less than three States were to be formed out of the territory northwest of the Ohio. Two have ap- peared, Ohio and Indiana. The third takes shape as Illinois, It became the Territory of Illinois by act of March i, 1809, though it extended clear to the British possessions. By the enabling act of April 18, 1818, the present limits of the Stale were fixed, and by joint resolution of Dec. 3, 18 18, the State was ADMISSION OF STATES. 195 admitted into the Union. Though the twenty-first State, Illinois had a history extending back into the seventeenth century. Her towns of Kaskaskia, Cahokia and others were French settle- ments and distributing centres as early as 1673. But the French occupancy was a lonely one, and Illinois presents the historic spectacle of a Christian civilization gradually falling back and merging with that of its Indian surroundings. Like Ohio and Indiana, Illinois became deeply involved in the French and English wars for the possession of the Northwest, and like them it passed into British hands by the treaty of 1763, and into the possession of the United States by the treaty of 1783. ALABAMA ENTERS.— Now that we have had a Northern State there must be a Southern one. By this time it was regarded as the proper thing to create alternate free and slave States. Indeed, few States had hitherto been admitted without discussion of the question of slavery, and few were to be ad- mitted without similar discussion. The matter had been some- what bitterly mooted when the question of the Louisiana purchase was up, and likewise when Kentucky was a candi- date for admission. Well, the new State was to be Alabama, the remnant of Mississippi Territory. Two days after the State of Mississippi was cut out of this Territory, the Territory of Alabama was formed, March 3, 18 17. Two years afterwards an act enabling Alabama to become a State was passed, March 2, 1 8 19. By joint resolution of Dec. 14, 18 19, she was admitted as a State in the Union, the twenty-second on the list. MAINE APPEARS.— There was a race between the North and South for the next State, the twenty-third. Maine and Missouri were the competitors, with Maine in the lead. Lapse of time had fixed the claim of Massachusetts to the soil of Maine, and to the right to govern her. There were many of her people, however, who never acknowledged this claim, and various attempts were made, notably in 1785 and 1802, to effect a separation. At length, in 18 19, the Territorial legislature* ordered an election of delegates " to express the true will of the people." The convention thus created, operating with the con- * Not a Territory of the United States, but a Territory of Massachusetts. 196 ADMISSION OF STATES. sent of the Legislature of Massachusetts, adopted a constitution and separate form of government, which received the approba- tion of the people. Massachusetts made formal cession of all her claims to the Territory. By act of Congress, March 3, 1820, to take effect March 15, 1820, Maine was admitted into the Union as a State. MISSOURI ENTERS AMID STORM.— At least a year before Maine was admitted, a bill to enable the Territory of Mis- souri (a part of the Louisiana purchase) to become a State was introduced in Congress, In the House an amendment was offered, in the words of the ordinance (1787) for the government of the Territory Northwest of the Ohio, " prohibiting slavery or involuntary servitude in Missouri, except as a punishment for crime." Though the Republicans (Democrats) were in an over- whelming majority in both branches, party lines were dropped in the House, and the amendment was carried, but was rejected in the Senate.* This brought the slavery question into a shape it had never assumed before. It came suddenly. Ex-President Jefferson said, " it startled him like a fire-bell in the night." It came, as a question, from the house of its supposed friends. Before this the Ohio River had been a convenient line upon which to determine these questions of slave and free State admissions. But there was no Ohio beyond the Mississippi. Hence a new line became necessary, or rather no line, for the best anti-slavery minds con- tended that slavery in the Territories was a question absolutely within the purview of Congress. It was not a question of parties. The Federal party was practically dead, and the Re- publican (Democratic) party held the entire political line north and south. It therefore became a question of sections, and bit- terly the battle was fought over Missouri. The next year (1820; the defeated Missouri bill came up again in the House, as did * This astounding measure and vote in the Mouse, together with the popularity of Clay's plans for American Protection and Internal Improvement, showed that there was then the nucleus of a new party within the Republican ranks, which wa» soon (1825) to assume shape as the National Republican, afterwards the Whi| party. ADMISSION OF STATES. I97 the bill to admit Maine. Both passed, and both prohibited slavery. The Senate passed the Maine bill, and united it with a bill for Missouri, permitting slavery.* This was done to throw the responsibility of rejection on the House, a responsibility which the House did not hesitate to assume, for it speedily de- feated the Senate bill. Henry Clay then came forward with the celebrated compromise measure, known as " The Missouri Com- promise of 1820," by which both sections agreed to pass the respective bills, one admitting Maine as a free State, the other admitting Missouri as a slave State, and forever prohibiting slavery in all territory north of the line of 36° 30'. This memorable controversy ended, the Missouri enabling act was passed March 6, 1820. By joint resolution of March 2, 1 82 1, the admission of the State was further provided for, and by proclamation of August 10, the State was declared to be a member of the Union. It had a population in excess of the 60,000 then required to enable a Territory to become a State, and its chief town, St. Louis, with a population of 5,000, was the commercial emporium of the upper Mississippi. Missouri was the first State formed wholly out of the territory west of the Mississippi. Though but a small part of that land of Louisiana which stretched away to the Pacific and up to the British line, it was felt that whatever policy, as to slavery, prevailed in her ad- mission would be likely to prevail in all the States carved out of the same lands. This was why the fight over her admission was so bitter, and why it was deemed proper, then and there, to fix the policy which should control the admission of future trans- Mississippi States, by the compromise line of 36° 30', By act of June 7, 1836, the northwest boundary of the State was ex- tended to the Missouri River, the triangular piece thus added containing about 3,168 square miles. ARKANSAS ADMITTED. —There was a period of rest from the work of State building, which lasted for sixteen years, dur- ing which time the outlying territories were ripening. The * The Senate only partially divided into sections. Enough Northern Senators voted with those from the South, to defeat the action of the House. 198 ADMISSION OF STATES. " Territory of Arkansaw " * had been carved out of the Territory of Missouri, by act of March 19, 1819. It had limits coincident with those of the present State. By act of June 15, 1836, the same was admitted as the State of Arkansas. It had not a full quota of inhabitants when admitted, and but little previous history except what belonged to the period of French and Spanish occupancy. The French claimed Arkansas Post as among the oldest settlements of the country. MICHIGAN A CANDIDATE.— hn important State was now ready in the Northwest. The Territory of Michigan had been formed as early as June 30, 1805, from the Territory of In- diana. It then included but little more than the Michigan penin- sula, between Lakes Huron and Erie and Lake Michigan. On June 28, 1834, the Territory of Michigan was made to extend to the Missouri and White Earth Rivers. Out of this large area was carved the present State of Michigan, by the enabling act of June 15, 1836. Her constitution and form of government having met with the approval of Congress, she was admitted as a State by act of Jan. 26, 1837. The trail of the French trader and missionary is plainer in Michigan than in any other State of the Northwest. Detroit was a French town as early as 1701. River, lake, bay, and town bear frequent witness to the French occupancy. It cannot be said that the American influence was felt in Michigan before 1796. During the war of 18 12, Detroit was held by the British, and became the starting-point of those Anglo-Indian campaigns which wrapped the Northwest in gloom and drenched it with blood. At the time of her admission, Michigan had far more than her quota of population, and nearly four times as many as Arkansas, admitted the year before. FLORIDA A MEMBER.— \t was now the turn of the " Flowery realm." Though thinly populated, and with but little more than half a quota, it was deemed politic to make Florida the twenty-seventh State. The " East Florida," which Spain ceded Feb. 22, 18 19, was erected into the Territory of Florida March 30, 1822. By act of March 3, 1845, it was admitted as a * The Territory was that of Arka>isa7c\ which spelling has recently been decided by the State authorities to control the pronunciation of Arkansas. ADMISSION OF STATES. 199 State. It had had a long and eventful history both as a Spanish and English possession. From its climate, situation, and prom- ises, it was always a coveted country, yet ever an expensive one to take and hold. lOlVA ADMITTED.— The day that gave birth to Florida saw also a new State in the Northwest. Iowa Territory had been cut out of Wisconsin Territory, June 12, 1838. This Territory was not identical with the present State of Iowa, but embraced all north of Missouri and between the Missouri and Mississippi Rivers. Out of this was carved a State of Iowa, which was ad- mitted into the Union March 3, 1845. But the boundaries were not satisfactory. By act of Aug. 4, 1846, the northern boundary was lowered from the parallel running through the mouth of the Mankato or Blue Earth River to where it now is, and the western boundary was pushed from meridian of 17° 30' to where it now is. After this adjustment of boundaries the State was readmitted Dec. 28, 1846. As part of the French domain, Iowa had a history as early as 1686, when Dubuque was a fort and trading- post. TEXAS ANNEXATION.— The twenty-ninth State, Texas, was the most imposing piece of territory that had, as yet, applied for admission into the Union. It was not carved out of our own territory as other States had been, nor was it prepared for mem- bership by any process of ripening under a Territorial govern- ment. A member of the Mexican Republic, it had seceded and set up for itself Its admission into the American Union would be a surrender of its independence to again try the experiment of membership in a Republic to which it had all along been for- eign.* Discussion of the question of Texas Annexation occu- pied most of the time of the second session of the Thirty-eighth Congress, 1844-45. ^ proposition to prohibit slavery within its borders was voted down.f With full knowledge of the fact that * Quite a number of Saxon settlers had drifted into Texas who had done much to foster the spirit of annexation. f Mexico had abolished slavery twenty years before, and therefore by the law of the Mexican Republic Texas was free territory. But Texas, when independent had re-established slavery. 200 ADMISSION OF STATES. its status was one of war with Mexico, and that annexation would be an assumption of that status, the Congress voted for it. The joint resolution of annexation prohibited slavery in any State formed of Texas territory north of 36° 30', but left the question to the people of the States to be formed of said terri- tory south of that line. We have already seen the steps by which her territory passed to the United States and the conse- quences.* The date of her admission was Dec. 29, 1845. WISCONSIN ADMITTED.— ThQ thirtieth State was Wis- consin. The Territory of Wisconsin was erected by act of April 20, 1836. It was cut out of the Territory of Michigan, and that part east of the Mississippi had previously been in the Territories of Illinois, Indiana and the northwest of the Ohio. The Terri- tory of Wisconsin embraced the States of Wisconsin, Iowa and part of Minnesota. The Territory of Iowa was severed by act of June 12, 1838. By the enabling act of August 6, 1846, Wiscon- sin took its present shape, and by act of May 29, 1848, was ad- mitted as a State. Like the rest of the northwest territory Wisconsin shows in its names of places the trail of its early French occupants and owners. CALIFORNIA COMBS.— The Mexican war ended by the peace of February 2, 1848, called the treaty of Guadaloupe- Hidalgo. This brought that immense cession of territory men- tioned on page no, and out of which the Territory of California was organized. This cession threw the country into another ferment over the slavery question. By the laws of Mexico all this territory was free. But the proslavery wing of the Demo- cratic party joined issue with the friends of the Wilmot Proviso and forced another compromise (that of 1850), which, so far as California was concerned, had the effect of making her a free State.f She applied for admission Feb. 13, 1850, and was ad- mitted Sept. 9, 1850. The discovery of gold in her soil, the rapid population of the State by the adventurous and not too peaceful " forty-niners," and various apparent commercial rea- sons, not to say a pardonable national pride, made a State on * See an/^, p. 107 and page 388, /o^A ■|- For fuller details of this compromise see page 401. ADMISSION OF STATES. ~ 201 the Pacific coast most desirable. The arch of the Union now spanned the continent. From 1787 to 1850 had been just sixty- three years. MINNESOTA ADMITTED.— Wmnesoiz. Territory had been formed March 3, 1849, out of the parts of Territories of Iowa and Wisconsin not included in those two States. Out of this Territory was carved the present State of Minnesota by the enabling act of Feb. 26, 1857. On May 11, 1858, the State of Minnesota was admitted into the Union. The balance of Minne- sota Territory went to Territory of Dakota. OREGON HEARD FROM.— The Pacific Coast presents another candidate. The immense Territory of Oregon was created out of all the northwestern portion of the Louisiana purchase, on Aug. 14, 1848. It extended from the fortieth parallel to the British possessions, and from the Pacific to the Rocky Mountains, with an area of nearly 300,000 square miles. Out of this domain was carved the State of Oregon, which by act of Feb. 14, 1859, was admitted into the Union. The rest of her Territory became the Territory of Washington. KANSAS, AND TROUBLE.— The thirty-fourth State, Kan- sas, had a stormy birth. The throes she engendered shook the Union to its very centre. The celebrated Kansas-Nebraska bill was introduced into the House Jan. 23, 1854. It was designed to establish the fact that the compromise of 1820 had been re- pealed by that of 1850, and further to establish the principle that slavery, north or south of 36° 30', was a matter for the people of each Territory to decide for themselves. The bill passed in March, 1854, and both North and South encouraged colonization within the limits of Kansas, which the bill created into a Terri- tory immediately west of Missouri and between T)y° and 40°, as well as Nebraska, lying north of Kansas and between 40® and 43°. Under the circumstances the condition of Kansas was that of constant petty war. It became a " bleeding Kansas " indeed, and as to bloodless party passion the rest of the country was no better off.* For seven years this warfare went on, and only ended * For fuller details of Kansas-Nebraska question see Administrations and Con- gresses, pages 413 and 429. 202 ADMISSION OF STATES. after the work of seceding from the Union began. Then the government which had been set up under the Lecompton con- stitution was repudiated, and that formed under the Wyandot Free State Constitution was adopted by a RepubHcan Congress Jan. 29, 1 86 1, and Kansas became a State in the Union. The Territory of Kansas formed under the bill of Jan. 23, 1854, adopted May 30, 1854, had for its western boundary the Rocky Mountains, which were the eastern boundary of Utah. The act which admitted her as a State fixed the 25th meridian as her western boundary. All the rest of the Territory of Kansas went to the Territory of Colorado. WEST VIRGINIA CREATED.— The destructive work of secession introduced a new feature in State building. Virginia seceded from the Union and cast her lot with the Southern Con- federacy, April 17, 1861. Some thirty-nine of the western coun- ties refused to be bound by her action. Representatives from these met at Wheeling to protest against secession. A second convention met in August which framed a separate State con- stitution and form of government. This was submitted to the people in May, 1862, and ratified. It was then submitted to Congress, and after some slight amendments was accepted. The President was authorized to proclaim that it should take effect June 19, 1863, on which date West Virginia became a State in the Union. In 1872 the counties of Jefferson and Berkley, parts of Old Virginia, were added to West Virginia, the thirty-fifth State. NEVADA ADMITTED.— l<^evada. Territory was erected March 2, 1861, out of a strip from California, and that part of Utah Territory lying west of 38th meridian, though California has not yet made formal cession of the portion taken from her. The enabling act for the Territory was passed March 21, 1864, and on October 31, 1864, Nevada was admitted as a State. Her boundaries were much enlarged by act of May 5, 1866, which added some 18,326 square miles from Utah, and 12,225 square miles from Arizona, Territories, NEBRASKA ACCEPTED.— The original Territory of Ne- braska was erected May 30, 1854, out of that part of the public ADMISSION OF STATES. 203 domain lying between Minnesota and the Rocky Mountains and between 40° N. lat., and the British possessions. But as part of this Territory shared with Kansas the vicissitudes of the slavery excitement, the paring process, which ran through half a dozen acts of Congress, did not end till April 19, 1864, when an enabling act was passed for the present limits of Nebraska. On February 9, 1867, she was admitted as a State, the act to take effect March i, 1867. THE CENTENNIAL STATE.— The Territory of Colorado was created by act of February 28, 1861. It was one of a set then erected,* about which no mention of slavery was made in obedience to the terms of the Dred Scott decision. But there was then no need of such mention, for the South had given up its efforts to populate the debatable Territories and vote therein for slavery, and had entered upon secession as a remedy for evils it deemed otherwise incurable. Owing to mining, Colorado had a fluctuating population for many years. A State Constitution was framed in convention 1875-76, and accepted by the people July i, 1876. The date of final admission was August I, 1876. TEARING DOWN.—T\\e sentiment of the country respect- ing slavery had grown more divergent ever since the adoption of the Constitution. It was not at first sectional, but as time passed it took that shape. Then it got to be political as well. The Kansas affair (see Kansas), the division of the Democratic party in its convention of i860, the evidence of a solidified and overwhelming anti-slavery sentiment supplied by the election of Mr. Lincoln, determined the slave States to no longer fight a losing battle for the maintenance and spread of their institution in the Union, but to secede and set up a central government of their own. Not doubting the wisdom of the step nor their ability to maintain it against the armed remonstrance they knew it was sure to provoke, they began the work of dismemberment in i860. The war which followed, and its results, must be the historic test of both the wisdom and strength of their undertaking, as well as of the ability' of the Union to maintain itself against this kind * Including Nevada and Dakota. 204 SECESSION AND RE-ADMISSION. of attack, and to adapt itself to the prevalent vital thought of each succeeding age. The first open and direct step of dismemberment was taken by South Carolina in a convention called for the purpose. It was an ordinance of secession entitled "An Ordinance to dissolve the Union between the State of South Carolina and other States united with her in the compact entitled the Constitution of the United States of America," and was to take effect Dec. 20, i860. Before the end of January, 1861, similar ordinances had been passed by Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana and Texas. Delegates from these States met at Montgomery, Alabama, in February, 1 861, and formed a government called the " Confederate States of America," whose constitution closely resembled that which they had repudiated, save that it recognized slavery and prohibited protective tariffs. This Confederacy attracted other slave-holding States to it, to wit, Virginia, Tennessee, Arkansas and North Carolina. Thus eleven States were lost to the American Union and were in open war with it. It was the hardest and most direct blow ever administered to the Republic, because it came not from strangers but friends, not from without but within. The shock was fearful. For four years the grand monument of the fathers trembled to its base. For four years Republican institutions existed amid cloud and darkness, doubt- ful of clearing sky or auspicious sunrise. Those years ended, the result was failure of the Confederacy to maintain itself, the loss of slavery to its States, surrender of the attempt to wrench by force what reason could not win. REBUILDING. — This was a delicate and somewhat tedious task. There was no standard by which to determine the relation of these seceded States to the National Union, now that they had failed to validate by force their ordinances of separation. But the Supreme Court furnished one in 1869, in the case of Texas vs. White. It was held that " the ordinances of secession were absolutely null," that the seceding States had no right to secede, had never been out of the Union, could not get out ex- cept through successful rebellion. That the utmost they had *lone was to put off their old State governments, and take on SECESSION AND RE-ADMISSION. 205 others which fitted them for membership in their Confederacy, but unfitted them for the place a State must hold in the Union, under the amended Constitution. That, therefore, the Congress had the right to re-estabhsh the relation of these seceded States to the Union. The terms fixed were the establishment of State Constitutions and forms of government in accord with the amended National Constitution, and full ratification of its provisions. Waiving the above questions, Tennessee had sought and secured readmission, July 24, 1866; Arkansas, June 22, 1868; North Carolina, South Carolina, Louisiana, Georgia and Florida under act of June 25, 1868, but with the proviso that they must further subscribe to the act of 1867 regarding free citizenship. All did this promptly except Georgia. Virginia was readmitted Jan. 25, 1870; Mississippi, Feb. 23, 1870; Texas, March 30, 1870. Georgia held out for the right to exclude negroes from office, but finally opened her offices to all citizens, and was readmitted July 15, 1870. The Union was restored to its full strength and majesty — let it be said to a fuller strength and majesty than before. NORTH DAKOTA.— Dakota, was erected into a Territory out of the Territory of Nebraska by Act of March 2, 1861. It contained 310,867 sq. miles, but by losing Idaho, by Act of July 25, 1868, its area was reduced to 147,700 sq. miles. This splendid territory became ripe for statehood by 1880, but every attempt to admit it was met by partisan opposition, till the second session of the 50th Congress (Feb. 22, 1889), when a bill became a law admitting North and South Dakota, Montana and Wash- ington as States. The official date of the admission of North Dakota was Nov. 2, 1889, the date of the President's proclama- tion. The area of the State is 71,190 sq. miles, and the popula- tion in 1890 was 182,719. SOUTH DAKOTA.— South Dakota was, by Act of Feb. 22, 1889, declared entitled to admission into the Union as a State, and was admitted Nov, 2, 1889, with an area of 79,742 sq. miles, being the balance of the Territory of Dakota, and a population in 1890 of 328,808. MONTANA. — Montana was erected into a Territory from 206 THE NEW STATES. Northern Idaho, by Act of May 26, 1864. Her entire area, then 145,310 sq. miles, was part of the Louisiana Purchase. She was declared entitled to admission as a State by Act of Congress, Feb, 22, 1889, and was admitted Nov. 8, 1889, with an area of 143,776 sq. miles, and a population in 1890 of 132,159. WASHINGTON. — Six years before Oregon was admitted as a State her immense territory was severed by Act of March 2, 1853, and the northern portion was erected into Washington Territory. By afterwards losing the Territory of Idaho and part of Nebraska it was reduced to the dimensions it afterwards assumed as a State. Washington was declared entitled to admission as a State by Act of Congress, Feb. 22, 1889, and was admitted by President's proclamation, Nov. 11, 1889, with an area of 69,994 sq. miles, and a population in 1890 of 349,390. IDAHO. — The Territory of Idaho was formed from that of Washington by Act of March 3, 1863. Her area was then 118,439 square miles, which was afterwards increased by various acquisitions to 326,373 square miles, and then reduced by losses to Montana, Dakota and Wyoming, to 84,290 square miles. The Act of Congress entitling her to admission as a State was passed July 3, 1890, and she was admitted as a State on July 3, 1890, with an area of 86,294 square miles, and a population, in 1890, of 84,385. WYOMING. — Wyoming was formed into a Territory, by Act of July 25, 1868, with an area of 97,575 square miles. It embraced the remnants of several other Territories, being parts of the French and Mexican cessions, and of Oregon, Nebraska, Idaho, Dakota, Washington and Utah. It was declared entitled to admission as a State by Act of Congress, July 10, 1890, and was admitted July 10, 1890, with an area of 97,883 square miles, and a population in 1890 of 60,705. TERRITORY OF UTAH.—Oi the vast outlying areas not yet admitted to Statehood, that part embraced by Utah Territory was given organization and government by Act of Sept. 9, 1850, with an area of 220,000 square miles, which was afterwards reduced by losses to Colorado, Nebraska, Nevada and Wyoming to 84,476 square miles. The Territory has been a persistent applicant for ADMISSION OF NEW STATES. 207 admission as a State, and her population in 1890, of 207,905, would warrant it, but being the seat of Mormonism her appli- cations have never been free from moral and religious complica- tions. NEW MEXICO. — New Mexico was erected into a Territory by Act of Sept. 9, 1850, out of lands ceded by Mexico and part of those embraced in the Gadsden purchase. By losing part of her territory to Colorado and Arizona, she got her present area of 121,201 square miles. She had a population in 1 890 of 153,- 593, and is an applicant for Statehood. THE INDIAN COUNTR K— The idea of setting apart a por- tion of our domain for the exclusive use of Indians was not more humanitarian than the result of a need for protection. Remains of brave tribes, many of them despairing, most of them at enmity with the whites, were scattered about in the States and Territories. To get rid of them by putting them on soil they could call their own, where they would not be in the white man's way and where they might, perchance, lift themselves a little toward the civilization which had surrounded them and driven them thither, was the object of an Indian Country. It was laid off geographically, but was not organized as a Territory, June 30, 1834. It was to embrace "all that part of the United States west of the Mississippi, and not within the States of Missouri, Louisiana and the Territory of Arkansas." The extent of this country and the fact that no organization was provided for showed that the legislation which set it apart was not serious. Almost immediately the land began to be needed for other pur- poses, and there was nothing in the act setting it apart for Indian uses to raise even so much as a question about the impropriety or wrongfulness of dividing it up and appropriating it to other uses. So by various Acts of Congress this "Indian Country" was pared down to its present size and shape. The last act, that of May 30, 1854, organizing the Territory of Kansas, limited it to 63,253 square miles, with Missouri and Arkansas on its east, Kansas on its north, the Red River on its south and the looth meridian on its west. The "Indian Country" is a monument of national honor and 208 THE NEW STATES. disgrace; honor, because it is the first distinct recognition, on the part of our government, of a poHcy that savored of human- ity ; disgrace, because, until lately, it was the only formal an- nouncement of such a policy, and because through lack of candor, through bad management, through failure to engraft on it any working system, it has never produced a satisfactory fruitage. It seems amazing that the Saxon, even when highly civilized and in the enjoyment of strong, reducing and redeem- ing institutions, should always have regarded the Indian problem as a difficult one. It never was difficult. The French mission- ary and trader did not find it so. But then he chose to regard the Indian as a man, as endowed with feeling akin to his own, as owner of the soil, as susceptible to civilizing influences. Failure to so regard him is the secret of our neglect of the Indian, or rather of our ungenerous treatment of him. The idea of his extermination got an early hold on the colonist, and we seem never to have been able to outgrow this primitive and absurd no- tion. Modern humanitarians are more awake to the thought of making the Indian a part of our people. They feel the disgrace the nation has brought on itself, and the age, by its unwillingness or inability to devise a plan by which the Indian can be turned from his ways and made a factor in industry, art, science, govern- ment and morals. With a plan of government which will secure him schools, right to own separate farms, ownership of the pro- ceeds thereof, immunity from disturbance by whites when he appears to be in the way, the franchise, privileges of citizenship, there is no doubt of his future peacefulness and usefulness. ARIZONA. — Arizona was made a Territory by Act of Feb. 24, 1863, out of lands ceded by Mexico, and'taken from Territory of New Mexico. By Act of May 5, 1866, she lost part of her area to Nevada. Present area 113,916 square miles, and popu- lation 59,620. ALASKA ACQUISITION.— Thxs'xmmewse territory, embrac- ing 577,390 square miles, was acquired from Russia by purchase, May 28, 1 867, and organized as a Territory of the United States, July 27, 1868. OKLAHOMA. — Oklahoma was created a Territory by Act ADMISSION OF NEW STATES. 209 of Congress, May 2, 1890. The lands were those which had reverted to the Government by cession of or purchase from the Indians, or which could be no longer reserved for their purposes. As soon as these lands were thrown open to the public, they were taken up very rapidly, and within a year the population rose to over 60,000. ALL HARMONIOUS.— This brings all the territory of the United States into definite sub-divisions and gives to each a form of government in harmony with the government of the whole. The States have constitutions, codes and forms of government enacted by their people and in accord with the federal constitu- tion. The Territories have only statutory existence and definite metes and bounds. Their governments do not exist so much by voice of their people as by Act of Congress, and they, there- fore, are provisional and temporary, lasting till the people are sufficiently numerous and unanimous to form acceptable State governments. COAT OF ARMS Each State in the American Union. CALIFORNIA. COLORADO. 14 COATS OF ARMS. IDAHO. ILLINOIS. COATS OF ARMS. LOUISIANA. MAINE. MARYLAND -Yw^ MINNESOTA. MISSISSIPPI. MISSOURI. MONTANA. NEBRASKA. 211 COATS OF ARMS. NEW JERSEY. NEW YORK. I'LX.XSVIA'ANIA. RHODE ISLAND. 212 COATS OF ARMS. SOUTH CAROLINA. SOUTH DAKOTA. TENNESSEE. TEXAS. VERMONT. VIRGINIA. WASHINGTON. WEST VIRGINIA. WISCONSIN. WYOMING. 213 1^14 SIGNING DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. A DECLARATION BY THE REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, IN CONGRESS ASSEMBLED When, in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to as- sume, among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the laws of nature and of nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation. We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal ; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights ; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. That, to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the gov- erned ; that, whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute a new government, laying its foundation on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence, in- deed, will dictate that governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and, accordingly, all experience hath shown, that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But, when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a design to re- duce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such government, and to provide new guards for their future security. Such has (215) 216 THE DECLARATION been the patient sufferance of these colonies, and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former systems of government. The history of the present king of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these States. To prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid world : He has refused his assent to laws the most wholesome and necessary for the public good. He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immediate and pressing impor- tance, unless suspended in their operation till his assent should be obtained ; and, when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them. He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish tlie right of representation in the legis- lature ; a right inestimable to them and formidable to tyrants only. He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their public records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures. He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly, for opposing with manly firm- ness his invasions on the rights of the people. He has refused, for a long time after such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected ; whereby the legislative powers, incapable of annihilation, have returned to the people at large for their exercise ; the State remaining, in the meantime, exposed to all the danger of invasion from without and convulsions witliin. He has endeavored to prevent the population of these States; for that purpose, obstructing the laws for naturalization of foreigners ; refusing to pass others to encourage their migration hither, and raising the conditions of new appropriations of lands. He has obstructed tlie administration of justice, by refusing his assent to laws for establishing judiciary powers. He has made judges dependent on his will alone for the tenure of their offices and the amount and payment of their salaries. He has erected a multitude of new offices, and sent hither swarms of officers to harass our people and eat out their substance. He has kept among us, in times of peace, standing armies, without the consent of our legislature. He has affected to render the militaiy independent of, and superior to, the civil power. He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our con- stitution, and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his assent to their acts of pre- tended legislation : For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us; For protecting them, by a mock trial, from punishment for any murders which they should commit on the inhabitants of these States; For cutting off our trade with all parts of the world; For imposing taxes on us without our consent ; For depriving us, in many cases, of the benefits of trial by jury; OF INDEPENDENCE. 217 For transporting us beyond seas to be tried for pretended offences ; For abolishnig the free system of English laws in a neighboring province, estab- lishing therein an arbitrary government, and enlarging its boundaries, so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule into these colonies; For taking away our charters, abolishing our most valuable laws, and altering, fundamentally, the powers of our governments; For suspending our own legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever. He has abdicated government here, by declaring us out of his protection and waging war against us. He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people. He is, at this time, transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries to complete the works of death, desolation, and tyranny, already begun, with circumstances of cruelty and perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally un- worthy the head of a civilized nation. He has constrained our fellow-citizens, taken captive on the high seas, to bear arms against their country, to become the executioners of their friends and brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands. He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers the merciless Indian savages, whose known rule of warfare is an undistinguished destruction, of all ages, sexes and conditions. In every stage of these oppressions, we have petitioned for redress, in the most humble terms; our repeated petitions have been answered only by repeated injury. A prince, whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people. Nor have we been wanting in attention to our British brethren. We have warned them, from time to time, of attempts made by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them, by the ties of our com- mon kindred, to disavow these usurpations, which would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence. They, too, have been deaf to the voice of justice and consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity which denounces our separation, and hold them as we hold the rest of mankind, enemies in war, in peace, friends. We, therefore, the representatives of the United States of America, in gen- eral CONGRESS assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the name, and by the authority of the good people of these colonies, solemnly publish and declare. That these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States ; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown, and that all political connection between them and the state of Great Britain, is, and ought to be, totally dissolved; and that, as free and independent States, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, 218 THE DECLARATION contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which INDEPENDENT STATES may of right do. And, for the support of this declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of DIVINE PROVIDENCE, we mutually pledge to each other, our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor. .rid ^^.^/^.<^ jMiu^^c AETICLES OF CONFEDERATION And perpetual union between the states of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia. Article I. The style of this Confederacy shall be, " The United States of America." Article II. Each state retains its sovereignty, freedom, and independence, and every power, jurisdiction, and right, which is not by this Confederation expressly delegated to the United States in Congress assembled. Article III. The said states hereby severally enter into a firm league of friend- ship wiih each other, for their common defence, the security of their liberties, and their mutual and general welfare; binding themselves to assist each other against all force offered to, or attacks made upon them, or any of them, on account of religion, sovereignty, trade, or any other pretence whatever. Article IV. The better to secure and perpetuate mutual friendship and inter- course among the people of the different states in this Union, the free inhabitants of each of these states, paupers, vagabonds, and fugitives from justice excepted, shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of free citizens in the several states ; and the people of each state shall have free ingress and regress to and from any other state ; and shall enjoy therein all the privileges of trade and commerce, subject to the same duties, impositions, and restrictions as the inhabitants thereof respectively ; proTided, that such restriction shall not extend so far as to prevent the removal of property imported into any state to any other state, of which the owner is an inhab- itant; provided also, that no imposition, duties, or restriction shall be laid by any state on the property of the United States, or either of them. If any person guilty of, or charged with treason, felony, or other high misdemeanor, in any state, shall flee from justice, and be found in any of the United States, he shall, upon demand of the governor or executive power of the state from which he fled, be delivered up and removed to the state having jurisdiction of his offence. Full'faith and credit shall be given in each of these states to the records, acts, and judicial proceedings of the courts and magistrates of every other state. Article V. For the more convenient management of the general interests of the United States, delegates shall be annually appointed in such manner as the leg- islature of each state shall direct, to meet in Congress on the first Monday in November, in every year, with a power reserved to each state to recall its dele- gates, or any of them, at any time within the year, and send others in their stead for the remainder of the year. (219) 220 THE ARTICLES No state sliall be represented in Congress by less than two, nor by more than seven members ; and no person shall be capable of being a delegate for more than three years in any term of six years; nor shall any person, being a delegate, be capable of holding any offic; under the United States, for which he, or another for his bene- fit, receives any salary, fees, or emolument of any kind. Each state shall maintain its own delegates in a meeting of the states, and while they act as members of the committee of the states. In determining questions in the United States in Congress assembled, each state shall have one vote. Freedom of speech and debate in Congress shall not be impeached or questioned in any court or place out of Congress ; and the members of Congress shall be pro- tected in their persons from arrests and imprisonment during the time of their going to, and from, and attending on Congress, except for treason, felony, or breach of the peace. Article VI. No state, without the consent of the United States in Congress assembled, shall send any embassy to, or receive any embassy from, or enter into any conference, agreement, alliance, or treaty with any king, prince, or state; nor shall any person, holding any office of profit or trust under the United States, or any of them, accept of any present, emolument, office, or title of any kind whatever from any king, prince, or foreign state ; nor shall the United States in Congress assembled, or any of them, grant any title of nobility. No two or more states shall enter into any treaty, confederation, or alliance what- ever between them, without the consent of the United States in Congress assembled, specifying accurately the purposes for which the same is to be entered into, and how long it shall continue. No state shall lay any imposts or duties, which may interfere with any stipulations in treaties entered into by the United States in Congress assembled, with any king, prince, or state, in pursuance of any treaties already proposed by Congress to the Courts of France and Spain. No vessels of war shall be kept up, in time of peace, by any state, except such number only as shall be deemed necessary, by the United States in Congress assem- bled, for the defence of such state, or its trade ; nor shall any body of forces be kept up by any state, in time of peace, except such number only as, in the judgment of the United States in Congress assembled, shall be deemed requisite to garrison the forts necessary for the defence of such state : but every state shall always keep up a well-regulated and disciplined militia, sufficiently armed and accoutred ; and shall provide and constantly have ready for use, in public stores, a due number of field-pieces and tents, and a proper quantity of arms, ammunition, and camp equipage. No state shall engage in any war, without the consent of the United States in Congress assembled, unless such state be actually invaded by enemies, or shall have received certain advice of a resolution being formed by some nation of Indians to invade such state, and the danger is so imminent as not to admit of a delay till the United States in Congress assembled can be consulted ; nor shall any state grant commissions to any ship or vessels of war, nor letters of marque or reprisal, except OF CONFEDERATION. 221 it be after a declaration of war by the United States in Congress assembled ; and then only against the kingdom or state, and the subjects thereof, against which war has been so declared, and under such regulations as shall be established by the United States in Congress assembled, unless such state be infested by pirates, in which case vessels of war may be fitted out for that occasion, and kept so long as the dan- ger shall continue, or until the United States in Congress assembled shall determine otherwise. Article VII. When land forces are raised by any state for the common defence, all officers of or under the rank of colonel shall be appointed by the legislature of each state respectively, by whom such forces shall be raised, or in such manner as such state shall direct; and all vacancies shall be filled up by the state which first made the appointment. Article VIII. All charges of war, and all other expenses that shall be incurred for the common defence or general welfare, and allowed by the United States in Congress assembled, shall be defrayed out of a common treasury which shall be sup- plied by the several states in proportion to the value of all land within each state, granted to or surveyed for any person as such land and the buildings and improve- ments thereon shall be estimated, according to such mode as the United States in Congress assembled shall, from time to time, direct and appoint. The taxes for paying that proportion shall be laid and levied by the authority and direction of the legislatures of the several states, within the time agreed upon by the United States in Congress assembled. Article IX. The United States, in Congress assembled, shall have the sole and exclusive right and power of determining on peace and war, except in the cases mentioned in the sixth Article : Of sending and receiving ambassadors : Entering into treaties and alliances, provided that no treaty of commerce shall be made whereby the legislative power of the respective slates shall be restrained from im- posing such imposts and duties on foreigners as their own people are subjected to, or from prohibiting the exportation or importation of any species of goods or com- modities whatever : Of establishing rules for deciding, in all cases, what captures on land or water shall be legal ; and in what manner prizes, taken by land or naval forces in the service of the United States, shall be divided or appropriated : Of grant ing letters of marque and reprisal in times of peace : Appointing courts for the trial of piracies and felonies committed on the high seas ; and establishing courts for re- ceiving and determining, finally, appeals in all cases of captures ; provided that no member of Congress shall be appointed a judge of any of the said courts. The United States, in Congress assembled, shall also be the last resort, on appeal, in all disputes and differences now subsisting, or that hereafter may arise between two or more states concerning boundary, jurisdiction, or any other cause whatever; which authority shall always be exercised in the manner following : Whenever the legislative or executive authority, or lawful agent of any state, in controversy with another, shall present a petition to Congress, stating the matter in question, and praying for a hearing, notice thereof shall be given, by order of Congress, to the legislative or executive authority of the other state in controversy ; and a day as- signed for the appearance of the parties by their lawful agents, who shall then be 222 THE ARTICLES directed to appoint, by joint consent, commissioners or judges to constitute a court for hearing and determining the matter in question, but if they cannot agree. Con- gress shall name three persons out of each of the United States; and from the list of such persons each party shall alternately strike out one, the petitioners beginning, until the number shall be reduced to thirteen ; and from that number not less than seven nor more than nine names, as Congress shall direct, shall, in the presence of Congress, be drawn out by lot; and the persons whose names shall be so drawn, or any five of them, shall be commissioners or judges to hear and finally determine the controversy, so always as a major part of the judges, who shall hear the cause, shall agree in the determination. And if either party sliall neglect to attend at the day appointed, without showing reasons which Congress shall judge sufficient, or being present shall refuse to strike, the Congress shall proceed to nominate three persons out of each state, and the Secretary of Congress shall strike in behalf of such party absent or refusing; and the judgment and sentence of the court, to be appointed in the manner before prescribed, shall be final and conclusive. And if any of the par- ties shall refuse to submit to the authority of such court, or to appear, or defend their claim or cause, the court shall nevertheless proceed to pronounce sentence or judgment, which shall in like manner be final and decisive ; the judgment or sen- tence and other proceedings being, in either case, transmitted to Congress and lodged among the Acts of Congress for the security of the parties concerned : Provided that every commissioner, before he sits in judgment, shall take an oath, to be adminis- tered by one of the judges of the supreme or superior court of the state where the cause shall be tried, " Well and truly to hear and determine the matter in question, according to the best of his judgment, without favor, affection, or hope of reward: " Provided also, that no state shall be deprived of territory for the benefit of the United States. All controversies concerning the private right of soil claimed under different grants of two or more states, whose jurisdictions, as they may respect such lands and the states which passed such grants, are adjusted, the said grants, or either of them, being at the same time claimed to have originated antecedent to such settlement of jurisdiction, shall, on the petition of either party to the Congress of the United States, be finally determined, as near as may be, in the same manner as is before prescribed for deciding disputes respecting territorial jurisdiction between different states. The United States, in Congress assembled, shall also have the sole and exclusive right and power of regulating the alloy and value of coin struck by their own authority, or by that of the respective states: Fixing the standard of weights and measures throughout the United States : Regulating the trade and managing all affairs with the Indians, not members of any of the states; provided that the legis- lative right of any state within its own limits be not infringed or violated : Estab- lishing and regulating post-offices, from one state to another, throughout all the United States, and exacting such postage on the papers passing through the same as maybe requisite to defray the expenses of the snid office: Appointing all officers of the land forces in the service of the United States, excepting regimental officers: Appointing all the officers of the naval forces, and commissioning all officers what- OF CONFEDERATION. 223 ever in the service of the United States : Making rules for the government and regu- lation of the land and naval forces, and directing their operations. The United States, in Congress assembled, shall have authority to appoint a com- mittee, to sit in the recess of Congress, to be denominated A committee of the STATES, and to consist of one delegate from each state, and to appoint such other committees and civil officers as may be necessary for managing the general affairs of the United States under their direction : To appoint one of their number to pre- side ; provided that no person be allowed to serve in the office of president more than one year in any term of three years : To ascertain the necessary sums of money to be raised for the service of the United States, and to appropriate and apply the same for defraying the public expenses : To borrow money or emit bills on the credit of the United States, transmitting every half year to the respective states an account of the sums of money so borrowed or emitted : To build and equip a navy : To agree upon the number of land forces, and to make requisitions from each state for its quota, in proportion to the number of white inhabitants in such state, which requisi- tion shall be binding; and thereupon the legislature of each state shall appoint the regimental officers, raise the men, and clothe, arm, and equip them, in a soldier- like manner, at the expense of the United States; and the officers and men so clothed, armed, and equipped, shall march to the place appointed, and within the time agreed on by the United States in Congress assembled : but if the United States, in Congress assembled, shall, on consideration of circumstances, judge projier that any state should not raise men, or should raise a smaller number than its quota, and that any other state should raise a greater number of men than its quota thereof, such extra number shall be raised, officered, clothed, armed, and equipped in the same manner as the quota of such state ; unless the legislature of such state shall judge that such extra number cannot be safely spared out of the same ; in which case they shall raise, officer, clothe, arm, and equip as many of such extra number as they judge can be safely spared : and the officers and men so clothed, armed, and equipped, shall march to the place appointed, and within the time agreed on by the United States in Congress assembled. The United States, in Congress assembled, shall never engage in a war ; nor grant letters of marque and reprisal in time of peace ; nor enter into any treaties or alli- ances; nor coin money; nor regulate the value thereof; nor ascertain the sums and expenses necessary for the defence and welfare of the United States, or any of them ; nor emit bills; nor borrow money on the credit of the United States; nor appro- priate money ; nor agree upon the number of vessels of war to be built or purchased, or the number of land or sea forces to be raised ; nor appoint a Commander-in-Chief of the army or navy ; unless nine states assent to the same ; nor shall a question on any other point, except for adjourning from day to day, be determined, unless by the votes of a majority of the United States in Congress assembled. The Congress of the United States shall have power to adjourn to any time within the year, and to any place within the United States, so that no period of ad- journment be for a longer duration than the space of six months; and shall publish the Journal of their proceedings monthly, except such parts thereof relating to treaties, alliances, or military operations, as in their judgment require secrecy; and 224 ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. the yeas and nays of the delegates of each state on any question shall be entered on the Journal, when it is desired by any delegate ; and the delegates of a state, or any of them, at his or their request, shall be furnished with a transcript of the said Journal, except such parts as are above excepted, to lay before the legislatures of the several states. Article X. The committee of the states, or any nine of them, shall be author- ized to execute, in the recess of Congress, such of the powers of Congress as the United Slates in Congress assembled, by the consent of nine states, shall f'om time to lime think expedient to vest them with ; provided that no power be delegated to the said committee, for the exercise of which, by the Articles of Confederation, the voice of nine states in the Congress of the United States assembled is requisite. Article XI. Canada, acceding to this Confederation, and joining in the measures of the United States, shall be admitted into, and entitled to all the advantages of this Union ; but no other colony shall be admitted into the same, unless such ad- mission be agreed to by nine states. Article XII. All bills of credit emitted, moneys borrowed, and debts contracted by, or under the authority of Congress, before the assembling of the United Slates, in pursuance of the present Confederation, shall be deemed and considered as a charge against the United States, for payment and satisfaction whereof the said United States, and the public faith, are hereby solemnly pledged. Article XIII. Every state shall abide by the determinations of the United States in Congress assemliled, on all questions which by this Confederation are submitted to them. And the Articles of this Confederation shall be inviolably observed by every state ; and the Union shall be perpetual. Nor shall any alteration at any time hereafter be made in any of them, unless such alteration be agreed to in a Congress of the United States, and be afterwards confirmed by the legislatures of every state. And whereas, it hath pleased the Great Governor of the world to incline the hearts of the legislatures we respectively represent in Congress, to approve of, and to authorize us to ratify the said Articles of Confederation and perpetual Union : Know ye that we the undersigned delegates, by virtue of the power and authority to us given for that purpose, do by these presents, in the name and in behalf of our respective constituents, fully and entirely ratify and confirm each and every of the said Articles of Confederation and perpetual Union, and all and singular the matters and things therein contained. And we do further solemnly plight and engage the faith of our respective constituents, that they shall abide by the determinations of the United States in Congress assembled, on all questions, which by the said Con- federation are submitted to them ; and that the articles thereof shall be inviolably observed by the states we respectively represent; and that the Union shall be per- petual. In witness whereof we have hereunto set our hands in Congress. Done at Philadelphia, in the state of Pennsylvania, the 9th day of July, in the year of our Lord 1778, and in the 3d year of the Independence of America. CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA We, the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect Union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America. ARTICLE I. Section i.— i. All legislative powers herein granted shall be vested in a Con- gress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Represent- atives. Section 2.— i. The House of Representatives shall be composed of members chosen every second year by the people of the several states, and the electors in each state shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the state legislature. 2. No person shall be a Representative who shall not have attained to the age of twenty-five years, and been seven years a citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that state in which he shall be chosen. 3. Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several states which may be included within this Union, according to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three- fifths of all other persons. The actual enumeration shall be made within three years after the first meeting of the Congress of the United States, and within every subse- quent term of ten years, in such manner as they shall by law direct. The number of Representatives shall not exceed one for every thirty thousand, but each state shall have at least one Representative; and, until such enumeration shall be made, the state of New Hampshire shall be entitled to choose three, Massachusetts eight, 15 (225) 226 THE CONSTITUTION OF Rhode Island and Providence Plantations one, Connecticut five, New York six, New Jersey four, Pennsylvania eight, Delaware one, Maryland six, Virginia ten. North Carolina five, South Carolina five, and Georgia three. 4. When vacancies happen in the representation from any state, the executive authority thereof shall issue writs of election to fill such vacancies. 5. The House of Representatives shall choose their Speaker and other officers; and shall have the sole power of impeachment. Section 3. — l. The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two Sena- tors from each state, chosen by the legislature thereof, for six years ; and each Sen- ator shall have one vote. 2. Immediately after they shall be assembled in consequence of the first election, they shall be divided, as equally as may be, into three classes. The seats of the Senators of the first class shall be vacated at the expiration of the second year; of the second class, at the expiration of the fourth year ; and of the third class, at the expiration of the sixth year; so that one-third may be chosen every second year; and if vacancies happen by resignation, or otherwise, during the recess of the legis- lature of any state, the executive thereof may make temporary appointments until the next meeting of the legislature, which shall then fill such vacancies. 3. No person shall be a Senator who shall not have attained to the age of thirty years, and been nine years a citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that state for which he shall be chosen. 4. The Vice-President of the United States shall be President of the Senate, but shall have no vote, unless they be equally divided. 5. The Senate shall choose their other officers, and also a President pro tempore, in the absence of the Vice-President, or when he shall exercise the office of President of the United States. 6. The Senate shall have the sole power to try all impeachments. When sitting for that purpose, they shall be on oath or affirmation. When the President of the United States is tried, the Chief Justice shall preside ; and no person shall be convicted without the concurrence of two-thirds of the members present. 7- Judgment in cases of impeachment shall not extend further than to removal from ofiice, and disqualification to hold and enjoy any office of honor, trust, or profit, under the United States; but the party convicted shall, nevertheless, be liable and subject to indictment, trial, judgment, and punishment, according to law. Section 4. — i. The times, places, and manner, of holding elections for Senators and Representatives, shall be prescribed in each state by the legislature thereof : but the Congress may at any time, by law, make or alter such regulations, except as to the places of choosing Senators. 2. The Congress shall assemble at least once in every year, and such meeting shall be on the first Monday in December, unless they shall by law appoint a dif- ferent day. Section 5. — i. Each House shall be the judge of the elections, returns, and qualifications of its own members, and a majority of each shall constitute a quorum to do business; but a smaller number may adjourn from day to day, and may be authorized to compel the attendance of absent members, in sugh manner, and under guch penalties, as each House may provide. THE UNITED STATES. 227 2. Each House may determine the rules of its proceedings, punish its mem- bers for disorderly 'behavior, and with the concurrence of two-thirds, expel a member. 3. Each House shall keep a journal of its proceedings, and, from time to time, publish the same, excepting such parts as may, in their judgment, require secrecy; and the yeas and nays of the members of either House, on any question, shall, at the desire of one-fifth of those present, be entered on the journal. 4. Neither House, during the session of Congress, shall, without the consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other place than that in which the two Houses shall be sitting. Section 6. — i. The Senators and Representatives shall receive a compensation for their services, to be ascertained by law, and paid out of the treasury of the United States. They shall, in all cases, except treason, felony, and breach of the peace, be privileged from arrest during their attendance at the session of their respective Houses, and in going to, and returning from, the same ; and for any speech or de- bate in either House, they shall not be questioned in any other place. 2. No Senator or Representative shall, during the time for which he was elected, be appointed to any civil office under the authority of the United States, which shall have been created, or the emoluments whereof shall have been increased during such time; and no person holding any office under the United States, shall be a mem- ber of either House during his continuance in office. Section 7. — i. All bills for raising revenue shall originate in the House of Rep- resentatives ; but the Senate may propose or concur with amendments as on other bills. 2. Every bill, which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the Sen- ate, shall, before it become a law, be presented to the President of the United States ; if he approve, he shall sign it, but if not, he shall return it, with his objections, to that House in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the objections at large on their journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If, after such reconsideration, two- thirds of that House shall agree to pass the bill, it shall be sent, together with the objections, to the other House, by which it shall likewise be reconsidered, and if approved by two-thirds of that House, it shall become a law. But in all such cases the votes of both Houses shall be determined by yeas and nays, and the names of the persons voting for and against the bill shall be entered on the journal of each House respectively. If any bill shall not be returned by the President within ten days (Sundays excepted) after it shall have been presented to him, tlie same shall be a law, in like manner as if he had signed it, unless the Congress, by their adjourn- ment, prevent its return, in which case it shall not be a law. 3. Every order, resolution, or vote, to which the concurrence of the Senate and House of Representatives may be necessary (except on a question of adjournment), shall be presented to the President of the United States ; and before the same shall take effect, shall be approved by him, or, being disapproved by him, shall be repassed by two-thirds of the Senate and House of Representatives, according to the rules and limitations prescribed in the case of a bill. Section 8. — The Congress shall have power 228 THE CONSTITUTION OF * * I 1. To lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to pay 'tTic aehts^ancT ' provide for the common defence and general welfare, of the United States ; but all duties, imposts, and excises, shall be uniform throughout the United States : 2. To borrow money on the credit of the United States: 3. To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several states, and with the Indian tribes: 4. To establish a uniform rule of naturalization, and uniform laws on the subject of bankruptcies, throughout the United States : 5. To coin money, regulate the value thereof, and of foreign coin, and fix the standard of weights and measures : 6. To provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the securities and current coin of the United States : 7. To establish post-offices and post-roads: 8. To promote the progress of science and useful arts, by securing, for limited times, to authors and inventors, the exclusive right to their respective writings and discoveries : 9. To constitute tribunals inferior to the Supreme Court : 10. To define and punish piracies and felonies, committed on the high seas, and offences against the law of nations : — 11. To declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make rules con- cerning captures on land and water : 12. To raise and support armies ; but no appropriation of money to that use shall be for a longer term than two years : 13. To provide and maintain a navy : 14. To make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces : 15. To provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the Union, sup- press insurrections, and repel invasions : 16. To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia, and for gov- erning such part of them as may be employed in the service of the United States, reserving to the states respectively the appointment of the officers, and the authority of training the militia, according to the discipline prescribed by Congress: 17. To exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever, over such district (not exceeding ten miles square) as may, by cession of particular states, and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat of the government of the United States, and to exercise like authority over all places, purchased by the consent of the legis- lature of the state in which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dock-yards, and other needful buildings: — And 18. To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into exe- cution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the United vStates, or in any department or officer thereof. Section 9. — i. The migration or importation of such persons, as any of the states, now existing, shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Congress prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight ; but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person. THE UNITED STATES. 229 2. The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended, unless when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require it. 3. No bill of attainder, or ex post facto law, shall be passed. 4. No capitation, or other direct tax, shall be laid, unless in proportion to the census or enumeration hereinfore directed to be taken. 5. No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any state. No preference shall be given by any regulation of commerce or revenue to the ports of one state over those of another; nor shall vessels bound to, or from, one state, be obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties, in another. 6. No money shall be drawn from the treasury, but in consequence of appropria- tions made by law ; and a regular statement and account of the receipts and expen- ditures of all public money shall be published from time to time. 7. No title of nobility shall be granted by the United States ; and no person, holding any office of profit or trust under them, shall, without the consent of the Congress, accept of any present, emolument, office, or title, of any kind whatever, from any king, prince, or foreign state. Section 10. — l. No state shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation; grant letters of marque and reprisal ; coin money ; emit bills of credit ; make any- thing but gold and silver coin a tender in payment of debts ; pass any bill of attain- der, ex post facto law, or law impairing the obligation of contracts, or grant any title of nobility. 2. No state shall, without the consent of the Congress, lay any imposts or duties on imports or exports, except what may be absolutely necessary for executing its inspection laws ; and the net produce of all duties and imposts, laid by any state on imports or exports, shall be for the use of the treasury of the United States ; and all such laws shall be subject to the revision and control of the Congress. No state shall, without the consent of Congress, lay any duty of tonnage, keep troops, or ships of war, in time of peace, enter into any agreement or compact with another state, or with a foreign power, or engage in war, unless actually invaded, or in such imminent danger as will not admit of delay. ARTICLE II. Section i. — i. The Executive power shall be vested in a President of the United States of America. He shall hold his office during the term of four years, and to- gether with the Vice-President, chosen for the same term, be elected as follows : 2. Each state shall appoint, in such manner as the legislature thereof may direct, a number of Electors, equal to the whole number of Senators and Representatives, to which the state may be entitled in the Congress ; but no Senator or Representa- tive, or person holding an office of trust or profit, under the United States, shall be appointed an Elector. 3. The Electors shall meet in their respective states, and vote by ballot for two persons, of whom one, at least, shall not be an inhabitant of the same state with themselves. And they shall make a list of all the persons voted for, and of the number of votes for each ; which list they shall sign and certify, and transmit, sealed, to the seat of the Government of the United States, directed to the President of the 230 THE CONSTITUTION OF Senate. The President of the Senate shall, in the presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open all the certificates, and the votes shall then be counted. The person having the greatest number of votes shall be the President, if such num- ber be a majority of the whole number of Electors appointed ; and if there be more than one, who have such majority, and have an equal number of votes, then the House of Representatives shall immediately choose, by ballot, one of them for President ; and if no person have a majority, then, from the five highest on the list, the said House shall, in like manner, choose tlie President. But in choosing the President, the votes shall be taken by states, the representation from each state hav- ing one vote ; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or members from two-thirds of the states, and a majority of all the states shall be necessary to a choice. In every case, after the choice of the President, the person having the greatest num- ber of votes of the Electors shall be the Vice-President. But if there should remain two or more who have equal votes, the Senate shall choose from them, by ballot, the Vice-President. 4. The Congress may determine the time of choosing the Electors, and the day on which they shall give their votes ; which day shall be the same throughout the United States. 5. No person, except a natural-born citizen, or a citizen of the United States at the time of the adoption of this Constitution, shall be eligible to the office of Presi- dent ; neither shall any person be eligible to that office, who shall not have attained to the age of thirty-five years, and been fourteen years a resident within the United States. 6. In case of the removal of the President from office, or of his death, resignation, or inability to discharge the powers and duties of the said office, the same shall de- volve on the Vice-President, and the Congress may by law provide for the case of removal, death, resignation, or inability, both of the President and Vice-President, declaring what officer shall then act as President, and such officer shall act accord- ingly, until the disability be removed, or a President shall be elected. 7. The President shall, at stated times, receive for his services, a compensation, which shall neither be increased nor diminished during the period for which he shall have been elected, and he shall not receive, within that period, any other emolument from the United States, or any of them. 8. Before he enter on the execution of his office, he shall take the following oath or affirmation : 9. " I do solemnly swear (or affirm), that I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States, and will, to the best of my ability, preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States." Section 2. — I. The President shall be Commander-in-Chief of the army and navy of the United States, and of the militia of the several states, when called into the actual service of the United States; he may require the opinion, in writing, of the principal officer in each of the executive departments upon any subject relating to the duties of their respective offices, and he shall have power to grant reprieves and pardons for ofTences against the United States, except in cases of impeachment. 2. He shall have power, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, THE UNITED STATES. 231 to make treaties, provided two-thirds of the Senators present concur ; and he shall nominate, and, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, shall appoint ambassadors, other public ministers, and consuls, judges of the Supreme Court, and all other officers of the United States whose appointments are not herein otherwise provided for, and which shall be established by law : but the Congress may by law vest the appointment of such inferior officers, as they think proper, in the President alone, in the courts of law, or in the heads of departments. 3. The President shall have power to fill up all vacancies that may happen during the recess of the Senate, by granting commissions which shall expire al the end of their next session. Section 3. — l. He shall, from time to time, give to the Congress information of the state of the Union, and recommend to their consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient ; he may, on extraordinary occasions, convene both Houses, or either of them, and in case of disagreement between them, with respect to the time of adjournment, he may adjourn them to such time as he shall think proper; he shall receive ambassadors and other public ministers; he shall take care that the laws be faithfully executed, and shall commission all the officers of the United States. Section 4. — i. The President, Vice-President, and all civil officers of the United States, shall be removed from office on impeachment for, and conviction of, treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors. ARTICLE HI. Section I. — I. The judicial power of the United States shall be vested in one Supreme Court, and in such inferior courts as the Congress may, from time to time, ordain and establish. The judges, both of the Supreme and inferior courts, shall hold their offices during good behavior, and shall, at stated times, receive for their services a compensation which shall not be diminished during their continuance in office. Section 2. — i. The judicial power shall extend to all cases, in law and equity, arising under this Constitution, the laws of the United States, and treaties made, or which shall be made, under their authority ; to all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers, and consuls ; to all cases of admiralty and maritime jurisdiction; to controversies to which the United States shall be a party ; to controversies between two or more states, betwen a state and citizens of another state, between citizens of different states, between citizens of the same state claiming lands under grants of different states, and between a state or the citizens thereof, and foreign states, citizens, or subjects. 2. In all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls, and those in which a state shall be a party, the Supreme Court shall have original jurisdiction. In all the other cases before mentioned, the Supreme Court shall have appellate jurisdiction, both as to law and fact, with such exceptions and under such regulations as the Congress shall make. 3. The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury; and such trial shall be held in the state where the said crimes shall have been committed; 232 THE CONSTITUTION OF but when not committed within any state the trial shall be at such place or places as the Congress may by law have directed. Section 3. — l. Treason against the United States shall consist only in levying war against them, or in adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort. No person shall be convicted of treason unless on the testimony of two witnesses to the same overt act, or on confession in open court. 2. The Congress shall have power to declare the punishment of treason, but no attainder of treason shall work corruption of blood or forfeiture, except dur- ing the life of the person attainted. ARTICLE IV. Section i. — i. Full faith and credit shall be given in each state to the public acts, records, and judicial proceedings of every other state. And the Congress may, by general laws, prescribe the manner in which such acts, records, and proceedings shall be proved, and the effect thereof. Section 2. — i. The citizens of each state shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several states. 2. A person charged in any state with treason, felony, or other crime, who shall flee from justice, and be found in another state, shall, on demand of the executive authority of the state from which he fled, be delivered up, to be removed to the state having jurisdiction of the crime. 3. No person held to service or labor in one state, under the laws thereof, escap- ing into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be dis- charged from such service or labor, but .shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due. Section 3. — l. New states may be admitted by the Congress into this Union; but no new state shall be formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any other state; nor any state be formed by the junction of two or more states, or parts of states, without the consent of the legislatures of the states concerned as well as of the Congress. 2. The Congress shall have power to dispose of and make all needful rules and regulations respecting the territory or other property belonging to the United States; and nothing in this Constitution shall be so construed as to prejudice any claims of the United States, or of any particular state. Section 4. — i. The United States shall guarantee to every state in this Union a republican form of government, and shall protect each of them against invasion; and on application of the legislature, or of the executive (when the legislature cannot be convened), against domestic violence. ARTICLE V. I. The Congress, whenever two-thirds of both Houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose amendments to this Constitution, or, on the application of the legisla- tures of two-thirds of the several states, shall call a convention for proposing amend- ments, which, in either case, shall be valid, to all intents and purposes, as part of this Constitution, when ratified by the legislatures of three-fourths of the several THE UNITED STATES. 233 states, or by conventions in three-fourths thereof, as the one or the other mode of ratification may be proposed by the Congress : provided that no amendment which may be made prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight shall, in any manner, affect the first and fourth clauses in the ninth section of the first Article; and that no state, without its consent, shall be deprived of its equal suffrage in the Senate. ARTICLE VI. 1. All debts contracted and engagements entered into, before the adoption of this Constitution, shall be as valid against the United States under this Constitution as under the Confederation. 2. This Constitution, and the laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof, and all treaties made, or which shall be made, under the author- ity of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land ; and the judges in every state shall be bound thereby, anything in the constitution or laws of any state to the contrary notwithstanding. 3. The Senators and Representatives before mentioned, and the members of the several state legislatures, and all executive and judicial officers, both of the United States and of the several states, shall be bound, by oath or affirmation, to support this Constitution ; but no religious test shall ever be required as a qualification to any office or public trust under the United States. ARTICLE VII. I. The ratification of the conventions of nine states shall be sufficient for the estab- lishment of this Constitution between the states so ratifying the same. AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION. ARTICLE I. Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibit- ing the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press ; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the government for a redress of grievances. ARTICLE II. A well-regulated militia being necessary to the security of a free state, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed. ARTICLE III. No soldier shall, in time of peace, be quartered in any house without the consent of the owner ; nor, in time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed by law. 234 THE CONSTITUTION OF ARTICLE IV. The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated; and no warrants shall issue but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the person or things to be seized. ARTICLE V. No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous, crime, un- less on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia, when in actual service, in time of war or public danger; nor shall any person be subject, for the same offence, to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb ; nor shall be compelled, in any criminal case, to be a wit- ness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due pro- cess of law ; nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just com- pensation. ARTICLE VI. In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the state and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law; and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation ; to be confronted with the witnesses against him ; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor ; and to have the assistance of counsel for his defence. ARTICLE VII. In suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall exceed twenty dol- lars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved ; and no fact, tried by a jury, shall be otherwise re-examined in any court of the United States than according to the rules of the common law. ARTICLE VIII. Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted. ARTICLE IX. The enumeration in the Constitution of certain rights shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people. ARTICLE X.* The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the states, are reserved to the states respectively, or to the people. ARTICLE Xl.f The judicial power of the United States shall not be construed to extend to any ♦The first ten Amendments were proposed by Congress, September 25,1789, and declared in force December 15, 1791. t Proposed by Congress March 5, 1794, declared in force January 8, 1798. THE UNITED STATES. 235 suit in law or equity commenced or prosecuted against one of the United States by citizens of another state, or by citizens or subjects of any foreign state. ARTICLE XII.* 1. The Electors shall meet in their respective states, and vote by ballot for Presi- dent and Vice-President, one of whom, at least, shall not be an inhabitant of the same state with themselves; they shall name in their ballots the person voted for as President, and in distinct ballots the person voted for as Vice-President ; and they shall make distinct lists of all persons voted for as President, and of all persons voted for as Vice-President, and of the number of votes for each, which lists they shall sign, and certify, and transmit, sealed, to the seat of the Government of the United States, directed to the President of the Senate ; the President of the Senate shall, in the presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open all the certificates, and the votes shall then be counted ; the person having the greatest number of votes for President shall be the President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of Electors appointed ; and if no person have such a majority, then, from the persons having the highest numbers, not exceeding three, on the list of those voted for as President, the House of Representatives shall choose imme- diately, by ballot, the President. But in choosing the President, the votes shall be taken by states, the representation from each state having one vote; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or members from two-thirds of the states, and a majority of all the states shall be necessary to a choice. And if the House of Rep- resentatives shall not choose a President, whenever the right of choice shall devolve upon them, before the fourth day of March next following, then the Vice-President shall act as President, as in case of the death, or other constitutional disability, of the President. 2. The person having the greatest number of votes as Vice-President shall be the Vice-President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of Electors ap- pointed ; and if no person have a majority, then, from the two highest numbers on the list, the Senate shall choose the Vice-President; a quorum for the purpose shall consist of two-thirds of the whole number of Senators ; a majority of the whole num- ber shall be necessary to a choice. 3. But no person constitutionally ineligible to the office of President shall be eligible to that of Vice-President of the United States. ARTICLE. Xlll.f Section i. — Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction. Section 2. — Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation. Proposed by Congress December 12, 1803, declared in force September 25, 1804. t Proposed by Congress February i, 1865, declared in force December 18, 1865. 236 THE CONSTITUTION OF ARTICLE XIV.* Section i. — All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the state wherein they reside. No state shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privi- leges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any state deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law, nor deny to any per- son within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws. Section 2. — Representatives shall be apportioned among the several states ac- cording to their respective numbers, counting the whole number of persons in each state, excluding Indians not taxed. But when the right to vote at any election for the choice of electors for President and Vice-President of the United States, Repre- sentatives in Congress, the executive and judicial officers of a state, or the members of the legislature thereof, is denied to any of the male inhabitants of such state, being twenty-one years of age, and citizens of the United States, or in any way ab- ridged, except for participation in rebellion or other crime, the basis of representa- tion therein shall be reduced in the proportion which the number of such male citizens shall bear to the whole number of male citizens twenty-one years of age in such state. Section 3. — No person shall be a Senator or Representative in Congress, or elector of President and Vice-President, or hold any office, civil or military, under the United States, or under any state, who, having previously taken an oath, as a member of Congress, or as an officer of the United States, or as a member of any state legislature, or as an executive or judicial officer of any state, to support tlie Constitution of the United States, shall have engaged in insurrection or rebellion against the same, or given aid or comfort to the enemies thereof. But Congress may, by a vote of two-thirds of each House, remove such disability. Section 4. — The validity of the public debt of the United States, authorized by law, including debts incurred for payment of pensions and bounties for services in suppressing insurrection or rebellion, shall not be questioned. But neither the United States nor any state shall assume or pay any debt or obligation incurred in aid of insurrection or rebellion against the United States, or any claim for the loss or emancipation of any slave; but all such debts, obligations, and claims shall be held illegal and void. Section 5. — The Congress shall have power to enforce, by appropriate legisla- tion, the provisions of this article. ARTICLE XV.f Section i. — The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any state on account of race, color, or pre- vious condition of servitude. Section 2. — The Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation. * Proposed by Congress June 16, 1866, declared in force July 28, 1868. t Proposed by Congress February 26, 1869, declared in force March 30, 1870. THE UNITED STATES. 237 Action of the Convention after Agreeing on a Constitution. In the Constitutional Convention, Monday, September 17, 1787. Present : The States of New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Mr. Hamilton from New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia. Resolved, That the preceding Constitution be laid before the United States in Con- gress assembled, and that it is the opinion of this convention that it should after- wards be submitted to a Convention of delegates, chosen in each state by the people thereof, under the recommendation of its legislature, for their assent and ratification; and that each convention, assenting to and ratifying the same, should give notice thereof to the United States in Congress assembled. Resolved, That it is the opinion of this Convention, that as soon as the conventions of nine states shall have ratified this Constitution, the United States in Congress assembled should fix a day on which electors should be appointed by the states which shall have ratified the same, and a day on which the electors should assemble to vote for the President, and the time and place for commencing proceedings un- der this Constitution. That after such publication the electors should be appointed, and the Senators and Representatives elected ; that the electors should meet on the day fixed for the election of the President, and should transmit their votes certified, signed, sealed, and directed as the Constitution requires, to the Secretary of the United States in Congress assembled ; and that the Senators and Representatives should convene at the time and place assigned; that the Senators should appoint a president of the Senate, for the sole purpose of receiving, opening, and counting the votes for President ; and that, after he shall be chosen, the Congress, together with the President, should, without delay, proceed to execute this Constitution. By the unanimous order of the Convention. GEORGE WASHINGTON, President, William Jackson, Secretary. Washington Submits the Constitution to Congress. In the Constitutional Convention, September 17, 1787. Sir : We have now the honor to submit to the consideration of the United States in Congress assembled that Constitution which has appeared to us the most ad- visable. The friends of our country have long seen and desired that the power of making war, peace, and treaties, that of levying money and regulating commerce, and the correspondent executive and judicial authorities should be fully and effectually vested in the General Government of the Union ; but the impropriety of delegating such extensive trust to one body of men is evident : hence results the necessity of a different organization. 238 THE CONSTITUTION OF It is obviously impracticable, in the Federal Government of these States, to secure all rights of independent sovereignty to each, and yet provide for the interest and safety of all. Individuals entering into society must give up a share of liberty to preserve the rest. The magnitude of the sacrifice must depend as well on situation and circumstance as on the object to be obtained. It is at all times difficult to draw with precision the line between those rights which must be surrendered and those which may be reserved ; and on the present occasion this difficulty was increased by a difference among the several states as to their situation, extent, habits, and par- ticular interests. In all our deliberations on thia subject, we kept steadily in our view that which appears to us the greatest interest of every true American — the consolidation of our Union — in which is involved our prosperity, felicity, safety, perhaps our national existence. This important consideration, seriously and deeply impressed on our minds, led each state in the Convention to be less rigid on points of inferior magni- tude than might have been otherwise expected; and thus the Constitution which we now present is the result of a spirit of amity, and of that mutual deference and con- cession which the peculiarity of our political situation rendered indispensable. That it will meet the full and entire approbation of every state is not, perhaps, to be expected ; but each will doubtless consider that, had her interest been alone con- sulted, the consequences might have been particularly disagreeable or injurious to others; that it is liable to as few exceptions as could reasonably have been expected, we hope and believe ; that it may promote the lasting welfare of that country so dear to us all, and secure her freedom and happiness, is our most ardent wish. With great respect, we have the honor to be, sir, your excellency's most obedient, humble servants. By unanimous order of the Convention. GEORGE WASHINGTON, President. His Excellency the President of Congress. KARKWBLL ADDRESS GEORGE WASHINGTON, PRESIDENT, TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES, September 17, 1796. Friends and Fellow-citizens : The period for a new election of a citizen to administer the Executive Govern- ment of the United States being not far distant, and the time actually arrived when your thoughts must be employed in designating the person who is to be clothed witk that important trust, it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that I should now apprise you of the resolu- tion I have formed, to decline being considered among the number of those out of whom a choice is to be made. I beg you, at the same time, to do me the justice to be assured that this resolution has not been taken without a strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the relation which binds a dutiful citizen to his country ; and that, in withdrawing the tender of service, which silence, in my situation, might imply, I am influenced by no diminution of zeal for your future interest ; no deficiency of grateful respect for your past kindness; but am supported by a full conviction that the step is com- patible with both. The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in, the office to which your suffrages have twice called me, have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and to a deference for what appeared to be your desire. I constantly hoped that it would have been much earlier in my power, consistently with motives which I was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement from which I had been reluctantly drawn. The strength of my inclination to do this, previous to the last election, had even led to the preparation of an address to declare it to you; but ma- ture reflection on the then perplexed and critical posture of our affairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of persons entitled to my confidence, impelled me to abandon the idea, I rejoice that the state of your concerns, external as well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible with the sentiment of duty or propri- ety; and am persuaded, whatever partiality may be retained for my services, that, in the present circumstances of our country, you will not disapprove my determination to retire. (339) 240 WASHINGTON'S The impressions with which I first undertook the arduous trust were explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this trust, I will only say, that I have with good intentions contributed towards the organization and administration of the (iov- ernment the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable. Not unconscious in the outset of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience, in my own eyes — perhaps still more in the eyes of others — has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself; and every day the increasing weight of years admonishes me, more and more, that the shade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be wel- come. Satisfied, that if any circumstances have given peculiar value to my services, they were temporary, I have the consolation to believe that, while choice and pru- dence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it. In looking forward to the moment which is intended to terminate the career of my public life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude which I owe to my beloved country for the many honors it has conferred upon me ; still more for the steadfast confidence with which it has sup- ported me ; and for the opportunities I have thence enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable attachment, by services faithful and persevering, though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to our country from these services, let it always he remembered to your praise and as an instructive example in our annals, that, under circumstances in which the passions, agitated in every direction, were liable to mislead ; amidst appearances sometimes dubious, vicissitudes of fortune often discouraging; in situations in which, not unfrequently, want of success has countenanced the spirit of criticism, — the constancy of your support was the essen- tial prop of the efforts, and a guarantee of the plans, by which they were effected. Profoundly penetrated with this idea, I shall carry it with me to my grave, as a strong incitement to unceasing vows, that Heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence ; that your union and brotherly affection may be perpetual ; that the free Constitution, which is the work of your hands, may be sacredly maintained ; that its administration, in every dei)artment, may be stamped with wisdom and vir- tue ; that, in fine, the happiness of the people of these States, under the auspices of liberty, may be made complete, by so careful a preservation and so prudent a use of this blessing as will acquire to them the glory of recommending it to the applause, the affection, and the adoption of every nation which is yet a stranger to it. Here, perhaps, I ought to stop ; but a solicitude for your welfare, which cannot end but with my life, and the apprehension of danger natural to that solicitude, urge me, on an occasion like the present, to offer to your solemn contemplation, and to recommend to your frequent review, some sentiments, which are the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me all-im- portant to the permanency of your felicity as a people. These will be afforded to you with the more freedom, as you can only see in them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly have no personal motive to bias his counsel; nor can I forget, as an encouragement to it, your indulgent reception of my sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occasion. Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your hearts, no recom- mendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment. FAREWELL ADDRESS. 241 The unity of government, which constitutes you one people, is also now dear to you. It is justly so; for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence — the support of your tranquility at home, your peace abroad, of your safety, of your prosperity, of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to fore- see that, from different causes and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth, as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and ex- ternal enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidi- ously) directed — it is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national union to your collective and individual happiness ; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it, accustoming your- selves to think and speak of it as of the palladium of your political safety and pros- perity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety ; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can, in any event, be abandoned ; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts. For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens by birth or choice, of a common country, that country has a right to concentrate your affec- tions. The name oi Ai/tericatt, which belongs to you in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism, more than any appellation derived from local discriminations. With slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, man- ners, habits, and political principles. You have, in a common cause, fought and triumphed together ; the independence and liberty you possess are the work of joint counsels and joint efforts, of common dangers, sufferings, and successes. But these considerations, however powerfully they address themselves to your sen- sibility, are greatly outweighed by those which apply more immediately to your interest ; here every portion of our country finds the most commanding motives for carefully guarding and preserving the union of the whole. The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the South, protected by the equal laws of a common government, finds, in the productions of the latter, great additional resources of maritime and commercial enterprise, and precious materials of manu- facturing industry. The South, in the same intercourse, benefiting by the agency of the North, sees its agriculture grow, and its commerce expand. Turning partly into its own channels the seamen of the North, it finds its particular navigation invigo- rated ; and while it contributes, in different ways, to nourish and increase the gen- eral mass of the national navigation, it looks forward to the protection of a maritime strength to which itself is unequally adapted. The East, in like intercourse with the West, already finds, and in the progressive improvement of interior communication, by land and water, will more and more find, a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad, or manufactures at home. The West derives from the East supplies requisite to its growth and comfort ; and what is perhaps of still greater con- sequence, it must, of necessity, owe the secure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own productions, to the weight, influence, and the future maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the Union, directed by an indissoluble community of interest 16 242 WASHINGTON'S as one nation Any other tenure by which the West can hold this essential advan- tage, whether derived from its own separate strength, or from an apostate and un- natural connexion with any foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious. While, then, every part of our country thus feels an immediate and particular in- terest in union, all the parts combined cannot fail to find, in the united mass of means and efforts, greater strength, greater resource, proportionably greater security from external danger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations ; and what is of inestimable value, they must derive from union an exemption from those broils and wars between themselves, which so frequently afflict neighboring countries, not tied together by the same government ; which their own rivalships alone would be sufficient to produce, but which opposite foreign alliances, attach- ments, and intrigues, would stimulate and imbitter. Hence, liliewise, they will avoid the necessity of those over-grown military establishments, which, under any form of government, are inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to republican liberty ; in this sense it is that your union ought to be considered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the one ought to endear to you the preservation of the other. These considerations speak a persuasive language to every reflecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance of the Union as a primary object of patriotic de- sire. Is there a doubt, whether a common government can embrace so large a sphere ? Let experience solve it. To listen to mere speculation, in such a case, were criminal. We are authorized to hope, that a proper organization of the whole, with the auxiliary agency of governments for the respective subdivisions, will afford a happy issue to the experiment. It is well worth a fair and full experiment. With such powerful and obvious motives to Union, affecting all parts of our country, while experience shall not have demonstrated its impracticability, there will always be reason to distrust the patriotism of those, who, in any quarter, may endeavor to weaken its bands. In contemplating the causes which may disturb our Union, it occurs, as a matter of serious concern, that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parlies by geographical discriminations — Northern and Southern — Atlantic and Western : whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence within particular districts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heart- burnings which spring from these misrepresentations; they tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fr.nternal affection. The in- habitants of our western country have lately had a useful lesson on this head ; they have seen in the negotiation by the Executive, and in the unanimous ratification by the Senate, of the treaty with Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that event throughout the United States, a decisive ])roof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated among them, of a policy in the General Government, and in the Atlantic States, unfriendly to their interests in regard to the Mississippi : they have been wit- nesses to the formation of two treaties — that with Great Britain, and that with Spain, which secure to them everything they could desire in respect to our foreign rela- FAREWELL ADDRESS. 243 tions, towards confirming their prosperity. Will it not be their wisdom to rely for the preservation of these advantages on the Union by which they were procured ? Win they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such there are, who would sever them from their brethren, and connect them with aliens ? To the efficacy and permanency of your Union, a Government for the whole is indispensable. No alliance, however strict between the parts, can be an adequate substitute ; they must inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions which all alliances, in all time, have experienced. Sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a Constitution of Govern- ment better calculated than your former for an intimate Union, and for the efficacious management of your common concerns. This Government, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation, completely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers, unit- ing security with energy, and containing within itself a provision for its own amend- ment, has a just claim to your confidence and your support. Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true liberty. The bases of our political systems, is the right of the people to make and to alter their constitutions of Government : but the Con- stitution which at any time exists, till changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power, and the right of the people to establish Government, pre-supposes the duty of every in- dividual to obey the established Government. All obstructions to the execution of the laws, all combinations and associations, under whatever plausible character, with the real design to direct, control, counter- act, or awe the regular deliberation and action of the constituted authorities, are destructive to this fundamental principle, and of fatal tendency. They serve to or- ganize faction, to give it an artificial and extraordinary force, to put in the place of the delegated will of the nation the will of a party, often a small but artful and enterprising minority of the community; and, according to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to make the public administration the mirror of the ill-concerted and incongruous projects of faction, rather than the organ of consistent and whole- some plans, digested by common counsels, and modified by mutual interests. However combinations or associations of the above description may now and then answer popular ends, they are likely, in the course of time and things, to become potent engines, by which cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men, will be enabled to subvert the power of the people, and to usurp for themselves the reins of Govern- ment; destroying, afterwards, the very engines which had lifted them to unjust dominion. Towards the preservation of your Government, and the permanency of your pres- ent happy state, it is requisite, not only that you steadily discountenance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority, but also that you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon us principles, however specious the pretexts. One method of assault may be to effect, in the forms of the Constitution, alterations which will im- pair the energy of the system, and thus to undermine what cannot be directly over- thrown. In all the changes to which you may be invited, remember that time and 244 WASHINGTON'S habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of governments as of other human institutions ; that experience is the surest standard by which to test the real tendency of the existing constitution of a country; that facility in changes, upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion, exposes to perpetual change, from the end- less variety of hypothesis and opinion ; and remember, especially, that for the effi- cient management of your common interests, in a country so extensive as ours, a Government of as much vigor as is consistent vv-ith the perfect security of liberty is indispensable. Liberty itself will find in such a Government, with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian. It is, indeed, little else than a name, where the Government is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of faction, to con- fine each member of the society within the limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property. I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the State, with particular reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you, in the most solemn manner, against the baneful efiects of the spirit of party generally. This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists under different shapes, in all Gov- ernments, more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed ; but in those of the popular form it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly their worst enemy. The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissension, which, in different ages and countries, has per- petrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads, at length, to a more formal and permanent despotism. The disorders and miseries which result, gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an individual ; and, sooner or later, the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation on the ruins of public liberty. Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind (which, nevertheless, ought not to be entirely out of sight), the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain it. It serves always to distract the public councils and enfeeble the public adminis- tration. It agitates the community with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms; kindles the animosity of one part against another; foments, occasionally, riot and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which find a facilitated access to the Government itself, through the channels of party passions. Thus the policy and the will of one country are subjected to the policy and will of another. There is an opinion that parties, in free countries, are useful checks upon the administration of the Government, and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. This, within certain limits, is probably true ; and in Governments of a monarchical cast, patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of party. I3ut in those of the popular character, in Governments purely elective, it is a spirit FAREWELL ADDRESS. 245 not to be encouraged. From their natural tendency, it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose. And there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be, by force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it should consume. It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking, in a free country, should in- spire caution in those intrusted with its administration, to confine themselves within their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding, in the exercise of the powers of one department, to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of Government, a real despotism. A just estimate of that love of power, and proneness to abuse it which predominates in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. The necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, by dividing and distributing it into diff"erent depositories, and constituting each the guardian of the public weal, against invasions by the others, has been evinced by experiments, ancient and modern ; some of them in our own country, and under our own eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as to in- stitute them. If, in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modification of the constitutional powers be, in any particular, wrong, let it be corrected by an amend- ment in the way which the Constitution designates. But let there be no change by usurpation ; for though this, in one instance, may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free Governments are destroyed. The precedent must always greatly overbalance, in permanent evil, any partial or transient benefit which the use can, at any time, yield. Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connexions with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked, where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths which are the instruments of investigation in courts of justice? And let us with caution indulge the supposition, that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both for- bid us to expect that natural morality can prevail in exclusion of religious prin- ciples. It is substantially true, that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular Government. The rule, indeed, extends with more or less force to every species of free Government. Who, that is a sincere friend to it, can look with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric ? Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a Government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be enlightened. As a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit. One 246 WASHINGTON'S method of preserving it is to use it as sparingly as possible ; avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace, but remembering also tliat timely disbursements to prepare for danger, frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it ; avoid- ing, likewise, the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertions in time of peace to discharge the debts which unavoidable wars may have occasioned ; not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burden which we ourselves ought to bear. The execution of these maxims belongs to your representatives, but it is necessary that public opinion should co-operate. To facili- tate to them the performance of their duty, it is essential that you should practically bear in mind, that towards the payment of debts there must be revenue ; that to have revenue there must be taxes ; that no taxes can be devised which are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant; that the intrinsic embarrassment inseparable from the selection of the proper objects (which is always a choice of difficulties) ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct of the Government in making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue, which the public exigencies may at any time dictate. Observe good faith and justice towards all nations; cultivate peace and harmony with' all; religion and morality enjoin this conduct ; and can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no dis- tant period, a great nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel ex- ample of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt that, in the course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages which might be lost by a steady adherence to it? Can it be that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue ? The experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas ! is it rendered impossible by its vices ? In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential than that permanent inveterate antipathies against particular nations, and passionate attachments for others, should be excluded; and that, in place of them, just and amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. The nation which indulges towards another an habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is, in some degree, a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection ; either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one nation against another, disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable, when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. Hence frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and bloody contests. The nation, prompted by ill will and resentment, sometimes impels to war the Government, contrary to the best calculations of policy. The Government sometimes participates in the national propensity, and adopts, through passion, what reason would reject; at other times it makes the animosity of the nation subservient to projects of hostility, instigated by pride, ambition, and other sinister and pernicious motives. The peace often, sometimes perhaps the liberty, of nations has been the victim. So, likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation to another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite nation, facilitnting the illusion of an imaginary common interest, in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into FAREWELL ADDRESS. 247 one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter, without adequate inducement or justification. It leads also to concessions to the favorite nation of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the nation making the concessions; by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained, and by exciting jealousy, ill will, and a disposi- tion to retaliate, in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld ; and it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens (who devote themselves to the favorite nation) facility to betray, or sacrifice the interest of their own country, with- out odium; sometimes even with popularity; gilding with the appearance of a vir- tuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation. As avenues to foreigt: influence in innumerable ways, such attachments are par- ticularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent patriot. How many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practise the art of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the public councils ! Such an attachment of a small or weak, towards a great and powerful nation, dooms tlie former to be the satellite of the latter. Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens) the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake ; since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican Government. But that jealousy, to be useful, must be impartial ; else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defence against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation, and excessive dislike for another, cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil, and even second, the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots, who may resist the intrigues of the favorite, are liable to become suspected and odious; while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people to surrender their interests. The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connexion as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop. Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves, by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities. Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people, under an efficient Government, the period is not far off' when we may defy material injury from external annoyance ; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon, to be scrupulously respected ; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation ; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel. 248 WASHINGTON'S Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation ? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground ? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice ? It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world ; so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as capable of patronising infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs, that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But, in my opinion, it is unnecessary, and would be unwise to ex- tend them. Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable establishments, on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies. Harmony, and a liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand ; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences ; con- sulting the natural course of things ; diffusing and diversifying, by gentle means, the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing, with powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of our merchants, and to en- able the Government to support them, conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual opinions will permit, but temporary, and liable to be, from time to time, abandoned or varied, as experience and circum- stances shall dictate; constantly keeping in view, that it is folly in one nation to look for disinterested favors from another ; that it must pay, with a portion of its inde- pendence, for whatever it may accept under that character; that by such acceptance it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favors, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater error than to expect, or calculate upon, real favors from nation to na- tion. It is an illusion which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard. In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression I could wish ; that they will control the usual current of the passions, or prevent our nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations ; but if I may even flatter myself that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good ; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigues, to guard against the impos- tures of pretended patriotism ; this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare by which they have been dictated. How far, in the discharge of my official duties, I have been guided by the prin- ciples which have been delineated, the public records, and other evidences of my conduct, must witness to you and the world. To myself, the assurance of my own conscience is, that I have at least believed myself to be guided by them. In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my proclamation of the 22d of FAREWELL ADDRESS. 249 April, 1793, ^s the index to my plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice, and by that of your Representatives in both Houses of Congress, the spirit of that meas- ure has continually governed me, uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it. After deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied that our country, under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and interest to take, a neutral position. Hav- ing taken it I determined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it with moderation, perseverance, and firmness. The considerations which respect the right to hold this conduct, it is not neces- sary on this occasion to detail. I will only observe, that, according to my under- standing of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the belligerent powers, has been virtually admitted by all. The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without any thing more, from the obligation which justice and humanity impose on every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity towards other nations. The inducements of interest, for observing that conduct, will best be referred to your own reflections and experience. With me, a predominant motive has been to endea.vor to g.iin time to our country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions, and to progress, without interruption, to that degree of strength and consistency which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own fortunes. Though in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I am unconscious of in- tentional error; I am, nevertheless, too sensible of my defects not to think it prob- able that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope, that my countiy will never cease to view them with indulgence; and that, after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its service with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest. Relying on its kindness in this, as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it which is so natural to a man who views in it the native soil of him- self and his progenitors for several generations, I anticipate, with pleasing expecta- tion, that retreat in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet en- joyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign influence of good laws under a free Government — the ever favorite object of my heart — and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors, and dangers. GEORGE WASHINGTON, United States, iTtk September , 1796. OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT; THE THREE GREAT BRANCHES; FULL DESCRIPTION OF EACH BRANCH; ALL THE DEPARTMENTS AT WASHINGTON; ENTIRE GOVERNMENT MACHINERY. HE THREE GREAT BRANCHES.— Our government is divided by the Constitution into three distinct branches or departments, the Legislative, the Executive, and the Judicial. The existence of these departments is neces- sary for the energy and stability of the government. Their separation is necessary for the preservation of public lib- erty and private rights. When they are all united in one person or one body of men, that government is a despotism. The first resolution adopted by the Convention which framed the Con- stitution was that " a national government ought to be established consisting of a supreme legislative , judiciary and executive." THE LEGISLATIVE DEPARTMENT. This department consists of the Senate and the House of Representatives, and these two are called the Congress. The Senate is sometimes called the Upper House, and the House of Representatives the Lower House. The latter is also known as "the House," in contrast to "the Senate." In the Constitution they are spoken of as " each House," th'e " two Houses," " both Houses." The Constitution gives to the Congress the power to make all laws, and withholds that power from the other depart- ments. It is a representative body, and is supposed to do what the people would do if they were assembled in deliberative meeting to (251) The Bronze Door in the Capitol Commemorating the events in tKo Life of Christopher Columbus. 252 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 253 enact laws for their government. The Congress meets in regular session, according to the Constitution, on the first Monday in December, each year ; but the President may call extra sessions when necessary. The two Houses not only meet on the same day, but neither can adjourn without the consent of the other for more than three days at a time, nor to any other place than that of regular meeting, now the capitol at Washington. The Presi- dent may however change the place of meeting to avoid plague or other danger. Congresses themselves run by odd years, like the administrations. The 50th Congress met in first regular session Dec. (ist Monday), 1887. This first session of any Con- gress is called " the long session." It may end at any time dur- ing the next year, prior to December, The " long session " usually runs to July or August of an even year. The second session of a Congress is called the "short session." It meets in December of an even year and ends by limitation on March 3d of an odd year. Thus elections for President and for Congress- men occur in even years. Administrations and Congresses begin and end in odd years. THE SENA TE. — This branch or House of Congress is com- posed of two Senators from each State. There are now forty- four States. Multiply 44 by 2 and you have the number of United States Senators. It seems somewhat unfair that a large and populous State like New York should have no greater representation in the National Senate than small States like Delaware and Rhode Island. But this result was one of the necessary compromises of the Constitution. The Senate is built on the theory of State representation, the House of Representa- tives on the theory of popular or people representation. Senators are elected for six years. No man can be a Senator who is not thirty years old, who has not been a citizen of the United States for nine years, and who is not an inhabitant of the State for which he is chosen. The Senate is regarded as a more dignified and honorable body than the House of Representatives. Its very name (from senatus, which is from senex, old) presumes an older and graver membership. It is further removed from the populace. It does 254 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. not need to represent the fickle will of the masses, but the higher and more deliberative wish of the States, which are its constit- uency. As a law-making branch of the Congress it is equal with the House, except that it cannot originate bills* for raising revenue. Revenue bills must, according to the Constitution, originate in the House of Representativ^es.f No bill can become a law till it has received the approval of a majority in both Houses, and been approved by the President. The Senate has powers beyond those which are purely legisla- tive, and is therefore stronger in this respect than the lower House. It is a part of the Executive branch for the purpose of making appointments to office. All executive nominations for office must be approved by the Senate before they are final. The Senate may reject such nominations and compel the Presi- dent to send in other names. When the Senate is sitting to de- liberate on the President's nominations it is said to be in Execu- tive session. So the Senate in connection with the President constitutes the Treaty-making power of the government. When the Senate is sitting to deliberate on Treaties or other delicate matters it is said to be in " secret session." Further the Senate is the court before which impeachment cases are heard and by which they are determined. The Vice-President of the United States is the presiding officer of the Senate, but has no vote ex- cept when there is a tie. This presiding officer is called the President of the Senate. If the Vice-President should die or his seat be vacant for any cause, the Senate elects a President from its own members. As a matter of fact the Senate is ne\'er * An act when first presented to either House and up until the time of its passngc is called a " bill." After its passage it is an "act" or "law." Acts which are merely declarative of the intent of either House and binding on it, but which do not bear directly on the people at large, are called " Resolutions;" if passed by boiJi Houses and binding on both they are called " Joint Resolutions." f The jurisdiction of the two Houses over this point gives rise to frequent contro- versies. During the 2d session of 47th Congress the Senate originated, debated and passed a Tariff bill on its own account. This proceeding was objected to by the House, but as the final bill (the act of March 3, 1S83) was the result of a confer- ence of both Houses, much time was saved by the Senate action and no harm was done. 256 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. without a President pro tern., that officer being important as a possible President of the United States, in case of the death, resig- nation, removal or disability of both President and Vice-President. A two-third vote of all the Senators present is required to ratify a treaty or convict a person impeached. ELECTION OF SENATORS.— Tht place at which United States Senators shall be chosen must be determined by the States. This place, usually the State Capitol, cannot be changed by the Congress. But the Congress may fix the time and manner of electing Senators. It has done so. When a vacancy is about to exist by reason of expiration of a senatorial term, the State Legislature chosen next preceding such vacancy must, on the second Tuesday after its meeting, proceed to elect a Senator in Congress. Each branch of the Legislature selects, by a majority of all the viva voce votes cast, a candidate for Senator, The next day after the above-named second Tuesday at I2 m., both Houses meet in joint assembly. If it is found they have both nominated the same candidate, he shall be declared the Senator. If they have not, then the two Houses shall sit in joint assembly, meet- ing each day at 12 m., and casting at least one vote daily, till a Senator is chosen by a majority of the votes of said joint assembly, cast viva voce, a majority of both Houses being present. Vacancies by death or resignation are filled in the same way by the first Legislature which meets, finding such vacancy. The Governor of the State certifies such election, under the seal of the State and signed by his Secretary of State, to the President of the Senate of the United States. Both the Senate and House of Representatives are the final judges of the qualifications of their own members. In the first Senate one-third of the mem- bers were selected by lot for two years, another third for four, an- other third for six. This was to give effect to the clause in the Constitution making one-third of the Senate elective every two years. SENATE MACHINERY.— ThQ Senate employs for its com- fortable working a Secretary of the Senate at a salary of ^6,396; OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 257 a Chief Clerk, ^3,000; a Librarian; and a corps of regular clerks, committee clerks, pages, pasters and folders, numbering quite one hundred. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.— Knov^n also as " The Lower House " and as the " House." It is equal and co-ordi- nate with the Senate as a branch of Congress, but has the sole power to originate revenue bills, and to move in cases of im- peachment. Its bill of impeachment is like the bill of indict- ment found by a grand jury, and is tried before the Senate sit- ting as a court. Bills and resolutions pass in the House, as in the Senate, by a majority. Though the Senate and House make the Congress, a custom has grown up of designating the members of the House as M. C.'s (Members of Congress) and members of the Senate as Senators. ELECTION OF M. OS.— A member of the House must be twenty-five years of age, a citizen of the United States for seven years, and an inhabitant of the State in which he is chosen. He is elected for two years, and by the qualified electors in each State. His salary like that of Senator is ^5,000 per year.* The Congress fixes the number of members of the House after each decennial census, as required by the Constitution. Its act to this effect generally goes into operation on the third of March of the third year after the census. Thus the act for this purpose after the census of 1890 went into effect on and after March 3, 1893. The Congress enacted, Feb. 25, 1891, that, until another act after another census, the number of members of the House should be 356. This number was then divided among the States in proportion to their population. It was *The salary of a Congressman was $8 per day up to 1856. From that time to 1866 it was ^3,000 per year. It remained at this figure till act of March 3, 1873, increased it to $7,500 per year. This act increased the President's salary from $25,- 000 to ;^5o,ooo, and made a general increase of salaries among Department officers. It was very unpopular and was followed by the act of Jan. 20, 1874, re- ducing the salary of Congressmen to $5,000. It made material reductions in all the raised salaries. The President's salary remained at $50,000. In addition to 1^5,000 per year members of Congress (Senators and M. C.'s) are entitled to mile- age. This has always remained at forty cents a mile, on the principle, be it charit ably supposed, that they all go to the capitol by stage-coach as of yor«. 17 258 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. found that each State was entitled to the following number of members : MEMBERS OF HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. As Apportioned {after March 3, 1893) Under Census of 1890. Montana i Nebraska 6 Nevada I New Hampshire 2 New Jersey 8 New York 34 North Carolina 9 North Dakota i Ohio 21 Oregon 2 Pennsylvania 30 Rhode Island 2 South Carolina 7 South Dakota 2 Tennessee 10 Texas 13 Alabama 9 Arkansas 6 California 7 Colorado 2 Connecticut 4 Delaware ,1 Florida 2 Georgia 1 1 Idaho I Illinois , 22 Indiana 13 Iowa II Kansas 8 Kentucky Ii Louisiana 6 Maine 4 Maryland 6 Massachusetts 13 Michigan 12 Minnesota 7 Mississippi 7 Missouri 15 Vermont 2 Virginia lo Washington 2 West Virginia 4 Wisconsin lo Wyoming I Total .T356 Quota for a Representative 1 74,463 This act is called the apportionment act,* though the final work of apportionment is left to the States, each of which is required to divide itself into as many Congressional districts of contiguous territory, and containing as nearly as may be the number of inhabitants ascertained to be a quota or ratio, as the Congress has assigned to each. Thus by the above table New York has thirty-four members of Congress between the years 1893 and 1903, under the census of 1890. Her Legislature must * The first apportionment was made by the Convention which framed the Consti- tution. It gave to N. H. 3; Mass. 8; R. I. i ; Conn. 5 ; N. Y. 6; N. J. 4; Pa. 8; Del. I ; Md. 6 ; Va. 10 ; N. C. 5 ; S. C. 5 ; Ga. 3, or 65 in all. The ratio of represen. tation was 30,000. After the census of 1790, the act of 1792 fixed the ratio at ;^-^,- 000; the act of 1803 left it at 33,000; the act of 1811 at 35,000; the act of 1822 at 40,000; the act of 1832 at 47,700; the act of 1842 at 70,680. Up to this lime the apportionment acts only fixed a ratio of representation. The number of niembera was ascertained by dividing this ratio into the total population. But the act of 1852 fixed instead the number of members of the House at 233, leaving the ratio to be ascertained by dividing 233 into the population of 1850. This made the ratio 93,423. And so the ratio after i860 was 127,381 ; after 1870, 131,425; after 1880, 151,912, and after 1890, as above. 260 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. divide the State into thirty-four Congressional districts, each of which is to contain as nearly as may be 174,463 inhabitants. To get at the electoral vote of each State you must add the two Senators to the number of Representatives in the House. If a Congressional election takes place in a State before it has made its apportionment, and said State shall be entitled to one or more members of Congress than it had under the previous apportion- ment, the additional member or members may, for the time being, be elected on the general State ticket as " Members of Congress at Large." The States formerly voted for Congressmen at their annual State elections, no matter when they came off Now, under an act of Congress (March 3, 1875) prescribing a "uniform time for holding Congressional elections," they are all required to hold them on the " Tuesday next after the first Monday in No- vember," of every second year, and all will do so as soon as they can amend their Constitutions to that effect. ORGANIZATION OF THE HOUSE.— ThQ chief officer of the House is called the Speaker. He is elected by the mem- bers, at the beginning of each Congress. His election is a necessary part of organization. His compensation is ;$8,ooo, because his duties are more arduous than those of the average member, and his knowledge of parliamentary law and usages supposed to be greater. He may become President, for should there be no President, nor Vice-President, nor President of the Senate pro tent., the Speaker of the House becomes Acting Pres- ident. The most important officer of the House, after the Speaker, is the Clerk of the House, salary ;g5,ooo. Indeed, it would not be amiss to call him the most important officer of the House, for upon him devolves the duty of preparing a list of the members elected to each Congress, and only the members on this list are entitled to participate in the work of organization. If names are wrongfully omitted, the matter must be settled by regular hearing before the House, or a Committee on Elections, under the rule that each House is the judge of the qualification of its own members. OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 261 TERRITORIAL DELEGATES.— ¥.3ich. organized Territory is entitled to a representative in Congress (two, if the population warrants, though generally Territories become States by that time), elected by the qualified electors thereof, the same as Members of Congress. This Territorial representative is called a Delegate. He is entitled to join in debate but cannot vote. His pay is ;^5,ooo per year and mileage. HOUSE MACHINERY.— ThQ House machinery is more elaborate than that of the Senate. The Clerk of the House has a large corps of assistants, as has the Sergeant-at-Arms. The reading clerks, committee clerks, post-office clerks, library em- ployes, door-keepers, messengers, pasters and folders, etc., num- ber from 250 to 300. MAKING LA ^F^.— Both Houses rely largely on their Com- mittees to prepare bills and resolutions, before they are presented for discussion and final passage. These Committees are very numerous, and are organized presumably with reference to their fitness for the subjects referred to them. After the Speaker of the House is elected, his first important business is to appoint the Standing Committees of the House. The President of the Senate does the same for the Senate, at the opening of each new Congress. When a bill is introduced, it is read for the informa- tion of the members. If it is not opposed or rejected, it is said to be passed to a second reading, which may be the next or some subsequent day. On that second reading the question comes up shall it be committed to one of the above Standing Committees, the subject of the bill suggesting the proper Committee. Some- times the nature of the bill is such as to require its reference to a special or select Committee. When bills of great moment are under discussion, the House resolves itself into a Committee of the Whole, on account of the greater freedom of debate then allowed. After the Committee to which a bill has been referred are done deliberating on it, it is reported back to the House either adversely or favorably, and with or without amendments. Then the question is on its engrossment (copying in a fair hand) for third reading. After being engrossed (if it has been so ordered), it is read a third time and the question is on its pas- 262 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. sage. If passed, it is signed by the presiding officer and sent to the other House, where it goes through the same routine. Sometimes amendments are added on its passage. If so, it is sent back to the House where it originated. If these are agreed to, it is repassed there. If not, and the bill is important, the dis- agreement between the two Houses is settled, if possible, in what is called a Committee of Conference ; that is, a Committee com- posed of members from both Houses. This Committee reports to both Houses the results of its deliberations, and if in the shape of a bill, it is again on its final passage in both Houses as before. When passed by both Houses, it is sent to the Presi- dent. If he approves it, he signs it, and then it is law. If he does not approve it, he sends it back to the House in which it originated, with his veto message, where the question is, " Shall it pass notwithstanding the President's veto?" Unless it is sus- tained by a vote of two-thirds of both Houses it cannot become a law over the veto. If so sustained it becomes law in spite of the veto. The President has ten days in which to consider a bill before he signs or vetoes it. Many bills are crowded on the President within ten days of the adjournment of Congress. Those he favors he returns with his approval in time, and so with those he does not favor, if he wishes his reasons for a veto to become public. But sometimes he does not return the bill at all in time for adjournment, and thus kills it. This is called the " pocket veto," the bill being in the President's pocket, as it were. It is not regarded as a very manly way of exercising the veto power, but must be excused sometimes to rush of busi- ness during the closing days of a session. Resolutions and Joint Resolutions follow the routine of Bills. CONGRESSIONAL LIBRARY.— An act of April 24, 1800, appropriated ^5,000 to buy necessary books for Members of the Congress. Act of Jan. 26, 1802, organized The Library of Congress, located it in a room previously occupied by the House of Representatives, created the office of Librarian, made him appointive by the President, and limited the use of books to Members of Congress and the Departments. Up to 18 14 there were only 3,000 volumes in the librar}^ It was burned Aug. 25, Bronze Door in the National Capitol Commemorating the Events of the Life of George Washington. 263 264 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 1 8 14, with the capitol, by the British. In September, 18 14, Jef- ferson offered his Hbrary of 6,700 volumes, as the nucleus of a new library of Congress, at cost. It was accepted, and the sum of ;^23,950 paid for it. In 18 18 the annual appropriation to the Library was raised to $2,000 a year, and in 1824 to ;^ 5, 000 a year. This year it was moved to the central capitol. In 1851 it had 55,000 volumes, and again met with a loss by fire of 35,000 volumes. Starting anew. Congress rebuilt a fire-proof hall for $75,000, and appropriated $75,000 to buy books. By i860 it contained 75,000 volumes, on an annual appropriation of $7,000. This was increased to $10,000 in 1861. In 1866 it re- ceived the 40,000 volumes of the Smithsonian Institute. In 1867 the Force library was purchased at a cost of $100,000. It contained 60,000 books and articles. The Law Department of the Library was constituted by act of July 14, 1832. Under an annual appropriation of $2,000 a year it has grown from 2,01 1 volumes to 35,000. By act of July 8, 1870, the granting of copyrights was centered in the office of the Librarian of Congress, where two copies of each publication entered for copyright must be deposited. This has brought an annual addition of 25,000 books, maps, and other articles, in duplicate. In January, 1880, the library contained 365,000 volumes and 120,000 pamphlets, and in 1892,625,000 volumes and 200,000 pamphlets. The catalogue alone fills four royal octavo volumes. Measures are now being taken to erect a new building, which is much needed, the capacity of the present one being wholly inadequate. Expenditure for the Library is under control of a joint committee of both Houses of Congress. The same committee have control of the Botanical Garden, which supplies plants, seeds and flowers to Members of Congress for public distribution and personal use. PUBLIC PRINTING OFFICE.— \3\\\:\\ i860 the govern- ment hired men to do its printing, and each House employed a printer. The expense got to be so enormous that Congress authorized a Government Printing Office, and appropriated $150,000 to start it. It was placed under the management of a Superintendent of Public Printing, or the Public Printer, whose OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 265 •alary is ^4,500. This officer is selected by Congress. He has power to purchase all necessary material and employ ample help. He must report to Congress each session the work done, the expense incurred, the number of hands employed, the full and exact condition of the establishment. The office is now the largest and best appointed in the world. It prints and binds all public books and papers, except where otherwise ordered. The number of these is simply enormous, and many of them of very little use. The force employed consists of six clerks, and .some 1,500 hands. The cost of work done in the office must not ex- ceed that of private printing offices in Washington. THE EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT. The language of the Constitution is. Art. II. Sec. i : " The executive power shall be vested in a President of the United States of America. He shall hold his office during the term of four years, and, together with the Vice-President, chosen for the same term, be elected as follows." Before showing how he is elected let it be said that he is sometimes called " The Executive," and " The Chief Magistrate of the Nation." The Congress (Legislative Branch) legislates, that is, makes the laws ; the President (Executive Branch) exe- cutes or enforces the laws ; the Supreme, Circuit and District Courts (Judicial Branch) adjudge, expound, interpret, pronounce, aad, with the civic machinery at their command, also execute the laws. PRESIDENT-MAKING.— The people do not vote directly for the President and Vice-President but for Presidential electors, whose number in each State is equal to the number of the representatives (Senators and M. C.'s) in the Congress from that State.* The President must be thirty-five years of age and a native of the United States. At first the political parties design * At first the Legislatures of the respective States generally made choice of the electors. This was gradually abandoned, and by 1824 most of the States used the popular vote. In 1828 the popular vote of the States became an element of com- putation. South Carolina retained the method of electing electors by her Legisla- ture till 1868. This word elector is misleading. Any qualified voter is an elector. But it is in the Constitution and besides has the sanction of long custom. 266 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. nated their candidates for President in Congressional Caucus. This method began to give way to the modern system of Na- tional Nominating Conventions with a platform of principles about 1832-36. The first four Presidential elections were con- ducted under Art. II., Sec. i, Clause 3, of the Constitution, which did not require a separate nomination for Vice-President, but that each elector should vote for two persons, not from the same State, the one having the highest number of votes to be Presi- dent, the one having the next highest to be Vice-President. In the election of 1800, Jefferson and Burr had each 73 votes, and the contest had to be settled in the House. At the previous election of 1796, John Adams, Federal, had 71 votes, Thomas Jefferson, Republican, 68 votes. Here was a President of one party, and a Vice-President of another. It was evident that the clause was defective, and it was amended in 1804 by the adoption of the 12th Amendment. PRESIDENTIAL ELECTORS.—'' Each State shall appoint, in such manner as the Legislature thereof may direct, a number of electors, equal to the whole number of Senators and Repre- sentatives to which the State may be entitled in the Congress ; but no Senator, or Representative, or person holding an office of trust or profit under the United States shall be appointed an elector," Cons. Art. II., Sec. i. Clause 2. THE ELECTORAL COLLEGE.— Under the above article, and the apportionment in accordance with the Census of 1890, the Electoral Colleges of the respective States contain electors, as follows : Alabama 1 1 ] Maryland 8 Arkansas 8 1 Massachusetts 15 California 9 M icliigan 14 Colorado 4 Minnesota 9 Connecticut 6 Mississippi 9 Delaware 3 Florida 4 Georgia 13 Idaho 3 Illinois 24 Indiana 15 Iowa 13 Kansas 10 Kentucky 13 Louisiana 8 Maine 6 Missouri 17 Montana 3 Nebraska 8 Nevada 3 New Hampshire 4 New Jersey lo New York 36 North Carolina II North Dakota 3 Ohio 23 Oregon 4 268 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. Pennsylvania 32 Rhode Island 4 South Carolina 9 South Dakota 4 Tennessee 12 Texas 15 Vermont 4 Virginia 12 Washington 4 West Virginia 6 Wisconsin 12 Wyoming 3 Total 444 Requiring, as l)ei\veen two candidates, 223 to eleci. CHOOSING OF ELECTORS.— Sectors of President and Vice-President are chosen in each State on the Tuesday next after the first Monday in November, in every fourth year suc- ceeding every election of a President or Vice-President, This is the Presidential election. The number of electors must equal the whole number of Representatives and Senators to which the several States are by law entitled at the time when the President and Vice-President to be chosen come into office. But where no apportionment of Representatives has been made after a Census, at the time of choosing electors, the number of electors must be according to the then existing apportionment of Senators and Representa- tives. Each State may by law provide for filling any vacancies in its electoral college, when such college meets to give its elec- toral vote. When any State has held an election for electors and has failed to make a choice on the day fixed by law, electors may be appointed on a subsequent day in such manner as the Legislature may prescribe. ELECTORAL COLLEGE.— Electors for each State meet and give their votes the first Wednesday in December in the year in which they are chosen, at such place in each State as its Legislature directs. On the day of meeting, or before, the Governor of each State delivers to the electors three certified lists of the names of electors of such State. The electors vote for President and Vice-President, as the Constitution directs in Art. XII. of the Amendments. They then make and sign three certificates of the votes given by them, each of which contains two distinct lists, one of the votes for Presi- dent, the other of votes for Vice-President, and annex to each OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 269 of the certificates one of the hsts of electors furnished them by the Governor. They seal these certificates, and certify on each that it contains the lists of all the votes of such State for Presi- dent and Vice-President. One of them must be placed in the hands of a person appointed by them, to be delivered by him to the President of the Senate, in Washington, before the first Wednesday of the ensuing January. The second they forward by mail to the President of the Senate. The third they forth- with deliver to the judge of the district in which the electors assemble. If the certificates of any State have not arrived in Washington by the first Wednesday in January, the Secretary of State sends a messenger for the list deposited with the district judge. Congress shall be in session on the second Wednesday in February after each meeting of electors, and the certificates, or as many as have been received, shall be opened, the votes counted, and the persons to fill the offices of President and Vice- President ascertained and declared agreeably to the Constitu- tion. See Art. XIII., Amendments. If there is no President of the Senate at Washington when the person to whom the certificates have been entrusted arrives, he deposits them with the Secretary of State, to be turned over to the President of the Senate as soon as may be. The four years term of President and Vice-President begins on the fourth of March next succeeding the day on which the votes of the electors have been given. As we have seen, this is always an odd year, and the election is always on an even year. PRESIDENTS DUTIES.— He is sworn into office, together with the Vice-President, on March 4th after his election, and usually delivers an inaugural address foreshadowing his policy. He communicates annually with the Congress by means of a formal, written message. Before Jefferson's time the Presidents delivered their annual messages in person. Jefferson established the custom of communicating by written messages, as in better accord with Republican simplicity. The President also com- municates with Congress by message at any time during the session if he has anything important to say. 270 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. He received, up to 1873, ;^25,ooo salary ; since then his salary- has been $50,000, with the use of the White House and its fur- niture. He is not allowed to receive any other emolument, not even a gift, and his salary cannot be raised or lowered during his term of office. He is Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy, may grant pardons except in cases of impeachment, call extra sessions of Congress, and change the meeting-place of Congress in time of danger or great emergency. He has, jointly with the Senate, the treaty-making power and the appointing power. He may be impeached and removed from office. In case of death, absence or disability the Vice- President becomes President. Around him and in the Execu- tive office proper are his Private Secretary, Assistant Secretary, and a corps of stenographers and clerks, doorkeepers, watch- men and ushers. But the President's chief body of assistants and advisers is made up of the members of his Cabinet. PRESIDENTS CABINET.— C^bmet means a small room in which select or secret councils are held by an executive or chief officer of state. The President's Cabinet is not a creation of law but of custom. The law merely creates the departments or bureaus and authorizes for each a chief, who is appointed by the President, by and with the consent of the Senate. These departments being important, and a direct means by which the President executes the laws, their heads or chiefs are supposed to act in concert with the President. To maintain this concert they must be frequently called into council or cabinet meeting. The chiefs of departments who are now recognized as officers of the Cabinet are the Secretary of State, Secretary of War, Sec. of Treasury, Sec. of Navy, Sec. of Interior, Sec. of Agriculture, Attorney-General, and Postmaster-General, eight in all. Of the function of each of these, as heads of their respective depart- ments, we shall speak in the proper place. We now speak of them only as members of the Cabinet, or President's advisers. Their pay, not as Cabinet members, but as heads of their departments, is $8,000 a year. As ex officio members of the Cabinet they are called into " Cabinet meeting " by the Presi- OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 271 dent whenever he needs their advice in shaping a poHcy, or in- formation from them respecting the running of their depart- ments, though this latter is usually laid before the Congress and country in the annual reports of the heads of depart- ments. Whenever a head of department, who ranks as a Cabinet officer, cannot agree with the President in his policy, and is tenacious of his views, he resigns on the principle that he is no longer a proper adviser. The Senate rarely fails to confirm the nominations of the President to those department places which rank as Cabinet offices, for the reason that he is entitled to the privilege of surrounding himself with advisers who are in har- mony with his executive views. From what we have now learned of the Cabinet, it will be understood that it has been a growth. Under Washington's administration there were but three department officers who ranked as Cabinet members, viz. : Secretary of State, Secretary of Treasury and Secretary of War. Naval affairs were then under the control' of the Secretary of War. The separate Navy Department was not organized till April 30, 1798, Adams' ad- ministration, when the Cabinet was augmented by the Secretary of Navy. The Postmaster-General was a subordinate of the Treasury Department till 1829. Though the office of Attorney- General was created by act of September 24, 1789, he did not rank as a full Cabinet officer till 1841-45, Tyler's administration. The Department of Interior was created March 3, 1849, last day of Polk's administration, and the Secretary of the Interior be- came a Cabinet officer. The Department of Agriculture was raised to the grade of a cabinet office by the 50th Congress. VICE-PRESIDENT. — The Constitution says all executive power shall be in the President. But when it comes to speaking of his qualification and election, it mentions a Vice-President. " No person constitutionally ineligible to the office of President shall be eligible to the office of Vice-President." 12th Amend- ment, clause 3. The Vice-President is not endowed with much power. His salary is ;^8,ooo. He is presiding officer of the Senate, but without a vote, except in case of a tie. In all else he is like an alternate, merely an official provision against the 272 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. possibility of being without a President. The Vice-President be- comes President in case of the death, resignation, impeachment, or disability of the latter. This has happened four times in the history of our government, when Harrison and Taylor died and Lincoln and Garfield were assassinated. DEPARTMENT OF STATE. CREATIVE ACTS. — There is no mention in the Constitution of this department nor any other belonging to the Executive branch of the government. They are all creations of Congress, which was endowed with power to pass all laws necessary to give effect to the Constitution. At the starting of the govern- ment, foreign relations were intricate and momentous. There- fore the act of July 27, 1789 (ist Congress, extra session), created a Department of Foreign Affairs, whose Secretary should attend to correspondence and negotiations with foreign ministers, and to such other foreign affairs as the President might order and direct. By act of September 15, 1789 (same session), the name of this department was changed to Department of State, and the chief to Secretary of State, and he was, in addition to the above duties, charged with the receipt and publication of the laws of Congress, made custodian of the great Seal, and author- ized to use it on civil commissions. In 1853 the office of Assist- ant Secretary of State was created. NATURE AND DUTIES.— 1:\\q Department of State usu- ally heads the list of the Executive Departments. The Secretary of State is regarded as the nearest officer to the President, and is usuall}^ selected on account of the great confidence reposed in him as a lawyer, diplomatist and safe political adviser. He is sometimes called the President's Premier, or Prime Minister, after the English fashion, because he ranks as Ji?'sf of his coun- sellors. In monarchies the class of officers we call Secretaries are called Ministers. The Secretary of State conducts all correspondence with and issues all instructions to United States consuls and ministers ; negotiates with foreign ministers and representatives on all mat- ters they submit, under the direction of the President ; fixes the 274 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. great seal to all executive ccmmissions ; receives and preserves the originals of all bills, orders and resolutions of House or Senate ; promulgates and publishes the laws, amendments to the Constitution, and all consular and diplomatic information ; lays before Congress annually a report of commercial systems among nations, treaties, diplomacy and all information touching our relations with foreign governments ; grants passports. His is indeed an arduous and responsible office. As a cabinet officer the President relies on him more than on any other, because of the delicacy, often intricacy, of the subjects which come under his consideration. Foreign relations are seldom free from serious complications, and negligence or blunder might at any moment lead to war. MACHINERY. — The machinery for working this important department is ample and intricate. It consists of a number of bureaus, branches and divisions, each of which is designed to attend to one of the many duties of the department. Thus there is a Diplomatic Bureau, Consular Bureau, Bureau of Indexes and Archives, Bureau of Accounts, Librarian, Division of Statistics, Bureau of Law, Division of Translations, Division of Pardons, Passport Division. DIPLOMATIC SERVICE.— ThQ Diplomatic Bureau of the Department of State is the centre of the Diplomatic Service of the United States. This service embraces Envoys Extraordinary and Ministers Plenipotentiary. These high-sounding titles designate our most important ministers to foreign countries. They, like all our foreign ministers of whatever grade, are ap- pointed by the President, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate. They do not, however, represent the President but the entire government. It is to be regretted that a service dedi- cated to diplomacy, which is supposably exact and exacting, should be so loose in its use of terms. The word Embassador has with us none but the most general meaning. It might very properly include all that is meant by the above lengthy titles. The persons sent abroad to represent the government and who are called Envoys Extraordinary and Ministers Plenipotentiary are not only authorized to reside in the country they go to, but OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 275 are fully commissioned to act for our government there. They are offices of great dignity and responsibility, and are usually filled with men of prudence and knowledge of foreign affairs. By the Law of Nations Embassadors, Envoys, Ministers and duly accredited representatives of any kind are exempt from arrest, imprisonment and prosecution. Violation of the person, property or rights of an Embassador in any civilized country would be a cause for war on the part of the country offended. We have now (1892) forty Embassadors abroad who take rank and receive salary according to the importance of the country they are sent to. The first rank is " Envoy Extraordi- nary and Minister Plenipotentiary." Ministers of this rank are usually accompanied by one, or more, " Secretary of Legation," who acts as their Secretary and Interpreter. Sometimes special interpreters are provided. In the absence of their principals, these Secretaries are quite often the only representatives of the United States in the countries to which they are credited. A distinction must here be drawn between a Minister, or Envoy, Extraordinary and Minister Resident. By this word " Resident " is not meant permanent residence, but only until their commissions expire. They do not go on a special mission, to return when it is ended, but are clothed with an authority and given instructions like ministers of higher rank, the only practical difference being that the countries to which they are credited are of less importance, and their salaries are conse- quently smaller. There is another class of foreign officials called " Charge D'Affaires." These are endowed with a function nearly equiva- lent to that of Minister Resident, only instead of being accredited to the sovereigns of the countries they go to, they are accredited to their Ministers of Foreign Affairs. Generally speaking, they go to countries without intricate diplomacy. Ministers to France, Germany, Great Britain and Russia receive $17,500 per year and are entitled to secretaries. Min- isters to Austria, Brazil, China, Italy, Japan, Mexico and Spain, receive $12,000. Ministers to Chili, Costa Rica, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, Peru ^nd Salvador receive ;$io,ooo. 276 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. Ministers to Argentine, Belgium, Corea, Hawaii, Netherlands, Norway and Sweden, Turkey, Colombia, Uruguay, Paraguay and Venezuela receive ;$7,500. Ministers to other countries, as Greece, Servia, Roumania, Denmark, Portugal, Switzerland, etc., are generally also Consuls General, with salaries ranging from ;^5,ooo to $6,500. The salaries of Secretaries of Legation range from ;^i,500 to $2,62$, according to their importance. Inter- preters, especially in oriental countries, are handsomely paid. Where the foreign states are small, contiguous, and with identical interests, one American Minister is sometimes ac- credited to two or more such states. Thus, our Minister to Roumania is also Minister to Greece and Servia; and our Minis- ter to Paraguay is also Minister to Uruguay. CONSULAR SERVICE.— The second Bureau in the State Department is the Consular Bureau. It is a large and important Bureau, and through its consuls the government finds a representation in every important city and country in the world. Like Ministers, Envoys and Secretaries of Legation, they are appointed by the President and Senate. They hear all complaints of American captains, masters, crews and passengers, and adjudicate their cases; hear protests of American merchants, also of foreigners respecting American citizens ; certify to the correctness of all invoices of goods shipped to this country ; gather commercial information of the country and send it to the Consular Bureau ; take charge of deceased Americans, their effects and estates, and properly dis- pose of the same. They have no representative or diplomatic status, but are nevertheless protected under the Law of Nations, the raised flag of the country being their safeguard. They may determine all matter of wages for seamen on board American ships, receive ships' papers and see that they are correct, provide for sick or destitute seamen and send them home, dismiss crews if mutinous or disobedient, settle questions of wreck and salvage, assist in defence of American criminals on trial in their jurisdic- tion ; and in some countries aid in adjudicating civil disputes. There is a full code of laws and instructions for their government. They arc of three grades. No. I embraces Consuls-Genera) OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 277 and Consuls with fixed salaries, who are not allowed to transact any other business. No. 2 includes those with fixed salaries (lower than the first), who are allowed to transact other business. No. 3 embraces all who are paid by fees, and allowed to transact other business. Some of the third-class find a large profit from fees, some find nearly nothing. Besides those in these classes there are Commercial Agents and Consular Clerks with similar duties and powers. It will be readily seen the Consular Service embraces many hundred persons. They are appointed usually at the instance of Senators and Representatives, but many through the influence of commercial men, and for their knowl- edge of foreign languages and business usages. SECRETARIES OF STATE. Name. Appointed. Thomas Jefferson, Va. . . .Sept. 26, Edmund Randolph, Va. .Jan. 2, Timothy Pickering, Pa. , .Dec. 10, John Marshall, Va May 13, James Madison, Va Mar. 5, Robert Smith, Md Mar. 6, James Monroe, Va April 2, JohnQuincy Adams, Mass. Mar. 5, Henry Clay, Ky Mar. 7, Martin Van Buren, N. Y. .Mar. 6, Edward Livingston, La. . .May 24, Louis McLane, Del May 29, John Forsyth, Ga June 27, Daniel Webster, Mass. . . . Mar. 5, Hugh S. Legare, S. C May 9, Abel P. Upshur, Va July 24, John Nelson, Md Feb. 29, 7S9 794 795 800 801 809 811 817 825 829 831 833 834 841 843 843 844 Name. John C. Calhoun, S. C. . . James Buchanan, Pa John M. Clayton, Del Daniel Webster, Mass. . . . Edward Everett, Mass... . William L. Marcy, N. Y., Lewis Cass, Mich Jeremiah S. Black, Pa. . . William H. Seward, N. Y E. W. Washburne, 111.. . Hamilton Fish, N. Y William M. Evarts, N. Y, James G. Blaine, Me F. T. Frelingliuysen, N.J. Thomas F. Bayard, Del. James G. Blaine, Me. . . . John W. Foster, Ind Appointed. Mar. 6, 1844 .Mar. 6, 1845 Mar. 7, 1849 July 22, 1850 .Nov. 6, 1852 Mar. 7, 1853 Mar. 6, 1857 Dec. 17, i860 .Mar. 5, i86i .Mar. 5, 1869 .Mar. II, 1869 .Mar. 12, 1877 .Mar. 5, 1 88 1 .Dec. 12. li^Xf .Mar. 6, 1885 Mar. 5, 1889 .June 29, 1892 TREASURY DEPARTMENT. CREATIVE ACTS.— The Treasury of the Continental Con- gress was conducted under the auspices of a Committee of Con- gress, Under the Confederation the office of " Secretary of the Treasury " was created by act of Feb. 1 1, 1779. By act of June 30, 1779, it was resolved into a Board of Commissioners. By act of Feb. 7, 1781, the Board of Commissioners gave way to a Superintendent of Finance, who was given (Sept. ii, 1781) the assistance of a Comptroller, Register, Treasurer and Auditors. By act of May 28, 1784, the old Board of Commissioners was reinvested with control. This was very changeable legislation 278 OUR PLAN -OF GOVERNMENT. respectirifT an office so important as that of the Treasury, but it was characteristic of the Confederation. During the first session of Congress, Sept. 2, 1789, our present Treasury Department was estabHshed with a Secretary of the Treasury, Comptroller, Auditor, Treasurer, Register and Assistant Secretary. Around this nucleus has been built by repeated acts of Congress the present stupendous fabric, whose officials are more numerous than those of any other department, whose re- sponsibilities are greater, whose existence is inseparable from that of the government, whose transactions amount to hundreds of millions of dollars a year. POWERS AND DUTIES.— AW accounts of the United States are settled in the Treasury Department, and there all moneys due are received, and owing, paid. The transactions of this department date from July i of each year. This is called the Fiscal (money) year. No officer or clerk in this department is permitted to accept any compensa- tion over and above his salary for transacting any business in the department, nor can any employe trade in the funds of or debts of the United States. The chief officer is the Secretary of the Treasury, salary $8,000. He is a member of the Cabinet, and is appointed, like all department officers, by the President, by and with the con- sent of the Senate. He has two Assistant Secretaries at a salary of $4,500 each. The Secretary must manage the collection of all revenue and lay plans for supporting the public credit; order and keep all public accounts ; grant warrants for moneys appro- priated by Congress ; audit accounts of receipts and disburse- ments ; collect all commercial statistics ; report annually to Con- gress, or whenever called upon, his methods of management, results and recommendations. For his assistance in the discharge of these multifarious and responsible duties he has a corps of officers, clerks and assistants wliich number over 3,000. These are all at work in the follow- ing subdcpartmcnts, bureaus or divisions : FIRST ASSISTANT. — This officer supervises all the work relating to Appointments ; Public Moneys ; Revenue Marine ; 280 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. Stationery, Printing and Blanks; Loans and Currency; Bureau of Engraving and Printing; Bureau of the Mint. SECOND ASSISTANT supervises all the work belonging to the Division of Customs ; Special Agents ; Navigation ; In- ternal Revenue ; Appropriations, Warrants and Estimates ; Super- vising Architect ; Marine Hospital Supervision ; Bureau of Statistics ; Inspector-General of Steam-vessels. CHIEF CLERK'S OFFICE has supervision of all the Treasury buildings, their furniture, repairs, mails, horses, wagons, ♦working property. APPOINTMENTS. — This division supervises all appoint- ments and removals in the department, the Customs Service, In- ternal Revenue, and other branches of the Treasury Department; prepares the Treasury Register (Blue Book) ; and attends to matters of estimates, pay-rolls, etc. WARRANTS.— The Division of Warrants, Estimates and Appropriations issues Warrants for the payment of Public Moneys ; keeps Sinking Fund, Public Debt and Pacific R. R. accounts; account of Appropriations and Estimates therefor; states annual expenditures and monthly statement of debt ; keeps Financial Statistics. PUBLIC MONEYS. — This division supervises the sub- Treasuries and National Banks, and enforces the laws and regu- lations respecting them. CUSTOMS. — The Division of Customs hears and determines "all questions of tariff laws and regulations arising in the Customs Districts or Consular service. The Commissioner of Customs makes final revision of the accounts of Customs officers from all the ports of the country. INTERNAL REVENUE.— Thi^ division, uniting with it that of Navigation, has charge of all questions arising in the Marine service and relating to, or growing out of, the collection of Internal Revenue. The actual work of collection belongs to the Bureau of Internal Revenue. LOANS AND CURRENCY is a division which supervises the National loans, the redemption of bonds ; preparations for printing bonds ; delivery and redemption of bonds and their can- OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 281 cellatlon and destruction. In its records a U. S. bond can be traced from the paper-mill to the furnace, REVENUE MARINE SERVICE is an adjunct of the Cus- toms service. It consists of 37 fast revenue cutters for the use of Customs officers, that they may board vessels, make searches, collect duties, and enforce the laws against smuggling. STATIONERY, PRINTING AND BLANKS.— This divi- sion purchases, prints, binds and distributes books and blanks for use in the subdivisions of the Treasury Department. SPECIAL AGENTS. — This division supervises the work of the thirty odd special agents of the Treasury who go, armed with full authority, into the Customs Districts to note the man- ner of doing work, correct wrong methods, and secure uniform enforcement of the laws. SECRET SERVICE. — This division superintends the work of detecting and punishing counterfeiters of the National bonds, coin and currency. It is supported by annual appropriations devoted to this secret, detective work. CAPTURED PROPERTY.— This division has in charge all the records, archives and property captured or abandoned during the Rebellion. It furnishes all information to claimants or for historical and legal purposes which is sought through it. ENGRAVING AND PRINTING.— ThQ engraving and printing of government bonds, United States notes, securities, stamps, and whatever represents value, is in charge of this Bu- reau. It embraces many subdivisions, and is regarded as the completest establishment of its kind in the world. BUREAU OF THE MINT supervises the work of all the United States Mints and Assay offices. Its chief officer is the Director of the Mint, salary $4,500. The United States Mints are located at Philadelphia, Pa.; San Francisco, Cal.; New Or- leans, La.; Carson, Nevada. The Assay offices are located at Denver, Col; New York City; Helena, Montana; Boise City, Idaho ; and Charlotte, N. C. The Assay offices do not coin money, but reduce gold and silver to ingots or bars, and stamp the fineness or quality on each bar. In addition to overseeing the workings of the respective Mints and Assay offices, the 282 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. Director of the Mint must certify to the Secretary of Treasury each year the actual value of the coins of every nation. The officers directly in charge of the different Mints are called Superintendents of Mints. SUPERVISING ARCHITECT.— This office was created in 1853, to obviate the difficulty of erecting the large and numerous public buildings through irresponsible and unskilled commis- sions. Before the creation of the office there was no uniformity in public buildings, but little taste, and poor adaptation to the purposes intended. The duties of the office are to select proper sites, submit plans and estimates, and carry on the work of con- struction. The Supervising Architect is assisted by an ab4e corps of clerks and draughtsmen numbering nearly 100. STEAM-VESSEL INSPECTION— ThQ head of this ser- vice is the Supervising Inspector-General of Steam-Vessels. His duty is to enforce all the laws relating to the inspection of steam-vessels. There are local inspectors and officers in all the commercial cities of the country. LIFE-SA VI NG SERVICE.— Th^ Superintendent of this ser- vice has charge of all the life-saving stations on our coasts. This service in its present form dates from 1878. It is a growing and important service, and is at present conducted at an annual expense of ;$50o,ooo, with a force of some 1,400 men, mostly hardy surfmen, who lead an exposed and dangerous life at points on our coast where wrecks are most likely to occur. STATISTICS. — The Chief of this Bureau receives, arranges and publishes the statistics of finance, coinage, immigration, population, railroads, minerals, agriculture, manufacture, and domestic and foreign commerce of the United States, sent from every authorized source. LIGHT-HOUSES. — The Secretary of the Treasury is Presi- dent of the Light-House Board. This Board is composed of nine men, chosen for their scientific knowledge. They have in charge the work of lighting the coasts of oceans and rivers. It was organized in 1852. Their labors involve the proper lighting of 5,000 miles of Atlantic coast, 1,500 of Pacific coast, 3,000 miles of lake coast, and 5,500 miles of river coast. Thus far about OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 283 12,000 light-houses or stations have been erected; 3,000 buoys, 420 day beacons, 54 fog signals, and 25 light-ships have been placed in position. MARINE HOSPITALS.— This service is under a Supervis- ing Surgeon-General. It was established July 16, 1798, and re- organized in 1870 and 1875. It is designed to afford protection to sick and disabled seamen, with a view to encouraging fit per- sons to become sailors. The terms of enlistment require a pay- ment of forty cents a month from seamen's wages. This goes to the government. As a consideration for this the government cares for them when sick or disabled at one of its Marine Hos- pitals, or, where none exist, at any designated hospital. It is an important service, and has charge of as many as 20,000 invalid seamen annually. FIRST COMPTROLLERS Office has charge of all civil accounts except those relating to the Customs and Postal Ser- vice. The office was established September 2, 1789. The First Comptroller checks the work of the First and Fifth Auditor and the Commissioner of the Land Office. SECOND COMPTROLLERS Office, established March 3, 1 8 17, revises and checks all the accounts of the Second, Third and Fourth Auditors. BUREAU OF COMPTROLLER.— The Comptroller of the Currency has the responsible duty of enforcing all laws relating to the issue and regulation of the National Currency. He is custodian of the plates from which notes are printed, supervises the naming and starting of National banks, attends to their clos- ing operations when they fail, reports to Congress annually con- cerning the entire workings of the National banking system. The office was established in February, 1863, and was rendered necessary by the National Currency system which came into existence at that time. AUDITORS. — The accounts of the Treasury Department of whatever kind must reach final settlement under the hands of Auditors, There are six of these, and each is the head of a separate office. The numerous accounts are subdivided accord- ing to nature or subject, and each Auditor receives those which by law or custom fall under his jurisdiction. 284 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. TREASURER. — The office of United States Treasurer was established by act of September 2, 1789. The Treasurer re- ceives and accounts for all public moneys arising from customs, internal revenue, sale of lands, or whatever source. The United States Treasury is not only the Treasury at Washington, but the sub-Treasuries located for convenience at New York, Boston, Philadelphia, Baltimore, Chicago, Cincinnati, New Orleans, San Francisco and St. I.ouis. It comprises also certain banks which are designated as depositaries of public moneys, though these last cannot receive any moneys arising from customs. The sub-Treasuries are officered by Treasurers, who give bond and are responsible outside of the United States Treasurer at Wash- ington. This is why they are called Independent Treasuries. REGISTER OF TREASURY.— \Vh\\e the United States Treasurer is the officer who actually handles the money and is responsible for its safe-keeping, the accounts of receipts and dis- bursements are under the supervision of the Register. This office was created by the same act as the Treasurer. INTERNAL REVENUE BUREAU— T\\q establishment of a system of Internal Revenue, made necessary by the civil war, gave rise to a Bureau devoted to the supervision of the sys- tem. Its chief is Commissioner of Internal Revenue. The Bureau was established by act of July i, 1862. In it centre the accounts of the Collectors of Internal Revenue, who are the officers appointed to make actual collections in the Revenue Districts into which the entire country has been divided. The Bureau consists of several sub-divisions devoted to Law, Ac- counts, Agents, Stamps, Tobacco and Distilled Spirits. COAST 5W?F^F:— Instituted Feb. 10, 1807, for mapping the coasts, rivers, and harbors of the United States, locating rocks, shoals, and shallows, and making charts of the soundings. The work is under the supervision of the Secretary of the Treasury, but is actively prosecuted by a Superintendent of Coast Survey. BOARD OF HEALTH.— T\\\s body was created by act of March 3, 1879. It is composed of seven members. Their duty is to co-operate with similar Boards in the States, and to act in- OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. _^ 285 dependently, for the purpose of finding out how epidemics origi- nate, and what will prevent them. CUSTOMS SERVICE. — Custom Houses are of course only found at the points where goods from foreign ports are landed. These are called Ports of Entry. They are officered, in ports of first rank, by a Collector of the Port, who is responsible for the execution of the tariff laws and all moneys collected as duties on imported goods. He is also the custodian of the gov- ernment buildings and property at the respective ports. His work is supervised and checked by a Naval Officer of the Port. He is assisted by an Appraiser of the Port, whose duty it is to ascertain the nature and true value of all goods imported. He is further assisted by Weighers who weigh goods paying a specific rate of duty, and by Gaugers who gauge all liquids on which there is a duty. The Inspectors are the officers who police the wharves and ships and see that no goods are landed except those for which the Collector has issued a permit. The Surveyor of the Port has immediate charge of the Inspectors and assigns them to duty, though he does not appoint them. The heads of the Customs Service are appointed by the Presi- dent, the Deputies and Clerks by the Secretary of the Treasury. Moneys arising from customs in the respective Districts are de- posited in the sub-treasuries, and thence find their way into the central treasury. All customs accounts, statistics, etc., are re- ported to the Secretary of the Treasury. Of late years the Customs Service has been extended from sea-coast ports to inland cities. Thus Cincinnati, St. Louis, and other inland cities are Ports of Entry. Goods intended for Inland Ports are unloaded directly from the ship into sealed cars and carried to the Inland Port as if the ocean voyage were con- tinued. There they are entered, appraised, and assessed with duty. INTERNAL REVENUE SERVICE.— UkQ that of Cus- toms, the active work of this service is done in the Internal Revenue Districts. The entire country was divided into some 1 20 Districts, to each of which was assigned a Collector, depu- ties, and a corps of store-keepers, gaugers, etc. This was when 286 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. (1862-1882) the Internal Revenue laws were in full vigor. Since the revenue taxes have been lowered, and the number of taxable articles reduced, many of these Districts have been consolidated, and ere long the whole system will pass away. Customs duties and Internal Revenue taxes are the chief sources of government income. But it also receives a large income from the sale of public lands. These sales were con- ducted under the auspices of the Treasury Department till 1849, when they were transferred to the Department of the Interior, where we will speak of them and of the homestead law. NATIONAL BANKS.— When the government first started, a National bank was deemed necessary to act as its financial agent. One was chartered in 1791 for twenty years. Attempts to revive the charter in 181 1 failed, owing to the opposition of those who construed the Constitution narrowly. In 18 16, after the war of 18 12, when the country was heavily in debt and in need of a steady finance, another National bank was chartered for twenty years. This was the bank which President Jackson fought so determinedly and finally drove out of existence. All subsequent attempts to establish a similar bank or to secure a uniform currency failed till 1 863, when the exigency of civil war eventuated in, first, an issue of notes (greenbacks) directly by the government ; and, second, the establishment of the National banking system. The government had to use its own credit in order to exist. Could it so use it as to provide a uniform currency and at the same time relieve itself of the trouble and expense of acting ^s banker for the entire people ? This was the problem which the National banking system was to solve. The National Banking Act is an elaborate one, but by its provisions any number of persons not less than five may start a National Bank by (i) certifying to the Comptroller of the Cur- rency, a name ; (2) a place ; (3) the amount of capital stock (which cannot be less than $50,000) and number of shares ; (4) names and residences of the shareholders, and number of shares held by each ; (5) that they seek the benefits of the National Banking Act ; (6) the time when they intend to begin banking. These being approved, the Comptroller grants a certificate pf OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 287 incorporation, with the right to use a seal, and to engage in legitimate banking business for twenty years from the passage of the act. Every shareholder is personally liable for the debts of the bank to the amount of his stock. But as yet the bank has no bills or notes. In order to obtain these it must buy interest-bearing United States bonds to an amount not less than one-third of the paid-up stock of the bank, but the amount need not be in excess of ^50,000. These are deposited in the United States Treasury. Circulating notes, engraved and printed in the Treasury Department, are then issued to the bank, to the value of the bonds deposited, less ten per cent. If ^50,000 in bonds have been deposited, ^45,000 in circulating notes are issued in different denominations.* Should the bank fail the deposited bonds are sold, and with the proceeds the notes are redeemed. The fact that there is a margin of ten per cent, between the notes and the security for them, and the additional fact that that margin is increased by the bonds being above par, has given rise to the expression that the notes of a broken national bank are better than those of a sound one. No National bank can loan money directly on real estate security. This is to keep them on a strictly commercial basis. The notes formerly issued were ones, twos, fives, tens, twenties, fifties, one hundreds, five hundreds, and one thousands ; but since the resumption of specie payments (1879) the ones and twos have been discontinued, in order to give circulation to the silver dollars. These banks now number 3,364 and they are situated in all parts of the country. They have almost entirely taken the place of the old State banks, and they secure to the people a uniform system of currency and banking. The note of a bank in Maine is as good in California as at home. The holder is secure, because the note is backed up by security in bonds greater by at least ten per cent, than the note itself The notes are harder to counterfeit. The plates are beyond the control of the bank. The people have never had so uniform, stable, safe, and conve- nient a paper currency. DEBT AND BONDS,— The highest indebtedness of the 288 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. Government was in 1866, when it reached $2, "]"]%, 2^6, 1'Ji. Much of this bore interest as high as six per cent. This debt was mostly represented by bonds, which have been called in from time to time, and either paid off and cancelled or re-issued at a lower rate of interest. By 1 890 the bonded indebtedness of the Government had been reduced to ;$79 1,75 2,427, and the policy of rapid extinction still prevailed, though lately its wis- dom has been questioned by financiers who teach that the bur- den of payment ought to be distributed over the generations that follow us. The rapid payment of the national debt, and the frequent reductions of interest by the process of refunding, con- stitute one of the most brilliant chapters in finance, and nothing has contributed more to our stability and glory, A concluding remark must be made about the management of the Treasury Department during this period of immense receipts, expenditures and great responsibility. It has been such as to show less loss to the government than any former period. Considering the great influx of new force, the rush of business during war times, the newness and experimen- tal character of much of its work, this is agreeably surpris- ing, yet it may go to prove that a financial department, like a financial man, is capable of rising with an emergency, and meet- ing with honor the severest tests of ability and honesty. In answer to a request from the Senate the Treasury Department submitted the following table, showing the per cent, of losses in its transactions since the beginning of the government and up to June 30, 1879: Administrations. Washington 8 Yrs. Adams, John 4 Jefferson 8 Madison 8 Monroe 8 Adams, John Q 4 Jackson S Van Buren 4 Harrison and Tyler . 4 Polk 4 Taylor and Fillmore 4 Pierce 4 Buchanan 4 Received and Loss on Expended. Total loss. 51,000. 5112,560,504 ;g25o,97o 52.22 90,733,612 235.412 2.59 219,072,736 603,468 2.75 526,764,050 2,191,660 4.16 376,328,275 3.229,787 8.58 201,488,077 885,374 4-39 500,081,748 3,761,112 7-52 285,327,949 3,343,792 II. 71 244,590,156 1,565.903 6.40 423,913,687 1,732,851 4.08 432,861,677 1,814,409 4.19 608,257,816 2,167,982 356 697,500,871 2,659,108 3-81 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 289 Administrations. Lincoln 4 Yi Johnson 4 Grant 8 Hayes , 2 Received and Expended. ^9,386,697,144 8,014,908,984 10,842,922,583 3.353.629,856 Total loss. ^7,200,984 4,619,600 2,622,479 2,677 loss om ;gi,ooo. ^^.76 •57 .24 .008 SECRETARIES OF THE TREASURY, Names. Appointed. Alex. Hamilton, N. Y Sept Oliver Wolcott, Conn .... Feb. 2, Samuel Dexter, Mass Jan. i, Albert Gallatin, Pa May 14, Geo. W. Campbell, Tenn..Feb. 9 Alex. J. Dallas, Pa Oct. Wm. H. Crawford, Ga....Oct. Richard Rush, Pa Mar, Samuel D. Ingham, Pa.. . Mar, Louis McLane, Del Aug Wm. J. Duane, Pa May 29, Roger B. Taney, Md Sept. 23, Levi Woodbury, N. H... .June 27, Thomas Ewing, Ohio Mar. 5, Walter Forward, Pa Sept. 13, John C. Spencer, N. Y... .Mar. 3, Geo. M. Bibb, Ky June 15, Robert J. Walker, Miss. . . . Mar. 6, Wm. M. Meredith, Pa Mar. 8, Thomas Corwin, Ohio, .. .July 23, 6, 22, 7, 6, 2, 789 795 801 801 814 814 816 825 829 831 833 833 834 841 841 843 844 S45 849 850 Appointed. Names. James Guthrie, Ky Mar. 7, Howell Cobb, Ga Mar. 6, Philip F. Thomas, Md. . . . Dec. 12, John A. Dix, N. Y Jan. 11, Salmon P. Chase, Ohio... .Mar. 7, Wm. P. Fessenden, Me.. .July i, Hugh McCulloch, Ind... Mar. 7, Geo. S. Boutwell, Mass.. .Mar. 11, Wm. A. Richardson, Mass.Mar. 17, Benj. H. Bristow, Ky....June 4, Lot M. Morrill, Me July 7, John Sherman, Ohio Mar. 8, Wm. H. Windom, Minn. .Mar. 5, Charles J. Folger, N. Y.. Oct. 27, Walter Q. Gresham, Ind. .Sept. 2, Hugh McCulloch, N. Y. .Oct. 28, Daniel Manning, N. Y... .Mar. 6, Charles S. Fairchild, N.Y.April i, William Windom, Minn. . .Mar. 5, Charles Foster, Ohio Feb. 7, 853 857 860 861 861 864 865 869 873 874 876 877 881 881 884 887 THE WAR DEPARTMENT. As the name indicates, this Department has charge of all mat- ters appertaining to the army. It is presided over by the Secre- tary of War, salary ^8,000, who is appointed by the President by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, for the term of four years unless sooner removed. He is a member of the President's Cabinet, and in a military point of view ranks next to the President. The War Department was established by act of August 7, 1789, and therefore is as old as the government. The act says " there shall be an executive Department denominated the De- partment of War, and there shall be a principal officer therein to be called the Secretary for the Department of War, who shall perform such duties as shall be entrusted to or enj'oined on him by the President agreeably to the Constitution, relative to land forces, ships, or warlike stores of the United States." The De- partment then had control of " land forces and ships." It was both a War and Navy Department, the latter not having a. sepa- rate existence till some time aftwwards, 19 290 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. SECRETARY'S DUTIES.— When it is said that the De- partment has charge of all matters relating to war a sharp line must be drawn between its affairs and those of the army in the field. The responsibility for campaigns, battles and manoeuvres rests on the generals who represent the commander-in-chief, the President, in the field. The War Department is the civil side of army affairs. The Secretary conducts the business of the De- partment. In war he is one hand of the President and the army the other. He attends to all commissions of officers, to the raising of forces, to the matter of army supplies. He has charge of all captured property, and sees to the transportation of troops, muni- tions, equipments and stores throughout the United States. He defines the quantity and kind of supplies and attends to their purchase through the Subsistence and Quartermaster's Depart- ments. He procures buildings to store them in. He receives field officers' accounts of clothing, munitions, supplies of every kind, and adjusts and passes on their accounts. In connection with army officers he must see to the condition of prisoners of war, advise with the militia officers of the States, issue proposals for supplies, and report to Congress annually or whenever called upon, the transactions of his office and its condition. An im- portant duty added since the civil war is the purchase, prepa- ration and care of the national cemeteries, of which there are seventy-nine, containing the bodies of tens of thousands of Union soldiers, known and unknown. His office is divided into sub-Departments, Bureaus or Divi- sions, each of which is presided over by a responsible head. ADJUTANT-GENERAL.— T\{\s subdepartment is in charge of an Adjutant-General of the Army, who has army rank as Brigadier, and army pay. The business of the office is the organization and management of the armies. All orders to the military establishments and armies go out through this office. It attends to recruiting the armies, keeps all muster in and out rolls, and officers' accounts, furnishes statements to Treasury Auditors, Pension Commissioners, Paymasters, Commissaries and Quartermasters. OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. Ofll INSPECTOR-GENERAL.— The Inspector-General ranks as Brigadier, with army pay. His business is to keep the Secretary of War posted as to the true condition of the army, its tents, arms, clothing, quarters, accoutrements, drill, discipline, and entire condition. SIGNAL OFFICE. — This useful office, a comparatively mod- ern one, is part civic and part military. It has charge, under the instructions of the Secretary of War, of a School of Instruction at Fort Whipple, Va., where war manoeuvres, the construction and working of rapid field telegraphy, the erection and manage- ment of army signals, and the control of all instruments of field observation, are taught. It has also charge of the Army Signal Corps, which is a mod- ern army essential, in time of active service, for safe and speedy operations. It is also useful in time of peace for the assistance it renders in conducting the Sea Coast Service, with its signal codes and quick telegraphy. To this office belongs also the well-known, popular, and now indispensable Weather Bureau, over which the familiar " Clerk of the Weather " presides. This Bureau conducts its business through Signal Stations erected at all exposed points on ocean, lake and river coast, at prominent points of observation in cities and on mountains and plains, with which it is connected by tele- graph. It is the duty of the officers in charge of these stations to telegraph, at least once a day, to the Central Bureau in Wash- ington the state of the barometer and thermometer, the velocity of wind and its direction, the nature of the storm or calm that ex- ists; in short, such a full condition of the weather as will enable a forecast to be made inland or for the sea, for the general use of sailors, merchants, farmers and others likely to be affected by it. When the conditions on coasts are dangerous, storm signals are erected, and mariners either heed them or sail at their peril. The active operations of the Weather Bureau date from 1868-69. QUARTERMASTER.— This Department purchases and dis- tributes to the army all military stores and supplies, such as clothing, fuel, forage, camp and garrison equipage (the furnish- ing of rations belongs to the Subsistence Department), and fur- 292 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. nishes means of transportation for the army and its stores. It is presided over by the Quartermaster-General, who ranks as Brigadier, with army pay. While the duties of the central office at Washington are important and responsible, its main responsi- bility is in the camps and garrisons in time of peace, and in the field in time of war. It reaches these remote points by means of Quartermasters. These subordinate officers are the agents of the Quartermaster-General. They represent the movable quality of the office. They are at all the military posts during peace. In time of war their number has to be increased, and they are found in all the armies and sections of armies superintending the matter of transportation and supplies, holding the officers to strict account for whatever is furnished, and in turn accounting themselves to their chief for what they receive and distribute. COMMISSARY DEPARTMENT.— This office is presided over by the Commissary-General, who ranks as Brigadier, with army pay. It is not unlike the Quartermaster-General's office, except that it has sole charge of the supply of army ra- tions. It buys all rations and furnishes them to the officers and men of the army at cost price. It carries its work down to the military posts and to the camps in the field by means of subor- dinates called Commissaries, who, like Quartermasters, are more numerous in time of war than in peace, and who must be promptly on hand with food whenever it is needed. PAYMASTER. — This Department is presided over by a Pay- master-General, who ranks as Brigadier with army pay. The title suggests the duty, which is to pay the army and keep all the pay rolls and accounts connected with the operation. The field and post work of the office is carried on by means of Pay- masters in fact, who are assigned to duty at the respective posts and in the divisions of the army in time of active service. MEDICAL DEPARTMENT.— T\xQ chief officer of this De- partment is the Surgeon-General, who ranks as Brigadier with army pay. He is chosen for his scientific knowledge. The De- partment has in charge the matter of army hospitals and hospital supplies, the care of sick and wounded soldiers, the furnishing of artificial limbs, eyes and other appliances for the maimed, re- OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 293 ports on hospital diseases, treatments and operations, the control of the Medical Museum, which, by the way, is now one of the best appointed and most interesting of its kind in the world. ORDNANCE OFFICE.— The officer in charge of this De- partment is called the Chief of Ordnance. He ranks as Briga- dier with army pay. This office attends to procuring and sup- plying to the army all cannon, gun-carriages, and all ammunition and equipments for the same, whether for use in garrison, field or siege service. It is the heavy gun department of the war branch. It operates through Ordnance Stations, situated in dif- ferent portions of the country, where ordnance is kept for con- venience of use and for preservation, and which are called Ar- senals. There are now twenty-two of these Ordnance Stations or Arsenals in the country. In this list of Arsenals are included the Armory at Springfield, Mass., where small arms and am- munition are made and stored. There was a large Armory at Harper's Ferry, which was destroyed during the civil war. CHIEF ENGINEER.— The responsible officer is a Chief of Engineers, who ranks as Brigadier, with army pay. The duties of this office are various. The Chief of Engineers commands the Corps of Engineers whose duty is to attend to locating, building and caring for fortifications, coast and inland ; design- ing, building and handling pontoon bridges ; designating and carrying out river and harbor improvements ; making surveys for military purposes. The Chief of Engineers is also Commissioner of Public Buildings and Grounds in Washington. He is Superin- tendent of the Washington Aqueduct, which supplies the capital with water, and from the Engineer Corps are selected three of the seven members of the Mississippi River Commission, which has charge of the public improvements along that stream. SECRETARIES OF WAR. Names. Appointed. John Armstrong, N. Y, . . Jan. 13, 1813 James Monroe, Va Sept. 27, 1814 Wm. H. Crawi"orci, Ga Aug. i, 1815 Geo. Graham (ad in.), Ya... April 7, 1817 John C. Calhoun, S. C Oct. 8, 1817 James Barbour, Va Mar. 7, 1825 Peter LJ. Porter, N. Y May 26, 1828 John H. Eaton, Tenn Mar. 9, 1829 Names. Appointed. Henry Knox, Mass Sept. 12, 1789 Timothy Pickering, Pa. .. Jan. 2, 1795 James McHenry, Md Jan. 27, 1796 James Marshall, Va May 7, 1800 Samuel Dexter, Mass May 13, 1800 Roger Griswold, Conn. .. .Feb. 3, 1801 Henry Dearborn, Mass. . .Mar. 5, 1801 William Eustis, Mass Mar. 7, 1809 294 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. SECRFT ARIES OF WAR — CouHmted. Names. Appointed. \ Names. Appointed Louis Cass, Mich Aug. I, 1831 I Edwin M. Stanton, Pa Jan. 15, 1862 Benj. F. Butler, N. Y Mar. 3, 1837 Joel R. Ponisett, S. C Mar. 7, 1837 John Bell, Tenn Mar. 5, 1S41 John McLean, O Sept. 13, 184I John C. Spencer, N.Y Oct. 12, 1841 James M. Porter, Pa Mar. 8, 1843 William Wilkins, Pa Feb. 15, 1844 William L. Marcy,N. Y. .Mar. 6, 1845 George W. Crawford, Ga.. Mar. 8, 1849 Winfield Scott ((?(//;;.), Va.. July 23, 1S50 Charles M. Conrad, La.. ..Aug. 15, 1850 Jefferson Davis, Miss Mar. 5, 1853 U.S.Grant {ad hi.). 111. ...Aug. 12,1867 Edwin M. Stanton, Pa. . . .Jan. 14, 1868 L. Thomas {ad in.), Md. .Feb. 21, 1868 John M. Schofield, 111 May 28, 1868 John A. Rawlins, 111 Mar. II, 1869 "William T. Sherman, O.. ..Sept. 9, 1 869 William W. Belknap, lowa.Oct. 25, 1869 Alphonso Taft, O Mar. 8, 1876 James D. Cameron, Pa May 22, 1876 Geo. W. McCrary, Iowa. .Mar. 12, 1877 Alexander Ramsey, Minn. .Dec. lo, 1879 Robert T. Lincoln, 111... .Mar. 5, 1881 John B. Floyd, Va Mar. 6, 1857 ■ VVm. C. Endicott, Mass. .Mar. 6, 1885 Joseph Holt, Ky Jan. 18, 1S61 I Redfield Proctor, Vt Mar. 5, 1889 Simon Cameron, Pa Mar. 5, 1861 | Stephen B. Elkins,W.Va..Dec. 17, 1891 THE ARMY. — The army of the United States is in one sense an organization separate from the War Department, in another connected with it. Its field administrations are separate, yet in all things appertaining to its supplies, enlistments, accounts, the two are inseparable. The question of a standing army in this country — that is, an army in time of peace — has always been a troublesome one, and the policy has been to keep it reduced to the lowest standard possible. This policy results from a whole- some dread of such large standing armies as enable European monarchs to keep their thrones, and which are a constant menace to the peace of nations, as well as a great source of expense to the supporting governments. But our experience has shown the necessity of at least a small standing army for the purpose of executing the laws in exposed places, as on the border, and suppressing disturbances wherever they may arise. The moral effect of an army, as an arm of the executive, is also very great. Power is far more imposing and effective when backed by a vigor which lawlessness regards it folly to dispute, or before which it quails ; and power is never so impotent and ridiculous as when attempts to exercise it are foiled by the mob. The dignity and efficacy of executive authority require, as things go, an army of some shape and proportion; and a navy too. The economic argument in favor of an army is also very great. Besides assur- ing peace and protection it is the nucleus of that larger army which is made up of volunteers and called into service when OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. ^95 emergency requires. It is a constant training school for officers and men, so that the country is never without a sufficient amount of mihtary discipHne to meet the needs of larger called armies, when the condition is one of active war. The army of the United States is called the Regular army in contradistinction to that added to it in time of war, called the Volunteer army. It is also thus distinguished from the militia of the several States, and the militia system, which is a mixed government and State system. The present army is not in excess of 25,000 men, and, by act of June 18, 1878, cannot exceed 30,000. Enlistments are for five years. There are twenty-five regiments of infantry, ten of cavalry and five of artillery, and a force of 1,000 Indian scouts. An infantry regiment is composed often companies, of fifty men each, which the President may increase to lOO. A regiment of cavalry consists of twelve troops, and each troop of 78 men. A regiment of artillery consists of twelve bat- teries, and each battery of 120 men. These figures are the maximum of each. They are in excess of the actual number in each regiment and company. The higher officers of the army are a General and Lieutenant- General, which two are honorary, conferred only at times on account of distinguished service, and expire with the death or resignation of their incumbent. The salary of the General is ;^I3,500, that of Lieutenant-General ;^i 1,000. The regular officers are Major-Generals, salary ;^7, 500 ; Brigadier-Generals, salary ;^5,500; Colonels, salary ;^3,500; Captains, salary ;^i,8oo; and Lieutenants, ;^ 1,600. Then there are with the army representatives or duplicates of each of the departments we have seen in connection with the Department of War, as Adjutant-General's Department, Quar- termaster's Department, Inspector-General's Department, Engi- neer Corps, Ordnance Department, Medical Department, Pay Department, Signal Officer, Bureau of Military Justice, Chaplains, bands, etc., all of" which have their place and add to the comfort and efficiency of the force. The army is governed by a code prescribed by Congress called Articles of War. They are 128 29^ OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. in number; and arc read at the time of enlistment and every six months afterwards. A charitable provision in our army system is, first, gradually increasing pay for the minor officers as they add to their years of service, and second, three-fourth pay to all commissioned officers when they are placed on the retired list. Officers pass to the retired list by law after thirty-two years of service or on arriving at the age of sixty-two, but may be retired for honor- able cause and by proper authority at any time. MILITARY A CABEMV.— This government school for the education of men in the science and art of war is situated at West Point on the Hudson. It was authorized by act of Con- gress in 1802, and then instituted in a modest way. It has since grown to be a large and useful institution, ranking with the best of its kind in the world. Its chief officer is a superintendent, who ranks as Colonel. It has a large corps of professors de- voted to teaching tactics, engineering, philosophy, mathematics, history, geography, ethics, chemistry, mineralogy, geology, drawing, modern languages, gymnastics, music, etc. ; the idea being to provide not only men skilled in whatever appertains to army affairs, but educated gentlemen also. Each Congressional district and Territory in the United States is entitled to have one cadet or scholar at the Military Academy. The District of Columbia is entitled to one, and the United States to ten, called cadets at large. The President selects the cadets at large. The Secretary of War selects those from the Congressional districts, at the request of the representative thereof in Congress. Candidates must be between seventeen and twenty-two years old, at least five feet in height, physically per- fect, and must be proficient in the elementary branches. They are paid ;^540 a year, which is regarded as sufficient to maintain them. They graduate with the rank of lieutenant in the army, and are standing candidates for an active place with that rank. The academy is visited annually by a commission appointed by the President and composed of members of Congress and mili- tary officers, who report to the Secretary of War for the use of Congress. MESS HALL. NORTH BARRACKS. .ACADEMV^^UILDING BARRACKS. VIEWS AT MILITARY ACADEMY, WEST POINT. 297 298 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. NAVY DEPARTMENT. The Navy Department was at first connected with the War Department. It was erected into a separate department by act of April 30, 1798, and went into operation in June, 1798. Its chief officer is the Secretary of the Navy, salary ;^8,000, ap- pointed by the President by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, for four years, unless sooner removed. He ranks as a member of the cabinet. Like all the other departments, this is divided into a number of Bureaus or Divisions, for its more effective working. The name of the department suggests that it is devoted to the naval affairs of the country. The question of a navy has always been an interesting one, and parties have often divided on the propriety of keeping a naval establishment in time of peace, likewise over the policy of strengthening it in time of emergency. It must be said that in time of war, when our destinies were all in the keeping of our vessels of war and our hardy sailors, that the American Navy has been a source of safety and credit, and has given proof that we can conduct ocean warfare with all the brilliancy and effect of those who boast of more formidable ships and thoroughly trained mar- iners. SECRETARY'S DUTIES.— Uq must provide all naval stores and construct, arm, equip and employ vessels of war. All captures of ships, standards and guns must be reported to him and pass into his custody. He prepares and publishes all charts, maps, sailing directions and nautical books, bearing on navigation, which he deems necessary. He reports annually to Congress the state of the navy and submits estimates for ap- propriations. He accounts for all disbursements on behalf of the navy. He establishes coal stations in different parts of the world, disposes of old ships and worn-out equipments, acts as trustee of the Navy Pension Fund and Privateer Fund ; in short does all that appertains to efficient management of naval affairs. YARDS AND DOCKS.— This Bureau has charge of the Navy Yards and Naval Stations, their construction and main- OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. ^99 tenance, and the supply of timber therefor. There are several Navy Yards and Stations in the country, located at what are supposed to be available points, as at Portsmouth, N. H.; Brooklyn, N. Y. ; Philadelphia, Pa.; Boston, Mass. ; Washing- ton, D. C. ; Norfolk, Va. ; Pensacola, Fla. ; Mare Island, Cal. ; New London, Conn. (N. Station) ; Port Royal, S. C. (store ships). They were erected for the purpose of building ships of war, but that work has been discontinued at many of them. They are convenient stations and repair-shops, and no longer a reliance for the speedy construction of large and effective war-ships, owing to the cost of properly maintaining them, and the spasmodic demand for their services. The Chief of the Bureau of Yards and Docks ranks as a Captain in the navy. EQUIPMENT AND RECRUITING.— The Chief of this Bureau ranks as Commodore in the navy. It is the recruiting office of the navy, and attends to the equipment of vessels of war with sails, rigging, anchors, fuel, etc. NAVIGATION— The Chief of this Bureau ranks as Com- modore. He has a chief clerk and four assistants. The Naval Observatory and Hydrographic Office are in the care of this Bureau, which in addition supplies vessels of war with flags, charts, signals, chronometers, barometers, glasses, etc. The Naval Observatory just mentioned is the counterpart, in America, of the Greenwich Observatory in England, and arose from the same necessity ; to wit, that for accurate astronomical observations and safe computations for the purposes of naviga- tion. The Observatory employs a Superintendent, who ranks as Rear Admiral, and ten assistant professors who rank as naval officers of different grades. It is a finely equipped institution and employs some of the best astronomical observers and calcu- lators in the country. As to astronomical observations its work is the same as that of the numerous collegiate and private ob- servatories throughout the country, but aside from that, its energies are devoted to the tabulation of results, and the turning of discoveries, corrections, and calculations to practical scientific account. Scarcely less important is the Hydrographic Office, where the 300 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. results of surveys, soundings and coast, lake and river observa- tions are engraved, printed and published in map, chart or book form and given out for the use of naval vessels and those of the merchant marine. Its Chief ranks as Captain in the navy. The Nautical Almanac is published from this office. BUREAU OF ORDNANCE.— The Chief of this Bureau ranks as Commodore in the navy. He has charge of the manu- facture of naval ordnance, ammunition, armament for vessels, of arsenals and magazines, the torpedo service and stations, all ex- periments for testing guns, torpedoes and other naval weapons. CONSTRUCTION AND REPAIRS.— The Chief of this Bu- reau ranks as Commodore. He controls all dry-docks, and designs, builds and fits out vessels of war, STEAM-ENGINEERING.— The Chief ranks as Commo- dore. He controls the designing, manufacturing and adjusting of all the steam-engines and steam-machinery of war vessels. PROVISION AND CLOTHING.— The Chief of this Bu- reau ranks as Commodore. The office supervises the purchase and supply of food and clothing for the navy. MEDICINE AND SURGERY.— The Chief ranks as Com- modore. The Bureau supplies medicines, instruments and medical stores to vessels of war and marine hospitals and accounts for the same. The Navy, like the Army, has given rise to a set of charitable and educational institutions which are objects of pride on the part of the Department and of great utility. The first of these is the NAVAL ASYLUM located at Philadelphia. It is a home for old or disabled naval officers, seamen and marines. It oper- ates outside of and distinct from the pension system. Navy pensioners may commute their pensions for places in the Asylum. The applicant must be unable to work and must have served twenty years in the navy. If admitted, the Asylum is his home till death, on condition that he obeys its rules, which are quite rigid. For good conduct one dollar a month is awarded to each sojourner. The institution is presided over by a governor, with navy rank and pay. OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 391 NAVAL HOSPITALS.— These are institutions for the tem- porary treatment of sick and disabled seamen. They are sup- ported by an annual appropriation. There are eighteen Naval Hospitals in the country, located at leading ports or wherever there are naval stations, and one at Yokohama in Japan. NA VAL ACADEMY.— This Academy, a national institution, is as much a part of the Navy Department as the Military Academy is a part of the War Department. It is located at Annapolis, Md. Its Superintendent always ranks high among naval officers. He is assisted by other officers of the navy and by a corps of professors, who teach seamanship, gunnery, mathe- matics, engineering, astronomy and navigation, chemistry, phys- ics, modern languages, history, drawing, and whatever will fill out the education of a naval officer, a private engineer or retired gentleman. The pupils come from the Congressional districts and Territories, one from each, with one for the District of Columbia, and ten at large. The President appoints those at large. The Secretary of the Navy, deferring to the recommen- dation of the member of Congress from a district or delegate from a Territory, appoints those from the districts. Applicants are examined by the Superintendent of the Academy in June and September of each year. In order to pass they must be physically sound, of good moral character, not under fourteen nor over eighteen, and up to the standard in the elementary English branches. If admitted, candidates become cadet-mid- shipmen, and are not only pupils but inmates of the Academy for a term of six years, to which they must bind themselves to add two years of active service if not discharged. They are paid ;^500 a year from time of admission. After their eight years of service and schooling they graduate as Midshipmen in the navy. There is also a course of studies in, or rather a department of, the Academy devoted to Naval Engineering. It is a four-year course at the Academy and two in a vessel at sea. The pupil in this course is a cadet-engineer. When he graduates he is entitled to a commission as Assistant Engineer in the navy, when there is a vacancy. 302 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. U. S. NAVY. — The highest rank in the navy is Admiral, salary, ;$ 13,000; the next. Vice- Admiral, salary, ^9,000. These, like General and Lieutenant-General in the army, are honorary and temporary, and expire with those on whom they were spe- cially conferred. The highest real or working rank is Rear- Admiral, salary, $6,000. Then comes, in order, Commodore, salary, ;^5,ooo; Captain, ;^4,5oo; Commander, $3,500; Lieu- tenant-Commander, $2,800; Lieutenant, $2,400; Master, $ 1, 800; Ensign, $1,200; Midshipmen, $1,000. All these salaries are actual duty salaries at sea. They are considerably less for shore duty. The salary of the officers, from Lieutenant-Commander down, increases after a service of five years from date of com- mission. Pensions and retiracy from service on pay are on the same general plan as prevails in the army. Enlistments in the navy are for not less than three nor more than five years. Minors from fifteen to eighteen may be enlisted till they are twenty-one, with the consent of parents. The total force of officers and men in the navy, in time of peace, or as the laws now stand, cannot exceed 8,250. The navy is governed by a code of sixty articles prescribed by Congress. MARINE CORPS. — This very useful arm of the service is a nondescript. It is a body of enlisted men, not exceeding 2,500 in number, who are officered and disciplined according to army rules and tactics, who do regular military duty at United States arsenals and naval stations, but who may be detailed for active service on board war vessels. They have proved excellent for policing and garrison purposes, and the complement of them as- signed to ships during actual war have enabled victorious vessels to hold captured places permanently without the constant men- ace of heavy guns. THE NEW NAVY.— The close of the war of the Rebellion found the United States in possession of a strong navy. But it was one which had been hastily improvised for coast and river purposes. It might have been strong for defensive operations in case of foreign attack, but it would have been exceedingly weak for offensive operations. Many of the vessels were merely mer- chantmen transformed into men-of-war; others were clumsily OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 303 constructed for special kinds of service ; a few were protected with armor plates ; very few, indeed, embraced those qualities of speed, strength and modern equipment requisite for ocean war- fare. Therefore the navy, like the army, speedily resolved itself into the elements whence it sprang, and there was little of it left. It may be said that the navy of the United States was weaker, from 1866 to 1880, than at any period in our history. Even if this be not true as to the number and rank of war vessels, it was certainly true in a relative sense, for that period had witnessed a wonderful growth in the navies of European countries. Wooden ships had given way to iron ships, and smaller ships to those of huge proportions. The day of the unprotected vessel had passed, and armor of great thickness and power of resistance had come into general use. A rate of speed had been attained which would place any ordinary vessel at the mercy of these ocean monsters. Guns of formidable calibre found their place upon deck or in impenetrable turrets, and their range and weight of missile were something fearful to contemplate. In comparison with these mighty, swift and ominous structures, the war ships of the United States were as cockle-shells. For years there was a decided sentiment against a revived American navy, both through lack of national pride and for economic reasons. But by 1880 there came a change of senti- ment. It was seen that in case of war with a foreign nation, possessing a modernly constructed navy this country would be placed at a great disadvantage. Witl» the revival of the com- mercial idea, the need of better ocean protection than our ancient hulks could afford became apparent. In all cases of foreign complications it was manifest that those countries which sup- ported their positions and arguments upon the decks, or in the presence, of their formidable battle ships, always got the best of us in diplomacy. Our national pride suffered through lack of ships to bear our flag, and expand our importance, among other nations. The advantages of a naval school, or cult, were fading out ; our officers were becoming idlers, and the stuff of which heroic seamen are made was wasting. 304 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. The messages of Presidents Garfield and Arthur rang with arguments, requests and admonitions respecting a new naval policy. To the imperative need of modern vessels they added the logic of opportunity, there being a large surplus in the Treasury available for the construction of desirable vessels, if Congress would so order it. In 1 88 1 William H. Hunt, then Secretary of the Navy, secured the appointment of a naval advisory board whose duty it was to report upon the necessity for replacing the old worn-out and unseaworthy crafts with ships of more modern design. Rear-Admiral John Rodgers was president of the board which assembled in June, 1881. It determined, first, the num- ber of vessels which should now be built ; second, their class, size and displacements ; third, the material and form of con- struction ; fourth, the nature and size of the engines and machinery required for each ; fifth, the ordnance and armament necessary for each ; sixth, the appropriate equipment and rigging for each ; seventh, the internal arrangements of each, and such other details as might seem to be necessary and proper ; eighth, the probable cost of the whole of each vessel when complete and ready for service. The board submitted a report in Novem- ber following, upon which was based the construction of the first batch of steel cruisers. The board recommended that seventy vessels of all classes be built as rapidly as possible. A storm of adverse criticism was the result, and Secretary Chandler, succeeding Secretary Hunt, was forced to convene a second board. The recommendation of this advisory board included the building of the four steel vessels which arc now in commission — the Chicago, Boston, Atlanta, and Dolphin. The acts which authorized the building of these ships, the nucleus of the new navy, bear date of August 5, 1882, and March 3, 1883. The contracts were taken for all four of the vessels by John Roach & Sons in July, 1883. The appropriations for these four vessels had been obtained with difficulty owing to the opposition of Southern and Western members. The designs of the vessels, the material and the workmen, were to be American. 306 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. Just here it is well to know something of the plan and style of the new navy. Study had been made of the modern naval systems of other powers and of our own needs. It was decided that the new American navy sliould embrace three general groups of vessels : First, those which came under the head of " Ocean Cruisers ; " second, " Battle Ships ; " third, " Coast De- fenders." To these were added a fourth system of smaller vessels, such as torpedo boats, rams, etc. The " Cruiser " is, as its name implies, a swiftly moving, powerfully armed vessel, with immense coal capacity for long voyages. The " Battle Ship " is equally swift and strong, and may be effective for ocean warfare or coast defence. The " Coast Defender " is also large, very strong, powerfully armed, and of lighter draft than the foregoing. But the Secretaries of War, in their reports, group the naval vessels as follows : (i) Armored vessels, (2) Single turret monitors (iron). (3) Unarmored steel vessels. (4) Iron and wooden steam vessels. (5) Vessels unfit for service (of whatever material). Three of the four ships, ordered and contracted for in 1882, were of the type of unarmored but protected steel cruisers. They were named the Chicago, Boston, Atlanta and Dolphin. The keels of all were laid in 1883. The Chicago was 325 feet long, 48 feet across the beam, with a draft of 19 feet, and a displacement of 4500 tons. She had a twin screw, compound-overhead beam, 5084 horse-power, main and secondary batteries of guns, and steamed 15.33 knots an hour. The Boston was 270 feet long, 42 feet breadth of beam, 17 feet draft, 3189 tons displacement, 4030 horse-power, twin-screwed, 15.6 knots velocity per hour, and had main and secondary bat- teries of powerful guns. The Atlanta was 270 feet long, 42 feet breadth of beam, 17 feet draft, and in all other respects the counterpart of the Boston, •.■ im%^ 308 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. The Dolphin was a swift dispatch boat, protected and heavily armed, 240 feet long, 32 feet across the beam, 14 feet draft, 1485 tons displacement, with a single screw, and a velocity of 15.5 knots per hour. The construction of these vessels proved to be a commitment to the policy of a new navy. When the Cleveland administra- tion came into power in 1884, the policy seemed to be threat- ened for a time by his Secretary of the Navy, Whitney, who took exception to American designs and methods, and sent abroad for models. But after becoming satisfied that American designs and engineers were the equal, if not the superior, of the English, he entered heartily into the ship-building policies of his predecessors, Hunt and Chandler. This policy was actively continued by Secretary of Navy Tracy under the Harrison administration. New types were found and introduced, or old ones remoulded as their imperfec- tions appeared. Greater speed and coal capacity were sought and found. The power to protect and attack was combined more closely than before in the battle ships. Numerous con- tracfs for these improved vessels were made with competent builders, and, as each year now witnessed the launching of one or more completed structure, the growth of the new navy was more rapid than at any time in our history. From 1883 to 1892 the following vessels passed into commission, and became a part of the modern American navy : Keel Displace- Contract Name. laid. Length. Breadth. nient. price. Chicago 1883 315 48 4,500 5889,000 Boston 1883 270^ 42 3-189 619,000 Ailant.-i 1883 270^ 42 3-189 617,000 Dolpliin. 1883 240 2fi 1485 315,000 Yorktown 1887 230 26 1,700 455,000 Vesuvius 1887 246^ 246 5-12 900 350,000 Haltimore 1S87 315 48^ 4-413 '•325,000 Petrel 1887 175 31 890 247,000 Charleston 1887 300 46 3>730 1,017,000 Philadeljjhia 1SS8 315 48^ 4.324 1,350,000 San Franci.scD 1888 310 49^ 4.083 1,428,000 Newark 1887 310 491/^ 4,083 1,248,000 Cushing 1889 139 145-6 116 82.750 Concord 1887 230 36 1,700 490,000 Bennington 1888 230 36 1,700 490,000 Miantononiah 1874 200 60 3,900 Stiletto 88>^ II 70 25,000 DOLPHIN. r' MIANTONOMOH. ?ai«n<,fiJrjl.' 4jSE-; 309 310 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. Following the types of vessels for the New American Navy already completed or under contract, as laid down by the Secre- tary of the Navy, the following is the showing : — ARMORED VESSELS. Purita)i — Coast defense monitor ; two steel barbette turrets ; length 289 ft. 6 in.; draft 18 ft; displacement 6,060 tons; horse power 3,700 ; twin screw ; speed 12.4 knots ; main and secondary batteries; 14 inch armor. MiantonoDioJi — Coast defense monitor ; two compound armor turrets; length 259 ft. 6 in.; draft 14 ft. 6 in.; displacement 3,990 tons; horse power 1,426; twin screw; speed 10.5 knots; main and secondary batteries ; 7 inch armor. Amphitritc — Coast defense monitor; two steel barbette turrets; length 259 ft. 6 in.; draft 14 ft. 6 in.: displacement 3,990 tons; horse power 1,600; twin screw; speed 12 knots; main and secondary batteries ; 9 in. armor. Monadnock — Uniform with Anipliitrite, except horse power which is 3,000. Terror — Same as Amphitrite. Texas — Steel armored battle ship; two turrets; length 301 ft. 4in. ; draft 22 ft.. 6 in.; displacement 6,300 tons; horse power 8,600; twin screw; speed 17 knots; main and secondary batteries; 12 in. armor; cost $2,500,000. Maine — Steel armored cruiser; two steel barbette turrets; length 318 ft.; displacement 6,448 tons; horse power 9,000; twin .screw ; .speed 17 knots ; armor 12 in. ; cost $2,500,000. Monterey — Steel coast defender ; two steel barbette turrets ; length 256 ft.; displacement 4,138 tons; horse power 5,400; with screw; speed 16 knots; 12 in. armor; cost $1,628,950, Neiv York — Steel armored cruiser; two steel barbette turrets; length 380 ft. 65^ in. ; displacement 8,150 tons; horse power 16,500; twin screws; speed 20 knots; main and secondary batteries; armor 4, 7 and 10 in.; cost $2,985,000. Cruiser No. i — A steel harbor defense ram ; length 250 ft. 9 in.; displacement 2,183 tons; horse power 4,800; twin screw; speed 17 knots; main and secondary batteries ; cost $930,000. Massaeliusctts — Steel coast line battle ship; two barbette OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. 3H turrets; length 348 ft. ; displacement 10,200 tons; horse power 9,000; twin screws; speed 15 knots; main and secondary bat- teries ; armor 18 in.; cost ^3,020,000. hidicDia — Uniform with Massacliusetts. Oregon — Uniform with Massachusetts and Indiana. SINGLE TURRET MONITORS (IRON). This class of vessels was an outcrop of the war of the Rebel- lion. They run from 200 to 225 feet in length, have a draft of from II to 13 feet: a displacement of 1,800 to 2,100 tons; a horse power of 340; single screws; a velocity of from 5 to 6 knots; main batteries in single turrets; cost ^408,000 to $635,000. They are, without exception, laid up in ordinary, as of no use, except during actual hostilities. They are the Ajax, Comanche, Canoniciis, Catskill, Jason, Lehigh, Mahopac, Manhattan, Mon- tauk, Nahant, Nantucket, Passaic, and Wyandotte. UNARMORED STEEL VESSELS. The word iinarniorcd must not prove misleading. The steel vessels are, in a certain sense, a protection to themselves. Yet they are, or nearly all, effectually and specially protected by thick plates at vital points. This class embraces the largest number of new vessels in the American navy, the most modern vessels, the largest and most powerful, the most efficient for offensive and defensive purposes. " The Cruisers," for the most part fall into this class. Being the newest and most advanced class, many of the vessels are still under process of construction. Their completion will give the American navy a proud position among the navies of the world. To this class belong the Chicago, Boston, Atlanta and Dolphin, already mentioned. This class embraces four different styles of craft. The first is the " Protected Cruiser " vessel. They range all the way from 257 to 412 feet in length. Cruisers No. 12 and 13 being the longest; in speed from 17 to 21 knots. Cruisers No. 12 and 13 being the swiftest; in displacement from 2,000 to 7,350 tons, Cruisers No. 12 and 13 being the largest; in horse power from 5,400 to 21,000, Cruisers No. 12 and 13 being 21,000, and none of the others exceeding 13,500; they are all twin screws; 312 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. and all have main and secondary batteries, of the most powerful guns. They are the Neivark, whose cost of hull and machinery is $1,248,000; Charleston, $1,017,000; Baltimore, $1,325,000; San Francisco, $1,428,000; Philadelphia, $1,325,000; Cruiser No. 6, $1,796,000; Cincinnati, $1,100,000; Raleigh, $1,100,000; Cruiser No. 9, $612,500; Cruiser No. 10, $612,500 ; Cruiser No. II, $674,000; Cruiser No. 12, $2,725,000; Crmser No. 13, $2,690,000. To the class of " Unarmored Steel Vessels " belong also the formidable " Gunboats," ranging in length from 176 to 230 feet; witii displacements of from 800 to 1,700 tons; tonnages of from 1,000103,436; twin screws, and speed of from 1 1 to 17 knots. These are the Yorktozvn, Concord, Benningtoii, Petrel, No. 5 and No, 6. There is also a " Special Class " of unarmored steel vessels, enbracing the " Pacific Cruiser " for naval cadets, the Vesuvius, a dynamite cruiser, of peculiar construction, Dynamite Cruiser No. 2, and a Torpedo Cruiser, all formidable for defensive opera- tions. In addition there are " Torpedo Boats," of small build, and for special attack. They are the Stiletto, Cushing and Torpedo Boat No. 2. The next class of vessels as laid down by the Secretary of the Navy is that of IRON AND WOODEN STEEL VESSELS. This class embraces the ships of the old navy. The keels of some were laid as far back as 1858. Many of them have been overhauled and adapted for modern purposes. Several of them have seen hard and honored service, and their names are historic. Formidable as they were in their time, they are now engaged in a service which is tame, and which would be considered safe, in case of war. They represent the output of the national navy yards, when it was thought that the government could build better and cheaper than the plants under private control. This class embraces Barks, Schooners, Barkentines, and Ships. The " Iron vessels" of this class are the Barks Ranger and Alert; 314 OUR PLAN OF GOVERNMENT. the Barkentine Michigan ; the Schooners Mo7wcacy, Palos, Pinta and Alarm. Of the " wooden vessels " of this class are the Ships Lancaster, Pcfisacola, Richmond, Swatara, Iroquois; the Barks Omaha, Marion, Mohica?i, Kearsarge, Adams, Alliance, Essex, Enterprise, Nipsic, Yatitic and Thetis ; the Schooners Talapoosa and Dispatch. None of this class have a speed of over 1 1 knots an hour, but all are strongly armed. The largest of all has a displacement of 3,000 tons and the smallest 420 tons. There are still enough of wooden sailing vessels in our navy to make a class known as WOODEN SAILING VESSELS. This class is being sold off year by year, and is fast becoming extinct. Those still in existence are the Constellation, used as a practice ship at the Naval Academy, Annapolis ; the Mononga- hela, Portsmouth and jfamcstoivn, used as a training squadron ; and the Saratoga and St. Mary's, used as nautical school ships. The class of STEEL, IRON AND WOODEN STEAM TUGS embraces fourteen vessels of small dimensions, and adapted for special purposes. Then there is a class of antiquated and unfit vessels, desig- nated as VESSELS UNFIT FOR SEA SERVICE, This class represents the expiring navy, in the sense of abso- lute inutility. Two of them, the Intrepid 2ind Speedwell, are iron steamers ; four, the Hartford, Franklin, Wabash and Minnesota, are wooden steamers ; six, the Constitution, Independence, St. Louis, Dale, New Hampshire and Vermont, are sailing vessels. The policy of the government as to the "new navy" was clearly outlined in the Report of Secretary B. F. Tracy for 1891. Whether this policy shall continue remains to be seen ; but cer- tainly his outline of it should have great weight with those dis- posed to interfere with it, and with all who are of a thinking turn. It is more as an historic summary of a situation than as 31(5 OUR PLAN (JF GOVERNMENT. an argument, in support of official views, that it finds a place here. He says : " The old wooden ships of the navy have now practically passed out of existence. They no longer count even as a nom- inal factor in naval defense. The sole reliance of the United States to-day for the protection of its exposed seaboard is the new fleet. This has advanced slowly, but its development has been sure. It is a novel branch of industry, but there have been no failures thus far, and the outlook for the ships still in progress is satisfactory. It may fairly be claimed for the work of recon- struction in the future that it will not fall behind the measure of success attained up to the present time. "The course of events during the past year has shown anew the necessity of continuing the development of the navy. The demands upon it have been constant, and they are constantly growing. The rapid extension of commercial relations has doubled the importance of our interests, especially in the Pacific. It was said a few years ago by a keen foreign observer : ' Some day or other there will be a great rivalry of three or four nations in the Pacific for the commerce of those seas, and the country which has cultivated its strength with a view to that contingency will carry off a chief part of the prize.' The rivalry has already begun, and the signs are evident on every hand of sharp compe- tition. " It is apparent that tlic mercantile competitors of this country are to-day enlarging their fields of activity with a more aggres- sive energy than ever before. No one can fail to observe the indications of a systematic effort to take advantage of the disturbed conditions now prevailing in many of the smaller States. In this movement naval ascendency plays a large part. The consequences are not far to seek. The establishment of complete commercial supremacy by a European power in any State of the Western Hemisphere means the exclusion of Amer- ican influence and the virtual destruction, as far as that State is concerned, of independent existence. With the great maritime powers it is only a step from commercial control to territorial control. fi««„^«!"'« M«'P • ]^ x-r*^^__ aJ VESUVIUS. *r' 7 5 New York 6 8 'S .. .. Had not yet passed an ^ electoral law. New Jersey 4 6 ^ 6 i Pennsylvania 8 10 ' q ^o 8 Delaware I 3 g 3 Maryland 6 8 .2 6 . . Two vacancies. Virginia 10 12 'in lo 5 " " North Carolina 5 7 o, .. .. Had not yet ratified o the Constitution. South Carolina 5 7 o 7 Georgia ^ _5_ -^ ^JJL Totals 65 91 . . 69 34* Though March 4, 1789, had been fixed as the time for start- ing the new government, it was not until April 6 that a quorum of Congress was present. Their first business was to count and publish the Electoral votes as above. The candidates, being duly notified of their election, went to the seat of government. Adams arrived first and took his place as presiding officer of the Senate. Washington was sworn into office by Chancellor Liv- ingstone on April 29, 1789. THE CABINET.-\ — Washington chose a Cabinet with due regard to the sentiment of the day. As to ability it was unques- tioned. * Of the votes cast for other candidates, and usually recorded as scattering, John Jay received 9; R. H. Harrison, 6; John Rutledge, 6; John Hancock, 4; George Clinton, 3; Samuel Huntington, 2; John Milton, 2; Benjamin Lincoln, i; James Armstrong, i ; Edward Telfair, i. f The choice of a Cabinet was not an immediate step, for Congress had not yet passed laws organizing the respective Departments. The State Department was organized by act of Sept. 15, 1789, and Jefferson's appointment dates from Sept. 26. The Treasury Department by act of Sept. 2, 1789, and Hamilton's appoint- ment dates from Sept. 11. The War Department by act of Aug. 7, 1789, and Knox's appointment dates from Sept. 12. The Attorney-General by act of Sept. 24, 1789, and Randolph's appointment dates from Sept. 26. The Navy Depart- ment was not separately organized till April 30, 1798, nor the Post-Office Depart- ment till 18*9. The latter was conducted till that time by the Treasury Depart- ment. PRESIDENTS FROM 1789 TO 1817. 405 406 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. Secretary of State Thomas Jefferson, Va Moderate Anti-Federal, Secretary of Treasury Alexander Hamilton, N. Y.. . .Federal. Secretary of War Henry Knox, Mass " Attorney-General Edmund Randolph, Va Anti-Federal. Chief Justice Supreme Court. John Jay, N. Y Federal. CONGRESS IN EXTRA SESSION— The House organ- ized by electing Frederick A. Muhlenberg, of Pennsylvania, Speaker. This election had no political significance. All were content to allow the work of organization to move on the plane of Federalism ; or rather there had been no comparison of ideas, and consequently no effort to organize opposition to Federal supremacy. The session lasted for nearly six months, or till Sept. 29, 1789. The work related to the preparation of machinery and starting the wheels of the new government. The number of measures necessary, and their novelty, invited able and pro- tracted discussions. In range and character they were not un- like those of the period preceding the adoption of the Constitu- tution, and they foreshadowed those permanent differences of interpretation which might readily, and properly too, afford a basis for party existence. AMENDMENTS.— So many States had ratified the Constitu- tion with the hope of early amendment, and two, Rhode Island and North Carolina, held so stubbornly off, that the Congress took early steps toward remedying the defects of the instrument. Twelve amendments were agreed upon (Sept. 25, 1789) and sub- mitted for ratification. Ten of these became a part of the Con- stitution, Dec. 15, 1 79 1. They referred to freedom of religion, speech, person and property. Though intended to overcome the objections of the States and to make more secure the rights of the citizens, strange to say they invited bitter opposition from the extreme anti-Federal element, which regarded them as de- ceptive, and calculated to lure the States and people into false expectations of national unity and strength. COMMERCE AND TARIEF.-BiWs for the regulation of Commerce and the adjustment of a Tariff were fully considered and passed. The Tariff act was generally acquiesced in, so far as it provided a means of raising revenue by indirect taxation. But when it was suggested that such an act could also, and PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 407 should, be made a means of protection, the strict constructionists decried it as unconstitutional. However, some of the extreme anti-Federals sought to make the measure discriminate against England, by favoring the products of other nations. A Tariff bill was finally passed July 4, 1789, against strong opposition. Though it imposed a very low rate of duty, it was nevertheless dignified in the preamble as an " act for the encouragement and protection of manufactures." Thus as to one of the objects of a Tariff, and in the character of opposition it met with, there were foreshadowed, at the very beginning of our government, the spirited and strictly party controversies over the same subject a generation afterwards, and for that matter, at the present day. The matter of adjusting the public debt was left in the hands of the Secretary of the Treasury for future action. This extra ses- sion adjourned Sept. 29, 1789. During the vacation, Nov. 21, 1789, North Carolina ratified the Constitution and entered the Union. FIRST CONGRESS— First Regular Session.— Seat of gov- ernment at Philadelphia. Met Jan. 4, 1790. Hamilton's Report on the adjustment of the public debt furnished the leading sub- ject for deliberation. This great State paper, which involved the national credit at home and abroad, was presented January 9. The plan proposed was (i) for the national government to fund and pay the foreign debt of the Confederacy in full. (2) To likewise fund and pay the domestic debt of the Confederacy, at par. This debt was then floating about in the shape of nearly worthless promises. (3) That the government should assume and pay the unpaid debts of the respective States. To the first proposition there was no opposition. Against the second the extreme anti-Federals rallied, and they were reinforced by such as Madison, and many others, of Federal leaning. Their logic was that this debt was largely held by speculators, who had bought it for a song, and who would realize enormously if it were paid at par. Against this Hamilton urged that the only way to permanently raise the broken national credit was to pay all honest promises in full, and thus teach the first holders of them the folly of parting with a valuable security at a ruinous dis- 408 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. count. This second proposition finally carried. The third proposition was looked upon as a stretch of power on the part of the government. It was an assumption to do what the States only could and should do. The entire anti-Federal sentiment was united against it. Still it was carried by a close vote in the House (31 to 26). It was however reconsidered a short time afterwards, on the arrival of the seven anti-Federal representa- tives from North Carolina, and defeated. But it was finally car- ried by the vote of two anti-Federals, who agreed to favor it, in turn for Federal support of the measure to locate the National Capitol, after it had remained ten years in Philadelphia, on the Potomac. Though this bargain clouded somewhat the brilliancy of Hamilton's success in getting his propositions through, they resulted in an instant rebound of the national credit, and the establishment of government finance on a substantial working basis. The Tariff act of the previous session was amended on Aug. 10, 1790, by increasing the previous rates of duty. The other measures of this Congress had no party significance. The body adjourned Aug. 12, 1790, after a session of over seven months. It had witnessed the coming of Rhode Island into the Union, by the ratification of the Constitution, May 29, 1790. FIRST CONGRESS—Stcond Session.— Met Dec. 6, 1790, at Philadelphia. The leading subject was a financial agent for the government in the shape of a National Bank, Over this subject controvers)' was heated, and party lines came to be more clearly defined. The Federals in general, and all who inclined to a liberal or open construction of the Constitution, claimed that if Congress could pass laws for revenue and taxes, it could make those laws effective through such an agency as a bank. The anti-Federals, and all strict constructionists, denied the necessity, and therefore the constitutionality, of such an agent. The controversy thus begun has continued under one form and another, almost to the present day. The personal bitternesses and jealousies it then engendered were never healed, but were carried down to the people and soon became the basis of permanent party separation. Even the Cabinet was divided, and it was known that Jefferson stood ready, in that august body, to oppose Hamilton in all his financial plans. PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 499 The bill to charter a National Bank passed, but so conservative was Washington that he would not sign it till he had secured the written opinions of his Cabinet officers. That of Hamilton, in favor of the constitutionality of the act, had greater weight than those of Jefferson and Randolph, against it, and the bill secured the President's signature. It chartered a National Bank for twenty years, z. ^'., until 18 11, when the Republican party refused to recharter it, only, however, to retrace their steps in 1 8 16, when, under the influence of liberal construction notions, and the seemingly imperative needs of the hour, they instituted another National Bank which met its downfall in 1836.* The financial legislation of the session was supplemented by an Ex- cise law, which excited much opposition and became very un- popular. The first Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1791. Altogether it had been an able body, and had done its work with as little jar and as effectively as was possible for men who had no exact instructions from constituents and no elaborate political chart to steer by. The event of March 4 was the admis- sion of Vermont as a State. SECOND CONGRESS— First Session.— Met Oct. 24, 1791, at Philadelphia. The country had passed successfully through the excitement of Congressional elections, and the position of the Federals had been maintained, though their membership in the new body was slightly reduced. This, how- ever, did not matter, for there were still many of the Anti- Federal, or strict construction, turn who supported the adminis- tration. The House organized by the election of Jonathan Trumbull of Connecticut, as Speaker, THE FIRST REBELLION— Opposition to the excise law of the previous Congress, which was fanned by the Anti-Federal element, culminated in the " Whiskey Rebellion," among the dis- tillers of Western Pennsylvania. The same element also was now opposing a National Militia Law. But the latter passed, and in * From that time on, all attempts to establish a National Bank failed, till in 1862 the exigencies of civil war resulted in a strictly national currency under the auspices of the Treasury Department, and a system of National Banks whose credit is based on that of the government. 410 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. time for the President to use it, so as to bring the armed dis- putants of the national authorities to terms. The victory was a moral and bloodless one, achieved through the show of an unsuspected vigor and resource on the part of the govern- ment. THIRD TARIFF ACT— On May 2, 1792, an amended tariff act was passed which raised the ad valorem rates of duty some 2}4 to 5 per cent. It incurred the opposition of the Anti- Federals, and called for a repetition of their former arguments. An apportionment bill, the first under the new Constitution, was also passed. It fixed the ratio of representation at 33,000, under the census of 1790, increased the membership of the House to 105, and the electoral vote to 135, there being fifteen States, counting Kentucky, which was admitted June i, 1792. Congress adjourned its first session, May 8, 1792. POLITICAL CONDITION.— ThQ country was about to pass through the crisis of a Presidential election, the first under the new Constitution. The government had been started, and maintained thus far under a wholesome division of sentiment which has been popularly, but not exactly, described as Federal and Anti-Federal. It was more exactly that division which is better described as Liberal Interpreters and Strict Inter- preters of the Constitution; the former as they were antagonized, or as their principles demanded, drifting, perhaps unconsciously, toward larger powers and a fuller exercise thereof on the part of the national government ; the latter as they antagonized, or as their principles demanded, drifting, perhaps unconsciously, toward the doctrine which afterwards became known as State Sovereignty or State Rights. For the former, and because they were acting affirmatively, the term Federal must still apply. For the latter there is now no need, except conventionally, of retain- ing the term Anti-Federal. Indeed the first ten amendments to the Constitution, which were regarded as in the nature of a declarative Bill of Rights, so disarmed all opposition to the in- strument itself as to render the term Anti-Federal a misnomer. Jefferson felt that it was an empty term, and that if the varying, and often discordant, sentiments represented by it were ever to PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 411 be crystalized, some new and more comprehensive name must be adopted. The old name was a perpetual reminder of opposi- tion to the /act of government. As there was no longer any such opposition, but only questions as to how it should be managed and with what powers it should be endowed by the creative in- strument, the new name must, in no degree, be a reminder of the old political status, but must, on the contrary, be both an appeal to popular affection and comprehensive enough to embrace every form of antagonism to the party which was still to be called Federal. THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.— The situation gave birth to the new party name. Feeling was intense on all sidea in favor of the French Revolutionists. Jefferson, who was fresh from the scenes, taught that it was the direct outcrop of our own Revolution, and none chose to gainsay it. But as the Republi- cans of France drifted toward wild, ungovernable liberty, and evinced more and more a fierce leveling and communistic spirit, the Federals checked their ardor and grew cold. In that pro- portion the Anti-Federals grew warm. Their admiration took even the fantastic shape of dress and manner imitation. Here were differences mental and visual. To crown them with the term Republican was something, but not quite original. To group all feeling of opposition to the Federals under the term Democratic-Republican would prove original and striking. That, therefore, became the new party name. But the Federals heaped contempt on the Democrats, classed them as Jacobins, and altogether daunted them in the use of their compound title. So the first part was gradually dropped, and the new party passed into active politics as the Republican party; which was all curious enough, seeing that at this very juncture its tendency was rather toward a Democracy than toward a strong central Republic. Nor were the Republicans less abusive of the Federals. These latter were roundly denounced as fellows with a leaning toward monarchy, and full of all aristocratic notions. It is very likely that the sentiment among the masses was an exaggeration of that existing in the councils of the nation, though even there the President spoke grievously of the antagonisms. 412 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. and complained that the old spirit of compromise had turned into one of unjust suspicion and personal antipathy. ELECTION OF 1792. — Fortunately for the country party spirit was not yet deep enough, or bold enough, to affect the Presidency. The one Republican who could have made a re- spectable showing in the Presidential race was Jefferson, and both he and Washington were from the same State. Therefore, both could not be voted for, without the loss of the vote of that State. Besides many staunch Republicans had joined with the Federals to request Washington to serve a second term, a course he had not intended to pursue, till persuaded that the country demanded it. This left only the Vice-Presidency open to party contention, and for this office the Federals supported John Adams, Mass., and the Republicans George Clinton of New York. The election took place Nov. 6, 1792, and resulted in the success of the Federal ticket. SECOND CONGRESS— Second Session.— Met Nov. 5, 1792. at Philadelphia. Revenue questions occupied most of the time of the session, and the Federals had comparatively easy suc- cesses, the Republicans not being a unit in their opposition. But they figured conspicuously for political position, and made a direct but unsuccessful attempt to censure Hamilton's manage- ment of the Treasury Department. The count of the electoral vote* was made in P'cbruary, 1793, and Washington was de- clared elected President, and John Adams Vice-President, They were sworn into office on March 4, 1793, Congress having adjourned March 2. II. WASHINGTON'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION. March 4, 1793 — March 3d, 1797. George Washington, Va., President. John Adams, Mass., Vice-President. Seat of Government at Philadelphia. * For full electoral returns see always the succeeding administration. 414 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. Congresses. Sessions. Third Congress. | '• DecembeV 2, 1793-June 9, I794. \ 2, November 3, 1794-March 3, 1795. FniTRTH roNrRFss / '' December 7, 1795-June i, 1796. l-OURTH CONGRLSS. | ^^ December 6. 1796-Mnrch 3,1797. ELECTORAL VOTE* Federal. , . Republican. States. Basis of Geo. Wash- J. Adams, Geo. Clinton, 33,000. Votes. ington, Va. Mass. N. Y. New Hampshire. ... 4 6 6 6 Massachusetts 14 16 16 16 Rhode Island 2 4 4 4 Connecticut 7 9 9 9 New York 10 12 12 .. 12 New Jersey 5 7 7 7 Pennsylvania 13 15 15 14 i Delaware i 3 3 3 Maryland 8 10 8 8 .. Two vacancies. Virginia 19 21 21 .. 21 North Carolina.... 10 12 12 .. 12 South Carolina 6 8 7 6 Scattered. One vacancy. Georgia 2 4 4 . . 4 Vermont 2 4 4 4 Kentucky 244 ..Scattered. Totals 105 135 132 ~77 50 THE NEW ADMINISTRATION.— \N2ish\ng\:on, in pursu- ance of his conciliatory policy, made no immediate changes in his cabinet. He had, however, active and delicate work on hand. France had (April, 1793) declared war against Great Britain and Holland. The Republicans gave reins to their sympathy for their French namesakes, and claimed that the treaty of 1778, which bound France and the United States to an alliance offen- sive and defensive, was still in existence and ought to be re- spected. It looked as if war with Great Britain were certain, with the United States as an ally of France. Notwithstanding the unpopularity of the act, Washington decided that the treaty was null, and issued a decree of neutrality f between the con- tending parties. This step brought upon his administration, and on himself personally, the bitterest assaults of the Republicans. He was denounced as an enemy of Republican France, as a vio- * Of the votes indicated as " scattered," four were cast for Thomas Jefferson and one for Aaron Burr. f This was the beginning of a foreign policy from which there hav? be^n few departures sine*. PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 415 later of sacred faith, as a usurper of the powers of Congress. To further complicate and intensify matters, citizen Genet arrived as Minister to the United States, April 8, 1793. Deceived by the warmth of his reception at Charleston, S. C, he foolishly went about the business of raising money, recruiting men and commissioning cruisers for the French cause. Jefferson ordered him to desist, but removing to Philadelphia and encouraged by the Republican clubs of that city, which organizations carried their sympathy into wild excess, he continued to act as if on French soil. The French Consul at Boston rescued a libeled vessel from the United States Marshal. An American privateer sailed from Philadelphia under French colors, against the orders of the government. Military organizations were being formed in Georgia against the Spanish American possessions. Genet was so inflated with his Republican support that he privately an- nounced his intention of appealing to the people for a general uprising in behalf of France.* Timely exposure of this inten- tion speedily alienated even his warmest friends, and his meteoric career was ended by his recall, THIRD CONGRESS~Y\xst Session.— Met Dec. 2, 1793, at Philadelphia, and organized by electing F. A. Muhlenberg, of Pennsylvania, Speaker. He was a Republican, but it was only when party lines were closely drawn, which was possible on but a very few questions, that a small Republican majority could be counted on. The President's action respecting American neu- trality and the Genet affair was coldly approved, but Republican sentiment took another turn. If it could not directly favor France, it could at least antagonize England. It therefore very justly called England to account for not carrying out the treaty of 1783, by which she was to give up her Lake military posts on American soil. The Indian wars of the Northwest were attri- buted to British intrigue. So were the Algerine piracies. All in all, it looked as if the country were about to be plunged into war with England, for the Republican course proved to be very * This announcement was made public by Chief Justice Jay and Senator King, who published it over their signatures in a New York newspaper. Its truth wa-. vehemently denied by the Republicans, 416 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. popular. England began to judge the country by it, and to act as though the United States were already a secret, and soon to become an open, ally of France. She ordered her ships of war to stop all vessels laden with French supplies and to turn them into British ports (June 8, 1793). She began her system of im- pressing American seamen suspected of being Englishmen. She aimed a further blow at American commerce by actually seizing ships carrying French supplies and instituting trials against them in English courts. She justified her holding the Lake forts on the ground that our government had refused to pay certain debts due British subjects. Thus the Republican sympathy for France had brought ruinous commercial retaliation. Jefferson, in an official report of December 16, 1793, wisely called a halt by proposing an effort at amicable adjustment of the difficulties be- fore proceeding to counter retaliation. The Federals, especially those of the cabinet, were anxious for the first part of this propo- sition, but the Republicans, especially the extreme ones, were implacable, and Madison (January 4, 1794) introduced resolu- tions imposing prohibitory duties on English goods. This measure invited long debate and served to straighten Repub- lican lines, but it failed of passage. Jefferson retired from the cabinet in December, 1793, and was succeeded by Edmund Ran- dolph, of Virginia, as Secretary of State, January 2, 1794. The former premier retired to his Virginia plantation, and amid his political writings and plans for the further development of the new Republican party, of which he was the acknowledged founder, he escaped responsibility for the mistakes due to the enthusiasm of his political friends in the Congress. WASHINGTON ACTS.—\xi accordance with the peaceful policy outlined in Jefferson's report, Washington nominated (April 16, 1794) Chief Justice Jay as Envoy Extraordinary to F ngland, with a view to a treaty. The Federal Senate confirmed the nomination. In order to balk the mission the House Re- publicans moved to prohibit trade with England. This the Senate rejected, and Jay started on his mission, arriving in Eng- land in June, 1794. FURTHER PARTY CONTESTS,— Ih^ Federals fought all PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 417 through the session for their poHcy of neutraHty between France and England, the RepubHcans for intervention of some kind or in some way, and the ardor of the latter often drew them into inconsistencies. Thus while they invited war with England by measures to prohibit commercial intercourse with her, they at the same time opposed the Federals in their attempts to found a navy, the most effective weapon with which to carry on such war. And so when the Federals sought to escape the odium of Excise taxation by a system of indirect taxes, and a thereby increased revenue, the Republicans voted for direct taxes. Another unsuccessful attempt was made by the Republicans to censure, by resolution, Hamilton's management of the Treasury. They likewise bitterly but ineffectually opposed the Federal bill designed to approve of Washington's admonitions against " self- created political societies,"* and to prevent a recurrence of Genet's attempts to engage a people in warlike enterprises without the consent of their government. This attitude was the more re- markable because the French government had already disavowed Genet's conduct, and sent Fanchet as minister in his stead. But it was a formative period for the Republicans. Much must be excused to their enthusiasm, to their lack of definite policy, to the newness, oddness and swiftness of the situations they were called upon to confront. Neither party had yet had very profi- cient schooling in diplomacy. The Federals had all the advan- tage of a purpose. They could hew to a line, however roughly. The Republicans had to agitate and deny, work a negative situa- tion for all it was worth, and at the disadvantage of youth and inexperience. As yet they had invented no distinctive affirma- tive American measure on which they could consistently unite, or risk their future success. XITH AMENDMENT.— ConXd a citizen of the United States sue a State ? The Supreme Court had decided that a State was suable like any other corporation, and that too by a citizen of another State. This was a terrible blow to the members of the * The allusion was to the various secret associations formed for working up an American-French sentiment, and popularizing, if not justifying, such conduct as Genet had been guilty of, 27 418 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. Strict construction school. The Republicans therefore proposed the XI. Amendment, which Hmited the judicial power of the United States, and exempted a State from suit in the Federal courts, instituted by a citizen of another State, or by a foreign citizen. The wisdom of this amendment was not much mooted at the time, but the advantage taken of it by States which have felt inclined to repudiate their debts has shaken public faith in its justice. It was proposed March 5, 1794, and declared in force Jan. 8, 1798, having been ratified by the necessary number of States. TARIFF A CT — The Fourth. — The Federals succeeded in amending the Tariff Act of 1792, by increasing the ad valorem rates of duty, June 7, 1794. The imperative need of revenue, the quiet and general distribution of taxation in this form, and the sure and easy manner of collection, reconciled many of the Republicans to it, so long as it was unmixed with the affirmative doctrine of protection. Congress adjourned June 9, 1794. THIRD CONGRFSS—Second Session.— Met Nov. 3, 1794, at Philadelphia. The session opened by warm debate on Hamil- ton's plan of Internal Taxation. These debates continued at intervals throughout the session, and resulted in the passage of the measure, the Republicans not being able to keep their opposi- tion solid. Hamilton resigned from the Cabinet in January, 1795, and was succeeded (Feb. 2) by Oliver Wolcott, of Connecticut. Congress adjourned sine die March 3, 1795. FXCITING Ii\TFRVAL.—U\n\stQv Jay had succeeded in a treaty with England by November, 1794. It reached America March 7, 1795. The Senate was called to consider it, June 8, 1795. It was ratified by a two-third majority, and while await- ing the President's signature its contents (June 29) were pre- maturely divulged by one of the Senators. Its appearance was the signal for a Republican attack on the administration, and on all concerned in its negotiation and ratification, which for the directness and bitterness of its personalism has probably never been surpassed. Meetings were called in the cities to denounce it, and to present appeals to the President not to sign it. It was PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 419 denounced as not covering any t){ the causes of grievance. It left England at liberty to impress American seamen, to interfere with our commerce, to shut off our West India trade, and so on. The President signed it. This turned denunciation of the treaty into abuse of his administration and himself. He was charged with usurpation, with indifference to American prisoners in Algiers, with embezzlement of public funds, with official incapacity then and during the Revolution, with hostility to his country's interests, and even with treason. Malignity took the form of threats to impeach, and even to assassinate him. On Republican lips he was no longer " the Father," but " the Step- father of his Country." " He would rather be in his grave than in the Presidency," was his sad comment on these thoughtless and ^vulgar drives at his private character. The treaty itself came to his vindication. England speedily removed her Lake forts from American soil. In less than a year American com- merce took a rebound. Jay's much denounced treaty passed into political historj' with the approval of its bitterest opponents. FOURTH CONGRESS— First Session.— Met December 7, 1795, at Philadelphia. Senate contained a Federal majority: House a Republican, though not united, majority. Jonathan Dayton, Federal, of New Jersey, was elected Speaker. The President's message was approved by the Senate, by a vote of 14 to 8. The Republicans of the House refused to agree to a resolution which contained an expression of " confidence in the President and approval of his course." A CONFLICT. — The President sent to Congress, March i, 1796, his proclamation that the Jay treaty had been duly ratified and was law. Mr. Livingstone, of New York, against the ad- vice of the more liberal members of his party, moved that the President be requested to send to the House a copy of the treaty and all the papers connected with it. After an acrimonious de- bate the resolution passed by a vote of 57 Republicans to 35 Federals. Washington refused to comply, saying that the House was not a part of the treaty-making power.* This *This answer of Washington involved the principle which has ever since been accepted as the correct one regarding treaties. 420 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. stirred the animosity of the Repubh'cans still deeper. Word was passed to the country that a " British party " existed, and that the administration had been corrupted with British gold. Indignation meetings were again called. The House resolved that it had a right to the papers because it was a judge of the necessity of a treaty wherever an expenditure of public money was involved. The Federals, under the lead of Fisher Ames, of Massachusetts, rallied to the support of a counter resolution, declaring that provision should be made for carrying out the treaty. This was distracting to the Republicans, and they fought it, at first very desperately, through the month of April (to April 29th). In the meantime the country was responding, but not in a way the Republicans had hoped for. The people were tired of the agitation and did not want the treaty set aside. A Presidential election was coming on. It might not be prudent to push a doubtful question further at such a time. The Repub- lican majority weakened, fell into a deliberative mood, and finally helped to pass the Ames resolution by a vote of 51 to 48. Questions of revenue occupied the rest of the session. One of them related to a further increase of Tariff rates, on which political lines were closely drawn, and the Federals, who fa- vored the increase, were beaten. Tennessee became a State of the Union June i, 1796, and on that day the Congress ad- journed. FAREWELL ADDRESS.— 0\\ September 17, 1796, Wash- ington gave to the American people his farewell address. He had been solicited by men of both political parties to become for the third time a candidate for the Presidency, and had been assured of the support of the people. But his determination to retire to private life could not be altered. His address, care- fully drawn and solemnly worded, was his vindication against attack, which was to stand for all time, and his appeal to his countrymen to be true to the government, to beware of foreign influences, to avoid party strife, and to cultivate religion, educa- tion, and patriotic devotion to their institutions. It was a full reflex of the man, conservative, yet firm ; solemn, yet hopeful ; PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 421 plain, yet elegant; great, yet unselfish.* It was received every- where with approbation, and ranks to-day as a political classic, well worth study by every young man. ELECTION OF 1796. — The mission of Washington had been to hold sentiment together, or see that every conspicuous shade was represented, till the experimental period of the new government had passed. It had now passed, and his retirement left the field open to the square contention of parties. By mu- tual understanding, rather than by Congressional caucus nomina- tion, the candidates of the Federals became John Adams, of Massachusetts, and Thomas Pinckney, of Maryland, and those of the Republicans Thomas Jefferson, of Virginia, and Aaron Burr, of New York. There was no platform announcement of party principles, but the Federals claimed to represent Washington's policy of peace, neutrality, finance, progress, safety, and the right as founders of the government to place its existence beyond hazard before being called upon to part with their high trust. The Republicans claimed to be the advocates of economy, enlarged liberty, the rights of man, the rights of the States, and they did not hesitate to charge the Federals with every real and conceivable sin of commission and omission, among them an inclination toward an English policy and form of government. Though this latter was in manifest forgetfulness of their own well-known favoritism for France, the country was reminded of it by a presumptuous paper issued by the French Minister, called an "Address to the American People," and designed to influence the Presidential contest, in which the hint was thrown out that France would have to withhold intercourse with the United States if the Republicans were unsuccessful. * One characteristic of the address is its delicate undertone of vindication and complaint. The former was designed and exquisitely incorporated. The latter seems foreign to a man of Washington's iron will. But he was withal very sensi- tive, and it must have been well-nigh impossible for even one of his high, unbend- ing character, and though the paper were studied and stately to the last degree, to avoid all shadow of complaint. He had previously spoken of the attacks on him as aggravatingly malicious and personal, and made "in terms so exaggerated and indecent as could scarcely be applied to a Nero, a notorious defaulter, or even a common pickpocket." 422 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. The Presidential election was held in November, 1796, the electors being chosen by the Legislatures of the several States, a practice which continued till 1824, and in some States till a later period. FOURTH CONGRESS—Second Session.— The Congress met December 5, 1796. It was a comparatitely quiet session, and void of party interest. In February the count of the elec- toral votes was made, and the result showed a glaring defect in the method of choosing the President. Adams received 71 votes, Jefferson 68, Pinckney 59, and Burr 30. Thus there was a Fed- eral President and a Republican Vice-President, with all the con- fusion incident to a change of administration in mid-term, in case of the death or disability of the former, and all the danger to be apprehended from a like change if partisanship or corrup- tion should accomplish his impeachment or removal. The ex- perience furnished by the next Presidential election brought a much needed amendment of the method of voting. An amended Tariff act was passed March 3, which made a slight increase in the duty on manufactures of cotton. Congress adjourned sine die March 3, 1797, and on March 4 Adams and Jefferson were sworn into office. III. ADAMS' ADMINISTRATION. March 4, 1797 — March 3, 1801. John Adams, Mass., President. Thomas Jefferson, Va., Vivf' President. Seat of Government at Philadelphia. Congresses. Sessions. I, May 15, 1797-JuIy 10, 1797, extra session. Fifth Congress. \ 2, November 13, 1797-July 16, 1798. )ecember 3, 1798-March 3, 1799. (I, Mj \ 2, Nc (3. De Sixth CoNrRFSs \ '' I^^"mber 2, 1799-May 14, 1800. SIXTH «^ONGRESS. ^ ^^ November 17, 1800-March 3, 1801. ELECTORAL VOTE. Federals. Republicans. Basis of J. Adams, Thos. Pinck- Thos. Jeffer- A. Burr, Scat- States. 33,000. Votes. Mass. ney, Md. son, Va. N. Y. tering. New Hnm])shire. . . . 4 6 6 . .. .. 6 Massachusetts 14 16 16 13 .. .. 3 Rhode Island 2 4 4 .. .. .. 4| Fe iderals. Republi icans. J. Adams. Thos. Pinck- Thos. Jeffer- son, Va. A. Burr, Scat- Votes. Mass. ney, Md. N.V. tering. 9 9 4 5 12 12 12 , , 7 7 7 , . 15 I 2 14 13 , . 3 3 3 . , lO 7 4 4 3 2 21 I I 20 I iq 12 I I II 6 5 8 8 8 , , 4 .. 4 4 4 4 4 . 4 .. 4 4 3 .. 3 3 I3« 71 59 68 30 48* PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 4^3 Electoral Vote — Continued. Basis of States. 33,000. Connecticut 7 New York 10 New Jersey 5 Pennsylvania 13 Delaware I Maryland 8 Virginia 19 North Carolina 10 South Carolina 6 Georgia 2 Vermont 2 Kentucky 2 Tennessee I Totals 106 THE CABINET. Secretary of State Timothy Pickering, Pa Continued. Secretary of Treasury. ..Oliver Wolcott, Conn " Secretary of War James McHeury, Md " Secretary of Navy To Department of War till 1798. Attorney-General Charles Lee, Va " Postmaster-General Joseph Habersham, Ga With Treas. Depart, till 1829. Continued. THE INAUGURAL.— Vresidcnt Adams in his inaugural broadly affirmed the poHcy of the Washington administrations, and made a calm and studied denial of the oft-repeated charges that the Federal party was influenced by English patronage or any love for England. It did not serve to mellow the bitterness of the Republicans. On the contrary, they seemed to share the bad feeling now openly manifested by the French Republic on account of Republican defeat in America. ARMED NEUTRALITY.— Addivas found his administration between an upper and nether millstone of excitement. He must act and that promptly. Steps were taken toward preserving the neutrality established by the previous administrations, peaceably if possible, forcibly if necessary. A navy was improvised. Monroe, an ardent Republican and Minister to France, was re- called, and C. C. Pinckney sent in his stead. The French * Of those marked as scattering Samuel Adams received 15; Oliver Ellsworth, II ; George Clinton, 7 ; John Jay, 5 ; James Iredell, 3; George Washington, 2 ; John Henry, 2; S. Jphnson, 2; and Charles C. Pinckney, I. 424 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. Directory parted with Monroe, expressing admiration for the American people, and contempt for the American government. They at the same time ordered Pinckney to quit their country, and declared they would receive no more American ministers till their grievances, prominent among which was the Jay treaty, were redressed. FIFTH CONGRESS— E^lvd. Session.— On hearing of the French attitude, the President called the Fifth Congress into Extra Session, May 15, 1797. It organized by electing Jonathan Dayton, of New Jersey, Speaker. He was a Federal, and that farty had a majority in both branches. The President developed his foreign policy in an address. It meant neutrality, even at the expense of war with offenders. But three envoys were proposed, to go to France and exhaust all reasonable efforts for peace. These were approved by both Houses, and they departed on their mission. Congress adjourned July 10, 1797. AN EMPTY MISSION.— \Nh\\Q the envoys were absent the respective parties kept their feelings ablaze by the old charges of English and French influence and favoritism. "The country contained few Americans, but very many English and French," was remarked of the situation by a foreign observer. The envoys, after a fruitless effort at peace, submission to conduct they regarded as humiliating, and refusal on their part to listen to a request for a loan to the French Republic as a preliminary to negotiations, came back to report their failure, and meet the ridicule of the Republicans. A CONDITION OF WAR.—^hWc the envoys— the X. Y. Z. mission* as they were called — had been treated hardly by the French, and no better by their opponents at home, the country was forced to confront the solemn fact that France was making not only secret attack upon its commerce, under cover of law, but open attack as well, which nothing but a state of war would excuse. Any vessel carrying American shipping papers was deemed fit subject for seizure and confiscation. * Agents of the French Directory over the initials X. Y. Z. had intimated to the envoys the jjossibility of their success, provided they could offer some substantial money inducement. PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 425 FIFTH CONGRESS— First Regular Session.— Met at Phila- delphia, Nov. 13, 1797. The juncture was critical. The Re- pubhcans were so pronouncedly in favor of France, and were so strong, that it looked as if a policy of "Armed Neutrality " would at any moment go to the wall. Early in 1798 they were able, in the House, to vote down a proposition to arm American vessels. But the Senate, April 8, made public the attempted negotiations of the envoys to France. They sur- prised both parties. The Federals became furious at the insult heaped on their accredited agents and at the double-dealing, not to say corrupt overtures, of the French Directory. The Re- publicans stood aghast at the revelation. They could not brook conduct so flagrant, much as their sympathies had been enlisted in behalf of their struggling brethren of France. The more patriotic and shrewder-minded turned in with the Federals. A respectable minority found silence golden. American self- respect and American danger impelled to a common political sentiment, and that sentiment found popular outburst in the cry of " millions for defence, but not one cent for tribute." ALIEN AND SEDITION LAWS.— Congress co-operated with the administration in placing the government on a war footing. The navy was strengthened, and orders were issued to seize French vessels operating against American commerce. Letters of marque and reprisal were authorized. Treaties with France were declared abrogated. A temporary army was ordered, to be commanded by Washington as Lieutenant- General. Thus far all was popular and unquestioned. But France was to be fought not only on the ocean and on the field. It was felt that she was stronger in the country through her secret emissaries than in any other spot. Hence, the Alien Law, passed June 25, 1798, giving the President power to order aliens, whom he should adjudge dangerous, out of the country, and providing for the fine and imprisonment of those who refused to go. This was followed by the Sedition Law of July 14, to re- main in force till March 3, 1801. It imposed fine and imprison- ment on conspirators to resist government measures, and on libellers and scandalizers of the government, Congress or Presi- dent. 426 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS- NATURALIZATION LAW.—^\\\% law required an alien to reside fourteen years in the United States before he could be naturalized. The Federals favored it on general principles of safety to the country, and because they felt that they could not hope for accessions to their party from any foreign element then likely to become immigrant. The Republicans fought for a five- year probation, on the ground that America was properly an asylum for all nations, that a longer term would cause too many of the inhabitants to owe no allegiance, and because they knew, with the Federals, that immigrants would naturally augment their political ranks. The Congress adjourned July i6, 1798. STORMY INTER VAL.—War action had been set into feverish reaction by the Alien and Sedition Laws, which the Republicans regarded as a violent stretch of constitutional authority, and as arming the government with altogether too much power, even for war times. Not choosing to distinguish between themselves and those at whom the laws were aimed, they claimed that they were a menace to all Republicans, that they abridged liberty of speech and the press, that they were unconstitutional out and out. They had the best of the argument before the country, for the Federals could only justify them by the necessities of the hour. Constitutional construction was then in its infancy, and any new step was likely to excite jealousy and alarm. As a matter of policy, they were a step beyond what the Federals need have taken. They had, without them, a patriotic and permanent standpoint, and they had for it a strong Republican support, especially among the people, caused by the action of the French Directory. Their execution gave greater offence than their enactment. Having gone too far to retract, the administration insisted on carrying them out, even though France had come forward to deny any knowledge of bribery and corruption on the part of her agents, and had expressed a desire for peace. Thus they became a torment to the Federals, present and recurring. Aware of their keenness as a political weapon the Republicans drove it home on every occasion. CONGRESSIONAL ELECTIONS.— Though the enforce- PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 427 ment of the Alien and Sedition Laws was a source of weakness to the Federals, the Republicans soon felt they could not hope by their opposition to them to carry the fall (1798) Congressional elections. They therefore turned their attention to the State Legislatures, feeling that there their opposition could be made effective in the next Presidential election. Effort took the shape of denunciatory resolutions (really proclamations) passed by the Legislatures of two States. They are noteworthy as being the first formal declaration of strict construction views of the day, and are worthy of study as containing the doctrine on which all subsequent strict constructionists have relied for their advocacy of State sovereignty, nullification and secession. RESOLUTIONS OF 1798.— The Kentucky resolutions were drawn by Jefferson, the Virginia resolutions by Madison. Both were adopted by the respective State Legislatures. The Vir- ginia resolutions declared the Constitution to be a compact made by the States and to form which the States had agreed to sur- render only a part of their own powers. The Federal govern- ment could not exceed the authority delegated to it by the States. If it did the States had a right to stop it, and to main- tain the powers they had reserved to themselves. The Alien and Sedition Laws were usurpations of powers not granted to the Federal government, for the Constitution forbade any abridg- ment of liberty of speech or the press. The State of Virginia declared them unconstitutional, and appealed to the other States to join her. The governor was ordered to lay the resolutions before the other State Legislatures. They were repeated in 1799. The Kentucky resolutions repeated those of Virginia in sub- stance, and added that the Federal compact was as if a contract between two parties, the States being one, and the Federal gov- ernment the other; and that each party was to be the judge of any breach of the agreement, as well as of the manner of redress. These were also repeated in 1799, but with the wonderfully bold amendment, designed to draw the line between party opposition and criminal or treasonable opposition to the government, that the rightful remedy on the part of a State was " nullification of m^^'-^ - - 428 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. all unauthorized acts (by the Federal government) done under color of that instrument (the Constitution)." It ought to be observed, in justice to Jefferson, ever diplomatic, if very ardent in his Republicanism, and who, at this time a prospective candi- date for the Presidency, would not willingly have jeopardized his chances, however anxious he might have been to force home on the Federals their mistake in passing the Alien and Sedition Laws, that the final position taken in the Kentucky resolutions was far more ultra than his own, and that it was not regarded as good strict construction doctrine, till other causes, times and men,* conspired to give it sanction and render it operative. FIFTH CONGRFSS— Second Session.— Met at Philadelphia, Dec. 3, 1798. Irregular ocean warfare was still going on be- tween American and French privateers. There was scarcely any opposition to an increase of the navy, but the Republicans antagonized every measure for an increase of the army, alleging that none was needed and that the matter was only an ingenious Federal scheme, gotten up for the sake of providing places for their party leaders. The President, who had hitherto been firm, but who began to feel that his firmness was really a source of weakness so far as his aspirations to succeed himself in office were concerned, departed from his determination not to negotiate further with France, and, without consulting his Cabinet, sent three other envoys to treat for peace. This action led to a divi- sion in the Cabinet, and the protesting members met with the approval of the Federal party at large. The effort of the Presi- dent to recover lost ground with the Republicans lost him more ground within his own party. Congress adjourned si/ie die March 3, 1799. SIXTH CONGRESS— Vxxs^ Session.— Met at Philadelphia, Dec. 2, 1799. Theodore Sedgwick of Massachusetts was chosen Speaker. He was a Federal, and the Federals had a good work- ing majority in both Houses. They represented the war feeling of the country, and had been chosen before sentiment began to revolt against the enforcement of the Alien and Sedition Laws, at least before such revolting sentiment could be made effective * Notably 1832, Calhoun's time; and i860, the era of open secession. PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 429 in the Congressional districts. It was the poHcy of the Repub- hcans to avoid all party contests. Drawing their inspiration from Jefferson, they kept quiet, conscious that the ferment of opposition already active in the body politic would work favor- ably to them, and by no means displeased witnesses of the estrangement, gradually growing wider, between the President, and such prominent Federal leaders as Hamilton and others. The Federals in Congressional caucus nominated as their candi- dates for the Presidency John Adams, of Mass., and C. C. Pinckney, of S. C. The Republicans, in a Congressional Con- vention* at Philadelphia, nominated Thomas Jefferson, Va., and Aaron Burr, N. Y. Congress adjourned May 14, iSoo.f ELECTION OF 1800. — Though the Legislatures of the States did not meet to choose Presidential electors till Novem- ber, the fact that those bodies chose them made the Presidential result turn on their political complexion. The Presidential elec- tion was therefore in reality scattered over a great part of the year previous to November. Adams was unfortunate in not having the undivided support of his party. The State election * This term " Congressional Convention " implies what we would now under- stand to be a Congressional Caucus. It was full, formal and called, and therein differed from those informal caucuses of members which had bespoke former nom- inations. The first political platform, and the only one till the Clintonian address or platform of 18 12, was that of this Republican Congressional Convention of 1800 which nominated Jefferson. It announced (i) " Preservation of the Constitution in the sense in which it was adopted by the States ; " (2) " Opposition to monarchizing its features;" (3) "Preservation to the States of the powers not yielded to the Union, and to the Legislature of the Union its constitutional share in division of powers;" (4) "A rigorously frugal administration of the government ; " (5) "Re- liance for internal defence solely on the militia, until actual invasion, and for such naval force only as may be sufficient to protect our coasts and harbors ; " (6) " Free commerce with all nations, political connection with none, and little or no diplo- matic establishment;" (7) "No linking ourselves with the quarrels of Europe; " (8) "Freedom of religion;" (9) "Freedom of speech and the press;" (10) "Liberal naturalization laws; " (li) " Encouragement of science and art." •)• On May 13, 1800, the sixth amended Tariff act was passed, raising the duty on sugar one-half cent per pound, and on silk 2^ per cent. The rates on the leading articles now ranged as follows: Sugar, 2^ cents per pound; coffee, 5 cents per pound ; tea, 18 cents per pound; salt, 20 cents per bushel; pig iron, 15 per cent.; bar iron, 15 per cent.; glass, 20 per cent.; cotton goods, 15 per cent.; woollens, 125^ to 15 per cent.; silk, 2^ per cent. 430 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. in New York, April 28, resulted in a Republican Legislature. This result, due more to Hamilton's estrangement than to either Jefferson's or Burr's popularity, was a bad omen for the Federals. Adams was so piqued that he dismissed Hamilton's friends from the cabinet, and they went forth branded as British factionists. The Republicans had been making their ground solid in the States by such means as the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions for two years. But despite their seeming advantage of harmony and popular hue and cry, the returns in November were doubt- ful till South Carolina was heard from. Her vote settled the election in favor of the Republicans. SIXTH CONG RES S—Second Session.— Met at Washing- ton, Nov. 17, 1800.* This short session had a problem on hand which loomed up in the Fourth Congress, and which in certain shapes has returned periodically to plague Congress and the people. The electors had voted under the then existing consti- tutional provision, each for two candidates not of the same State. In February, 1801, when Congress came to count the returns, it was found that Jefferson and Burr each had 73 votes, Adams 65 and Pinckney 64. There was therefore no choice, for no one candidate had the highest vote. CONTESTED ELECT/ON.— The election passed to the House, where a protracted struggle resulted, and one full of bit- terness and danger. The Federal element had to choose between two Republicans, one of whom, Jefferson, the Republicans were bent on making the President, the other. Burr, the Vice-Presi- dent. Some of the Federals preferred to reverse this, not only to balk the Republican plan, but because they regarded Jefferson as a more formidable opponent than Burr. Burr himself fell, of course, to this idea, and fostered it by all the arts of which he was the well-known master. Balloting began Feb. 1 1, and, after running for several days, the Federals proposed to confess their inability to elect by vote of the States. Against this the Repub- licans threatened armed resistance. After other days were con- *Thc Capitol building was ready in June, i8cx3, and the ten years during which the seat of government was to remain at Philadelphia having expired, it was form- ally removed to Washington at this session of Congress. SO 432 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. sumed in idle balloting, the Federals were charged with a wish to put off the election till after the 4th of March and thus to niake John Jay, Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, the tempo- rary President. The result proved that this charge had no foundation. Burr finally lost caste in his attempts to dicker with the Federals, and Jefferson won on the 36th ballot, Feb. 17, by securing ten States, leaving four for Burr and two blank. This contention so clearly proved the defects and dangers of the plan of electoral voting that the Twelfth Amendment was proposed to the Constitution, Dec. 12, 1803, and declared in force Sept. 25, 1804. Congress adjourned sine ^/V, March 3,1801. Jeffer- son was sworn in as President and Burr as Vice-President, March 4. IV. JEFFERSON'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION. March 4, 1801 — March 3, 1805. Thomas Jefferson, Va., President. Aaron Burr, N. Y., Vice' President. Seat of Government at Washington. Congresses. Sessions. Seventh Congress. \ '' December 7, i8oi-May 3, 1802. ( 2, December 6, i8o2-March 3, 1803. „ „ f I, October 17, i8o-?-March 27, 1804. Eighth Congress. | ^'^ November 5, 1804-March 3, 1805. ELECTORAL VOTE. Republicans. Federals. Basis ot Thos. Jeffer- A. Burr, J. Adams, C. C. Pinck« States. 33.000. Votes. son, Va. N. Y. Mass. n«y, S. C. Connecticut 7 9 •• .. 9 9 Delaware I 3 .. .. 3 3 Georgia 2 4 4 4 Kentucky 2 4 4 4 .. Maryland 8 lo 5 5 5 5 Massachusetts 14 16 . . . . 16 16 New Hampshire. .. . 4 6 .. .. 6 6 New Jersey 5 7 .. .. ^ 7 New York 10 12 12 12 North Carolina 10 12 884 4 Pennsylvania '3 ^5 687 7 Rhode Island 2 4 .. Sc* 4 3 South Carolina 6 8 8 8 .. Tennessee i 3 5 3 .. Vermont 2 4 .. .. 4 4 Virginia 19 21 21 21 Totals 106 138 73 73 65 64f * This one vole was tlirown for John Jay. f No choice. See contested election on p. 305. PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 433 i^ABINET. Secretary of State James Madison, Va. Secretary of' Treasury.. .Samuel Dexter, Mass Continued. Secretary of War Henry Dearborn, Mass. Secretary of Navy Benjamin Stoddard, Md. . . .Continued. Attorney-General Levi Lincoln, Mass. Postmaster-General Joseph Habersham, Ga Continued. POLITICAL REVOLUTION.— T\iQ Republican sweep was clean, up to the door of the Judiciary. Adams' defeat was keenly- felt, though not unexpected. He had many admirers who remem- bered with pride his eloquence in behalf of Independence, and his bold stand in favor of Federalism. But the loss of a Presi- dent was as nothing compared with the permanent break in the Federal lines. The breaches were too wide for healing. The prestige it had acquired in placing the government on a firm basis, in anxious controversy for such power as would make it respected at home and abroad, in spirited contention for a policy of neutrality, and in timely, though not very masterly, effort to restrain the French Republican influence, had been badly clouded by some of its later efforts to hold political place, or at least pre- vent certain of its opponents from holding the same. Its internal weaknesses were now in sad contrast with that former boldness which successfully dared the most intricate financial problems, provided an ample revenue, and established an enduring national credit. NEW PO WER. — Jefferson's inaugural address laid down the policy of the Republican party. After attempting to remove asperities and smooth differences, he announced the intention to continue the payment of the public debt, reduce the army and navy, lower taxes, restrict the power of Federal government to the lowest limit permitted by the Constitution, and preserve the State governments in all their rights. While the message had the effect of abating party spirit somewhat, the old outcrops of enmity were still frequent. Federals were still " Black Cockade Federals." Republicans were still " Democrats and Jacobins." The wealth, intellect and culture of the country, largely of Fed- eral type, naturally felt apprehensive of a situation now com- Tianded by those it had learned to look upon with distrust and 28 434 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. to associate with what was foreign and revolutionary in spirit Perhaps they saw in Jefferson himself all they feared from his party, when they spoke of him as " an atheist in religion and a fanatic in politics." REMOVALS FROM OFFICE.— IYxq President proceeded immediately to undo some of the centralizing measures of the preceding administration by pardoning those imprisoned under the Alien and Sedition Laws. Then he turned his attention to his party friends anxious for office. His removal of Elizur Goodrich, Federal, from the Collectorship of New Haven, and the appointment of Samuel Bishop, Republican, in his stead, was looked upon as a proscriptive innovation, and brought a Federal storm about his ears. Washington had made his appointments without reference to political opinions. Adams had made few removals and none for political reasons. Why should the old rule be broken? And especially why should it be broken in this instance when Goodrich was competent and Bishop was 78 years old and incompetent? To all which Jefferson made the memorable reply whose spirit was, in Jackson's time, incorpo- rated into the aphorism, "To the victor belong the spoils." With rare sagacity, he, however, drew a fine line of distinction between removals for retaining opinions and removals for using influence. The former he would not make, the latter he would make. And again he would rebuke President Adams, by re- moving all his appointees after the result of the Presidential election became known.* All of this is interesting as the rather cautious beginning of that policy of removal from office, and appointment thereto, which grew by slow degrees until Jackson * Jefferson said that it was not " political intolerance to claim a proportionate share in the direction of public affairs. If a due participation of office is a matter of right, how are vacancies to be obtained ? Those by death are few, by resignation none." He would base his causes for removal as " much as possible on delinquency, on oppression, on intolerance, on ante-revolutionary adherence to our enemies." After thus getting a fair quota of the offices for his party, and thus correcting what he charged as erroneous procedure on the part of his predecessor, he said, " that d*ne, I will return with joy to that state of things when the only questions concerning a candidate shall be : Is he honest ? Is he capable ? Is he faithful to the Constitu- tion ?" PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 435 claimed the policy to be an indisputable right, and which has been exercised since by all political parties as such, until questioned by the civil service reform spirit of the present day. SEVENTH CONGRESS— Y\x-.t Session.— Met Dec. 7, 1801. Organized by electing Nathaniel Macon, Republican, of North Carolina, Speaker, there being a small Republican majority in both branches. Instead of delivering his message in person to the Congress as Washington and Adams had done, Jefferson presented it in writing and thus established a custom which has ever since been maintained, for convenience sake as well as for its accordance with republican simplicity. The Congress went manfully to work to modify previous Federal legislation. The limit for naturalization was fixed at five years, with privilege of declaration of intention after a residence of three years. The act of 1798 required a residence of fourteen years. A sinking fund was established. The army, navy and taxes were reduced. Perhaps the most direct blow at the Federals was the repeal of the Judiciary law. The law of the previous session had estab- lished twenty-four new Circuit Courts, the officers for which Adams had appointed the last thing before retiring. The Re- publicans said this was an abuse of his power, in that the com- missions had been made out and signed after the results of the Presidential election had become known. They called them " midnight judges," and though the Federals declared that there was judicial work for all of them, and further that Adams had not exceeded his authority in granting their commissions, the Republicans found a way to overcome, for the time being, their strict construction notions and repeal the bill. This drove the Federals from their last hold on the government, and they never recovered their lost ground. Ohio entered the Union Nov. 29, 1802. Congress adjourned May 3, 1802. LOUISIANA /'67?C//^5^.— Republican zeal for France and the French Republican cause received a blow early in 1802 when it was announced that Spain had secretly ceded the Louisiana Territory to France. Our government had been making war preparations against Spain in order to settle the right to free navigation of the Mississippi, and to equal privileges about the 436 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. Gulf entrance. By the cession to France, the entire programme changed. The government was confronted with a new and more formidable owner of this vast country of Louisiana,* and proba- bly with a new set of complications. Minister Livingston was instructed to remonstrate with the French Emperor and to say that France's possession of this territory would drive the Ameri- can Republic to enter into an alliance with England. James Monroe was sent to Livingston's aid, with instructions to buy Florida and the Island of Orleans, which Jefferson mistakingly supposed had been embraced in the Spanish cession to France. Monroe found France in need of money for contemplated war on England and not averse to selling all of Louisiana, A bar- gain was at once struck for ;^ 1 5 ,000,000, and though Monroe had exceeded his instructions and no authority existed anywhere for the transaction, Jefferson agreed to the contract, trusting to the Congress and the people to stand by him. In this he was not disappointed. The treaty of purchase was ratified by the Senate, Oct. 20, 1803. SEVENTH CONGRESS—Second Session.— Met Dec. 6, 1802. The respective parties were so watchful of each other and so resolute that each failed to accomplish any significant political legislation. The action of Spain was censured by the Republi- cans. Attempts to amend the Constitutional mode of electing a President, to abolish the mint, and to fasten a charge of mi.s- management on the Treasury Department, failed. Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1803. EIGHTH CONGRESS — First Session. — This Congress was called together Oct. 17, 1803, in order that the treaty for the purchase of Louisiana might be disposed of The Republican majority had been increased, the Federals having lost some of their best leaders. Nathaniel Macon was again chosen Speaker. The debates on the ratification of the treaty were similar to those over the Jay treaty of 1795, but parties were turned right round, the Republicans using the old Federal, and the Federals the old Anti-Federal logic. As observed above, the treaty was ratified by the Senate Oct. 20, 1803, and the House made the appropria- * For fuller account of this purchase, see anfc, page 105. PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 437 tion to carry it into effect.* The Twelfth Amendment to the Constitution changing the mode of Presidential election was passed Dec. 12, 1803, and ratified by the States by Sept. 25, 1804. The first articles of impeachment under the new govern- ment were voted by the House against Judge Pickering of the United States District Court of New Hampshire, for occasional drunkenness. The articles were sustained and the judge dis- missed. Other articles were voted against Judge Chase, of Md., and Judge Peters, of Pa., for arbitrary conduct in trying cases under the Alien and Sedition Laws. The Federals took alarm at these steps and boldly charged the Republicans with a design to make places for their party judges, and to impair if not destroy the judiciary. An amended tariff bill was passed March 26, which, if anything, increased the average rate of duties then existing. Congress adjourned March 27, 1804. ELECTION OF 1804.— Burr had never secured Jefferson's confidence after the suspicion that he had tried to barter with the Federals for his defeat during the previously disputed Presi- dential election. Besides he had then come too near the Presi- dency to suit Jefferson's idea of his own success. He was there- fore sacrificed in the Congressional caucus, and Jefferson and George Clinton of New York became the Republican nominees for President. The nominees of the Federals were C. C. Pinck- ney, S. C, and Rufus King, N. Y. The Federals were vanquished in every State except Connecticut, Delaware and part of Mary- land. EIGHTH CONGRESS— ^Qcoxv<\ Session.— Met Nov. 5, 1804. The session was not complimentary to the Republican majority. The impeachment trial of Judge Chase came on under the articles previously drawn in the House. It took a decided partisan turn and awakened the bitterest sentiment. Burr, who was under a cloud for having killed Hamilton, and who felt keenly the disappointment of defeat at the hands of his Republican friends, did much, as presiding officer at the * Senate vote for ratification was 24 to 7 ; and House vote for the appropriation was 90 to 25, so that the purchase, notwithstanding its irregularity, was abundantly confirmed. 438 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. trial, by his refusal to hearken to the demands of his party, to re-establish his lost reputation. This angered the Republicans all the more, and when their determination to convict was met by a square verdict of acquittal on all the charges, they proposed several Constitutional amendments (none of which carried), making impeachment, conviction and removal from office easier. The electoral votes were counted in February. Jefferson and Clinton had 162, and Pinckney and King, 14. The Eighth Congress adjourned shie die, March 3, 1804. The success- ful Presidential candidates were sworn into office March 4, 1804. V. JEFFERSON'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION. March 4, 1805 — March 3, 1809. Thomas Jefferson, Va., President. George Clinton, N. Y., Vice-President. Congresses. Sessions. Ninth Congress / ^' December 2, 1805-April 21, 1806. MINTH CONGRESS. | ^^ December i, i8o6-March 3, 1807. Tfnth Congress I '' October 26, 1807-April 25, 1808. lENTH congress. | ^^ November 7, 1808-March 3, 1809. ELECTORAL VOTE* Republicans. Federals. Basis of Thos. Jeffcr- G. Clin- C. C. Pinck- R.King, States. 33,000. Votes. son, Va. ton, N. V. ney, S.C. N. Y. Connecticut 7 9 .. .. 9 9 Delaware i 3 .. .. 3 3 Georgia 4 6 6 6 Kentucky 6 8 8 8 Maryland 9 II 9 9 2 2 Massachusetts 17 19 19 19 New Ham|)sliire.. .. 5 7 7 7 ,. New Jersey 6 8 8 8 New York 17 19 19 19 North Carolina.... 12 14 14 14 01>>o I 3 3 3 * While the nominations did not disiingui'~h between President and Vice-Presi dent, the candidates were voted for as if they had been so distinguished, the Con- stitutional amendment (the twelfth) having been ratified in September in lime fbf the vote to be cast under its provisions. 440 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. Basis of 33.000- ... i8 . .. 2 ... 8 . . . 1 Votes. 20 4 10 5 6 24 176 Republi cans. Feden lis. States. Pennsylvania... . Rhode Island. . . South Carolina.. Tennessee .... Thos. Jeffer- son, Va. 20 4 10 5 6 24 162 G. Clin- ton, N.Y. 20 4 10 5 6 24 162 C. C. Pinck- ney, S. C. R. King, N.Y. Vermont ■ ■ ■ 4 Virginia . . . 22 Totals .. 142 14 THE CABINET. Secretary of State James Madison, Va Continued. Secretary of Treasury .... Albert Gallatin, Pa " Secretary of War Henry Dearborn, Mass. ... " Secretary of Navy Jacob Crowninshield, Mass. Attorney-General Robert Smith, Md. Postmaster-General Gideon Granger, Conn. POLITICAL SITUATION.— The Congressional elections had been nearly as disastrous to the Federals as the Presidential election. They M^ere strong only in New England, and even there Vermont had turned Republican. Federalism was clearly moribund. The Republicans had the affirmative. The times were prolific of new situations, which could be turned to popular account. Jefferson understood the art of keeping his party on a happy vantage ground better than any statesman in it, and as he had its entire confidence, so far as the masses were concerned, he exercised a control which was quite autocratic. NINTH CONGRESS— ¥\vs\. Session.— Met Dec. 2, 1805. Organized by re-electing Nathaniel Macon Speaker. Both Houses strongly Republican. A notable event was the estrangement of John Randolph, of Virginia, from the President, His ambition to go as Minister to England had not been grati- fied, and he had failed also in his aspirations to be the leader of the administration on the floor of Congress. He therefore with a small following threw his strength to the Federals, and thus augmented they became a brilliant, determined and useful mi- nority. The Spanish Mississippi situation was still delicate. It was decided that the best way to settle it was to buy out the re- maining interest of Spain in our soil. The President was author- ized to make the purchase, but it was not effected till 18 19. Though both P^ngland and France were violating the rights of PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 441 neutrals, the President would not sanction the building of an American navy, but compromised on a system of gunboats, which was much ridiculed by his opponents. Republican par- tiality for France was shown by the passage of a measure pro- hibiting the importation of English goods after Nov. 15, 1806. This was designed to be retaliatory of England's violation of the rights of neutrals. As France had been, and was still, equally guilty, the blow might very justly have been aimed at both. Not yet tired of efforts to Republicanize the Judiciary, another attempt was made to clear out the old Federal incum- bents, but it failed. A strained situation for the Republicans grew out of the proposition to build a National Road from the Potomac to the Ohio. Contrary to all their previous views of a rigid construction of the Constitution, and in vivid contrast with the notions of their school which prevailed for fifty years after- wards respecting internal improvement, they enacted to lay out and build such road. An adjournment took place April 21, 1806. NINTH CONGRBSS—Second Session.— Met Dec. i, 1806. During the vacation Burr's enterprise of a Southwest Empire became public, and the President had ordered his arrest. Infor- mation of the scheme was laid before Congress, and the Senate enacted to suspend the writ of habeas corpus for three months, but the House did not concur. Financial management had been such as to produce an excess of receipts over expenditures. This excellent condition the President proposed to turn to the account of the country by devoting the surplus to education and national road and canal making. He was however too far in advance, or outside, of his party in this matter to be able to per- suade it to any such general undertaking. A revulsion of sen- timent had set in on the discriminatincr act against Ensfland. passed at the previous session, and the President was given power to suspend the operation of the law till December, 1807. Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1 807. BURR BUBBLE.— In the early part of the year 1807 the Burr bubble burst, and he returned, under arrest, to Virginia, the scene of his plots, for trial. What he designed to accomplish 442 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. by his expedition down the Mississippi has never been accurately known. His enemies regarded his scheme as treasonable, having for its object the estabhshment of an empire in the Southwest so as to control the commerce of the Mississippi. His friends — • rather his excusers, for friends were hardly possible — gave him the credit of a far-sighted enterprise to expel all foreign influence from the region of the Gulf, provide an inviting field for immi- gration, and thus establish Federal sovereignty in a distant and dangerous part of the public domain. However it may all be, his trial was now (May, 1807) on at Richmond, before Chief Justice Marshall. It was far more political than judicial. The Federals, who had denounced the President's order for arrest as a usurpation of authority, now heaped personal invective on him for his anxious letters to the District Attorney and his open at- tempts to influence the trial. Nothing, however, served to deter Jefferson. He had no love for Burr, and, further, he felt that his conviction was to be his own vindication for a procedure which was so bitterly denounced as arbitrary and without precedent. The result was Burr's acquittal for want of jurisdiction. The defeat of the administration was humiliating in proportion to its anxiety to impress the trial. TENTH CONGRESS— Y\xst Session.— Met Oct. 26, 1807. and organized by electing Joseph B. Barnum, Republican, of Massachusetts, Speaker, there being again a Republican ma- jority in both branches. An early session was called to consider the attitude of England. The foreign outlook was by no means assuring. The English treaty of 1806 had been rejected by the President on his own responsibility, because, like the Jay treaty of 1795, it left England at liberty to search American ships and impress American seamen. This the Federals stoutly opposed as a bold assumption on the part of the President and because they, being largely the commercial part of the community, were most anxious for some kind of a treaty with England. But above all the snubbing of England by the President led her to stubborn and retaliatory renewal of her aggressions. In June, 1807, the Leopard, a British frigate, attacked the Chesapeake, an American frigate, in Hampton Roads, and forcibly removed four 444 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. seamen, ostensibly English, Here parties swung to and fro and almost embraced. The Federals became indignant at England for this outrage. The Republicans had grown lukewarm toward France, who, though not so boldly, was practising the same in- vasions of neutral rights. Our commerce suffered most from English aggressions, only because England was stronger than France on the water. So great was the destruction of our com- merce that Jefferson privately wrote how he had come to regard " England as a den of pirates and France as a den of thieves." EMBARGO ACT. — England's prohibition of all commerce with France, a similar prohibition by France, blockades by each, searches of neutrals by both, led the President to a proclamatio" against British armed ships entering American ports. To suj>. port him in this was the object of the called session. The Re- publicans passed his Embargo bill, against the opposition of the Federals supported by the Randolph Republicans, or quids, as they were facetiously called, both of whom argued that it would retroact on the United States and lead to more complete com- mercial ruin than direct aggression by either England or France had done. The Republicans averred it must be either an Em- bargo or war, and chose the former, not without a modification, however, to the extent of making it operative during the Presi- dent's pleasure. The Em.bargo Act passed Dec. 21, 1807, by a vote of 87 to 35 in the House and 19 to 9 in the Senate. It prohibited American vessels sailing from foreign ports, foreign vessels taking cargoes from American ports, and all coasters from landing cargoes elsewhere than in the United States. It proved to be a veritable boomerang, as the Federals had pre- dicted. Congress adjourned April 25, 1808. ELECTION OF 1808. — During the summer and autumn of 1808 sentiment was shaping for the Presidential contest. For a long time (since 1806) Randolph had been actively engineer- ing the cause of Monroe, who was Minister to England, against Madison, whom Jefferson had been coaching for his successor. But the Congressional caucus nominations at the called session had resulted in the nomination of James Madison, Va., for Presi- dent, and George Clinton, N. Y., for Vice-President, on the part PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 445 of the Republicans, and C. C. Pinckney, S. C, for President, and Rufus King, N. Y., for Vice-President, on the part of the Fed- erals, Jefferson, like Washington, had been requested to accept a third term but declined. The issue turned on the Embargo Act, the Federals denouncing it as unconstitutional, as destructive of American commerce, and as tending to help England as against France — a cunning argument in view of previous Re- publican favoritism for France, yet one whose truth was daily becoming apparent. They carried their opposition to the verge of physical resistance along the New England coast, and really lost sight of the political situation in their vehement desire to force the repeal of a destructive and obnoxious law. The result in November was a majority of Republican electors, though by no means as large as that for Jefferson. TENTH CONGRESS— Second Session.— Met Nov. 7, 1808. Opened with protests against English and French aggressions, and an attempt of the Federals to repeal the odious Embargo Act, whose operation had by this time driven them to commer- cial despair. The President was informed by John Q. Adams, who had resigned from the Legislature of his State (Mass.) be- cause his advocacy of the Embargo had drawn public censure, that it would be impossible to further enforce the act in New England, and that a scheme of open resistance was already in course of preparation. However truthful this might have been — it was stoutly denied, — and however much it may have been a part of Adams' wish to thus secure administrative favor — he was soon after sent as minister to Russia, — it is certain Jefferson changed front on the question, and with him the entire Repub- lican party. The bill was repealed, the repeal to operate on and after March 4, 1809, and a simple Non-Intercourse Act substi- tuted. The Republicans even went so far as to pronounce in favor of an American navy, and full protection of American rights on the high seas. Had this wonderful surrender taken place a few months earlier, the Federals must have swept the country in the Presidential contest. But it was shrewdly post- poned till after the verdict had been recorded. The electoral votes were counted in February. Madison had 446 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. for President 122, and George Clinton 6. Pinckney had for President 47. For Vice-President Clinton had 113, King 47, and 15 were scattering. Congress adjourned si// c die March 4, 1809. Madison and Clinton were sworn into office March 4, 1809. VI. MADISON'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION. March 4, 1809 — March 3, 1813. James Madison, Va., President. George Clinton, N. Y., Vice' President. Congresses. Eleventh Congress. Twelfth Congress. Sessions. 1, May 22, 1809 — June 28, 1809, extra session. 2, November 27, 1809 — May I, 1810. 3, December 3, 1810 — March 3, 181 1. f I, November 4, 181 1 — July 6, 1812. 1 2, N< N'ovember 2, 181 2 — March 3, 1813. ELECTORAL VOTE.'' Republicans. Federals. J. Madi- G . Clinton, c.c. : Pinck- R. King, Votes. son, Va. N. V. ney, S. C. N. Y. 9 9 9 3 3 3 6 6 6 8 7 7 . . I vacancy II 9 9 2 2 19 19 19 7 7 7 8 8 8 19 13 13 Sc. Sc. 14 II '< I 3 3 3 3 Sc. 20 20 20 4 4 4 10 ID 10 S "5 5 6 6 Sc. 24 24 24 •• 17b 122 113 47 47 Basis of States. 33,ooo- Connecticut 7 Delaware I Georgia 4 Kentucky 6 Maryland 9 Massachusetts 17 New Hampshire.. .. 5 New Jersey 6 New York 17 North Carolina.... 12 Ohio I Pennsylvania 1 8 Rhode Island 2 South Carolina .... 8 Tennessee 3 Vermont 4 Virginia 22 Totals .T42 THE CABINET.^ Secretary of State Robert Smith, Md. Secretary of Treasury Albert Gallatin, Pa Continued. * Of those marked scattering Clinton received 6 for President, and for Vice-Presi- dent Madison received 3, John Langdon 9, and James Monroe 3. f The Cabinets as here found are those first organized by the incoming administra tions. Yox the changes and all incumbents see the respective department heads under " Ruling Nationally." PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 447 The Cabinet — Continued. Secretary of War VVillinm Eustis, Mass. Secretary of Navy Paul Hamilion, S. C. Attorney-General C. A. Rodney, Pa Continued. Postmaster-General Gideon Granger, Conn " POLITICAL SITUATION.— ThQ Republicans were on the eve of an entire change of poUcy. Jefferson had adroitly handled the old Federal policy of neutrality so as to keep a show of firm- ness, and at the same time avoid armed conflict with England or France. On the score of economy he opposed high taxes, a navy, an army. Madison fell heir to this policy. When Erskine, British Minister, mistakingly informed him that Eng- land desired peace, Madison immediately suspended the Non- Intercourse Act, as he was authorized by its terms to do, so far as England was concerned. But when England repudiated the conduct of Erskine, the President had to restore the operation of the act. Whether this was sheer double-dealing on the part of England, or only a Republican trick to influence sentiment, as the Federals claimed, from that time on the drift toward war was too strong for the Republicans to resist. The schism in the ranks of the party left an active minority to operate on the strict party flanks. It was a time when a body of new leaders, active and strong, could walk away with the organization and shift its ancient policy. From this time on, too, we begin to hear popular mention of the word Democrat. As admiration for France, which had made the word Republican popular, subsided, as Jacobin and Democrat were no longer offensively identical, and further as there were two schools of thought in the Republican ranks, one newer and more aggressive than the other, it became coin- mon for the older to designate themselves as Democrats, that is, the true Republicans, the primitive Democratic-Republicans. ELEVENTH CONGRESS— E^ivdi Session.— Met May 22, 1809, with a Republican majority. Organized by re-electing Joseph B. Varnum, Mass., Speaker. The only matter before it was the President's suspension and reassertion of the Non-Inter- course Act. After affirming his action Congress adjourned, June 28, 1809. ELEVENTH CONGRESS— First Regular Session.— Met 448 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. Nov. 27, 1809. The Non-Intercourse act was continued, and the British Minister was censured for contradictory statements and obtrusive conduct. France had shrewdly shaped her com- mercial pohcy so as to receive all the benefits of the American position. This galled England all the more, and as a conse- quence her attitude became more hostile. In advocacy of her right to search American vessels for deserted British seamen, she announced as final the doctrine, " Once an Englishman, al- ways an Englishman." During the session the Republicans had a large majority and shaped legislation without much dissent from the Federals. Adjourned May i, 18 10. ELEVENTH CONG RES S—Second Session.— Met DeC. 3, 1 8 10. The Non-Intercourse Act was repealed as to France and continued as to England. This threw both England and Amer- ica on their mettle. But the administration was not yet done with its economic and peace ideas. The National Bank, char- tered in 1 79 1 for twenty years, was asking for a new lease of life. It had, as we have seen, secured the favor of a charter through a momentary spasm of liberal construction on the part of strict interpreters of the Constitution. Such a spasm was not now on, though it had so many Republican friends in both branches that the bill granting a new charter was defeated by only one vote in the House and by the casting vote of the Vice- President in the Senate. It therefore wound up its business and ceased to exist. The attitude of Federal and Republican on this question of a national bank became, in after years, that of Whig and Democrat on the same question. Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1811. TWELFTH CONGRESS— First Session.— Met Nov. 4, 1 8 1 1 . Either the administration must accept the idea of forcible resistance to England or go to the wall. American vessels, es- timated at 900, had been captured since 1803. American com- merce had become a thing of the past. It would not do to allow the idea to grow further that the Republicans were aiming a blow at commercial New England by persistence in their suicidal policy of dilly-dall)'ing diplomacy and devouring peace. A new order of men came to the front. Henry Clay, Ky., was elected PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 449 Speaker. John C. Calhoun, S. C, became an ambitious and able leader in the House, as did William H. Crawford, Ga., in the Senate. Fortunately none of these new leaders, fully imbued with the war spirit, thoroughly determined on a change from the economic, hesitating, and now cowardly, policy of Jefferson and Madison, were mistrusted by Madison. Clay had been his firm friend, and had come out of a two-term career in the Senate the better to lead on the wider plane of the House. Therefore their work of swinging the administration and the party from its peace moorings was comparatively easy. During the session, and against the opposition of the Federals and a Republican minority, bills for increasing the navy and organizing the militia were passed. Whatever scruples the President may still have had about accepting the situation and affirming this heterodox legislation was overcome by the intimation that his renomination depended on his acquiescence. He therefore fell fully in with the new leaders, and made his expose of the Henry documents * which so outraged the sentiment of New England, but which brought from Congress the action designed, viz., a resolution de- nunciatory of England for an attempt to divide a friendly nation. This was followed by an Embargo on American shipping for ninety days, which of course brought an announcement from the English Minister (May 30, 181 2), which was supported by the Parliament, that England would not change her policy toward neutrals. DECLARATION OF WAR.— A message from the Presi- dent, June I, 1812, referred to a committee, brought a report which, as a summary of grievances, complained of the British orders in council, of the unfair system of blockades of the French ports, of the refusal to settle claims for damages, and, last but not least, of the searching of American ships and impressment of American seamen. It recommended a declaration of war. A * The President made this expose in a special message. The documents, he said, he bought of one John Henry for |S5o,ooo. They purported to show how Henry had been a Canadian agent sent to influence New England Federals to join their cause with that of England. The British Minister denied all knowledge of such agent or agency. 29 450 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. war act was consequently passed awd promptly signed by the President (June i8, 1812), who had by this time received a second nomination for the Presidency and who was acting in strict con- cert with the war wing of his party. At first the declaration of war was received with applause. But a reaction soon set in. The Federals of New England published a protest again.st it as sectional and not national, the act of a party and not of the country. Strictly construing the Constitution, Massachusetts and Connecticut refused to permit their militia to go beyond the boundary of their States till an actual inv^asion had taken place. To answer them the Republicans became liberal interpreters of the Constitution and would obliterate State lines and forget all about State rights in order to present a solid national front to the foe. Louisiana had become a State in the Union, April 30, 1812. TARIFF OF 18 1 2. — Madison had urged in his message a re- vision of the Tariff. The new leaders took it up. Calhoun and Lowndes favored Clay's new doctrine that the Protective idea ought not any longer to be secondary to the Revenue idea. South Carolina was then a high protection State, England hav- ing levied exorbitant duties on raw cotton. Here was a marvel- lous shifting of party doctrine. The Republicans became such liberal interpreters of the Constitution that they not only swung to the Protective notion, but actually used the report of Hamil- ton, which brought the earliest Tariff acts, in vindication of their position. The Federals, in their weakness, forgetfulncss of party traditions and determination to see nothing good in the adminis- tration, swung clear over to the abandoned strict construction doctrine of their political enemies, and through such as Webster (then in the House) and others opposed the Protective thought. Sentiment on this Tariff act ought to be carefully noted. It was the beginning of that division in the Republican party which prepared the way for " The American Idea," for " Internal Im- provement," and for the Whig organization, which was Clay's outlet from the strict construction columns. Indeed, even at this session a bill for internal improvement was passed "under Clay's leadership, which Madison vetoed. The tariff act wa,3 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 45] passed July i, 181 2, and it marks the highest rates of duty- reached from the foundation of the government till 1842. Sugar went from 2^/^ cents per pound to 5 ; coffee from 5 cents per pound to 10; tea from 18 cents per pound to 36; pig iron from lyyi per cent, to 30; bar iron from lyyi per cent, to 30; glass from 22^ per cent, to 40; manufactures of cotton from 17^ per cent, to 30; woollens from 17 per cent, to 30; silk from 15 per cent, to 25. Congress adjourned July 6, 18 12. ELECTION OF 1812. — We have seen the conditions upon which Madison was permitted to become a candidate for a second term. But he still had opposition. De Witt Clinton, N. Y., who would have been the candidate in case Madison had declined to wheel into the war line, refused to be bound by the bargain. The other Republican States had become jealous of Virginia's claim to be " the home of Presidents." Clinton moved on this line, secured the nomination of the New York Legislature and issued an address (" Clinton's Platform ") protesting against caucus nominations of Presidential candidates, the continuance of public men in office for long periods, the claim of particular States to monopolize principal offices, and " that official regency which prescribed tenets of political faith." His followers became known as Clintonian Democrats. Madison was nominated in May, 1812. John Langdon was nominated for Vice-President, but declining on account of age, Elbridge Gerry, Mass., was substituted. The Federals, taking advantage of the schism in the Republican ranks, met in caucus in New York city and nominated De Witt Clinton for President, with Jared Ingersoll, Pa., for Vice-President* The election came off in November. A large majority of Republican electors was chosen. The Congressional elections resulted also in a majority of Republican members favorable to the war. TWELFTH CONGRESS— '^Qcox^^ Session.— Met Nov. 2, 1812. There was a slight adjustment of parties on account of * Eleven States were represented in this caucus or convention. It was a bitterly partisan body, determined to see nothing good in any act of Madison, and as an evidence of its desperation, willing to support a soured Republican in order to de feat the regular Republican nominee. 452 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. the war. Some Republicans voted with the Peace Federals, but they were more than offset by War Federals voting with the straight Republicans. There was but little opposition from any source to an increase of the navy, which had already won the right to be encouraged by proving a match for the best equipped ships of England. Other measures of war were carried by Re- publican votes. The count of the electoral vote was made in February, and showed 128 for Madison and 89 for Clinton. For Vice-President 131 for Gerry and 86 for Ingersoll. Congress adjourned March 3, 1813. The candidates elect were sworn into office, March 4, 18 12. VII. MADISON'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION. March 4, 1813 — March 3, 1817. James Madison, Va., President. P^lbridge Gerry, Mass., Vice- President. Congresses. Sessions. )i, May 24, 1813 — August 2, 181 3, extra session. 2, December 6, 1813 — April 18, 1814. 3, September 19, 1S14 — March 3, 1815. „ ,. f I, December 4, 181 5 — April 30, 18 16. FOURTEENTH CONGRESS. | ^^ December 2, 1816-March 3, ,817. ELECTORAL VOTE. Basis of States. 35,000. Connecticut 7 Delaware 2 Georgia 6 Kentucky 10 Louisiana I Maryland 9 Massnchusetts 20 New Hampshire. . . 6 New Jersey 6 New York 27 North Carolina .... 13 Ohio 6 Pennsylvania 23 Rhode Island 2 South Carolina. ... 9 Tennessee 6 Vermont 6 Virginia 23 Totals iSz Republicans. Fed. or C inton Dem. J. Madi- Elb idge Ger- DeWitt Jared Inger- Vote. son, Va. ry , Mass. C inton.N.Y soll, Pa. 9 9 9 4 4 4 8 8 8 12 12 12 .3 3 3 II 6 6 5 5 22 2 22 20 8 I 8 7 8 8 8 29 29 29 15 15 15 8 7 7 .. iVj 25 25 25 .. 4 4 4 II 1 1 II , , 8 8 8 , , ^ , 8 8 8 , , 25 25 25 3l8 128 131 89 ii PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 453 THE CABINET. Secretary of State James Monroe, Va Continued. Secretary of Treasury Albert Gallatin, Pa Secretary of War John Armstrong, N. Y. . . . " Secretary of Navy William Jones, Pa " Attorney-General William Pinckney, Md " Postmaster-General Gideon Granger, Conn " THIRTEENTH CONGRESS— ^^Xxd. Session.— Called May 24, iS 1 3, to provide means for the war. House organized by re- electing Henry Clay, Ky., Speaker. Republican majority greatly reduced in both House and Senate, the vote on the Speakership being 89 to 54, though the latter were not all Federals, but partly anti-war Republicans. In the Senate there was a strong faction of anti-administration Republicans. After meeting the object of its call the Congress adjourned, Aug. 2, 181 3. WAR SENTIMENT— It was already manifest that the war was destined to be unpopular with the country. Do their best the Republicans could not keep up a furore respecting it. The Federal sentiment, still strong in the Eastern States, was pro- nouncedly against it. The Embargo, while it may not have been designed as such, was a cruel blow at the centres of com- merce. The peace faction in the Republican ranks was grow- ing more out-spoken. England, in order to encourage a wider division of sentiment between the Eastern and other States, had actually gone so far as to exempt them from her blockade of the Atlantic coast, and it was charged by the Republicans that at the port of New London, Conn., the departure of American ves- sels was secured, notwithstanding the Embargo, by means of blue light signals to the English blockading fleet. THIRTEENTH CONGRESS— ¥'nst Regular Session.— Met Dec. 6, 18 1 3. Financial subjects, relating to the war, were chiefly uppermost. But in view of alleged violations of the Embargo Act by New England mariners a stricter act was passed, embrac- ing all ships, large and small. The war was in the midst of its greatest activity. Congress adjourned April 18, 18 14. THIRTEENTH CONGRESS— Second Session.— Called as early as Sept. 19, 18 14, to consider negotiations for peace which had been begun in August, soon after the capture and burning 454 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. of Washington by the Enghsh, and when it had become appa- rent that the provisions to meet vigorous and protracted war were as inadequate as was the popular sentiment to further sus- tain it. England had gotten rid of her home adversary, Napo- leon, and was at liberty to direct her undivided attention to America. She had long since revoked her orders in council and was only insisting on her right to search American ships and impress her deserting seamen. The administration, in view of the entire situation, had therefore wisely instructed its commis- sioner abroad to negotiate for peace without insisting on rectifica- tion of the " search and impressment " grievances. But as this showed weakness, the English grew bold, and would not only have no American fleets or military posts along the Great Lakes, but a permanent Canadian barrier erected in the shape of an Indian Confederacy. HARTFORD CONVENTION.-~T\\q administration and its active Republican support were in a quandary. The weakness of abject surrender must be confessed, or resort must be had to those reserved powers which strict interpreters of the Constitu- tion had ever denied to the government. The War Department favored a more imposing and effective army, by means of a draft and the enlistment of minors. The Navy Department pro- posed to impress seamen, after the English fashion. Every effort was made by the administration to recover lost ground, put on a front worthy the American name, and fight the war to a successful end. But it was too late in the day. The Presi- dent's own party could not be imbued with his suddenly assumed liberal construction notions. His radical war measures were either defeated or coldly favored. Beyond, the situation was appalling. England held vantage ground in Maine and along the northern border. New England had been almost entirely neglected by the government. Every war measure thus far had been more destructive to her industry and wealth, and more dis- paraging to her people, than to the overt enemy. Massachu- setts invited a conference (Oct., 1814) of the New England States "to confer on the subject of their public grievances." This met at Hartford in December, 18 14, and sat for three 456 PRESTDEXTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. weeks. It was the historic Hartford Convention, so odious to Republicans, so dear to Federals. Its secret proceedings aroused suspicion and drew on its members and their cause a denunciation than which nothing could be more bitter, and a proscription even, which was the knell of their party importance. So far were the charges of treasonable design carried that, years afterwards, it was deemed proper to break the seal of secresy and publish the entire proceedings, but too late, of course, to remove the stigma which inflamed partisanship had fastened to the event.* EVENTS OF THE WAR OF 1812.— On May 16, 18 11, the American frigate President, Captain Rogers, hailed the British sloop of war Little Belt, off the coast of Virginia. The reply was a cannon shot. An engagement ensued, and after the Little Belt had sustained a loss of thirty-two men, she returned a satisfactory answer. In the same year the Indians of the Northwest, instigated by British emissaries and led by their chief, Tecumseh, attempted to expel all settlers from the country north of the Ohio. They were repulsed at the battle of Tippe- canoe, by an army led by General Harrison, Nov. 7, iSi i. These overt acts on the part of England led to a declaration of war against her, June 19, 1812. General Hull immediately invaded Canada, from Detroit, with 2000 American troops. On * Judged by the proceedings tlie convention was not only timely and orderly, but rejiresentative of grievances which were hardly to be borne, and which ought never to have existed. It was simply unfortunate in its manner of deliberation, and in the fact that the close of the war shut off public presentation of its protest and resolu- tions to the government. The resolutions opposed (i) drafts, conscriptions or im- pressments not authorized by the Constitution. (2) A plan whereby the respective States or sections might defend themselves against the enemy and pay for the same, the central government to reimburse them. (3) A full militia for each State, with power to detach a portion at the request of other States, when invaded. (4) Seven amendments recommended to the Constitution : (l) Representatives and direct taxes to be apportioned among the States in proportion to the number oi free persons. (2) Admission of States only on vote of two-thirds of both Houses. (3) No embargo beyond sixty days. (4) No interdiction of commercial intercourse except by two-third votes of both Houses of Congress. (5) No declaration of war except by vote of two-thirds of both Houses. (6) No naturalized person to be eligible to Congress. (7) No second term for the President, nor any President from the same Slate twice in succession. A fifth resolve provided for the reassembling of the convention in case these resolutions did not bring redress. 458 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. learning that detachments had been defeated and posts captured in the Northwest by British and Indians, Hull retreated to Detroit, pursued by a British army under Brock. Detroit was besieged, and Hull surrendered it and his army. On' Oct. 13, 1812, the Americans again invaded Canada at Niagara, and attacked Queenstown, but were defeated with the loss of 1000 men. But though defeated on land, the Americans were successful at sea. The Essex, Captain Porter, captured the British sloop of war Alert, Aug. 13, 1812. The frigate Consti- tution, Captain Hull, captured and burned the British frigate Guerriere, Aug. 19, 18 12. The Wasp, Captain Jones, compelled the surrender of the Briti.sh brig Frolic, Oct. 18. The British frigate Macedonian captured the American frigate United States, Captain Decatur, Oct. 25. The Constitution, Captain Bainbridge, captured the British frigate Java, Dec. 29, 1812. EVENTS OF 18 1 3. — Three American armies held the frontiers in 18 13. The "Army of the West," under General William Henry Harrison, was posted at the west end of Lake Erie. The "Army of the Centre," under Dearborn, held the Niagara frontier. The "Army of the North," under General Wade Hampton, held the line of Lake Champlain. On Jan. 22 General Proctor, with 1500 British and Indians, attacked and defeated the Americans at Frenchtown, on the River Raisin, and the sick and wounded were massacred by the Indians. General Harrison was twice besieged in Fort Meigs, but both times succeeded in repulsing the enemy, led by Proctor and Tecumseh. The latter then marched against Fort Stevenson, on the Lower Sandusky, but were again repulsed. During the summer the Americans built and launched a fleet of nine vessels, carrying 63 guns, on Lake Erie, under command of Commodore Perry. He met the British fleet, under Com- modore Barclay, at the west end of the lake, Sept. 10, 18 12, and after a terrific battle compelled Barclay to surrender. Perry's dispatch to Harrison was, " We have met the enemy and they are ours." Perry's fleet carried Harrison's army across to Canada. The British deserted P^ort Maiden, Harrison pursued and forced 460 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. the battle of the Thames, Oct. 5, wlicre he f;jained a signal \'ictory. Tecumseh was killed, and the forces of Proctor were nearly annihilated. This restored Michigan and terminated the war in the Northwest. On April 27 Dearborn crossed into Canada and captured Toronto, losing the brave General Zebulon N. Pike in an explo- sion of captured ammunition. On May 27 Dearborn drove the enemy from Ft. George, on the Niagara river, and again repulsed them at Stony Creek, June 6, but with the loss, as prisoners, of Generals Chandler and Winder. On May 29 Prcvost, with 1000 British soldiers, attacked Gen- eral Brown at Sackett's Harbor, but was repulsed. In August General Wilkinson succeeded Dearborn, and began a movement on ]\Iontreal with 7000 troops. He fought an indecisive battle near Ogdensburg, Nov. 1 1, but finding that Hampton refused to co-operate with him, he "uent into winter-quarters at French Mills. This movement of Wilkinson threw open the Niagara frontier, which was immediately invaded by the enemy, who forced General McClure out of F'ort George and across to Fort Niagara, in New York. They then attacked Fort Niagara, captured it, and laid six of the adjacent towns, including Buffalo, in ashes. Meanwhile, the Creek Indians, in the South, rose in arms and destroyed Fort Mimms in Alabama, massacring some 400 women and children. General Jackson led a force against them, and forced them into a humiliating peace at the battle of Tohopeka, March, 1814. During 1813 the ocean was the scene of many desperate engagements. The American sloop Hornet, Captain Lawrence, captured the British brig Peacock, Feb. 24. Captain Lawrence was given charge of the Chesapeake, in which he was defeated and killed, by the British frigate Shannon, off Boston Harbor, June I. The American brig Argus, Captain Allen, captured many British vessels, off the English coast, but was herself captured by the Pelican, Aug. 14. On Sept. 5 the American brig Enterprise captured the Boxer, off the coast of Maine. The commanders of both vessels were killed, and were buried in one grave in Portland. 462 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. During the summer of 1813 a British squadron, under Admiral Cockburn, plundered and burned Lewistown on the Delaware Bay, and Havre de Grace, Frenchtown, Frederickstown, and Georgetown on the Chesapeake. He was repulsed in his attacks on Norfolk and Portsmouth, but committed great depredations at Hampton. EVENTS OF 1 8 14.— On May 5 the British attacked and captured Oswego, N. Y., but left it in two days. On July 3 Generals Scott and Ripley crossed to the Canada side and cap- tured Fort Erie from the British. Brown then marched west along the Niagara river, and on July 5 gained the brilliant vic- tory of Ciiippewa, over the British general Riall. General Drummond now came to the rescue of Riall, and Scott rein- forced Brown. The opposing armies fought the bloody battle of Lundy's Lane, near Niagara Falls, July 25. The losses were heavy on both sides, the result indecisive, both Brown and Scott being wounded, and the Americans fell back to Fort Erie. Drummond besieged the fort, but on attempting an assault, he was repulsed with the loss of 1000 men. Drummond then retreated to Chippewa, and, soon after, the Americans destroyed the fort and recrossed to the New York side of the river. The American "Army of the North," on the line of Lake Champlain, had been reduced to 1500, by reason of reinforce- ments sent to General Brown. This small force was at Platts- burg, under command of General Macomb. General Prevost marched to attack Plattsburg, with an army of 14,000 men. Both Americans and British had constructed a small fleet on Lake Champlain, and the British fleet was to co«roperate with Pre- vost's land attack. The American fleet was commanded by Commodore McDonough. The British fleet began the attack on McDonough, Sept. 11, and after a fierce engagement of several hours, every British vessel surrendered. Prevost attacked Plattsburg by land with 12,000 men, on the same day, but was badly defeated and compelled to retreat toward Canada. Meanwhile the British naval forces had blockaded the whole New England coast, had cannonaded Stonington, Conn., and had captured Eastport, Machias and Belfast, in Maine, FERRY'S VICTORY ON LAKL, t'RUi:, m 464 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. Mar\'land, too, was invaded, in August, by a British fleet in the Patuxent and by 5000 land troops under General Ross, who defeated the Americans at Bladensburg, captured Washington, burned the Capitol, President's House, and other public buildings, and then beat a hasty retreat to the fleet. On Sept. 12 the British fleet landed General Ross with 8000 soldiers at North Point. He marched for Baltimore, and was killed in an engagement seven miles from the city. The Amer- ican forces, under General Strieker, fell back behind the defences of Baltimore. While Ross was advancing, the British fleet bombarded Fort Mc Henry, a few miles below Baltimore, but finally withdrew, with the land forces, on Sept. 14. The Creek and Seminole Indians of Florida had been again stirred to hostilities by British emissaries, and had attempted to capture Fort Morgan, below Mobile. General Jackson marched with 2000 Tennesseans to Mobile, and thence to Pensacola, where he drove the British mixed forces back to their shipping. On Dec. 14, 1814, a British fleet entered Lake Borgne, in Louisiana, captured the American flotilla there, and landed an army of 12,000 men, under Packenham, who marched upon New Orleans. General Jackson had been sent to New Orleans. He attacked the liritish camp on the night of Dec. 23, but was repulsed, and fell back behind his cotton bale entrenchments three miles from New Orleans, with his little army of 3000 men, soon to be reinforced by 3000 Kentucky militia. The British opened an ineffectual cannonade on the American works on Dec. 28, and again on New Year's day, 18 15. The war on the ocean was kept up with vigor during 18 14. On March 28 the American frigate Essex, Captain Porter, fell a prey to the British vessels Phoebe and Cherub, off the coast of Chili. On April 29 the American sloop of war Peacock, Cap- tain Warrington, captured the British brig Epervier, off the coast of Florida. The American sloop of war Wasp, Captain Blakeley, was lost at sea, after capturing thirteen British vessels. EjyLVTS OF 1 81 5. — The Treaty of Ghent had been signed by American and F^nglish Commissioners, Dec. 24, 1814, buttlic PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 455 President's proclamation announcing peace was not promulgated till Feb. 18, 1815. On Jan. 8, 18 15, the whole British army of 12,000 men, led by Packenham, began an attack on General Jackson, below New Orleans. Packenham was killed, his army routed with a loss of 2000 men, and a disastrous retreat forced. The American loss was only seven killed and six wounded. This was the last land battle of the war. On Jan. 16, 181 5, the American frigate President, Commodore Decatur, was captured off Rhode Island, by a British squadron. On Feb. 20 the American frigate Constitution, Commodore Stewart, captured the British war sloops Cyane and Levant, off the coast of Portugal. On March 23 the American war sloop Hornet, Captain Biddle, captured the British brig Penguin in the South Atlantic. This ended the naval hostilities with England. During the last year of the war of 1812, the piratically inclined people of Algiers preyed upon American commerce in the Med- iterranean. Commodore Decatur sailed into the Mediterranean with a U. S. squadron and captured two Algerian vessels. He then appeared before Algiers, demanded all American prisoners, indemnity for all losses, and release of all claims against the United States, These terms were speedily met by the frightened Dey. Similar terms were imposed on Tunis, Tripoli, and Morocco. Thus the United States had the honor of being the first nation to stop the piracies of the Barbary States. WELCOME PEACE.— The treaty of Ghent had been signed Dec. 14, 1 8 14, and in February, 181 5, the text reached the country. Notwithstanding the fact that it was a barren paper, scarcely touching on the causes of the war and securing not one of the objects for which it had been declared, it was received with universal rejoicing. The President felt that it was a happy escape for himself and party from dire financial straits, and the Federals regarded it as the lifting of a heavy load from our commercial industry and the end of a farcical and iniquitous proceeding throughout. But the latter never escaped from the political issues the war had raised. Their decay, as a power, • was, thenceforth rapid. Peace eventuated in a return of pros- perity and plenty to the land. 30 466 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. Congress had easy work the balance of the session, repealing war legislation and reducing everything, except the navy, to a peace footing. It adjourned sine die, March 3, 18 15. POLITICAL RESULTS.— The war had been a lesson to the Republicans. It taught them that however captivating the strict construction notions of their party had been, and however pleasant it was to indulge them as theories in time of peace, exigencies might arise when they would prove a source of weak- ness to their professors. As a consequence, they had advanced up to the old Federal plane, and many of them were firmly entrenched on it. The Federals, having no cohesive force, not even a reason for their name, after their mission in successfully establishing the government had ended, and after the acceptance of the fact of its existence as well as their cardinal principles, by the Republicans, floundered about on the negative of issues presented by their opponents, and at last were ready to dis- integrate. It might be said that so far as the old lines went, there was no political party after the war. The Federal name was hardly used or usable. The Republican name was used to hold together a sentiment which was widely variant from and far in advance of its authors. FOURTEENTH CONGRESS— Y\xs\. Session.— Met Dec. 4, 181 5. The situation had enured to the benefit of the Republi- cans, and they had a pronounced majority in both branches. The House organized by re-electing Henry Clay, Speaker. April 27, 1 8 16, an amended tariff act was passed, which reduced the duties imposed by the act of 18 12. Discussion of it brought a distinct announcement of the idea of protecting the Ameri- can industries which had sprung up since the war and whose existence was threatened by the importation of cheaper English goods. But this idea failed to influence the bill favor- ably. A NEW BANK. — Madison had vetoed a bill to recharter a National Bank, only the year before (18 15). Clay took the ground that the experiences of the war showed the necessity for a national currency and for a national financial agency like a bank. Though this was again counter to the traditional strict PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 4^7 construction views of the Republicans, and though it met the determined opposition of the once hberal construction Federals, and of a minority of the Republicans, a National Bank charter was authorized, April, 1816, to run for twenty years, or until 1836. Strange to say it was modeled on that of 179 1 which the Anti-Federals had unsuccessfully opposed, and on that of 18 11, which the Republicans had successfully opposed, and the argu- ments for its support were a repetition of those framed and used by Hamilton, together with those supplied by the success of his first financial experiment. The bill was promptly signed by the President, and a new National Bank became a fact. The rest of the session was consumed in legislation on internal affairs. Congress adjourned April 30, 18 16. ELECTION OF 1816.— The administration favored James Monroe, Va., then Secretary of State, for President. The Con- gressional caucus of the last session carried out its wishes, but against an earnest party protest, which secured fifty-four votes in the caucus for W. H. Crawford, Ga. to sixty-five for Monroe. This action did not satisfy Burr and some other extremists, who attempted to break the caucus nomination by denouncing the caucus system, opposing Virginia's attempts to dominate the politics of the country, and finally favoring the nomination of Andrew Jackson. The original nomination stood, and that of Daniel D. Tompkins, N. Y., was added to it as Vice-President. The Federals nominated Rufus King, N. Y., but divided their votes for Vice-President. The result in November was their overwhelming defeat, they carrying only Massachusetts, Con- necticut and Delaware. FOURTEENTH CONGRESS—SQcond Session.— Met Dec. 2,1816. No measures of party interest came up. The Electoral count, in February, showed 183 votes for Monroe for President, and 34 for King; 183 for Tompkins for Vice-President, and 34 scattering. Indiana was admitted as a State Dec. 11, 1816. Congress adjourned sme die, March 3, 18 17. The President and Vice-President were sworn into office March 4, 18 17. 468 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. VIII. MONROE'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION. March 4, 1817-March 3, 1821. James Monroe, Va., President. Daniel D. Tompkins, N. Y., Viee-President. Congresses. FiFTKENTH CONGRESS. Sessions. ( I, December I, 1817-April 20, 1818. 12, Sixteenth Congress. November 16, 1818-March 3, 1819. f I, December 6, 1819-May 15, 1820. (2, November 13, l820-March3, 1821. ELECTORAL VOTE^ Republican. Federal. Daniel D. James Mon- Tompkins, Rufus King, No nom roe, Va. N. Y. N. Y. ination. 9 SC 3 SC States. Basis of 35,000. Votes Connecticut 7 9 Delaware 2 4 Georgia 6 8 Indiana i 3 Kentucky 10 12 Louisiana i 3 Maryland 9 li Massachusetts 20 22 New Hampshire. . . 6 8 New Jersey 6 8 New York 27 29 North Carolina 13 15 Ohio 6 8 Pennsylvania 23 25 Rhode Island 2 4 South Carolina 9 1 1 Tennessee 6 8 Vermont 6 8 Virginia 23 25 Totals 183" 22T THE CABINET Secretary of State John Quincy Adams, Mass. Secretary of Treasury Wm. H. Crawford, Ga Continued. Secretary of War George Graham, Va. Secretary of Navy B. W. Crowningshield, Mass. ... " Attorney-General Richard Rush, Pa " Postmaster-General R- J. Me'gs, Ohio " THE INAUGURAL. — Monroe ushered in what was popu- larly known as " The era of good feehng." The asperities of * There were 4 vacancies. Of the scattering votes, John E. Howard received 22; James Ross, 5; John Marshall, 4; Robert G. Harper, 3. 3 12 3 29 15 8 25 4 II 183 3 12 3 8 29 15 8 25 4 II 183 34 i-RESlDENTS FROM 1817 TO 1841. 469 470 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. the war were passing away. Party differences were subsiding, or rather there were no longer two confronting parties, for the last election had settled the matter of organized Federal oppo- sition. That party passed away, seeing its primary glory repeated in the triumph of the Republicans, and many of its ruling tenets adopted by them as a matter of principle, or put into practice by them as a matter of necessity. Monroe's inaugural was so liberal in tone that it satisfied men, of whatever shade of political opinion. Like Washington, he made a tour of the Northern States (June, 1817), which added greatly to his popularity. To help "The Era," business was meeting with a rebound, and the people were prosperous amid most welcome peace. FIFTEENTH CONGRESS— Y\xs^ Session.— Met Dec. i, 1817, with a large Republican majority. The Federals were so few in number, or so lukewarm in opposition, that the House organized by the unanimous election of Clay to the Speakership. Discussion of the Tariff resulted in extending the act of 18 16 for seven years. Propositions to use the dividends of the National Bank, instead of appropriations, and to recognize the revolting colonies of Spain in South America, as Republics, were voted down. Mississippi entered the Union Dec. 10, 18 17. Congress adjourned April 20, 1818. THE RECESS. — During the summer Jackson made his celebrated invasion of Florida, then belonging to Spain, in order to punish the Indians who had retreated from Georgia. Here he captured and put to death the notorious Arbuthnot and Am- brister, whom he charged as outlaws. They happened to be British subjects, and this fact, united with the danger of re-open- ing the feuds of the late war, made the matter a delicate one to handle. But the most important political feature of the time was the shaping of sentiment in the direction of a new part}-. Monroe had followed the new school of Republican leaders, as Clay and Calhoun, through their advocacy of a Protective Tariff, but he could not follow Clay in his advocacy of internal impro\e- ment, though his first inaugural inclined to it. Clay's position had always been conspicuous and his leadership pronounced. He and Calhoun had changed the tardy and damaging peace PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 471 policy of Madison to one of war, and Clay especially had stood head and shoulders above all others in advocating a stronger army and navy. During the last session he had gone still further, and suggested a new use for the Bank, as well as a new- foreign policy with reference to the South American Republics, The Federals and liberal Republicans looked with favor on his advanced doctrines, but the old school of strict interpreters looked on them with alarm. These latter defeated his favorite measures of the last session, and thereby threw him on his own never failing resources. It was more than ever evident that the germs of a new party were pushing in the loins of the dominant organization. FIFTEENTH CONG RES S—Second Session.— Met Nov. 16, 1 8 1 8. The matter of Jackson's conduct of the Indian (Seminole) war came conspicuously forward. It was proposed to censure him for his execution of Arbuthnot and Ambrister, but after long debate, the matter was postponed indefinitely by the Senate, though a majority against censure was obtained in the House. As long as Jackson lived, his opponents refused to be quieted about what they thought an arbitrary and high-handed pro- cedure. The controversy resulted in one good. The govern- ment, tired of the ever recurring complications with the Indians, Spaniards, and British adventurers in Florida, determined to buy the territory, authority to do so having been given by Congress years before (1806). Then came one of those unaccountable blunders which, supplemented in after years by the pride of undoing and by the fierce sectional and aggrandizing spirit of the time, cost the country the sacrifices of a war. In considera- tion of ^5,000,000 and the abandonment of all claims to French Louisiana west of the Sabine by the United States, Spain ceded Florida, Feb. 22, 18 19. West of the Sabine meant Texas, and the recovery of Texas meant the Mexican war (1846). MISSOURI AND SLAVERY.— IWmoxs became a State of the Union Dec. 3, 18 18. Long before this the policy of off- setting a free by a slave State prevailed. This at first was de- signed to keep up a balance of parties and to take full and legal advantage of the Constitutional clause which gave representa- 472 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. tion to three-fifths of the slave population. But it had gotten to mean vastly more, as sentiment divided on the rightfulness of slavery, and was to mean more and more as time went on. Mis- souri asked the Congress to admit her as a State. The one thing unusual about her situation was that she was beyond the Mississippi, whither the recognized lines of division — Mason and Dixon line of 36° 30', and the Ohio River — between the Slave and Free States did not extend. An amendment was offered to the bill to admit her, drawn in the language of the ordinance of 1787 for the government of " The Territory Northwest of the Ohio River," prohibiting slavery or involuntary servitude in Missouri, except as a punishment for crime. The amendment was so sud- den and unexpected that parties sat for a time with bated breath and never recovered their lines on the question. It became a test of Free States against Slave States, and the former proved strongest in the House, carrying the amendment. The latter proved strongest in the Senate, and defeated it. This was the injection of slavery into politics, and the beginning of its ex- tinction. A common, or almost, Colonial existence for it had been gradually narrowed to a line, south of which it had come to be regarded civilly as a necessary and entailed evil, industri- ally as a source of profit, and politically as a potential force.* The Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 18 19. SIXTEENTH CONGRESS— Ynst Session.— Met Dec. 6, 1 819. Clay was again elected Speaker by an almost unanimous vote. The advance made by his liberal construction views may be measured by the passage in the House of a Tariff bill which * Historically, the first sectional debate over slavery arose in 1793, on the presen- tation of a petition to Congress from a " Philadelphia Society," appealing to it " to use its influence to stop the traffic in slaves." At that time members arrayed them- selves in debate, not according to party, but according to States, and some Southern debaters, of ultra turn, went so far as to protest, even to the extent of civil war, against interference with slavery. All saw the possibility of the question becoming, at no remote date, a political if not a dangerously partisan and sectional one. The apprehensions of the hour were quieted by the passage of the first Fugitive Slave law, Feb. 12, 1793. This date is significantly coincident with the invention of Whitney's cotton gin, which gave to slave labor a profit never before realized, and cemented it into an institution to be defetided at all hazard. PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 473 definitely affirmed the Protective idea, but which the Senate re- jected. As the discussion of this bill was dispassionate, and the large Republican majority fairly divided on it, it is a proper place to get such a view of the politics of the Tariff as will ex- tend even to the present day. The Protective idea as projected into the Tariff legislation of that time was justified by those who favored a liberal construction of the Constitution. They found in the power " to regulate commerce and provide for the com- mon defence " a warrant not only to raise necessary revenue by means of a Tariff, but a right to make that Tariff a protective one, that is, a means of fostering domestic manufactures and thus creating a home market for home agricultural products. As a corollary to this hung, or grew, the plan of Internal Im- provement, which depended not more on a liberal construction of the Constitution, but which was thought by its opponents to belong to the States. On the contrary, those who clung to a rigid construction of the Constitution granted the right of the government to provide for its expenses and pay its debts by means of money raised by a Tariff on imports, but they regarded a Tariff, so arranged as to protect American manufactures against foreign competition, as a usurpation of the powers conferred, or intended to be conferred, by the Constitution.* MISSOURI COMPROMISE.— Maine applied for admission into the Union. She was populous, ready, and anxious to es- cape her Massachusetts allegiance. But the Free States would then preponderate in the Senate. Missouri again asked for leave to form a State government. Maine was voted in by the House. Missouri was granted permission, but with the amend- ment of the last session, prohibiting slavery, the vote being en- tirely sectional. The Senate threw the responsibility back on the House by combining the bills, as originally presented (the * The terms " Free Trade," " Tariff for Revenue " and " Tariff for Revenue only " were not then as common as now. Then the question of Tariff, in the af- firmative, was a question of Constitutional construction and a national policy ; in the negative, a question of Constitutional construction and a State policy. Now, •o generally do the liberal construction views prevail, the question is no longer one of right or wrong construction of the Constitution, but one of policy entirely, a policy, however, which still divides sentiment and supports parties. 22 474 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. Missouri bill with slavery), and passing them. This action the House rejected. Clay, ever full of expedients, came forward with his compromise — the historic " Missouri Compromise of 1820." It brought about the admission of Maine, March 15, 1820, and gave leave to Missouri to form a State government with slavery. It also prohibited slavery in all territory of the United States north of 36° 30', in other words, it extended tlie already familiar Mason and Dixon line through to the Pacific,* or at least as far as the western boundary of Missouri. Con- gress adjourned May 15, 1820. ELECTION OF 1820. — This election passed off without nominations by either party. The electors chosen cast their votes by common consent for Monroe and Tompkins, one how- ever voting for John Q. Adams. SIXTEENTH CONGRESS—Second Session.— Met Nov. 13, 1820. Clay's resignation of the Speakership gave opportunity for a square test of strength between the liberal and strict schools of Republicans. A warm fight for his successor resulted in the choice of John W. Taylor, N. Y., who was equally advanced with Clay in the matter of Protective Tariff and Internal Improvement, and who was opposed, far more earnestly than Clay, to the extension of slavery in the Territories.f The heat of this con- test was transferred to Missouri's claim for admission as a State, she having now prepared a State government, with a clause in the Constitution prohibiting free negroes from entering her bounds. As a free negro was a citizen in some of the Northern ■* Clay's compromise barely got through the Congress. In the Senate it was car- ried by Senators from the Southern and Slave States, against fifteen Senators from the Free States. In the House it was carried by a vote of 86 to 82, thirty-five of the latter being from Slave States and its bitterest opponents. Randolph denounced it as a " dirty bargain," and called those " Northern men with Southern principles" who were ashamed of them or afraid to stand up for them " doughfaces," a term which was in convenient and sarcastic use for forty years. The compromise bill was then regarded by its opponents as unconstitutional. The seeds of repeal were in its passage. f So offensive was this election to the extreme Southern members, or rather so significant was it of the growth of liberal construction ideas in the Republican ranks, that they chose to see in it a menace to the institution of slavery, and actually debated a proposition to secede from the Union. HENRY CLAY ADDRESSING THE U. S. SENATE. 475 476 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. States, this was regarded, in its unqualified form, as unconstitu- tionally and offensively restrictive. Debate over the matter took all the latitude incident to discussion of the slave question and involved all its bitterness. Not until Clay again came forward with measures of peace did the contention subside. His propo- sition admitted the State, provided the Constitution were so amended as to recognize all the citizens of other States. Her Legislature did this in June, 1821, and she became a State Aug. 10, 1821. The electoral vote was counted in Februar}% and the status of Missouri came up. Denying the right of Congress to interfere with slavery within her borders, the Southern members claimed that she was already a State, and so determined to count her electoral vote. The Northern members, claiming authority of Congress over all Territories for any purpose, until fully qualified to enter as States, determined that her electoral vote should not be counted. After an angry discussion, another compromise was effected, which counted the vote with an " if " "If" her vote were counted, James Monroe would have 234, out of 235, and John Adams i, for President, and Daniel D. Tompkins would have 221 for Vice-President, with 13 scattering. " If," on the contrary, her vote were not counted there would be a total of only 232, and the Monroe and Tompkins vote would be reduced to 231 and 218, respectively. Congress adjourned sine die, March 3d, 1821. The candidates-elect were sworn into office March 5, 1821, the 4th falling on Sunday. IX. MONROE'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION. March 5, 1821 — March 3, 1825. James Monroe, Va., President. Daniel D. Tompkins, N. Y., Vice-President. Congresses. Sessions. Seventeenth Congress. | '' December 3. 1821-May 8, 1822. \ 2, December 2, 1822 — March 3, 1823. Eighteenth Congress. / '• ^^'^^^Y' l' 'l^^'^""^ V' ^^l\ \ 2, December 6, 1S24 — March 3, 1825. PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 477 ELECTORAL VOTE.'' Basis of States. 35,000. Alabama i Connecticut 7 Delaware 2 Georgia 6 Illinois I Indiana i Kentucky 10 Louisiana i Maine 7 Maryland 9 Massachusetts 13 Mississippi i Missouri i New Hampshire .... 6 New Jersey 6 New York 27 North Carolina 13 Ohio 6 Pennsylvania 23 Rhode Island 2 South Carolina 9 Tennessee 6 Vermont 6 Virginia 23 Totals 187 THE CABINET. Secretary of State John Quincy Adams, Mass Continued. Secretary of Treasury W. H. Crawford, Ga. . . . Secretary of War John C. Calhoun, S. C. . Secretary of Navy Smith Thompson, N. Y, Attorney-General Richard Rush, Pa Postmaster-General R.J. Meigs, Ohio SEVENTEENTH CONGRESS— Y\xst Session.— Met Dec. 3, 1 82 1. The organization was effected by electing P. P. Bar- bour, Va., Speaker. The fanciful "era of good feeling" held, so far as opposition to the Republicans went, but they were now a divided and inharmonious party. The fight over the speaker- ship showed that the strict or old school elements were willing to die in their trenches rather than suffer themselves to be car- ried further by the liberal or new school element. The former won the Speaker, but the latter passed a bill to care for the National (Cumberland) Road. At this juncture Monroe broke * Of the scattering 8 were cast for Richard Stockton ; 4 for Daniel Rodney ; I for Robert G. Harper; i for Richard Rush. There were three vacancies. R :publ can. James Mon- Daniel D. Tomp- Vote roe, Va. kins, N. Y. No opposition 3 3 9 9 9 4 4 Sc. 8 8 8 3 3 3 3 -1 3 - 12 12 12 3 3 3 9 9 9 II II 10 15 15 7 3 3 3 3 . . Disputed. 8 7 7 I for J. Q. Adams 8 8 8 29 29 29 15 15 15 8 8 8 25 25 25 4 4 4 II II II 8 8 8 8 8 8 25 25 25 235 231 218 478 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. with the Hberals, took a decided step backwards and vetoed the bill. His veto message discussed the constitutional side of the question very elaborately, and concluded with the announcement that no power was conferred on Congress to pass laws for in- ternal improvements of this kind. The President reached the above conclusion only after long hesitation, for his messages heretofore rather favored the position of the liberals, a strong element in his Cabinet still favored it, and he even advised, in his veto, an amendment to the Constitution conferring directly the powers on Congress which the liberal interpreters claimed it was endowed with by implication. However, his position, now that it was definitely ascertained, fortified that of the strict school, and they summarily disposed of bills involving the same principle looking to an internal canal system and a Tarifi* with stronger protective features. Nor was the country in a happy mood. Great financial dis- tress prevailed. The government was forced to retrench, and even to borrow. The division in the Republican ranks was gradually forcing its way down among the masses, and as is common in such cases, its party feeling was keener than between old opponents. The Congress adjourned. May 8, 1822, SEVENTEENTH CONGRESS — Second Session. — Met Dec. 2, 1822. Again the liberals forced their Internal Improve- ment and Protective Tariff ideas to the front to meet with defeat at the hands of the rigid interpreters. All however united to help the administration along in its now difficult work of keep- ing financially afloat. An adjournment sine die took place, March 3, 1823. EIGHTEENTH CONGRESS— First Session.— Met Dec. i, 1823, and organized by electing Henry Clay Speaker, This election was significant. It showed that the country had swung to the liberal side of the Republican party. It meant that there- after that side would push its measures with greater vigor and under better auspices. MONROE DOCTRINE.— It will be remembered that Clay in the Fifteenth Congress had proposed as a Foreign Policy the recognition of the South American Republics, then in a state of PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 479 revolt from Spain. The President in his message to the present Congress dwelt largely on this question of recognition, and formulated what has ever since been accepted as " the Monroe Doctrine." It announced the principle of (i) " No interference in wars of European powers in matters relating to themselves." (2) Defense of our own political system against any attempt of foreign powers to establish theirs in any part of this hemisphere. (3) No interference with existing foreign colonies. (4) Interference by foreign powers with colonial dependencies that have declared and maintained their independence, and been recognized by this government, to be regarded as an unfriendly disposition toward the United States. (5) " It is the true policy of the government to leave the parties (Spain and the revolting Republics) to them- selves, in the hope that other powers will do the same," this, since "Spain cannot subdue them," and since, if left alone, they would never voluntarily adopt a foreign political system. TARIFF OF 1824. — In the same message Monroe inclined to the popular side on matters of Protection and Internal Im- provement. He was a good President in that he was observant of situations and respected majority wishes. Two months were consumed in heated debate on this measure, which, while the rates on leading articles were not as high as under the act of 1812, involved more directly the principle of protection to American manufactures, by preventing the competition of the cheaper manufactures of Europe, than any preceding act. Lines were drawn closely between the liberal and strict schools of interpreters of the Constitution, and, strange to say, these lines now showed quite a solid array of Southern States * against as solid an array of Northern States. The former supplemented their old argument against the Constitutionality of the Protective idea, by the new ones that it was unjust to them, and, moreover, sectional in spirit. Thus early they projected into the conten- tion the thought that legislative protection to manufacturing in- dustry was legislative hardship to planting industry, and that en- couragement of free paid labor was discouragement of slave unpaid labor. The bill passed by a close vote, a few of its * Clay's own State, Kentucky, was for the bill. 480 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. ablest opponents, as Webster, coming from the New England States. These, however, chiefly contested the propriety of high protective duties and not the Constitutional right to impose them, denying that the distress of the country was as great as described by the friends of the bill, and doubting if any legisla- tion could be made to stimulate industry and manufacturing enterprise. The bill was approved by the President and thoroughly engrafted " The American System " in our national politics. The duties on leading articles were : Sugar, 3 cents per pound; coffee, 5 cents per pound; tea, 25 cents per pound; salt (bulk), 20 cents per pound; pig iron, 20 per cent. ; bar iron, ;^30 per ton ; manufactures of glass, 30 per cent, and 3 cents per pound ; manufactures of cotton, 25 per cent. ; manufactures of woollens, 30 per cent. ; silk, 25 per cent. It was followed by another bill involving the same liberal views, which provided for surveys of routes upon which to base a system of national canals. Congress adjourned. May 27, 1824. ELECTION OF 1824.— In the last Presidential election the Republican party had no opposition, but it had a head. Now it furnished its own opposition, being without a head. The contest began during the session of the previous Congress by bids for popular favor, expediency measures and votes, and out- lines for a future which would be less gloomy than the then present. An attempt to revive the obsolete Congressional caucus nominations, in the interest of Wm. H. Crawford, Ga., failed. A Constitutional amendment had been mooted to choose electors by popular vote. The campaign became historic as "the scrub race for the Presidency." The liberal school of Republicans sup- ported Henry Clay, Ky., and John Quincy Adams. The strict school supported Wm. H. Crawford, Ga., and Andrew Jackson, Tenn. John C. Calhoun, S. C, had a general support for the Vice-Presidency and was elected. None of the candidates for the Presidency received a majority of " the whole number " of electoral votes, though Jackson had the most. The election therefore went into the House ot Representatives. EIGHTEENTH CONGRESS—Second Session.— Met Dec. PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 43^ 6, 1824. This session saw the disruption of the Republican party, and the dawn of the Whig party. Its only political work was the counting of the electoral vote and the subsequent election of a President. The count showed 99 for Jackson; 84 for John Quincy Adams ; 41 for Wm. H. Crawford ; 37 for Henry Clay. For Vice-President, Calhoun had 182 votes, as against 78 scattering. He was, therefore, declared Vice-President. In the contest over the Presidency in the House, Clay, who was out of the fight,* threw his strength, or as much of it as he could con- trol, to Adams, which gave him 13 States, as against 7 for Jack- son and 4 for Crawford. Though the election of Adams was perfectly regular and constitutional, it forced the liberal and strict schools of interpreters wide apart, and the latter, carrying their fight to the country in the shape of a rebuke to those Rep- resentatives who had slaughtered Jackson, soon had the vantage ground. Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1825. The President and Vice-President elect were sworn into office, March 4, 1825. X. JOHN Q. ADAMS' ADMINISTRATION. March 4, 1825 — March 3, 1829. John Quincy Adams, Mass., President. John C. Calhoun, S. C, Vice-President. Congresses. Sessions. Nineteenth Congress. / ^' g^cember 5, 1825-May 22, 1826. ( 2, December 4, 1826-Marcn 3, 1827. Twentieth Congress. | ^ December 3. 1827-May 26, 1828. (.2, December i, 1828-March 3, 1829. * In such contests the three candidates having the highest number of votes are the only candidates before the House, and in voting each State shall have only one vote. Twelfth Amendment to Constitution. 31 482 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. ELECTORAL VOTE* Republicans. Basis of 40,000. States Alabama 3 Connecticut 6 Delaware I Georgia 7 Illinois I Indiana 3 Kentucky 12 Louisiana 3 Maine 7 Maryland 9 Massachusetts .... 13 Mississippi I Missouri I New Hampshire. . 6 New Jersey 6 New York 34 North Carolina.. ..13 Ohio 14 Pennsylvania 26 Rhode Island. ... 2 South Carolina.. .. 9 Tennessee 9 Vermont 5 Virginia 22 Totals 21J Votes. 5 8 3 9 3 5 14 5 9 II IS 3 3 8 8 36 15 16 28 4 II II 7 24 261 A. Jack- son, Tenn. President. J. Q. Ad- ams, Mass. 8 I 2 9 3 15 W. H. Crawford, Ga. H. Clay, Ky. 8 I IS 28 II II 26 «4 16 99 84 24 41 Vice-President. J.C. N.San- Calhoun, ford, S. C. N. V. SO. SC. 3 S 7 5 9 10 15 3 7 8 29 15 28 3 II II 7 SC. 7 7 16 THE CABINET. Secretary of State Henry Clay, Ky. Secretary of Treasury. ..Richard Rush, Pa. Secretaiy of War James Barbour, Va. Secretary of Navy S. L. Southard, N.J. Attorney-General William Wirt, Va.. . Postmaster-General John McLean, Ohio. 37 182 . Continued. SC. "30 NATIONAL REPUBLICAN PARTY.— T\\\s, party, fore- shadowed for some time, was now ready for a name. The divi- sion in the RepubHcan ranks, encouraged by the free play of * There was one vacancy. The scattering votes were, N. Macon, 24; A. Jackson, 13 ; Martin Van Buren, 9 ; Henry Clay, 2. At this election the popular vote began to be considered, for a great many States had abandoned the plan of choosing electors by their Legislatures, and a majority of them were about to do so. South Carolina adhered to the plan till 1868. The popular vote at this election was Andrew Jackson, 155,872, lo States; John Q. Adams, 105,321, 8 States; Wm. H. Craw- ford, 44,282, 3 States ; Henry Clay, 46,587, 3 States. Contest finally decided ir the House. See p. 497. PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 433 sentiment during " The era of good feeling," and facilitated by the efforts of leaders of both schools of construction to impart their personalism to a following, now became a permanent breach. Adams entered on his administration with the Crawford supporters, who were the straightest sect of rigid interpreters, against him. His success had also set the Jackson following against him. They differed from the Crawford supporters only in the respect that they went with Jackson in his Federal and Protective Tariff ideas. But they could now unite forces and stand squarely against the administration. Clay's strength, which had gone to Adams' support in the House and helped to elect him President, naturally favored the administration. But Adams had made Clay his Secretary of State, a position then much courted as inviting to the Presidency. This gave the now united and embittered opposition a chance to charge collusion between Adams and Clay. Crimination and recrimination fol- lowed. Both sides became more compact and determined. Besides the sharp personalities involved, the President, in his inaugural and in his first message to Congress, had mapped a set of principles which, as to Protection, Internal Improvement, and liberality of Constitutional Construction in general, would answer as a bond of agreement for his own followers and those of Clay. Thus solidified, they set out as National Republicans (though known in the campaign of 1828 as Adams' men), a name excellently chosen, for as Republicans, yet as liberal or national interpreters of the Constitution, the title was accurate and full of meaning. But by a fatality not unusual with party titles, the name did not stick for many years, being pushed aside to make room for the meaningless title of Whig. DEMOCRATIC PARTY.— The Crawford and Jackson fol- lowing were united only in their opposition to Adams' adminis- tration and to the new National Republican party. Crawford was sick and could not look out for his own Presidential chances, Jackson forced the situation, got a nomination three years in advance (October, 1825) from the Legislature of Tennessee, and thus became a centre about which all opposition to the adminis- tration could cluster. While Jackson's personalism was neces- 484 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. saty to attract the Crawford support and cement the alliance, his followers were (in the campaign of 1828) "Jackson men." Thus, claiming to adhere more closely to the old Republican traditions than either Adams or Clay, they were more unmindful of the old Republican name, having dropped it altogether. But when it became necessary to get away from Jackson's personal ism and give the party a national status, the name Democrat * was popularly and officially assumed. It was an easy transition to this title. Men like Calhoun and others, who never liked the name Republican, had all along preferred to be designated as Democrats. It was, therefore, not new ; had been, in fact, a part of the Republican title, and was a titular revival, rather than in- vention. Thus went out of existence the distinctive Republican party and Republican name, though the Democrats claimed to perpetuate its principles, in a rigid construction of the Constitu- tion. Yet even in this they too were, for a time at least, divided, for the extreme Southern, or State rights wing, sometimes called the Crawford faction, held to the doctrine of the Kentucky reso- lutions of 1799, which, we have seen, squarely broached the right to nullify objectionable Federal laws. A test of their doctrine was soon to be made under the lead of Calhoun. NINETEENTH CONGRESS— First Session.— Met Dec. 5, 1825, with a bare majority of liberal Republicans, who organized by electing John W. Taylor, N. Y., Speaker. The Senate had a majority of administration members, but Calhoun so arranged the committees as to enable the opposition to obstruct, or defeat nearly every political measure known to be favored by the Pres- ident. This led the majority on the floor to retaliate by taking the power of appointing committees away from the presiding officer, temporarily. The opposition was so strong and defiant * The present Democratic party began to take its name in 1831, and became fully recognized in 1832-33. I have before me papers of both the National Republican and Jackson parties in 183 1. One called the " Republican " had the ticket headed " Democrat-Republican candidate for President in 1832, Andrew Jackson." On the other side in 1 831, the papers were headed, " National Republican candidate for President in 1832, Henry Clay." I was myself the secretary of a National Republican club in 1832, and have the mmutes now before me." — Reminiscemei 0/ mn old Wki^. PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 435 that no measures of moment passed the Congress, except those relating to appropriations. But a great many important bills were debated, among which was one to amend the Constitution, so as to permit the people to vote directly for the President ; a " Tenure of Office Bill," compelling the President to lay before the Senate his reasons for making removals from office ; another to so amend the Constitution as to prevent any member of the Congress from accepting a Federal office during his term ; and lastly a bill which proposed a Congress of American States to agree on a plan to prevent future European colonies and armed influence in the country. This last became notable, as drawing from the President, who had been a member of Monroe's cabinet, a reiteration of " The Monroe Doctrine," and a limitation of it, as Monroe's own idea, to our own border. His idea also being, that interference with nations on our own continent or hemis- phere, even to protect them, would be unjustifiable, except under the provisions designed to be agreed upon by some such tribunal as the proposed Congress of American States. Congress ad- journed May 22, 1826. NINETEENTH CONGRESS—Second Session.— Met Dec. 4, 1826. The two parties — National Republican and Demo> cratic — still squarely faced each other, both nearly equally strong, both voting down the measures of the other, among which was one to increase the Tariff, and another w^hich de- serves attention as the first effort to divide a part of the national revenue among the States.* Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1827, TWENTIETH CONGRESS— Y\x?.t Session.— Met Dec. 3, 1827. Organized by electing Andrew Stevenson, Va., a Demo- crat, Speaker. This was a curiously constituted Congress. It was Democratic. What may be called the Adams and Jackson issues — they were scarcely Administration and Anti-Administra- tion, nor yet National Republican (or Whig) and Democratic — * This was afterwards done during Jackson's administration. The same question of a division of the surplus revenue among the States is now attracting wide atten- tion. The policy of doing it was announced in the Pennsylvania Republican platform of 18S2. 486 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. had been carried to the country. The Democrats carried every Southern State except Louisiana. They were no less fortunate, owing to Jackson's Protective Tariff record, in New York, Penn- sylvania * and Illinois. Thus while they secured a majority in the Congress, it was united only for general party purposes. On the matter of a Protective Tariff it was divided, and enough Democrats from Northern States supported the National Re- publicans to bring about the celebrated Tariff Act of May 19, 1828. TARIFF OF 1828. — This act had nothing peculiar about it, except that it increased the duty on manufactures of wool, and some other manufactures, to what was deemed a protective ex- tent. But its importance was due to the fact (i) that it was de- signed to emphasize the "American system," and influence the approaching Presidential election. (2) To the fact that it was a turning-point of the hitherto hostile New England sentiment, Webster having changed ground and entered upon its advocacy. (3) To the fact that opposition to it was more than ever sec- tional, the South regarding it as robbery of the many for the benefit of the few, as a blow at the planting interests, as a dis- crimination against unpaid labor, and as unconstitutional. (4) To the fact that it became the basis of that partisan hostility which rapidly culminated in nullification. The session was prolific of party debates, but barren of results, other than those indirect ones which were designed to work to the benefit or detriment of prospective candidates for the Presi- dency. Congress adjourned. May 26, 1828. ELECTION OF 1828. — The common consent candidates of the respective parties were Adams and Jackson. No others were possible, for really these had had the field for four years. The great point with Adams, or the National Republicans, was to so emphasize the Protective Tariff and Internal Improvement ideas of the administration as to take away from Jackson whatever strength his Tariff record gave him. With Jackson the contest * A Convention of Protectionists, of national import, had been held at Hariisburg, Pa., in July, 1827, which took the ground that the country needed greater protectio« than the act of 1824 gave. PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 437 was altogether different. He considered himself aggrieved by the result of the previous election, and his campaign was con- ducted — in the Democratic name — so as to vindicate the prin- ciple of choice by the popular vote, in other words the Demo- cratic principle. A misfortune of the situation was that the entire candidacy was sectional, for John C. Calhoun, S. C, was running as Vice-President with Andrew Jackson, Tenn., and Richard Rush, Pa., as Vice-President with John Quincy Adams, Mass. The result would reach further than simple party differ- ences warranted. At the election in November the Democrats triumphed. TWENTIETH CONGRESS— Second Session.— Met Dec. I, 1828, with its former Democratic majority in both Houses, the doubtful members in the Senate having swung to the Anti- Administration side, or, which is the same, to the side of the in- coming administration. No measures were mooted likely to hamper the new administration, though one, accepting the lib- eral theory of Internal Improvement, and making large appro- priation therefor, went through, after provoking the then stereo- typed debates as to its constitutionality. The electoral count in February showed 178 votes for Jackson and 83 for Adams, for President, and 171 for Calhoun, and 83 for Rush, for Vice-Presi- dent. Congress adjourned Jw^^zV, March 3, 1829. The candi- dates elect were sworn into office March 4, 1829. XI. JACKSON'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION. March 4, 1829 — March 3, 1833. Andrew Jackson, Tenn., President. John C. Calhoun, S. C, Vice-President. Congresses. Sessions. q. Congress / ^' I^ecember 7, 1829-May 31, 1830. IWENTY-FIRST CONGRESS. | ^^ December 6, 1830-March 3, 183I. IWENTY-SECOND CONGRESS i '' ^^ecember 5, 1831-July 16, 1832. 4-WENTY-SECOND L-ONGRESS. ^ ^^ December 3, 1832-March 3, 1833. 488 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. ELECTORAL VOTE* Democrat. National Republican. Basis of States. 40,000. Alabama 3 Connecticut 6 Delaware I Georgia 7 Illinois I Indiana 3 Kentucky 12 Louisiana 3 Maine 7 Maryland 9 Massachusetts .... 13 Mississippi i Missouri I New Hampshire. . 6 New Jersey 6 New York 34 North Carolina. .. . 13 Ohio 14 Pennsylvania 26 Rhode Island. ... 2 South Carolina.. .. 9 Tennessee 9 Vermont 5 Virginia 22 Totals 213 CABINET. And. Jack- I. C. Cal- J. Q. Adams, R. Rush, Votes, son, I'enn. noun, S. C. Mass Pa. 5 8 3 9 3 5 »4 5 9 II 15 3 3 36 15 16 28 4 II II 7 24 261 5 9 3 5 14 5 I 5 3 3 20 IS 16 28 II II 24 178 2 3 5 14 5 I 5 3 3 20 '5 16 28 II II 24 171 7 for S. C. Smitt 8 6 IS 8 8 16 8 6 IS 8 8 s6 83 7 "si Secretary of State Martin Van Buren, N. Y. Secretary of Treasury Samuel D. Ingham, Pa. Secretary of War John li. Eaton, Tenn. Secretary of Navy John Branch, N. C. Attorney-General John M. Berrien, Ga, Postmaster-General Wm. T. Barry, Ky. NEW ADMINISTRATION— ThAS first Democratic admin- istration opened amid storm and invited storm. It had to confront the fact that the extreme Democrats of the South (the Crawford followin^^) were not heartily with it, but that their drift was toward Vice-President Calhoun, as their leader, who was now among the most rigid masters in the school of strict interpreters and a pronounced champion of the Kentucky reso- lutions of 1799. Indeed, both Georgia and South Carolina had already assumed, through their Legislatures, to notify the Presi- dent and the country that they declared null and void any act * Popular vote — Jackson, 647,231 ; States, 15; Adams, 509,097; States, 9. 490 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. of Congress (the really objectionable act was the tariff of 1828) which they as States adjudg'ed unconstitutional. In his first message, Jackson took high ground against a re- charter of the National Bank, though the charter of 18 16 did not expire till 1836, regarded its usefulness as in every way past, argued that it was Anti-Democratic and despotic, and held the law authorizing it unconstitutional. He also swung quite to the side of those who opposed Protection and Internal Improve- ment. This alienated from him very many Democrats who were of sufficiently liberal turn to favor all these measures. How- ever, this did not last very long, for circumstances soon com- pelled him to change front on Tariff and Internal Improvement measures, and to at least see that all such as had assumed the shape of law were duly enforced. His hostility to the bank, however, continued. He gave his opposition a decidedly politi- cal turn. Its destruction was the result. Nor was the foreign outlook assuring. France was urging a settlement of her spoliation claims, even to the extent of threat- ening war, and England was clamorous and angry about the Maine boundary. To cap all, a new party, known as the Anti- Masonic, had risen in New York, which became a bidder for national distinction, and which, in its fervor, threatened to de- moralize existing political forces.* Amid all these complica- tions and antagonisms a President of ordinary nerve would have failed. But it seemed to be the kind of political atmosphere which Jackson liked to breathe. He was fortunate in the respect that there could be no hearty and effective combination of opposing elements, and equally fortunate in the sympathy which naturally goes out toward one who is singly enlisted against overwhelming odds. His personalism infected his entire administration, and this, in his case, was not a misfortune, for * This organization, short-lived as it was, was peculiarly galling to such leaders as Clay and Jackson, who were both Masons. The furore which ori^nnated it came from the sudden, and as yet unaccounted for, disappearance of one Daniel Morgan, of Batavia, N. Y., who had written a book exposing the secrets of Free Masonry, in 1826. In 1832 it nominated a Presidential ticket, and then fell into rapid decline. PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 49I he had been a military hero, was of undeniably honest, but blunt intention, and was quite on a level with the masses in brusque demeanor and every-day speech. VICTOR AND SPOILS.— The clouded and uncertain sur- roundings of the new administration were its justification for a general clearing out of all officials not in sympathy with it. This became the new doctrine of " Rotation in Office," or as it found popular expression from the lips of Senator Marcy, N. Y., the doctrine that " The spoils of the enemy belonged to the victor." * We have seen that Jefferson had given the hint for this doctrine, but that after applying it for the correction of certain errors on the part of his predecessor, had fallen back on the custom, which prevailed from the beginning till Jackson's time, of trusting to time to make vacancies and to the future supremacy of his party to fill them. Whether Jackson's excuse of self-defense were justified or not, his practice was accepted by all future parties, and prevailed without question, till called to account by Civil Service Reform. TWENTY-FIRST CONGRESS— ¥\rs\: Session.— Met Dec. 7, 1829, and organized by re-electing Andrew Stevenson, Va., Speaker, the Democrats being in a majority in both branches. Now the alienations already indicated began. The message, taking its high ground against the National Bank, which was allied with Protection and Internal Improve- ment, and proposing various things, among them a distribu- tion of the surplus revenue to the States,t which were either new or upon which an agreement was impossible, they were * " Another doctrine of Jackson was that he was • responsible for the entire action of the Executive Department,' and, therefore, had the power to remove and appoint all officers at pleasure — a doctrine which, at a later day, during the administration of Andrew Johnson, Congress was compelled to legislate against. ' Responsible?' said Mr. Webster, replying to Jackson's protest. ' What does he mean by being responsible ? ' Does he mean legal responsibility ? Certainly not — no such thing. Legal responsibility signifies liability to punishment for misconduct or maladminis- tration. A Briareus sits in the centre of our system, and with his hundred hands touches everything, moves everything, controls everything. I ask, sir, is this Re- publicanism ? is this a government of laws ? is this legal responsibility? "■^Hemtn iscences of an old Whig. \ This afterwards came about. See p. 369; also p. 350 and note. 492 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. summarily dealt with by the committees to which they were respectively referred. Party lines were strictly drawn over the question of removing the Cherokee Indians of Georgia to the west of the Mississippi, the Legislature of that State having enacted to open their lands to settlers, contrary to existing treaties with the tribe. The National Republicans opposed the bill for removal. Though it passed, it was ineffective, the Indians refusing to part with their lands.* Several enactments looking to Internal Improvements were passed, some of which the President vetoed directly. Others he retained for the legal ten days, and Congress having in the meantime adjourned they thus failed to become law. This convenient way of vetoing a bill by indirection was frequently practised by the President^ and got to be known as the "Pocket Veto" method. The most notable event of the session was the introduction into the Senate, by Foot, Conn., of an apparently harmless resolution of inquiry into the matter of public lands, coupled with a proposition to stop surveys and limit sales. As the ef- fect of the proposition would have been to check migration and western settlement, it was opposed by western members, and gave rise to a five-month debate. This took the widest latitude. The imputation by Southern members that it had always been a New P^ngland policy to check western settlement, drew from Webster a reference to the ordinance of 1787 for the govern- ment of the territory northwest of the Ohio. As this ordinance prohibited slavery, the slave question came up, and was discussed in all its bearings, the debates being sectional, exhaustive and bitter. Hayne's allusion to the attitude of New England in the war of 181 2 brought from Webster a reference to the Kentucky nullifying resolutions of I799,t and to the recent action of * They were afterwards forcibly removed in defiance of a decision of the Supreme Court to the effect that the treaties between them and the United States were valid. f Hayne quoted the Virginia resolutions of 1799, written by Madison, as justify- ing nullification. \Vel)ster defended Madison, and showed that such interpretation could not be put upon them. But this did not destroy Hayne's reliance on ^he Kentucky resolutions, written by Jefferson. We have taken the trouble to shon' that the doctrine of nullification was not in the Kentucky resolutions which Jeffei* PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 493 Georgia and South Carolina respecting the tariff of 1828. This brought up the whole question of nullification, Hayne voicing the well-known sentiments of Calhoun. And so it drifted from Southern grievance to New England Federalism, from State rights to Federal powers, from the government as a League to the government as a Nation, covering the entire field of national and constitutional history. Benton, though a par- ticipant, justly calls it " The Great Debate in the Senate." Con- gress adjourned. May 31, 1830. TWENTY-FIRST CONGRESS— Second Session.— Met Dec. 6, 1830. This Congress met at a time when the doctrine of Nullification was passing from peaceful resistance to Federal authority to open, violent resistance. It had shown its hand the preceding April, when at a dinner party in Washington the President had rebuked the Nullification sentiment which pre- vailed by the toast, " Our Federal Union ; it must and shall be preserved." Vice-President Calhoun immediately flung the counter-toast among the guests, " Liberty, dearer than Union." These led to enough to satisfy the President that he must be on his guard, and the Nullifiers that they could not carry him with them. As to his friends in Congress, especially those of liberal sentiment, he offended them, as before, by repeating in his mes- sage his opposition to the National Bank, and by going still further and opposing Internal Improvement, except under cer- tain limited conditions. This element went to the support of the National Republicans, and the result was such an emphatic verdict in favor of bills for improvement of harbors, rivers and roads, and for light-houses, that he relented his opposition and gave them executive approval. Before adjournment the President was made to feel the hatred of the Nullifiers toward him. Vice-President Calhoun came out in a pamphlet severely criticising his war record, especially as it related to the Seminole affair. This touched him in a very tender spot. Angered beyond measure at its publication, smart- son drew, but was in those of the next year (1799), in the shape of an amend- ment to Jefferson's. Madison protested against Hayne's use of Jefferson's name in support of what he called the " colossal heresy of nullification." 494 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. ing under the insinuation that all was not lovely among the • families of his cabinet, and the further insinuation that he pre- ferred to be advised by hangers-on at the White House — a " Kitchen Cabinet," as they were called — he stormed as only "Old Hickory" could storm. His cabinet resigned in a body, and gave him opportunity to reorganize, which he did by mak- ing Edward Livingston, La., his Secretary of State, vice Van Buren ; Louis McLane, Del., Secretary of Treasury, vice Ing- ham ; Lewis Cass, Mich., Secretary of War, vice Eaton ; Levi Woodbury, N. H., Secretary of Navy, vice Branch ; Roger B. Taney, Md., Attorney-General, vice Berrien. Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1831. TWENTY-SECOND CONGRESS— Y\x^\ Session.— Met Dec. 5, 1 83 1. The House organized by re-electing Andrew Steven- son Speaker. His majority in the former House was 93, in this it was I. The Senate was opposed to the Administration. The President forced his war on the United States Bank, and the Congress met him more than half way by an act reviving the charter, though the old one did not expire till 1836. He vetoed the bill, and the requisite two-thirds could not be mustered to pass it over the veto. From this time on he pursued the bank with Spartan persistency until he drove it out of existence. TARIFF OF 1832. — The process of getting ready for the Presidential campaign seemed to require, as it had done for sev- eral previous campaigns, a revision of the Tariff An act passed in May, 1830, had considerably scaled the rates of duty laid in the act of 1828, but not enough to destroy the Protective features of that act. The nullifying sentiment in the South must be appeased somehow. Another act was the remedy. It was the act of July 14, 1832, which reduced duties very considerably and placed coffee and tea on the free list. But it failed to effect its purpose, for as yet there had been no official or legal repu- diation of the Protective idea. Bills making liberal appropria- tions for Internal Improvement were also passed and signed ; some, however, received the adroit pocket veto. The split between the President and Vice-President was wid- ened by the refusal of the latter to confirm by his casting vote PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 495 in the Senate the appointment of Van Buren as Minister to Eng- land. This spiteful proceeding reacted on Calhoun in the shape of the nomination of Van Buren for the Vice-Presidency. Con- gress adjourned, July 16, 1832. ELECTION OF 1832.— This contest is noteworthy as the first in which all the parties made their nominations through national conventions, and two of them a proclamation of prin- ciples through what are now known as party platforms. The Anti-Masons took the field as early as September, 183 1, at Bal- timore, by nominating for President William Wirt, Va. ; for Vice-President, Amos Ellmaker, Pa. Their principles were in- volved in their formal call of a convention as " opposition to secret societies." The National Republicans followed in December, 1831, at Baltimore. They nominated for President, Henry Clay, Ky. ; for Vice-President, John Sergeant, Pa. The address of the conven- tion to the people, or platform, defined the issues of the cam- paign as the tariff, internal improvement, the question of remov- ing the Cherokee Indians, and renewal of the United States Bank charter. The Democrats met, also at Baltimore, in March, 1832, and nominated for President, Andrew Jackson, Tenn. ; for Vice- President, Martin Van Buren, N. Y. The convention published no platform of principles.* Thus the respective parties entered the campaign. No part of the country felt as warmly toward Jackson as at his first election. The South was cold, and, in the case of South Caro- lina, defiant. The North, or wherever the influence of the United States Bank was strongest, was unsympathetic or pro- nouncedly against him. But there was little coherency in the * But at a ratification meeting, held in Washington, May 11, 1832, a set of reso- lutions were adopted which favored internal improvement, denounced removals from office for opinion sake and contained the following on the tariff: "Resolved That an adequate protection to American industry is indispensable to the prosperity of the country, and that an abandonment of the policy at this period would be attended with consequences ruinous to the best interests of the nation." None of which was very good Jackson doctrine so far as his first administration was con- cerned. 496 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. opposition, and the result of the election, in November, was de- cidedly in his favor. " The American System," which Clay's nomination had placed on trial before the country, and which the National Republicans had presented with all their eloquence and logic, was, for the time being, swamped by both the national verdict and that in the Congressional districts. South Carolina supported none of the nominees, but cast her vote for John Floyd, Va., and Henry Lee, Mass. NULLIFICATION. — No sooner had the Presidential election passed over than a South Carolina convention, at Columbus, Nov. 19, 1832, declared the tariff acts of 1828 and 1832 "null and void and not binding upon the State, her officers and citizens." It is difficult to understand this action at this time except upon the theory that it was a direct blow of Calhoun and his friends at Jackson, for since protection * had been made the distinguishing feature of the Presidential campaign, and had not been endorsed by the country, any reasonable opponents of the protective idea must have been satisfied.f Other circumstances may, however, have conspired to bring about the ordinance at this juncture. The sentiment of nullification had been ripening for some time. The State of Georgia had practically nullified the Cherokee Indian act by refusing to obey the decrees of the United States Supreme Court. The thought that coercion of a State by the Federal troops was possible did not prevail then, * The nullifiers, it must be remembered, claimed that a tariff act which involved the idea of protection was unconstitutional. This, they said, was \!ne. gravamen of the acts of 1828 and 1832. It is very probable, however, that they deemed the time a fit one to test the position of a State in the Union. f " Jackson had pledged himself to a single term, and Calhoun had expected to be his successor. But by adroit use of resolutions in several of the State Legisla- tures in favor of a second term for Jackson, he concluded to run again. His quarrel with Calhoun now became a feud. Calhoun pressed his nullification idea, and Jackson resisted by the proclamation of force, Dec. 1 6, 1832. Clay, fearing war, introduced his " Compromise tariff bill," which passed March 2, 1833, under which duties were to be scaled at the rate of 10 per cent, annually till they reached a uni- form rate of 20 per cent. This they did in 1842. During this period the country reached universal bankruptcy in 1837, a sub-treasury law had to be passed to supply the place of the suspended State banks, a bankrupt law to relieve individuals, and tiie tariff act of 1842 to relieve the country." — Reminiscences of an oU Whig. w en H W ?« ?^ W r >< Q H O > w 498 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. and the further thought that any such attempt at coercion would be resisted by the States through which such troops would be compelled to pass, did prevail in South Carolina. At any rate the ordinance passed, and it was backed up by resolutions to the effect that any appeal from it to the United States Supreme Court would be punishable as an offence, and that any attempt at force on the part of the general government would be followed by the secession of the State. This Ordinance, which went into effect Feb. i, 1833, placed the State in the attitude of forcible resistance to the laws of the United States. A certified copy of it reached the President in December, 1832, the Legislature of the State in the meantime passing laws taking back all those powers it had parted with to the central government, and rapidly placing it on a war footing. Soon after its receipt, the President, Dec. 16, 1832, issued his celebrated proclamation to the people of the State. It is im- portant as showing how the first overt nullification, and first direct attempt at secession, was met, and that by an executive who, though not of the extreme school of rigid interpreters of the Constitution, was yet sufficiently inclined that way to be the national representative of the then existing Democracy, The Proclamation (i) exhorted the people of South Carolina to obey the laws of Congress. (2) Pointed out the illegality of their procedure. (3) Showed that the general government was one in which the people of all the States were collectively repre- sented. (4) Affirmed that Representatives in Congress are Representatives of the United States and not of particular States, are paid by the United States and are not accountable to the State for their legitimate acts. (5) Concluded, therefore, that the government was not a League, but a government, whether formed by compact or in any other way ; that it operated on in- dividuals, not on States ; that the States parted with enough of their powers to make a nation ; that the claim of a right to secede was not the mere withdrawing from a contract, but was destructive of the unity of a nation ; that it would be a solecism to contend that any part of a nation might dissolve its connection with other parts, to their injury or ruin, without committing an PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 499 offence. (6) Expressed his determination to enforce the laws, even by a resort to force if necessary. Without recourse to Congress, then in session, but in the ex- ercise of the power he already possessed as executive, he threw a naval force into Charleston Harbor and proceeded to collect the duties under the Tariff of 1832. In January, however, he was forced to ask for legislation to aid him in the enforcement of the laws. A bill was consequently prepared in the Senate which was deemed adequate. Its provisions provoked intense hostility. Debate was long and acrimonious. Notwithstanding the fact that it was shown to contain no new feature, and had the support of such conservative-minded men as Webster, it was denounced as unconstitutional, as tending to civil war, as a " Force Bill," as " the Bloody Bill," etc. It was a bill to enforce the Tariff Act of 1832. It passed, was signed by the President, and duly executed. South Carolina did not secede on account of it, and no State was injured by its passage and enforcement. All in all it was probably the best measure which could have been devised for the emergency. At any rate it made the Presi- dent master of the situation, and rampant nullification subsided. Soon after the opening of Congress in December Calhoun re- signed the Vice-Presidency and entered the Senate, where he took early occasion to say that his State had never intended to resist the government by force, and as an evidence of it he called attention to the fact that a recent meeting of nullifiers had been held at which it was agreed that all thought of forcible resistance should be postponed till after the Congress had adjourned. TWENTY-SECOND CONGRESS—Second Session.— Met Dec. 3, 1832. The most important act was that spoken of in the preceding paragraph, except perhaps the compromise Tariff Act. This act, conceived by Clay in a spirit of compromise, met two requirements : (i) the verdict of the last Presidential election; (2) the wishes of those engaged in nullification, not fully, per- haps, but sufificiently to show that the friends of Protection were not necessarily the enemies of their opponents. Its weakness was that of all compromises. It was immediately heralded by the nullifiers as their vindication, and amid great rejoicing was 500 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. proclaimed as a surrender of "the American system " and a justification of the South Carolina status. It did not enact an}'- thing affirmatively, but taking the Tariff of 1832 as a basis, pro- ceeded to emasculate it by a dry rot repeal extending over a period of ten years (till 1842), during all which time there was to be a gradual biennial reduction of duties, till in the end no higher rate than 20 per cent, should survive. The President continued his war on the National Bank, but was headed off by its friends. The Public Land Question came up again in the shape of a bill to turn the proceeds of sales over to the States as a loan. A pocket veto settled its fate. The count of the electoral vote in February, 1833, revealed, for President, Jackson 219, Clay 49, Floyd 11, Wirt 7; for Vice- President, Van Buren 189, Sergeant 49, Wilkins 30, Lee 11, Ell- maker 7. Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1833. Jack- son and Van Buren were sworn into office March 4, 1833. xn. JACKSON'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION. March 4, 1833 — March 3, 1837. Andrew Jackson, Tenn., President. Martin Van Buren, N. Y., Vice-President. Congresses. Sessions. „ „ f I, December 2, 18^3-Tune 30, 1834. Twenty-third Congress. | ^^ December i, 1834-March 3. 1835. _ ^ r I, December 7, 183^-Tuly 4, 1836. Twenty-fourth Congress. | ^^ December 5, i836-Ma],-ch 3, ^837. ELECTORAL VOTE.* Democrat. Nat. Republican. Anti-Mason. Basis of And. Tack- M. Van H. Cl.iy, J. Ser- W. Wirt, Amos Ell- States. 47,700- Vote, son, Tenn. Buren, N.V. Ky. geant, Pa. Va. maker. Pa. Alabama 5 7 7 7 Connecticut 6 8 .. .. 8 8 Delaware I 3 .. .. 3 3 Georgia 9 Illinois 3 Indiana 7 * There were two vacancies. The South Carolina vote went to John Floyd and Henry Lee. William Wilkins, Pa., got 30 of the scattering votes. The popular vote was: Andrew Jackson, 687,502; Henry Clay, 530,189; William Wirt, 33,108. II II II 5 5 5 9 9 9 502 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. Electoral Vote — Continued. Democrat. Nat. Republican. Anti-Mason. Basis of States. 47.700. Kentucky 13 Louisiana 3 Maine 8 Maryland 8 Massachusetts 12 Mississippi 2 Missouri 2 New Hampshire.. .. 5 New Jersey 6 New Yorl< 40 North Carolina. ... 13 Ohio 19 Pennsylvania 28 Rhode Island 2 South Carolina .... 9 Tennessee 13 Vermont 5 Virginia 21 Totals 240 THE CABINET. And. Jack- M. Van H. Clay, J. Ser- W. Wirt, Amos Ell- Vote, son, Tenn. Buren,N.Y. Ky. gear.t, Pa. Va. maker. Pa. 15 5 10 10 14 4 4 7 8 42 15 21 30 4 II 15 7 23 288 5 10 3 4 4 7 8 42 15 21 30 sc. 15 23 219 5 10 3 4 4 7 8 42 15 21 sc. 15 23 189 15 5 14 15 5 14 49 49 Secretary of Stale Lewis McLane, Del. Secretary of Treasury William J, Duane, Pa. Secretary of War Lewis Cass, Mich Continued. Secretary of Navy Levi Woodbury, N. H " Attorney-General Roger B. Taney, Md " Postmaster-General William T. Barry, Ky " Jackson's Cabinets were very fluctuating. This one was ar- ranged, the better to carry on his war against the United States Bank. But Mr. Duane refused to obey his order to remove the deposits from the Bank on the plea that they were unsafe there, that they had been used for political purposes, or for any reason whatever. Nor would he resign his office. He on the contrary alleged that the President's action was unnecessary, arbitrary, and unjust. He was removed, and Roger B. Taney took his place. The deposits were then transferred to favorite State banks. The National Bank, thus left without bankable resource, began to call in its loans and wind up business, in the midst of great financial embarrassment and commercial distress. TWENTY-THIRD CONGRESS— First Session.— Met Dec. 2, 1833. Organized by re-electing Andrew Stevenson, Speaker, by a majority of 81. The war on the Bank culminated during PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 503 this session. Enough Democratic Senators united with the National Republicans to censure the President for his removal of the Bank deposits. This was tabled in the House, which then committed itself by a resolution not to vote for a re-charter of the Bank. Thus the President carried his position by indirec- tion, and the tedious, bitter, demoralizing, and, so far as Jackson was concerned, personal, struggle ended. Even the commercial and industrial hardship entailed by the loss of so powerful a financial agent was quoted as an evidence of the truth of the President's charges against it.* The Post-office Department, which had been conducted under the Treasury Department until 1829, and then set apart as dis~ tinct, came up for investigation. As this was an administration measure, the Department was declared by a House investigating committee to be corrupt, and a bill for its reorganization passed. The President and Senate were in a perpetual snarl. The latter rejected his pet nominations, among them that of Taney for the Treasury, and Stevenson, the Speaker, as Minister to Eng- land. It also attempted to limit his political removals and ap- pointments, by a species of Tenure of Office bill. Congress adjourned June 30, 1834. TWENTY-THIRD CONG RES S—Second Session.— Met Dec. I, 1834. This session was mainly devoted to finance. The deposit of public moneys in the State banks was giving rise to trouble. As a system it was inconvenient and dangerous, though tenaciously adhered to by the Democrats. Its opponents pro- posed as a substitute a system of Sub-Treasuries at various busi- ness centres, through whose agents the Treasurer might act safely and promptly. This the Democrats voted down, only, however, to fall in with and adopt it at a later date, as their best weapon with which to fight those who favored re-chartering a National Bank. Slight encouragement was given the system of * It is perhaps needless to say that the leading Democratic opponents of the Bank, such as Benton, rested their case on a denial of the right of the government to make anything money except gold and silver. They rigidly interpreted the coinage clause of the Constitution, and popularized the idea that Democrats then constituted " the hard money party." 504 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. Internal Improvements, by an appropriation therefor. Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1835. TWENTY-FO UR TH CONGRESS— Y\xsX Session.— Met Dec. 7, 1835. Organized by electing James K. Polk, Tenn., as Speaker. Neither branch was a happy body. An amalgamated opposition to the Democrats controlled the Senate, and the Democratic majority in the House was divided into two factions, one administration, anxious to advance Van Buren's chances for the Presidency, the other anti-administration, anxious to advance those of Hugh L. White, Tenn. Fortunately no measures of party moment arose. The leading act of the session was one which passed in pursuance of the President's announcement in his message that the public debt would soon be paid, and his advice that some method of disposing of the surplus revenue should be provided. It is of moment now, in view of the fact that a similar proposition is being mooted, and bids fair to become a party issue. SURPLUS REVENUE.— CX^ys previous plan to distribute the surplus arising from the sale of public lands among the States was premature, because the government had need of the money. Now, the extinguishment of the public debt made a similar plan more timely. But how to get at it was a grave question. Every way seemed unsatisfactory till a plan of regu- lating the deposit of public moneys in the State banks was hit upon. Deposits had hitherto been made in the " pet banks." Now the surplus revenue was to be divided in proportion to the population of each State, and the share of each, as thus ascer- tained, was to be deposited in its designated State bank or banks, for the use of the State, the same to be regarded 'as in the nature of a loan for whose return, when called on, the State stood as a pledge. This ingenious act passed both Houses in June, 1836, to take effect Jan. i, 1837. It applied to all surplus above 55,000,000, and under it ;^26,ioi,644 were distributed. It ceased to operate in less than a year, by act of Congress, owing to hard times. The Distribution bill was signed by the Presi- dent reluctantly. The promised benefit to the States did not accrue, nor did those who favored it with the hope of advancing 24 506 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. their Presidential chances reap the harvest they expected. The panic of 1837 burst upon the country all the same, and the Dem- ocratic party suffered defeat in 1840. Arkansas became a State Tune 15, 1836. Congress adjourned July 4, 1836. PANIC OF 1837.— The destruction of the United States Bank, the scaling of duties under the Tariff Act of 1833, the mul- tiplication of State banks and introduction of their variable and doubtful notes, made the financial situation uncertain, distressed business, and tended directly toward panic. This was precipi- tated by an order of the President, issued through his Secretary of Treasury (July, 1836), to the effect that the Treasuiy should cease to take State bank notes in payment for Public Lands, but should, in the future, take only gold and silver. From a Treasury standpoint this was justifiable, for the notes of the State banks had been piling up in the Treasury Department in great quan- tities. But as such a result had been invited by the destruction of the National Bank, with its uniform and stable currency, it looked as if the President were recoiling from it. His specie order speedily swamped the State banks, except the " pet " ones, which were banks designated to receive the national deposits, by creating a demand for gold and silver they could not meet. The panic broke on the country the next year, and the direst distress prevailed in every department of business. ELECTION OF 1836. — This contest opened early by the nomination (1834-35) of H. L. White, Tenn., by the Legislature of Alabama. This was to head off Jackson, who sought the nomination of Van Buren. The White faction was the rest, residue and remainder of the old Crawford faction, members of the extreme school of rigid interpreters, strict State-rights men, former nullifiers, unyielding opponents of Jackson. But the Van Buren forces were not to be demoralized in this way. The era of caucus and legislative nomination had passed. A popular convention met in Baltimore in May, 1835, and placed Martin Van Buren, N. Y., in nomination for President, with Richard M. Johnson, Ky., for Vice-President. This was called a " Loco- Foco " convention, the term having come into popular use the previous winter in New York as a set-off to the term " Whig," PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 507 which was at the same time applied to the National Republican party. The " Loco-Focos " promulgated a platform, the impor- tant plank in which was adherence to gold and silver as the only- proper circulating medium. The Whigs, Anti-Masons, " and all opposed to " Van Buren, united on William Henry Harrison, Ohio, for President, and Francis Granger, N. Y., for Vice-President, who had been the declared nominees of a State convention held in Pennsylvania (1835). To the Alabama nomination of H. L. White for President had been added that of John Tyler, Va., for Vice-President. Feeling that the election could be thrown into the House, where the Democratic division would insure the choice of an opposition candidate, Ohio placed John McLean in nomination for the Presidency, and Massachusetts, Daniel Webster. Thus shaped, the election took place in November, 1836, and resulted in a majority of Van Buren electors. TWENTY-FOURTH CONGRESS— Second Session.— Met Dec. 5, 1836. This session was not notable for bills passed, but is memorable for the attempt made by the Southern mem- bers to recover the territory west of the Sabine (Texas), which had been lost at the time of the Florida purchase (18 19). Con- trary to the advice contained in the President's message, against interference between Mexico and the Republic of Texas (Texas had seceded from the Mexican Republic and set up for herself), the Senate passed a bill recognizing Texan independence, which the House rejected. A NEW POLITICAL FORCE.— It is further memorable as directly recognizing a new political force which had been incor- porated in 1833 as the National Anti-Slavery Society, which had been working quietly and suasively by means of lectures, tracts and newspapers, and which, in its preference of abroad humanity for narrow code, had given offence to the South by technical violations of the existing regulations respecting the return of fugitives. The mob violence which had been resorted to in several Northern cities for the purpose of breaking up the sources of abolition literature having failed, and there being an o08 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. alarming increase of the same in the South, the President advised Congress to pass a bill construing such literature as incendiary and prohibiting its carriage by the United States mails. The times were not yet ripe for this summary method, and the bill was rejected. THE ELECTORAL COUNT— W\z\(\gzxv was admitted as a State, Jan. 26, 1837. The electoral count in February resulted in 170 for Van Buren; 73 for Harrison; 26 for White; 14 for Webster; and 11 for W. P. Mangum, N. C, for President; and for Vice-President, 147 for Johnson; Jj for Granger; 47 for Tyler; and 23 for William Smith, Ala. There being no choice for Vice-President, the House elected Richard M. Johnson, Ky. Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1837, and on March 4 Van Buren and Johnson were sworn into office. Jackson signalized his retiracy by a farewell address, after the manner of Washington, in which he vindicated his administrative career, and congratulated the country on its peace, prosperity, and full triumph of the Democratic principles and party. His own peace of mind had been exalted by the passage of a resolu- tion, March 16, 1837, expunging the Clay resolution censuring his conduct in the removal of the public moneys from the National Bank. xni. VAN BUREN'S ADMINISTRATION. March 4, 1837 — March 3, 1841. Martin Van Buren, N. Y., President. Richard M. John- son, Ky., Vice-Presidetit. Congresses. Sessions. I, September4, 1837-October 16, 1837, extra session. Twenty- FIFTH Congress. \ 2, December 4, 1837-July 9, 1838. December 3, 1838-March 3, 1839. (.3. TWFNTY-siXTH CONGRESS -f '' ^^^cember 2, 1839-July 21, 1840. IWKNTY-siXTH CONGRESS. ^^^ December 7, i840.March 3, 1841. PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 509 ELECTORAL VOTE^ Democrat. Whig. States. Alabama . . . Arkansas.. . . Connecticut . Basis of 47,700. • 5 I 6 Votes. 7 M. Van Bu- R.M.John- W. H. Harri- ren, N. Y. son, Ky. son, Ohio. F. Granger, N. Y. Delaware I 3 Georgia 9 II Illinois 3 5 Indiana 7 9 Kentucky 13 15 Louisiana 3 5 Maine 8 10 Maryland 8 lo Massachusetts li 14 Michigan i 3 Mississippi 2 4 Missouri 2 4 New Hampshire. ... 5 7 New Jersey 6 8 New York 40 42 North Carolina.... 13 15 Ohio 19 21 Pennsylvania 28 30 Rhode Island 2 4 South Carolina 9 11 Tennessee 13 15 Vermont 5 7 Virginia 21 23 Totals 242 294 THE CABINET. 7 4 5 sc. to 4 4 7 42 IS 30 4 sc. 23 170 10 sc. so 14 4 4 7 42 15 30 4 sc. IS 7 147 73 77 Secretary of State John Forsyth, Ga Continued. Secretary of Treasury .... Levi Woodbury, N. H , . . . •' Secretary of War Joel R. Poinsett, S. C. Secretary of Navy Mahlon Dickerson, N. J.. .Continued. Attorney-General Benjamin F. Butler, N. Y... " Postmaster-General Amos Kendall, Ky " THE INAUGURAL.— Vd.nBur&n's inaugural teemed with faith in his predecessor and promises to abide by his policy. It congratulated the countr}'' on its prosperity and peace, and laid down as his chart the doctrines of the Democratic party. This commitment was untimely. It made him the executor of * Webster got the 14 votes of Massachusetts; Mangum the 11 votes of South Carolina ; White 26 votes from various Southern States. For Vice-President, John Tyler got 47 and William Smith 23. The popular vote was, Van Buren, 761,549, 15 Slates; Harrison, 7 States; White, 2 States; Webster, I State; Mangum, I State — 236,656 votes. 510 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. the wreck invited by a financial policy which would have in time carried even Jackson down. The State banks had flooded the country with a " wild-cat " currency. Values were inflated and speculation rife. The President's (Jackson's) order to take noth- ing but gold and silver in payment for public lands had by this time resulted in a heavy gold premium, and the impossibility of getting specie at all by the weaker banks. The folly of the law ordering the distribution of the surplus among the States was now apparent, for the surplus was in the keeping of the " pet banks," and they could not respond to the order to pay money over to the States which they had loaned out and could not promptly collect. On May lo, 1837, a general suspension of the banks took place. This stopped the treasury, for its deposits were with the banks. The panic of 1837 was on, with its cruel and unparalleled wreck of every vital business interest. TWENTY-FIFTH CONGRESS— Exirsi Session.— Called Sept. 4, 1 837, to consider the financial situation. House organized by electing James K. Polk, Tenn., Speaker. Both branches Dem- ocratic ; House by a majority of 13. The President's message defended Jackson's " Specie Circular," but recommended the Gov- ernment to break off from the banks, whether State or National, and rely on an Independent Treasury System,* with an issue of Treasury notes ; further, to stop paying the deposits due the States under the act then in force. The message met with vio- lent opposition from Whigs and many Democrats. Clay, Web- ster, Cushing and others made it a text for the review of Dem- ocratic finance, from the beginning of the Government down. The Democratic opponents of the message switched off into a separate party, calling themselves " Conservatives." The bills enacted sustained the Administration and marked the era of a complete separation between State and National banking. They stopped the distribution of the surplus among the States, extended the time to merchants who had borrowed National * This was really the Sub-Treasury plan proposed by the National Republi- cans in the 23d Congress, and then rei-cled by the Democrats. It was now opposed by the Whigs, who saw, since the distress was on, an opportunity to re- establish a Nntion-il bank, and, as they reasoned, thysUft the country ottt of panj^, PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 511 moneys, and sanctioned the issue of Treasury notes to the ex- tent of ^10,000,000. The interest of the session was heightened by Calhoun's reso- lutions in the Senate against interference with slavery in the States, and to the effect " that it would be inexpedient and im- politic to abolish or control it in the District of Columbia or the Territories." He was loud in his praise of the Missouri Com- promise of 1820. From this time on the subject of slavery came up in nearly every session of Congress, till 1863. Congress ad- journed, Oct. 16, 1837. TWENTY-FIFTH CONGRESS— Y\x-,t Regular Session.— Met Dec. 4, 1837. The coalition between the Whigs and Con- servative Democrats still prevailed, and it defeated in the House the Senate bill to establish an Independent Treasury, though it came to the relief of that department by authorizing it to accept as current the notes of specie-paying banks. This innocent- looking measure really permitted the Administration to get away from the hampering effects of Jackson's Specie Order without the humiliation of formally withdrawing it. The determination of the Southern States to regain Texas came boldly forth this session by a bill for annexation, which did not pass. It will be curious now to watch the growth of this idea of enlarged slave territory, first by direct acquisition, and then by the doctrine that, notwithstanding the Missouri Com- promise, all Government territoiy was open to slavery ; and to note that the idea kept even pace in its growth with the loss of political power occasioned by a preponderance of free States and the rapid growth of the Anti-Slaverj' sentiment. Congress ad- journed, July 9, 1838. TWENTY -FIFTH CONGRESS —Second Session. — Met Dec. 3, 1838. There was no political legislation of moment dur- ing this session. The Administration was as if wrapped up in a hard Democratic shell, and the drift of sentiment in Congress and the country was away from it and toward the Whigs, or some element equally liberal in its interpretation of the Consti- tution and willing to propound and risk something for the relief of the country. Congress adjourned st'^ie die, March 3, \^lo>. 512 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. TWENTY-SIXTH CONGRESS— First Session.— Met Dec. 2, 1 839. The organization of the House was delayed by a closely contested Congressional election in New Jersey. Five Democrats contested the seats of five Whigs. Neither set was admitted until after the choice of a Speaker, which fell to Robert M. T. Hunter, Va., a Whig, and in favor of the Sub-Treasury plan. The Whigs in this instance were aided by a few regular Democrats and by the friends of Calhoun, who for several sessions had swung free lances in both House and Senate. The final decision of the case was not had till in March, 1840, when the Democratic con- testants were seated, making the full Democratic strength 122, and the Whig strength 113. The leading act of the session was one providing for the " collection, safe-keeping and disbursing of the public money." It was simply Monroe's Independent Treas- ury plan, and it was passed by a small majority in both Houses and signed by the President. The Whigs opposed it under the lead of Clay, but some of them, as Cushing, favored it. A heavy blow was aimed at the system of Internal Improvement by an act suspending all appropriations therefor. The practice of "pairing off" began during this session. J. Q. Adams intro- duced a resolution to censure it, but it was not put on its pas- sage. The practice has grown ever since — grown to be a nuisance. John Tyler, Va., an ultra Democrat of the Calhoun school, won his way to the Vice-Presidency on the Whig ticket by his opposition to the Administration during this session. Congress adjourned, July 21, 1840. ELECT/ON OF 1840.— The Whigs took the lead in National Convention at Harrisburg, Pa., Dec. 4, 1839. Clay, the ablest and most pronounced Whig in the country, was not deemed available as a candidate owing to a desire to conciliate the Anti- Mason and other opposing elements, and to the thought that one of military prowess would go through, as Jackson had done. The nomination for President was, therefore, conferred on Wil- liam Henry Harrison, Ohio, and for Vice-President on John Tyler, Va. No platform. The Democratic Convention met at Baltimore, May 5, 1840, and unanimously renominated Van Buren, leaving the States to PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 513 fill up the Vice-Presidency. A lengthy platform was adopted, affirming (i) " That the Federal Government was one of limited powers ; " (2) " That the Constitution does not confer the right on the Government to carry on a system of internal improve- ment ; " (3) nor to assume the debts of the States contracted for internal improvement ; (4) " Justice and sound policy forbids the Government to foster one branch of industry to the detriment of another or one section to the injury of another ; " (5) urged econ- omy ; (6) Congress has no power to charter a U. S.bank ; (7) and no power to interfere with the domestic institutions of the States ; (8) Government money must be separated from banking institu- tions ; (9) this country is the asylum of the oppressed of all nations. The Abolition or Liberty party nominated, Nov. 13, 1839, James G. Birney, N. Y., for President, and Francis Lemoyne, Pa., for Vice-President, Its platform favored (i) The abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia and Territories ; (2) Stop- page of the inter-State salve trade ; (3) General opposition to slavery to the full extent of constitutional power. All parties were now ready. The campaign was the liveliest on record. The October elections inspired the Whigs. Their attack on Van Buren's financial policy was telling all along the line. The furore was intensified by the introduction of the spec- tacular. Log-cabins with the latch-strings hanging out, and barrels of hard cider, were made the type of" out West " gener- osity and happy pioneer life. The meetings were frequent and extended into every county and town. The result was a Whig victory of astounding magnitude, Van Buren carrying but five Southern and two Northern States. TWENTY-SIXTH CONGRESS—Second Session.— Met Dec, 7, 1840, A quiet session and no work of political moment. Electoral vote counted in February, 1841, showing Harrison 234 and Van Buren 60 for President ; for Vice-President, Tyler, 234 ; Johnson, 48 ; L. W. Tazewell, Va., 1 1 ; and James K. Polk, Tenn., i. Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1S41, and on March 4 Harrison and Tyler were sworn into office. 33 614 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. XIV. HARRISON'S AND TYLER'S ADMINISTRATION. March 4, 1841 — March 3, 1845. William Henry Harrison, Ohio, President. John Tyler, Va., Vice-President. (Harrison died April 4, 1841, having served one month.) Congresses. Twenty-seventh Congress f I, M \ 2, D- is. D Sessions. May 31, 1 84 1 -September 13, 1841. Extra Sess. December 6, 1841-August 31, 1842. "ecember 5, 1842-March 3, 1843. Twenty-eighth Congress. f I, December 4, 1843-June 17, 1844. \2,- December 2, 1844-March 3, 1845. ELECTORAL VOTE.'' Whig. .Democrat. Basis ol States. 47i7oo. Votes. Alabama 5 7 Arkansas I 3 Connecticut 6 8 Delaware I 3 Georgia 9 II Illinois 3 S Indiana 7 9 Kentucky 13 I5 Louisiana 3 5 Maine 8 lO Maryland 8 lO Massachusetts 12 I4 Michigan I 3 Mississippi 2 4 Missouri 2 4 New Hampshire.. . 5 7 New Jersey 6 8 New York 40 42 North Carolina 13 15 Ohio 19 21 Pennsylvania 28 30 Rhofle Island 2 4 South Carolina 9 II Tennessee 13 15 Vermont 5 7 Virginia 2 1 23 Totals 242 294 Wm. H. Har- rison, Ohio. 8 3 II 9 15 5 10 10 14 3 4 8 42 15 21 30 4 15 7 • Tyler, Va. 9 5 10 10 14 3 4 42 15 21 30 4 IS 7 M. Van R.M.John- Buren, N. V. son, Ky. II SC 234 234 23 60 _23 48 ♦L.W.Tazewell got the ll votes of South Carolina for Vice-President, and James K. Polk got 1 vote out of the column of States set down as for Johnson. The popular vote was: Harrison, 1,275,017 — 19 States; Van Buren, 1,128,702 — 7 States ; Birney, 7,059. PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 5^5 , THE CABINET. Secretary of State Daniel Webster, Mass. Secretary of Treasury Thomas Ewing, Ohio. Secretary of War John Bell, Tenn. Secretary of Navy G. E. Badger, N. C. Attorney-General John J. Crittenden, Ky. Postmaster-General Francis Granger, N. Y. THE INAUGURAL. — Harrison's Inaugural was a genial, assuring paper, with a blow at Jackson's excessive use of the veto power and his " to the victor belong the spoils " theory, and at both his and Van Buren's attempts to make political capi- tal out of the currency question. On March 17 he called an extra session of Congress, to convene May 31, to consider the revenue and financial situation. He died April 4, and John Tyler succeeded. This was the first time a Vice-President suc- ceeded to the Presidency on the death of the President. TWENTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS— ^.^irs. Session.— Met, pursuant to call, May 31, 1841. House organized by electing John White, Ky., Whig, Speaker. Whig majority in Senate 6 ; in House 25. The Whig majority was harmonious and had a plain duty to fulfil, as they thought, for their promises to the country had been explicit during the campaign and their policy well outlined. They therefore began by repealing the Indepen- dent Treasury Act, passing a Bankrupt Law, and an act to dis- tribute certain proceeds of public lands among the States, all of which were signed by President Tyler. But when they came to substitute for the Independent Treasury a U. S. Fiscal Bank, even though it was an acknowledged improvement on the old U. S. Bank, the President interposed with a veto, his reason being that it was unconstitutional. This sudden swing to the President's old strict construction notions alarmed the Whigs. Not wishing to break with him they asked him to frame a bill which he could sign. After consulting his Cabinet, he presented one which was passed by both Houses, but which, to the aston- ishment of the Whigs and the country, he also vetoed. The Cabinet felt they had been insulted, and, with the exception of Webster, resigned. The Whigs grew indignant over their be- trayal, and in an address to the country declared the President an impediment to their work of reform and repudiated him as 516 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. the head, and as a member, of the party. Congress adjourned, September 13, 1841. TWENTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS— Y\x->\. Regular Session. — Met Dec, 6, i84i,amid great political uncertainty. The Presi- dent's course had demoralized the Whigs, and the fall elections had gone against them. He had reorganized his shattered Cabi- net out of very conservative material, and it stood, Secretary of State, Daniel Webster, Mass. ; Secretary of Treasury, Walter Forward, Pa. ; Secretary of War, John McLean, Ohio ; Secre- tary of Navy, A. P, Upshur, Va. ; Attorney-General, Hugh S. Lcgare, S. C. ; Postmaster-General, Charles A. Wicklifte, Ky. The folly of having placed him on the ticket was apparent to all, for in accepting a place there, with the implied pledge to favor Whig doctrine, he certainly renounced none of his old rigid con- struction sentiments which threw him into the Calhoun school, and made it impossible for him to support Van Buren and the Democratic ticket. He was certain of a kind of support, how- ever repudiated by the Whigs, for the Democrats who saw re- turning success through the Whig demoralization, naturally encouraged him in every measure calculated to further stampede them. TARIFF ACT OF 1842. — Thus inauspiciously the regular session began. The Whigs came to the front with a Tariff act to amend the act of 1833, under whose scaling terms the duties had run so low that government receipts were now less than the expenses. The bill awakened the old animosities of the school of rigid interpreters, and called forth almost the old debates of 1828 and 1832, which, it will be remembered, were against the constitutionality of the Protective idea, and which involved the question of nullification. It passed, however, but was unfor- tunately coupled with a clause providing for the distribution of any surplus that might arise to the States. The President vetoed it, as violative of the compromise of 1833, which, as to protection and revenue, was to run till 1842, and as to non-dis- crimination against the planting interests was practically without time. Another was passed without protective features. This was also vetoed. A third was passed, without the protective PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 51 7 and the surplus clauses, and was signed Aug. 30, 1842. This became the Tariff act of 1842. It found a prevailing rate of 20 per cent, on leading articles, and on the principle that the gov- ernment must have revenue, raised the rates some 10 per cent., cottons going to 30 per cent, woollens to 40 per cent., silks to ^2.50 per pound, bar iron to $2$ per ton, and pig iron to $g per ton. Tea and coffee were still free, but sugar went to 2^ cents per pound. The bill to distribute the surplus was passed separately and vetoed. In the Senate debates on this Tariff, Clay and Cal- houn, who stood together in the compromise Tariff of 1833, parted company, and the former charged the latter with revamp- ing the " free trade theories of a certain party in the British Parliament." THE SLAVERY QUEST/ON.— An exciting period in the session was reached when John Q. Adams, notwithstanding the previous decision of the House to refuse to entertain petitions for the abolition of slavery, presented a batch of them, on the ground that "the right of petition " was guaranteed by the Con- stitution. For this an unsuccessful attempt was made to vote him censurable. Scarcely had the flurry over this subsided when Joshua R, Giddings, Ohio, moved (March, 1842) his celebrated resolutions to the effect that slavery only exists by force of posi- tive law, and is limited to the territory and jurisdiction wherein such law is found. That, being a curtailment of the rights of man, it cannot go beyond such jurisdiction by force of any com- mon law or custom, nor be instituted anywhere except by express stipulation of the authorities interested. This, in con- aection with the claim that the government had exclusive juris- diction over its unincorporated and incorporated territory, became the bulwark of those who afterwards fought to exclude slavery from the Territories. Giddings was censured by the House, resigned, and was vindicated by re-election. Congress adjourned, Aug. 31, 1842. ■ TWENTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS—Second Session.— Met Dec. 5, 1842. The condition of the country was still unsatis- factory. The Treasury was empty, and ;^ 14,000,000 behind. The government could not place a loan of ^12,000,000, author* 518 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. ized in 1841. Treasury notes were below par, Tlie revenues were decreasing, for the Tariff Act of Aug. 30, 1842, had not yet begun to operate favorably. The dominant Whigs had lost their leader by the resignation of Clay from the Senate (March, 1842). His repeated defeats for the Presidential nomination, the inability of his party to fulfil its pledges to the people, owing to the hostile attitude of Tyler, the direct attacks of the Administra- tion and its " corporal's guard " of followers on him, had filled him with disgust for political life. This was a terrible blow to the party, for he had unflinching courage, rare tact, grand elo- quence, unquestioned rectitude of intention, and an advanced ground which brought out all the magnetism of his leadership. The best evidence of his qualities as a political captain is fur- nished by the fact that he built and held his party without the ordinary accessories of power and patronage. The session was barren of political results, except a warning by Anti-Slavery Whigs to the country to beware of the secret efforts going on to recover Texas, in the interest of the South. Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1843. TWENTY-EIGHTH CONGRESS— ¥\rst Session. — Met Dec. 4, 1843. The result of the Congressional elections had been adverse to the Whigs. They had still a majority of four in the Senate; but their majority of twenty-five in the House had been turned into a Democratic majority of sixty-one. The House therefore organized by the election of John W. Jones, Va., Speaker. The President's message was a political curiosit}'. Contrary to all his rigid construction notions, to the freshest tra- ditions and plainest professions of the only party now giving him comfort and support, he favored a national paper currency, and as to Internal Improvement, he went so far as to urge a system for the West. Two treaties were presented to the Senate for ratification, one rectifying the northwest boundary, the other an- nexing Texas. The latter was rejected, by a solid Whig vote and a strong Democratic contingent (seven in all). This thrust "Texas annexation" directly into politics. To annex at any cost became a Southern policy. A free North on the line of 36° 30' to the Pacific would prove so overshadowing as to PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 519 endanger the political supremacy of the South and its peculiar institution. Of the two public improvement bills passed during the session, one for the East, the other for the West, the Presi- dent vetoed the former. Congress adjourned, June 17, 1844. ELECTION OF 1844.— The Liberty Party was first in the field, in convention at Buffalo, N. Y., Aug. 30, 1843. Its candi- date for President was James G. Birney, Mich. ; for Vice-Presi- dent, Thomas Morris, Ohio. Its platform announced (i) human brotherhood as the cardinal principle of democracy; (2) de- manded divorce of the general government from slavery; (3) stated that the party was not sectional but national, resting on the thought that slavery was in derogation of the principle of American liberty; (4) that the faith of the nation as originally pledged in all original instruments not to extend slavery beyond its present limits had been broken; (5) that slavery is against natural rights, therefore strictly local; (6) that the general gov- ernment has no authority to extend it to the Territories ; (7) called on the States to enact penal laws against the return of fugitives. The Whigs met in national convention at Baltimore, May i, i8z;4, and nominated, for President, Henry Clay, Ky., and for Vice-President, Theodore Frelinghuysen, N. Y. A brief plat- form announced as cardinal principles (i) "a well-regulated national currency ; " (2) " a tariff for revenue, discriminating with reference to protection of domestic labor; " (3) " distribution of the proceeds of sales of public lands ; " (4) " a single term for the Presidency;" (5) reform of executive usurpation. The Democratic Convention met at Baltimore, May 27, 1844. This was a postponed convention from the previous December, in order to allow the Van Buren sentiment to ferment. Calhoun was Van Buren's opponent, and the former was running on the Texas annexation tide, the latter against it, not pronouncedly, but enough so to make his slaughter desirable. Calhoun, offended at the postponement of the convention and manner of choosing delegates, did not appear with the South Carolina dele- gation. His influence was not less by absence. Van Buren's clear majority of the 266 delegates was turned to his defeat by \ 520 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. a resolution that the nomination should be made only by a two- third vote. This he could not control. He withdrew on the eighth ballot, and James K. Polk, Tenn., received the nomina- tion for President, and George M. Dallas, Pa., for Vice-President.* The platform affirmed that of 1840, and added (i) that the Con- stitution does not warrant the distribution of the proceeds of pub- lic land sales among the States ; (2) that the President has a right to use the qualified ("pocket") veto; (3) that all of Oregon ought to be reoccupied and Texas be annexed. The parties thus went to the country with their candidates and principles. Texas annexation, the Oregon (" 54° 40' or fight ") question, and a vigorous effort to prove that under the act of 1842 Polk and Dallas were safe tariff men, were the hinging points of the Democrats. The Whigs drove the Protective Tariff idea and relied greatly on the fame of their candidate. Silas Wright, who had refused to serve on the Democratic ticket as Vice-President, on account of the slaughter of Van Buren, and who had resigned from the Senate to run as governor of New York, unwittingly contributed to the election of the ticket he had declined to run on. He went through as governor on his individual popularity, and the National ticket followed by a bare majority. The vote of New York elected Polk and Dallas, the State and National elections being held on the same day. And to this result Clay himself was an unwise contributor, for his effort to conciliate Southern Democrats by an untimely letter favoring postponed Texas annexation alienated enough anti-slavery Whigs to have still overcome Polk's popular majority in New York. In no National election was the result so close and doubtful in so many States. In fourteen it was not known for several days, and in several of these the vote of the Liberty party was a balance of power. TWENTY-EIGHTH CONGRESS—Second Session.— Met Dec. 2, 1844. President Tyler had swung, in every respect, over to the doctrines of the extreme Southern school of Democrats, and actively co-operated with them under the lead of his Secretary of State, John C. Calhoun. His last message favored Texas an- *Sik8 Wright, N. Y., was first nominated for Vice-President, but declined. CALEB GUSHING THEODORE FRELINGHUYSEN. WM. LLOYD GARRISON. THOMAS H. BENTON. 521 522 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. nexati'on and the assumption of her cause with all its conse- quences. The South was a unit on this measure. At Ashley, S. C, a meeting had been held (May, 1844), seeking to combine the Southern States in Convention, to unite themselves in a body to Texas, if Texas was not annexed as a State to the Union. The Texas treaty of annexation which had been rejected in the Sen- ate was now substituted by a joint resolution to annex the State, through a commission, it being understood that the incoming President (Polk) would appoint such body. But at Calhoun's instance and to the surprise of everybody, the President deter- mined to send out (March 3, 1845) a special messenger to arrange terms. Only on Calhoun's assurance that such act would not interfere with the formal commission provided for did the resolution secure the necessary support. It massed, and in pursuance of it Texas was afterwards incorporat d as a State, with slavery under her own constitution, and with tht proviso that slavery should not exist in any State formed from her ter- ritory North of 36° 30', and that the question of slavery in any States formed from her territory South of that line should be left to the people of such States. Her condition being that of war with Mexico, the war was assumed by the United St ites, it being only a question of time when the then pending armiscice between Texas and Mexico should end. Calhoun did not originally favor war with Mexico. He thought Mexico could be quieted by a money consideration. As the annexation was more his act than the President's, he was, after war broke out, charged with being its author. A bill to organize Oregon into a Territory up to 54° 40', away beyond the boundary claimed by England, was passed in the House, but the Senate failed to consider it. Harbor im- provement bills for both East and West were passed, but vetoed. The result of the electoral count in February showed 170 elec- toral votes for Polk and Dallas, and 105 for Clay and Freling- huysen. March 3d, Florida became a State of the Union. Con- gress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1845. March 4, 1845, Polk and Dallas were sworn into office. PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 523 XV. POLK'S ADMINISTRATION. March 4, 1845— March 3, 1849. James K. Polk, Tenn., President. George M. Dallas, Pa., Vice-President. Congresses. Twenty-ninth Congress. Thirtieth Congress. Sessions. ( I, December i, 1845- August ^o> 1846. \ 2, December 7, 1846-March 3, 1847. f I, December 6, 1847-August 14, 1848. \ 2, December 4, 1848-March 3, 1849. ELECTORAL VOTE.* Democrat. James K. Polk, Tenn. 9 Basis of States. 70,680. Votes. Alabama 7 9 Arkansas I 3 3 Connecticut.... 4 6 Delaware I 3 Georgia 8 10 lO Illinois 7 9 9 Indiana 10 12 12 Kentucky lo 12 Louisiana 4 6 6 Maine 7 9 9 Maryland 6 8 . . Massachusetts.. lo 12 Michigan 3 5 5 Mississippi 4 6 6 Missouri 5 7 7 New Hampshire 466 New Jersey 5 7 New York 34 36 36 North Carolina 9 II Ohio 21 23 Pennsylvania ... 24 26 26 Rhode Island . . 2 4 South Carolina 7 9 9 Tennessee 1 1 13 Vermont 4 6 Virginia _I5 _J7 _]7^ Totals 223 27s 170 George M. Dallas, Pa. 9 3 10 9 12 6 9 5 6 7 6 36 26 170 Whig. Henry Clay, 12 *8 12 Theodore Fre- linghuysen, N. Y. II 23 13 6 105 los * The popular vote was: Polk, 1,337,243— fifteen States; Clay, 1,299,068- eleven States ; Birney, 62,300. 524- PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. THE CABINET. Secretary of State .James Buchanan, Pa. Secretary of Treasury Robert J. Walker, Miss. Secretary of War William L. Marcy, N. Y. Secretary of Navy George Bancroft, Mass. Attorney-General John Y. Mason, Va. Postmaster-General Cave Johnson, Tenn. PRESIDENTS MESSAGE.— The Message to Congress dwelt largely on the Texas situation, and favored war with Mexico, especially if she infringed the treaty of 1839, as to in- demnity to American citizens. It referred also to the Oregon boundary, showed the public debt to be ;^ 17,000,000, condemned all slavery agitation, favored a Sub-Treasury system, and recom- mended a Tariff for revenue, with protection to home industry as an incident. He applied the Jackson policy of rotation in office in the construction of his Cabinet, and in the Depart- ments. TWENTY-NINTH CONGRESS— First Session.— Met Dec. I, 1845. Both branches were Democratic. House organized by electing John W. Davis, Dem., Indiana, Speaker, the vote being 120 to 70, though the full Democratic strength was 142, Whig 75, and American 6.* The relative strength in the Senate was 30 Democrat and 25 Whig. MEXICAN WAR. — A popular convention in Texas had ac- cepted the overture for annexation made by the United States. Mexico protested and withdrew her minister to Washington. General Taylor had been sent to the east bank of the Neuces, into neutral territory, and on Dec. 31, 1845, Congress passed an act extending authority over this territory lying between the Neuces and Rio Grande. None of these acts provoked Mexico to war. She was still in negotiable mood. Even before this, Dec. 29, 1845, Texas had passed into the American Union. The President ordered General Taylor (March, 1846) to march to the Rio Grande and hold the neutral ground. He did so, and was met by Arista, at Palo Alto, where a battle was fought. The next day was fought Re.saca de la Palma, which sent Arista back * This was the first appearance of the American party in National politics. Four of the above six were from New York, and two from Pennsylvania. PRESH>ENTS FROM 1841 TO 1853. 5^5 526 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. into Mexican territory. Now American blood had been shed on American soil, and Mexico was an offender. A casus belli had been found. The President sent a Message to Congress and asked for a Declaration of War. The House responded with a " declaration " and ;$io,cxx),ooo to back it up, the Whigs favoring it under protest, and on the ground that an American army must not be sacrificed, even if forced into peril or a doubtful cause by the folly of a President* WILMOT PROVISO.— With the expectation that the war would soon be over and that an important cession of territory could be had, the President asked Congress for an appropriation of $2,000,000 to be placed at his disposal to negotiate with. To this appropriation, Mr. Wilmot, Pa., on behalf of himself and many Northern Democratic friends, moved what became historic as " The Wilmot Proviso," to wit, " That no part of the territory thus acquired should be open to the introduction of slavery." In strict law the proviso was unnecessary, for Mexico had abol- ished slavery, and any soil acquired from her would be free soil. But Texas had reintroduced slavery before annexation to the United States, and Wilmot felt that any other territory acquired from Mexico would be overrun by slaveholders, who would soon be clamoring for the protection of their institution. And this he felt, too, in the face of the new Democratic doctrine " that no power resided in Congress to legislate upon slavery in the Ter- ritories." This proviso brought heated discussion of the slave question. Calhoun declared it to be an outrage and menace. It occupied a place in Congress for two sessions. State Legis- latures acted on it. Parties took it up. From that time on it * The Whigs denounced as a falsehood the declaration, " Whereas, by the act of the Republic of Mexico a state of war exists between that government and the United States." The Liberty party opposed the war outright, regarding it as a huge, unjus- tifiable scheme to acquire slave territory. Calhoun opposed it also, as needless. He felt that the same results could have been brought about with less excitement and loss, and consequently with less detriment to the slave cause, by negotiation. It was said that the President, who had been approached by many members of his own party who were averse to the war, secured their support by the promise that it would be over in a short time and that negotiations for peace had been agreed upon before Ibc warj which only awaited the return of S?inta Anna from exile to be signed. PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 527 was nothing new to hear of civil war and a dissolution of the Union on account of it. How well Wilmot guessed may be inferred from the subsequent action of Calhoun (Feb, 19, 1847), when he introduced into the Senate his celebrated Slavery Reso- lutions, declaring the Territories to be the common property of the several States, and denying the right of Congress to prohibit slavery in a Territory or to pass any law which would have the effect to deprive the citizen of any slave State from migrating with his property (slaves) into such Territory. Though these resolutions were not acted on, they answered the purpose in- tended, to wit, to form a basis on which the slave could solidify against the free States ; on which a repeal of the Missouri Com- promise line could be effected, and on which the subsequent claim of non-interference with slavery in the Territories could be founded. THE OREGON BOUNDARY.— The last Democratic plat- form had pronounced in favor of an Oregon Territory up to the line of 54° 40', " or a fight " with England. The Whigs, now that Texas had been annexed, asked for a fulfilment of their pledges.* The Democrats of the extreme Southern school op- posed any action, but enough of them came to the support of the President to warrant him in going on with negotiations. He soon found that he could not keep his party pledges of 54° 40', for England refused to surrender above 49°. f The opinion of the Senate was asked, in accordance with an old Federal custom. The Whigs accepted the responsibility, joined with enough Dem- ocrats to save the administration from its party friends, and agreed to sanction a treaty based on 49°, This became the Oregon Treaty of June 15, 1846, by which war with England was averted. It was followed by a bill to organize The Territory of Oregon, without slavery. It was opposed by Southern Democrats, but passed, and was not reached in the Senate. TARIFF OF 1 846.1 — This disappointing act, passed in a * For a full statement of this boundary trouble, see Oregon Treaty, p. 107. f Calhoun, when Secretary of State, had proposed 49° as a line upon which an adjustment might be had. In this he was at odds with his party. X " The bill passed the House and came to the Senate, Section was again arrayed 528 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. partisan spirit, against the promises of the Democrats not to disturb the act of 1842, and in obedience to the doctrine of rigid interpretation, which admitted of Tariff for revenue without the incident of protection, reduced the rates provided in the former act, from five to twenty per cent, and introduced the theory of general ad valorem duties. The river and harbor improvement bills, passed by both Houses, were vetoed, on the old rigid con- struction ground that the government had no right to appro- priate money for internal improvements. Congress adjourned, Aug. 10, 1846. TWENTY-NINTH CONGRESS— Second Session.— Met Dec. 7, 1846. Mexican war measures occupied the time of this session. Appropriations were made to sustain the war, and pur- chase territory. Over the latter a spirited debate was had, which resulted in its passage in the House with the Wilmot proviso attached, and its passage in the Senate with the proviso removed. The House then acquiesced in the Senate's position. Ineffectual attempts were made to formally extend the Missouri Compromise line to the Pacific, to organize Oregon Territory, without slavery, and to appropriate money for Internal Improvement. All these measures showed a sectional vote. The Improvement bills passed, but received a pocket veto. Congress adjourned sp/e die, March 3, 1847. EVENTS OF THE MEXICAN PVAR.— Texas achieved its independence of Mexico at the battle of San Jacinto, April, 1836, and set up as an independent Republic. She sought annexation to the United States, and on July 4, 1845, her government for- mally approved the joint resolution of the Congress of the against section in the debate, and before the vote was taken it was found that the Senate was a tie, and that the Vice-President would have the casting vote. George M. Dallas, a Pennsylvanian, could defeat or pass the bill. He had the presidential bee in his bonnet as bad as any man I ever knew, and, hoping that he could gain the f.-ivor of the South in aid of his aspirations, he gave the casting vote against the section of his nativity, and the tariff bill of '46 became a law. As I anticipated, it put out the fire in our furnaces, paralyzed many of our best industries, and, finally, brought the credit of the Government to a discount. It also had a disastrous effect upon the dominant pavty, and cost them the presidency in 1848, when General Taylor was chosen." — //on. Simon Cameron, in Press. 530 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. United States for annexation. The Republic of Texas thus became a State of the American Union ; but Mexico had never acknowledged her independence, and prepared to contest for her lost territory with arms. General Taylor was sent to Texas with 1 500 troops to protect the new State against invasion. He posted himself at Corpus Christi on the Rio Grande, where he remained till March, 1846, when he went to t?.e mouth of the river and erected Fort Brown, opposite Matamoras. On April 26, 1846, a reconnoitring party, under Captain Thornton, was surprised and captured on tiie Rio Grande, above Fort Brown. Sixteen of the party were killed. This was the first bloodshed of the Mexican War. Taylor left a garrison in Fort Brown and marched to Point Isabel, which was threatened. On his return with 2000 men, he was attacked by 6000 Mexicans at Palo Alto, May 8, 1846. A bloody engagement ensued, and Taylor gained a decisive victory. On May 9 another battle was fought at Resaca de la Palma, in which the Mexicans were defeated with a loss of 1000 men. These two engagements nearly annihilated their army. On May 11, 1846, war against Mexico was formally declared, and 50,000 soldiers were called for. The plan of campaign was entrusted to General Scott. A fleet was to round Cape Horn and attack Mexico on the Pacific coast. An "Army of the West," under General Kearney, was to invade New Mexico, centre at Fort Leavenworth, and co-operate with the Pacific fleet. An "Army of the Centre," under General Wool, was to invade Mexico from Texas. General Taylor's army, largely reinforced, was to be the "Army of Occupation." Taylor crossed the Rio Grande, May 18, 1846, and took Matamoras. He then marched against Monterey with 6000 men. After a siege of four days he made an assault, September 24, and captured the city, with its garrison of 9000 men. He was now joined by the forces of General Wool, and together fhey took possession of Victoria, December 29, 1846. General Scott had by this time arrived at Vera Cruz with a large army, and was besieging the place. All of Taylor's forces, except 5000 men, were sent to Scott's assistance, Taylor was PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 53I thus left to confront 20,000 Mexicans, under General Santa Anna, who forced a battle at Buena Vista on February 23, 1847. The Mexicans were badly defeated and compelled to retreat, leaving dead and wounded on the field. This battle left the Americans masters of Northern Mexico, and Taylor returned to the United States, leaving General Wool in command. Kearney's " Army of the West " invaded and took possession of New Mexico at its capital, Santa Fe, August 18, 1846. He marched to the Pacific, to co-operate with the Pacific fleet and to conquer the Mexican province of California. On his way he learned that California had been conquered by a small army under General Fremont, who had co-operated with the fleet. Kearney formally annexed the territory to the United States, February 18, 1847. Kearney then joined his main force to that of General Wool, but sent a strong detachment under Colonel Doniphan to con- quer the Navajo Indians. He forced a treaty with the tribe, defeated the Mexicans at Bracito, and again at Sacramento, which last battle gave him possession of Chihuahua. He joined Wool at Saltillo, March 22, 1847, ^^^r a march of 5000 miles. Scott was carrying on the siege of Vera Cruz, with a fleet under Commodore Conner and an army of 12,000 men. The city fell into his hands, March 26, 1847, with 500 cannon and its garrison of 5000 Mexicans. He then marched towards Mexico, the capital, and was confronted by Santa Anna, in the difficult pass of Cerro Gordo, with 12,000 troops strongly entrenched. A terrific battle ensued, in which the Mexicans lost 4000 killed and wounded, and 3000 prisoners. The Mexican army was completely broken up, and Santa Anna fled on a mule. Scott continued his victorious advance toward the Mexican capital, taking Perote, the strongest fortress in Mexico, on April 22, 1847, and Puebla on May 5. Here his army rested till August, when the march was resumed. On August 10 the city of Mexico appeared, defended by Santa Anna with 30,000 men. On August 20 the Americans assaulted and carried the strongly entrenched camp of Contreras. On the same day they captured the strong fortress of San Antonio, and gained a bril- 532 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. liant victory at Cherubusco. These signal victories forced Santa Anna, with his entire army, within the gates of Mexico. His army had been depleted by the loss of 4000 killed and wounded, and 3000 prisoners. Scott offered terms of peace. Santa Anna accepted, but began to employ the interval in strengthening the fortifications of the city. Scott discovered his treachery, ended the armistice, and attacked and captured the strong position of Molino del Rey on September 8. On the 13th he attacked and captured the lofty and strongly fortified hill of Chapultepec, the key to the city of Mexico. The Mexican capital was now open, and he entered it, Sept. 14, in triumph, Santa Anna and the authorities having fled. These speedy and decisive triumphs brought the peace of Guadaloupe Hidalgo, February 2, 1848, and the same was pro- claimed by President Polk, July 4, 1848. By the treaty of Guadaloupe Hidalgo, the United States settled all contention between Mexico and Texas, as to the territory of the latter, and in addition acquired the immense domains embraced in California, Arizona and New Mexico, on the payment of ;$ 15,000,000 to Mexico, for the ceded territory, and on assuming the debts due by the Mexican government to citizens of the United States. The object of the war was there- fore fully obtained, in so far as that object related to the acquisi- tion of areas, at a cheap price, and located south of the latitude of 36° 30', which was the dividing line between the institutions of slavery and freedom. But a destiny, which no legislation could control, was soon to open for these large areas. The discovery of gold in California invited thither, and with great rapidity, a population which was hostile to slavery, and stimulated inter- ests of far greater moment than those of ownership in man. California entered the Union as a free State, thus defeating the object of the Mexican war, as to the richest of its conquests. PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 533 the continued success of the Mexican war, and stated that nego- tiations for peace were then pending. These negotiations re- sulted in the treaty of Guadaloupe-Hidalgo (Feb., 1848), which made the Rio Grande the boundary and gave New Mexico and Upper California to the United States for ;^ 1 5 ,000,000. This immense acquisition of territory brought up the slavery question again, and during the debates on the erection of Oregon Ter- ritory without slavery, and the proposition to extend the Mis- souri Compromise line to the Pacific, Calhoun took occasion to say, " The great strife between the North and South is ended. The North is determined to exclude the property of slaveholders, and of course slaveholders themselves, from its territory. The separation of the North and South is completed. The South is bound to show that dearly as she prizes the Union, there are questions she regards as of more importance than the Union. It is not a question of territorial government, but a question involving the continuance of the Union." A compromise bill passed the Senate, organizing Oregon, California and New Mexico, leaving slavery questions to be de- cided by the Supreme Court. The House rejected this, and sent the Senate the Oregon bill above mentioned. The Senate accepted this, but amended it so as to extend the Missouri Com- promise line to the Pacific. The House regarded this as danger- ous, since it would cut the country into two distinct sections with different, if not hostile, institutions, and would, moreover, be equivalent to extending slavery to vast free areas, the Mex- ican territory being all free under Mexican laws. It therefore refused to extend the line. The Senate receded, and the Oregon bill passed, without slavery. The vital question in all these de- bates was the right of Congress to legislate on slavery in the Territories, a question which was pushed in many ways till it culminated in the Kansas-Nebraska affair, the Dred Scott de- cision, and the desperate step of secession. The House took decided ground in favor of Internal Improvement by a resolution aimed at the rigid interpreters, claiming that the government had a right to improve rivers and harbors, under the clause to regu- late commerce and provide for the common defense. Wisconsin 534 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. entered the Union, May 29, 1848. Congress adjourned, Aug. 14, 1848. ELECTION OF 1848.— The Democrats took the field first in National Convention at Baltimore, May 22, 1848. The two- third rule, which defeated Van Buren in the previous conven- tion, was affirmed, and has since prevailed in the conventions of that party. Lewis Cass, Mich., was nominated for President, and William O. Butler, Ky., for Vice-President. A great con- tention arose over the power of the government to regulate slavery in the Territories, and a test resolution to the effect that the Congress had no power to interfere with slavery either in the States or Territories was voted down. The platform affirmed that of 1844, and went on to (i) congratulate the country on the results of the Mexican war; (2) commended the qualified veto; (3) denounced a Tariff, except for revenue, and hailed " the noble impulse given to the cause of free trade by the repeal of the tariff of 1842 and the creation of the more equal, honest and productive tariff of 1846;" (4) congratulated the Republic of France; (5) endorsed Polk's administration. The Whig National Convention met at Philadelphia, June 7, 1848, and nominated General Zachary Taylor, La., for President, and Millard Fillmore, N. Y., for Vice-President. Taylor's recent military achievements in Mexico gave him the preference over such other candidates as Clay, Webster and Scott. Test resolu- tions favoring the Wilmot Proviso were voted down. The Whigs were no more ready for open commitment to anti-slavery than the Democrats had shown themselves, in their convention, to be ready for open commitment to a pro-slavery policy. The convention did not adopt a platform, but resolutions passed at a grand ratification meeting, on the 9th of June, answered the same purpose. They were mainly heroic, inviting the country to a trial of well-known Whig principles under the laurel- crowned chieftain whose name was held in such high honor by every American. The Free Soil Democrats met in convention at Buffalo, Aug. 9, 1848, and nominated for President Martin Van Buren, N.Y.,and for Vice-President Charles Francis Adams, Mass. This faction LEWIS CASS. THADDEUS STEVENS. CHAS. FRANCIS ADAMS. WENDELL PHILLIPS. 535 536 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. of Democrats, called " Barnburners " by their opponents, had sent a delegation to the Baltimore convention, pledged to oppose the further extension of slavery in the Territories. A counter dele- gation, called " Hunkers," also sent a delegation pledged to non- agitation of the slavery question. The convention sheared each of its strength by dividing the vote between them. This being equivalent to no vote at all, the Free Soilers withdrew and set up candidates of their own. They promulgated a lengthy plat- form which sought (i) to secure free soil to a free people; (2) withheld support from both the regular parties because one (the Democratic) had stifled free sentiment, and the other (Whig) had been afraid to pronounce itself; (3) affirming the ordinance of 1787, and the proviso of Jefferson that after 1800 no slavery should exist in the Territories ; (4) that slavery exists only by State law and that " Congress has no more power to make a slave than to make a king;" (5) that the only way to prevent slavery in territory now free is to prevent it in all territory ; (6) favoring Internal Improvement ; (7) Watchword, " Free Soil, Free Speech, Free Labor, Free Men." The campaign was not a bitter one, except as the Democrats made it bitter among themselves. The effort to establish slavery in the newly-acquired Mexican territory, and to push the slavery question so as to commit the government either to non-inter- ference with it or to direct sanction of it in all territory, estranged many Democrats. The Southern Democrats themselves were not a unit, for many of them preferred Taylor, from a slave State and without a platform, to Cass, from a free State and with a platform which did not directly favor or mention slavery. The old Liberty party blended with the Free Soil party. As in the former campaign, New York was the political turning-point. And as the Liberty party, by dividing the Whigs, had given it to Polk in 1-844, so now the Free Soilers, by weakening the Demo- crats, gave it to the Whigs. The election in November was a Whig victory. THIRTIETH CONGRESS—SGcond Session.— Met Dec. 4, 1848. Parties were very fidgety during this session. In view of the prominence given to slavery agitation, the old party lines t>RESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 537 began to chafe considerably. Thus the Northern Democrats, almost in a body, voted in the House to organize the Territories of California and New Mexico without slaveiy, or, as it was then termed, with the Wilmot Proviso. This the Senate amended by providing for their organization with slavery. The Senate at- tempted to force its position by making the bill a part of the appropriation bill, thus presenting to the House the alternative of a moneyless government or two slave Territories. The re- sponse was an appropriation bill and the old Mexican free laws till July 4, 1850. The Senate withdrew its "rider," and the appropriation bill passed. A violent debate sprung up in the House over a resolution condemning the exhibition and sale of slaves in the city of Washington. The electoral count in Feb- ruary showed for Taylor and Fillmore 163 votes, and for Cass and Butler 127 votes. Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1849. The candidates-elect were sworn into office March 5, 1849, the 4th being Sunday. XVI. TAYLOR'S AND FILLMORE'S ADMINISTRATIONS. March 5, 1849 — March 3, 1853. Zachary Taylor, La., President. Millard Fillmore, N. Y., Vice-President. Congresses. Sessions. Thirty-first Congress, j '' December 3, 1849-September 30, 1850. t 2, December 2, 1850-March 3, 1 851. Thirty second Conprfss / ^' December i, 185 1 -August 31, 1852. IHIRTY-SECOND CONGRESS, j ^^ December 6, 1852-March 3, 1853. ELECTORAL VOTE.'' Whig. Democrat. Basis of Zachary Tay- Millard Fill- Lewis Cass, W.O.But- States. 70,680. Vote. lor. La. more, N. Y. Mich. ler, Ky. Alabama 7 9 .. .. 9 9 Arkansas i 3 .. ,. 3 3 Connecticut 4 6 6 6 Delaware i 3 3 3 * The popular vote was: Taylor, 1,360,101 — 15 States; Cass, 1,220,544 — 15 States; Van Buren, 291,263. 538 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. Electoral Vote — Continued. Whig. Democrat. Basis of 70,680. I Zachary Tay- Vote. lor. La. 3 3 Millard Fill- Lewis Cass, more, N. Y. Mich. 3 10 9 12 4 12 6 9 5 6 7 6 7 36 II 23 26 4 9 13 4 6 17 4 290 10 12 6 7 36 II '26 4 13 6 10 12 6 8 12 7 36 1 1 26 4 13 6 163 163 9 12 4 23 9 4 17 4 127 W.O.But- ler, Ky. 9 12 4 States. Florida Georgia 8 Illinois 7 Indiana 10 Iowa 2 Kentucky lO Louisiana 4 Maine 7 Maryland 6 Massachusetts 10 Michigan 3 Mississippi 4 Missouri 5 New Hampshire 4 New Jersey 5 New York 34 North Carolina 9 Ohio 21 Pennsylvania 24 Rhode Island 2 South Carolina 7 Tennessee 11 Texas 2 Vermont 4 Virginia 15 Wisconsin 2 Totals 230 THE CABINET. Secretary of State John M. Clayton, Del. Secretary of Treasury William M. Meredith, Pa. Secretary of War Geo. W. Crawford, Ga. Secretary of Navy William B. Preslon, Va. Secretary of Interior Thomas H. Ewing, Ohio.* Attorney-General Reverdy Johnson, Md. Postmaster-General Jacob Collamer, Vt. THIRTY-FIRST CONGRESS— Y\xzt Session.— Met Dec. 3, 1849. The Senate was Democratic, 35 to 25. In the House were no Democrats, 105 Whigs and 9 Free Soilcrs. The latter held a balance of power, and stubbornly exercised it through sixty-two ineffectual ballots for Speaker. Only by agreeing that the highest number of votes for any one candidate should elect, was a Speaker chosen in the person of Howell Cobb, Ga., a Democrat of the extreme Southern school, and a slavery exten- * This " Home Department," since called " the Interior Department," was created by the Thiiticlh Congress. 23 9 4 17 4 127 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 539 sionist. The annual message deprecated the sectional feeling regarding slavery, spoke of the folly of disunion as a remedy, and took the Jackson stand, that at all hazards the Union must be maintained. CALHOUN'S NEW DOCTRINE.— Th^ postponed ques- tion of the extension of the Missouri Compromise line to the Pacific came up early. Calhoun, always aggressive and masterly, proposed to cover the whole question by extending the Constitu- tion of the United States to all the newly-acquired Mexican Territory.* Webster met this situation by showing that the Constitution was designed only for States, and that it could not operate even in the States without an act of Congress to enforce it. Further, that the sanction which that instrument gave to slavery where it existed would not create slavery where it did not exist, for slavery was a creation of the several States and not of the general government. While Calhoun's proposition was under debate the President's views were presented. They favored the admission of California directly.f as she was ready, and the erection of New Mexico and Utah into Territories, unmixed with slavery, leaving the matter to be decided by their people when they asked for admission as States. COMPROMISE OF 1850.— Clay now came forward with a set of compromise measures, which in one shape or another were adopted during the session, and in the aggregate became known as the Compromise of 1850. They, in general, provided for the admission of California ; for the erection of New Mexico and Utah Territories, unmixed with slavery, the same to be de- cided by the people when they came to form States; the adjust- ment of the Texas boundary and the payment of a money in- demnity to that State; a more vigorous fugitive slave law; the abolition of the slave trade, but no interference with it in the District of Columbia. The Whigs and Free Soilers regarded Clay's Compromise as a weak and unnecessary concession of * Calhoun's idea was that inasmuch as the Constitution sanctioned slavery, its ex- tension over any territory would establish slavery there. t California had formed a State Constitution without slavery, June 3, 1849, and bad made formal application for admission as a Stale, Feb. 13, 1850. 540 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. free soil principles, and the extreme pro-slavery Democrats re- garded it as a surrender of the late doctrine that Congress had no right to prohibit a slaveholder from going where he pleased in the Territories and taking his property with him. The meas- ures therefore satisfied but few of the leaders, yet they served the purpose of temporarily postponing the agitation and perhaps averting, for the time, secession and civil war, threats of which, on the part of the South, were rife. California became a State, without slavery, Sept. 9, 1850.* The Fugitive Slave Law, the result of the Compromise, was a severe measure, much more so than the old one. It greatly encouraged the pursuit of fugitives, made it compulsory on all citizens to aid in their arrest, and compelled U. S. Commissioners to remand them without trial. Its execution led to indignant protest on the part of Northern citizens and to the protection of free negroes, charged with being slaves, by special State enactments. That part of the Compromise prohibiting interference with slavery in the District of Columbia was not accepted, and slavery was abolished therein by act of Sept. 15, 1850. The Congress adjourned, Sept. 30, 1850. TAYLORS DEATH.— MX.QX an illness of four days, due to exposure in the sun on Independence day. President Taylor died, July 9, 1850. Vice-President Fillmore was sworn into office on July 9, and duly inaugurated July 10, 1850. His Cabinet was confirmed by the Senate, as follows : Secretary of State, Daniel Webster, Mass. ; Secretary of Treasury, Thomas Corwin, Ohio ; Secretary of War, Winfield Scott, ad interim, and Charles M. Conrad, La., permanently ; Secretary of Navy, William A. Graham, N. C. ; Secretary of In- * The political importance of California to the South was great. Long before, the free States preponderated in the House. But the Senate thus far was equally divided between North and South. California turned the scale. Her admission as a free State gave 32 free State Senators to 30 slave State Senators, and there was no other State ready for admission south of 36° 30', nor likely to be for a long time. Besides California was the first fruit of the Mexican conquest, and the policy which controlled her admission was likely to hold as to the remainder of the Mexican Ter- ritory. It was a disappointing situation for the pro-slavery leaders, and the begin- ning of that policy which sought to break down all old barriers and compromises, invited the Kansas difficulty, and formed a prelude to a separate Confederacy. PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 541 terior, A. H. H. Stuart, Va. ; Attorney-General, John J. Critten- den, Ky. ; Postmaster-General, Nathan K. Hall, N. Y. POLITICAL SITUATION.— V^hWQ this sad transition was a peaceful one, and boded no disaster to the dominant party as did that from Harrison to Tyler, there were many things going on, more or less portentous. In the session of Congress just adjourned (First session Thirty-first Congress) the slavery meas- ures of the extreme Southern Democrats had been even more opposed by Northern Democrats than by the Whigs. This was not only following up their charge that the pro-slavery element of the party had betrayed them in the previous Presidential cam- paign, but it showed a disposition to break away from the ultra doctrine of slavery extension to which the slaveholding mem- bers sought to commit the entire party. The Whigs had not, as was expected, committed themselves in their National Convention to the Wilmot proviso. They there- fore did not attract the members of the Liberty party, nor those of its successor, the Free Soil Democrats. On the contrary they lost many of their leaders to the pro-slavery Democrats. Thus while the Democratic party was being torn to pieces by losses of its Free Soil element, it was being recuperated by accessions of the pro-slavery Whig element. The Whigs losing, gained noth- ing, and their decay as a positive political force dates from the death of Taylor, We have seen how rapidly the pro-slavery whirlpool was made to revolve under the bold yet skillful management of Calhoun, and how at every revolution the country had to face some new situation, till, failing to force the line of 36° 30' through to the Pacific, thus making a free and slave section, it took the form of broad denial of the right of the government to interfere with slaveiy in any place, or at all. The accession of pro-slavery Whigs to the Democrats changed the aspect of affairs somewhat. It stopped, for the time being, the threats of seces- sion and war, and introduced a new, more conservative and popular idea, over which to wrangle. It will be remembered the Democrats, in their last National Convention at Baltimore, had voted down a resolution to the effect that the government 542 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. had no authority over slavery in the Territories, the corollary being, that the people of each Territory should be let alone to treat the matter as they pleased. The pro-slavery Whigs now took hold of this doctrine and forced it on the attention of the Democrats and the country. It was the doctrine which after- wards became known as Popular, or Squatter, Sovereignty, which figured so prominently in the Kansas affair, and which served to draw Douglas, Geary, Reeder and other leaders outside of the then existing Democratic lines. It was the doctrine also which the hardy miners of California applied in their own State, to the surprise, if not disgust, of those who originated it. The pro-slavery sentiment which had thus proved a wedge to force asunder the Whig party, and had nothing more to fear from it as an organization, had to address itself to a more thorough con- trol of the Democratic party. But in the meantime there would be an advance of opposition sentiment, and a final gathering up of political fragments into something more formidable, as a political force, than had yet been dreamed of THIRTY-FIRST CONGRESS— Second Session.— Met Dec. 2, 1850. The session was quiet and gloomy. The administra- tion had nothing new to urge, and parties agreed to hold their own in comparative peace. Adjourned sine die, March 3, 1851. THIRTY-SECOND CONGRESS— Y\xstSes>^\on.—lAt.\. Dec. I, 1 85 1. The Congressional elections had turned on the Com- promise measures of 1850, and the people endorsed them, as a happy quietus to slavery agitation, by returning a majority of Democrats of rather conservative turn. Both branches were, therefore. Democratic, the Senate by 8 and the House by 50. The House organized by electing Linn Boyd, Ky., Democrat, Speaker. The application of the Platte country (afterwards Nebraska and Kansas) for a Territorial government threatened for a time to open the slavery question, but the matter was dropped before debate took acrimonious turn. There was but little disposition shown on the part of the majority to antagonize the administration, and in general the session work was rou- tine. PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 543 ELECTION OF 1852.— The Democrats led the field in National Convention at Baltimore, June i, 1852. This was a supreme effort of the Southern or pro-slavery Democrats to commit the party to their doctrine of slavery extension, and to a rigid interpretation of the powers of the general government, the latter being then and afterwards best known as " State Rights " doctrine. The nominee for President was Franklin Pierce, N. H. ; and for Vice-President, William R, King, Ala. The platform reaffirmed the greater part of that of 1848, and added : (i) No more revenue than is necessary to defray the expenses of the government. (2) No National Bank. (3) Sep- aration of government moneys from banking. (4) The country is an asylum for the oppressed : therefore, no abridgment of citizenship and the right to own soil. (5) Congress has no right to interfere with or control the domestic institutions of the States. (6) Endorsement of the Compromise measures of 1850, and resistance to all attempts to renew the slavery agitation. (7) Adhesion to the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions of 1798. (8) The war with Mexico was necessary and its results approved. (9) No monopoly for the few at the expense of the many, and the Union as it is and should be. The Whigs met in National Convention at Baltimore, June 16, 1852, and nominated for President, Winfield Scott, Va. ; for Vice-President, William A. Graham, N. C. The platform claimed: (i) A sufficient power in the government to sustain it and make it operative. (2) Revenue from tariff, with " suitable encouragement to American industry." (3) Internal Improve- ment. (4) Endorsed the Compromise measures of 1850, "the Fugitive Slave Law included." The platform was fair to the party — though extremely conservative — except the endorsement of the Compromise measures of 1850, " including the Fugitive Slave Law," which endorsement, as the sequel proved, was a part of the plan of the extreme pro-slavery leaders to commit both political parties to their policy of slavery extension, and which reacted on the Whig party with twice the effect it did on the Democratic party, so soon as the nature of those Compromise measures became fully known. 544 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. The Free Soil Democrats held their National Convention at Pittsburg, Pa., August ii, 1852, and nominated for President, John P. Hale, N. H. ; for Vice-President, George W. Julian, Ind. Its platform announced : (i) That government was established to secure the inalienable rights of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. (2) That the Constitution expressly denies to the general government all power to deprive any person of life, liberty or property without due process of law; that, therefore, it has no more power to make a slave than a king, or to establish slavery than establish a monarchy. (3) No more slave States, no slave Territory', no national slavery, no national legislation for the extradition of slaves. (4) The Fugitive Slave Law of 1850 denounced as repugnant to the Constitution, common law, Chris- tianity, and of no binding force. (5) The Compromise measures of 1850 disapproved. (6) Both political parties repudiated. The election in November resulted in a Democratic victory, the Whigs carrying only Massachusetts, Vermont, Kentucky and Tennessee, though the result in most of the others was very close. THIRTY-SECOND CONGRESS—Second Session. — Met Dec. 6, 1852. The bill for the organization of the Territory of the Platte, rejected at the last session, came up in the shape of a bill to organize the Territory of Nebraska, which included Kansas. It was rejected by the Senate, at the instance of Southern members, the time not being ripe for open assumption of the position to which the Compromise measures of 1850 logically led. The electoral count, in February, showed 254 votes for Pierce and King, and 42 for Scott and Graham. Con- gress adjourned st?ie die, March 3, 1853. President Pierce was sworn into office, March 4, 1853, and Vice-President King seme time afterwards, he being sick on March 4. PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 545 XVII, PIERCE'S ADMINISTRATION. March 4, 1853— March 3, 1857. Franklin Pierce, N. H., President. William R. King, Ala., Vice-President. Sessions. ( I, December 5, 1853-August 7, 1854. 1 2, December 4, 1854-March 3, 1855. I, December 5, 1855-August 18, 1856. Cong'resses. Thirty-third Congress. Thirty-fourth Congress. 2, August 21, 1856-August 30, 1856, extra session. 3, December i, 1856-March 3, 1857. ELECTORAL VOTE.'' Democrats. Whigs. States. Alabama Arkaltisas 2 California 2 Connecticut 4 Delaware i Florida i Georgia 8 Illinois 9 Indiana n Iowa 2 Kentucky 10 Louisiana 4 Maine 6 Maiyland 6 Massachusetts 11 Michigan 4 Mississippi 5 Missouri n New Hampshire 3 New Jersey 5 New York 33 North Carolina 8 Ohio 21 Pennsylvania 25 Rhode Island 2 South Carolina 6 Tennessee 10 Texas 2 Vermont 3 Virginia i'^ _3 234 Basis of 93.423 7 Wisconsin Total Votes. 9 4 4 6 3 3 10 II 13 4 12 6 13 6 7 9 5 7 35 10 23 27 4 8 12 4 5 15 5 296 Franklin Pierce, N. H. 9 4 4 6 3 3 10 II 13 4 '6 8 6 7 9 5 7 35 10 2Z 27 4 8 William R. King, Ala. 9 4 4 6 2 3 10 II 13 4 6 7 9 5 7 35 ID 23 27 4 8 Winfield William A. Scott, Graham, Va. N. C. 13 12 '5 15 __S __5 __^ 254 254 42 42 *The popular vote was, Pierce, 1,601474—27 States; Scott, 1,386,578—4 States. Hale, 156,149. 35 546 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. THE CABINET. Secretary of State William L. Marcy, N. Y. Secretary of Treasury James Guthrie, Ky. Secretary of War Jefferson Davis, Miss. Secretary of Navy James C. Dobbin, N. C. Secretary of Interior Robert McLelland, Mich. Attorney-General Caleb Gushing, Mass. Postmaster-General James Campbell, Pa. POLITICAL SITUATION.— ThQ administration opened with surface indications of peace. The country had ratified the Compromise measures of 1850, on the theory that they afforded an escape from slavery agitation, but without knowing that they were fuller of the germs of agitation than any measures yet propounded. Both parties had been cominitted to them in their platforms, at the instance of their pro-slavery members ; they therefore stood committed to the logical results of those measures, or else to demoralizing retreat. The discovery of what they contained appalled the Whigs. They never recovered from the shock, lost their organization, never ran another Presi- dential Candidate. They literally died of too much Compro- mise, or, as was piquantly said at the time, " of an attempt to swallow the Fugitive Slave law." President Pierce in his first message thoroughly committed the administration to the Com- promise measures. The pro-slavery Democrats were therefore in a very enviable situation. They could force their construction of the situation with the hands of the Whig party tied, and with the assurance that the Democratic organization was firmly with them. THIRTY-THIRD CONGRESS— First Session.— Met Dec. 5, 1853. The Democrats had a majority in the House, over all opposition, of 74, and in the Senate of 14. The House organized by re-electing Linn Boyd, Ky., Speaker. Discussion of th^ Kansas-Nebraska bill occupied the greater part of the session. It opened the slavery agitation in a new form, and it was not to cease till quieted by arms. The Nebraska bill of the previous sessions took the form of a bill to create two Territories out of the Platte country, the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska. Both lay north of 36° 30', the Missouri Compromise line of 1820; and therefore both were free Territories according to the provi- PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 547 sions of that Compromise. But the new pro-slavery doctrine— new since the Compromise measures of 1850— was, that these measures of 1850 invalidated those of 1820, and committed the government to non-interference with slavery in the Territories. Therefore the slavery question was an open one as to all terri- tory, with no right on the part of Congress to legislate for or against it. The Senate Bill (Kansas and Nebraska), under the amendment of Mr. Douglas, therefore provided, "that so much of the Compromise bill of 1820 preventing slavery north of 36° 30', as was inconsistent with the Compromise of 1850 establishing non-intervention by Congress with slavery in either States or Territories, was inoperative and void, it being the true intent and meaning of this act not to legislate slavery into any Territory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States." This amendment is noteworthy. It admitted what the pro- slavery Democrats and Whigs already knew, that the Compro- mise measures of 1850, logically construed, repealed the Com- promise of 1820. It hampered them, however, for with the repeal of the Compromise of 1820 and their claim to go where they pleased with slave property, they had all the public terri- tory open to slavery. The Douglas idea was that introduced mto the Democratic party by pro-slavery Whigs, to wit, the idea of squatter or popular sovereignty, a leaving of slavery to the \roice of the people of the Territory or proposed State. While the bill as thus amended was not what the South wanted, it secured the united support of pro-slavery Democrats and Whigs, but it divided the Northern Democrats into two even bodies (44 each), one of which supported it, and the other op- posed it. The Northern Whigs opposed it and the Free Soil Democracy. The Democratic breach soon closed, but the Whig breach widened, and the Northern wing left their name to be perpetuated for a little while by their Southern brethren, they in the meantime assuming the title of anti-Nebraska men, soon to be merged into Republican. 548 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. The passage of the bill, May 25, 1854, opened the eyes of the entire country to what was concealed in the apparently inno- cent Compromise measures of 1850, and transferred the scene of combat from Congress to the plains of the West, where it was carried on amid confusion and bloodshed for years. The squatter sovereignty idea placed the free and slave States on their merits as colonizers. The section that could send the greatest number of bona fide settlers into the new fields was bound to win in the end. Could the South, which had always out-mancEuvred the North in slave diplomacy, cope with that more populous section in this practical adjudication of the deli- cate question? Congress adjourned, August 7, 1854. THIRTY-THIRD CONGRESS— Second Session.— Met Dec 4, 1854. The session resulted in no measure of political sig- nificance. Adjourned sine die, March 3, 1855. A NEW POLITICAL FORCE.— The Native American idea is almost as old as the country. In 1790 naturalization could be had after two years' residence. In 1795 it required five years' residence. A great majority of foreigners, either Frenchmen direct or Irish and Scotch driven from home for sympathy with France, naturally affiliated with the Republican party, which was always ready for a war with England. This fact induced the Federal measure of 1798, extending the period for naturalization to fourteen years. In 1802 the Republicans, in order to rein- force their party, fixed the time at five years, where it has since stood. They were not disappointed, for this legal consultation of a tendency, backed by the encouragement it ever received in their declaration of principles, has always secured to them a majority of the foreign vote, especially in the cities. To coun- teract, or correct, this, an organized movement was begun in New York as early as 1835. In 1844 the Native Americans carried that city, electing their Mayor by a good majority. This success caused the movement to spread to adjoining States. It em- braced members of all parties, and became prominent in local municipal contests. Its presence in Philadelphia resulted in the murderous riots of 1844. In 1852 it reappeared as a secret or- ganization, officially as the American party, but popularly as the PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 549 " Know-Nothing " party, from the reticence of its members as to their principles. Of it Hon. A. H. H. Stuart, Va., said : " The vital principle of the American party is Americanism — develop- ing itself in a deep-rooted attachment to our own country — its Constitution, its union, its laws — to American men, American measures, American interests." Its cardinal principle was : "Americans must rule America ; " its countersign was the order of Washington at a critical time during the Revolution, " Put none but Americans on guard to-night." By holding a balance of power in many cities and States, its vote decided several im- portant elections, and as the extent of its influence could not be foreknown, political results were at times genuine surprises to party leaders. It received large accessions from the Whigs, es- pecially of the South, after the passage of the Kansas and Ne- braska bill, who could not go with their Northern brethren into the anti-Nebraska movement, nor yet with the Democrats into a pronounced pro-slavery movement. In 1855 it carried as many as nine State elections. It was therefore a power which had been startlingly felt in the Congressional elections of that year, and was to be still further felt in the session about to be held. THIRTY-FOURTH CONGRESS— First Session.— Met Dec. 3, 1855. In the Senate the Democrats had a majority of nine. In the House the magnificent Democratic majority of the pre- vious Congress had been wiped out and turned into one of anti- Nebraska men, of whom there were 117, as against 79 straight Democrats and 37 pro-slavery Whigs. Owing to the fact that many of the majority were Know-Nothings, a protracted contest arose over the speakership. A choice was not made till Febru- ary, 1856, when a resort was had to the method adopted by the Thirty-first Congress, that of a choice by the highest number of votes. N. P. Banks, Mass., was then chosen on the 131st bal- lot. He was a pronounced anti-Nebraska man, and therefore the majority were represented in the Speaker. This was the stormy beginning of one of the stormiest sessions ever held. KANSAS TROUBLE. — The Kansas question came up im- mediately and occupied the entire session. As we have seen the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Act (1854), with the 550 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. Squatter Sovereignty Amendment, threw open these Territories to competitive settlement by North and South, or by anti-slavery and pro-slavery men. The South had the advantage of prox- imity — Missouri being next to Kansas. The Missourians swarmed over the border and elected a congressional delegate, Nov. 29, 1854, who was accepted by the Congress. They did the same in 1855, and elected a Legislature, which met at Pawnee in July of that year, and enacted a State Constitution, strongly pro-slavery in its terms. The anti-slavery settlers were all this time pouring in through Iowa and Nebraska — they had been prohibited from passing through the State of Missouri — against the armed protest of the pro-slavery occupants — Border Ruffians as they were called — and the condition of the Territory was one of war, with but little doubt as to the result, for the anti-slavery settlers came to make investment and to stay, while the pro-slavery occupants clung less tenaciously to the soil, and wasted time and energy in the excitement which the new field furnished. The anti-slavery or free State settlers met in convention at Topeka, Sept. 5, 1855, and enacted a free State constitution. They denounced the ex- isting Legislature as not of Kansas, but the work of Missourians who had crossed the border to create it, elected a delegate to Congress, who was rejected, and on Jan. 15, 1856, elected State officers, and asked to be admitted as a State. Their work was rejected by Congress. The local conflict grew louder and more sanguinary. The President interfered, Jan. 24, 1856, by a message endorsing the pro-slavery Legislature, and, Feb. 11, 1856, by a proclamation denouncing the attempt to form a free State government as an act of rebellion. He ordered the governor of the Territory (Shannon) to enforce the laws of the pro-slavery Legislature with the United States troops. This only added to the excite- ment. The free State Legislature, which met at Topeka, July 4, 1856, was broken up by United States troops, acting under the President's order. By this time a congressional committee, sent to the scene, reported that no free, fair election had ever been held in the Territory. On the strength of this, and in order to PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 55I balk the effort to force a government on the people without a fair expression of their sentiments as to whether it should be slave or free, the House refused to appropriate money for the army if it were to be used to sustain the pro-slavery Legislature of the Territory. It would be impossible to conceive of the excitement in both Houses over the question, and throughout the country. In the Senate Charles Sumner was knocked down and beaten (May 22, 1856), by Representative Brooks, South Carolina, for a speech which criticised his relative, Senator Butler, South Carolina. Congress adjourned Aug. 18, 1856. THIRTY-FOURTH CONGRESS— Extra. Session.— Called Aug. 21, 1856, This session was called to meet the emergency occasioned by the adjournment of Aug. 18, without an appro- priation for the army. The House still insisted on its proviso that the army should not be used to force a pro-slavery govern- ment on the people of Kansas ; but a change of governors hav- ing been announced — Shannon was superseded by Geary* — it receded, and the army appropriation bill was passed. The extra session adjourned Aug. 30, 1856. ELECTION OF 1856. — The Know-Nothing organization, which had been so successful in the State and local elections of 1855, would now try its hand in national affairs as The American Party. It took the field first, and met in national convention, at Philadelphia, Feb. 22, 1856. There were 227 delegates present. All the States were represented except Maine, Vermont, Georgia, and South Carolina. Many of the delegates (probably a fourth) were not so much "Americans " as anti-slavery men. Millard Fillmore, New York, was nominated for President, and Andrew J. Donelson, Tennessee, for Vice-President. The platform an- nounced: (l) Perpetuation of the Union. (2) Preference of native-born citizens for office. (3) No office for any one who recognizes obligation to any foreign prince, potentate, or power. (4) Non-interference by Congress with questions belonging to individual States, nor by States with each other. (5) The right * Geary arrived Sept. 9, 1856, and succeeded in bringing about a suspension of local hostilities without directly using the United States forces. 552 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. of native-born and naturalized citizens of any Territory to frame their own constitution and laws, and regulate their social affairs in their own way. (6) A residence of twenty-one years as ne- cessary to naturalization. On account of the failure of the convention to recognize the right of Congress to re-establish the Missouri Compromise line, the anti-slavery delegates withdrew, and threw their strength to the coming Republican party. The Democratic Convention met at Cincinnati, June 2, 1856, and nominated James Buchanan, Pennsylvania, for President, and John C. Breckinridge, Kentucky, for Vice-President. The plat- form endorsed preceding ones, and added, (i) Opposition to Americanism. (2) No more revenue than is necessary to defray expenses. (3) No general system of Internal Improvement. (4) Strict construction of Federal powers. (5) No National Bank. (6) No interference with Slavery in the Territories, the people to have the right to settle that question for themselves (this was an endorsement of the Squatter Sovereignty idea). (7) Approval of the Kansas-Nebraska bill. REPUBLICAN PARTY. *— This new candidate for national favor received a name, said to have been suggested by Governor Seward, N. Y., in the latter part of 1855 or early part of 1856. It was a substitute for the title of " Anti-Nebraska Men," then applied to those who had opposed the Kansas-Nebraska act, and who were, in general, opposed to slavery and its extension. It raised a standard around which could rally the old Liberty party, the Free Soil Democracy, the Anti-Slavery Whigs, and all who were finding it irksom ^ to follow the Democratic party as it grew more rigid in its interpretation of the Constitution, in- clined more and more to make a political dogma of State Rights, and refused to separate its own existence from that of slavery in the State, and slavery extension in the Territory. The Republican party held its first National Convention at Philadelphia, June 17, 1856, and nominated John C. Fremont, Cal., for President, and William M. Dayton, N. J., for Vice- * Called the " Black Republican " party by its opponents, on account of its sympathy for the colored race. 1 ' .• Va^ JOHN P. HALE. JOHN C. FREMONT. WILLIAM L. MARCY. / >•" ROBERT J. WALKER. 553 554 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. President. Its platform showed that its members were Hberal interpreters of the Constitution. It announced : (i) That the Con- stitution, the rights of the States, and the Union of the States, shall be preserved. (2) " No person shall be deprived of life, liberty or property without due process of law," and denial of the authority of Congress, or of a Territorial Legislature, or of any association of individuals, to give legal existence to slavery in any Territory of the United States, under the present Con- stitution. (3) Congress, in the exercise of its Constitutional power over Territories, ought to prohibit " those twin relics of barbarism, polygamy and slavery." (4) Denounced the Kansas policy of the administration, and all effort to set up a pro-slavery government there, in defiance of the will of the people. (5) The immediate admission of Kansas with her Free State Constitution. (6) Government aid for a Pacific Railroad. (7) A system of In- ternal Improvement. The Whigs, or what was left of them, met at Baltimore, Sept. 17, 1856. They, in common with the Know-Nothings, de- nounced the Democratic and Republican parties as sectional, and then, without further endorsing or discussing the Know- Nothing principles, agreed to support Fillmore and Donelson, because they regarded the country as already in a state of civil war, and believed that their election would be the best means of restoring peace. The Whig name now disappears from the party lists. After an exciting campaign, involving a wide discussion of principles, the election in November showed i State (Maryland) for Fillmore; il free States for Fremont; 14 slave States and the rest of the free (19 in all) States for Buchanan. THIRTY-FOURTH CONGRESS—Sccond Session.— Met Dec. I, 1856. The result of the Presidential election had served to tighten party lines. The Anti-Nebraska Men (now Republi- cans) were numerically the strongest body (108) in the Mouse, but could not command a majority as against the Democrats (83) and Americans (43) or Know-Nothings. The Senate stood 40 Democrats; 15 Republicans; 5 Americans. THE KANSAS QUESTION.— Th^ dispersion of the Free PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 555 State Legislature at Topeka, Jan. 6, 1857, by Federal troops, and the arrest of its officers and many members, again brought the question prominently before Congress. The House passed a bill declaring the acts of the Pro-Slavery Legislature op- pressive and void, which the Senate tabled. A change of governors from Geary, who had lost caste with the Pro-Slavery Legislature, to Robert J. Walker, Miss., gave respite from dis- cussion for the time being. TARIFF OF 1857. — While this session showed a spirit of generosity in encouraging railroad enterprises in the West by grants of public lands, it struck the country a cruel blow on the very last day of the session (March 3) by enacting the tariff of 1857. This measure reduced duties all along the line of imports, and on leading articles almost to such rales as were wont to prevail before the war of 1812, and had prevailed at no time since except at the end of the sliding scale (1841) provided by the act of 1833.* The electoral count in February showed 174 votes for Bu- chanan and Breckinridge ; 1 14 for Fremont and Dayton ; 8 for Fillmore and Donelson. Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1857. The candidates elect were sworn into office, March 4, 1857. XVIII. BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION. March 4, 1857— March 3, 1861. James Buchanan, Pa., Presidetit. John C. Breckinridge, Ky,, Vice-President. Congresses. Sessions. Thirty-fifth Congress. { J; "^^^^^^^ \ IssS-MaJch^'fss^g. „ „ f I, December 5, 18150 — Tune 21;, i860. Thirty-sixth Congress. | ^^ December 3, i86^March 3, 1861. * This year (1857) occurred a great financial panic, during which there were 5,123 commercial failures. The administration was compelled to borrow money at a dis- count of 8 to 10 per cent. 556 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. ELECTORAL VOTE^ Basis of States. 93.423- Alabama 7 Arkansas 2 California 2 Connecticut 4 Delaware I Florida i Georgia 8 Illinois 9 Indiana II Iowa 2 Kentucky lO Louisiana 4 Maine 6 Maryland 6 Massachusetts II Michigan 4 Mississippi 5 Missouri 7 New Hampshire.. .. 3 New Jersey 5 New York JiZ North Carolina. ... 8 Ohio 21 Pennsylvania 25 Rhode Island 2 South Carolina .... 6 Tennessee 10 Texas 2 Vermont 3 Virginia 13 Wisconsin 3 Totals 234 Democrat. Republican. American. Vote. 9 4 4 6 3 3 10 II 13 4 12 6 13 6 7 9 5 7 35 10 23 27 4 8 12 4 5 15 _i 296 James J. C. John C. Wm. L. Millard A. I. Buchanan, Breckin- Fremont, Dayton, Fillmore, Donelson, Pa. 9 4 4 3 3 10 II 13 12 27 's 12 4 15 ridge, Ky. 9 4 4 3 3 10 II 13 12 6 Cal. N.J. N. Y. 27 's 12 4 15 174 174 5 114 _5 114 "S" .Continued. THE CABINET. Secretary of State Lewis Cass, Mich. Secretary of Treasury Howell Cobb, Ga. Secretary of War John B. Floyd, Va. Secretary of Navy Isaac Toucey, Conn. Secretary of Interior Jacob Thompson, Miss. . . . Attorney-General Jeremiah S. Black, Pa. Postmaster-General Aaron V. Brown. POLITICAL SITUATION.— A glance at the electoral vote show.s that the persistent effort of the pro-slavery leaders to unify the Democratic yarty in their interest had at last succeeded. * The popular vote was, Buchanan, 1,838,169 — 19 States; Fremont, 1,341,264— II States; Fillmore, 874,534—1 Stale. PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 557 Buchanan's election was a triumph for the South. The large vote for the Republican nominee showed the possibilities of the new party. The popular vote of the country was largely against the Democrats. The American or Fillmore vote represented those who wished to ignore the Slavery question. As things were shaping they must swing to some positive position ere long. It but remained for the Republicans to take a firm stand on the Slavery question. The agitation was sure to go on, and that in a way which must weaken Democracy by schism, for the extreme Southern leaders were beginning to see that the " Squat- ter Sovereignty " idea was not one which would bring them slavery extension, but would in the end defeat their long cher- ished intentions. They found that they were not natural colonizers, and that to establish a plantation in Kansas, or any Territory, and stock it with slaves, was a very different thing from taking up a small tract by a free-footed young farmer, ambitious to plow, sow and reap for himself This was where " Squatter Sovereignty " was proving deadly. Not much wonder that when the extreme Southern Democrats saw their mistake — or rather repented of their commitment to it, for they never favored it except as a means, perhaps their only means then, of capturing the entire Democratic organization — they backed away from it, charged its recognized authors or expounders, Douglas and others, with weak, unfair, and even treacherous, dealing, and finally resorted to the plan of a separate con- federacy.* DRED SCOTT DECISION.— Ihc decision of the U. S. * Two other methods of adding to the diminishing political importance of the South had been broached. One was to reopen the African slave trade. Tliis would provide a means of pouring into the Territories an unlimited stream of slave immigrants, and thus competing with the greater numbers and resources of the North. The other was to conquer and annex Cuba and Central America. This was the meaning of the Lopez filibustering expedition which started from New Orleans (1851) for Cuba. And so with the Walker filibustering expedition, from the same place (1855), which operated on Central America. As encouragement to this idea of conquest and annexation, the Ostend Manifesto was proclaimed by our American ministers in England, France and Spain, citing that the safety of the United States required the acquisition of Cuba. 558 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. Supreme Court, delivered by Chief Justice Taney, March 6, 1856, in the Dred Scott case, awakened intense interest, and be- gat feelings of alarm thoughout the North. Its political effect was to bring the position of the extreme pro-slavery Democrats into bold relief When Calhoun, years before, asked that the Constitution be extended to the Territories, he had two lines of thought: (i) That the Constitution sanctioned slavery. (2) That its extension would extend slavery, for a slave was property as anything else material was property. As wc have seen, he was driven from this ultra position, or rather his position became un- tenable, by reason of the growth of the " Squatter Sovereignty " idea. But now the Supreme Court had come squarely to his position, and even gone beyond it.* Notwithstanding the slave was by the Constitution and for purposes of representation three- fifths of a freeman, he became by the decision a chattel " without rights or privileges except such as those who held the power and the government might choose to grant him." The plaintiff, Dred Scott, was not even a plaintiff in court, but a mere thing without status, and his case was dismissed for want of jurisdic- tion. Further, the Compromise of 1820 was unconstitutional, and no act of Congress could be passed under the Constitution * As this important case was the last pro-slavery effort to sustain itself by form of law, and as the drift thenceforth is toward armed arbitrament, it is well to know its history. The case opened : Dred Scott ( U. S. Circuit Court, Dist. Missouri. vs. } To April T., 1854. John F. A. Sanford. ( Trespass Viet armis. The plaintiff, Dred Scott, was an original slave of J. F. A. Sanford, of Missouri. His owner resided in Illinois, a free State, with him from 183410 1838. He further resided with him in Minnesota Territory, free soil also, as being north of 36° 30'', the Missouri Compromise line of 1820. He then removed back to Missouri with him. The slave there resisted a flogging by bringing suit for damages, on the plea that residence in Illinois and Minnesota had made him a free man. The defense was that a descendant of slave ancestors could never be free, was not a citizen, had no status in court. The plaintiff won in the District Court. An appeal brought it to the Supreme Court. The opinion of the Chief Justice was not unanimous, but dis- senting opinions were filed. At the time of the decision many of the free States had laws, and all were operating on the principle, to the effect that a slave leaving his slave State and entering a free one was no longer a slave, but free. For the opinions in full, see Howard's U. S. Supreme Court Reports, vol. 19, p. 393. PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 559 with a view to preventing a slaveholder from entering any State or Territory with his slave property any more than from enter- ing it with his goods and chattels of whatever description. The legal effect of the decision was not only to wipe out the Compromise measure of 1820, which had been done construc- tively by those of 1850, but to wipe out those of 1850 also, which had introduced the Squatter or Popular Sovereignty idea ; that is, the idea of leaving the question of slavery to be decided by the people of the Territories when they came to form State Constitu- tions. It, in fine, opened all the Territories and all the free States, to the advent of slavery, no matter what their local laws might say on the subject. It nationalized the institution, by degrading the slave to the level of a horse, cow, plow or carriage, and over- rode every sentiment of humanity respecting him, as well as the old and well-established notion that as an institution slavery was a creature of State, or local, enactments. The decision was all too plainly a reflex of the extreme Southern sentiment to meet with sanction from the North, and as it destroyed the hope of Douglas and his now important Democratic following for a settlement of the question on the basis of Popular Sovereignty, they began to drift away from the regular party organization. THIRTY-FIFTH CONGRESS-Y\xs\. Session.-Met Dec. 7, 1857. The Presidential election carried along with it a Demo- cratic majority in both branches of the Congress. The Senate stood 39 Democrats, 20 Republicans, 5 Americans ; the House 131 Democrats, 92 Republicans, 14 Americans. The tone of the parties was different also. The Republicans were squarely across the way of the Democrats. The Democrats were emboldened by recent successes, and by the fact that the administration was heartily with them. This latter they had been assured of by the message, which was all they could have wished. On the absorbing question of slavery as presented by the Kansas diffi- culty, the President took the ground that the State ought to be admitted at once under the Lecompton Constitution,* which sanctioned slavery. * The pro-Slavery party had (1855) adopted the Pawnee Constitution, which was simply the Constitution of Missouri, with a criminal code added raising numerous 560 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. The House organized by electing James L. Orr, S. C, Demo- crat, Speaker, A contest immediately arose over a bill, framed in accordance with the President's suggestion, to admit Kansas under the Lecompton Constitution. For three months the con- tention was bitter, abusive, and sectional. The Republicans took the ground that the Lecompton Convention, having been called to frame a Constitution and having done so, the instrument must be ratified by the people before the State could ask for admission. In this they were supported by Douglas, Broderick, Adrian, Hickman, and other Democrats (called Anti-Lecompton Demo- crats), who saw their theory of popular sovereignty destroyed if the people were to be denied an opportunity to express their preferences for or against slavery in their Constitution, by direct vote on the instrument itself The Southern Democrats stood solid for the bill and the President's position, that the delegates having been called to make a Constitution, there was no need of submitting it to the people. The bill passed the Senate. In the House it passed with the proviso that the Constitution should be first voted on by the people. A conference bill was finally agreed upon, which must be set down as an inexcusable, if not shameless, piece of legislation, inasmuch as it offered a bribe to the State to adopt the Lecompton Constitution. This bill ad- mitted the State with the House proviso, and the additional proviso that in case it adopted the Lecompton Constitution, it should have a large grant of public lands. To the credit of the Territory this did not have the desired effect, and on the sub- offences against slavery and imposing the death penalty. Not wishing to submit this to the people they called another Convention to meet at Lecompton to frame a Constitution. Tiiiswas submitted to the people for ratification (December, 1857) by ballots printed "Constitution with Slavery," and " Constitution without Slavery." As this gave the voter who was opposed to other features of the instrument no opportunity to record his views, the Free State party refused to vote, and refused to consider it a submission of the instrument to popular verdict. They, therefore, through the Territorial Legislature, which body they had secured control of at a regular election in which both parties participated, ordered another election which would give the people an opportunity to vote for or against the Constitution, and not for or against a single clause in it. This w.-is the election held in August, 1858, which repudiated the Constitution by nearly 10,000 majority. PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 5^1 mission of the Constitution to the people, Aug. 2, 1858, it was rejected by an overwhelming majority. Minnesota became a State in the Union, May 11, 1858. Congress adjourned, June 14, 1858. THIRTY-FIFTH CONGRFS S—Second Session.— Met Dec. 6, 1858. The session was barren of political results, though much discussion was had over slavery, the disposition of public lands among heads of families, afterwards known as the Home- stead policy, and the appropriation of public lands for school purposes. Oregon entered the Union, Feb. 14, 1859. Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1859. AN EXCITING 5t/l/J/7?7?.— The supreme topic was slavery, and Kansas was the pivot on which it turned. The rejection of the Lecompton Constitution with slavery gave opportunity for another convention, at Wyandot, July, 1859, which drafted the Wyandot Constitution without slavery. This was ratified by the people, by a majority of 4,000. It was the Constitution under which Kansas was afterwards admitted, Jan. 29, 1861. This verdict of the people of Kansas in favor of a free State showed that there was nothing in the popular sovereignty idea upon which slavery could rely. The affair of John Brown at Harper's Ferry, Oct. 17, 1859, shocked sentiment both North and South. The audacity of his effort to stir up a slave insurrection, or to advance the anti- slavery cause by seizure of a town, and by armed force, awakened at first a feeling of repulsion. But the anger it begat, in the slave States, their eagerness to arm for defense, their desire to implicate the entire North in the raid, and their swift execution of the criminal, had the effect of eclipsing his crime by sympathy for the man, and by further animosity toward slavery itself The hanging of John Brown, Dec. 2, 1859, at Charlestown, W. Va., marks the date when the discussion of the right and wrong of slavery passed all political limits, and became general in social circles, in jurisprudence, and in religion. THIRTY-SIXTH CONGRESS— Yix->t Session.— Met Dec 5, 1859. The Congressional elections had resulted favorably to the Republicans, and, though without a majority in the House, 36 562 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. they outnumbered any other party. Analysis of the respective branches showed, in the Senate, 38 Democrats, 25 Repubhcans, 2 Americans; House, 109 Republicans, 86 Democrats, 13 Anti- Lecompton Democrats, 22 Americans. This situation led to a protracted dispute over the organization of the House. Balloting was carried on two months, before it resulted in the choice of William Pennington, Republican, N. J., as Speaker. The application of Kansas for admission under the Wyandot Free State Constitution opened the slavery discussion with all its accustomed severity and prolixity. The House admitted the State, but the Senate rejected it, and engaged in a lengthy and desperate attempt to get back to the old Calhoun position that slavery in the Territories was beyond the jurisdiction of either Congress or the Territorial Legislatures ; in other words, that it must follow the Federal Constitution, and was inherent in the common law regarding personal property. An effort to pass a Homestead bill drew strictly party debate. The pro-slavery Democrats opposed the policy of cheap lands to immigrants. The Kansas experience had proved that the more populous North was the best colonizer, and that any extra inducement would only lead to an increased number of Free States. A spirited party discussion sprang up over the report of the com- mittee appointed at the instance of Mr. Covode, Pa., and known as the " Covode Investigation," to examine into the conduct of the Administration respecting the admission of Kansas as a slave State. The report found the Administration guilty of bribing members and editors to advocate the admission of the State under the Lecompton Constitution. Congress adjourned, June 25, i860. ELECTION OF i860. — The Democratic National Conven- tion met at Charleston, S. C, April 23, i860. Delegates were present from all the States, to the number of 303. Caleb Cush- ing, Mass., presided. An early division of sentiment respecting slavery arose. The Southern and all extreme pro-slavery Democrats held that, under the Dred Scott decision, slavery could not be interdicted in the Territories. The Douglas Dem- ocrats held scjuarcly to the doctrine of squatter, or popular sqv- PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 553 ereignty. The dispute over these positions was so grave and lengthy that balloting for a candidate did not begin till May ist. After fifty-seven ineffectual ballots, no choice appeared. Stephen A. Douglas, 111., stood highest, but never rose above 153 votes, 202 being necessary to a choice, under the two-thirds rule. A Douglas, or Popular Sovereignty platform had been adopted by the convention, and thereupon many delegates from the Southern States withdrew. Seeing that no choice was possible, the con- vention adjourned to meet at Baltimore, June 18. The places of the withdrawn delegates had, in the meantime, been filled by those favorable to Mr. Douglas. The nominees therefore became Stephen A. Douglas, 111., for President, and Herschel V. Johnson, Ga., for Vice-President. A portion of this convention also se- ceded, and met the seceded Charleston convention on the 28th. The platform affirmed the Cincinnati platform of 1856, and added clauses pledging Democracy to a Pacific Railroad, and govern- ment aid therefor ; favoring the acquisition of Cuba ; denouncing State enactments designed to defeat the Fugitive Slave law ; ac- quiescence in Supreme Court decisions, but construction of them in the vein of Popular Sovereignty. The seceders from the Charleston Convention organized in Charleston and adjourned to meet in Richmond, June 11. They then adjourned to meet in Baltimore, June 28. Here they were reinforced by the seceders from the Baltimore Conven- tion, under the lead of Butler and Cushing. The nominees be- came John C. Breckinridge, Ky., for President, and Joseph Lane, Oregon, for Vice-President. The platform affirmed the Cincin- nati platform of 1856, and pledged the party to a Pacific Rail- road ; to the acquisition of Cuba ; favored the execution of the Fugitive Slave law ; announced that the unorganized territory of the United States was open to all citizens with whatever kind of property ; that the federal government must protect the rights of persons and property wherever its authority extends ; that the right of sovereignty begins when the settlers in a territory have a population adequate to the formation of a State constitu- tion, and is consummated by the admission of the State, and that then its people stand on a par with the people of all the 564 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. States, and the State ought to be admitted with or without slavery, as its constitution provides. The Republican National Convention met at Chicago, May i6, i860, in the " Wigwam," built for the purpose. Delegates were present from all the Northern States and from Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky, Missouri and Virginia, with scattering representatives from all the Southern States except the Gulf States. The work of the Convention ended in a single day by the nomination of Abraham Lincoln, 111., for President, and Hannibal Hamlin, Me., for Vice-President. The platform an- nounced: (i) the necessity of the Republican party; (2) main- tenance of the principles of the Declaration ; (3) denounced all schemes of disunion ; (4) maintenance of the rights of States ; (5) denounced the administration for attempting to force Kansas in as a slave State under the Lecompton constitution and con- trary to the will of her people ; (6) decried the extravagance of the administration ; (7) the normal condition of the Territories is free, and no stock in the dogma that the constitution carries slavery there ; (8) the admission of Kansas as a free State ; (9) protection to American industry, a Homestead law, a Pacific Railroad, Internal Improvement. The American party, under the title of " Constitutional Union," met at Baltimore, May 9, i860. Twenty States were repre- sented. John Bell, Tcnn., was nominated for President, and Edward Everett, Mass., for Vice-President. Their only hope of success was in throwing the election into the House. The platform affirmed " the constitution of the country, the union of the States, and the enforcement of the laws." The campaign was vigorously conducted. There was much argument over the respective attitudes of the parties on the slavery question. On the part of Republicans spectacular features were introduced after the manner of the Harrison cam- paign of 1840. Mr. Lincoln was pictured as " The Rail Splitter" of the West, with telling effect among farmers and the industrial classes. As the campaign advanced and the hopelessness of the pro-slavery Democrats increased, they began to turn their atten- tion to the remedy which secession provided, The November Presidents and administrations. 555 result was a choice of Republican electors from every free State, except New Jersey, which gave four for Lincoln and three for Douglas, and a consequent majority in the Electoral College. This led to prompt action on the part of South Carolina, whose Legislature was then (November) in session to choose electors. Instead of doing so that body called a State Convention, which, Dec. 17, i860, passed the first " Ordinance of Secession." THIRTY-SIXTH CONGRESS— Second Session. — Met Dec. 3, i860. Probably no session of Congress was ever called upon to meet so many new and grave propositions. Cer- tainly none had ever convened amid such serious surroundings. The only situation analogous to it was in 1832, when South Carolina attempted to nullify the Tariff Act of 1828. Then Jackson took strong ground in his message against the right of a State to contravene national legislation, and promptly applied enough force to hold the dissatisfied State to her place in the Union. Mr. Buchanan's message took the Jackson view of the situation, but when it came to applying coercive means, he doubted if a State's obedience could be compelled, for the reason that compulsion meant war, and war on a State was not author- ized by the constitution. This message, so disappointing to the Union sentiment of the country and so encouraging to the Secession sentiment, brought a stream of compromising efforts, prominent among which was one introduced by John J. Crittenden, Ky., re-establishing the old line of 36° 30' as a permanent constitutional boundary be- tween slave and free States. This did not meet the favor of the Republicans, and without their endorsement the pro-slavery Democrats refused to entertain it. Legislation was virtually suspended for a time to await the action of the " Peace Cengress," which assembled in Washing- ton, Feb. 4, 1 86 1. This had been called at the request of the Legislature of Virginia (Jan. 19), and was composed of dele- gates from thirteen Free and seven Border States. It affirmed by a close vote the Crittenden proposition, and made several concessions, chiefly with a view of keeping the Southern border States from falling into the secession whirlpool, and of inducing 566 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. some of the less hasty cotton States to retrace their steps. Con- gress did not accept its measures, but passed what was known as the Douglas amendment to the constitution, which affirmed the popular sovereignt)' method of dealing with slavery in the Territories, and raised a guarantee of non-interference with slavery in the States. This amendment was never submitted to the States or people, owing to the rapid secession of the States and the beginning of hostilities. As the Southern States seceded (see below), their members of Congress withdrew. The Republican majority became strong in both Houses. Kansas was admitted as a free State under the Wyandot Constitution, Jan. 29, 1861. Other Territories, as Nevada, Colorado and Dakota, were organized, without mention of slavery, so as to avoid conflict with the Dred Scott decision. The Republican majority took advanced ground relative to the powers vested in the Constitution and Congress. The doctrine that this was a nation and not a league, and that a nation had a right to protect itself from within as well as without, took firm hold. The Tariff Act of March 2, 1861, which increased duties, affirmed the principle of protection. The kindred prin- ciple of Internal Improvement by the National government was so fully established as to be placed beyond future question by any party. Loans were authorized and an issue of Treasury notes ordered, thus carrying the implied powers of the Constitution to the limit which extreme necessity demanded. In February the Electoral count was made, showing 180 votes for Lincoln and Hamlin, 72 for Breckinridge and Lane, 39 for Bell and Everett, and 12 for Douglas and Johnson. Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1861. SECESSION MOVEMENT.— Secession from the Union as a remedy for grievances, real or imaginary, had been made familiar by that school of statesmen who regarded the Constitu- tion as in the nature of a compact between the States and Gov- ernment, and who insisted on a strict interpretation of that in- strument. They would tolerate no stretch of power on the part of the government, not even for the purpose of preservation, but claimed that in all matters of doubt the States should have tlic PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 567 benefit of it, and that where a grievance existed the State was to be the judge, preferring its own integrity and honor. The griev- ance now was that growth of anti-slavery sentiment in the coun- try made manifest in poHtical form by the election of Lincoln, which would forever crush further hope of slavery extension and prove a standing menace to the institution as it existed in the States. South Carolina's call of a convention was the signal for simi- lar action throughout the South. The movement was rapid and concerted. It did not even hesitate at the responsibility of armed trial to insure success.* The Southern Congress met at Mont- gomery, Alabama, Feb. 4, 1861, delegates being present from seven seceded States. It formed the Government of the Con- federate States of America. Its Constitution was, in the main, the one it had repudiated, a clause recognizing slavery and one forbidding a protective tariff being the most radical differences. Officers were elected, a cabinet chosen, the machinery of inde- pendent government started, an attitude of war assumed. All government property was seized and confiscated, forts were erected, men were enlisted, equipped and drilled, and armies were actually on their feet, while the Congress and the States of the North were listlessly watching the unfolding of the terrible situation or wasting precious time in what proved to be idle schemes of compromise. XIX. LINCOLN'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION. March 4, 1 861— March 3, 1865. Abraham Lincoln, III., President. Hannibal Hamlin, Me., Vice-President. Congresses. Sessions. ( I, July 4, 1861 — August 6, 1861 — Extra Sewion. Thirty-seventh Congress. \ 2. December 2, 1861— July 17, 1862. [3, December i, 1862 — March 3, 1863. * For going and coming of the seceding States, see page 141. 568 Congt-ess. Thirty-eighth Congress PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. Sessions. ( I, December 7, 1863 — July 4, 1864, \ 2, December 5, 1864 — March 3, 1865. ELECTORAL VOTE* Republican. Democrat. Const. Union or Ar Alabama 7 Arkansas 2 California 2 Connecticut 4 Delaware I Florida I Georgia 8 Illinois 9 Indiana il Iowa 2 Kentucky 10 Louisiana 4 Maine 6 Maryland 6 Massachusetts 1 1 Michigan 4 Minnesota 2 Mississippi 5 Missouri 7 New Hampshire . . 3 New Jersey 5 New York 33 North Carolina.. .. 8 Ohio 21 Oregon i Pennsylvania 25 Rhode Island 2 South Carolina.. .. 6 Tennessee 10 Texas 2 Vermont 3 Virginia 13 Wisconsin 3 Totals 237 9 4 4 6 3 3 10 II 13 4 12 6 13 e 4 7 9 5 7 35 10 23 3 27 4 8 12 4 5 15 __5 303 II 13 4 6 5 4 35 23 3 27 4 5 180 II 13 4 13 6 5 4 35 23 3 27 4 180 u 9 4 3 3 10 10 3 3 10 IS 72 39 IS "39 * The popular vote was, Lincoln, 1,866,352 — 17 States, N. J. divided; Doag- lai, 1,375,157 — I State, N. J., divided; Breckinridge, 845,763 — il Slates; Bell, 589,581—3 States. PRESIDENTS FROM 1S53 TO 1S69. 569 570 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. THE CABINET. Secretary of State W. H. Seward, N. Y. Secretary of Treasury Salmon V. Chase, Ohio. Secretary of War Simon Cameron, Pa. Secretary of Navy Gideon Welles, Conn. Secretary of Interior Caleb P. Smith. Attorney-General Edward Bates, Mo. Postmaster-General Montgomery Blair, Md. POLITICAL SITUATION.— \\hQx\ Lincoln came to Wash- ington to be inaugurated the Southern Confederacy was formed. Of it Alexander H. Stephens, its Vice-President, said, March 21, 1861 : "The new Constitution (Confederate) has put at rest for- ever all the agitating questions relating to our peculiar institu- tions — African slavery as it exists among us — the proper status of the negro in our form of civilization. This was the imme- diate cause of the late rupture and present revolution. Jeffer- son, in his forecast, had anticipated this as the ' rock upon which the old Union would split.' . . . The prevailing ideas enter- tained by him (Jefferson) and most of the leading statesmen of the time were that slavery was a violation of the laws of nature, that it was wrong in principle, socially, morally and politically, and that somehow or other it would prove evanescent and pass away. . . . Those ideas were fundamentally wrong. They rested on the assumption of the equality of the races. This was an error. It was a sandy foundation, and the idea of a govern- ment built on it ' when the storm came and the wind blew it fell.' Our new government rests on exactly the opposite idea. Its foundations are laid, its corner-stone rests upon the great truth that the negro is not the equal of the white man ; that slavery — subordination to the superior race — is his natural and normal condition. This, our new government, is the first in the history of the world based on this great physical and moral truth." To convert this Confederacy of form into one of fact was the Southern cause. The condition was one of war already, so far as the South was concerned. There had been for some time a systematic transfer of government arms and munitions of war from Northern to Southern arsenals, and these had speedily sur- rendered to insurgent demands. The naval vessels had been scattered in remote foreign parts, and were not immediately 572 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. available for either defensive or offensive purposes. The Federal soldiery within the Southern States had given up their forts and stations or were besieged therein. National finance was con- fused, the Treasury empty, the credit worthless. Seceded States were being reinforced by the secession of others. Officers in the army, navy and in places of trust and power were resigning every day to join their fortunes with those of their States, to the consternation of the loyal members of the government and to the utter demoralization of all machinery and system. No of- ficial knew whom to confide in, how to organize, what to do. It seemed as if secession had tainted everything and undermined everything. Let Union effort take what shape it would, it was confused by the uncertainty of its surroundings, or balked by in- genious constructions of laws and Constitution. The logic of Attorney-General Black, which led to the conclusion that " the Union must totally perish at the moment when Congress shall arm one part of the people against another for any purpose be- yond that of merely protecting the general government in the exercise of its proper Constitutional functions," had resulted in fatal hesitation on the part of the government and was to par- alyze it still worse. Add to all the real danger to life from deeply laid and widely ramified plots, and some faint idea of the situation may dawn, as President Lincoln was forced to see it on March 4, 1861. His inaugural was conservative, assuring to the Southern States that slavery would not be disturbed in the States if they would seek a peaceful remedy for their grievances, invited Con- stitutional amendments for the troubles, and closed : " In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. The government will not assail yoti. You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. You have no oath registered in heaven to destroy the government, while I shall have the most solemn one to preserve, protect and defend it." The President proceeded to supply the Union garrison in Fort Sumter. This was what President Buchanan had hesitated to do, the Confederates having said they would regard it as a coer- 574 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. cive act. They began a bombardment of the fort, April 13, 1 86 1, and on April 14, after a fire of thirty hours, the flag was lowered in surrender. This first overt act of rebellion, and this first triumph of civil war, disillusioned the country, and resent- ment took the place of conciliation. For a time Democrats and Republicans united in demanding sturdy measures, not only to wipe out insult to the flag, but to force the erring States into the restraints imposed by the Constitution and laws. Armed attack must be repelled, the majesty of law vindicated, the dignity of order conserved, the unity of the nation restored, the supreme strength of the government asserted throughout its jurisdiction, and all in the now necessarily armed and forceful way invited by the magnitude, vigor and determination of the attack. The issue thus joined was the Great American Rebellion of 1861 ; or, The Civil War in the United States of America. THIRTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS— Extra Session.— Called for July 4, 1 86 1. The President had promptly recognized the condition of civil war and called for 75,000 volunteers. These were plainly inadequate, for the Confederacy of seven seceded States had grown to eleven. The doubtful border States had become a raiding ground for Confederate forces. Armies, fully equipped, strong in numbers, ably officered, fierce in determina- tion, were swarming into strategical places and centering on the Capital of the nation. Men must be had for defensive as well as offensive measures. Materials of war must also be provided — money, guns, ammunition, equipments. Hence this extra ses- sion, in which only the Northern and border States were repre- sented. Both branches were Republican. The Senate stood 3 1 Republicans, 1 1 Democrats, and 5 War Democrats ; the House 106 Republicans, 42 Democrats and 28 War Democrats. The House organized by electing Galusha A. Grow, Pa., Republican, Speaker. Happily for the country, there was a strong prepon- derance of the Union element, and such prevalence of the liberal construction doctrines, in the presence of dire necessity, as freed energetic war measures from the tedious debates which they had hitherto provoked. The disastrous affair of Bull Run (July 21, 1 861) proved an additional incentive to speedy and vigorous HANNIBAL HAMLIN. JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. SIMON CAMERON. STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS. 575 578 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. legislation, for it further disclosed the determination of the Con- federates, helped tiie Unionists to understand the magnitude of the force they had to meet, and proved the immincncy of the danger which hung over the capital. The President was therefore empowered to call out 500,000 volunteers, a national loan was authorized, appropriations were made for the army and navy, an act was passed for the punish- ment of conspiracy and for the confiscation of all property used against the government, and as a means for additional revenue an amended Tariff act was passed, Aug. 5, 1861, which con- siderably increased the duties and contained distinctive protec- tive features. The anti-war or peace Democrats interjected measures of negotiation and compromise into all the delibera- tions on war measures, but the hour for procrastination had passed, and it was not deemed expedient nor proper to further parley with armed, and thus far triumphant, rebellion. After resolutions pledging further men and money to the administra- tion, should they become necessary to aid in the suppression of the. rebellion and the execution of the laws, the Congress ad- journed, August 6, 1 86 1. THIRTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS— ¥\rs\. Regular Session. — Met December 2, 1861. Like the preceding, this was a War Session. The Democrats had somewhat recovered from the shock occasioned by the firing on Sumter, and had drawn their lines sufficiently close to make a party issue of many of the most vigorous war measures. Over the question of" what to do with captured slaves?" they took positive ground against the bills which were passed, forbidding the return of fugitives and declaring those free who were employed against the government and for insurrectionary purposes,* and so of the bill prescribing * This is not said of the pronounced War Democrats, who were in concert witli the Republicans on active war measures, nor even of those who, in official position, ixsed the privilege of a minority to freely and intelligently criticise the acts of a ma- jority. It is said of those who sought to hold the organization and to commit it to a decided anti-war policy ; who even went so far as to encourage opposition to the war among their constituents, and keep up the spirit of the Confederates by aiding associations like the " Knights of the Golden Circle," " Sons of Liberty," etc., whose objects were to release prisoners of war, invite raids, engage in conspiracies 37 578 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. the " Iron-Clad Oath," whose design was to exclude from gov* ernment service all who were engaged in rebellion or who sym- pathized with it. The session witnessed the passage of a bill giving public lands to the States for the endowment of Agricul- tural Colleges ; also the passage of the Homestead Bill, which had been so frequently before Congress since the formation of the Republican party. An increase in Tariff rates was made by the act of Dec. 24, 1861. Congress adjourned, July 17, 1862. rHIRTY-SEVEXTH CONGRESS— Second Session.— Met Dec. I, 1862. A War Session, in the midst of national neces- sity more imperative than ever. Large appropriations were made for army and navy purposes. The Treasury was authorized to negotiate further loans. But ready money was scarce. There was no currency adequate to the huge transactions of the war, and none uniform. In this strait the Congress sanctioned a National (Greenback) Currency, after long and able discussion involving its constitutionality, the meaning of the power " to coin money and issue bills of credit," the inherent right of the government to protect itself, the analogy furnished by the old National Bank, the respective attitude of parties on the question from the beginning. Nor was the situation simplified when the question of more men came up. This involved the draft as a means of procuring soldiers, with all the technical objections which a strict construc- tion of the constitution gave rise to. The act which passed pro- voked the hostility of anti-war Democrats throughout the entire North, and in several States the Courts held it unconstitutional. Its enforcement in New York gave rise to the riots of July, 1863, which were only suppressed by armed interference of the Federal authorities. Another measure, made necessary by the exigency of the hour, was the act to suspend the writ of Habeas Corpus. This also excited the opposition and enmity of all who wished to be free to vindicate the Confederate cause, either by writing or speaking in its favor, or by any other act short of actual enlistment under to resist drafts — as in New York — enlist men for the Southern army, and give aid and comfort to the enemy in various ways. %ll!!ltll 580 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. its banners. The peace Democrats vehemently opposed its pas- sage, and it was perhaps the most unpopular of the stringent war measures, saving always the draft act. Dec. 31, 1862, the act to admit West Virginia passed, which took effect June 19, 1863. Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1863. ABOLITION OF SLAVERY.— K\\ the pledges of the free States were of an intent not to interfere with Slavery in the States where it existed. All the negotiations and compromises of 1 86 1 embraced the same idea. Mr. Lincoln, in his inaugural, gave it out that Slavery in the States had nothing to fear from his administration, if the issue of disunion were not further, or violently, pushed. The anti-slavery sentiment was not essentially an abolition sentiment. Even the revulsion of feeling occasioned by the firing on Sumter had not served to lift it to the point of interference with the institution of Slavery within State limits. But the question of Slavery, ever complex, was, after the be- ginning of the war, more complicated than ever. It was forcing itself on the officers of the army at every step. In the field slavery was a part of the Confederate service, contributing to the strength of its armies, helping it to resist the Union troops, aiding it to win victories. It therefore was hostile, as much so as the armies themselves, or as cannon, muskets, ammunition, tents, stores, whose destruction war justified. This the Administration saw. But it saw other things too: (i) A probability of holding the doubtful Border States and making their allegiance firmer by compensating them for their slaves in case they abolished slavery. This the President recom- mended to Congress, March 2, 1862. It was approved, but not accepted by the Border States as being impracticable. In fact it met the opposition of the entire Democratic party. (2) He saw that to take any more decided step at that time would be to alienate the conservative anti-slavery sentiment of the Free States. That is, he did not yet regard the country as educated to the point of necessary or compulsory abolition. (3) He saw that if the rebellion were allowed to drag because of a want of energy on the part of the administration, or fear to cripple any and all the resources which helped to sustain it^ 582 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. the more determined anti-slavery sentiment of the Free States would rise against him and demand aboHtion as necessary to the suppression of civil war. Congress had moved very cautiously, being content with a measure forbidding the return of fugitives, and one declaring free those slaves who were captured while aiding rebellion. General Fremont, in the Department of Missouri, had, Aug. 31, 1 86 1, declared the slaves of rebels free, but the President overruled his order. General B. F. Butler, in Virginia, had declared slaves " contraband of war," and liable to confiscation. Most of the field officers were either returning them to their masters, or hesitating about what to do with them. Rebellion was increasing in vigor, and slaves were part of that energy. By the laws of war the contraband property of the enemy is confiscate. By act of Congress " the property of persons engaged in treason or rebellion against the United States " was liable to seizure and confiscation. The time had come when the weapons of the enemy of whatever kind must be wrenched from his grasp, when the " Union must be saved with slavery," or, that failing, " without it." On Sept. 22, 1862, the President issued his proclamation to tlie effect that he would emancipate " all slaves within any State or designated parts of a State, the people whereof shall be in rebellion against the United States on the 1st day of January, 1863." " If such sections are in good faith represented in Con- gress on that day, it shall be deemed conclusive evidence that such State and the people thereof are not in rebellion against the United States." No attention was paid to this. It was followed, Jan. i, 1863, by the celebrated Emancipation Proclamation, for which the country now seemed ready, " as a fit and necessary war measure for suppressing rebellion." It aj^plied only to the States and portions of States actually in rebellion, and which were unrepre- sented in Congress, or were not in the possession of the Union armies. Two years afterwards (February i, 1865) the Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution passed the Congress, and was ratified by three-fourths of the States, so as to become effective 8 /M,- /''/•:: 584 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. by Dec. l8, 1865. It is in almost the precise words of the his- toric ordinance of 1787 relative to the territory northwest of the Ohio. This amendment ended African slavery in the United States of America. THIRTY-EIGHTH CONGRESS— Y\xs\ Session.— Met Dec. 7, 1863. The House organized by electing Schuyler Colfax, Republican, Indiana, Speaker. The Senate contained 36 Re- publicans and 14 Democrats; the House 102 Republicans and 83 Democrats. Nine of the latter were from the Border States. The Union Democrats had mostly gone entirely over to the Republicans. Some, however, had gone back into the regular Democratic organization, which was now pretty squarely on an anti-war basis. The session was prolific of war measures, on most of which party lines were strictly drawn. That which excited most bitter debate was the repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850 by a vote of 27 to 12 in the Senate, and 86 to 60 in the House. The Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution passed the Senate, but did not pass the House by the requisite two-thirds till the next session. Among the revenue bills were those creating a system of Internal Revenue by a tax on domestic manufactures, one imposing a tax on incomes over ;$6oo which was very unpopular and short-lived, and one creat- ing the system of National Banks. All these were compara- tively new measures, justified by the condition of the country and a state of war, yet at variance with the strict construction notions on which the Democrats based a determined opposition. On June 30, the Tariff Act of 1864 was passed, which increased the rate of duties, and made them still more protective. Con- gress adjourned, July 4, 1864. ELECTION OF 1864.— The Republican National Conven- tion met at Baltimore, June 7, 1864, and renominated for Presi- dent, Abraham Lincoln,* 111., and for Vice-President, Andrew Johnson, Tenn. The nomination of the latter was a recognition of the Union men of the South. The platform: (i) Pledged * Mr. Lincoln had inclined to the one term idea, Init by advanced endorsement for a second term among the Legislatures of the Northern States, as in the case of Jackfon for his second term, he concluded to stand. 586 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. the party to aid the government in the suppression of rebelh'on. (2) No peace except one based on unconditional surrender of al! armed rebels. (3) An amendment to the Constitution pro- hibiting slavery. (4) Thanks to soldiers for maintaining the flag. (5) Approval of the course of administration. (6) No vio- lation of the laws of war. (7) Favored foreign immigration and a Pacific Railroad. (8) The national faith pledged to the redemption of the public debt must be kept inviolate,- (9) Ap- proval of the " Monroe doctrine." The Democratic National Convention met at Chicago, Aug. 29, 1864, and nominated for President, George B. McClellan, N. J., and for Vice-President, George H. Pendleton, Ohio. The convention was dominated by the reactionary or peace wing of the party, called by their opponents " Copperheads." The platform announced: (i) Adhesion to the Union under the Constitution. (2) Demanded, " after four years of failure to restore the Union by war," a cessation of hostilities and a peace convention. (3) Denounced military interference with elections as revolutionary. (4) Objects of the party are to preserve the Union and the rights of the States unimpaired. (5) Denunciation of the war measures in general. (6) Administration denounced for disre- gard of duty to prisoners of war. (7) Sympathy of the party for soldiers and sailors. A Convention of Radical Men met at Cleveland, Ohio, May 31, 1864, and nominated John C. Fremont, Cal., for President, and John C. Cochrane, N. Y., for Vice-President. They adopted a platform nearly like that of the Republicans, but with a clause endorsing the one term principle. This was designed to head off the renomination of Lincoln, who had given offense to them by his tardy action respecting slavery. The candidates with- drew in favor of the Baltimore nominees. The position taken by the Democrats in their platform to the effect that the war was a failure, and that its cessation was demanded by the country, presented an issue which the Repub- licans met squarely, and with confidence. The result was a popular verdict in their favor, not only in the Presidential but in the Cone"ressional contests. 588 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. THIRTY-EIGHTH CONGRESS— Second Session.— Met Dec. 5, 1864. Necessary war measures were passed, the Thir- teenth Amendment to the Constitution by the House, and the bill creating the Freedmen's Bureau. The status of the rebellious States came up in the proceedings attending the electoral count in February. Both Houses regarded them in such a condition as to make a valid election for President within their borders and under our laws impossible. Their vote was, therefore, not considered. The count showed 212 votes for Lincoln and John- son, and 21 for McClellan and Pendleton. Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1865. On March 4, Lincoln and Johnson were sworn into office. XX. LINCOLN'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION, AND JOHNSON'S. March 4, 1865— March 3, 1869. Abraham Lincoln, III., President. Andrew Johnson, Tenn., Vice-President. Congresses. Sessions. Thirty-ninth Congress. ( '' December 4, 1865-Tuly 28, 1S66. ( 2, December 3, 1866-March 3, 1867. r I, March 4, 1867-March 30, 1867. 1 Extra ses- I 2, July 3, 1867-July 20, 1867. \ sion with FoRTiKTH Congress. \ 3, November 21, 1867-Dec. 2, 1867. J recesses. 4, December 2, iS67-July 27, 1868. 5, December 7, 1868-March 3, 1869. ELECTORAL VOTE^ Republican. Democrat. Abraham Andrew Gen, B. Geo. H. Basis of Lincoln, Johnson, McClellan, Pendleton, States. 127,381. Vote. 111. Tenn. N. J. Ohio. t.Mabama 6 8 f .\rkansas 3 5 California 3 5 5 c Connecticut 4 6 6 6 Delaware i 3 .. .. 3 3 f Florida i 3 * The popular vote was : Lincoln, 2,216,067 — 22 States; McClellan, 1,808,725 —3 States; not votini;, 11 States. •{• In a state of rebellion. Not voting. 8i votes lost. 590 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS Electoral Vote — Continued. Republican. Democrat. Vote. 9 i6 13 8 3 II 7 7 7 12 8 4 7 II 3 5 7 33 9 21 3 26 4 6 10 6 5 10 5 8 Abr.iham Linculn, 111. 16 7 7 12 8 4 II 2 5 26 4 Andrew Geo. B. Geo. H. Johnson, McCJellan, Penilleton, Tenn. N. J. Ohio. 16 II I vacancy. Basis of States. 127,381. *Georgia 7 Illinois 14 Indiana 11 Iowa 6 Kansas I Kentucky 9 ^Louisiana 5 Maine 5 Maryland 5 Massachusetts 10 Michigan.. . . 6 Minnesota 2 *Mississippi 5 Missouri 9 Nevada i New Hampshire.. .. 3 New Jersey 5 New York 31 *North Carolina. . . 7 Ohio 19 Oregon i Pennsylvania 24 Rhode Island 2 *South Carolina. . . 4 *Tennessee 8 *Texas 4 Vermont 3 * Virginia 8 West Virginia 3 Wisconsin 6 Totals 242 THE CABINET. Secretary of State W. H. Seward, N. Y Continued. Secretary of Treasury. . . . Hugh McCullough, Ind. Secretary of War Edwin M. .Stanton, Pa Continued. Secretary of Navy Gideon Welles, Conn " Secretary of Interior James Harlan, Iowa. Attorney-General James Speed, Ky Continued. Postmaster-General William Dennison, Ohio.. . " THE INAUGURAL.— GQityshmg, July 2, 3, 4, 1863, turned the tide of rebellion. It had fallen backward.s. and was, March 4, 1865, hemmed in and under control. The President's in- augural was full of gratitude for past success, of hope for final success, and of that kindliness of spirit and gentleness of disposi- 7 7 12 II 2 5 26 4 314 21 * In a state of rebellion. Not voting. 81 votes lost. 592 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. tion which had gotten to be accepted as characteristic of the man and official. In it he said, " With malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in right, as God has given us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to bind up the nation's wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow and orphans — to do all which may achieve a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations." Seldom had a state paper borne to its readers such weighty and impressive contents. Never had one been welcomed with greater warmth of sentiment. It nerved the heart of the nation to endure its trial till that end, which it prophesied as near, should come with its cessation of bloodshed, its hush of strife, its joy of victory, its Union saved, its glorious opening of the era of freedom. EVENTS OF THE REBELLION.— On Dec. 20, i860, a Convention assembled at Charleston, South Carolina, declared that the State was separated from the Union forever. In a little more than a month, similar acts of secession were passed by Mississippi, Florida, Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana and Texas. EVENTS OF 1861.— On Feb. 4, 1861, delegates from the seceding States met at Montgomery, Ala., and formed " The Confederate States of America," with Jefferson Davis as Presi- dent, and Alexander H. Stephens as Vice-President. In the same month General Twiggs, commandant of U. S. troops in Texas, surrendered his forces to the State authorities. The Government managed to hold Fortress Monroe, the Dry Tortugas, Fort Pickens, and Fort Sumter, though the Star of the West was fired upon in attempting to reinforce the latter, Jan. 9, 1 86 1. There had been a general transfer of arms to the forts and arsenals in the South, and the National Treasury had been depleted. A " Peace Convention" met at Washington, Feb. 4, 1861, at which the terms known as " The Crittenden Compromise " were rejected. On April 12 General Beauregard, at the head of a Confeder- ate ami)', surrounded and demanded the surrender of Fort 594 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. Sumter, Charleston, S. C. Major Anderson, in command of the fort, refused to surrender. Beauregard opened fire and contin- ued it till the 14th, when Anderson evacuated. On April 15 President Lincoln called for 75,000 volunteers for three months. Congress made appropriations for war pur- poses. On April 17 Virginia seceded, and on the next day Virginia insurgents seized the United States Armory at Harper's Ferry. On April 17 Jefferson Davis issued letters-of-marque and reprisal to all vessels that would prey on American com- merce, and on the next day President Lincoln proclaimed the blockade of the Southern ports. On April 19 the Sixth Massachusetts Regiment, while passing through Baltimore for Washington, was attacked by a mob, and several were killed on both sides. By the middle of June Arkansas, North Carolina and Tennessee had seceded. On May 3 President Lincoln called for 64,000 additional men for the army and 18,000 for the navy. Congress was assembled July 4, 1861. It authorized the rais- ing of 500,000 troops and appropriated ;^500,ooo,000 for the de- fence of the nation. Richmond was made the capital of the Confederacy, and Confederate armies were stationed at various points in Virginia, with their centre at Manassas Junction. On May 10 General Lyon saved Missouri to the Union by the cap- ture of an insurgent camp at St. Louis. On May 24 Union troops crossed the Potomac and took possession of Arlington and Alexandria, Va. The period of action had arrived. On June 3 General Kelly routed 500 Confederates at Philippi, W. Va. On June 10 the Confederates routed the Union troops at Big Bethel, Va. On June 1 1 General Wallace defeated and dispersed the Confed- erates at Romney, W. Va. On July 11 General Rosecrans de- feated 3,000 Confederates at Rich Mountain, W. Va. On July 18 General McDowell set out from Fairfax Court- House, with a Union army of 50,000 men, to meet General Beauregard with an equal number of Confederates, at Manassas Junction. The ground was stubbornly disputed at Blackburn's Ford, near Centreville ; but the movement was kept up till the 596 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 2ist, when occurred the sanguinary and memorable battle of Bull's Run, near Manassas. The result was a defeat for the Union army, and a confused retreat toward Washington. On the next day General IMcClellan was given command of the Union forces. War was active in Missouri. On July 5 General Sigel de- feated the Confederates under Claiborne Jackson, at Carthage. On August 2 General Lyon defeated the Confederate forces, under General McCullough, at Dug Springs. On August 10 Lyon fought the disastrous battle of Wilson Creek with the forces of McCullough and Price, in which he was killed and his army compelled to retreat. On August 26 Forts Clarke and Hatteras, on Hatteras Inlet, N. C, were captured by the Union army and na\'y, under Gen- eral Butler and Commodore Stringham. This hold on the State was never lost. West Virginia was declared independent of old Virginia, and a loyal State, June 17, 1861. The Confeder- ates immediately sent armies into the State to coerce it into the Confederacy. These armies were led by General R. E. Lee, H. A. Wise, and John B. Floyd. Floyd was defeated after a three days' fight at Carnifax Ferry, by the Union troops led by Gen- eral Rosecrans. In September the Confederates captured Lexington, Mo., and its garrison ; but the town was retaken by Major White on Oct. 16. On Oct. 21 was fought the bloody engagement of Ball's Bluffy on the Potomac, above Washington, in which the Union forces were routed with the loss of many men and officers, among the latter being General Baker. On Nov. 7 General Grant fought his first serious battle of the war at Belmont, Mo., against General Cheatham. He was de- feated, but beat a masterly retreat. On the same day Forts Walker and Beauregard, at the Port Royal entrance, S. C, fell into the hands of the Union forces. On Nov. i General Mc- Clellan was made General of the Union forces throughout the States, General Scott having resigned. By the end of the year the important countries of Europe, except Russia, had recog- nized the Confederacy as a belligerent power. 598- PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. EVENTS OF 1862. — On January 19, 1862, General Thomas defeated the Confederate army, under General Zollicoffer, at Mill Spring, Ky. Zollicoffer was killed. On February 8, after a spirited battle, General Burnside and Commodore Goldsbor- ough took possession of Roanoke Island, N. C. On February 6 General Grant and Commodore Foote cap- tured Fort Henry, on the Tennessee, and on the i6th General Grant captured Fort Donelson, on the Cumberland, with its gar- rison of over 14,000 Confederates, including the commander, General Buckner. Generals Pillow and Floyd escaped with 5000 men. . In Missouri General Curtis fought a three days' battle, March 6, 7 and 8, at Pea Ridge with the Confederates, under Van Dorn, Price and McCullough. The Confederates were defeated, with the loss of McCullough. On March 8 occurred the conte.st between the Confederate iron-clad Mcrriviac and the Union frigates Cumberland and Congress, in the mouth of the James river, in which the latter vessels were sunk. On the next day, March 9, the Motiitor attacked the Merriinac, disabled her and compelled her to return to Norfolk. On March 14 General Burnside with 12,000 Union troops fought the battle of Newbern, N. C, and captured the place. On March 23 General Shields met "Stonewall" Jackson's forces near Winchester, and defeated them. General Grant had moved up the Tennessee river to Shiloh. Here he was attacked by the Confederate forces under Beaure- gard and Sidney Johnston. On the first day of the battle. March 6, the Union army was worsted and driven back to the river. It was reinforced by Buell's army from Nashville and, on the next day, defeated the Confederates, who lost heavily, among their dead being General Albert Sidney Johnston. On the day of the memorable victory at Shiloh, March 7, Island No. 10, a strong post on the Mississippi, surrendered to Com- modore Footc's fleet. On April 1 1 Fort Pulaski, Ga., surrendered to the Union troops under Gillmore, and Huntsvilie, Ala., fell into the hands 600 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. of General Mitchell. Fort Macon, N, C, surrendered to the Union army on April 25. A fleet under command of Commodores Farragut and Porter, and a land army under General Butler, had been fitted out for the capture of New Orleans. After bombarding Forts Jackson and St. Philip, the fleet passed up the Mississippi, and appeared before New Orleans April 25. The garrison fled, and on April 28 General Butler took possession of the city. General McClellan advanced on Richmond by way of the peninsula between the James and York rivers. His army had been carried down the Potomac on steamers, and on April 4 he began his famous march for the Confederate capital, capturing Yorktown on the way. May 3. On May 5 he fought the severe battle of Williamsburg, and was successful. The Confederates evacuated Norfolk, destroyed the Mcrriiiiac, and retreated to- ward Richmond. On the 29th the Union troops, under P^itz John Porter, captured Hanover Court-House, after a severe engage- ment. On May 31 and June i occurred the great battle of Fair Oaks, which was a draw. Three weeks after Fair Oaks, during which time the base of supplies was changed from the York to the James river, McClellan resumed his movement on Richrhond. This movement resulted in a series of severe battles, called the "Seven Day Battle," June 25 to July i, which resulted in the repulse of the Confederates at Malvern Hill. The battle of Oak Grove was fought, June 25 ; Mechanics- ville, June 26; Gaines' Mill, June 27; Peach Orchard and Sav- age Station, June 29; Malvern Hill, July i. The armies num- bered 100,000 men respectively and the losses were from 16,000 to 20,000 on either side. McClellan could not force his wa\' any further toward Richmond, retreated to his transports and thence to Washington. On May 12 Farragut's Mississippi fleet captured Natchez, and on the 29th Corinth surrendered to General Halleck. Memphis fell into the hands of the Union forces on June 6, after a severe naval engagement. Meanwhile the Confederates defeated General Banks at Win- chester, W. Va., and drove him north of the Potomac. Fre- 602 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. niont fought the indecisive battle of Cross Keys, and Shields was beaten at Port Republic by the Confederates under " Stone- wall " Jackson. On July I, after the disastrous retreat of McClellan from the Peninsula, President Lincoln called for 300,000 more men, and General Halleck was made Commander-in-chief of the armies of the Union. On August 5 the Confederates, under General Breckinridge, attacked General Williams at Baton Rouge, La., but were re- pulsed with the loss of their ram Arkansas. General Williams was killed. The three grand divisions of the Union army, commanded by Generals Banks, Fremont and McDowell, were, June 25, con- solidated into " The Army of Virginia," and the command given to General John Pope. The Confederates, flushed with victory, surged toward Washington. On August 9 was fought the in- decisive battle of Cedar Mountain between the forces of Banks and " Stonewall " Jackson. At length the Confederates flanked the Union forces and the result was a series of bloody engage- ments, beginning with Kettle Run, August 27, and continuing with Grovebon, August 29; Second Bull Run, August 30; and Chantilly, Sept. I. The Union loss in this series of battles was estimated at 20,ooo and those of the Confederates at 15,000. Pope was badly defeated, and compelled to seek safety behind the fortifications of Washington. The armies of Virginia and Potomac were now consolidated as the "Army of the Potomac," and McClellan was again given command. The Confederates, under command of General Lee, crossed the Potomac for the invasion of the North. McClellan followed on their right in order to cover Washington and Balti- more. Lee's sweep brought on the battle of South Mountain, in which the Union forces under General Reno were victorious, though Reno lost his life. It likewise forced a severe engage- ment at Harper's Ferry, which resulted in the defeat and surrender of the garrison of 12,000 Union troops. The forces of McClellan and Lee came together at Antietam, in Maryland, Sept. 17. Each army was 100,000 strong, and the engagement was fierce. 604 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. Both sides lost many prominent officers, and the Union loss was estimated at 15,000, the Confederate loss at 20,000. Lee was forced to retreat. He recrossed the Potomac and made his way toward Richmond. At the same time Lee invaded the North the Confederate Army of the West, under General Kirby Smith, invaded Ken- tuck}-, and defeated the Union forces under Nelson, at Richmond, Ky., Aug. 29 and 30. Another Confederate army, under Bragg, marched upon Louisville, but met with signal defeat at Perry- ville, b)' Union forces under Rousseau and McCook. Both Smith and Bragg were forced out of Kentucky by the end of the month of October. The autumn of 1862 witnessed a series of brilliant operations from Corinth, Miss., as a centre. On Sept. 19 Rosecrans defeated the Confederate Generals Price and Van Dorn at luka. On Oct. 3 the Confederates were again badly defeated at Corinth, and again at the battle of the Ilatchie b\' Ord and Ilurlbutt. Just after the battle of Antietam the Confederates made a destructive cavalry raid as far north as Chambersburg, Pa. McClellan remained inactive and delayed crossing the Potomac in the track of Lee, till the last of October. On Nov. 5 he was relieved of command and his place given to General A. E. Burnside. On Dec. 7 Generals Herron and Blount, in command of the Union forces in Arkansas, gained the important victory of Prairie Grove over the Confederates under General Hindman. General Lee had stopped his retreat toward Richmond at Frederick.sburg and had concentrated his forces there. Burn- side attacked him, Dec. 13, 1862, and, after a hard battle, was repulsed with the loss of 8000 men. He crossed to the north side of the Potomac and went into winter quarters. The same month witnesseti the unsuccessful attempt of Sherman on Vicksburg, by way of the passes of the Mississippi. The Union army in Kentucky had followed Bragg on his retreat and, led by Rosecrans, had come up with it at Murfrees- boro, Tenn., where a desperate battle was begun on Dec. 29, 1862, and continued until Jan. 4, 1863. It is known in history 606 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. as the battle of Stone River, and was one of the most desperate of the war. The Union troops were triumphant, but with a loss of 12,000 men. The year ended with 700,000 national troops in the field, with victories and defeats about even, with the nation in a sad and reflective mood, and with a promised proclamation to end slavery in all insurgent districts unless they returned to their allegiance. EVENTS OF 1863.— On Jan. i, 1863, President Lincoln issued liis " Proclamation of Freedom." On Jan. 1 1 General McClernand captured Arkansas Post, with its garrison of 5000 Confederates. In May the Confederates under Longstrcet and Hill besieged Suffolk, Va., but were repulsed by 14,000 Union troops under General Peck. During the winter and spring of 1863 General Banks overran Louisiana to the Red river, defeat- ing the Confederates in many actions and capturing many cannon and prisoners. On April 27, 1863, General Burnside was relieved of command of the Army of the Potomac, and General Hooker succeeded. Hooker crossed the Rappahannock and engaged Lee's army at Chancellorsville. The Union army was defeated and compelled to recross the Rappahannock, May 5. " Stonewall " Jackson was killed in this engagement. In April, 1863, General Grant defeated the Confederates twice near Port Gibson, Mis's. They were also defeated at Raymond, May 12; at Jackson, May 14; at Champion Hills, May 16; at Big Black River Bridge, May 17. These were the battles which enabled Grant to gain the rear of Vicksburg, and to besiege the place. Lee invaded Pennsylvania, in June, 1863, with his entire army. Hooker followed on his right flank, in order to protect Wash- ington and Baltimore. On June 28 Hooker was succeeded in command by General Meade. Lee advanced rapidly to Gettys- burg, Pa., where he was confronted by Meade. The battle of Gettysburg ensued on July i, 2 and 3. The Confederates were driven to retreat, with a loss of 30,000 men. The Union forces lost 20,000. In a short while both armies were south of the Potomac again. 608 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. The victory at Gettysburg was scarcely heralded till the nation was thrilled by Grant's great success at Vicksburg, July 4, in which he captured the entire army of 30,000 men and great numbers of cannon. On the same day the Confederates were repulsed at Helena, Ark., by General Prentiss. On July 8 Port Hudson, on the Mississippi, surrendered to General Banks, with its garrison of 5000 men. This opened the Mississippi, from its source to its mouth, to the Union forces. Simultaneously with Lee's invasion of Pennsylvania, the Con- federate General Morgan crossed the Ohio, and invaded Indiana and Ohio. After conducting a successful raid he was captured, with his force of 800 men, in Morgan county, Ohio. On April 7 Admiral Dupont made an unsuccessful attempt to capture Fort Sumter, Charleston, S. C. Land forces under General Gillmore co-operated with him. Charleston remained practically besieged till the arrival of Sherman's army, more than a year later. On Sept. I Fort Smith, Ark., was captured b}' the Union forces, and on Sept. 10 General Steele completely broke the Confederate forces in Arkansas by the capture of the capital, Little Rock. In June, 1863, the central army, the "Army of the Cumber- land," under Rosecrans, drove Bragg back to Chattanooga. Rosecrans flanked Bragg, and got into his rear, compelling him to evacuate Chattanooga and retreat to Chickamauga. Here was fought a terrific battle on Sept. 19 and 20. The Confederates were victorious, and Rosecrans was compelled to fall back be- hind the fortifications of Chattanooga, in a demoralized condi- tion. He was surrounded by Bragg, who occupied Missionary Ridge on the east and Lookout Mountain on the west, and his army was threatened with annihilation by starvation or attack. Meanwhile Lee maintained a strong position at Manassas, whence he had driven the Union army in October. On Novem- ber 7 the battle of Kelly's Ford was fought by a portion of the Union army under Sedgewick and P'rench, in which the Con- federates lost 2000 prisoners. Grant was now given command of the armies of the West and 610 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. he hastened to the rescue of Rosecrans at Chattanooga. He was joined by Sherman from Vicksburg and Hooker from the Army of the Potomac. Soon he had the combined armies in fighting trim, and on Nov. 23 was joined the memorable battle of Chat- tanooga, which resulted in the total defeat of Bragg and his Confederates, and their retreat southward. Immediately after- ward, Longstreet was forced to give up his siege of Knoxville, and to retreat into the mountains of West Virginia. The year 1863 witnessed the decline of the Rebellion. Union victories far outnumbered those of the Confederates ; Missouri, Arkansas, Kentucky, Tennessee ; parts of Florida, Mississippi and Louisiana ; the control of the Rio Grande and Mississippi rivers ; had been lost to the Confederates. Colored troops were called into requisition. A draft for 300,000 men was ordered by the Government. New York city ran into riot, which was quelled after the loss of 100 men and ^2,000,000 of property. EVEA^TS 0/^1864. — The campaign of 1864 opened with a raid by the Union General Averill, in which he destroyed thirty miles of the track of the Virginia railway, west of Lynchburg, This was followed in February by a bold raid under General Kilpatrick, who entered the outer defences of Richmond. Sherman invaded Mississippi from Vicksburg and destroyed much property. Seymour niarclied from Port Royal, S. C, in February, for the invasion of Florida. He defeated the Con- federates at Jacksonville, but was defeated at Olustec, and com pelled to retire to Jacksonville. The fleet under Porter, and the armies under Banks and Smith, joined for the invasion of Louisiana. Fort De Russey was cap- tured March 13. but the Union army suffered defeat at Sabine Cross Roads, April 8, and was compelled to retreat toward New Orleans. On its retreat the Confederates were defeated at Pleas- ant Hill and Cane River. The fleet, also, returned to New Orleans. On April 12 the Confederate General Forrest, after a destruc- tive raid in Tennessee and Kentucky, in which he captured Union City and Paducah, assaulted and captured Fort Pillow, on the 612 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. Mississippi. Tiie garrison, composed mostly of colored troops, was massacred. In February, 1864, General Grant was made commander-in- chief of the Union armies. On May 3 he issued orders for a move on Richmond by the Potomac army under General Meade, and for a movement from Chattanooga on Atlanta by the Cen- tral army under General Sherman. His headquarters was in the field, with the Army of the Potomac. Following the ad- vance on Richmond, the Army of the Potomac crossed the Rapidan May 5, 1864. It immediately met Lee's army, and the " Battle of the Wilderness " was fought, May 5, 6 and 7, with a loss of 2265 Union soldiers killed, 10,220 wounded and 2902 missing. The Confederate loss was probably as large. The battle was indecisive, except in the respect that it had drawn Lee out of his entrenchments and neutralized his fortifications. Butler had landed his army at City Point. Grant resolved to meet him on the James river. Grant swung his entire army to Spottsylvania Court-House, fifteen miles south. Lee was forced to follow, or lose Richmond. At Spottsylvania a terrible battle was fought. It began on May 10, and was fought with despera- tion, but with equal results. However, so confident was Grant of his situation, that he sent the celebrated dispatch which con- tained the words, " I propose to fight it out on this line if it takes all summer." From the loth to the 21st of May Spottsylvania was the scene of a succession of desperate battles, in which the Union forces lost 2271 killed, 9360 wounded, and 1970 missing. Lee lost 4000 prisoners, and probably as many as the Union army in killed and wounded. Grant tried another flanking movement, and swung southward to the North Anna. He crossed this river in the face of fierce opposition, and swung again to the Pamunkey, and reached a base of supplies by water. On Ma\' 28 he was at Cold Harbor, twenty miles from Richmond. Here was fought one of the most desperate battles of the war, June 3, in which the Union losses were 7000. The enemy's losses were not so great, they having fought from inner and fortified lines. Grant resolved on another flank movement, and this time he ilSr' "' I .,„L "■ GRANT AND MEADE IN THE WILDERNESS. 613 (514 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. threw his army south of the James river, resolved to attack Richmond on the south, by way of Petersburg. By May i6th his army was south of the James, and an attack was made on Petersburg, which failed*. Grant then besieged the place, and his lines became the final lines of the war, Lee having thrown his entire army into the place. Meanwhile Sherman had begun his move from Chattanooga on Atlanta, Ga. He compelled the Confederate General Johnson to evacuate Dalton, gained the important battles of Resaca, Dallas, Allatoona Pass, Kenesaw Mountain and the several engagements around Atlanta, June 20-28. On Sept. 2 he took possession of the city, having compelled Hood's army to retreat. On June 10 the Union forces under Sturgis were defeated at Guntown, Miss., by Forrest's Confederate cavalry, but, soon after. General Smith, who succeeded Sturgis, defeated the Confederates and restored supremacy in that section. On June 15 \hQ Kearsarge attacked and sunk the Confederate cruiser Alabama, near Cherbourg, France. General Early, with 15,000 Confederate troops, made a raid into Maryland, in the direction of Baltimore. They were defeated in their aim, but carried off considerable plunder. They were pursued to Winchester, Va., and there defeated, July 20. Another Confederate force crossed into Pennsylvania and burned the town of Chambersbiirg.July 30. Grant had drawn a close cordon around Petersburg. He had seized the Weldon railroad and other means of communication with the South, for the recovery of which many fierce battles had been waged by the Confederates. On July 30 he sprang a mine which had been dug under the fortifications of Petersburg. The explosion was followed by an assault on the works, which was repulsed with heavy losses. The navy, under Farragut, was busy during July and August. He defeated andcaptured most of the Confederate fleet in Mobile Bay, Aug. 5 ; captured Fort Gaines, Aug. 8; and Fort Morgan, Aug. 23. Grant had detached Sheridan to operate in the Shenandoah 616 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. valley, VV. Va. On Sept. 19 he fought the severe battle of Winchester against the Confederate, Early, and gained a signal victory. Early was driven up the valley, and on Oct. 19 his army was almost annihilated at the battle of Cedar Creek. After the capture of Atlanta, by Sherman, Hood attempted to invade Tennessee. Sherman followed and drove him westward into Alabama. At this time Sherman had in view his march eastward to the Atlantic. He, therefore, left General Thomas to watch Hood. Hood invaded Tennessee with an army of 40,000 men. Thomas fell back to Nashville. Hood followed and invested the place. On Dec. 15 Thomas attacked him and gained a signal victory. Hood retreated, followed by Thomas, and in the several engagements which ensued Hood's army lost nearly all its artillery, and was almost annihilated. He reached Alabama with only a vestige of his forces. General Sherman began his celebrated " March to the Sea," Nov. 16. His army moved in four columns, with a total infantry strength of 60,000 men, cavalry 5500, artillery 60 pieces, wagons 2500, ambulances 600. He was prepared to swing to Mobile, or any point on the coast, in case of opposition. But his march was a triumphant one. resulting in the capture of many Confed- erate strongholds. On Dec. 21 he captured Savannah and presented it as a Christmas present to the Nation. Grant continued his investment of Petersburg, and gradually extended his lines to the West, threatening Lee's communica- tions. EVENTS OF 1865. — Operations of the year opened with the capture of Fort Fisher, on the Cape Fear, by Admiral Porter's fleet and an army of 8000 Union troops, under General Terry. This capture was deemed most important, as it opened the way for an army to enter North Carolina to co-operate with General Sherman, moving northward from Savannah ; Sherman left Savannah in January, and invaded South Carolina. He captured Columbia, the capital, Feb. 17. This caused the evacua- tion of Charleston, which was taken possession of by the Union forces, Feb. 18. Sherman then passed into North Carolina, and tought the important engagements of Averysboro, March 16, and 618 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. JkMitonville, March 19, with the Confederates under Generals Johnston and Hardee. On March 22 he was reinforced by Schofield's army, at Goldsboro ; also by the army of General Terry. This consolidation of armies gave the Union forces virtual control of North Carolina, and there was nothing in the way of final defeat for the Confederates except a possible union of Lee's forces with those of Johnston, a result which it was Grant's chief aim to prevent. The Shenandoah valley again became the scene of active military operations. Early had invaded it, and Sheridan had been sent in pursuit. The two armies, chiefly cavalry, came together at Charlottesville. Early's forces were badly defeated, Sheridan cut the canal and railways west of Richmond, and retired in triumph to tlie main body south of Petersburg. The Union army under Grant had been tenaciously holding the Petersburg position, assaulting every now and then, fighting occasional battles, cutting off Confederate communications, and forcing its lines gradually to the west, so as to interfere with any retreat Lee might make. On March 25 the Confederates cap- tured Fort Steadman, in Grant's lines, but it was retaken the same clay. On March 29 a terrific struggle began in front of Petersburg, which lasted for three days. The result was that Lee was compelled to evacuate Petersburg, and to seek safety in flight, in the direction of Lynchburg. Grant clung closely to his left flank, and sent intercepting columns under Sheridan. On April I was fought the tactical and determinative battle of Five Forks, which practically settled Lee's fate. It was the last great battle and victory of the war. Everything after that was slaughter and retreat on the part of the Confederates. On April 2 President Davis and his cabinet fled from Richmond, and the Confederates abandoned their capital. Lee now strove with all his might to escape to Johnston's army, by way of Amelia Court- House, and Danville. Lee centred at Amelia, April 5, but Grant hugged him so closely that he was forced to swing west- ward again, with the entire Union army keeping even pace, five miles south of and parallel with him. There were frequent engagements and a constant picking up of prisoners and aban- 620 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. cloned guns by the Union army. At Deatonville the armies crossed each other's track, and a severe engagement ensued in which the Union forces captured seven Confederate generals and the entire rear guard of Lee's army, embracing 7000 soldiers and 14 guns. Lee's retreat now resembled a rout. Sheridan threw his cav- alry across his track at Appomattox Station, five miles south of Appomattox Court-House. Humphreys closed in on his rear, three miles northeast of the Court-House. All his supplies were cut off. Grant pushed all his corps toward Appomattox, thor- oughly inclosing Lee. The resistance of desperation came. It was feeble, and resulted in retreat, but there was no avenue of retreat. A white flag appeared. The tumultuous columns stood still. Truce hung over the contending armies. Lee and Grant met at the McLean house, near Appomattox. Terms of sur- render were agreed upon, and the Confederate army of Virginia passed out of fighting existence. The surrender of Lee's army, at Appomattox, April 9, 1864, was the signal for the surrender of all other Confederate armies. From sea to sea there went up one voice of jubilation and thanks- giving, and all the land burst into glorious illumination. Grant hastened to Washington, arriving April 13. On the night of April 14 President Lincoln was assassinated. On April 10 Grant ordered Sherman to push Johnston. He did so and Johnston retreated through Raleigh. Sherman pur- sued, and on April 18 agreed on the terms of Johnston's sur- render. The terms were politically involved, and were not accepted at Washington. Grant was sent to the scene, and pro- posed and accepted the terms Lee had subscribed to at Ap- pomattox. Mobile had fallen into Canby's hands April 12. Stoneman had swung to Johnston's rear and captured Augusta, Ga.,iApril 16. His battle for the place was the last engagement of the war. Macon surrendered April 21, with four Confetlcrate generals, and 12,000 men. President Davis was captured May li, at Irwins- ville, Ga. West of the Mississippi, Kirby Smith disbanded his Confederate forces, and on May 26 General Buckner surren- 622 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. dered the last remnant of the Confederate forces. The number of Confederates paroled between April 9 and May 26 was 174,223 men. History does not record so speedy and complete a collapse of such a gigantic rebellion. National rejoicing over victory was suddenly turned into gloom, by the assassination of President Lincoln on " Good Friday" night, April 14. John Wilkes Booth, an actor, stole up behind the President in the National Theatre, at Washington, and shot him through the head. The assassin then leaped" to the stage, ran to an exit, brandishing a knife and finally made his escape. lie was pursued and found secreted in a barn in Virginia. On refusing to surrender he was shot and killed by Sergeant Boston Corbett. His accomplices were arrested, tried and convicted, and four of them were hanged. The rest, with one exception, were imprisoned for life. RECONSTRUCTION.— \i was hoped by North as well as South that President Lincoln had mapped in his mind a policy of reconstruction. But such did not appear. The exact rela- tion a seceded State, which had failed to establish its secession by force, occupied toward the other States, and how it could be reinstated, were new and delicate points, requiring the skill of a master to handle. Much more was involved. The place of the negroes, now free and citizens, had to be considered. The North- ern mind inclined to a probationary period for the rebellious States, during which time they could adjust themselves to a new situation, give guarantees, through provisional governments that they would assure freedom to the negroes, wipe out their obnox- ious codes, repeal their secession laws, rescind their adhesion to the Confederacy, and, repledged and prepared anew, re-enter the Union, on the condition of any fully equipped State, with the consent of Congress. President Johnson signalized his administration by adopting a hastier policy of reconstruction, one which imposed no probation on the States, but invited them to reform State governments and apply for admission at once. He belonged to the old South- ern school of strict interpreters or State Rights, and his policy invited the supremacy in the new States of the most active sup- g24 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. porters of rebellion. This policy did not receive the support of the Republican party. An antagonism therefore sprang up be- tween the administration and the majority party, which was fiercer even than that between Tyler and the Whigs. The Presi- dent however forced his measures as best he could, and carried with him what was known at the time as the "Amnesty senti- ment " of the country and also the Democratic sentiment. He was squarely outside of the party which had elected him Vice- President, from the very beginning of his term as President. THIRTY-NINTH CONGRESS— Y\x?>t Session.— Met Dec. 4, 1865. The favorable turn of the rebellion, and the emphatic endorsement of Lincoln's administration by the country, had greatly increased the Republican majority in both Houses of Con- gress. The Senate .stood 40 Republicans and 1 1 Democrats ; the House 145 Republicans and 40 Democrats. The House organ- ized by re-electing Schuyler Colfax, Republican, Ind., Speaker. The passage of an amended Freedmen's Bureau bill drew from the President a veto, in which he foreshadowed his intention of opposing reconstruction legislation where it involved favors to the negroes, and, in general, until the whites, who were most concerned, were again represented in Congress. Another bill, similar in terms, providing for the education and military pro- tection of the negro race, was passed in July. This was also vetoed, on the ground that the civil courts were open for their protection, and that the matter was one entirely within the con- trol of the States. It became a law over the veto. The passage of the Civil Rights bill, in March, which was de- signed to secure to the negroes some of the rights of citizenship by enabling them to enforce their contracts in the United States Courts, was vetoed, on the ground that it was an attempt to con- fer citizenship on men just released from bondage and overrode the State laws and State tribunals. Though the bill was passed ov^cr the President's veto, the Congress proceeded to clarify the question of citizenship by passing the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution, June 16, 1866, which became operative, July 28, 1868. This measure the President also opposed, as did the Democrats. The Homestead laws were extended to public 626 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. lands in the South, the army was reduced, some internal taxes were abolished. Congress adjourned, July 28, 1866. THIR TY-NINTH CONGRESS— Second Session. — Met Dec. 3, 1866, The President's attitude to the majority in Con- gress had become hostile and defiant. By his vetoes of Con- gressional enactments he had given proof of his intention to re- duce the power of Congress over the work of Reconstruction to a minimum. By his repeated proclamations to the Southern States he had as fully shown that he intended to make the work of Reconstruction as purely an executive one as he could, and this though his attention and that of the country had been called, by an address of the Republican National Committee, to the fact that no provisions existed in the Constitution or outside of Congress for the re-establishment of States which had broken their allegiance by secession and failed to establish secession by force. The situation was not conducive to deliberate legislation. If the President was vindictive, the majority was retaliatory. More- over, fear began to dawn that if he carried his defiance much further it might end in an executive cotip de main on the very existence of the legislative branch of the government. Retalia- tive thus assumed the virtue of protective steps. A threat of impeachment was made by the appointment of a House com- mittee to take testimony. The time had not yet come for decisive action. By act of July, 1862, the President had been empowered to extend amnesty to those who ceased to be rebellious. The President had used his power under this act to what was con- sidered an inordinate extent. In January, 1867, the act was re- pealed. He still continued his amnesty proclamations, claiming a right to do so under tlie Constitution. To prevent the possi- bility of his taking the advantage of Congress during a recess, the meetings of the next Congress were fixed so as to succeed each other immediately. This lasted only during his term of office. His claim to issue orders directly to the army was met by an act compelling him to issue them through the general in command. This was squeezed in with the Appropriation bill, 628 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 90 that he could not veto it without defeating the whole measure. He vetoed the Nebraska act, which provided for the admission of that State on the condition that suffrage should exist without reference to race or color. This was passed over his veto, and Nebraska was admitted, March i, 1867. Hitherto the President had possessed one advantage. His in- clination was his policy of Reconstruction ; or, if policy he had, it was not so systematic as to prevent his forging ahead without much regard to legal forms and technical obstructions. The Republican majority had all along been hampered by Constitu- tional difficulties and baffled by their party opponents and the Executive. But they had at last formulated a policy. It divided the States which had seceded into military districts, and placed each under an officer of the army, who was empowered to keep the peace and protect person and property until a State conven- tion could be chosen and a State government formed which re- cognized citizenship without regard to race, color or previous condition, and contained a ratification of the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Amendments to the Constitution. Then only would Congress agree to readmit the State. This was the bill " To Provide Efficient Governments for the Insurrectionary States," and designed to secure to the country some of the fruits of the war, which, it was thought, the President was fast frittering away. It was passed, vetoed, and passed over the veto, March 2, 1867. Here was a carefully outlined Congressional policy against a loose unsystematic Executive policy. To make the conflict sharper, the same day witnessed the passage of the Tenure of Office bill, also over the veto, by a strictly party vote in the Senate of 35 to li, and in the House of 138 to 40. It made the Senate, which was a recognized part of the appointing power, a party also to removal from office by providing that the Presi- dent's removals during recess should not be final unless approved by the Senate, and that if appointees during recess were not ap- proved by the Senate, the old incumbent held his place. The design was to prevent wholesale removals during recess and the setting up of a Cabinet and Department officers who might fur- PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 629 ther frustrate the will of Congress. Violation of its provisions was declared a high misdemeanor. This somewhat original and summary work of Congress now went before the country for ap- proval or rejection, as did the conduct of the President. A Tariff act was passed March 2, 1867, which made the duties on wool and woollen goods highly protective. Congress adjourned sme die, March 3, 1867. FORTIETH C0NGRESS-E^tv2. Session.-Met March 4, 1 867, according to act passed at second session of Thirty-ninth Congress. The issue between the Congress and President had been carried into the Congressional campaign, and the result was a return of a Republican majority. The Senate stood 40 Republicans to 14 Democrats, the House 138 Republicans to 47 Democrats. House organized by re-electing Schuyler Col- fax, Republican, Indiana, Speaker. Positive legislation was not the design of the meeting. It was a session for the emergency, a policing of a critical situation, an overseeing of previous legis- lation, that it might be executed, at least not frustrated. The continuity of the session was secured by an adjournment on March 30, 1867, to meet July 3, 1867. A second adjournment was had July 20, to meet Nov. 21. A third adjournment was had Dec. 2, 1867. FORTIETH CONGRESS-¥\vst Regular Session.-Met Dec. 2, 1867. Before legitimate work could begin, the President renewed his contest by removing Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War, Feb. 21, 1868, and appointing Lorenzo Thomas in his place, contrary to the provisions of the Tenure of Office Act. The Senate resolved that " the President had no power to re- move the Secretary of War and designate any other officer to perform the duties of the office." On the 24th the President sent a message to the Senate claiming the right of removal on the ground that Stanton was an appointee of his predecessor, and was now holding only by sufferance, and that therefore he was not removing an appointee under the Tenure of Office Act. A resolution to impeach the President passed the House on the 24th, by a vote of 126 to 47. Articles were drawn bearing on his violation of the act in question, which passed the House 630 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. on March 2. On the 5th, the trial began, and lasted till May 16, when a test vote was taken on the Eleventh Article, a leading one. The result was, for conviction, 35 Senators; for acquittal, 19 Senators, 14 of the latter being Democrats and 5 Republicans. The Constitution requiring a two-thirds vote to convict, the verdict was acquittal on this article. On May 26, a vote was had on the first and second articles, with the same result. It being evident that conviction could not be had, no other votes were taken and the Court of Impeachment adjourned sine die. The political differences between the President and the Repub- lican party were not softened by the impeachment trial, yet sin- gularly enough the party did not suffer by its failure to convict, nor did the President cease to pursue his policy of Reconstruc- tion, save where he was hedged by Congress, till the end of his term, when he retired to his native State, quite restored to the favor of his old political associates, with whom he had broken on the questions which gave rise to the rebellion. Congress adjourned, July 27, 1868. ELECTION OF 1868.— The Republican National Conven- tion met at Chicago, May 20, 1868, and nominated Ulysses S. Grant, 111., for President, and Schuyler Colfax, Ind., for Vice- President. The platform (i) congratulated the country on the success of the reconstruction policy of Congress. (2) Approved of equal suffrage to all loyal men in the South, and of the doc- trine that it was a question properly belonging to the loyal States. (3) No repudiation of the National promises to pay. (4) Equal- ization and reduction of taxation. (5) Reduction of interest on National debt, and gradual payment of same. (6) Improvement of our credit. (7) Denounced the corruptions of the Johnson administration, and urged economy. (8) Lincoln's death re- gretted ; Johnson's treachery denounced. (9) Protection of the rights of naturalized citizens. (10) Honor to the soldiers, (ii) Encouragement of foreign immigration. (12) Sympathy for all oppressed people struggling for their rights ; commendation of those who served in the Rebellion, for their co-operation in securing good government in the South. PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. ;33j The Democratic National Convention met at New York, July 14, 1868, and nominated for President, Horatio Seymour, N. Y., and for Vice-President, Francis P. Blair, Mo. The pLtform (i) recognized the question of secession and slavery as settled by the war. (2) Demanded immediate restoration of the Southern States, and the settlement of the question of suffrage by the States themselves. (3) Amnesty for all past offences. (4)'Pay- ment of the public debt in lawful money, where coin is not called for. (4) Equal taxation; one currency. (5) Pxonomy; abolition of the Freedmen's Bureau ; a Tariff for revenue, with incidental Protection. (6) Reform of abuses in administration ; independ- ence of Executive and Judicial branches ; subordination of mil- itary to civil power. (7) Maintenance of the rights of naturalized citizens. (8) General arraignment of the Republican party, and gratitude to Johnson for " resisting the aggressions of Congress." The campaign was an active one. The leading topics were the Reconstruction measures of the Republican party, and equal suffrage. The latter was a new question, given prominence by the condition of the freedmen, and by the probability that they would not be able to maintain their rights as citizens without the ballot. It may be said that the verdict of the campaign led to the proposal and adoption of the Fifteenth Amendment. Grant's apothegm, " Let us have Peace," did much to tone the severities of a campaign which would else have been very bitter, owing to the hostility of the Republicans toward the Adminis- tration. And as to the merits of the issue between the Congress and President — that is, as to whether the Congress or President had a right to fix the terms on which a revolting State could be readmitted — the verdict was in favor of Congress and its plan of approving of the Constitution of the applicant States, just as in case of Territories when they first applied for admission. The November result was a decided Republican victory. FORTIETH CONGRESS— 'S>zcoxvdi Session.— Met Dec. 7, 1868. The leading political measure was the Fifteenth Amend- ment to the Constitution, which conferred the right of suffrage on all citizens, without distinction of " race, color, or previous condition of servitude." It passed Feb. 25, 1869, and by March g32 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 30, 1870, was ratified by three-fourths of all the States. In Con- gress it was a distinctive party measure, drawing full Democratic opposition. Before the country, it met with a conservative Re- publican opposition, partly because it was regarded as too radical an advance, and partly because it got complicated with the ques- tion of amnesty, as advocated by Mr. Greeley and a school of statesmen who thought that " universal amnesty " ought to pre- cede, and be a consideration for, " universal suffrage." The Electoral count showed 214 votes for Grant and Colfax, and 80 for Seymour and Blair. A question was raised over the 9 votes of Georgia, but as they did not affect the result, it was not urged. Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1869. Grant and Colfax were sworn into office on March 4. XXI. GRANT'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION. March 4, 1869— March 3, 1873. Ulysses S. Grant, III., President. Schuyler Colfax, Ind., Vice-Presidejit. Congresses. Sessions. !i, March 4, 1869-April 10, 1869, extra session. 2, December 6, 1869-July 15, 1870. 3, December 5, 1870-March 3, 1871. (I, March 4, 1871-April 20, 1871, extra session. 2, December 4, 1871-June 10, 1872. 3, December 2, 1872-March 3, 1873. ELECTORAL VOTE* Basis of 127,381. ... 6 . . . "? Vote. 8 5 5 6 3 3 9 16 Republican Democrat. States. Alabama Arkansas Ulysses S. Grant, Ul. 8 5 5 6 3 16 Sol. Colfa iiyler ■x", lud. 8 5 5 6 3 16 Horatio Sey- mour, N. y. 3 9 Francis P. Blair, Mo. California Connecticut Delaware Florida 3 ... 4 I . . . I 3 Georgia Illinois ... 7 ... 14 9 ♦Popular vote — Grant, 3,015,071 — 26 States; Seymour, 2,709,613 — 8 States; aot voting, 3 States. PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 633 Basis ot States. 127,381. Vote. Indiana 11 13 Iowa 6 8 Kansas i 3 Kentucky 9 il Louisiana 5 7 Maine 5 7 Maryland 5 7 Massachusetts lo 12 Michigan 6 8 Minnesota 2 4 *Mississippi 5 7 Missouri 9 li Nebraska I 3 Nevada i 3 New Hampshire. ... 3 5 New Jersey 5 7 New York 31 33 North Carolina 7 9 Ohio 19 21 Oregon i 3 Pennsylvania 24 26 Rhode Island 2 4 South Carolina .... 4 6 Tennessee 8 lo *Texas 4 6 Vermont 3 5 *Virginia 8 lO West Virginia 3 5 Wisconsin 6 8 Totals 243 317 Republican. ^Democrat Ulysses S. Grant, 111. Schuyler Colfax, Ind. Horatio S mour, N. T. Francis P. Blair, Mo. 13 8 13 8 •• 3 3 II 7 II 7 7 7 7 7 12 12 , , , , 8 8 , , , , 4 4 •• •• II II , ^ , ^ 3 3 .. .. 3 3 .. .. 5 5 7 33 7 33 9 9 21 21 3 •• 26 26 3 4 6 4 6 •• • • • • 10 10 •• •• 5 5 •• • • i i •• • • 214 214 80 80 THE CABINET. Secretary of State E. B. Washburne, 111. Secretary of Treasury Geo. S. Boutwell, Mass. Secretary of War John A. Rawlins, 111. Secretary of Navy Adolph E. Borie, Pa. Secretary of Interior Jacob D. Cox, Ohio. Attorney-General E. R. Hoar, Mass. Postmaster-General J. A. J. Creswell, Md. FORTY-FIRST CONGRESS— Extra Session.— Met March 4, 1869, with a very large Republican majority in both branches. The Senate stood 58 Republican, 10 Democrat, and 8 vacancies; the House, 149 Republican, 64 Democrat, and 25 vacancies ; Mississippi, Texas, Virginia and Georgia not being represented. The House organized by electing James G. Blaine, Me., Speaker. * These States not yet readmitted. 23 votes lost. 634 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. Phis brief session was made interesting by a strictly partj struggle over the admission of Texas, Virginia and Mississippi, before they had ratified the Fourteenth Amendment to the Con- stitution. On April lO a bill passed which required them to submit their constitutions as they stood to the people, and their Legislatures to ratify both the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amend meiits, after which they would be readmitted. The extra session adjourned April lo, 1869. FORTY-FIRST CONGRESS— ¥\vs,t Regular Session.— Met December 6, 1869. The lot of President Grant had not thus far been a happy one. Unlike his predecessor, he had no policy of Reconstruction aside from the acts of Congress, and these he declared he would enforce, on the principle that the best way to secure the repeal of such as were objectionable was to show their defects by actual and literal enforcement. But in this he was largely headed off by a condition of affairs in the late rebel- lious States, which was then attributed to the mistaken policy of President Johnson. From whatever cause, a party arose in the Southern States which prided in the name of " Unrecon- structed " and " Irreconcilable." It opposed the Reconstruction acts of Congress, and especially the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments to the Constitution. Further, many Northern men had settled in Southern States. These, being in favor with the negroes, and naturally supporters of the government, gained a control of local politics which made thejn enemies of the " Unreconstructed." They were denounced as "Carpet- Baggers," and the State governments they erected and supported as " Carpet-Bag Governments." But as they were operating under color of local law, and insisting on rights for the citizen which the Constitution plainly gave him, they could hardly be ousted by regular forms. Ousted they must be, however. The plan of terrorizing the negroes was hit upon. This was perfected and carried out by those secret organizations which became known as the Ku-Klux-Klan. Their operations were so effective as not only to intimidate the negroes but to drive out the Northern immigrants. This achieved, the doctrine of "a white man's gov- ernment" became popular, and under it the regime of the respec- EDWIN M. STANTON. fcDWARD L\LRLTT. SCHUYLER COLFAX. GEORGE S. BOUTWELL. 635 (536 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. tive States passed back into the hands of those who had made, supported and controlled them before the rebeUion. The operations of the Ku-KIux-Klan had not only been locally violent, but defiant of the Reconstruction acts of Con- gress. Hence the President found his authority practically ig- nored. All the time, too, questions arose as to the constitution- ality of the Reconstruction acts. These occasioned delays and invited dangers. In the latter part of 1869 the Supreme Court came to his assistance and greatly strengthened his hands by a decision to the effect " that Congress had the power to re- establish the relations of any rebellious State to the Union." This decision sustaining the policy of Congress and the Republi- can majority modified the tone of the Democrats, and in a great measure changed their purpose to make Reconstruction a central party feature. The above situation gave rise to the Enforcement act, passed May 31, 1870, by a party vote, which gave to the President all needed powers to protect the freedmen and punish the perpetra- tors of outrages against white and black. Enforcement of this act did much to awaken Southern sentiment to the extent and danger of the " Klan" and to correct its abuses. It fell into dis- repute, but was succeeded by other more open and ingenious, yet not less effective, means of intimidation, some of which took the shape of " Rifle Clubs," the " White League," and so on, all of which were harder to meet by legal processes than the more violent " Klan." Before the close of this session the halting States of Virginia, Georgia, Texas and Mississippi had complied with the conditions of reconstruction and were readmitted. This practically com^ pleted the work of reconstruction so far as the States were con- cerned ; that is, they had complied with the forms of law, but much remained to be done to insure equitable enforcement of law. By July 15, 1870, the date on which Georgia was received, after hanging back with her ratification of the Fifteenth Amend- ment, the happy spectacle of a restored Union was again pre- sented, though the votes of Arkansas and Louisiana were not received on account of technical objections in 1872. PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 637 The other leading political acts of the session were one to enforce the Fifteenth Amendment, and one to amend the naturali- zation laws. The latter law made penal the issue ©f fraudulent naturalization papers, and authorized Federal supervisors of Con- gressional elections in cities of over 20,000 inhabitants. The Democrats opposed it on the ground that it was unconstitutional ; the Republicans favored it on the charge of frauds in New York by which the State had been carried for Seymour. They used with effect the language of Horace Greeley that " more votes had been cast for Seymour in one of the warehouse wards of the city than there were men, women, children, cats and dogs in it." In March, 1870, the Constitutionality of the Legal Tender Act of 1862 came before the Supreme Court as newly organized. It was decided to be constitutional. This was a partisan issue from beginning to end. The Republicans pleaded absolute necessity as a support for the law ; the Democrats claimed that it was an inexcusable stretch of constitutional power. The former were consistent with that liberal interpretation of the Constitution on which they based their ideas of Internal Im- provement, Protection to American Industries, and scores of measures relating to war and reconstruction. The latter were hardly so consistent, for very many of them, when members of the Confederate Congress, had for reasons of imperative necessity advocated the issue of similar money, and that too, with the " promise to pay " extended to a period beyond which the inde- pendence of the Confederacy should be recognized. The decision, notwithstanding its opposition, soon won popu- larity, and greatly increased the national credit. The popular- ized " Greenback " soon after became the banking capital of a new party. The Tariff Act of July 14, 1870, had the effect of greatly enlarging the free list. Congress adjourned, July 15, 1870. FORTY-FIRST CONGRESS—Second Session.— Met Dec. 5, 1870. Reconstruction being completed in form, all the States were represented for the first time since 1861. The Senate stood 61 Republicans; 13 Democrats; the House, 172 Republicans; 71 638 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. Democrats. The President's message advocated the annexation of San Domingo. This gave rise to a bitter opposition on the part of Charles Sumner, which took the shape of direct attack on the administration. A commission was appointed which reported favorably, and the matter was dropped. A supplement to the enforcement act was passed, Feb. 28, 1 87 1. It incurred the usual Democratic opposition, and was passed by a strict party vote. It extended the power of super- visors and marshals, and gave the Federal Courts jurisdiction of cases arising out of violation of the Fifteenth Amendment. On March 3 the first civil service act in the history of the government was passed. Under it a commission was appointed, whose recommendations were not cordially received. Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1871. FORTY-SECOND CONGRESS —^^ir2i Session. — Met March 4, 1871. The Republicans had suffered somewhat in their representation. The Senate stood, Republicans, 57 ; Demo- crats, 17; House, Republicans, 138; Democrats, 103. House organized by re-electing James G. Blaine, Me., Speaker. The leading political act was that of April 20, 1871, known as the Ku-Klux Act. It was aimed directly at the secret organ- izations existing in Southern States, which could not be effectually reached under the enforcement acts of the previous session. Indeed, these acts were proving weak in all respects, and in view of the opposition they were meeting with, their propriety was beginning to be questioned. Congress adjourned, April 20, 1871. FORTY-SECOND CONGRESS— First Regular Session.— Met Dec. 4, 1871. This session gave rise to two acts, both of which became noteworthy. The first was The Amnesty Bill. In its earliest shape it was a Democratic measure, formulated so as to secure the influence of Mr. Greeley, editor of the New York Tribiine, soon to be the Democratic candidate for President It was baffled by the Republicans for a long time by amend- ments adding Mr. Sumner's Supplementary Civil Rights Bill. But it finally passed, May 22, 1872. Its effect was to remove the disabilities imposed by Sec. 3 of 14th Amendment to the PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 639 Constitution, from all but about 350 participants in the rebel- lion.* The second was a Supplementary Enforcement act. The former acts of Enforcement, including the Ku-Klux act, were not strengthening the hands of the Executive in preserving order and securing the rights of citizens, as they were designed to. The Democrats were squarely opposed to them, and so was a strong minority within the Republican ranks. It became a question whether the Congress should retreat or experiment fur- ther with a doubtful question. A majority sentiment favored another trial. Consequently the bill of June 10, 1872, was passed, which gave any citizen deprived of his rights access to the Federal courts, made it a penal offense to deprive, or con- spire to deprive, any citizen of his rights under the amendments, placed the United States troops at the call of the States to sup- press conspiracies, and further declared such conspiracies rebel- lions, to be suppressed by Federal force if the States failed- This was regarded as the last stretch of Constitutional power in time of peace, even by the advocates of the bill. If its effect was to hasten the final disintegration of the annoying, defiant and cruel " Ku-Klux-Klan," the same cannot be said of those more ingenious and popular methods of opposition which were relied on as supports of the idea of " A White Man's Govern- ment." The Tariff Act of June 6, 1872, made a material reduc- tion in duties and added largely to the free list Congress adjourned, June 10, 1872. ELECTION OF 1872. — The first party in the field was a new one, styling itself" Liberal Republican." This misnomer origin- ated in Missouri, in 1870. A Liberal Republican would naturally be one who favored a liberal construction of the Constitution. But the new Liberal Republicans were those who thought the Republicans had already exceeded, in their legislation, the powers contained in the Constitution. They were therefore not so liberal as the Republicans, but stricter in their interpretations, sufficiently strict to draw the Democratic support, as we shall * Subsequently other acts removed these disabilities from all who participated in the rebellion, except Jefferson Davis. 540 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. see. A considerable Republican sentiment had been inclining to this movement for some time. It was encouraged by the " General Amnesty " idea, advocated by Mr. Greeley and by others who were at the time called " Sentimentalists." The fail- ure of so many of the Reconstruction measures of Congress to bring about desired results, the opposition they all excited, the growing thought that they were of doubtful propriety, and even of doubtful constitutionality, considering that they had no longer the imperative necessity of war as a basis of vindication, further encouraged the movement. In 1870 the Republican party, then in control of the Legisla- ture of Missouri, split over the question of the removal of dis- abilities from Confederates, under the State Constitution, Those favoring removal, headed by B. Gratz Brown and Carl Schurz, called themselves Liberal Republicans; those opposing removal accepted the name of Radical Republicans. The former tri- umphed. This was the nucleus around which kindred sentiment gathered throughout the country. It gained headway by acces- sions in several States, as Mr. Greeley and Mr. Fenton in New York, Curtin in Pennsylvania, Trumbull in Illinois, and Charles Francis Adams in Massachusetts. The Democrats in Congress had fostered the sentiment. In the spring of 1871 there had been an actual fusion of the Liberal Republicans and Democrats in Ohio. The leaders denounced the Enforcement acts of Con- gress and the efforts of the administration to bring about Recon- struction under them. On the basis of a common feeling it was thought the Democratic party could be captured by the move- ment. A call was issued from Missouri, Jan. 24, 1872, for a National Convention of Liberal Republicans, at Cincinnati, on May I. It nominated Horace Greeley, N. Y., for President, and B. Gratz Brown, Mo., for Vice-President. The platform (i) re- cognized the equality of all men ; (2) pledged the party to Union, emancipation, enfranchisement, and to oppose the open- ing of any question settled by the Thirteenth, Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments ; (3) demanded the immediate removal of all disabilities ; (4) local self-government with impartial suf- frage, for the nation a return to the methods of peace ; (5) Thor- PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 641 ough reform of the civil service, no President a candidate for re- election ; (6) modest revenue for all the needs of the government ; on the matter of a tariff, the question relegated to the people of the Congressional districts for discussion ; (7) maintenance of public credit, return to specie payments, honor for the soldier, no more land grants to railroads, fair dealing with foreign powers. The Republican National Convention met at Philadelphia, June 5, 1872, and renominated for President Ulysses S. Grant, 111., and nominated for Vice-President Henry Wilson, Mass. Its platform (i) pointed, as the result of Republican policy, to a suppressed rebellion, emancipation, equal citizenship, universal suffrage, no punishment of men for political offences, a humane Indian policy, a Pacific railroad, public lands freely given to ac- tual settlers, protected immigration, uniform national currency, high national credit, careful collectioni and expenditure of rev- enue, large reduction of taxes and of public debt; (2) enforcement of the new amendments to Constitution; (3) enjoyment of civil and political liberty by all, no discrimination as to citizenship on account of race, color or previous condition ; (4) an improved civil service; (5) no more land grants to corporations, but free homes for the people ; (6) gradual reduction of the public debt. Tariff for protection ; (7) honor to soldiers and sailors, abolition of franking privilege, reduction in rate of postage, approval of the administration, repudiation denounced, additional rights for women, amnesty approved, respect for the rights of States. The Democratic National Convention met in Baltimore, July 9, 1872. By pre-arrangement and with the hope of triumph through the Republican schism it accepted the platform and nominees of the Liberal Republicans, and thus stood fully com- mitted to " emancipation and enfranchisement, and to oppose any reopening of the questions settled by the Thirteenth, Four- teenth and Fifteenth Amendments to the Constitution," and to the further doctrine " that it is the duty of the government to mete out exact justice to all, of whatever nativity, race, color or persuasion, religious or political." A Straight-out Democratic National Convention met at Louis» '41 642 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. ville. Ky., Sept. 3, 1872, and nominated for President Charles O'Conor, N. Y., and for Vice-President John Quincy Adams, Mass. The platform was a plea for the rights of the States and a repudiation of the Baltimore Convention as a betrayal of the Democratic party " into a false creed and a false leadership." The Temperance, or Prohibition, party met in National Con- vention, for the first time as a nominating body, at Columbus, Ohio, Feb. 22, 1872, and nominated for President James Black, Pa., for Vice-President John Russell, Mich. The platform de- clared that as all political parties had proved unwilling to adopt an adequate policy on the question of traffic in intoxicating drinks; therefore (i) the party pledges itself to the principles of the Declaration and Constitution ; (2) that effective legal prohibition, State as well as national, is the only means of suppressing traffic in intoxicants; (3) that existing party competition for the liquor vote is a peril to the nation ; (4) dissuasion from the use of in- toxicants, competency, honesty and sobriety as qualifications for office, no removals from office for political opinion, prevention of corruption and encouragement of economy, direct vote of the people for President, a sound national currency, redeemable in gold, labor reform, suffiage without regard to sex, fostering of the common schools. The campaign was peculiar in every respect. The Republi- cans were sanguine, and scarcely needed to use ordinary cam- paign energies. The Democrats were cold toward their nominee, and mistrustful of the situation from the start. The Liberal Republicans bore the " heat and burden " of the day, their can- didate even taking the stump, or rather making long railroad jaunts for the purpose of meeting with and inspiring his admirers. The November result was not a realization of Liberal Repub- lican hopes. They had not captured the Democratic party. The strength they brought to that party was for more than off- set by Democratic desertions to the Republicans or outright re- fusals to vote. Nor was it any more a realization of Democratic hopes. The expected profit from Republican schism was not forthcoming at the polls. " Fusion had resulted in confusion," was wittily said of the after-election situation, PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 643 FORTY-SECOND CONGRESS —Second Session. — Met Dec. 2, 1872. An interesting measure of the session was the creation of the Credit Mobilier commission by the House. It was created at the instance of Repubhcans to inquire into the truth of charges made against prominent men during the cam- paign by Democratic orators. The commission, consisting of two RepubHcans, one Liberal RepubHcan, and two Democrats, made a full investigation and practically exonerated the mem- bers charged, except Oakes Ames and James Brooks, who re- ceived the condemnation of the House. The Franking privilege was abolished, the President's salary raised to ;^50,ooo, and the salary of Senators and Representatives to ^^7,500. This was the offensive "salary grab " which met with such condemnation as to defeat many of the members who participated in its passage. It was speedily repealed. The electoral count in February showed 286 votes for Grant and Wilson. Mr. Greeley died in November. The 66 Demo- cratic electors therefore voted for other persons. Of these 42 voted for Thomas A. Hendricks, Ind., for President, with 24 scattering. Three of the scattering were for Greeley. They were rejected. B. Gratz Brown received 47 for Vice-President, with 19 scattering. A grave question arose over the vote of Louisiana and Arkansas. Two sets of Returning Boards existed in these States, each of which had forwarded returns. The re- sult was that both were rejected, and these two States lost their vote. Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1873. On March 4 Grant and Wilson were sworn into office. XXIL GRANT'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION. March 4, 1873 — March 3, 1877. Ulysses S. Grant, III., President. Henry Wilson, Mass., Vice-President. Congresses. Sessions. Forty-third Congress. | '• ^^'^^'"b^'- '. '^73-June 23, 1874. \ 2, December 7, 1874-March 3, 1875. Forty-fourth Congress / ^' December 6, 1875-August 15, 1876. fORTY FOURTH CONGRESS. | ^^ December 4. 1876-March 3, 1877, 644 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. ELECTORAL VOTE: Basis of States 131.425. Alabama 8 Arkansas 4 California 4 Connecticut 4 Delaware I Florida 2 Georgia 9 Illinois 19 Indiana 13 Iowa 9 Kansas 3 Kentucky 10 Louisiana 6 Maine 5 Maryland 6 Massachusetts ....11 Michigan 9 Minnesota 3 Mississippi 6 Missouri 13 Nebraska I Nevada i New Hampshire. . 3 New Jersey 7 New York n North Carolina. ... 8 Ohio 20 Oregon I Pennsylvania 27 Rhode Island 2 South Carolina.. .. 5 Tennessee 10 Texas 6 Vermont 3 Virginia 9 West Virginia .... 3 Wisconsin 8 Total 292 Repub ican. Lib. Republican. /^ote. UlyssfS S. Grant, III. Henry Wilson, Mass. Horace B. Gratz Greeley, Brown, N. Y. Mo. 10 10 10 6 6 6 '6 . . Not counted. 6 6 6 3 3 3 4 4 4 /- 6 for Brcwn. II ^ ^ , , • 2 for Perkins, Dem., Ga. 21 21 21 3 for Greeley (not counted) 15 >5 IS . . II II II . . 5 5 5 . 13 II 5 8 IS 3 3 S 9 35 10 22 3 29 4 7 12 8 5 II S 10 366 13 II s 8 3 3 5 9 3S 10 22 3 29 4 7 S II S 10 216" 13 II 5 8 3 3 S 9 35 10 22 3 29 4 7 5 II 5 10 286 8 for Hendricks., D., Ind. 4 for Brown, Mo. . Not counted. 8 for Hendricks. 8 for Brown. 6 for Hendricks. I for Davis. 12 for Hendricks. 8 for Hendricks. * The death of Mr. Greeley before the Electoral count caused the casting of his 66 votes as scattering. The above table indicates the way they went for President. For Vice-President the vote was still more scattered. Brown, Liberal Republican, Mo., received 47 ; Julian, Democrat, Ind., 5 ; Colquitt, Democrat, Ga., 5 ; Palmer, Democrat, 111., 3; Bramlette, Democrat, Ky., 3; Groesbeck, Democrat, O., i; Macken, Democrat, Ky., l; Banks, Liberal Republican, Mass., i. The 14 vote* PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. ^45 THE CABINET. Secretary of State Hamilton Fish, N. Y Continued. Secretary of Treasuiy William A. Richardson, Mass. Secretary of War William W. Belknap, Iowa. . .Continued. Secretary of Navy George M. Robeson, N. J " Secretary of Interior Columbus Delano, Ohio " Attorney-General Geo. H. Williams, Oregon « Postmaster-General J. A. J. Creswell, Md ... " FORTY-THIRD CONGRESS— Yxxs-^ Session.— Met Dec. i, 1873. The Republican majority was still large. Senate: 50 Re- publicans, 19 Democrats, 5 Liberal Republicans. House: 198 Re- publicans and 91 Democrats, with a sprinkling of Liberal Repub- licans. House organized by re-electing James G. Blaine Speaker. The business depression which culminated in the panic of 1873 made cautious financial legislation necessary. An act increas- ing the national currency to ;$400,ooo,ooo was vetoed as tend- ing to inflation at a time when the tendency should be toward resumption of specie payments. The bill could not be passed over the veto for want of the necessary two-thirds, though a strong minority in both parties thought inflation the proper remedy. This idea became the basis of the Greenback party, which began to figure about this time. Lengthy debates which took a party turn were indulged over a Republican measure to regulate inter-State commerce. So with Sumner's Civil Rights bill, which was designed to secure to the colored citizens the rights comprehended in the Four- teenth Amendment. It passed the House, but got no further. An act was passed Sept. 14, 1872, which referred all matters in dispute between this country and England to what became known as the Geneva Commission. This Commission now re- ported that the sum of ;^ 15, 500,000 was due the United States for damages occasioned to American commerce by privateers fitted out under British auspices, bearing the British flag, or permitted to sail from British ports. At this session a Commis- sion was raised to distribute this award (June 23, 1874). of Arkansas and Louisiana were not counted on account of frauds in the elections and duplicate counts by two opposing Returning Boards. The popular vote was: Grant, 3,597,070 — 31 States ; Greeley, 2,834,079 — 6 States; O' Conor, 29,408; Black, 5,608. 646 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. What was known as the Poland Utah Bill became a law. It created a District Court for the Territory, and excluded polyga- mous persons from the jury-box when bigamy cases were being tried. The Tariff Act of June 22, 1874, was passed. It was an effort to correct the tendency of the act of 1872 toward low rates of duty. The act of 1872, as well as the preceding one, had been in the line of reduction. The panic of 1873 had taught the folly of too rapid a reduction of rates, or too wide a departure from the protective idea. The act of 1874 stiffened rates on dutiable articles, clung to the protective idea, and at the same time allowed a liberal free list, mostly of raw or unmanufactured articles. Congress adjourned, June 23, 1874. FORTY-THIRD CO. VG RES S— Second Session.— Met Dec. 7, 1874. The Administration was pinched in its Southern policy. In Louisiana, for instance, two hostile State governments were in existence, the one favorable to the rights of all citizens, the other working under the auspices of the White League. They had gotten to blows. Blood had run in the streets of New Or- leans. The riots there, not to dignify them as war, threatened to culminate in a war of races. The President had been appealed to. The time had passed for that active interference which the early period of reconstruction might have warranted. Yet he could do no less than make some kind of effort for peace, and naturally in behalf of the government which recognized the largest liberty and secured the amplest rights to all citizens. Such interference was turned greatly to his hurt by politicians. It was somewhat of an unfortunate juncture, for the President's Private Secretary, O. E. Babcock, came to trial for complicity with the " Whisky Ring," but was acquitted and resigned. Then came the impeachment of Belknap, Secretary of Wat (July 26, 1876), on the charge of selling an Indian trading es- tablishment. He, too, was acquitted. But by this conspiracy of circumstances the Administration suffered, and perhaps un- justly, for though the efforts of its enemies were desperate to bring some of the alleged irregularities home to the White House, they in no case succeeded. All these things, however, HAMILTON FISH. ELIHU B. WASHBURNE. 647 648 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. had their effect on public sentiment and contributed to bring about that political whirl which made the Forty-fourth Congress Democratic. This session was marked by the passage of the Civil Rights bill, by a strict party vote. It secured the approval of the Pres- ident, March i, 1875. It is the bill which the Supreme Court decided to be unconstitutional (October, 1883), on the ground that the authority conferred on Congress by the Fourteenth Amendment to give such amendment effect by appropriate legis- lation, was not an authority which took away from States the power to do the same thing, or interfered with their right to do it. On Feb. 24, 1875, House bill to permit Colorado to form a State government was passed by a strict party vote, and so, or nearly so, of the Resumption Act of Jan. 14, 1875. In this in- stance, the Republicans strove to crown their financial career by looking to a period when the National promises to pay should reach par in gold and silver. They were antagonized by the Democrats, who, for the time being, seemingly forgot their hard money notions of the Jackson era. The Tariff Act of Feb. 8, 1875, stiffened the rates on silks, wines, tin-plates, and some other articles. Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1875. FORTY-FOURTH CONGRESS— Vivst Session.— Met Dec. 6, 1875. The House was Democratic and the Senate Repub- lican. The former organized by electing Michael C. Kerr, Ind., Speaker. This lengthy session was barren of far reaching polit- ical results, owing to the attitude of the two Houses. The Demo- crats in the House cultivated their majority situation, so as to stand well before the country during the next presidential cam- paign, by advocating a reduction of appropriations, taxation, etc. In most of their efforts they were met half way by the Repub- licans. Congress adjourned, August 15, 1876. ELECTION OF 1876.— The year 1875 had been one of political turmoil, especially in the Southern States. It had been a year of political reverses for the Republicans in all sections — a " tidal wave " year, to use a popular expression. It was evident PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 649 that a close election was impending. By the extermination of what were called the " carpet bag " governments in the South, the Republicans lost much ground there, and could not hope to control more than two or three of the States. Owing to side parties, the reverses of the previous year, the general feeling of weariness over Southern agitation, and especially the hard ac- countability to which a dominant party is naturally held during financial crisis, many Northern States hitherto strongly Repub- lican had become debatable. The new party calling itself " The Greenback Party," or rather " The Independent Party," met in National Convention, at Indi- anapolis, May 17, 1876. This was an attempt to give coherency to a movement which had for its object relief of the financial stringency and business depression which prevailed. It would reach its end by using the credit of the government in the shape of Greenbacks, and insisting on a sufficient issue of them to re- lieve all stringency and depression. The thought naturally dated from 1873, the beginning of the financial crisis. It received en- couragement from the fact that the greenback was popular, and would ere long be redeemable in gold. But it may be said to have received its greatest impetus from the date of the Resump- tion Act of 1875. The Democratic party, contrary to its tradi- tions, arrayed itself squarely against that measure. It was there- fore in a position to ally itself with the Greenbackers. These alliances were made in several States, and in some the coalitions were successful. Standing alone, the Greenback party obtained a hold only in industrial districts, and there more on account of the pleasing delusion of unlimited money than of any deeply imbedded principle. It nominated for President, Peter Cooper, N. Y., and for Vice-President, Samuel F. Carey, Ohio. The platform (i) arraigned both the Republican and Demo^ cratic parties for refusing to foster " financial reform and indus- trial emancipation." (2) Demanded the repeal of the Specie Resumption Act of Jan. 14, 1875. (3) The United States note as a circulating medium, and a legal tender, and insistence on Jefferson's theory that " bank paper must be suppressed and the circulation restored to the nation to whom it belongs." (4) The 650 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. government to legislate for the full development of all legitimate business. (5) No further issue of gold bonds. (6) No further sale of bonds with which to purchase silver as a substitute for fractional currency. The American National Party met as early as June 9, 1875, in mass meeting, at Pittsburg, and nominated for President, James B. Walker, III. ; for Vice-President, Donald Kirkpatrick, N. Y. Its platform favored a Sabbath ; prohibition ; opposed secret societies ; favored the thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth amendments ; arbitration as a means of averting war ; the Bible in schools ; return to specie payments ; a sound Indian policy ; a direct vote of the people for President. The Prohibition Party met in National Convention at Cleve- land, May 17, 1876, and nominated for President, Green C. Smith, Ky. ; for Vice-President, G. T. Stewart, Ohio. The platform in- vited (i) prohibition in all places under control of the govern- ment, and opposed all traffic in alcoholic drinks. (2) Equal suffrage and eligibility to office. (3) Lands to actual settlers ; reduction of postage, and land and water transportation, (4) No lotteries nor stock gambling. (5) Abolition of polygamy ; Na- tional observance of Sabbath ; Free public schools ; Free use of Bible ; Separation of sect from government and schools ; Arbi- tration ; direct vote of people for President ; redemption of paper money in gold ; economy. The Republican party met in National Convention at Cincin- nati, June 14, 1876. A significant feature of the Convention was the controversy over the method of casting the voice of the States. Hitherto the State delegations had voted as a unit, the sentiment of a majority of the delegates being the sentiment erf the State. This rule was now broken and the delegates voted their choice directly. Rutherford B. Hayes, Ohio, was nominated for President, and William A. Wheeler, N. Y., for Vice-President. The platform declared (i) the United States is a nation, not a league ; (2) Republican work is not finished until the principles of the Declaration are acknowledged in every State; (3) protec- tion of all citizens; rigorous use of all constitutional powers to that end; (4) redemption of U. S. notes in coin; (5) improved PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS 651 civil service ; (6) rigid responsibility in office ; (7) no aectariai\ control of schools ; sufficient revenue with protection ; no more land grants to corporations ; protection to emigrants ; enlarged -ights for women ; extirpation of polygamy ; honor to soldiers ; deprecation of sectional lines ; arraignment of Democrats for preferring Confederate to Union soldiers in public places; approval of the Administration. The Democratic party met in National Convention at St. Louis, June 28, 1876, and nominated for President, Samuel J. Tilden, N. Y.; for Vice-President, Thomas A. Hendricks, Ind. The platform (i) affirmed a need of reform and pledged the party to the Union and to acceptance of the amendments as a final settlement of the controversies of civil war ; (2) denounced the reconstruction policy of Congress ; the failure to make good the legal tender notes ; the high taxes and extravagance ; the finan- cial imbecility which had made no advance toward resumption : the Resumption Act of 1875 as hindering resumption ; demanded its repeal ; (3) demanded a "judicious system of economics; " reform in taxation ; (4) the existing tariff denounced as a " master-piece of injustice, inequality and false pretence ; " (5) Reform in public land system ; reform in treaties with China ; reform in civil service ; in higher grades of service ; in abuses of Republican party, DISPUTED RESULT.— ThQ result of the election, Nov. 7, 1876, gave rise to a prolonged dispute which involved many grave questions of law, and necessitated the raising of a special tribunal for its final determination. Up to the meeting of Con- gress the condition of affairs was thus : The election returns showed that the Republicans carried all the Northern States except New York, Connecticut, New Jersey and Indiana, and that the Democrats had carried all the Southern States except Louisiana, Florida and South Carolina. Owing to lack of faith in the Returning Boards of these three States, the result was disputed by the Democrats. Owing to a similar lack of faith in the methods of the Democrats in those States, the Republicans were suspicious of their interference with the Returning Board counts and reports. 652 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. Committees of both parties visited the scenes of strife. Whether their presence and advice helped a just conclusion has never been definitely ascertained. But it did not take much in- vestigation to find that the vote of South Carolina was Republi- can, and this the Democratic members of the Congressional Investigating Committee conceded. This disposed of one of the doubtful States. The Returning Board of Florida gave 926 Republican major- ity for the Republican electors. It was cited before the Supreme Court of the State, and a recount was ordered. This gave 206 Republican majority. But before this recount was finished the electors had met and cast their votes for the Republican nominees. The Returning Board of Louisiana, appointed by Gov. Pack- ard, made up from the confused returns at their command a Republican majority of 3,931. The Returning Board appointed by McEnery, who claimed to be Governor, made up from the same confused election returns a Democratic majority of 7,876. The trouble in Oregon was not one of popular majority, which was admittedly Republican, but was over the claim that one of the three electors was a Federal office-holder. The Democratic Governor of the State therefore certified to two Republican electors and one Democratic (Mr. Cronin), The Secretary of State certified to the three Republican electors, he being the legal canvassing officer. FORTY-FOURTH CONGRESS— Second Session. — Met December 4, 1876. The Speaker, Mr. Kerr, having died, Sam- uel J. Randall, Pa., was elected to that position. The disputed Electoral count occupied almost the entire time of the session. The inadequacy of all laws regulating the count was painfully manifest. Both parties were firm. The situation was such that a false step might have led to an outbreak. The Republicans claimed that the President of the Senate had, under the law, the sole authority to open and announce the returns in the presence of the two Houses. The Democrats claimed that the two Houses acting as a joint body could control the count under the law. Some Democrats went so far as to say that the House SAMUEL T TILDEN. DAVID DAVIS. THOMAS A. HENDRICKS. OLIVER P. MORTON. 653 654 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. alone could decide when an emergency had arrived in which it was to elect a President. Danger was avoided by the patriotism of prominent members of Congress, of both parties, who after several conferences agreed to report the Electoral Commission Act. It passed, and was approved Jan. 29, 1877. The Senate vote for it was 47 to 17 against. Of this 47, 21 were Republicans and 26 Demo- crats. Of this 17, 16 were Republicans and i Democrat. It therefore had an almost unanimous Democratic support in the Senate. The House was Democratic. It passed there by a vote of 191 to 86. The act created an Electoral Commission, com- posed of five Representatives, five Senators, and five Judges of the Supreme Court, 15 in all. Each of these bodies was to select its representatives on the Commission. To this Commission were referred the disputed returns. Its decision was to be final unless overruled by both Houses. The decisions of the Com- mission on all the disputed returns were to the effect that the electoral vote as certified and sent to the President of the Senate by the regularly constituted authorities in each State must be accepted as conclusive and beyond investigation or question by any authority outside of that State.* The final count as thus ascertained gave the Republican nominees 185 Electoral votes, and the Democratic 184. Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1877. On March 5, Hayes and Wheeler were sworn into office. * A remarkable feature of this controversy was the fact that the Republicans were standing on old-time Democratic ground and relying on rigid Democratic doctrine. They were, for the time being, construing the Constitution strictly and insisting on the right of the State to ascertain its own vote and certify and forward it in its own way, all of which was to be conclusive on outside tribunals. The Dem- ocrats on the otiier hand combated their old rigid interpretation theories by urging that the Congress should reject the certificates from a State Returning Board. Happily the political complexion of the two Houses, one Democratic, the other Repul)lican, prevented any successful appeal from the decisions of the Commission. If both Houses, under the terms of the act, could have agreed to upset any one ot the Commission's decisions, then riot, if not civil war, must have ensued. But the act was wisely framed with a view to the entire political situation. PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 655 XXIII. HAYES' ADMINISTRATION. March 4, 1877— March 3, 1881. Rutherford B. Hayes, Ohio, President. William A. Wheeler, N. Y., Vice-President. Congresses. Forty-fifth Congress Forty-sixth Congress. Sessiotis. i,Octoberi5, 1877-December 3, 1877. Extra Session, ecember 3, 1877-June 20, 1878. December 2, 1878-March 3, 1879. 1, March 18, 1879-Jiily i, 1879. Extra Session. 2, December i, 1879-June 16, 1880. 3, December 6, i88a-March 3, 1881. ri,Oc . -^ 2, D ELECTORAL VOTE.* Basis of States. 131,425. Alabama 8 Arkansas 4 California 4 Colorado I Connecticut 4 Delaware I Florida 2 Georgia 9 Illinois 19 Indiana 13 Iowa 9 Kansas 3 Kentucky 10 Louisiana 6 Maine 5 Maryland 6 Massachusetts 11 Michigan 9 Minnesota 3 Mississippi 6 Missouri 13 Nebraska I Nevada i New Hampshire 3 New Jersey 7 New York 33 North Carolina 8 Ohio 20 Repi blican. Democratic Vote. R.B.Hayes, Ohio. W.A. er, N Wheel- . Y. S. J. Til- den, N.Y. T. A. Hen- dricks, Ind. ID 10 10 6 6 6 6 6 3 6 3 *6 "6 3 3 3 4 4 II II II 21 21 21 15 IS »5 II II II 5 5 12 12 12 8 8 . . 7 8 7 '8 *8 13 13 13 II II II 5 8 S *8 's IS IS IS 3 3 .. 3 3 5 5 9 .. 9 9 35 3S 35 10 10 10 22 22 22 * The popular vote was : Hayes, 4,033,950 — 21 States; Tilden, 4,284,885 — 17 States; Greenback, Cooper, 81,740; Prohibition, Smith, 9,522; American, 539; scattering, 14,715. g56 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. Electoral Vote — Continued. Republican Democrati*. R. B. Hayes, , W.A . Wheel- s. . I.Til- T. A. Hen. Vote. Ohio. er, N. Y. den.N.Y. dricks, Ind. 3 3 3 29 29 29 4 4 4 7 7 7 12 . . JZ 12 8 8 8 5 S 5 II II II 5 5 5 10 10 10 369 18S i8s 184 184 Basis of States. 131,425. Oregon i Pennsylvania 27 Rhode Island 2 South Carolina 5 Tennessee 10 Texas 6 Vermont 3 Virginia 9 West Virginia 3 Wisconsin 8 Totals 293 THE CABINET. Secretary of State William M. Evarts, N. Y. Secretary of Treasury John Sherman, Ohio. Secretary of War Geo. W. McCrary, Iowa. Secretary of Navy Richard W. Thompson, Ind. Secretary of Interior Carl Schurz, Mo. Attorney-General Charles Devens, Mass. Postmaster-General David M. Key, Tenn. POLITICAL SITUATION.— The President's inaugural was pacific. He visited the South, and the tone of his speeches there was very conciHatory. There was a general departure from Re- publican ideas respecting the questions which had di.sturbed the reconstructed States. They were given over to such rule as seemed inevitable for a long time, in case the Federal troops were withdrawn. While the President's conservatism gave rise to criticism among his party friends, very many thought it proper that he should pursue an intermediate political course in view of the circumstances surrounding his election and the seeming desire for a breathing spell after the excitement attending the electoral count. FORTY-FIFTH CONGRESS— Extra. Session.— Called Oct. 15, 1877. This Congress, like the Forty-fourth, was Democratic in the House, and Republican in the Senate. The latter body stood 38 Republicans ; 37 Democrats ; i Independent. The House stood 156 Democrats, and 136 Republicans. The House organized by re-electing Samuel J. Randall, Pa., Speaker. Party lines were strictly drawn over a determined effort of the Demo- crats to repeal the Resumption Act.. The platform of 1 880 PRESIDENTS FROM_1869 TO 18S4. 657 g58 I'RESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. pledged the party to repeal. Their measure failed in the Senate. The same effort was made in the first regular session of this (Forty-fifth) Congress, with no better success. Congress ad- journed, Dec. 3. 1877. FORTY-FIFTH CONGRESS— First Regular Session.— Met Dec. 3, 1877. FVom this time on financial legislation largely occupied the respective sessions. Government income was ample for every purpose. The national credit was high. Efforts to defeat resumption, fixed for 1879, were made by the Demo- crats this session, but failed owing to the Republican majority in the Senate. The era of refunding was beginning, and was to be carried on till it became evident that the entire public debt could be turned into bonds bearing no more than three per cent, interest, if such an end should prove desirable. As a conse- quence bitter partyism was not indulged in as during slavery times and the period of reconstruction, though even these financial and business topics could not altogether escape modest party colorings when an advantage was likely to accrue. An act to remonetize silver and coin $2,000,000 (Bland) a month was passed and received the President's veto, Feb. 28, 1878. It was passed over the veto. This legislation was not of any party, but was thought to be in the interest of the Pacific or mining States. On May 28, 1878, the Bankrupt Act was so amended as to virtually work its repeal. The River and Har- bor Bill of this session (April 23, 1878) appropriated the large sum of $8,000,000 for this class of coast and internal improve- ments. This was extraordinary, not only on account of the sum involved, but because it came from a Democratic House which had started on an economic career, and further because the old Democratic constitutional objections to appropriations of this kind were no longer heard. Both parties were now fully committed to appropriations of this character, and all for the worse unless a check be provided, which, as we shall see, soon came in the shape of executive veto. Congress adjourned, June 20, 1878. FORTY-FIFTH CONGRESS— Second Regular Session.— Met Dec. 2, 1878, The President's message referred with favor JOHN SHERMAN. 659 GOO rUESIUENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. to the process of funding now rapidly and successfully going on, by which so many millions were being saved in annual interest. It was much firmer as to the Southern situation than his former message, and the party became assured of his fealty, began to harmonize in the several States and to recover from what, at one time, seemed to be permanent factional estrangement. An important, though not strictly party measure, was the Anti-Chinese bill, which was vetoed by the President as being against the Burlingame Treaty. It was passed oxer the veto, Feb. 22, 1879. It prohibited the immigration of Chinese as laborers. The Republicans in the House made a determined effort to stop the coinage of Bland dollars. Their measure was defeated by an almost solid Democratic vote. The great bone of party contention was the old Republican measures which provided for keeping peace at the polls in the respective States during Congressional elections. These bills authorized the appointment of United States Marshals, and even the calling out of troops in case of danger. The Democrats used their power over the Appropriation bill of this session, to work their repeal, by withholding pay for Marshals and for the army, except on the condition that troops should never be used at elections. Two Army Appropriation bills were vetoed by the President on the ground that Congress could not deprive the I-Cxecutive of the power to keep the peace, and that judicious use of troops was still necessary to suppress riotous demonstrations in certain sections. The end of the session came before an ap- propriation was made for the army. Congress adjourned situ die, March 3, 1879. FORTY-SIXTH CONGRESS —ExtrR Session. — Called March 18, 1879, ^^ P'^ss the Army Appropriation bill which the Forty-fifth Congress failed to do. Now both Houses were Democratic. The Senate contained, Democrats, 42 ; Republi- cans, 33; Independent, i. The House, Democrats, 148; Re- publicans, 130; Greenbackers or Nationals, 15. This was a stormy session. The Democrats had their way in both Houses. They passed the Army Appropriation bill, with JOSEPH R. HAWLEY. WM. M. EVARTS. GEORGE H. PENDLETON. DANIEL W. VOORHEES. 661 g(52 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS, the same " riders " as before, providing pay for the troops in case they were not used for preserving peace at the polls. The excitement had the effect of uniting the Republicans and stimu- lating the administration, who regarded the withholding of ap- propriations as an attempt to coerce the Executiv^e branch by starving the government. The President vetoed the bill, and thus stated his position : " The army and navy are established by the Constitution. Their duty is clearly defined and their support. provided for by law. The money required for this pur- pose is now in the Treasury. It was not the intention of the framers of the Constitution that any single branch of the gov- ernment should have the power to dictate conditions upon which this money should be applied to the purpose for which it was collected." The bill could not be passed over the veto. The offensive riders were therefore removed and the bill, as amended, passed. The Republicans made an ineffectual effort to pass a measure for insuring peace at Congressional elections by imposing a pen- alty on carrying fire-arms or concealed weapons. The Demo- crats in the House passed the Warner Silv^er bill providing for the unlimited coinage of silver dollars. The members of their party in the Senate, under the lead of Bayard, refused to recog- nize it. Congress adjourned, July i, 1879. FORTY-SIXTH CONGRESS— Y\xst Regular Session.— Met Dec. i, 1879. The summer had witnessed an exodus of the colored population of the South, and a movement toward kinder localities. It gave rise to much discussion in the journals of all sections, and those of the South advised more liberal treatment of the blacks in matters of education, labor contracts, etc. The President's message was the firmest and ablest he had yet presented. It spoke of the success of resumption and the great saving thereby effected ; took decided ground against fur- ther coinage of the Bland dollar ; urged the necessity of organ- izing an effective Civil Service Reform Commission, and favored the retirement of the Legal Tender notes. The Democrats again brought up their measure to prevent the use of the army to keep the peace at the polls. After receiving PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 663 what was known as the Garfield amendment to the effect that the " bill should not be construed so as to prevent the Constitu- tional use of the army to suppress domestic violence in a State," it was passed and approved. The same offensive " riders " were, however, attached to the Army Appropriation bill, which was again vetoed. Before the end of the session the Democrats modified their hostility to the Congressional Election Law, owing to a decision of the Supreme Court affirming its constitutionality. A long discussion was had on a bill to regulate the electoral count. A bill to this effect had been in many previous Congresses. Imperative as some such legislation seemed, nothing came of it. The River and Harbor bill of the session appropriated ;^9,ooo,ooo. Congress adjourned, June i6, 1880. ELECTION OF 1880.— The Republican National Conven- tion met at Chicago, June 5, 1880. There was much excitement in the party ranks over the candidacy of ex-President Grant, whose friends were urging him for a third, but not consecutive, term. After 36 ballots, James A. Garfield, Ohio, was nominated for President, and Chester A. Arthur, N. Y., for Vice-President. The platform recited, as Republican party history, the suppression of rebellion, reconstruction of the Union, manumission of 4,000,000 slaves, raising of a paper currency from 38 per cent, to par, pay- ment in coin of all national obligations, raising of government credit from where 6 per cent, bonds sold at 86 to where 4 per cent, bonds sold at par, increase of railways from 3 1,000 miles in i860 to 82,000 in 1879, increase of foreign trade from $700,000,- 000 to $1,150,000,000, and of exports from $20,000,000 less than our imports in i860 to $264,000,000 more than our imports in 1880, revival of depressed industries. (2) Pledge of similar action for the future ; to pay soldiers' pensions ; to further re- duce the debt, to encourage commerce. (3) The Constitution the supreme law ; boundary between reserved and delegated powers to be determined by the nation, not by the States. (4) Favored popular education; no appropriation of school funds to sectarian uses. (5) Protective duties ; no land grants to corpora- tions ; extinction of polygamy ; internal improvement ; obliga- 6g4 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. tion to soldiers and sailors. (6) Limitation of Chinese immigra- tion ; approval of Hayes' administration ; charges of corrupt practices and vicious principles on the Democratic party ; radical civil service reform. The National (Greenback) Convention met at Chicago June 9, 1880, and nominated James B. Weaver, Iowa, for President, and E. J. Chambers, Texas, for Vice-President. The platform adhered to the principle of a large legal tender currency ; opposi- tion to refunding of the debt ; abolition of national banks and their currency ; favored unlimited coinage of gold and silver ; enforcement of the eight hour law ; opposed the immigration of Chinese; land grants to actual settlers only; regulation of inter- State commerce by Congress ; a graduated income tax ; no re- striction on suffrage ; no bondholders' government ; no section- alism. The Prohibition Reform Party met in National Convention at Cleveland, June 17, 1880, and nominated for President Neal Dow, Me., and for Vice-President H. A. Thompson, Ohio. A very lengthy platform took the usual ground against traffic in intoxicants and arraigned both political parties for shirking the question. The Democratic Party met in National Convention at Cincin- nati, June 22, 1880, and nominated Winfield S. Hancock, N. Y., for President, and William H. English, Ind., for Vice-President. The platform (i) pledged the party to Democratic traditions and doctrines. (2) Opposed centralization and sumptuary laws ; favored separation of church and State ; fostered common schools. (3) Home rule ; honest money ; maintenance of public credit ; "tariff for revenue only;" subordination of military to civil authority ; reform of civil service. (4) A free ballot. (5) De- nunciation of Hayes' administration and Republican party. (6) Eulogy on Tilden. (7) Free ships ; no Chinese immigrants ; public land for actual settlers ; protection of laboring man against " cormorant and commune ; " congratulations over work of the Democratic Congress. The campaign opened disastrously for the Republicans, Maine WINFIELD S. HANCOCK. WM. R. MORRISON. ROSCOE CONKLING. 665 666 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. having gone Democratic, or Coalition, in September. The loss of Indiana to the Democrats in October threw the advantage to the RepubHcan side. The Democrats felt, as the canvas ad- vanced, the weight of their commitment to " a tariff for revenue only," a Protective Tariff being the issue directly pushed by the Republicans. " The Morey letter," circulated for the purpose •of injuring Garfield in the Pacific States, was a conspicuous cam- paign sensation. The impression that it was a malicious invention served to deaden its effect, if not to turn it to the disadvantage of the Democrats. The result in November was favorable to the Republicans. The Congressional elections were also favorable to that party, reversing the Democratic majority. FORTY-SIXTH CONGRESS— Second Session.— Met Dec. 6, 1880. The President's message was a strong paper. It took high ground in favor of the inviolability of the Constitutional amendments ; favored an appropriation to perfect a civil service code; opposed political assessments; asked that polygamy be punished by excluding those who practiced it from the jury box; and that a silver dollar be coined equal in value to the gold dol- lar. An effort was made to pass a law regulating the electoral count. It failed as usual. The count in February (9th) showed 214 votes for Garfield and Arthur, and 155 for Hancock and English. Congress adjourned si^ic die, March 3, 1881. On March 4 Garfield and Arthur were sworn into office. XXIV. GARFIELD'S AND ARTHUR'S ADMINISTRATION. March 4, 1 881— March 3, 1885. James A. Garfield, Ohio, President. Chester A. Arthur, N. Y., Vice-President. Congresses. Sessions. Forty-seventh Congress. / '. December 5, 1881-AiiRust 8, 1882. \ 2, December 4, iS82-March 3, 1883. FORTY-EIGHTH CONGRESS. / '' December 3, 'SSj-July 7, 1884^ \ 2, Deceml)er i, i8b4-March 3, 1885. PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 667 ELECTORAL VOTE: Basis of States. 131.425- Alabama 8 Arkansas 4 California 4 Colorado I Connecticut - . . . . 4 Delaware I Florida 2 Georgia 9 Illinois 19 Indiana 13 Iowa 9 Kansas 3 Kentucky 10 Louisiana 6 Maine 5 Maryland 6 Massachusetts il Michigan 9 Minnesota 3 Mississippi 6 Missouri 13 Nebraska I Nevada I New Hampshire 3 New Jersey 7 New York 2,2) North Carolina 8 Ohio 20 Oregon I Pennsylvania 27 Rhode Island 2 South Carolina 5 Tennessee 10 Texas 6 Vermont 3 Virginia 9 "West Virginia 3 Wisconsin 8 Totals 293 THE CABINET, Republican. Democrat. James A. Chester A. Winfield S. William H Garfield, Arthur, Hancock, English, i^ote. Ohio. N. Y. N. Y. Ind. 10 10 10 6 6 6 6 I I 5 5 3 3 3 . . 6 6 6 3 3 3 4 4 4 II , , II II 21 21 21 . , IS 15 15 .. .. II II II .. 5 5 5 .. 12 . , 12 12 8 , , 8 8 7 7 7 8 8 8 n n 13 .. .. II II II <; 5 S 8 8 % 15 15 15 3 3 3 3 3 3 5 5 5 9 9 9 35 35 35 10 10 10 22 22 22 3 3 3 .. .. 29 29 29 .. • ' 4 4 4 7 .. 7 7 12 , . , . 12 12 8 . . , . 8 8 5 5 5 II , . II II 5 5 5 10 10 lO 369 214 214 ^IS 155 Secretary of State James G. Blaine, Me. Secretary of Treasury William Windom, Minn. Secretary of War Robert T. Lincoln, 111. Secretary of Navy W. H. Hunt, La. Secretary of Interior Samuel J. Kirkwood, Iowa. Attorney-General Wayne McVeagh, Pa. Postmaster-General Thomas L. James, N. Y. * The popular vote was, Garfield, 4,449,053 — 19 States; Democrat, Hancock, 4,442,035 — 19 States; Greenback, Weaver, 308,578 ; Prohibition, 10,305 ; Ameri «an, 707 ; scattering, 989. 608 I'RESIDEXTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. POLITICAL 5/r^y4776>yV.— The conservatism of the Hayes' administration, always manifested save on extraordinary occa- sions, had softened party asperities and allayed sectional feeling. It had given play to two currents within the Republican party, the one conservative, like the administration, the other radical. The new administration had the support of both during the cam- paign. It therefore opened auspiciously. The inaugural was an able, patriotic paper, in which the President took a high stand on the question of suffrage, education, morals, public faith and civil service reform. The Senate sitting in extra session confirmed the Cabinet officers, but the minor appointments, especially those for New York State, gave rise to much feeling, which ended in the resig- nation of the Senators from that State, May 17, 1881. This was the date of a disastrous division in the Republican party which led to the " tidal waves " of opposition in 1882-83. The conservative sentiment of the party strove to purify and popular- ize the methods of party management. It took the shape of " Independent " revolt in many States. In others it administered quiet rebuke to those it was pleased to designate as " Bosses" by refraining from voting. THE ASSASSINATION.— The President was shot at the Baltimore and Potomac depot, Washington, on July 2, 188 1, at 9.20 A. M., by Charles J. Guiteau, a persistent seeker of po- litical places far beyond his ability to fill, and a maliciously dis- posed, cowardly semi-idiot, in whom disappointment had stirred natural diabolism to the point of assassination. The President rallied from the effects of the shot, lingered hopefully for a long time, but finally died at Elberon, N. J., at 10.35 ^'- ^'-j Sept. 19, 1 88 1, amid the tears of a nation and the .sympathies of a world. THE NEW ADMINISTRATION— The Cabinet at once telegraphed Vice-President Arthur of the death of President Garfield and suggested that he take the oath of office. He did so at 2.15 A. M., Sept. 20, 1 88 1, at New York city, before Judge Brady; and again at Washington, Sept. 22, at 12 M., before the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. ROBERT T. LINCOLN. S. S. COX. JAMES G. BLAINE. JOHN A. LOGAN. 669 670 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISl RATIONS. THE CABINET.— W^ did not reorganize his Cabinet at once, but when the changes were complete it stood as follows : Secretary of Stale Fred. T. Frelinghuysen, N. J. Secretary ot Treasury Charles J. Folger, N. Y. Secretary of War Robert T. Lincoln, 111., continued. Secretary of Navy William E. Chandler, N. H. Secretary of Interior Henry M. Teller, Col. Attorney-General .Benjamin Harris Brewster, Pa. Postmaster-General Timothy O. Howe, Wis. FORTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS— First Session.— Met De~ cember 5, 1881. The Republican party had control of the House, there being Republicans, 150; Democrats, 131 ; Nationals, 10; Re- adjusters, 2. The Senate stood Republicans, 37 ; Democrats, 37; Independent, i ; Readjuster, I.* The House organized by electing Warren B. Keifer, Ohio, Speaker. A conspicuous measure of this session was the Edmunds Polygamy bill, which was not a party measure, but singularly enough met with only Democratic opposition. It became final March 23, 1882. Its gist was the disfranchisement of those practising polygamy. On May 15, 1882, the bill to create a Tariff Commission was signed. This Commission sat at various places during the summer and fall. The Tariff act of the next session was based on their report. An amended anti-Chinese bill was passed, pro- hibiting their immigration for a period of twenty years. Ques- tions of banking and refunding took up a great part of the ses- sion. It was now an easy matter to place government bonds bearing interest as low as 3 per cent. An immense appropriation was made for River and Harbor purposes. It was vetoed by the President, but was passed over the veto by a vote of 41 to 16 in the Senate, and 122 to 59 in the House, showing that both par- ties were of the same spirit respecting this question of Internal Improvement. The veto took the ground that this species of legislation, as exemplified by this particular bill, had passed beyond the only warrant to be found for it, viz. : the authority * to provide for the common defence and general welfare," and * This was Senator Mahone, Va., who stood at the head of a State party called •' Readjusters " of the State debt. g72 PRKSIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. had become the means by which money was taken for small streams and purely local improvements, with which the people at large had no concern and through which they could receive no benefit.* Feb. 25, 1882, an apportionment bill passed. It fixed the number of Representatives, under the census of 1 870, at 325. Congress adjourned, Aug. 8, 1882. FORTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS—Second Session.— Met December 4, 1882. This Congress seemed to be a point at which an immense amount of previously prepared and debated work culminated. It was prolific of important and far-reaching measures, many of them political but most of them of general moment. The Tariff Commission had made its report and both Houses had it under discussion. The outcrop was the Tariff Act of March 3, 1883, which lowered duties on most of the lead- ing imports, but whose main feature was to equalize rates and abolish the incongruities of existing Tariff laws. It cannot be said that the act was a success in this respect. Interests to be consulted were so conflicting that it was impossible to avoid crudities and hardships. Demand for lighter duties on ra,w ma- terials made by manufacturing sections worked to the injury of producing sections, and 2'U'c versa. The act was in the nature of a compromise. It served to show, however, that the entire country had come to regard this class of legislation as vital. The act went into operation as to sugar and molasses on the 1st of June, 1883; as to its other provisions on the 1st of July, 1883. The Civil Service Reform Bill passed at this session. It was introduced in the Senate by Geo. H. Pendleton, Democrat, of Ohio, and authorized a commission to devise a plan of civil ser- vice and put it in operation. Though this bill was introduced by a Democrat and ably sustained by him, the Democrats were its active opponents. Its final pas.sage in both Houses was by * The rapid growth of this class of appropriations after they began to receive the favor of both parties appears thus : 1870, ^3,975,900; 1875, ;S6,648. 517 ; *^^° 88,976,500; 1881, ^11,451,000; 1882, J?i8,743,875, the amount in vetoed bill. Since the beginning of the government there has been expended in the respective Stales for river and harbor improvements the total sum of jf! 108,796,401. PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS 573 an almost solid Republican vote against an almost solid Demo^ cratic opposition.* An act of March 3, 1883, reduced letter postage to two cents for each half ounce and authorized a Postal note whose value should not exceed five dollars. Large reductions were made in Internal taxes. Congress adjourned sine die, March 3, 1883. FORTY-EIGHTH CONGRESS— First Session.— Met De- cember 3, 1883. The political " tidal wave " of 1882, partially- repeated in 1883, had been very disastrous to the Republican party. They lost governors and legislators in many of their strongest States, and the National House of Representatives was Democratic. The Senate stood, Republicans, 40, to Democrats, 36. The House was composed of Democrats, 195 ; Republicans, 126; Independent, i; vacancies, 3. Much interest was felt in the election of a Speaker. The Democrats, as a party, seemed to be composed of two wings, one in favor of quiet respecting existing Tariff legislation, the other in favor of reduced duties. Mr. Carlisle, Ky., exponent of the latter idea, became Speaker. The President's message recommended closer commercial and political relations with Mexico ; an extension of our trade interests to South America and to the new Congo country; called attention to the national surplus of ^132,874,444.21, and recommended reduced tariff and internal taxation, with a partial appropriation of the surplus to the building of a navy; advised the redemption and recoinage of the trade dollars ; a settlement of the Mormon question by repeal of the Territorial act and es- tablishment of a government through a Commission ; reduction of postal rates in cities to one cent for every half ounce ; pro- visions for Inter-State traffic or commerce ; new legislation re- specting civil rights under the Fourteenth Amendment. The country regarded the paper as plain, practical, business-like and assuring. But the Congress was in no mood to embark upon legislation recommended by President Arthur. TheRepublicans were cast * Politicians attributed the defeat of Senator Pendleton for re-election to the Sen- ate by the Democratic Legislature of Ohio, in January, 1884, to his advocacy of this bill. 43 674 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. down by their recent reverses, while the Democrats were too new to the situation to hastily commit themselves to measures which might endanger their supremacy. They elaborated a scheme for what was called " a horizontal reduction of the tariff," but it was picked to pieces by the protectionists in their own party, and finally defeated by the snap-short method of a motion to strike out its enacting clause. The same result attended their efforts to reduce the surphis in the Treasury by repeal of internal taxation, though in this in- stance the general party judgment as to the necessity of such repeal seems to have been thwarted by a desire not to interfere with the internal tax on whiskey, and by the fear that any re- duction of internal taxation would give the Republicans and protection Democrats an excuse for maintaining high protective duties on imports. A bill to regulate the counting of the electoral vote passed the Senate, and also the House in an amended form. It fell to the ground in a Committee of Conference. The Blair Educational Bill passed the Senate but was defeated in the House. It appro- priated ;$I5,000,000 the first year to purposes of education, to be divided among the States in proportion to the number of illite- rates therein ; and then one million less each year for ten years. It was designed to assist the Southern States. The end of the session found the political situation compara- tively unchanged, and this was perhaps preferable to both parties. If nothing of moment had been accomplished, mistakes had, at least, been avoided, provided inactivity be not a mistake in politics. One thing was not forgotten, that was a good round sum (^13,- 899,700) covered into the River and Harbor Bill, for the purpose of exalting sleepy and unpretentious waterways into navigable arteries of trade. Congress adjourned July 7, 1884. ELECTION OF 1884.— The Republican National Conven- tion met at Chicago on Tuesday, June 3, 1884. It was the Eighth National Convention in the history of the party and was composed of 820 delegates. The candidates placed in nomina- tion were James G. Blaine, Me. ; Chester A. Arthur, N. Y. ; John Sherman, O. ; Geo. F. Edmunds, Vt. ; John A. Logan, 111.; Joseph PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. ^75 R. Hawley, Conn. Each of the candidates had a respectable following, but the nomination of James G. Blaine had been fore- shadowed by a popular wave which was running swiftest and highest at the moment the Convention met, and which nothing could stem. The party seemed to demand as a candidate a man of Mr. Blaine's brilliant and aggressive parts, and this quite as much for the purpose of dispelling the gloom occasioned by the local political disasters of 1882-83 ^^ ^^ obedience to a wish to see him vindicated by a nomination which had been, as his ad- mirers thought, unnecessarily withheld by prior conventions. He received the party nomination on the fourth ballot, and it was generally agreeable to the rank and file, but distasteful to a small faction who had clung to the fortunes of Mr. Edmunds, on the plea of conservative statesmanship, pure political methods and practical reforms. These did not cease their antagonism during the entire campaign, and they came to be known as " Mugwumps." General John A. Logan, of Illinois, was made the nominee for Vice-President. The platform commended the party to the people for its achievements ; lamented the death of President Garfield ; en- dorsed President Arthur's administration ; favored a tariff for protection to industry ; denounced the Democrats for failing to reduce the surplus by removing internal taxation, for attempting to correct the tariff by the indiscriminate process of "horizontal reduction," and for their hostility to the wool-growing interests ; urged an international standard for gold and silver; suggested an act to regulate inter-state commerce; favored international arbitration as a substitute for war ; denounced the importation of contract labor ; declared in favor of civil service reform ; of keep- ing the public land for actual settlers ; of liberal pensions for sol- diers ; of an extended navy ; denounced Polygamy ; asserted the right of the United States to insist upon a free ballot and full count in the Southern States ; and passed its pledge to secure to all persons their full political rights. The Democratic party met in National Convention at Chicago on July 8, 1884, in the same hall used by the Republicans a month before. The Convention numbered 820 members, two- g76 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. thirds of which were required to make a choice. The names of T. F. Bayard, Del, Stephen Grover Cleveland, N. Y., Jos. E. McDonald, Ind., Jno. G. Carlisle, Ky., Allen G. Thurman, Ohio, S. J. Randall, Penna., and George E. Hoadly, Ohio, were placed in nomination. Grover Cleveland, of New York, was nominated as candidate for President on the second ballot. Thomas A. Hendricks, of Indiana, was nominated as Vice-President. Though the Tammany Hall leaders were bitterly opposed to Mr. Cleveland's nomina- tion, and though he was unknown to the older Democracy, his nomination was regarded as a master political stroke on the part of the Convention. He had been elected Governor of New York State over Chas. J. Folger, President Arthur's Secretary of the Treasury, by an unprecedented majority ; was a favorite with the younger Democracy, and had given a plain, sturdy administra- tion without much reference to party behests. The fiict that New York was a pivotal State in the campaign, and that the Republican element which was to oppose Mr. Blaine not only resided there most largely but had long before expressed its favoritism for Mr. Cleveland, greatly added to his availability. Whatever may have been the sentiment respecting his ability as a statesman or even his desire to serve the leaders of his party, the dissatisfied elements soon closed about him, and it became apparent to all that, by his freedom from entanglements and newness to situations, he was stronger than his party. The platform announced that " the fundamental principles of Democracy, approved by the people, remain the best and only security for free government ; " " the preservation of personal rights, equality of all citizens before the law, reserved rights of the States, and supremacy of the P^ederal Government within the hmits of the Constitution, will ever form the true basis of liberty ; " that the government should not always be controlled by one political party ; that a change is now demanded ; that the Repub- lican party, as to principle, is a reminiscence ; as to practice, an organization for enriching those who control its machinery ; that it has nominated a ticket against which the independent portion of its members are in revolt ; that the will of the people in favor PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 677 of change was defeated in 1876 by fraud and in 1880 by lavish use of money ; that the Repubhcan party has squandered mil- lions on a navy and given away the public lands to railroads and non-settlers ; that said party does not keep its pledges as to free institutions, in favor of American workingmen, pensions for sol- diers, and protection to American manufactures; that the Demo- cratic party is pledged to revise the tariff in a spirit of fairness to all interests, and denounces the existing tariff and the internal revenue tax ; that the circulating medium should be gold and silver, or money convertible into same ; that the government should secure equal rights to all citizens ; opposes sumptuary laws ; favors civil service reform, separation of church and state, diffusion of education by common schools, the prevention of monopoly ; favors the keeping of public lands for actual settlers, and all legislation tending to advance labor ; favors the protec- tion of persons and property of American citizens in foreign lands; an American policy which shall restore American com- merce ; laments the fact that S. J. Tilden refuses to be again a candidate. The Prohibition National Convention met at Pittsburg, July 21, 1884, and nominated Ex-Gov. John P. St. John, Kansas, for President, and William Daniel, Md., for Vice-President. The platform set forth that : Laws must be made in accordance with divine will ; National and State laws regulating manufacture, supply and sale of alcoholic beverages must be repealed, as sources of evil ; both political parties compete for the liquor vote, and are a source of danger; reform must be introduced into National methods by abolition of sinecures, by electing post- masters, by making sobriety a test of office-holding, by remov- ing none from office except when necessary ; no government revenue from liquor and tobacco, but only from customs' duties judiciously levied so as to protect labor; public lands only for private homes ; all money, coin and paper, to be a legal tender ; care and support for Union soldiers and their widows ; no per- sons or peoples to be excluded from citizenship ; drink reform to be brought about by Congress excluding it from the Terri- tories and providing a Constitutional amendment prohibiting it 678 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. and Polygamy in the land ; invitation to all laborers, women and moralists to support the party; civil and political equality for the sexes ; change of name from " Prohibition Home Protection Party" to " Prohibition Party." On May 14, 1884, a National Convention of Anti-Monopolists met at Chicago and nominated for President General B. F. Butler, Mass. They left the choice of a candidate for Vice-President open to their National Committee. This Convention was followed, May 28, 1884, by the " Green- back " National Convention, at Chicago, which also nominated General B. F. Butler for President and added the name of General A. M. West, Miss., for Vice-President. This action blended the Anti-Monopolists and Greenbackers and the combination was expected to carry the labor vote of the country with it. The "Greenback" platform demanded (i) Issue of legal tender notes in sufficient quantities to supply actual demands of trade and commerce in accordance with increase of population; substitu- tion of greenbacks for National bank notes ; prompt payment of public debt by use of money locked up in public Treasury. (2) Demanded restoration of all public lands, moneys and railroads given away to corporations with the sanction of both political parties to the people. (3) All public lands must be reclaimed and held for the use of the people. (4) Congress should pass an inter-state commerce bill. (5) Demanded the restoration of the income tax in a graduated form. (6) The amelioration of the labor of the country by passing sanitary laws, building industrial establishments, abolishing convict labor, appointing inspectors for mines and factories, reducing the hours of labor, festering educational institutions, and preventing child labor. (7) De- nounced the importation of cheap convict labor. (8) Asked for a Constitutional amendment reducing the length of term of U. S. Senators. (9) Such rules for the government of Congress as shall put all members on an equal footing. (10) A wise revision of the tariff laws in the interest of labor, but expresses the be- lief that plenty of money is the best solvent of the issues of labor and taxation. (11) In order to te.st public sentiment, recom- mends an amendment to Constitution in favor of female suffrage PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 679 and stoppage of liquor traffic. (12) Pensions to all disabled sol- diers of late war. ( 1 3) The Greenback Labor party is the only National party. (14) Appeals for support of all good men. The campaign opened with fierce attacks by both the leading parties on the private character of the opposing candidates. These, however, soon spent their force, and left the Democrats in the enviable position of a party whose candidate had no record as a national legislator or politician, and who had risen to the position of Governor of his State with the help of a large Repub- lican contingent and by a majority of nearly 200,000 votes. Their national platform was an instrument of generous promises and pledges, and the idea was easily cultivated that " change " would not bt? disastrous, but rather beneficial. The Republicans made a brilliant campaign, with their leader in the field, and an ardent advocate of the leading tenets of the party, especially those of protection and a free ballot. The Western States were visited and, when found to be well in line, the rest of the cam- paign was simple. The whole contest turned upon New York, as already foreseen, and with the chances somewhat against the Republicans. The Temperance ticket was pushed with full energy in the State, and with the effect of subtracting largely from the Republican strength. The Greenback Labor ticket was pushed with equal energy, and with the effect of subtracting from the Democratic strength. The advantage gained to the Republicans in other States by their strong " Protection " atti- tude and the personal magnetism of their leader was more than discounted in New York by the fact that the " Independents " in their ranks were mostly free traders, and by the additional fact that it was the home State of the Democratic candidate. It was thought by the Republican managers that Mr. Blaine could improve the situation in the State by the inspiration of his presence. The experiment of a brief campaign tour was tried with very favorable effects, till the night of the celebrated recep- tion tendered him by the united clergy of the metropolis, at which Rev. Dr. Burchard delivered his celebrated " Rum, Ro- manism and Rebellion " speech. This fatal alliterative perora- tion was flashed over the countr}', without any explanation, and 680 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. occasioned a stampede of the followers of the Greenback Labor ticket back to the Democratic fold. The result of this campaign was the closest on record. The Democratic candidate carried the one State necessary to his election by a plurality of only 1,047 votes. This was a political revolution the country had hardly antici- pated a few months before. It brought the Democrats into Na- tional power for the first time since 1861, a period of twenty-four years and six administrations, and it placed them under a re- sponsibility they had never before been called upon as a party to meet, for progress had made immense strides since the days of Buchanan ; slavery had been abolished ; the doctrine of States' Rights and Secession had been obliterated by " grim-visaged war ; " the hated national banking system of Jacksonian times was now a majestic and unassailable fact, and many other of the ancient Democratic principles and methods had fallen into des- uetude or been modified beyond recognition by the fires of time. FORTY-EIGHTH CONGRESS— Second Session. — Met Dec. I, 1884. President Arthur's Cabinet as remodeled stood as follows : Secretary of State Fred. T. Frelinghuysen, N. J. iChas. J. Folger (died Sept. 5, 1884), N. Y. Walter Q. Gresham (Sept. 24, 1884), Ind. Hugh McCullough (Oct. 31, 1884), Ind. Secretary of War Robert T. Lincoln, 111. Secretary of Navy William E. Chandler, N. H. Secretary of Interior Henry M. Teller, Col. Postmaster-General Frank Hatton, Iowa. Attorney-General Benjamin Hairis Brewster, Pa. The President's Message was a compact and practical docu- ment abounding in information and good advice, and making a hopeful forecast of the future. As with all State papers of this time, it urged the expediency of providing against excessive ac- cumulation of money in the Treasury by lowering internal taxa- tion. In both Houses of Congress an Inter-State Commerce bill underwent discussion. A bill to prevent the importation of^ foreign contract labor was passed. Party lines were closely PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 681 drawn on a bill to admit Dakota as a State. The Democrats opposed and the Republicans favored the bill. Political serenity was somewhat disturbed by a bill introduced by the Democrats which suspended the act authorizing the coinage of 2,000,000 of Bland dollars per month. The bill was said to have been introduced at the request of Mr. Cleveland, the newly-elected President, and as an aid to his proposed policy. It was defeated by the Democrats themselves. Congress adjourned by limita- tion March 4, 1885, having failed to pass the usual River and Harbor bill. On the same day Cleveland and Hendricks were sw^orn into office, and the Democratic party began its new lease of power in National affairs. President Arthur retired to private life, broken down in health and with the seeds of that disease in his system which he was not to survive more than a year or two. He had taken office amid a storm of condemnation and with his party torn by dissensions, but with a delicate sensibility, a digni- fied method, and calm procedure amid condemnation and cal- umny, he disarmed enmity in his own party, solidified its broken ranks, and left office amid kindly and considerate feeling on the part of his countrymen. F. T. FRELINGHUYSEN. CHAS, J, FOLGER. 682 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. XXV. CLEVELAND'S ADMINISTRATION. March 4, 1885— March 4, 1889. Grover Cleveland, N. Y., President. Thomas A. Hendricks, Ind., Vice-President. (Mr. Hendricks died November 25, 1885.) John Sherman, President pro tent, of Senate, acting Vice-President. Cong7-esses. Sessions. FORTY-NINTH CONGRESS. | '' December 7, ;885-August 5. 1886. \ 2, December 6, 1886-March 4, 1886. Fiftieth Congress. ELECTORAL VOTE.* ( I, December 5, iSSy.-October 20, li \ 2, December 3, 1888. -March 4, i88c States. Basis of 154,325 Alabama 8 Arkansas 5 California 6 Colorado I Connecticut 4 Delaware I Florida 2 Georgia 10 Illinois 20 Indiana 13 Iowa II Kansas 7 Kentucky 11 Louisiana 6 Maine 4 Maryland 6 Massachusetts 12 Michigan 11 Minnesota 5 Mississippi 7 Missouri 14 Nebraska 3 Nevada i New Hampshire .... 2 New Jersey 7 New York 34 Democrat. Republican. Grover Thos. A. James G. John A. Votes. Cleveland, N.Y, Hendricks, Ind. Blaine, Me. L)ogan, III. 10 10 7 8 7 3 6 6 3 3 4 4 12 12 22 IS IS 13 9 13 8 13 8 6 8 8 14 13 7 9 16 9 16 5 3 4 9 36 9 36 10 7 6 3 4 2 9 36 32 13 9 13 9 14 14 >3 '3 7 7 5 S 3 3 4 4 *Popularvote — Cleveland, 4,911,017 ; States, 20; Blaine, 4,848,334; States, 18; Butler, Greenback-Labor, 133,825; St. Joh ., Prohibition, 151,809; Scattering, 11,362. PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. Electoral Vote — Continued. 683 States. Basis of 154,32s North Carolina 9 Ohio 21 Oregon I Pennsylvania 28 Rhode Island 2 South Carolina 7 Tennessee 10 Texas II Vermont 2 Virginia 10 West Virginia 4 Wisconsin 9 Totals 325 ' Democrat. R epublican. Grover Thos. A. James d. Blaine, G. John A. Votes. Cleveland, NY. Hendricks, In Me. Logan, 111. II II II 23 23 23 3 .. 3 3 30 .. 30 30 4 4 4 9 9 9 • • 12 12 12 13 13 13 .. .. 4 4 4 12 12 12 6 6 6 II , , II II 401 219 210 182 r&2 77/"^ CABINET. Secretary of State Thomas F. Bayard, Del. Secretary of Treasury Daniel Manning, N. Y. (Succeeded by Chas. S. Fairchild, N. Y., April i, 1887.) Secretary of War William C. Endicott, Mass. Secretary of Navy William C. Whitney, N. Y. Secretary of Interior Lucius Q. C. Lamar, Miss. (Succeeded by William F. Vilas, Wis., December 5, 1887.) Attorney-General Augustus H. Garland, Ark. Postmaster-General William F. Vilas, Wis. (Succeeded by Don M. Dickinson, Mich., December 5, 1887.) THE POLITICAL SITUATION.—On coming into power after a long retiracy of twenty-four years, the Democratic party found practically a new country, but one at peace and in the en- joyment of unbounded prosperity. The Arthur administration had been clean, safe and elegant rather than bold and strong. Politically there was but little to ripple the surface of events, and Mr. Cleveland came upon the scene with the best wishes of the nation at his back, and with a prestige for independent thoughts and conservative methods. He was younger than the ante-war principles of his party, unshackled by ancient political complica- tions or previous national record, and could well afford to pro- ceed cautiously with the work of his administration. He, and, for that matter, his party, had everything to gain by an adminis- tration of affairs which should embody wisdom and safety. He 684 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. made his Cabinet selections without much regard to the wishes of party leaders, and naturally gave the preference to his own State, which secured two of the leading secretaryships. The President's inaugural was a brief paper, pledging close observance of the Constitution and laws, advising the limitation of public expenditure to the needs of the government, desiring peace, commerce and honest friendship with all nations — en- tangling alliances with none ; devotion to the doctrine that our system of revenue should be so adjusted as to relieve the people from unjust taxation and prevent the accumulation of a surplus in the Treasury ; care for the public domain and fair treatment of the Indians ; enforcement of the laws against polygamy and the immigration of foreign servile classes ; rigid execution of the Civil Service laws on the principle that public office is a public trust. The document was a plain, unimpassioned declaration of the President's views and hopes without attempt to commit his party to anything new or startling, and it was well received by the country. Any policy shaped upon it and honestly adhered to must rather continue in general terms the political ideas of his predecessors than revolutionize them. So the new administration came quietly into power, and grad- ually set about to improve the months prior to the meeting of the 49th Congress by fitting itself to a policy and purpose. This work would not prove exciting, for Mr. Cleveland was not re- garded as a man of creative intellect, original force or venture- some disposition. He owed much to what was odiously termed the "Mugwump" element in the Republican party, and this would prove a balance wheel should he attempt to yield too sub- missively to the pressure of the mere place-hunter, which was now getting heavier every day. On Nov. 25, 1885, the Vice-President, Thos. A. Hendricks, died suddenly, and the President pro tern, of the Senate, John Sherman, of Ohio, became acting Vice-President under the law. This made a Republican President possible in the event of Mr. Cleveland's death. FORTY-NINTH CONGRESS— First Session.— Met Dec. 7, 'v^; m:^^-i S. GROVER CLEVELAND. 685 686 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 1885. Much interest naturally centred in the meeting of this Congress, the first under the Cleveland administration. Parties in the Senate stood : Republicans, 42 ; Democrats, 34 ; a Repub- lican majority of 8. In the House the Democrats had 184 members and the Republicans 141, a Democratic majority of 43, though four of these were Independents. The President's Message, his first to any Congress, was eagerly looked for. It proved to be a very lengthy document and a worthy state paper. Its three salient points were the much mooted silver question, the tariff, and the civil service — with in- teresting side lights on the Indian problem, commercial treaties, Mormonism, the navy, and other current subjects. The Presi- dent portrayed in sharp, bold outline the dangers of further coin- age of the Bland silver dollar and urged that such coinage be stopped. In his tariff views he practically gave away the case of the free-trade element in his party and, while stopping short of the doctrine of protection, landed squarely on the position oc- cupied by Mr. Randall and the "protection" minority in his own party. On the civil service question he wrote with dignity and force in its favor, and this part of his message was greatly lauded by his Independent Republican supporters and admirers. Thus on all the vital issues the President showed himself far in advance of his party and quite square with the measures which had taken shape within the past few years. In only one respect did he appear to be unequal to his professions, and that was in the prac- tical workings of the Civil Service act, which was not operating so as to prevent rapid partisan changes in the offices, as was ex- pected by its framers. The House organized by the re-election of Mr. Carlisle, Ky., as Speaker over Mr. Reed, Me. Though the Democrats had a good working majority, they did not make much haste with legislation, and the session proved long and uninteresting. An episode occurred in the Senate which for a time ruffled the political serenity and threatened a serious breach with the Presi- dent. Mr. Cleveland had made a removal of a prominent official for alleged cause, and had sent to the Senate the name of his successor for confirmation. The Senate asked for the papers THOS. F. BAYARD. L. Q. C. LAMAR. AUGUSTUS H. GARLAND. WM. F. VILAS. 68< 6fi8 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. connected with the case, as was usual. Those relating to the removal of the incumbent were withheld, as being papers proper only for Presidential review. The Senate made its demand more peremptory. The President replied by sending an opinion of his Attorney-General vindicating his course. The Senate in turn resolved in the future to refuse its " advice and consent " to all removals from office, the papers relating to which were with- held by the President. It was but another form of the old vexa- tious and dangerous question how far the President can annul by arbitrary removal the assent which the Senate gives under the Constitution to an Executive appointment. The weighty and absorbing question in the House was the old Morrison Tariff bill in fresh garb. It was more than ever a Democratic stumbling-block, and was finally defeated by a refusal of the House to go into Committee of the Whole to consider it as reported from the Committee of Ways and Means, a Democratic minority voting with the Republicans to secure this end. In its work the Senate was far in advance of the House, and that body passed such important bills as one to provide for Counting the Electoral Vote, the Blair Educational bill, supplement to the act to suppress Polygamy, etc., none of which were reached in the House. The River and Harbor bill for the session appropriated the munificent sum of ;^ 14,473,900. Large appropriations were also made for improving the navy by means of new war steamers. The President used his veto power with vigor upon bills grant- ing pensions to Union soldiers in special cases. One hundred and fifteen of these bills thus fell under executive displeasure. A bill regulating the Presidential succession became a law Jan- uary 19, 1886. This session dragged its tedious length into August, and passed into history as one of the longest on record, while measured by its achievements it was by far the longest. It was never at any time animated by heated party discussions, and the dominant party ventured nothing in the shape of new or aggressive measures. Congress adjourned August 5, 1886. FORTY-NINTH CONGRESS— Second Session.— Met Dec. 6, 1886. But little had transpired during the short interval be- tween the two sessions of the Forty-ninth Congress to ruffle the GEORGE F. EDMUNDS. SAMUEL J. RANDALL. JOHN G. CARLISLE. 44 JOHN J. INGALLS. 689 (J90 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. current of political events. The Congressional elections in No- vember showed a drift of sentiment away from the Democrats and back toward the Republicans in districts where the lines were sharply drawn between Protection and Free-Trade. The comfortable working majority of forty-three which the Demo- crats enjoyed in the Forty-ninth Congress was reduced to a slen- der majority of sixteen in the Fiftieth Congress, and more than two-thirds of this loss of twenty-four members was accounted for by the distaste of constituents for the Free-Trade leanings of their old members. Though the political outlook did not augur well for what was popularly spoken of as the Carlisle sentiment in the Democratic party, the President did not hesitate to take a decided step in his message toward the doctrine entertained by the majority wing of his party. After expressing disappointment at the little progress made during the previous long session toward reaching conclusions on such momentous questions as the " fisheries ne- gotiations," the reduction of the surplus, the suspension of com- pulsory coinage, etc., the President repeated with emphasis the language of his former message regarding the necessity of di- minishing taxation to a point within the needs of the country, but now he was no longer undecided as to the means. Reduction by removing the internal revenue tax was scarcely alluded to, but the plan which he seemed to think wisest was a judicious scaling of the tariff on imports, and especially a transfer of many of the cruder articles from the dutiable to the free list. The message, which was lengthy and diffuse, concluded with a de- fence of his pension vetoes during the former session. This session of the Congress was bound to be crowded and confused, for an immense amount of unfinished work came down from the previous session, and many new questions were press- ing for solution. The Democratic majority in the House grappled heroically at first with the tariff issue, but the time was frittered away in useless conferences between the majority and minority wings of their party, and the whole matter remained as if it had been untouched. Speaker Carlisle was so firm in his position that revenue reduction should only come about by means of CHILI ILSIICL M k WVIU (Hill JLbUCLM W IbLLLR JOS. E. Mcdonald. DON M. DICKINSON. 691 (j92 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. scaling the tariff rates, that he refused to let a vote be taken on a minority bill to repeal the internal tax on tobacco. The Senate anti-Polygamy bill of the last session was passed in the House. It had the effect of virtually disfranchising the Mormons, and was the severest blow that peculiar institution had yet received from the government. The Inter-State Com- merce bill also passed. This measure established a commission whose duty was to inquire into railway management, break up harmful combinations, secure uniformity of rates and in every way nationalize through-route traffic. This act did not draw party lines closely, though it was not in harmony with the an- cient State-right theories of many of <.he Southern Representa- tives. Among the other bills of more or less political significance passed during the session was one granting pensions to Mexican soldiers, one redeeming the " Trade Dollars," the Senate Bill regulating the Electoral Count, and the bill repealing the Tenure of Office Law. The Dependent Pension bill for Union soldiers was passed, vetoed by the President, and failed to pass over his veto. This important session, which witnessed the end of the Forty- ninth Congress and the completion of two years of a Democratic administration, placed to its credit some very desirable legisla- tion, but failed to project into laws the issues which were dis- tinctively political and respecting which parties were divided or likely to divide. The session adjourned by limitation on March 4, 1887, and the Congress as an entirety left the Tariff and Internal Revenue questions where it found them ; the Free Silver Coinage Law remained in a worse state than before, for the issue of one, two and five dollar silver certificates, based on the coin stored in the vaults, was only a postponement of the real question ; the Pacific Rail- road indebtedness was left to increase under the lame provisions of the olcT Thurman Act ; the bankrupt laws were left to the mercy of each State ; the basis of the National Bank circulation was permitted to dwindle away without providing a substitute; indigent war veterans were unprovided for; the Senate bill raising a Commission to examine into the Liquor Traffic was PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. ^93 ignored ; the Blair Educational bill found no favor at all in the House ; all of the bills looking to the admission of Dakota and Washington Territories died in the committee's hands. The bill imposing a tax on oleomargarine, and reducing postage to two cents per ounce, both of which became laws, met a unanimous popular wish. The closing days of Congress were so crowded that the Deficiency Appropriation bill failed to pass, and there was considerable agitation over the prospects of an extra session for the purpose of providing funds necessary to meet claims against the government. FIFTIETH CONGRESS— Y\xst Session.— Met Dec. 5, 1887. In the Senate the Republicans had a majority of one. In the House the parties stood: Democrats, 168; Republicans, 152; Independents, 4; vacancy, I. The Democrats renominated Mr. Carlisle, Ky., for Speaker, and the Republicans Mr. Reed, Me. Carlisle was elected by a vote of 163 to 148, a majority of 15. The Democratic House majority in the previous (Forty-ninth) Congress was 43. The Speaker's address declared that this Congress must assume the responsibility of removing taxation and stopping the accumulation of revenue in the Treasury, in order to avoid depression of industries and probable panic ; and it should so legislate as not to disturb invested capital or seriously affect the status of labor. The President's Message was a brief paper of about 4,500 words and a new departure in the way of annual messages. It made no allusion to the various matters of interest presented by the heads of departments in their reports, nor to any measure of general moment save that branch of finance which concerned taxation, customs' duties and the Treasury surplus. In this respect it was a special paper rather than an executive review of the entire country, and was apparently called forth by an ex- isting party demand for definite legislative action during the session of Congress. It indicated a wide departure on the part of the President from the position held by him in former mes- sages, and a seeming conversion to the free-trade doctrines main- tained by a majority of his party. It was a surprise to all ex- cept the initiated, and was much discussed by friends and foes. (J94 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. The former saw in it a bold, clear statement of the true situation, and they regarded it as a timely declaration ot the principles of Democracy as they must take shape in the next presidential campaign. Indeed it may be truthfully said that the radical free- traders of the party rejoiced over the signal recognition of their particular views by the President. On the other hand, the more conservative element of the party, and especially the " Protec- tion," or " Revenue Reform," element, headed by Mr. Randall, did not look upon it kindly. They regarded it as an unwise paper at that juncture, and as containing the seeds of political disaster to the party, while it virtually crushed them as an im- portant minority factor. The Republicans accepted it as a throwing down of the free-trade gauntlet and an invitation to them to contest the case of " Free-trade vs. Protection," both in the halls of Congress and the coming national campaign. They criticised it for its lack of new and convincing argument ; its dis- crimination against the protective system in general, and the item of wool in particular, and for its unnecessarily bitter spirit, as evinced by such expressions as, " But our present tariff laws, the vicious, inequitable and illogical source of unnecessary taxation, ought to be at once revised and amended." They looked upon it as disingenuous and illogical in the respect that while the President professed to be moved by an honest desire to reduce the surplus in the Treasury, he entirely overlooked the very easy and popular means of doing it by abolishing the internal revenue taxes — a set of taxes which the Democrats had always denounced as odious, iniquitous and savoring of war times — but selected as a means that which would prove a blow to American industries and the entire system of protection, and which, at any rate, would not work out in practice, since to reduce duties on articles of import below the point of protection was but to invite a larger importation and increased revenue. President Cleveland handed to the Senate for confirmation the nomination of L. Q. C. Lamar, Miss., his Secretary of Interior, to be an Assistant Justice of the U. S. Supreme Court; William F. Vilas, Wis., his Postmaster-General, to be Secretary of the Interior ; Charles S. Fairchild, N. Y., Acting Secretary of the ARTHUR P. GORMAN. WM. C. WHITNEY. CHAS. S. FAIRCHILD. WM. C. ENDICOTT. 695 696 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. Treasury, to be Secretary in place of Daniel Manning, resigned, and since dead; Don M, Dickinson, Mich., to be Postmaster- General. These nominations were promptly confirmed, except that of Lamar for a U. S. Justice, which hung for several weeks in the Senate and was then confirmed by a very small majority. Mr. Carlisle withheld his selection of the House Committees till after the holiday recess, so that the Congress was not organized for effective work till the middle of January, 1888. A serious question, which did not divide parties, but which reflected seriously on the tardiness or indifference of the admin- istration, arose two or three years before this time in the form of what was known as " The Fishery Question." The Canadian authorities had repeatedly seized American fishing vessels putting into their ports, under their construction of existing treaties, which prevented such vessels from fishing within three miles of the shores. The Canadians drew the limit from head-land to bead-land of their bays and inlets. The Americans insisted on a three-mile limit which followed the coast indentations. The frequent seizures led to indignation on the part of the fishing in- terests, and finally to the conclusion that the time had come for a modification of the treaties if war was to be averted. The Forty-ninth Congress authorized the President to take such steps as would remedy the evils and preserve the dignity of the United States, even going so far as to authorize him to use retaliatory powers. His Secretary of State, Mr. Bayard, called a Commis- sion to investigate the matter. This Commission was met at Washington, in November, 1887, by a Commissioner from Eng- land and one from Canada. Their sittings ran into February, 1888, when an agreement, in treaty form, was submitted to the Senate without hope of adoption, as it surrendered as many vital points of dispute as it gained. The Report of the Secretary of Treasury to the Congress showed that the Treasury surplus, about which all parties were exercised, and which had really come to mean unnecessary drain- age of the country and dangerous locking up of so much of the circulating medium, was, Dec. i, 1887,^55,259,000; and would be by June 30, 1888, $140,000,000. PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. ^97 Not a very pleasant feature of the opening of this Congress was the contest for his seat which the Speaker, Mr. Carlisle, was forced into by Mr. Thoebe, an Independent and Labor Demo- crat, who claimed to have been elected in the Sixth District of Kentucky by 600 majority. The contest was decided eventually in favor of Mr. Carlisle, and whatever the merits of the case may have been, it is historic that the election in 1886 was close in a district which had given Mr. Carlisle 6,000 majority in 1884, and that on the whole the revolution was scarcely more signal than that which had retired many members of Mr. Carlisle's economi- cal school in other Congressional districts. Mr. Mills, of Texas, took hold of the tariff measure which the Democrats, as a majority party, were under obligation to present, and the management of which usually gave one the distinction of a party leader. It was evident from the beginning that this was to be the absorbing measure of the session, and that upon it, together with the repeal of internal taxation, party lines would be closely drawn, except as the followers of Mr. Randall chose to divert a Democratic contingent into Republican channels. A final vote was reached in the House on July. 21, which showed 162 for the bill and 149 against it. Party lines were never more closely drawn on a tariff measure. The bill lowered the scale of duties, and placed many articles classed as raw materials on the free list, among them wool. It made but a slight reduc- tion of the internal tax on tobacco, and left untouched that on whiskey, except as to the product of small stills. The bill had consumed so much time in the House, and was so adverse to the majority sentiment in the Senate, as to render its passage impossible by the latter body without undue pro- longation of the session. However, on the theory that the Democratic majority in the House had chosen to make the bill an issue in the campaign, and its discussion an expression of their economic views, the Republican majority in the Senate met It with a counter bill, introduced and debated but not passed which embodied their doctrine of Protection, and their method of reducing the surplus revenue by repealing the taxes on to- bacco and on alcohol used in the arts. The two bodies were 698 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. now hopelessly wide apart in their economic issues, and tariff legislation was at an end for the session. The Senate perfected and passed the Blair Educational Bill ; one to refund to the States the amounts collected under the direct, or Income Tax Bill of 1861 ; one to give effect to the French Spoliation Claim law of the previous Congress; one ad- mitting South Dakota as a State ; one to promote a more effi- cient mail service with Central and South America; one to give twelve dollars a montii to soldiers and sailors and to their de- pendents, incapacitated for manual labor, the same being the Dependent Pension Bill of the previous Congress, which the President had vetoed. All these bills were refused a passage in the House. Both Houses passed with unbecoming haste an amendment to the Chinese Exclusion Bill, taking away from the Chinese now or heretofore in the country the privilege of return, unless they had previously procured certificates. The Senate, for the first time in its history, threw open its doors during the discussion of the " Fishery Treaty," which treaty was rejected on account of its failure to set at rest the disputed points between Canada and the United States. On its rejection by the Senate, the House passed what was called the " Retaliation Bill," which gave the President power to retaliate upon Canada whenever she withheld rights claimed by the United States. The Senate de- feated this bill on the ground that the President had been already armed, by a previous act, with ample power for the purpose designed. The Congress adjourned on October 20, 1888, after a continu- ous session of 321 days, the longest on record, and perhaps the most unfruitful in point of important and perfected legislation. The first session of the Thirty-first Congress lasted for 302 days, and adjourned Sept. 30, 1 850. This was the year of the celebrated Missouri Compromise. The Fortieth Congress kept up its session by adjournments till Nov. loth, but its actual sittings lasted only 237 days. This was during the period of conflict with President Johnson. ELECTION OF 1888.— The Democrats met in National Con- vention at St. Louis, June 5, 1888. The high position taken by WM. D. KELLEY. TUSTIN S. MORRILL. THOMAS B. REED ROGER Q. MILLS. 699 700 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. President Cleveland in his message to the Fiftieth Congress {see p. 524), supplemented by the Mills Bill favoring tariff reduction, pointed the way to his renomination. He was, therefore, re- nominated by acclamation, and in recognition of the older ele- ment of his party, Allen G. Thurman, of Ohio, was nominated for Vice-President. The platform reaffirmed that of 1884, en- dorsed the views of President Cleveland in his last annual mes- sage, and also the efforts of Democratic Congressmen to secure a reduction of excessive taxation ; expressed party faith in the maintenance of a Union of free and indestructible States ; chal- lenged investigation of administrative methods ; claimed a wise dispensation of the public land system ; asked for recognition of the fact that the administration had paid out more than any other for pensions and bounties to soldiers and sailors ; claimed to have set on foot the reconstruction of the American navy, the adoption of a prudent foreign policy, the exclusion of Chinese laborers, and the inauguration of honest reform in the Civil Service ; pointed out that Democracy had guarded and defended the rights and welfare of the people, protected every public interest, and steadfastly maintained the equality of citizens, without regard to race or color ; charged the Republican party with aiming to deny to the people equality before the law, to fetter enterprise, dis- courage capital and limit traffic to home markets, by unequal and unjust laws ; pledged the party to continue its hostility to exces- sive tax laws which increased the price of necessaries of life ; declared against " trusts " in every form ; charged the Republi- cans with a desire to accumulate the surplus in the Treasury, and proclaimed the necessity for a free revision of all laws by which said surplus was maintained. The Republicans met in National Convention at Chicago, June 19, 1888. There were many aspirants for nomination in the field, among whom were John Sherman, Ohio ; Chauncey M. Depcw, N. Y.; William W. Phelps, N. J.; Walter Q. Gresham, Ills.; Benjamin Harrison, Ind. ; William E. Allison, Iowa; Russel A. Alger, Mich. ; and Edwin H. Fitler, Pa. The admirers of James G. Blaine, Mc, were very strong in the Convention, and his name was kept prominently before it, throughout the entire session. 702 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. His own request (June 25) that balloting for him cease, left the Convention free to concentrate on some one else, and on the sixth day of the session, and eighth ballot, Benjamin Harrison, Ind., received the nomination for President. Levi P. Morton, N. Y., was nominated for Vice-President. The platform honored the memory of Lincoln, Grant, Garfield, Arthur, Logan, and Conk- ling ; greeted Sheridan with prayer for his recovery ; congratu- lated Brazil on emancipation of her slaves; expressed a hope for early " Home Rule " in Ireland ; affirmed devotion to an indis- soluble Union of States, to personal right and liberty of citizens in all the States ; held a free ballot and equal representation to be the foundation of republican government ; demanded effective legislation to secure the integrity and purity of elections ; charged that the Democracy owed its ascendency to suppression of the ballot and criminal nullification of the Constitution and laws of the United States; pledged uncompromising favor for the Amer- ican system of Protection ; accepted the issue of Free Trade pre- sented by the Democracy and confidently appealed to the people for judgment; denounced the Mills Bill as destructive of general business and the labor and farming interests; condemned the Democrats for placing wool on the free list ; declared for a repeal of taxes on tobacco and spirits used in the arts — and if there were still a surplus revenue, then a repeal of all internal taxation rather than a surrender of any part of the Protective system ; opposed the introduction of Chinese labor; declared against " trusts " and undue charges for transportation of products to market ; reaffirmed the Republican policy of dealing with public lands and securing homesteads ; favored the introduction of new States; opposed polygamy; favored a gold and silver cuiTcncy; demanded a reduction of letter postage to one cent per ounce ; advocated free schools ; favored a liberal use of public money for improving the navy, coast defences, and harbors; charged the Democracy with a cowardly and inefficient foreign policy ; ar- raigned the admini.stration for cowardly surrender of fishing rights; pledged the party to Civil Service Reform and to continue pensions and bounties to soldiers ; denounced Cleveland for hos- tility to soldiers; invited the co-operation of workingmen whQ§e GENERAL PHILIP H. SHERIDAN. 703 704 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. labor was threatened by the Free Trade policy of the administra- tion. The Prohibition party met in National Convention at Indian- apolis, May 30, 1888, and nominated Gen. Clinton B. Fisk, of New Jersey, for President, and Dr. John A. Brooks, of Missouri, for Vice-President. The platform declared (i) that the manu- facture and dealing in alchoholic beverages should be made public crimes and be prohibited and punished as such ; (2) such prohibition must come through amendments to National and State Constitutions, enforced by adequate laws ; (3) any form of license, taxation or regulation of the liquor traffic is contrary to good government ; (4) any party which sanctions such license or tax allies itself with the traffic and becomes a foe to the State's welfare ; (5) arraigns Republican and Democratic parties for favoring license, opposing the demands of the people for prohibition, and defeating the enforcement of prohibition laws ; (6) demands repeal of internal revenue system ; (7) revenue should be raised from import duties, not on necessaries of life, but on articles which will protect the employer and laborer against competition, and there should be no surplus accumulations in the Treasury; (8) civil appointments, clerical in kind, should be based on moral, intellectual and physical qualification and not on party service ; (9) suffrage should extend to all persons of suitable age who are mentally and morally qualified for an intelligent ballot ; (10) polygamy should be abolished and uni- form marriage laws be established; (11) combinations for con- trolling capital and increasing products for popular consumption should be prohibited; (12) the Sabbath should be preserved and defended; (13) arbitration should be the means for settling all national differences, disputes between employers and employes ; (14) abolition of the saloon would remove the burdens from labor and promote labor reform; (15) no monopoly in land; public land for actual settlers only ; men and women should receive equal wages for equal work; (16) immigration of con- victs and dependents should be prohibited, none but citizens of the United States should vote in any State; (17) full party 706 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. fellowship invited, of all who recognize prohibition to be a dominant issue. The United Labor party placed R. H. Cowdrey in the field as its candidate for President, and W, H. T. Wakefield, for Vice-President. The Greenbackers and Labor Reformers nomi- nated Alson J. Streeter for President, and Charles E. Cummings for Vice-President. The American party met in Washington on August 15 and on the i6th nominated James L. Curtis for President, and Judge N. Green for Vice-President. Belva A. Lockwood ran for President on the ticket of the Equal Rights party. The campaign was largely one of discussion, and free from the bitter personalism which characterized that of 1884. The issue of " Tariff vs. Free Trade " was never so sharply defined nor more dispassionately handled. It was recognized at a very early day that the fighting ground embraced the four doubtful States of the North, to wit, New York, Indiana, Connecticut and New Jersey, though the Democrats laid claim to one or more of the North-western States. Both the leading parties labored strenuously to convince the public mind of the correct- ness of their economic views, and speech-making, mammoth parades, and spectacular arguments became the order of the day. The early autumn elections, as those of Oregon, Ver- mont and Maine, showed that the trend of sentiment was to- ward the Republican party, and in the end that party carried New York and Indiana, together with all the States it had carried in 1884, thus securing 233 electoral votes out of the total of 401, or 31 more than was necessary to elect its candidate. Features of the campaign were the confidence manifested by both parties up till the day of the election, and the dismissal of the English Minister at Washington, Lord Sackville West, for having written a letter to one of his countrymen, naturalized in the United States, which gave offence because it was construed as an unwarranted interference with our political affairs. The result of the election was so decisive as to be cheerfully acqui- esced in by the Democratic party. The North-western States had not swung from their Republican allegiance, as was expected by PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 707 the Democracy, and the border States showed a decided drift toward the Republican idea, the issue in one of them, West Virginia, being in doubt for weeks after the election. The Congressional elections were also favorable to the Republicans, the Democratic majority of fifteen in the Fiftieth Congress being turned into a Republican majority of from 5 to- lO, de- pendent on the result of several contests, mostly in districts in the Southern States. FIFTIETH CONGRESS—Second Session.— Met Dec. 3, 1888. The President's message was a lengthy and elaborate document, different altogether from the crisp presentment made to the first session of the Fiftieth Congress. It was sombre in tone, somewhat harsh in its political allusions, and firmly adhesive to the " Tariff Reform " faith which his former mes- sage had promulgated, and which in the judgment of many of his closest friends had cost him a re-election. The reports of the various Cabinet officials showed a satisfactory management of national affairs and an encouraging economic status. This being the short session, and one held immediately after an elec- tion which had been disastrous to the existing administration, it was hardly possible to accomplish any momentous legislation. The Democratic majority in the House naturally relegated the issues which they had projected into the campaign to the next Congress, which would be Republican and responsible for the measures and sentiments elaborated in the canvass. But the Senate was rather differently situated. It had during the prior session formulated a Tariff Bill designed as an offset to the Mill's Bill passed by the House, and it felt under obligation to the country to prove its sincerity by urging it to a speedy passage. It therefore entered upon its discussion at an early period of the session, and pushed the measure vigorously in the face of de- termined opposition. The passage of this bill brought the respective parties into strict line. In general terms it corrected many inequalities in the Tariff act of 1883, raised the rate of duty on some articles which, if pro- tected, could, and should, be manufactured at home, lowered the duty on many articles whose home manufacture was not thereby 708 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. endangered, and widened the free-list somewhat, but not nearly to the extent contemplated by the Mills' bill. The central idea of the bill was to decrease the national income from duties as much as was commensurate with the preservation of the protective principle ; and the reduction of revenue insured by its provisions, supple- inented as they were by a repeal of the internal tax upon tobacco and spirits used in the arts, was deemed ample to propitiate the sentiment against an accumulation of surplus in the Treasury, as well as to meet any danger likely to arise therefrom. When the Senate bill reached the House, it did not provoke deliberate discussion, but became the victim of compromises and substitutes, all of wnich were lost either by direct votes or by means of dilatory tactics. The day of adjournment therefore came without definite action by the House, and Tariff legislation failed for the session and the Congress. The next most important legislation before the Congress was that bearing upon the Territories seeking admission as States. This, at first, drew party lines strictly, and the Democrats proposed an Om- nibus bill, admitting many Territories, as a set-off to the Repub- lican measure, admitting only four. But in the end, other coun- sels prevailed, and a majority was obtained in both House and Senate for the admission of North Dakota, South Dakota, Mon- tana and Washington Territories as States, these being the best equipped for statehood. The President signed this bill, but vetoed the one which returned to the States the income tax collected from them during the civil war. The electoral count in February showed 233 votes for Harrison and Morton and 168 for Cleveland and Thurman. Complications in Samoa called for a measure designed to strengthen the hands of the President in maintaining American rights in the Pacific. The Congress adjourned by limitation on March 4, 1889, and on the same day Harrison and Morton were sworn into office. President Cleveland retired to private life, after giving a cautious and prudent administration, signalized more by patient attention to details and strong assertion of official prerogative, than by striking originality and compre- hensive grasp. He took up his residence in New York, where he engaged in the practice of the law. o •."-.-■•/. XXVI HARRISON'S ADMINISTRATION. March 4, 1889 — March 4, 1893. Ben'JAMin Harrison, Ind., President. Levi P. Morton, N. Y., Vice-President. Congresses. Sessions. „ ^ ^^^ r I, December 2, iSSo— Fifty-first Congress. | ^; December ij 1890^ „ „ { I, December 7, iSoi — Fifty-second Congress. | 2, December 5, 1S92- ELECTORAL VOTE.'' ^^p"^"^^"- T>zm^cx^i. Benj. Levi P. Grover Allen G. Basis of Harrison, Morton, Cleveland, Thurman, States. 154,325- Votes. Ind. N. Y. N. Y. Ohio. Alabama 8 10 .. .. 10 10 Arkansas 5 7 . . . . 7 7 California 6 8 8 8 Colorado i 3 3 3 Connecticut 4 6 .. .. 6 6 Delaware i 3 .. .. 3 3 Florida 2 4 .. .. 4 4 Georgia 10 12 .. .. 12 12 Illinois 20 22 22 22 Indiana 13 15 15 15 Iowa II 13 13 13 Kansas 7 9 9 9 Kentucky 11 13 .. ., 13 13 Louisiana 6 8 .. .. 8 8 Maine 4 6 6 6 Maryland 6 8.. .. 8 8 Massachusetts 12 14 14 14 Michigan II 13 13 1 3 Minnesota 5 7 7 7 Mississippi 7 9 .. .. 9 9 Missouri 14 16 . . .. 16 16 Nebraska 3 5 5 5 Nevada i 3 3 3 New Hampshire.... 244 4 New Jersey 7 9 . . . . 9 9 New York ....... 34 36 36 36 North Carolina.... 9 11 .. .. il II Ohio 21 23 23 23 Oregon i 3 3 3 Pennsylvania 28 30 30 30 Rhode Island 2 4 4 4 South Carolina ....7 9 .. .. 9 9 Tennessee 10 12 . . .. 12 12 Texas 11 13 .. .. 13 13 Vermont 2 4 4 4 Virginia 10 12 . . .. 12 12 West Virginia 4 6 .. .. 6 6 Wisconsin 9 11 11 11 Total 325 401 233 233 168 16S * Popular vote: Harrison, 5,438,157 — 20 States; Cleveland, 5,535,626^-18 States; Prohibition, 250,157 ; Labor, 150,624. (710) PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 711 THE CABINET. Secretary of State James G. Blaine, Me. Secretary of Treasury William Windom, Minn. Secretary of War Redfield Proctor, Vt. Secretary of Navy Benjamin F. Tracy, N. Y. Secretary of Interior John W. Noble, Mo. Attorney-General W. H. H. Miller, Ind. Postmaster-General John Wanamaker, Pa. Sec. of Agriculture Jeremiah Rusk, Wis. THE POLITICAL SITUATION.— Ihe political revolution which swept the Republican party out of power in 1884, ran its course in four years and was followed by a counter revolution in 1888 which proved even more disastrous to the Democratic party. The Republicans had evidently profited by the discipline of defeat ; the Democrats had failed to convert the prestige of a first into a second victory. While the Cleveland administration had been safe, dignified and useful, it lost the opportunity of perpetuating itself by failure to cope with some of the old ques- tions which fell to it as legacies, by the vagueness of its foreign policy and by its bold assumption of an affirmative on the ques- tion of " Tariff Reform " which, as construed by its opponents, was a revival of Free Trade doctrines, and an attack on the American policy of Protection. It was the good fortune of Gen- eral Harrison, as a candidate, to unite the factions of his party and to stand as the exponent of its wishes respecting the leading issues projected into the campaign. He came into office under excellent auspices. The campaign had been squarely, even masterfully, fought, on the basis of ideas. Partisanship was at a low ebb, and the bitterness of recrimination did not mar argu- ment or inflame passion. He had the confidence inspired by ability, sound sense and conservative purpose. The national verdict had been emphatic in his favor. He was free from the complication of pre-election pledges, and abreast of his party, should it desire to signalize its triumph by new departures. But there was no need of these, for the transit from a Democratic to a Republican administration, under all the circumstances, meant, not so much a peaceful transfer of power, as a step back over four intermediate years, a taking up of the political thread which had been broken in 1884, a resumption of the issues and tradi- tions temporarily laid aside during a minority period. 712 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. President Harrison made his selection of cabinet officers with much respect to location, with a tact that showed deference to party leadership and at the same time avoided local jealousies, but chiefly with regard to special fitness for their positions. It was a working as well as advisory body. His inaugural was a plain paper, of 4,300 words, calling attention to the fact that the beginning of this twenty-sixth administration was a step over the threshold into the second century of our national existence under the constitution ; to the growth of the Protective policy, its vin- dication at the polls and the necessity for its continuance ; to the propriety of laying aside race prejudices and conceding equal rights to all ; to the evils of monopoly ; to the necessity for dis- criminating against pauper immigrants ; to the maintenance of the " Monroe doctrine," especially in view of the Samoan trouble and the danger of foreign governments coming to the aid of the Panama Canal scheme ; to a Civil Service which should fulfil the law and at the same time not shield official negligence or in- competency ; to a graduation of duties and taxes so as to limit revenue to public needs; to the necessity for a stronger navy, for encouragement to commerce, for revised pension laws, and for laws which would insure a free and pure ballot. The message was well received by the country, and was ac- cepted by Republicans as a clear outline of what they had a right to expect of their President. The Senate, called into extra session, promptly confirmed the Cabinet officers, and such other appointments as came before it during its brief sitting. Thus opened the new administration whose mission was to preserve the ideas which had triumphed at the national elections and shape affairs on the lines indicated by the constitutional majority. FIFTY-FIRST CONGRESS— Yivst Session.— Met Dec. 2, 1889. In the Senate the Republicans had a majority of six, and in the House a majority of ten. The House organized by electing Thomas B. Reed, of Maine, Speaker. The House ses- sion opened stormily over the amendment of the Rules as to what should constitute a quorum. It had been the custom for members, actually present, to defeat a quorum and block legis- lation by declining to answer when the roll was called. Their BENJ. F.TRACY. W, H. H. MILLER. 713 714 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. claim was that, though actually present, they were constructively absent. The Speaker's rulings, when the minority blocked legislation by filibustering tactics, were to the effect that actual presence of a member meant his intent and duty to participate in legislation, and his name was counted as part of a quorum, on a call for a quorum, whether he answered or not. Owing to the importance of the legislation passed at this session, the validity of such rulings was questioned, and the matter was carried to the United States Supreme Court, where their legality was sustained. The President's message, his first annual one, was a lengthy but able State paper, presenting an outline of administrative policy in harmony with the majority in Congress and his party in general. It became a chart for the legislation which was to characterize the session. The issue of the campaign of 1888 had been so wholly that of Free-trade vs. Protection, that the way of the Republican majority was plain. The Chairman of the House Committee of Ways and Means, William McKinley, of Ohio, invited all the interests concerned in tariff revision to a hearing, and a bill was framed which came to be known as the " McKinley Bill." The principle involved in the bill was to incorporate the experience of all former tariff legislation, and the best features of all former Acts ; to impose rates of a protective character, and in the inter- est of American labor, cm manufactures which could exist here, but whose existence was threatened by foreign competition ; to impose even higher rates on manufactures, such as tin plates, which we ought to produce, but did not; to largely reduce the duties on the necessaries of life, such as sugar, or to make them wholly free ; to greatly enlarge the free list by placing on it all raw materials whose importation did not compete with the home growth of the same; to introduce the policy of reciprocity, by which something could be gained by an enlarged trade in turn for the loss of duties on sugars and kindred articles of daily consumption. Probably no Tariff Bill had ever been so fully matured, or had so fully satisfied in advance the various interests consulted ^.•.. ,i . T. W. FOSTER JEREMIAH RUSK. STEPHEN B. ELKINS. JOHN WANAMAKER. 715 716 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. in its preparation. Certainly none ever passed that had to undergo more minute criticism, whose merits were more elabo- rately discussed, and respecting which so many prophecies, good and bad, were indulged. Its passage spread over the entire time of this first session of the 51st Congress, and it was not till Oct. I, 1890, that it became a law. The McKinley Act increased duties on 115 articles, embracing farm products and manufactures deemed not to be sufficiently protected, manufactures to be established, luxuries such as wines, etc. It decreased duties on 190 articles, embracing manufactures established, or which could no lonfjer suffer from foreign com- petition. It left the duties unchanged on 249 articles. It enlarged the free list till it embraced 55.75 per cent, of all imports, as against 33.27 per cent, under the previous tariff. It placed sugar on the free list, with a loss of duties equal to $54.ooo,ocxD annually. While the " McKinley Act" was by far the most important legislation effected by this " Working Congress" at this session, there were numerous other Acts of great moment and far-reach- ing effect. Among these was the " Sherman Silver Bill," or " Coinage Act of 1890," which made it compulsory on the gov- ernment to buy 54,000,000 ounces of silver a year, and instead of coining the same, to issue silver notes or certificates therefor. This bill was in the nature of a compromise between the advo- cates and opponents of free silver coinage, and the effect of its passage was to postpone the agitation for a time. The "Administrative Customs Act" was next in importance, and designed to prevent frauds by undervaluation of imports. Then there was the " Disability Pension Act;" the "Anti-Lot- tery Act;" the "World's Fair Act;" the "Shipping Act," designed to establish a first-class line of ocean steamers under the American flag ; the " Meat Inspection Bill," whose operation brought about the repeal of European restrictions against American meats; Acts to admit Wyoming and Idaho as States; an Act creating a United States Circuit Court of Appeals ; a land grant forfeiture Act; the " Original Package Act; " and a grand total of 1350 enactments, of greater or less importance. Besides PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 7x7 these, the House passed many bills of national moment, such as the " International Copyright Bill," the bill to secure honest elections, the bill to exclude convict labor, etc., which failed of passage in the Senate. FIFTY-FIRST CONGRESS— Second Session.-Met Dec. i, 1890. The interval between sessions had witnessed an exciting political campaign in which the McKinley Act was the con""- spicuous issue. Since nothing could, as yet, be affirmed of its practical workings by its friends, the imaginations and baleful auguries of its opponents had free play, and the result was a reverse for the Republicans as disastrous as that of 1882. Strong Republican States were swept from their moorings, and, besides many Governors, the Democrats elected an overwhelm- ing majority in the 5 2d Congress. This reversal of public sentiment had the effect of rendering the session of Congress tame. The President's message pre''- sented a satisfactory review of home and foreign affairs ; showed a total Government revenue of ;^463,963,o8o and an expenditure of ^358,618,584; the purchase and redemption of bonds, since March 4, 1889, of ^211,832,450, at an expense of ^246,620,741, which amounted to a total saving of ^51.576,706, in interest ;' viewed satisfactorily the work of the Departments, and especially the successful building of the new naval vessels; congratulated the country on its material prosperity ; asked for a full and fair trial of existing tariff legislation ; pointed to the enlargement of our exports for the year by ^115.000,000, and to the extension of markets for American products; urged the establishment of steamship lines ; insisted on better election laws. The session of Congress passed without the enactment of any measures of greater moment than the usual appropriation bills, which, as in the first session of this Congress, were large, the totals for the two sessions approximating $1,000,000,000, owing to which it was denounced by the Democrats as the " Billion Dollar Congress." The Fifty-first Congress expired by limita- tion, March 4, 1891. ADMINISTRATIVE AIEASURES.-On June 19, 1890, the final report of the " International American Conference " was 718 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. presented to President Harrison by his Secretary of State, James G. Blaine. The conclusions reached by Mr. Blaine, in his review of this report, formed the basis of that policy of recipro- city which became a part of the McKinley Tariff Act, and which the President did not hesitate to make one of the most prominent of his administrative measures. Its adoption by Congress threw upon the administration the important duty of negotiating reci- procity treaties with those nations which were willing to engage in reciprocal trade with us. Very soon treaties were entered into with Germany, France, Spain, Brazil, and several of the smaller countries of Central and South America, while all the Latin States of America, except two, placed treaties under favorable consid- deration. By the end of 1892, the treaties executed began to bring about the increase in trade anticipated by the parties thereto. While these negotiations gav^e to foreign affairs a conspicuous place in the Harrison administration, other events transpired which tended to make that administration exceptional in its for- eign relations. Among these was the " Samoan Affair," a legacy from the preceding administration. Germany, with the sanction of England, had seized on the Samoan group of islands, strategi- cally situated in the Pacific Ocean. King Malietoa appealed to the United States. The President insisted on the application of the " Monroe Doctrine," and succeeded in concluding a treaty with Germany and England which saved the absorption of the islands, and restored King Malietoa to power. This treaty was approved by all political parties in the country, and its negotiation assured to the nation a vigorous foreign diplomacy. The important question known as the " Bchring Sea Question " and long been a diplomatic stumbling-block for both the United States and Great Britain. Mr. Cleveland had tried to meet it by seizing poaching seal ships, but this only complicated matters by opening the doors to countless law suits and angry threats of reprisal. President Harrison took the ground that both humanity and the ultimate destruction of an industry demanded a cessation of seal-killing for a time at least, and that the rights of the re- spective countries in the waters of Behring Sea could only be PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 719 ascertained properly by arbitration. By means of tedious and skilful diplomacy, a modus vivendi was agreed upon between the two countries for 1891-92, pending which reference was had of the entire subject to a " Board of Arbitration," composed of the rulers and representatives of disinterested countries, and to as- semble in Paris in 1892. This diplomacy, prolonged, intricate and full of dangers, was highly acceptable to all political parties. The murder of Italians in New Orleans, Feb., 1891, led to dangerous comphcations with Italy. Her minister was recalled, and there was great excitement in both countries. Italy de- manded speedy reparation in a very peremptory manner, and seemingly with the intention of forcing it. It was with the utmost difficulty she could be brought to understand that under our system the States, and not the National Government, were responsible for such outrages. By the exercise of patience and firmness on the part of the administration, Italy came gradually to see that the United States could not be coerced or hastened. She finally yielded her demand, restored her former friendly re- lations, and was met on the part of the United States by payment of a small complimentary indemnity of ^25.000, whose giving was not to imply any recognition of Italian rights, as claimed, but was to be construed only as an expression of friendly feeling, and of regret at so horrible an occurrence. The " Chilian Imbroglio " came nearest to plunging the country into war. Two parties in Chili, the forces of President Balmaceda and the Insurgents or Congressional forces, had been engaged in civil war since January, 1891. An "Insurgent" vessel, the Itata, had loaded with arms in the harbor of San Diego, Cal., and had escaped, in violation of the neutrality laws. The United States cruiser, Baltimore, was sent in pursuit, and the Itata was brought back to San Diego for the further adjudi- cation of her case under admiralty laws. The Baltimore returned to Chili, and was lying in the harbor of Valparaiso. On the night of Oct. 16, 1 89 1, part of her crew was attacked while ashore by an " Insurgent " mob, and one officer was killed, and nine seamen wounded. The "Insurgents" had conquered Balmaceda, and set up their own government. They had 720 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. become inflamed against the American Minister for giving asylum to the defeated Balmacedists. Flushed with victory, and burning to revenge the loss of the Itata, they made this attack on the seamen of the Baltimore, and when explanation of the outrage and apology for insult to the national flag was asked for, an impudent reply was sent. This created great excitement in the United States, and the President immediately began to put the navy in preparation for an offensive demonstration. The war fever ran high, and without regard to party. When Chili saw that apology and reparation would be insisted upon, even at the cost of war, she promised a judicial investigation and ulti- mate satisfaction. But the promised investigation dragged along so slowly that no results were reached before Dec. 9, 1891, when President Harrison was forced to the conclusion that Chili was not acting in good faith. In his message to Congress of that date he reviewed the whole Chilian matter, and regarded the situation as so grave that he promised a special message respecting it in case the Chilian investigation did not soon report, or if its report were not acceptable. In January the conclusions of the Chilian " Board of Crimes Inquiry " reached him. These conclusions were vague, evasive and unsatisfactory, and on Jan. 25, 1892, President Harrison sent in his special message to Congress. It contained his ultimatum to Chili, turned the matter over to Congress and the nation, and meant war. No message of modern date received more emphatically the endorse- ment of the country, or touched more deeply tlie patriotic pride of the people. Three days after its submission to Congress, the President was enabled to announce to Congress and the country that Chili had extended all necessary apologies for her conduct, and had promised full reparation for injuries she had inflicted. FIJFTY-SECOND CONGRESS— ¥\r?i\i Session.— Met Dec. 7, 1 891. The Republicans couldcount on a shaky majority of six in the Senate. In the House the Democrats had 234 members; the Republicans, 86 ; the Farmers' Alliance, 8; the remainder being independent. The Democrats, therefore, had a majority of two-thirds, and, as the issues of the campaign of 1890 had been made plain, to wit: the repeal of the obnoxious PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 721 McKinley tariff act and of the Sherman coinage act, the abler and more conscientious leaders felt that their party was under the same obligations to act directly and heroically as the Republicans were in the 51st Congress. Indeed, they were under far greater obligation, for the popular verdict in their favor had been far more emphatic, and their majority was so overwhelming, as to render legislation in accordance with their views easy and as a matter of course. The President's message was if anything a stronger State paper than any he had yet presented. The events of the year, industrially and diplomatically, had been extraordinary. The working of the Tariff Act and of Reciprocity was more than answering evil prophecies respecting them ; the general pros- perity was satisfactory. The difficult and dangerous foreign diplomacy of the year had ended honorably to the country. Further trial was asked of those momentous national enactments involving our industries and money. Progress in naval con- struction was mentioned with pleasure, and its continuance urged. It was a hopeful and firm document throughout, not- withstanding the fact that it confronted a situation so wholly different from that presented by the preceding Congress. Flushed with its recent successes, the elated Democratic party entered upon the work of the 5 2d Congress, and naturally rallied around its best-equipped economic leader for Speaker — Roger Q. Mills, of Texas, father of the famous " Mills' Tariff Bill," of the 49th Congress. Mr. Mills had won fame as an ardent, able and persistent advocate of the anti-protection measures of his party. He had appeared on the stump in many States during the campaign of 1890, and had been outspoken of his views respecting free-trade and protection. Under ordinary circum- stances he could hardly have failed to command the support and confidence of his party for an office and position so important as that of the Speakership of the House. But the circumstances proved to be extraordinary. There were seeds of danger in the overwhelming Democratic majority in the House. Excess might dwarf and blight success. The party feared to trust itself It was well known what Mr. Mills would do. He would, in 46 722 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. vindication of his past efforts, and out of respect to his present judgment and to the pronounced verdict of the country, hew to the hnes he had laid down in the 49th Congress. This, of course, meant a tariff act as a counter to the McKinley act; and perhaps it meant also a " Free Silver Coinage Act," since the Democrats in their State platforms of a vast majority of the States had so resolved. For these things the party did not seem ready, despite its tariff reform pledges, its demands for more money, and the plain sentiment of the country as manifested in the elections. The time was on for shaping political lines for the Presiden- tial campaign of 1892. While no abatement of the free-trade or tariff reform sentiment was noticeable ; while the determination continued to oppose the doctrine of protection as embodied in the Tariff Act of 1890, and to repeat, if possible, the splendid triumph of that year in the coming Presidential campaign, it was deemed wisest not to antagonize too squarely, or too far in advance, the doctrines they hoped to overwhelm in the end. Already there were evidences of reaction in the public mind, as one by one the practical workings of the McKinley act exploded the pet theories of its opponents. The suspicion began to dawn that, after all, the situation of 1890 might not prove to be as calamitous as it had been pictured. At any rate there was no need of taking any risks. So after a long and somewhat bitter struggle over the Speakership Mr. Mills was sacrificed, and Mr. Crisp, of Georgia, was elected Speaker. Out of this manoeuvre sprang the plan of indirect, rather than direct, attack upon the Tariff Act of 1890. The plan — not heartily adopted, but acqui- esced in as an expedient — would still serve the purpose of hold- ing party Hnes, and of presenting opportunity for tariff-reform discussions. It derived additional plausibility, in the minds of the timid, from the fact that a Republican Senate would be likely to defeat any and all tariff enactments passed by a Demo- cratic House. If the plan was open to the charge that it was in utter disrespect of the popular verdict, the use of discretion at a critical moment could be urged as an excuse. If it proved dis- appointing to constituents, they could be appeased by promises PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 723 of a greater victory in the near future. If it showed that the party lacked the courage of its convictions, it could be answered that diplomacy was wiser than haste. If it seemed cowardly, the adage was handy : " To divide is to conquer." But its gen- eral justification was found in the fact that it avoided the dangers which seemed to be inseparable from the opening of the whole tariff subject in a House with an unwieldy majority, composed of untried members, each flushed with victory at the polls. The result of the plan was a series of separate tariff bills repealing or modifying special clauses of the McKinley Act. These bills were lengthily debated and passed by decided majorities in the House, though not all of them by the full majority. Of these, the Springer bill was the most conspicuous and most fully debated, as it was supposed to more nearly fore- shadow the party policy than any other. It placed wool on the free list, and reduced duties on manufactures of wool. Other bills were passed placing cotton bagging, cotton ties and gins, cotton bagging machinery, binding twine and tin plates, ternes and taggers on the free list. The Senate did not approve any of this tariff legislation. What was remarkable about this method, facetiously termed the "pop-gun " method, was that it satisfied so large and enthu- siastic a majority. Though interest in it faded as the session dragged along, yet its time-consuming features were applauded till the end. It held that situation in perfect abeyance, which positive assertion might have jeopardized. The question of the free coinage of silver came up as a dis- turbing one for the Democratic majority. The failure of silver producers to realize their expectations under the Sherman Act of 1890, a growing desire on the part of the dissatisfied to change industrial and trade conditions, especially in the West and South, and the fact that political conventions in a majority of the States had given the silver question a party turn, rendered the opening of the 5 2d Congress, with its decided Democratic majority in the House, an opportune time to seek new coinage legislation. In the Democratic State Conventions the planks had almost universally favored " free and unlimited coinage of 724 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. silver." In the Republican State Conventions they had, as a rule, favored " the maintenance of silver on a parity with gold." Therefore, on the opening of Congress, Mr. Bland, the recog- nized leader of silver legislation on the part of the Democrats, came promptly forward with the " Bland Free Silver Coinage Bill," and advocated it with his well-known ability. He drew around it the advocates of " free and unlimited coinage," and it became the subject of animated and prolonged debate. When it was ripe for passage Mr. Bland demanded the previous ques- tion. This was done with the belief that his measure could not fail in a Democratic House. But what was his surprise to find that the vote stood 148 yeas to 148 nays. The Eastern Demo- crats had turned in with the Republicans in opposition to this favorite party measure. The Coinage Committee had been made up largely of the friends of free coinage by Speaker Crisp, and he could not do otherwise than break the tie by casting his vote in favor of the bill. But the opposition resorted to filibus- tering tactics, and the bill was finally killed by a refusal, on the part of a majority of the Democrats, to sign a request for a closure rule, without which request the Speaker declined to close debate and force the measure to passage. As to the other bills of national moment this Congress proved as extraordinary as the majority in the House was large. If the " Chinese Exclusion Bill," the bill to admit the " Inman Liners" to American registry, the bill to provide for retaliation against Canada, and that giving ;^2, 500,000 to the World's Columbian Exposition be excepted, the Congress did nothing calculated to affect the public welfare, outside of the appropriation bills. All the bills of moment which originated in the House either died amid the discords they engendered, or were killed in the Senate. The Senate bills, some of which were important, met a like fate in the House. So, in comparison with the corresponding session of the Fifty-first Congress, this was a " do-nothing " Con- gress. The number of investigations ordered, and investigating com- mittees appointed, had never been exceeded. These committees went tardily to work, if at all, and few of them reported, even to PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 725 the next session of the Congress. As an epicurean member of one observed, " his committee was not even successful as a jun- keting party." Private legislation took an exceedingly offensive and danger- ous turn during the session, as was manifest in the character of many of the bills presented in behalf of those who had suffered losses through the Union armies. The session proved to be remarkable in the respect that the enormous Democratic majority in the House was frequently driven to protect itself against filibustering by recourse to the very means it had denounced in the campaign, and which had been so effectually employed by Speaker Reed in the Fifty-first Congress. But the most remarkable feature of the session was its results as to economy. Probably the stigma of " The Billion Dollar Congress " had done more to effect that revolution which resulted in a two-thirds Democratic majority in the present session than any other thing. Recognizing this, Mr. Holman, as Chairman of the Committee on Appropriations, started out to reduce all appropriations and bring them within proper economic limits. His friends proved to be his worst enemies. The demands of so large a majority were exorbitant. In order to favor them, the Committee on Appropriations was forced to cut, where cutting was vital to the national comfort and safety, as in the case of the new navy. Many Democrats rose in arms and called a halt. Senator Gorman, in the Senate, said: "As anxious as I am, as firmly wedded as my party is to economy, I do not understand the history of the party to be one of obstruction, of doing noth- ing, of paralyzing legitimate enterprises, of striking at vital points, of preventing an increase of our commerce, or making thorough preparation for defense. I understand our party to mean by economy and entrenchment, that the people's money shall be used only for public purposes ; that it shall be honestly ex- pended ; that extravagance and profligacy shall be checked. I do not understand that we are committed to parsimony. I do understand that we are in favor of every provision which looks to the advancement and glory of this great country of ours, I un- 726 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. derstand that every Democrat wants the pubhc money honestly expended, and, when it is so expended, as I stated that it had been in the construction of the navy from the day that Mr. Cleveland was inaugurated until this hour, they are in favor of building up the navy." The result was that the appropriations for the session exceeded those for the corresponding session of the " Billion Dollar Congress." The figures for the first session of the Fifty-first Congress were ;g463,cxx),ooo. The figures for this session of the Fifty- second Congress were ;^507,70i,38o, and considerably more, counting authorized contracts. The " River and Harbor Bill " alone involved a direct expenditure of ;^2 1,000,000, and $30,000,000 upon contracts — a total of over ;^50,ooo,ooo. The excess of direct expenditure this term as compared with the corresponding term of the " Billion Dollar Congress " was 1^44,302,869. ELECTION OF 1892.— The Republican National Com- mittee issued its call for a convention at Minneapolis, on June 7, 1892. At the time of the call, November 23, 1891, party sen- timent favored the renomination of President Harrison. But after the turn of the year opposition arose, chiefly among those who had been disappointed in the distribution of patronage. This opposition centred on James G. Blaine, President Harri- son's Secretary of State, not so much with a view to his nom- ination, as with the thought that he would prove the best weapon with which to crush President Harrison. Mr. Blaine escaped the embarrassment of the situation by declining to be a candi- date, February 6, 1892. With the situation thus simplified, the party was at liberty to encourage Harrison's candidacy. The logic of the situation pointed to his renomination. All the State Conventions, save one, had endorsed his administration, which had been exceptionally able and pure. Still his enemies persisted, and they conjured with the name of Blaine, despite his letter of declination. On June 4, 1892, Blaine resigned the Sec- retaryship of State. This action was heralded as his intention to be a candidate. His name went before the Convention with PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. 727 others, Harrison received the nomination by a vote of 535^, to l82}4 for Blaine and 182 for McKinley. The platform affirmed the doctrine of American protection ; favored bi-metallisms with legislative restrictions ; demanded a free ballot and honest count ; denounced Southern outrages ; favored the extension of foreign commerce and the enforcement of the Monroe Doctrine; opposed the immigration of paupers; declared in favor of the separation of Church and State, and efficient railroad laws for the protection of employees ; opposed trusts ; favored extension of the free delivery of letters and a reduced postage; commended the Civil Service; favored the Nicaragua Canal, the admission of Territories as States, the World's Fair; opposed intemperance; favored pensions; en- dorsed Harrison's Administration. The news of Harrison's nomination was well received. The Democratic National Convention met at Chicago, June 21, 1892. The leaders of the party, especially those represent- ing Tammany Hall, were opposed to the renomination of ex- President Cleveland, but the sentiment of the masses favored him. The situation was involved at first, but under judicious leadership it began to clarify, and Mr. Cleveland became the nominee by a vote of 617^, as against 115 for Senator Hill, 103 for Gov. Boies, and 74 scattering. The platform pledged the party to the principles of Jefferson ; opposed the so-called " Force Bill ; " denounced protection as a fraud and unconstitutional, and the McKinley Act as the " cul- minating atrocity of class legislation ; " declared reciprocity as a sham ; opposed trusts and the giving away of public lands to railways; denounced the Coinage Act of 1890; recommended the abolition of the tax on State banks ; held public office to be a public trust ; opposed the Republican foreign policy ; ex- tended sympathy to the oppressed in other lands ; opposed pauper immigration ; denounced the Harrison administration as corrupt in the execution of pension laws ; favored Mis- sissippi improvements, the Nicaragua canal, the Columbian Exposition, popular education and the admission of new States ; advised legislation for the protection of railway em- 728 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. ployees, and for the abolition of the " sweating system ; " opposed all sumptuary laws. The nomination of Mr, Cleveland was applauded by the news- papers and the masses of his party. The Prohibitionists met in National Convention at Cincin- nati, June 30, 1892, and nominated General John Bidwell, of California, for President, and James B. Cranfill for Vice-Presi- dent, The platform declared (i) the liquor traffic to be a foe to civil- ization ; (2) for voting and wages without regard to sex ; (3) for an increase in the volume of money, said volume to be fixed at so much per head and increase with the increase of population ; (4) for a tariff for defense, revenue being incidental, and all rev- enue to be derived from duties on what we possess, not on what we consume ; (5) public corporations to be controlled by Govern- ment, and profits limited to fair interest; (6) revision of im- migration and naturalization laws in the interest of our own citiz ensand voters ; (7) no lands for non-resident aliens, and all unearned land grants to railroads to be reclaimed ; (8) protection of citizens by right of trial in constitutional tribunals ; (g) legal protection for the right to rest one day in seven ; (10) arbitration for international differences; (11) suppression of speculation on margins; (12) pledges the granting of pensions to disabled veterans; (13) favors public schools, but not sectarian schools; (14) arraigned both old parties as faithless to their traditions and the " higher law," and as courting the support of the lower elements. The People's Party, or " Populists," as they came to be known, met in National Convention at Omaha, July 2, 1892, and nomi- nated General James B. Weaver, of Iowa, for President, and General James G. Field, of Virginia, for Vice-President. The platform deprecated the moral and political ruin of the nation, the corruption of ballot-boxes, legislatures and congresses, the demoralization of the people, the muzzling of newspapers, the prostration of business, the mortgaging of homes, the impover- ishment of labor, the concentration of lands in the hands of capitalists ; the denial of the right-for workmen to organize ; 730 PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS. the importation of pauper labor; a hireling standing army; the building of large fortunes ; the presence of tramps and million- aires ; demanded the limitation of State and National revenues ; the keeping of money as much as possible in the hands of the people ; opposed subsidy of any kind ; favored a graduated in- come tax and its application to the reduction of the burdens of taxation ; declared that the war was over and a" United Brother- hood of Freemen " was in demand ; demanded a free ballot and fair count; a safe, sound and flexible National Currency, legal tender, directly distributed, at a tax of not exceeding two per cent. ; free and unlimited coinage of silver; increase of the circulating medium to ;^50 per capita ; postal savings banks ; that Govern- ment own and operate the railroads, telegraphs, telephones and postal system ; an eight hour law ; denounced the Pinkerton system ; alien and railway ownership of land ; favored rigid civil service regulations ; liberal pensions to soldiers ; denounced the two leading political parties as corrupt and not acting in the interest of the masses. The campaign was remarkable for its absence of excitement, its freedom from personal aspersion and the confidence entertained by both sides till the very last. The Democrats had the prestige of their victory of 1890 which involved the question of Free- trade 7'S. Protection, and they repeated their arguments of that year, giving emphasis, especially in the South, to their opposition to the so-called " Force Bill." They had in their candidate a powerful personalism, representative of the masses rather than the leaders. The Republicans had an equally strong personalism in President Harrison, and the advantage of a pure and able admin- istration. They made the issue of protection, of a standard dollar, and of opposition to a wildcat currency, a square one. New York, Connecticut and New Jersey, as of old, were con- ceded by both parties to be the battle-ground, though the Democrats made coalitions with the Populists of the West and Northwest, with the hope of diminishing the Harrison vote, even though it did not directly augment that of Cleveland. The result of the campaign was a surprise to both parties. The quietude, not to say apathy, of the campaign led to a vote far PRESIDENTS AND ADMINISTRATIONS, 731 below expectation, yet one fraught with marvellous changes. The labor which had all along sought and insisted on protection revolted against its employer. The Alliance, or Populist, vote figured far beyond the anticipations of either party, and actually carried several States. All the elements of discontent conspired to diminish the Republican vote, and that in a way which was not apparent on the surface, nor within the shrewdest calculation. The defeat of the party in power was decisive ; far more so than the victory of the party out of power. The glory of victory on the national ticket was somewhat dimmed by a reduced majority in the House of Representatives, though the hope of a Democratic Senate, for the first time in thirty years, served as a palliative. FIFTY-SECOND CONGRESS — Second Session.— Met Dec. 5, 1892. It was evident from the beginning that no serious legislation was contemplated, except that designed to prepare the way for the incoming administration, which would have a large majority support in the House, with the probabilities of a Demo- cratic majority in the Senate. The President's message was a full, forcible document, abound- ing in contrasts of existing wealth and prosperity with those of i860. It dealt inexact figures instead of generalizations, and was evidently meant to stamp a situation so indelibly on the minds of the people that any departure from it would be quickly noticeable. It advised the Congress to which it was addressed to throw the full responsibility of tariff revision, and all other measures involved in the campaign, over on to the adminis- tration which had been chosen to represent the latest wishes of the people. It found our foreign relations satisfactory, showed a favorable condition of the National Treasury, and of the de- partments, recommended the abolition of the Sinking Fund, the maintenance of the pension system, the restriction of im- migration, and measures for securing fair elections. The strength and boldness of the paper, in the face of recent defeat, commended it to his party, and invited the criticism of the oppo- sition. THE WORLD'S COLUMBIAN" EXPOSITION. HE INCEPTION.— Long before the four hundredth anniversary of the discovery of America by Christopher Columbus came to pass, it had been practically agreed by two continents to solemnize the event by ceremonies which would bring into contrast the civilizations of an ancient and modern era. While Europe had less to be proud of than America, in the shape of material and political progress, while all the world could point to no such development as was here manifest, yet it was felt that envy could be laid aside for the sake of ceremonies in which all could join, commemorative of an epoch which was the culmination of many prophecies, and which revealed the enterprise of man during four centuries of intelligent effort In the United States there was the heartiest consent to a Columbian celebration, because here the results of the great discovery were most direct and most clearly demarked. The discovery was the beginning of things in the West. In the East it operated reflexively. For the East it was an event and honor ; for the West it was a date and history, WHY AN EXPOSITION r—Bec3iUse in the history of civilization^ the exposition had come to mean the fullest exempli- fication of human progress, the completest manifestation of human triumphs. All the festivals and celebrations of the old world and ancient times, the games of Greece and Rome, the festivals of paganism, the feasts of medieval times, the fairs of every nation, had been modified by progress, and had come to find expression in the shape ot those exhibits which showed the triumphs of peace and awakened the industrial energies of com- petitors. The/air, which was the first modification of the violent (733) 734 THE WORLD'S COLUMBIAN EXPOSITION. game and discordant festival, became a favorite the moment industry asked for competition and insisted upon a mart. It was limited to localities, states, and single nations. It was the enterprise of church, merchant, manufacturer and banker. It was the outcrop of local taste, district pride and national demand. But wherever and whatever it was, it had for its object the bringing of people together, the comparison of wares and views, the convenience of exchange, the stimulus of competition. British fairs date back to 207 A. d, French fairs began in 427. These were churchly as well as mercantile ; festivals as well as fairs. Italy, Germany and Flanders caught the fair inspiration, and mingled church festival with commercial show. In England fairs became annual before the conquest. After the conquest they became popular. No matter if the early fair, wherever held, became the resort of the dancer, jester, buffoon, gambler, and drunkard. No mat- ter if it ran into excesses but little removed from the Bacchana- lian festivals of Greece or the Dyonisian games of Rome. They were only removals therefrom, and the time would soon come when the attraction of sheep, cattle, swine, horses, and fabrics of the loom would expel the orgy. Every nation, the clergy, the merchant, the handicraftsman admitted the advantage of the fair for comparative reasons, for the intermingling of views, for the exchange of genius as well as fabrics. Kings regarded them as wholesome for political reasons. NATIONAL EXPOSITIONS.— By and by, when nations broke their boundaries for commercial reasons, when civiliza- tion began to press beyond feudal bounds, when the world began to find kinship in its fractions, the fair took international shape. Only now, it was no longer ^fair but an exhibition. It was no longer localized, but general. To be sure it was a long time before the international exhibition assumed such propor- tions as the annual Russian fair of Novgorod, or the Indian fair of Hurdwar, on the Ganges, or the pilgrimage fair at Mecca, but the advantage consisted in the intermingling of nationalities, and a comparison of the products and thoughts evolved by different, and sometimes conflicting, institutions. The moment the ad- THE WORLD'S COLUMBIAN EXPOSITION, 735 vantage of the international exhibition was perceived, the national fair began to lose its importance. None of the so- called national fairs at Cincinnati, Baltimore, Buffalo, Boston, New Orleans and San Francisco, though appeals to every branch of in- dustry and to national pride as well, were successes. They were but requests for a nation to contest against itself Napoleon struck the true idea in 1798, in his request for a National Ex- position in which the medals went to those inventions and pro- ductions which should show France as the most powerful rival of England. This exposition ran into that brilliant series which gave eclat to the years 1806, 18 19, 1823, 1827, 1830, 1839, 1844, and which culminated in 4,449 exhibitors and an attendance of 1,000,000 people in 1849. Austria caught the French idea, and with success, in her national fairs, with similar medals, in 1820, 1835, 1839 and 1845. Germany followed in 1822, 1827, and 1844. Saxony met with equal successes, at mtervals of two years from 1824 to 1845. Other Continental nations caught the inspiration and held suc- cessful national expositions from 1827 to 1855. In all these the national feature was elaborated by the rewards offered for that genius and skill which competed best with those of foreign nations. In an indirect sense these were really international fairs INTERNATIONAL EXPOSITION-^ngl^nd was slow to adopt the institution of national expositions, in the modern sense. Her fair of 1828 was a failure, though prolonged till 1833. The same fatality over-hung the expositions of the Dub- Im Society in 1829 and 1845. The English national exposition of 1849 awakened the popular mind to the advantage of exhibi- tions of the kind which proved successful in other states of Europe. A commission was appointed with a view to inter- nationalizing these exhibitions. The result was a grand call of the world to the International Industrial Exposition, to be held h\ London, in 1851. This became the famous Hyde Park Exposition, whose feature was the "Crystal Palace," whose buildings occupied 21 acres of ground, and whose cost was ^1,500,000. The world accepted the offer, entered into willing competition, and made the exposition a decided success. 736 THE WORLD'S COLUMBIAN EXPOSITION. Seventeen thousand exhibitors appeared. The visitors num- bered 6,000,000, and the receipts amounted to ^2, 500,000. The idea of the " International Exposition " at once became popular. Dublin, Ireland, tried one in 1853, but with indifferent success financially, yet with great success in an art point of view. New York took up the idea and organized her World's Exposi- tion of 1853, with 4,800 exhibitors, more than half of whom were foreign. It repeated the celebrated " Crystal Palace " of Lon- don, but added a separate department for machinery. ;S640,ooo were expended in buildings and but ^340,000 were realized in receipts. The exposition was continued in 1854, at a loss, and was then leased to the American Institute. In 1858 the struc- tures were destroyed by fire. Bavaria now caught the fever and erected a " crystal palace " in 1854, nearly twice as large as that of New York. Her inter- national exposition was admirably organized, and had invited 6,800 exhibitors with wares valued at $7,500,000. An outbreak of the cholera spoiled the adventure, and the Government had to foot a deficiency of $1,000,000. France, the mother of national fairs, could not afford to be behind with international expositions. She opened in Paris, in 1855, the most elaborate of all international exhibitions thus far. The buildings were subdivided to suit the arts, sciences and in- dustries, and they covered twenty-four acres of ground. The visitors numbered 4,500,000, and the exhibits were universal and princely. Pecuniarily, it was a failure, though Paris bene- fited by the expenditure of strangers and France by the compe- tition invited. England essayed a second internationaal exposition, in 1862, at South Kensington. Here the buildings were diversified and suited to the various classes of exhibits. The immense palace of glass was eliminated. The cost was $2,300,000. The attendance was 6,21 1,103. Tl^^ receipts were $2,240,000. France was still ambitious, and the International Exposition of 1867 was resolved upon. The space allotted to buildings was forty-two acres, and the buildings were separate and devoted to all the varieties of exhibits. This enterprise cost $8,000,000, THE WORLD'S COLUMBIAN EXPOSITION. 737 and the receipts were sufficient to cover expenditures. This was the most truly international of all expositions, thus far; for, be- sides simple exhibitions of handicraft, the competing nations in- troduced their customs and monuments of history. Following this Exposition Universelle, Vienna instituted one in her Imperial Park in 1873. The buildings were designed on a scale never before attempted, and they covered forty acres of the Imperial Park. Much benefit to the empire was expected from this most imposing of all expositions. Twelve millions were expended in buildings and preparations, and the exhibits were large. But the Viennese crushed the enterprise by extor- tionate charges, and the receipts did not exceed ;^3, 000,000. Now these international expositions had nothing behind them except the commercial and industrial idea. That was their in- spiration and glory. Many of them had been conducted by regularly organized companies, which did not ignore the advan- tages of international emulation and visitation, but which were, nevertheless, speculative in their designs. When the interna- tional exposition idea struck America, as it was sure to do, it took on the commemorative phase. It required the stimulus of a grand occasion. All should be subordinate to the celebration of an event which marked historic progress. This was a sub- lime conception. It eliminated the mercenary spirit, while it did not diminish the opportunity of showing our achievements, nor the benefits to be derived from a comparison with the achieve- ments of other nations. In this spirit was conceived the Cen- tennial Exposition of 1876. It was to celebrate the one hun- dredth year of American. independence, was to show what one hundred years of free institutions had accomplished, was a bid to all the world to match us if it could, and was to be held in Philadelphia — the home of independence. This exposition brought forth the most elaborate plans, the best subdivisions of buildings, the grandest structures, that had yet been conceived for the purpose. The main building alone occupied twenty acres, while the space occupied by the total of 160 buildings was sixty acres. The exhibitors, from all parts of the world, numbered 30,864, and the value of their exhibits was ;$50,ooo,ooOr The 47 738 THE WORLD'S COLUMBIAN EXPOSITION. visitors numbered 10,000,000, and the receipts amounted to ;g4,ooo,ooo. The Government gave $1,500,000 on condition that it should be returned, and the State of Pennsylvania gave $500,- 000. Tliough the receipts did not prove ample, the Government loan was fully reimbursed by patriotic citizens of Philadelphia. Paris followed the American Centennial Exposition with another Exposition Universelle in 1878. The buildings were more numerous and elaborate than any before, and covered 150 acres. The investment cost ;^ 10,000,000, and the attendance reached the unprecedented number of 16,000,000. Financiall}%and for all the purposes of an international exposition, this was the most decided success that had thus far been obtained. It was followed by a third Exposition Universelle in 1888, at a cost of $8,500,- 000. The visitors numbered 28,149,353, and the exhibitors 55,000, though the buildings occupied only 75/^ acres. The receipts were nearly a million dollars in excess of the expendi- tures. France, or rather Paris, had reduced the institution of international expositions to a fine art. She was therefore en- couraged to follow with the Exposition Universelle of 1889, which introduced the commemorative idea — the object being to commemorate the fall of the Bastile. Long preparations were made for the occasion. The Government and the city contrib- uted liberally. Over $6,000,000 were expended in buildings and preparations. The spaces occupied covered 173 acres of ground. No former exposition had ever approached this in the number and variety of exhibits. Its most startling wonder was the Eiffel Tower, rising 984 feet high, with an elevator capable of carrying sixteen people at a time to the top. The exhibitors numbered 55,000, and the attendance 28,149,353. It was a pecuniary and national success. THE COLUMBIAN EXPOSITION.— YoWowm^ in the natural order of things, and not forgetting that a grand event was ready for solemnization, the World's Columbian Exposition assumed formal shape by Act of Congress, April 25, 1890, authorizing the celebration of the four hundredth anniversary of the discovery of America by Christopher Columbus. This Act created the Comnilssion which was to have the exposition in MAP KSOAJ . PA-RK. SITE OF THE FAIR. 739 740 THE WORLD'S COLUMBIAN EXPOSITION. charge, gave it all the powers of an incorporated company, and committed the Government to such friendship and assistance as it could afford to bestow. By a joint resolution, passed Febru- ary 25, Chicago had been selected as the site of the Exposition, as against the stoutly contested claims of Washington, New York, Cincinnati, and St. Louis, Preparations were at once begun for the great work of organ- ization and building. Liberal citizens of Chicago subscribed over ^5,000,000 to the enterprise. The city responded with an appropriation of $5,000,000. Subsequently the general govern- ment came with a pittance of $2,500,000, obtained with the utmost difficulty, which was to be doled out in the shape of souvenir fifty cent coins, with the condition that the gates of the exposition should be closed on Sunda\'s, and with the hope and intent that the neople would condone national meanness by pay- ing a dollar for a fifty cent silver token. By December 24, 1890, the plans of the great exposition had been so fully matured as to warrant the President in issuing his proclamation to the world, inviting the nations to join in exhibi- tion and competition on May i, 1893, and for a term lasting till the last Thursday of October, 1893. The inability of the com- mission to complete the immense work they had projected, coupled with the late date in the season on which the event of the discovery by Columbus fell, drove the time for propitious observance over from 1892 to 1893. THE SITE. — The site selected for the World's Columbian Exposition was Jackson Park and Midway Plaisance, embracing together 664 acres, and extending one mile along the Lake Michigan front. The grounds were low and mostly unreclaimed, but were rapidly filled in, laid out in appropriate designs, planted and beautified. They are seven miles from the City Hall and can be reached by steam cars, cable cars, and lake steamers in from twenty to forty minutes. Once at the Exposition, visitors go comfortably and cheaply from one part of the grounds to an- other, and obtain advantageous views of the buildings, by means of electric boats through the artificial lakes and canals, or cosy observation cars upon the intramural elevated railway, Twenty THE WORLD'S COLUMBIAN EXPOSITION. 74I thousand people an hour may thus be whirled about the expan- sive grounds. All the steam roads reaching the Exposition grounds take on and put off their passengers in a spacious and elegant depot, or central station, admirably situated for the pur- pose, and specially constructed, with a main building 300 feet long and 1 50 wide, to which are attached shedded sidings of 672 feet long and 150 wide, giving standing and waiting- room to 25,000. They may ascend by stairways or elevators to the second story of the main structure and there be entertained or accommodated according to wish or taste in restaurants, pri- vate lunch-rooms, smoking-rooms, reading, writing, and check- rooms. On the four walls of the central hall hang twenty-four clocks, each indicating the standard time in a leading city in as many parts of the world. The visitor from London, Rome, Calcutta, Pekin, Cairo, or Rio can at a glance tell the standard time at his own home, as compared with the hour or minute in Chicago. Twenty-four trains may load or unload their passen- gers at one time, and fifteen leading steam roads enjoy the privileges afforded by this mammoth structure. PLAN AND COST. — The work of organization and prepara- tion presented an appalling task to the Commission. Every- thing elaborated so on their hands that for a time it seemed next to impossible to evolve order out of chaos and beauty out of crudeness. But the original purpose was rigidly adhered to, to make the scope and plan involve landscape and architectural designs superior to those of any previous exposition. Even when it was seen that the plans as they elaborated would lead to an expenditure in excess of ;^2 5, 000,000, there was no diminution of the determination to maintain a scale of ornamentation and display worthy the exhaustless resources, tireless energy and characteristic intelligence of the newest and foremost of the nations of earth. The President's invitation brought acceptances from sixty of the leading nations, and word of compliment and encourage- ment from many more. The States of the Union showed their interest by formal acceptances, and in all instances where their legislatures were free to act, they made liberal appropriations for 742 THE WORLD'S COLUMBIAN EXPOSITION. exhibits and the erection of State buildings. The general gov- ernment appropriated liberally for the exhibit of all its functions through its Departments of State, War, Navy, Treasury, Justice, Interior, Post Office, Agriculture, and its scientific institutions, as the Smithsonian Institute, National Museum, Bureau of Fisheries, etc. With an energy seldom equalled and never excelled the Com- mission brought a magnificent site into view, filled with plazas, lakes, canals, bridges, fountains, observation towers, landscapes, shrubbery, flowers, and all that could heighten effects to the eye, appeal to the taste, and conduce to convenience and comfort. The work proceeded on the line of the following estimates — grading and filling, ^450,000; landscape gardening, ^323,000; viaducts and bridges, ^125,000; piers, ^70,000; water-ways, ;$225,ooo; railways, ;^500,ooo; steam plant, ;^8oo,ooo ; electricity, ;i§i, 500,000; water supply, ;iS6oo,000 ; lake front improvements, ;ig20O,00O ; World's Congress, $200,000 ; general construction expenses, $520,000; expenses of organization, $3,308,563; operating expenses, $1,550,000. The scale of total expenditure for these preliminaries alone, and for the management and conduct of the exposition, was therefore on a basis of $10,500,- 000. THE BUILDINGS. — The number, plan, and location of the buildings drew forth the genius of wisest counselor, most tasteful architect, ablest financier, and most skillful mechanical engineer. They were to outstrip any similar array in number, size, and variety. They were to give full opportunity to the nations of the world to enter their machinery, arts, and products in com- petition. They were to embrace a miniature world, in which all peoples intermingled, where every speech would be heard, where the outcome of every institution, custom, clime and genius would be visible. They were to provide for intellectual as well as business intercourse. " The World of Congresses " was to become a grand university for the exhibition of mind, for the interchange of thought. In this school free rein was to be given to the discussion of the moral, social, political, and economic questions which have ever perplexed and separated the nations* THE WORLD'S COLUMBIAN EXPOSITION. 743 but which grow in importance as they come commercially closer. So the planning of buildings began and went on. Their speedy erection followed. Those decided upon by the Commission and erected under its auspices exceeded thirty in number, not count- ing as many more in the shape of annexes and added ornaments. The building plans allowed for separate State buildings, which were erected by the respective States of the Union, and also for buildings erected by the leading foreign nations. Many of this class of buildings were of fine architecture, large proportion, costly, and generally typical of some State taste or peculiarity. Such an array of exhibition buildings had never before been seen. Their number and style excited the wonder of every beholder. Their immense proportions elicited astonishment. Their convenience and adaptability drew the highest praise for their designers and builders. NAMES AND PROPORTIONS.— ThQ larger and more im- portant of the Exposition Buildings, those which in the fullest represent the scope and plan of the Exposition, are here given, together with their dimensions. Name of Building. Foot Length. Foot Breadth. Sq. ft. Area. Manufactures and Liberal Arts 1687 787 1,327,669 Mines and Mining 700 350 245,000 Electricity 690 345 238,050 Transportation 960 256 245,760 " Annex 900 425 382,500 Machinery 846 492 416,232 '^ Annex 550 490 269,500 " Power House 490 461 225,890 " Pumping 84 77 6,568 " Shops 250 106 26,500 Agriculture 800 500 400,000 " Annex 550 300 165,000 " Assembly Hall 450 125 .^^6,250 Administration 262 262 68,644 Women's 388 196 75,048 Art Galleries 500 320 160,000 " Annexes (2) 200 120 24,000 Fisheries 365 165 60,225 " Annexes (2) circles 135 ft. in diameter. Horticulture 998 250 249,500 " 8 Greenhouses ico 24 2,400 Forestry 528 208 109,824 Saw Mills 300 1 25 37-500 Daily 200 lOO 20,000 Live Stock (2) 200 65 13,000 744 THE WORLD'S COLUMBIAN EXPOSITION. Name of Building. Foot Length. Foot Breadth. Sq. ft. Area. Live Stock Pavilion 440 280 123,200 " Sheds Cover 40 acres. Casino 250 1 20 30,000 Music Hall 250 120 30,000 U. S. Government 415 345 143,175 Baltle-Ships 348 69 23,012 Illinois State Building 450 160 72,000 The total acreage covered by these buildings is in excess of 160. The total appropriations and subscriptions made by the respective States for their buildings and exhibits amounted to ;^4,500,ooo. Illinois gave ;$8oo,ooo ; California, New York and ILLINOIS STATE BUILDING. WORUJ'S COLUAABIAN EXPOSITION CB1CAGOi893l Pennsylvania $300,000 each ; and the otlier States sums va^ing from $150,000 down to $15,000. The foreign countries that contributed most liberally for the purpose of placing their exhibits were: Germany, $690,200; France, $627,250; Japan, $630,765; Brazil, $600,000; Great Britain, $291,990; New South Wales, $150,000; Austria, $102,- 300; Peru, $140,000; Guatemala, $120,000; Ecuador, $125,000; Costa Rica, $150,000; Argentine, $100,000. Thirty-one other foreign governments made state appropriations of less than $100,000 each, and thirty-seven backed their exhibits by private enterprise. In all there went into the Exposition — THE WORLD'S COLUMBIAN EXPOSITION. 745 For Organization and Preparation ^10,500,000 Exposition Buildings 8,000,000 Government, State, and Foreign Appropriations for Buildings and Exhibits 15,000,000 Approximate cost S33'50°>o°o With an assurance of 60,000 exhibitors, the value of exhibits must approximate ;^ 100,000,000. Among the more imposing buildings and striking views and exhibits are the following : LOOKING SOUTH OVER LAGOON.— TVx^ view is taken looking south over the lagoon which lies between the buildings for Manufactures and Electricity. This lagoon crosses the great basin and terminates beyond the second bridge at the obelisk and fountain. On the extreme right of the picture a portion of the east front and one of the towers of the Electrical building are visible. Beyond and opposite the building across the basin is seen part of the palace of Machinery, its eastern fa(;ade crowned with domes and towers. On the extreme left is seen a corner of the west front of the Manufactures building, and opposite this and across the basin the building for the Agricultural exhibit. This building is con- nected with the palace of Machinery by the long colonnade in the centre background, forming a great portico entrance to the live stock grounds farther south, and at the same time complet- ing the monumental group on the south of the great basin. A triple arch bridge spans the lagoon in the foreground, affording communications between the Electrical and Manufactures build- ings. It is only one of many such bridges which are erected in other parts of the grounds. Notice to the right or the left the manner of terracing. From the water rises a sea-wall whose coping guards access to the first terrace. In this wall gates and jetties are arranged so that landings can be effected from the small boats of the park. The first terrace is the domain of the landscape gardener, and is devoted to flowers, shrubbery and gravel walks. Some four feet above this terrace is the great paved platform serving as a base to the buildings. This platform is finished with balustrades, vases and statuary, and approach to "4(3 THE WORLDS COLUMBIAN EXPOSITION, it from the first terrace is gained at intervals by monumental flights of steps. This view, looking as it does down the lagoon towards the great basin, represents a part of the grounds where the buildings are most thickly clustered, where distances are at the minimum, and where the perspective is least extended. Picture then the grand scale on which the scheme has been worked out, the care and attention that has been given to produce imposing effects and magnificent vistas ; and the enticement offered to architects LOOKING SOUTH OVER THE LAGOON. and artists to create masterpieces. Surely the plan is incom- parable, and its culmination well closes an epoch in the history of art. MANUFACTURERS' BUILDING.— This is the monster and wonder of the Exposition. It measures 1687 by 787 feet, and covers more than thirty acres of ground, being the largest Exposition building ever built. Inside the structure a gallery fifty feet wide extends around all four sides, adding more than eight acres to the floor space available for exhibits, and making this about forty acres in all. Projecting from this gallery are 748 THE WORLD'S COLUMBIAN EXPOSITION. eighty-six smaller ones, twelve feet wide, from which visitors may survey the exhibits. " Columbia avenue," fifty feet wide, extends through the building longitudinally, and an avenue of like width across it at right angles at the centre. The main roof is of iron and glass on arches, an area of 385 by 1400 feet, and has its ridge 150 feet from the ground. The edifice is in the Corinthian style of architecture, and the long array of columns and arches which its facades present is relieved from monotony by female figures, symbolical of the various arts and sciences. Designs showing in relief the seals of the different States of the Union and of various foreign nations also appear in the orna- mentation. The exterior of the building is covered with " staff," which is treated to represent marble. The huge fluted cohuiins and the immense arches are also appaiently of this material. The entrances at the corners of the structure and midway at the sides consist of lofty arches in piers of elaborate design and or- namentation, AGRICULTURAL BUILDING.— With the exception of the Administration building, the Agricultural building is the most magnificent structure on the exposition grounds. In size it is 800 by 500 feet, severely classic in style. It is almost sur- rounded by lagoons. The features of this building are its five pavilions, one at each corner and one in the centre. The corner pavilions are 64 by 48 feet square. The grand entrance is on the north. It is 60 feet wide, leading into a vestibule 30 feet deep and 60 feet wide. At the entrance are Corinthian columns, 50 feet in diameter and 40 feet high. Beyond these massive col- umns is the rotunda, 100 feet in diameter, surmounted by a glass dome 130 feet high. There are eight minor entrances 20 feet wide. The roof is principally of glass. MACHINERY HALL.— The main Machinery building meas- ures 850 feet by 500 feet. It is spanned by three arched trusses, and the interior presents the appearance of three railroad train houses, side by side, surrounded on all the four sides by a fifty foot gallery. The design follows classical models throughout, the detail being borrowed from the renaissance of Seville and other Span- 750 THE WORLD'S COLUMBIAN EXPOSITION. ish towns as being appropriate to a Columbian celebration. As in all the other buildings on the court, an arcade on the first story permits passage around the building under cover; and as in all the other buildings, the fronts are formed of " staff," colored to an ivory tone. The ceilings of the porticos are emphasized with strong color. A colonnade with a cafe at either end forms the connecting link between Machinery and Agricultural halls, and in the centre of this colonnade is an archway leading to the exhibits. From this portico there is a view nearly a mile in length down the la- goon, and an obelisk and fountain placed in the lagoon between U. S. BATTLE-SHIP. the two buildings, Agriculture and Machinery, forms a fitting southern point to this vista. The machinery annex is placed in the rear of the Adminis- tration building and in the loop formed by the railroad tracks. Attached to this great annex is the power house, convenient to the tracks for coal supply, etc., containing an immense display of boilers, while in the adjoining portion of the annex building is established the enormous plant of engines and dynamos. This is the largest and most interesting display of electrical power ever made. THE NA VAL EXHIBIT.— The most unique and striking of all the buildings is that for the Naval Exhibit It is a full- ■"'"NAjnt'' 752 THE WORLD'S COLUMBIAN EXPOSITION. sized model of one of the new coast-line battle-ships. This imi- tation battle-ship of 1893 is erected on piling on the lake front in the northeast part of Jackson Park. It is surrounded by water and has the appearance of being moored to a wharf The dimensions of the structure are those of the actual battle-ship, viz. : Length, 348 feet; width amidship, 69 feet 3 inches; from water line to main deck, 12 feet; from water line to top of " military mast," 76 feet. The ship is manned by a crew detailed by the Government, and the discipline and life on a man-of-war are shown. The ship has a full battery of guns of the size and calibre of the actual ship. The guns are made of wood, cov- ered with an imitation of steel. All the uniforms of the United States sailors from 1775 to 1848 are shown by janitors dressed in the costume. ELECTRICAL BUILDING.— S\.3.v\ds near Hall of Mines and Mining ; 690 feet long by 345 wide ; architecture, Italian renaissance ; very ornamental inside, for electrical effects at night ; cost $650,000. FINE ART BUILDING.— Si^nds, at the South Park en- trance; 500 feet long by 320 wide; architecture, Grecian Ionic ; four transepts run north, south, east and west from centre, each 70 by 100 feet; height, 125; main floor devoted to sculpture, galleries to paintings; material, brick, roof, iron, cost $670,- 000. WOMAN'S BUILDING.— Located at head of central lagoon; dimensions 388 by 196 feet; architecture, Italian renaissance; comprises a central pavilion with four corner pavilions, with full length colonnades ; two stories high ; first floor devoted to exhibits; second floor to assemblies, receptions and refresh- ments. HORTICULTURAL BUILD/NG.— The building is 998 by 250 feet. The plan is a central pavilion with two end pavilions, both connected with the centre by front and rear curtains form- ing two interior courts, each 88 by 270 feet. These courts are planted with shrubs and lemon and orange trees. The centre pavilion is roofed b\' a crystal dome, under which grow the tallest palms, bamboos and tree ferns. There is a gallery ia<^ 754 THE WORLD'S COLUMBIAN EXPOSITION. each of the pavilions, the ends of which are cafes. In this build- *ng all the varieties of flowers, plants, seeds, vines, horticultural implements, etc., are exhibited. The exhibits requiring sunshine and light are shown in the rear curtain, where the roof is en- tirely of glass and not too far removed from the plants. The spaces under the galleries and the front curtains are for exhibits that only need an ordinary amount of light and sunshine. The exterior of the building is of stucco or " staff," tinted in a soft warm buff The dome is 132 feet in height, and the building cost ^$300,000. WOMAN S BUILDING. TRANSPORTATION BUILDING.— "Length 960 feet; width 256 feet; height 165 feet; annexes covering nine acres; tracked every 16 feet, for engines and cars; over 100 engines on exhibition, and a rich showing of all the appliances of loco- motion. HALL OF MINES AND J/AV/iV6^.— Located at southern extremity of main lagoon ; 700 feet long by 350 feet wide; en- trances on all four sides; galleries 25 feet high by 60 wide; richly decorated arcades; logias of first floor faced with marble of various kinds, as part of mining exhibit ; cost $1^0.000. THE FISHERIES BUILDING.— Emhvsices a lar^re central 756 THE WORLD'S COLUMBIAN EXPOSITION. structure and two polygonal buildings connected by arcades. It is 365 feet long by 165 wide. The fisheries exhibit is found in the central portion. The polygonal buildings contain aquaria and angling exhibits. The architecture is Spanish Romanesque. There are 3000 square feet of glass fronts in the aquaria. Salt water for the ocean fish has been transported from the Atlantic ; cost of structure $225,000. U. S. GOVERNMENT BUILDING.— T\\& U. S. Govern- ment building is 415 by 345 feet and covers 6.1 acres. It cost $400,000, and is constructed of wood and iron. Its dome rises to the height of 236 feet. Its exhibits represent all the depart- ments at Washington, political and scientific. The Mint ex- hibit shows every coin made by the United States, and the Bureau of Engraving shows all the paper money. A model life-saving station is operated on the lake shore. There are ex- hibits of heavy guns and explosives, and daily battery drills. ADMINISTRATION BUILDING.— This building is the gem of all the architectural jewels of the Exposition. It is one of the noblest achievements of modern architecture, and occupies the most conniianding position on the exposition grounds. The building consists of four pavilions, 84 feet square, one at each of the four angles of the square of the plan, and connected by a great central dome, 120 feet in -diameter and 260 feet high. In the centre of each facade is a recess, 93 feet wide, within which is a grand entrance to the building. The first story is in the Doric order, of heavy proportions. The second story, with its lofty colonnade, is in the Ionic order. Externally, the design is divided into three principal stages. The first stage consists of the four pavilions, corresponding in height with the buildings grouped about, which are 65 feet high. The second .stage is of the same height, and is a continuation of the central rotunda, which is 175 feet square. Tiie third stage is the base of the great dome, 40 feet high and octagonal in form, and the dome itself rising in graceful lines, richly ornamented with heavily molded ribs and sculptured panels, and having a large glass sky- licfht. The interior effects are even more gorgeous than the ex- 758 THE WORLD'S COLUMBIAN EXPOSITION. terior, resplendent with carvings, sculptures and immense paint- ings. DEDICATION X>^ K— October 21, 1892 (new style), was the day set apart for the dedication of the World's Columbian Exposition. The date corresponded with that of the discovery of America (old style). A series of fete days had preceded this dedication day, in whose solemnities two continents joined. Official representatives were present from every civilized land. The largest concourse that ever assembled under one roof, estimated at 125,000, witnessed the imposing ceremonies. The FISH AND FISHERIES BUILDING. greatest orchestra and chorus that ever obeyed a single baton — five thousand men, women, and children — sang the National songs of America. It was worthy of four hundred years of toil and prowess to witness sucl! a scene and crown such a triumph. There was but a single drawback to the eclat of the ceremonial occasion and that was the absence of the Chief Magistrate of the Nation, who waited at the bedside of his dying wife. He was represented by Vice-President Morton. From morning till noon the throng surged toward the main Exposition building, till it ran beyond estimate and overflowed with enthusiastic expectation. At 2 p. m. the boom of cannon 760 THE WORLD'S COLUMBIAN EXPOSITION. on the lake front announced the arrival of the Vice-President. He led into the west gallery the Cabinet, the Governors of States, the representatives of foreign courts. The grand orchestra struck up the Columbian march. It was the most impressive ovation of history. A world yielded its heart in response and bowed its head in recognition. Bishop Fowler, of California, delivered the opening prayer. Director-General Davis delivered the introductory address. Mayor VVashburne, of Chicago, delivered the address of wel- come, and tendered the freedom of the city to the representa- tives of States and nations. The dedicatory ode, composed by Miss Harriet C. Monroe, was read by Mrs. Sarah C. Lemoyne. The chorus of 5000 voices then raised its strains of welcome. The magnificent buildings and grounds were formally transferred to the keeping of the World's Columbian Commission, whose President was ex-Senator Palmer, of Michigan, and who, in turn, presented them to Vice-President Morton for dedication in the name of the United States of America. He delivered an im- pressive address, whose ending was " God save the United States of America." This was followed by the dedicatory oration, delivered by Henry Watterson, of Louisville. And this again by the Columbian oration, delivered by Chauncey M. Depew, of New York. The ceremonies closed with a prayer by Cardinal Gibbons. Thus was distinguished that memorable occasion and thus were dedicated those grounds and buildings which were to solemnize one of the most notable events in history and marlc an epoch in one of the most majestic of all national careers. Well may we all say in the noble language of Vice-President Morton : "And what a spectacle is presented to us here ! As we gaze upon these magnificent erections, with their columns and arches, their entablatures and adornments, when we consider their beauty and rapidity of realization, that would seem to be evoked by a wizard's touch of Aladdin's lamp, praise for the organization and accomplishment, for the architect and builder, for the artist and the artisan, may not now detain me, for in the years to come, in the mouths of all men, it will be unstinted. 762 THE WORLD'S COLUMBIAN EXPOSITION. " These are worthy shrines to record the achievements of the two Americas and to place them side by side with the arts and industries of the elder world, to the end that we may be stimulated and encouraged to new endeavors. Columbus is not in chains, nor are Columbian ideas in fetters. I see him, as in the great picture under the dome of the Capitol, with kneeling figures about him, betokening no longer the contrition of his followers, but the homage of mankind, with erect form and lofty mien, animating these children of a new world to higher facts and bolder theories. li u M^iit:^^^::aiji;:'/(t^'