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1 
 
 TUB 
 
 LIVES AND SERVICES 
 
 OP 
 
 MAJOR GENERAL JOHN THOMAS, 
 COLONEL THOMAS KNOWLTON, 
 COLONEL ALEXANDER SCAMMELL, 
 MAJOR GENERAL HENRY DEARBORN. 
 
 COMPILED BY CHARLES COFFIN. 
 
 NEW- YORK : 
 
 EGBERT, HOVEY & KINO, PRINTERS, 374 PEARL-STREET. 
 
 1845. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 Having long been satisfied from the general history of 
 the Revolution, that no officer deserved the esteem and 
 respect of his country, more than General Thomas, I have 
 been led to look more particularly into the grounds of the 
 high estimation in which he was held by Washington, Con- 
 gress, the army and the country, and am satisfied his fame 
 was not ephemeral, but well founded. 
 
 In this inquiry, valuable letters from Generals Wash- 
 ington, Lee, and Schuyler, and from John Adams, never 
 before published, have come to light, and are of such value, 
 connected with the early movements of the Revolution, as 
 to induce my consent that the whole should be published. 
 
 The Compiler, 
 New-York, March, 1845 
 
MAJOR GENERAL JOHN THOMAS. 
 
 The determination of the mind to relinquish the soft 
 scenes of tranquil life for the rough adventures of war, is 
 generally attended with the conviction that the act is 
 laudable ; and with the wish, that its honorable exertions 
 should be faithfully transmitted to posterity. These sen- 
 timents lead to the cultivation of virtue ; and the effect 
 of the one is magnified by the accomplishment of the 
 other. 
 
 In usefulness to society, the degree is inconsiderable 
 between the conduct of him who performs great actions, 
 and of him who records them ; for short must be the re- 
 membrance, circumscribed the influence of patriotic exer- 
 tions and heroic exploits, unless the patient historian re- 
 trieves them from oblivion, and holds them up conspicu- 
 ously to future ages. Whenever the images of the great 
 men of the commonwealth are beheld, the mind is excit- 
 ed to virtue. It cannot be the wax or the marble which 
 possesses this power, but the recollection of their great 
 actions kindling a generous flame in the breast, not to be 
 quelled, till by virtue, equal fame and glory is acquired. 
 Regretting as all do, that even the names, much less the 
 deeds, of some of the principal actors in our contest 
 for Independence, are scarcely known by their posterity. 
 
6 
 
 I have been led to this, my present undertaking with the 
 hope of contributing in some degree to repair the effects 
 of this much lamented indifference. 
 
 With this view, I am about to write the memoirs of 
 the person whose name is at the head of this article. It 
 is at once discovered that the task will not be easy in itself* 
 nor will it be entirely satisfactory in the performance. 
 The causes which render it difficult in this case, are no 
 doubt, in some measure similar in ail like attempts. The 
 companions of General Thomas, in civil, professional 
 and military life, have long since passed away, more than 
 sixty-eight years having elapsed since his death. The 
 confidential officers about his person, at his death, in a 
 foreign province, overcome with the event, and occupied 
 with the necessary attention to their official duties, in an 
 army prostrate with sickness of the most malignant kind 
 and on a retreat in an enemies country, pursued by a welt 
 appointed army flushed with success, and commanded 
 by a consummate general, did not, and could not have giv- 
 en that attention to the safe keeping of the private papers 
 of their general, which would have aided in the perform- 
 ance of the task imposed. 
 
 On the part of his descendants it is admitted and re- 
 gretted, that less care and attention has been given than 
 should have been, to the preservation of those family re- 
 cords and traditions, which would have gone far to have 
 made this memoir the more complete and interesting, 
 and rendered the life and services of their ancestor more 
 conspicuous and useful. The apprehension which seems 
 to have influenced them, that they might be considered 
 
desirous to blazon the fame of their ancestor, was not a 
 sufficient reason or excuse, for they should have consid- 
 ered, as they must have known, that he was an honored 
 and cherished son of the Republic. They should have 
 constituted themselves the guardians of his fame, as well 
 for themselves, as fortheir country and future ages. B lit 
 what would seem almost incredible, is, that not even a 
 newspaper sketch has ever been published of the ser- 
 vices of General Thomas, to which reference could be 
 had. But the facts within reach, and which have come 
 to hand, are such, that they cannot mislead. With the 
 materials which remain, the undertaking will proceed, 
 with the assurance, that biography shall not be turned to 
 eulogy nor history to romance. 
 
 General Thomas was of English descent. His direct 
 ancestor arrived in the old colony of Plymouth in the 
 year one thousand six hundred and twenty-one, the next 
 year after the landing of the Pilgrims at Plymouth, and 
 immediately took up his residence in the present town of 
 Marshfield, in the county of Plymouth, where the sub- 
 ject of this memoir was born in the year 1724. Of his 
 first ancestor and his immediate descendants, little is now 
 known further than that their time must have been prin- 
 cipally occupied in obtaining the necessaries of life, food 
 and raiment, in that then dreary and inhospitable wilder- 
 ness. It is however known that his grand-father and 
 father, who both bore the name of John, were substantial 
 farmers and leading men in the town with the Winslows 
 and Whites. 
 
 After a suitable preliminary education, he became a 
 
8 
 
 medical student with Dr. Cotton Tufts, of Medford, in 
 the vicinity of Boston, a distinguished Physician ; for at 
 that time there were no medical colleges in Massachusetts 
 or New England. On completing his medical educa- 
 tion, Dr. Thomas commenced practice in his native 
 town, but in a few years removed to Kingston, in the same 
 county, where he continued in his profession till his death, 
 except when connected with the ormy. As a physician 
 he was not only skilful, but eminently successful. In 
 March, 1746, he was appointed and commissioned as 
 second surgeon in a body of troops raised in Massachu- 
 setts, to be stationed at Annapolis Royal. In February, 
 1755, he was appointed Surgeon's mate in Shirley's regi- 
 ment, but soon left the medical staff, and was appointed 
 a lieutenant in the same regiment the same year. In the 
 year 1759, he was appointed a colonel, and re-appointed 
 to ihe same office 1760, by Governor Pownall of the 
 Massachusetts government. Whether he ever served in 
 any of the intermediate grades in the army does not ap- 
 pear ; it is highly probable he did. It appears by his 
 petition to the Governor and Council of Massachusetts, 
 that he commanded his regiment part of both these years 
 in Nova Scotia. In the year 1760, with his regiment, 
 he joined the Anglo-American army at Crown Point, 
 commanded by General Amherst, commander-in-chief of 
 all the forces in North America. After the many defeats 
 of the British and American arms, in the first years of the 
 old French war, under the successive commands of 
 Braddock, Shirley, Johnson, Lord Laudon and Aber- 
 crombie, the energetic Pitt, then Prime Minister of En- 
 
9 
 
 gland, withdrew them all, and called Colonel Amherst 
 from the army in Germany, and promoted him to the 
 •command in North America, with such men as Wolf 
 Moncton, Townsend and Murray under him. 
 
 This year completed the conquest of Canada, and in 
 his well arranged plans and movements against Montre- 
 al, where the whole force of the French in that province 
 was assembled, Colonel Thomas had an honorable and 
 important command. The celebrated Major Rogers? 
 who commanded the partizan corps, called the Rangers' 
 published a journal of all the campaigns of that war, 
 which was printed in London in 1765 ; the volume is 
 now rarely to be found and should be reprinted. The 
 following is from his journal. " I remained at Crown 
 Point with my people, without effecting anything consid- 
 erable, more than small parties reconnoitering the coun- 
 try about the Fort, while every thing was got in readi- 
 ness for embarking the army on the 16th of August, 
 £1760,] which was done accordingly,' having one brig, 
 three' sloops, and four rideaux, which latter were occupi- 
 ed by the Royal Train of Artillery, commanded by Lieu- 
 tenant Colonel Ord, 
 
 Our march was as follows, viz : six hundred Rangers 
 and seventy Indians, as an advanced guard for the whole 
 army, all in a line abreast, about half a mile ahead of the 
 main body, followed by the light Infantry and Grena- 
 diers in two boats abreast in each column, commanded 
 by Colonel Darby. 
 
 The right wing was composed of Provincials, com- 
 manded by Brigadier Ru orgies, who was second in com- 
 1* 
 
10 
 
 nland of the whole army. The left was made up of the 
 New Hampshire and Boston [Massachusetts] troops, com- 
 manded by Colonel Thomas. The seventeenth and 
 twenty-seventh regiments, with some few of the royals 
 that formed the centre column, were commanded by Major 
 Campbell, of the seventeenth regiment. Colonel Havi- 
 land was in front of these divisions, between that and the 
 light infantry and grenadiers. The royal artillery fol- 
 lowed the columns and was commanded Colonel Ord, 
 who had for his escort, one Rhode Island regiment of 
 Provincials. The suttlers, &c. followed the artillery. 
 In this manner we rowed down the Lake [Champlain] 
 forty miles the first day, putting ashore where there was 
 good landing on the west side, and there encamped. The 
 following day we lay by. The ISth, the wind blowing 
 at south, orders were given for embarking, and the same 
 day reached a place on the west shore, within ten miles 
 of the Isle a Mot, where the army encamped. It having 
 blown a fresh gale most of the day, some of my boats 
 split open by the force of the waves, and ten of my Rangers 
 were thereby drowned. The 19th, we set sail early in 
 the morning, and that night encamped on the north end 
 of the Isle a Mot. The 20th, before day, the army was 
 under way with intention to land ; having but twenty 
 miles to go, and having a fair wind, we soon came in 
 sight of the French fort, and about ten in the morning, 
 Colonel Darby, with the grenadiers and light infantry, 
 and myself with the Rangers, landed on the east shore, 
 without the least opposition. 
 
 Having done this, an officer was sent to acquaint 
 
11 
 
 Colonel Haviland, who, with the remainder of the army, 
 was at the place where we landed) that there was not the 
 least danger to be apprehended from the enemy. The 
 next day we began to raise batteries, and soon after threw 
 some shells into the garrison. About the 24th, a propos- 
 al was made for taking the enemies vessels, three of which 
 were at anchor a little below the fort, and some of their 
 rideaux likewise. It was introduced by Colonel Darby, 
 who was ordered to take the command of the party ap- 
 pointed for this service, which consisted of two compa- 
 nies of Regulars, four companies of my Rangers, with 
 the Indians. 
 
 We carried with us two howitzers and one six pound- 
 er, and silently conveying them along through the trees, 
 brought them opposite the vessels, and began a brisk fire 
 upon them, before they were the least apprised of our 
 design, and, by good fortune the first shot from the six 
 pounder cut the cable of the great rideaux, and the wind, 
 being at west, blew her to the east shore, where we were, 
 and the other vessels weighed anchor and made for St 
 Johns, but got all aground, in turning a point about two 
 miles below the fort. I was by Colonel Darby, ordered 
 down the east shore with my Rangers, and crossed a riv- 
 er about thirty yards wide which falls into Lake Cham- 
 plain from the east. I soon got opposite the vessels, and 
 by firing from the shore, gave an opportunity to some of 
 my party to swim on board with their tomahawks, and 
 took one of the vessels ; in the mean time Colonel Dar- 
 by had got on board the rideaux, and had her manned, 
 and took the other two ; of which success he immediately 
 
12 
 
 informed Colonel Haviland, who sent down a sufficient 
 number of men to take charge of, and man the vessels ; 
 and ordered the remainder of the Rangers, Light Infant- 
 ry and Grenadiers, to join the army that night, which 
 was accordingly done ; and about midnight the night fol- 
 lowing the French troops left the Island, and landed safe 
 on the main, so that next morning nothing of them was 
 to be seen but a few sick, and Colonel Haviland took 
 possession of the fort. 
 
 The second day after the departure of Monsieur Bon- 
 ville and his troops from the Island, Colonel Haviland 
 sent me with my Rangers to pursue them as far as St. 
 Johns' Fort, which was about twenty miles further down 
 the lake, and at that place 1 was to wait the arrival of the 
 army, but by no means to follow further than that fort, 
 nor run any risk of advancing further towards Montreal. 
 I went in boats, and about day light got to St. Johns, and 
 found it set on fire. I pursued and took two prisoners, 
 who reported, " That Monsieur Bonville was to encamp 
 that night about half way on the road to Montreal ; and 
 that he went from St. Johns about nine o'clock the night 
 before ; but that many of their men were sick, and that 
 they thought "some of the troops would not reach the 
 place appointed till the middle of the afternoon." 
 
 It being now about seven in the morning, I set all 
 hands to work, except proper guards, to fortify the log 
 houses that stood near the Lake side, in order that part 
 of my people might cover the batteaux, while I, with the 
 remainder, followed Monsieur Bonville, and about eight 
 o'clock I got so well fortified, that I ventured my boats 
 
13 
 
 and baggage under the care of 200 Rangers, and took 
 with me 400 together with two companies of Indians, and 
 followed after the French army, which consisted of about 
 1500, and about 100 Indians they had to guard them. 
 I was resolved to make his dance a little the merrier, and 
 pursued with such haste, that I overtook his rear guard a- 
 bout two miles before they got to their encamping ground. 
 I immediately attacked them, who not being above 200, 
 suddenly broke, and then stood for the main body, which 
 I very eagerly pursued, but in good order, expecting 
 Monsieur Bonville would have made a stand, which how- 
 ever he did not choose, but pushed forward to get to the 
 river, where they were to encamp, and having crossed it 
 pulled up the bridge, which put a stop to my march, not 
 judging it prudent to cross at a disadvantage, inasmuch as 
 the enemy had a good breastwork on the other side, of 
 which they took possession ; in the pursuit, however, we 
 considerably lessened their number, and returned in safety. 
 In the evening Mr. Haviland came in sight, and land- 
 ed at St. Johns. As soon as he came on shore, I waited 
 on him and acquainted him with what I had done &c. and 
 that I had two prisoners for him ; he said it was very well 
 and ordered his troops to encamp there that night, and 
 next day went down to the river Sorriel, as far as St. 
 d' Etrese, where he encamped, and made a strong breast- 
 work to defend his people from being surprised. 
 
 I was sent down the river Sorriel, to bring the inhab- 
 itants under subjection to his Britannic Majesty, and went 
 into their settled country in the night and took all the 
 priests and militia officers, and sent some of them for the 
 
14 
 
 inhabitants. The first day I caused all the inhabitants 
 near Chamblee to take the oaths of allegience, &c., who 
 appeared glad to have it in their power to take the oath 
 and keep their possessions, and were all extremely sub- 
 missive. 
 
 Having obliged them to bring in their arms, and ful- 
 filled my instructions in the best manner I could, I joined 
 Colonel Darby at Chamblee, who had come there to 
 take the fort and had brought with him some light can- 
 non.. It soon surrendered, as the garrison consisted 
 only of about fifty men. This happened on the first of 
 September. 
 
 On the 2d., our army having nothing to do, and hav- 
 ing good intelligence both from General Amherst, and 
 General Murray, Mr. Haviland sent me to join the latter, 
 while he marched with the rest of the army for La Pierm. 
 The 5th., in the morning I got to Longville, about four 
 miles below Montreal, opposite to where Brigadier Mur- 
 ray lay, and gave him notice of my arrival, but not till 
 the morning of the 6th., by reason of my arrival so late. 
 By the time I came to Longville, the army, under the 
 command of General Amherst, had landed about two 
 miles from the town, were they encamped ; and early in 
 the morning Monsieur de Vaudrieul, the Governor and 
 Commander in Chief, of all Canada, sent to capitulate 
 with our General, which put a stop to all our movements, 
 till the 8th of September, when the articles of capitula- 
 tion were agreed to and signed, and our troops took pos- 
 session of the town gates that night. Next morning the 
 Light Infantry and Grenadiers of the whole army, 
 
15 
 
 under command of Colonel Haldiman, with a company 
 of Royal Artillery, with two pieces of cannon, and some 
 howitzers, entered the town, retaining the English col- 
 ors belonging to Pepperill's and Shirley's regiments which 
 had been taken by the French at Oswego. Thus at 
 length, at the end of the fifth campaign, Montreal and 
 the whole country of Canada was given up, and became 
 subject to the King of Great Britain ; a conquest per- 
 haps of the greatest importance that is to be met with in 
 the British annals, whether we consider the prodigious 
 extent of country we are hereby made masters of, the 
 vast addition it must make to trade and navigation, or the 
 security it must afford to the northern provinces of Amer- 
 ica, particularly those flourishing ones of New England 
 and New York, the irretrievable loss France sustains 
 thereby, and the importance it must give the British crown 
 among the several states of Europe. All this, I say, du- 
 ly considered, will perhaps, in its consequences render 
 the year 1760 more glorious than any preceding. And 
 to this acquisition, had we during the late war, either by 
 conquest or treaty, added the fertile and extensive coun- 
 try of Louisiana, we should have been possessed of per- 
 haps the most valuable territory upon the face of the 
 globe, attended with more real advantages than the so 
 much boasted mines of Mexico and Peru, and would 
 have forever deprived the French, those treacherous ri- 
 vals of Britain's glory of an opportunity of acting here- 
 after the same perfidious parts they have already so often 
 repeated." 
 
 To the gallant and hardy soldier, Rogers adds the 
 
16 
 
 reflections of the Statesman. On the 12th of Septem- 
 ber, General Amherst, by a written order, directed Rog- 
 ers to take two hundred men, and proceed to the French 
 forts of Detroit and Michilimackina and all others in 
 that direction, receive their submission and take posses- 
 sion. In pursuance of this order, Rogers embarked at 
 Montreal on the 13th of September, and in obedience 
 to his orders traversed a country by land and water, 
 filled with hostile Indians, and performed this service to 
 the entire satisfaction of his commander. On his re- 
 turn, January 23d, 1761, he reached the Ohio opposite 
 Fort Pitt, from whence he ordered Lieutenant Mc Corm- 
 ick to march the party across the country to Albany and 
 came himself by the common road to Philadelphia, from 
 thence to New York, where, after his long, fatiguing 
 tour, he arrived on the 14th of February, 1761 ; which 
 ends his journey and journal. He was engaged in this 
 delicate and hazardous enterprize five months and one 
 day ; the whole account is of great interest, even at this 
 day, and is well and plainly related. 
 
 The campaign of 1760 closed the military career of 
 Colonel Thomas, as connected with the British crown, 
 and many distinguished officers of that war, among 
 whom was Major Robert Rogers. Major Rogers was 
 a native of the interior of New Hampshire, the vicin- 
 ity of Concord, and was the right arm of all the En- 
 glish commanders who served in that war, obtaim- 
 ed their entire confidence, and at the close of the 
 war, was placed on half pay, and was employed in 
 Canada, partly in a military, and partly in a civil 
 
17 
 
 capacity, but soon went to England where he published 
 his journal, of which the British reviewers of that day, 
 say, " Journals of Major Robert Rogers ; containing an 
 account of the several excursions he made, under the 
 Generals who commanded on the continent of America, 
 during the late war, from which may be collected the 
 most material circumstances of every campaign on the 
 continent, from the commencement to the conclusion of 
 the war. The author writes like an honest, sensible, 
 and modest man ; and has given, throughout his whole 
 account, undoubted proofs that he is a brave and skilful 
 officer. He headed with much reputation, the provincial 
 troops called Rangers, during the whole course of what 
 were called the French wars in America." 
 
 On the authority of General Starke, who served under 
 him during the whole French war, " Rogers was a man 
 of great presence of mind, intrepidity and perseverance 
 in the accomplishment of his plans ; and would no doubt 
 have acted a distinguished part in the Revolution, had he 
 chosen the side of the people. He was a man six feet in 
 height, well proportioned, and one of the most active 
 and athletic men of his time. The Indians entertained 
 a great dread of him, and with very good reason." He re- 
 turned to this country in 1775, and visited Cambridge 
 and Medford, then occupied by the continental troops. 
 Washington refused him permission to enter the camp, 
 but Starke and others of his old companions in arms, visit- 
 ed him at his Hotel at Medford. He afterwards joined 
 Sir William Howe at New York, by whom he was 
 appointed a colonel; but in a short time returned to 
 2 
 
18 
 
 England and never visited this country again. General 
 Ruggles, was a distinguished lawyer, and many years a 
 leading man in the Legislature of Massachusetts, but be- 
 fore the Revolution voted and acted with the tories, and 
 left the country when Howe left Boston, and never re- 
 turned. Both Ruggles and Rogers, joined the British in 
 the contest for Independence, and took an active part a- 
 gainst their native country and in favor of the king to 
 whom they had sworn allegiance. 
 
 General Amherst, the commander-in chief in 1760, 
 moved against Montreal with an army of all arms, 10,868 
 effective, by Oswego over Lake Ontario, and down the 
 river St. Lawrence, starting from Crown Point. Gen- 
 eral Haviland moved from the same place, by way of 
 Lake Champlain, as related by Rogers, with whom Rug- 
 gles, Thomas and Rogers marched with a force of 3,500, 
 ivhile General Murray led an army from Quebec against 
 the same place amounting to 4,400 ; the whole three 
 combined amounted to 18,748 effectives. The three 
 armies arrived within striking distance of Montreal with- 
 in twenty four hours of each other. Governor Vaudrieul 
 at first determined to fight Amherst, but on ascertaining 
 that Murray and Haviland had arrived, abandoned his 
 first determination, and surrendered the city and Pro- 
 vince on honorable terms for the military, and favorable 
 to the citizens. General Amherst's military character 
 must be generally known in America, but the origin and 
 progress of his career, which led to the rank he attained 
 and the esteem in which he was held, may not be famil- 
 iar to the American reader. 
 
19 
 
 He was the son or Jeffery Amherst, a distinguished 
 Barrister at law ; and in 1731, at the age of fourteen, he 
 entered the army as an Ensign. At the age of twenty- 
 four, was aid to Lord Ligonier, at the battles of Itacoux, 
 Dettengen and Fontenoy. Subsequently aid to the 
 Duke of Cumberland, and with him at the battles of 
 Laffieldt and Hastenbeck. In 1758, made Major Gen- 
 eral and commander in America and took Louisburgh and 
 Crown Point. In 1760, as has been seen took Montreal 
 in which he discovered the prudent and consummate Gen- 
 eral. In consideration of these services, was created 
 Knight of the Bath, and made Governor of Virginia. In 
 1763 he returned to England. In 176S, for a short time 
 there was a coldness towards him on the part of the King, 
 and he dismissed from all employment, but the same 
 year he was restored to favor and received redoubled 
 honors. 
 
 In a few succeeding years he was Lieutenant General of 
 ordinance, Governor of Guernsey, Commander-in-chief, 
 sworn of the Privy Council, and Baron of Holmsdale in 
 Kent, and last Baron of Montreal. In 1795, he was re- 
 moved from command to make room for the Duke of 
 York : on this occasion, an Earldom and rank of Field 
 Marshal was offered him, but he declined them. But in 
 
 1796, he received the Field Marshal's office, and died in 
 
 1797, in the eighty-first year of his age, having served his 
 country in every military grade more than sixty-six 
 years, and received the highest honors that the country 
 could bestow on a subject. His personal qualities were 
 highly estimable : as a commander he was a firm and 
 rigid disciplinarian, but ever the soldier's friend and ready 
 
20 
 
 to hear and redress the complaints of those under him. 
 The honor of the nation whose battles he fought, seemed 
 to be the predominant principle of his military career. 
 Lord Amherst had a brother who attained the rank of 
 admiral of the blue ; and a brother William, who served 
 under him in America, who attained the rank of Lieuten- 
 ant General, aid de camp to the King, and Adjutant Gen- 
 eral to his Majesty's forces. A pillar was erected at 
 Montreal in Kent, to commemmoratean unexpected meet- 
 ing of the three brothers in 1764, after a six years ab- 
 sence, and of war, in which the three were successfully 
 engaged in various climes, seasons and services. 
 
 Lord Amherst lived to see the country for which he 
 had fought, arrayed in arms against his king, and many 
 who had served under him, high in command, and com- 
 pelling a British army to leave Boston, and in possession 
 of Montreal, his last conquest in this country. It was 
 fortunate for America that he was not ordered to com- 
 mand against her. Under such a leader Col. Thomas 
 received his first lessons in war, and profited by his 
 teaching. From this time to 1775, Col. Thomas con- 
 tinued engaged in his profession at Kingston, where the 
 revolution found him, in the enjoyment of domestic 
 happiness, professional distinction, and well-earned mili- 
 tary fame. 
 
 In the month of February, the Provincial Congress 
 passed the following resolution : "In Provincial Congress, 
 Cambridge, February 9th, 1775: Resolved, That the 
 Hon. Jedediah Preble Esq., Hon. Artemas Ward Esq., 
 Col. Seth Pomery, Col. John Thomas, and Col. William 
 
21 
 
 Heath, be, and hereby are appointed General Officers,'* 
 The gallant and veteran General Preble, of Portland, 
 father of the distinguished naval commander, Edward 
 Preble, declined the service. It is believed he was 
 induced to this course from his advanced age ; the others 
 all accepted. The accurate biographer, Dr. John Eliot, 
 in a note to a memoir of Gen. Sullivan, says of Gen. 
 Thomas, " he was an officer who had acquired reputa- 
 tion in the French War. He was one of the best officers 
 in our army in 1775, and commanded the division 
 nearest the British lines in Roxbury. A more brave y 
 beloved and distinguished character did not go into the 
 field, nor was there a man that made a greater sacrifice 
 of his own ease, health and social enjoyments.'* Previous 
 to the battle of Lexington, the Provincial Congress 
 created the office of Lieutenant General, and appointed 
 Thomas to the office, which gave him the rank of Pome- 
 roy. Afterthe battle of Lexington, Ward was commander- 
 in-chief, and had his head-quarters at Cambridge, while 
 Thomas commanded on the Roxbury side as Lieutenant 
 General. Soon after this, the Continental Congress 
 assumed the army assembled at Cambridge, as the army 
 of the United Colonies, and appointed the general officers 
 to command the same. Among these, after Washington, 
 were four Major Generals, eight Brigadiers, and an 
 Adjutant. General. Ward being the only Major General 
 Massachusetts was entitled to, Thomas should have been 
 the first Brigadier of the army, and is so called in his 
 commission, but the date gave Pomeroy and Heath pre- 
 cedence. This difficulty, with others of a similar char- 
 s' 
 
22 
 
 acter, and the result of them, are explained by Washing- 
 ton, in an extract from his first letter to Congress, dated 
 Cambridge camp, July 10th, 1775. 
 
 " I am very sorry to observe, that the appointment of 
 General officers, in the provinces of Massachusetts and 
 Connecticut, has not corresponded with the wishes or 
 judgment either of the civil or military. The great 
 dissatisfaction expressed on this subject, and the apparent 
 danger of throwing the whole army into the utmost dis- 
 order, together with the strong representations made by 
 the Provincial Congress, have induced me to retain the 
 commissions in my hands until the pleasure of the 
 Continental Congress should be further known, except 
 General Putnam's, which was given him the day I 
 came to camp, and before I was apprised of these dis- 
 gusts. 
 
 In such a step, I must beg the Congress will do me 
 the justice to believe, that I have been actuated solely 
 by a regard to the public good. I have not, nor could 
 I have, any private attachments — every gentleman in 
 the appointment was a stranger to me, but from char- 
 acter ; I must therefore, rely upon the candor and indul- 
 gence of Congress, for their most favorable construction 
 of my conduct in this particular. General Spencer's 
 disgust was so great at General Putnam's promotion, 
 that he left without visiting me, or making known his 
 intention in any respect. General Pomeroy had also 
 retired before my arrival, occasioned, as it is said, by some 
 disappointment from the Provincial Congress. General 
 Thomas is much esteemed, and most earnestly desires 
 
23 
 
 to continue in the service : and as far as my opportunities 
 have enabled me to judge, I must join the general opin- 
 ion, that he is an able, good officer, and his resignation 
 would be a public loss. The postponement of him to 
 Pomeroy and Heath, whom he has commanded, would 
 make his continuance very difficult, and probably oper- 
 ate on his mind as the like circumstances did on that of 
 Spencer." 
 
 Washington, in a letter to General Schuyler, of July 
 28lh, says, " The arrangement of general officers in 
 Massachusetts and Connecticut, has been very unpopular, 
 indeed I may say injudicious. It is returned to Congress 
 for further consideration, and has much retarded my plan 
 of discipline." 
 
 Generals Wooster and Spencer were both senior to 
 Putnam in the Connecticut state appointment, and by 
 what fatality he was placed over them by the Continen- 
 tal Congress, is hardly necessary to inquire at this time 
 and in this place. Wooster and Spencer, probably, were 
 never reconciled to their degradation, as they both event- 
 ually resigned and left the service. 
 
 The difficulty in Massachusetts, in the appointment 
 of general officers, was entirely healed. General Pome- 
 roy did not return to the army, and never received his 
 commission, and the Congress passed a special resolve, 
 that General Thomas should have precedence of all the 
 Brigadiers in the army, in which decision, the army and 
 the public fully acquiesced. 
 
 But previous to the decision of Congress, Thomas had 
 withdrawn from his command at Roxbury, concluding 
 
24 
 
 that he could not in honor serve in an army, and be 
 commanded by those whom he had so recently com 
 manded. His intentions being made known, efforts from 
 various quarters, to retain him in the army, were made, 
 which have no parallel in the military annals of this 
 country or Europe. 
 
 "House of Representatives, Watcrtown, uly 22i, 1775. 
 
 Sir, 
 
 This House approving of your services in the 
 station you were appointed to in the army by the 
 Congress of this Colony, embrace this opportunity to 
 express their sense of them, and at the same time to 
 desire your continuance with the army, if you shall 
 judge you can do it without impropriety, till the final 
 determination of the Continental Congress shall be 
 known with regard to the appointment of the general 
 officers. We assure you that the justice of this House 
 will be engaged to make you an adequate compensation 
 for your services. We have such intelligence as affords 
 us confidence to suppose, that a few days will determine 
 whether any such provision shall be made for you as is 
 consistent with your honor to accept, and shall give 
 encouragement for you to remain in the service. 
 By order of the House, 
 JAMES WARREN, Speaker? 
 
 General Thomas." 
 
 The next effort to prevent General Thomas from re- 
 signing, was made by General Lee, who at that time, as 
 
25 
 
 a military gentleman, was considered by many as supe- 
 rior to Washington, and it was the first time in his life 
 he ever condescended to address any one in the language 
 of entreaty. 
 
 " July 23d, 1775. 
 Sir, 
 
 It is with the greatest concern that I have heard 
 of your intention to quit the service of your country at a 
 crisis when men of merit can be so ill spared. You 
 think yourself not justly dealt with in the appointments 
 of the Continental Congress. I am quite of the same 
 opinion, but is this a time sir, when the liberties of your 
 country, the fate of posterity, the rights of mankind are 
 at stake, to indulge our resentments for any ill treatment 
 we may have received as individuals ? I have myself, 
 sir, full as great, perhaps greater reason to complain 
 than yourself. I have passed through the highest ranks? 
 in some of the most respectable services in Europe. 
 According then to modern etiquette notions of a soldier's 
 honor and delicacy, I ought to consider at least the pre- 
 ferment given to General Ward over me as the highest 
 indignity, but I thought it my duty as a citizen and 
 asserter of liberty, to waive every consideration. On 
 this principle, although a Major General of five years 
 standing, and not a native of America, I consented to 
 serve under General Ward, because I was taught to 
 think that the concession would be grateful to his coun- 
 trymen, and flatter myself that the concession has done 
 me credit in the eye of the world j and can you, sir, born 
 
26 
 
 in this very country, which a banditti of ministerial 
 assassins are now attempting utterly to destroy with 
 sword, fire and famine, abandon the defence of her, 
 because you have deen personally ill used? 
 
 For God Almighty's sake, for the sake of every thing 
 that is dear, and ought to be dear to you, for the sake of 
 your country, of mankind, and, let me add of your own 
 reputation, discard such sentiments. Consider well the 
 dreadful consequence such a pernicious example may 
 occasion : consider well whether such a proceeding may 
 not bring down upon your head the contempt and 
 abhorrence of that community which has hitherto most 
 justly held you in the highest estimation. 
 
 I beg you will excuse the liberty I take in thus ad- 
 dressing you ; and ascribe it to the true motive — a zeal 
 for the public good, and the great regard I have for your 
 personal self, and that you will believe me to be most 
 sincerely yours, 
 
 CHARLES LEE." 
 
 General Thomas." 
 
 The next effort made to retain General Thomas in 
 the army, was by our own Washington, and he never 
 made a greater. 
 
 Cambridge July 23d, 1775. 
 Sir, 
 
 The retirement of a general officer, possessing 
 the confidence of his country and the army, at so critical 
 a period, appears to me to be big with fatal consequences, 
 both to the public cause and his own reputation. Whil e 
 
27 
 
 it is unexecuted, I think it my duty to make this last 
 effort to prevent it ; and after suggesting those reasons 
 which occur to me against your resignation, your own 
 x virtue and good sense must decide upon it. In the 
 usual contests of empire and ambition, the conscience of 
 the soldier has so little share, that he may very properly 
 insist upon his claims of rank, and extend his preten- 
 sions even to punctilio : but in such a cause as this, 
 where the object is neither glory, nor extent of territory, 
 but a defence of all that is dear and valuable in life, 
 surely every post ought to be deemed, honorable in 
 which a man can serve his country. What matter of 
 triumph will it afford our enemies, that in less than one 
 month, a spirit of discord should show itself in the high- 
 est ranks of the army, not to be extinguished, by any 
 thing less than a total desertion of duty ? How little 
 reason shall we have to boast of American union, of 
 patriotism, if at such a time, and in such a cause, smaller 
 and partial considerations cannot give way to the great 
 and general interest ? These remarks not only affect 
 you as a member of the great American body, but as an 
 inhabitant of Massachusetts Bay, your own province, 
 and the other colonies have a peculiar and unquestion- 
 able claim to your services ; and in my opinion you can- 
 not refuse them, without relinquishing in some degree 
 that character for public virtue and honor which you 
 have hitherto supported. 
 
 If our cause is just, it should be supported ; but where 
 shall it find support, if gentlemen of merit and experi- 
 ence, unable to conquer the prejudices of a competition. 
 
28 
 
 withdraw themselves in an hour of danger ; I admit, 
 sir, that your claims and services have not had due 
 respect — it is by no means a singular case ; worthy men 
 of all nations and countries have had reason to make 
 the same complaint ; but they did not for this abandon 
 the public cause — they nobly stifled the dictates of 
 resentment, and made their enemies ashamed of their 
 injustice. And can America show no such instances of 
 magnanimity? For the sake of your bleeding country, 
 your devoted province, your charter rights, and by the 
 memory of those brave men who have already fell in 
 this great cause, I conjure you to banish from your mind 
 every suggestion of anger and disappointment ; your 
 country will do ample justice to your merits ; they 
 already do it, by the sorrow and regret expressed on the 
 occasion, and the sacrifice you are called upon to make, 
 will, in the judgment of every good man, and lover of 
 his country, do you more real honor than the most dis- 
 tinguished victory. 
 
 You possess the confidence and affection of the troops 
 of this province particularly; many of them are not 
 capable of judging the propriety and reasons of your 
 conduct ; should they esteem themselves authorized by 
 your example to leave the service, the consequences may 
 be fatal and irretrievable. There is reason to fear it, 
 from the personal attachments of the men to their 
 officers, and the obligations that are supposed to arise 
 from those attachments. But, sir, the other colonies 
 have also their claims upon you, not only as a native of 
 America, but an inhabitant of this province. They have 
 
29 
 
 made common cause with it, they have sacrificed their 
 trade, loaded themselves with taxes, and are ready to 
 spill their blood in vindication of Massachusetts Bay, 
 while all the security and profit of a neutrality has been 
 offered them. But no arts or temptations could seduce 
 them from your side, and leave you a prey to a cruel 
 and perfidious ministry. Sure these reflections must 
 have some weight, with a mind as generous and consid- 
 erate as yours. How will you be able to answer it to 
 your country and your own conscience, if the step you 
 are about to take should lead to a dissolution of the 
 army, or the loss and ruin of America be ascribed to 
 measures which your councils and conduct could have 
 prevented? Before it is too late, I entreat, sir, you 
 would weigh well the greatness of the stake, and upon 
 how much smaller circumstances the fate of empires has 
 depended. 
 
 Of your own honor and reputation you are the best 
 and only judge ; but allow me to say, that a people con- 
 tending for life and liberty, are seldom disposed to look 
 with a favorable eye upon either men or measures whose 
 passions, interests, or consequences will clash with those 
 inestimable objects. As to myself, sir, be assured, that I 
 shall with pleasure, do all in my power to make your 
 situation both easy and honorable, and that the senti- 
 ments here expressed flow from a clear opinion that your 
 duty to your country, your posterity, and yourself, most 
 explicitly require your continuance in the service. 
 
 1 The order and rank of the commissions is under the 
 
 consideration of the Continental Congress, whose deter- 
 
 3 
 
so 
 
 mination will be received in a few days. It may argire 
 a want of respect to that august body not to wait the 
 decision ; but at all events, I shall flatter myself that 
 these reasons with others which your own good judg- 
 ment will suggest, will strengthen your mind against 
 those impressions which are incident to humanity, and 
 laudable to a certain degree ; and that the result will 
 be, your resolution to assist your country in this day of 
 her distress. That you may reap the full reward of 
 honor and public esteem which such a conduct deserves 
 is the sincere wish of 
 Sir, 
 Your very 
 Obed. and most humble Servant, 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON." 
 General John Thomas." 
 
 " The Address of the Field Officers of the several 
 regiments belonging to the camp in roxbury. 
 
 To the Honorable John ThomaSj Esq. 
 Sir, 
 
 Your appointment as Lieut. General by the Pn>- 
 vincial Congress, in consequence of which you took the 
 supreme command in this camp, gave singular satisfac- 
 tion to all acquainted with your character, both on 
 account of your inflexible attachment to the liberties of 
 your country, and your knowledge and experience in 
 military movements ; and to your vigilance, prudence, 
 and skilful management is to be ascribed in a great 
 measure, that order and regularity for which this camp 
 
31 
 
 has been celebrated, and which are essentially requisite 
 to the very being of an army. To these important 
 services you have the purest incense to a great and good 
 mind j the unfeigned thanks of the officers and soldiers un- 
 der your immediate command, as well as of every friend 
 to his country, and the rights of mankind. We are pen- 
 etrated with the deepest concern, that by an unfortunate 
 concurrence of events, an arrangement is made, which 
 leads you to think, that you cannot continue in the army, 
 consistent with those delicate and refined sentiments of 
 honor which are peculiarly and fitly characteristic of 
 the soldier. We would not solicit you to do any thing 
 derogatory to your reputation, or the rank you have for- 
 merly sustained ; but as no man has so much endeared 
 himself to the regiments which compose your brigade, 
 as yourself, we earnestly request, that you would assume 
 the command of it : — -that vast dignity and consequence 
 of the cause we are contending for, may be more than 
 a counterpoise to other considerations, of what nature 
 soever, that your country may still be advantaged by 
 your abilities ; and though mistakes are entailed to 
 humanity, we doubt not the gratitude and justice of 
 your countrymen, will reward you in some degree 
 adequate to your merit. After all we submit the matter 
 to your Honor's decision, asssuring you that although 
 we shall part with you with regret, yet we will demean 
 ourselves as becomes the soldier. 
 
 In behalf of the within mentioned officers. 
 
 THEO. COTTON, President: 1 
 Roxbury, July 25th, 1775." 
 
32 , 
 
 The above resolves, letters and addresses, had the 
 desired effect, as might well be supposed, to retain Gen. 
 Thomas in the army and prevent his resignation till the 
 determination of the Continental Congress was known. 
 The result was as we have seen a restoration to rank 
 and command. In the battle of Bunker's or Breed's 
 Hill, on the 17th of June, Thomas took no direct part, 
 although his post at Roxbury, on the south of Boston, 
 was cannonaded during the whole day of the battle ; 
 and the original plan of the British was to approach his 
 command, and take possession of Dorchester Heights. 
 
 For on the augmentation of his forces in May, 1775, 
 General Gage determined to occupy the heights of Dor- 
 chester to the south, and those of Charlestown to the 
 north of the town ; the occupation of these was not 
 only necessary to the extension of his quarters, but 
 indispensable to his holding them. It was therefore 
 determined in the first instance to seize on Dorchester 
 Heights, as they were the most commanding, and of 
 easiest access to the Provincials. Agreeably to the plan 
 concerted, Howe was to have landed at the point of the 
 peninsula nearest the castle ; Clinton on the flat, between 
 that place and Nook's Hill, whilst Burgoyne was to take 
 post on the neck, and keep up a heavy cannonade on 
 the camp at Roxbury, commanded by Thomas. From 
 the strength, disposition and equipments of those corps, 
 no effectual opposition could have been made to this 
 operation of the royal army, and a few days more would 
 have put it in possession of Bunker's Hill. 
 
 The arrangements of General Gage, preparatory to 
 
33 
 
 these meditated operations, necessarily attracted the 
 attention of the inhabitants of Boston, and being com- 
 municated to the Provincial Congress, they became 
 jealous of some hostile movement, without being able to 
 penetrate the object of it. They recommended to the 
 council of war the fortification of Dorchester Heights 
 and Bunker's Hill. The resolution of the council of 
 war being taken, Colonel William Prescott, the hero of 
 Bunker's Hill, was ordered to take possession of that 
 height, which brought on the battle of the 17th of June, 
 and prevented their taking possession of Dorchester 
 Heights, which left that point open, and which Thomas 
 afterward occupied with the happiest effect. 
 
 June 17th., 1775, will always remain the proudest 
 day in the annals of the arduous contest for Independ- 
 ence, and Prescott and his companions in arms will 
 always stand first. Warren, who fell nobly supporting 
 the action, but as a volunteer and without command, was 
 the favorite of the day, and for years engrossed the fame 
 due to Prescott. But being really a great man, if alive, 
 would disdain to wear laurels not his own. Warren's 
 descendants well know their ancestor was not dependant 
 on borrowed honors. " Prescott was the hero of that 
 blood dyed summit — the midnight leader and guard, the 
 morning sentinel, the orator of the opening strife, the 
 cool and deliberate overseer of the whole struggle, the 
 well-skilled marksman of the exact distance at which a 
 shot was certain death ; he was the venerable chief in 
 whose bright eye and steady nerve all read their duty ; 
 and when conduct, skill and courage could do no more? 
 
34 
 
 he was the merciful deliverer of the remnant. Prescott 
 was the hero of the day, and whenever the tale is told, 
 let him be its chieftain."* 
 
 From Bunker Hill battle to March, 1776, General 
 Thomas commanded the most exposed camp of the 
 beseiging army, at Roxbury, and by constant vigilance 
 preserved it from injury or insult. It having been de- 
 termined to take possession of Dorchester Heights, 
 which would bring on action or produce the evacuation 
 of Boston by the British army ; on Monday the 4th of 
 March, in the evening, these heights were taken posses- 
 sion of by General Thomas with about twenty-five hun- 
 dred men, and between three and four hundred carts 
 with entrenching tools, and a train of carts with facines 
 and screwed hay. 
 
 The whole moved in solemn silence, and with per- 
 fect order and regularity, while a continued roar of 
 artillery from our lines served to engage the attention 
 and divert the enemy from the main object. The 
 amount of labor performed during the night, by this 
 party, considering the earth was frozen eighteen inches 
 deep, was almost incredible. 
 
 On the morning of the 5th, the British saw^at once, 
 there was no time to deliberate, Thomas must be remov- 
 ed or Boston evacuated. The former was immediately 
 determined on, and a tremendous cannonade was com- 
 menced on our works from the forts in Boston, and the 
 shipping in the harbor. During the forenoon an attack 
 
 *Kev. Mr. Ellis. 
 
was hourly expected ; and nothing less than the car- 
 nage of Breed's Hill anticipated. 
 
 Daring this time Thomas was reinforced with 2,000 
 troops, and the Commander-in-chief arrived and animat- 
 ed and encouraged the soldiers, by reminding them that 
 it was the fifth of March, the day of the Boston massacre 
 which he recalled to their remembrance as a day never 
 to be forgotten ; and in his own words, " An engagement 
 was fully expected, and I never saw spirits higher, or 
 more ardor prevailing." Our breast works were strength- 
 ened, and among the means of defence were a great num- 
 ber of barrels filled with stones and sand, arranged in 
 front of our works, which were to be put in motion and 
 made to roll down the hill, to break the ranks and legs 
 of the assailants as they advanced. 
 
 The anxious day passed without an attack, and a 
 most violent storm the next day obliged General Howe 
 to abandon the enterprize. On the 7th., there were in- 
 dications that the British in Boston were preparing to 
 evacuate the town, and on the 8th., they sent a flag of 
 truce with the following paper, signed by the selectmen 
 of the town. 
 
 " As his Excellency, General Howe, is determined 
 to leave the town with the troops under his command, a 
 number of respectable inhabitants being very anxious for 
 its preservation and safety, have applied to General Rob- 
 inson, who at their request has communicated the same 
 to General Howe, who has assured him that he has no 
 intention of distressing the town, unless the troops under 
 
36 
 
 his command are molested during their embarkation, or 
 at their departure by any armed force without, which de- 
 claration he gave General Robinson leave to communi- 
 cate to the inhabitants. 
 
 If such an opposition should take place, we have the 
 greatest reason to expect that the town will be exposed to 
 entire destruction. As our fears are quieted with regard 
 to General Howe's intentions, we beg that we may have 
 assurances that so dreadful a calamity may not be brought 
 on by any measure without. As a testimony of the truth 
 of the above, we have signed our names to this paper ; 
 carried out by Messrs Thomas and Jonathan Amory, 
 and Peter Johonnet, who have the earnest entreaty of the 
 inhabitants, through the Lieutenant Governor, who soli- 
 cited a flag of truce for this purpose. 
 
 JOHN SCALLY, 
 TIMOTHY MARSHALL, 
 TIMOTHY NEWALL, 
 SAMUEL AUSTIN. 
 Boston, March 8th., 1776. 
 
 Washington gave no answer to this informatocommu- 
 nication of Howe's, or any assurance that the wishes of 
 the inhabitants of Boston would be gratified, but acted in 
 conformity to both, by letting Howe depart unmolested. 
 General Thomas' own account of the transaction, in a 
 letter to his wife, will be more acceptable to the reader, 
 than anything that can be said by another. 
 
Dear Mrs. Thomas, 
 
 We have for some time been preparing to take 
 possession of Dorchester Point, and last Monday night? 
 about seven o'clock, I marched with about three thou- 
 sand picked men, beside three hundred and sixty ox teams 
 and some pieces of artillery. Two companies of the 
 train of teams were laden with materials for our works. 
 About eight o'clock we ascended the high hills, and by 
 day light got two hills defensible. 
 
 About sun rise, the enemy and others in Boston, ap- 
 peared on the tops of the houses and on the wharfs view- 
 ing us with astonishment, for our appearance was unex- 
 pected to them. The connonading which had been kept 
 up all night from our lines at Lamb's Dam, and from the 
 enemy's lines likewise, at Lechmere's Point, now ceased 
 from these quarters, and the enemy turned their fire to- 
 wards us on the hills, but they soon found it was to little 
 effect. 
 
 About ten o'clock we discovered large bodies of troops 
 embarking in boats with their artillery, which made a 
 formidable appearance. After some time they were put 
 on board transports, and several of the ships came down 
 near to the castle, as we supposed, with a design to land 
 on our shore. 
 
 Our people appeared in spirits to receive them. We 
 were in a good posture of defence, and had two thousand 
 men added to our number. The enemy viewed us criti- 
 cally, and remained in that situation that night. The 
 next day they came to sail, and returned to town and 
 landed their troops. On Friday, about two o'clock, P. M. 
 
38 
 
 they sent a flag of truce with a paper, a copy of which 
 I enclose. 
 
 I have had very little sleep or rest this week, being 
 closely employed night and day. But now I think we are 
 well secured. I write in haste, thinking you may be anx- 
 ious to hear, as there is much firing this way. We lost but 
 two men killed in all this affair. How things are in Bos. 
 ton, or what loss they have sustained from our shots and 
 shells, at present we are not informed, but I am sensible 
 we distressed them much, from appearances. I have 
 wrote you enclosed by the same hand, and am in haste. 
 
 JOHN THOMAS. 
 
 Dorchester Hills , in a small hut, March 9, 1776. 
 Your son John is well and in high spirits. He 
 ran away from Oakley privately, on Tuesday morning, 
 and got by the sentries and came to me on Dorchester 
 Hills, where he has been most of the time since." 
 
 Mrs. Thomas' disobedient son John, had been left by 
 his father, on Monday evening, when he marched for 
 Dorchester Heights, in the care of his colored servant 
 Oakley, who, no doubt, was instructed to keep him from 
 mischief and danger, he being but ten years old. On 
 Tuesday morning he found every thing in motion, and 
 battle expected, where his father was to act a conspicuous 
 part, considered it dishonorable to remain in retirement, 
 hazarded his father's displeasure and sought the post of 
 danger. Years had passed, young as he was, since he had 
 heard his parents and neighbors express their indignation 
 at every kind of oppression, whether civil or religious* 
 
39 
 
 He Wight not have thought favorably of religious wor- 
 ship dictated by act of parliament, or of taxation without 
 representation ; he might have been so heretical as to 
 have believed " that there might be a government with- 
 out a king, and a church without a bishop." 
 
 Whatever John's train of thinking was at the time 
 which induced action, he made his appearance on Dor- 
 chester Heights, and it is hardly worth the conjecture in 
 what manner he was received by a gallant and affection- 
 ate parent. John can now say more perhaps than any 
 other man, that in the hour of clanger, and in expectation 
 of close and stubborn action, " I stood fearless, by the 
 side of George Washington and John Thomas." Of all 
 Washington's military plans, none were better formed, or 
 more skilfully executed than that of occupying Dorches- 
 ter Heights, which drove the British from Boston. The 
 selection of the officer and troops to carry it into effect 
 were the best possible ; and nothing however minute, was 
 omitted to secure complete success. Washington had 
 been eight months in command, and no successful or 
 brilliant operation had taken place under his immediate 
 superintendence. People began to complain audibly, 
 that he was not so desirous to take Boston as to prolong his 
 command. They then did not know that he had fre- 
 quently laid plans before his military council, to drive 
 the British from that town, which were rejected on ac- 
 count of the too great hazard supposed to attend them. 
 This was the first of his plans which was adopted. The 
 first part of it, was to compel retreat before the works at 
 Dorchester ; the second, to enter the town of Boston' by 
 
40 
 
 another body of troops, while the first part was in execu* 
 tion. In a letter to Colonel Joseph Reed, afterwards 
 President of the State of Pennsylvania, he says, " The 
 four thousand men destined to take possession of Boston on 
 the 5th, if the ministerialists had attempted our works at 
 Dorchester Heights, or the lines at Roxbury, was to have 
 been headed by General Putnam. But he would have 
 had an easy time of it, as his motions were to have been 
 regulated by signals, and those signals by appearances. 
 He was not to have made the attempt, unless the town 
 had been drained, or very considerably weakened of its 
 forces." 
 
 Congress were now looking for an officer to command 
 the troops led into Canada by Montgomery and Arnold, 
 and having been cautioned by Washington not to appoint 
 General Putnam, for that service, they on the 6th of 
 March, promoted General Thomas to the rank of Major 
 General, and sent him to command in Canada. A letter 
 from John Adams, then a member of Congress at Phila- 
 delphia, of March 7th., to General Thomas, gives so 
 correct a view of American affairs at that time, in that 
 quarter, that it is here inserted. 
 
 "Dear Sir, 
 
 The Congress have determined to send you to 
 Canada. They have advanced you one step by making 
 you a Major General, and have made a handsome estab- 
 lishment for a table. Your friends, the delegates from 
 your native province, were much embarrassed, between 
 a desire to have you promoted and placed in so honor- 
 
41 
 
 able a command on the one hand, and a reluctance at 
 losing your services at Roxbury and Cambridge on the 
 other. But all agreed that you ought to be placed where 
 you could do the most service, and Canada was thought 
 by all to be very important, and by some the most im- 
 portant post in America. You will have excellent 
 advice and assistance in the committee we are sending, 
 Franklin, Chase and Carrol. 
 
 Walker, price and Bendfield,will be in Canada too, as 
 soon as you. Generals Wooster and Arnold will give 
 you the best information. The department to which 
 you are destined has been in great confusion, and every 
 gentleman who has come from there has a different 
 account. General Schuyler, who is an honest man and 
 a good patriot, has had a politeness about him towards 
 Canadian and British prisoners, which has enabled them 
 and their ministerial friends to impose upon him in some 
 instances. This has occasioned some altercation be- 
 tween him and General Wooster. Schuyler's head 
 quarters will be at Albany, I suppose, and he will be of 
 vast service, in procuring and forwarding supplies, and 
 in many other ways in promoting the service. But his 
 health will not permit him to go into Canada. I 
 wish I could write you a volume, for to give you the 
 characters of persons in Canada of whom we have heard, 
 and some of whom we have seen, which would fill one. 
 But these hints must suffice. 
 
 Your humble servant, 
 
 JOHN ADAMS. 
 Let me beg of you to write me if you can spare 
 4 
 
42 
 
 time : It is of great importance that the delegates from 
 New England should be truly informed of the course of 
 things in Canada." 
 
 General Thomas, while in his proud command at 
 Dorchester, was • promoted, and appointed to a more 
 extensive and important command, which proved disas- 
 trous to his country, and fatal to himself. After seeing 
 the British army and fleet leave his native province, he 
 took his departure for Canada, the difficulty of travel at 
 that season of the year, and other obstructions to his 
 progress on the route, may be conceived, but a letter from 
 the good patriot, General Schuyler, will more fully 
 reveal. 
 
 Saratoga, Friday Evening, 8 o'clock, March 29th, 1776. 
 
 Sir, 
 
 By a letter this moment received from my Secre- 
 tary, I have the pleasure to learn you have arrived at 
 Albany. Lest you should be induced by the hopes of 
 still being able to cross the lakes on the ice to leave 
 Albany, I send this by express to advise you of the im- 
 possibility. Four companies are now lying about forty 
 miles north of Ticonderoga, without being able to proceed, 
 as a great part of the lake is open. I hope a few more 
 warm days and high southerly winds will remove the 
 obstacles. The first of the cannon will arrive at Fort 
 George to morrow, and I hope the whole will be there 
 by the middle of next week. Had a sufficient number 
 of carriages been provided by the persons to whose 
 
43 
 
 charge they were committed at New York, they would 
 have been at Fort George on Monday. I propose doing 
 myself the pleasure to see you on Sunday, or Monday at 
 farthest, by which time I hope all will be in such a train 
 as will leave me to return without anxiety. 
 
 I am Sir, 
 Your most obedient humble servant, 
 
 PH. SCHUYLER." 
 General Thomas." 
 
 We see what Mr. Adams had so recently foretold, that 
 Thomas might rely on the vast service Schuyler would 
 render in procuring and forwarding supplies, and in 
 promoting the service in many other ways. The 
 promptness with which the above letter was written and 
 forwarded by express, in the night, the important infor- 
 mation given, and his determination to wait on his 
 junior, for the purpose of giving further information, 
 and congratulating him on his new and high command, 
 as well as on the part he had recently taken in driving 
 the enemy from the capital of New England, must have 
 been highly gratifying to General Thomas, and cheered 
 and consoled him in the anticipated roughness of his 
 new and trying situation. They weie congenial spirits 
 a nd the only contest or rival ship between them was, 
 which should serve their country the most effectually 
 and successfully. The accurate and faithful historian 
 Judge Marshall, will be followed, in substance, in what 
 relates to every thing of the army in Canada and General 
 Thomas, until his death. " The season of the year now 
 
44 
 
 approached when reinforcements from England would 
 be certain, and notwithstanding the feeble state in 
 which the army still continued, the Americans under 
 Arnold deemed it indispensably necessary to recom- 
 mence active operations, and to renew the siege of 
 Quebec. They now again erected their batteries, and 
 on the first of April, just as they were about to open 
 them, General Wooster arrived from Montreal, and took 
 the command. The next day the batteries were opened, 
 without much effect. They had not weight of metal to 
 make a breach in the wall, nor an engineer capable of 
 directing a seige, nor artillerists who understood the 
 management of the pieces. The few troops of this 
 description originally belonging to the army were 
 prisoners in Quebec. The day afier the arrival of 
 Wooster, Arnold's horse fell with him, and so bruised 
 his leg which had been wounded, as to confine him for 
 some time to his bed. Believeing himself neglected, he 
 obtained leave of absence as soon as he was able to 
 move, and took command at Montreal. The true cause 
 of Arnold's disgust, probably was his being superseded 
 by Wooster, who he personally disliked. Some fire 
 ships had been prepared both at Orleans, and Point aux 
 Trembles, to be used against the vessels in the harbor 
 -as soon as the ice would permit the operation. The 
 difficulties usually attending such an enterprise were 
 greatly augmented by the want of sailors, and of a 
 skilful commander to conduct them. The attempt, 
 however was made with great boldness, and the ship 
 from Orleans very nearly succeeded. Coming from 
 
45 
 
 below she was at first mistaken for a friend, and proceed- 
 ed in the night, very near to the cul de sac where the 
 vessels lay, before her character was discovered. The 
 fire from the enemy instantly opened, on receiving 
 which, the train immediately ignited ; but the sails 
 caught the flames so quickly, as to loose the benefit of 
 the wind, and stop the progress of the vessel, just at 
 which time the ebb tide commencing carried her down 
 the river. The American army which had been drawn 
 up, prepared if this plan had succeeded to take advan- 
 tage of the confusion it would occasion, had the mortifi- 
 cation to witness its failure after the most sanguine and 
 encouraging appearances. 
 
 A considerable part of the army being entitled to a 
 discharge in April, no inducements could prevail on 
 them to continue longer in so severe a service. This 
 deduction of General Wooster's force was the more felt, 
 because of the present state of the roads ; the lakes and 
 the St. Lawrence, impeded for a time, the arrival of 
 reinforcements destined for his aid. The roads were so 
 deep as to be nearly impassible, the ice had become too 
 soft for the use of sleds, and had not broke up so as to 
 admit the passage of boats. Among the first who 
 reached the camp, in this state of things, was General 
 Thomas, who, after his appointment to the command in 
 Canada, had made great exertions to join the army. 
 He arrived on the first day of May, and found his whole 
 force to consist of nineteen hundred men, and less than 
 one thousand fit for duty, including officers. Among 
 the effectives were three hundred entitled to a discharge, 
 
46 
 
 who refused to do duty. The sick were generally ill of 
 the small pox, in the hospital. And this force was 
 necessarily divided so as to occupy different posts which 
 had been deemed necessary to maintain, at great distan- 
 ces from each other, and on different sides of the St. 
 Lawrence, so that not more three hundred men could be 
 brought together at one point, which might be attacked 
 by the whole force of the enemy ; and in all the maga- 
 zenes there were but one hundred and fiftty barrels of 
 powder and six days provisions ; nor could adequate 
 supplies from the country people be relied on, as the 
 Canadians no longer manifested a disposition to serve 
 them. The river was beginning to open below, and no 
 doubt could be entertained, that the first moment of its 
 being practicable, would be seized by the enemy for the 
 relief of this very important place. 
 
 Amidst these unpromising circumstances, the hope of 
 taking Quebec, appeared to General Thomas chimerical, 
 and the longer continuance before the town useless and 
 dangerous. The first reinforcements which should 
 arrive from England, would deprive him entirely of the 
 use of the river, and embarrass the removal of his sick 
 and military stores. No existing object remained to 
 justify the hazard. Under these impressions, General 
 Thomas called a council of war on the 5th. of May, in 
 which it was determined, that they were not in a condi- 
 tion to risk an assault, and that the sick should be 
 removed to the Three Rivers, and the artillery and other 
 stores embarked in boats, in order to move with the 
 army higher up the river to a more defensible position. 
 
47 
 
 On the evening of the same day, certain intelligence 
 was received that a British fleet was below, and the next 
 morning five ships, which had with much labor and 
 danger made their way up the river through the ice, 
 before it was deemed practicable, appeared in sight. 
 They soon entered the harbor, and landed some men, 
 whilst the Americans were assiduously employed in the 
 embarkation of their sick and stores, an operation car- 
 ried on the more slowly, because the first appearance of 
 the ships in the river deprived them of the aid expected 
 from the teams and carriages of the Canadians. About 
 one o'clock Carleton made a sortie at the head of one 
 thousand men, formed into two divisions, and supported 
 by six field pieces. No entrenchments had been thrown 
 up for the support of the camp, and not more than three 
 hundred men with one field piece could be brought into 
 action. Thus circumstanced victory was scarcely pos- 
 sible, and could have produced no important effect, as 
 the enemy would immediately retire under the cannon 
 of the town ; while defeat would certainly annihilate 
 this little army. General Thomas therefore with the 
 advice of the field officers about him, determined not to 
 risk an action, and ordered his troops to retreat up the 
 river. 
 
 This was done with much precipitation, and many of 
 the sick with all the military stores, fell into the hands 
 of the enemy. Unfortunately, to their quantity were 
 added two tons of powder just sent down by General 
 Schuvler, and five hundred stand of small arms. 
 
48 
 
 Much to the honor of General Carleton, he pursued the 
 wise and humane policy of treating with great kindness, 
 the sick and other prisoners, that fell into his hands. 
 The falls of Richelieu had been contemplated as a place 
 of great natural strength, which by being fortified and 
 defended by a few armed vessels, might, in the event of 
 failing in the attempt on Quebec, stop the progress of the 
 enemy up the river, and thus preserve the greater part 
 of Canada. General Montgomery had strongly recom- 
 mended an early attention to this position, and it had 
 been determined to fortify it ; but the measures resolved 
 on, had not been executed. Some armed gondolas were 
 building up the river, but had not been completed in 
 time ; and in the present state of that place, it was en- 
 tirely impracticable to maintain it. The ships of the 
 enemy were pressing up the river, and were then at 
 Jacques Cartier, about three leagues below De Chambeau, 
 and, as they had no means of stopping them at the falls 
 of Richelieu, would soon be above so as to subject the 
 troops in their present position, to the same disadvantages 
 to which they had been exposed before Quebec. 
 
 The army therefore continued its retreat to De Cham- 
 beau, where on the seventh, another council of war was 
 called, in which it was agreed they should retire to the 
 mouth of the Sorel. In pursuance of this advice, the 
 remaining sick were moved up the river ; but General 
 Thomas was determined to continue in his present posi- 
 tion some time longer, by the information that large 
 reinforcements were now passing the lakes, and might 
 daily be expected ; but those reinforcements not arriving 
 
49 
 
 as his intelligence induced him to hope, and the enemy 
 advancing in force, he was obliged to retreat to the 
 Socel, where he was seized with the small pox, of which 
 he died. The Americans in general were by no means 
 satisfied with the conduct of this gentleman. To him, 
 in some measure, they attributed the disasters which 
 ruined their affairs in Canada: but this censure was 
 unjust 5 he took command of the army when it was too 
 weak to maintain its ground ; when the time for saving 
 the sick and military stores had passed away. The 
 seige of Quebec instead of being persevered in longer, 
 ought certainly to have been abandoned at an earlier 
 period. 
 
 It was the real fault of those who commanded at this 
 station. It is to be ascribed to the reluctance always 
 felt by inexperienced officers to disappoint the public 
 expectation, by relinquishing an enterprise concerning 
 which sanguine hopes have been entertained, even after 
 every reasonable prospect of success had vanished : and 
 to encounter the obloquy of giving up a post, although 
 it can no longer with prudence be defended. In pursu- 
 ance with which the seige of Quebec was maintained. 
 These motives operated with all their force, and they 
 received an addition, from the unwillingness felt by the 
 Americans to abandon those of their friends who had 
 taken so decided a part in their favor, as to be incapable of 
 remaining in safety behind them. In April, when the 
 troops left General Wooster, on the expiration of their 
 enlistment, it seems surprising that he did not immedi- 
 ately secure his sick and stores by a retreat up the riven 
 
50 
 
 taken a strong position, and await the arrival of General 
 Thomas. An unwillingness to disappoint public expec- 
 tation, and the fear of meeting their temporary dis- 
 pleasure, seems to have been the only, but insufficient 
 reason. 
 
 On the death of General Thomas the command of 
 the army devolved on General Thompson ; but soon 
 after General Sullivan arrived in the American camp> 
 with reinforcements which increased the army to four 
 or five thousand, and assumed the command. From 
 this time retreat, defeat and misfortune followed the army 
 m quick succession. After destroying some armed ves- 
 sels on the Sorel and St. Lawrence, and burning the 
 fortifications at Chamblee and St. Johns, he left Canada? 
 although at the head of eight thousand men, and by 
 order of General Schuyler took post at Crown Point, 
 where he was superseded by General Gates. — Thus ter- 
 minated the enterprise against Canada ; it was bold and 
 at one period promised success. Had a few incidents 
 turned out fortunately ; had Arnold been able to reach 
 Quebec a few days sooner ; or to have crossed the St. 
 Lawrence on his first arrival, or had the gallant Mont- 
 gomery not fallen on the 31st day of December, it is 
 probable the expedition would have been crowned with 
 success. But as it would have required ten thousand 
 troops to have retained possession of it, the expedition 
 must now be viewed, as partaking more of the romantic 
 than the useful. As it resulted it was unfortunate in 
 every aspect in which it can be viewed. The loss of 
 men by sickness and battle was great, as well as the 
 
51 
 
 munitions of war ; to which may be added the loss of 
 the two best Generals, Montgomery and Thomas, Con- 
 gress sent into the field. All which were of the first 
 necessity in defending the homes of the thirteen colonies ? 
 rather than acquiring foreign provinces by conquest. 
 
 On the eighth day of May General Thomas wrote 
 Washington, communicating the intelligence of his 
 having raised the siege of Quebec, and commenced his 
 retreat. On the 24th of the same month Washington 
 replied, " I received your favor of the 8th instant with 
 its enclosures, confirming the melancholy intelligence I 
 had before heard, of your having been obliged to raise 
 the siege of Quebec, and to make a precipitate retreat 
 with the loss of the cannon in the batteaux ? and inter- 
 ception of the powder going from General Schuyler. 
 This unfortunate affair has given a sad shock to our 
 schemes in that quarter, and blasted the hope we enter- 
 tained of reducing that fortress and the whole of Canada 
 to our possession. From your representation, things 
 must have been found in great, confusion and disorder, 
 and such as to have made a retreat almost inevitable ; 
 but nevertheless, it is hoped you will be able to 
 make a good stand yet, and by that means secure a good 
 part or all the upper part of the country. 
 
 That being a matter of the utmost importance in the 
 present contest, it is my wish and that of Congress, that 
 you take an advantageous post as far down the river as 
 possible, so as not to preclude you from a retreat, if it 
 should be necessary, nor from getting proper supplies of 
 provision. The lower down you can maintain a stand* 
 
52 
 
 the more advantageous will it be, as all the country will 
 most probably take part with us, from which we may 
 draw some assistance and support, considering all below 
 as entirely within the power of the enemy, and of course 
 in their favor. This misfortune must be repaired, if 
 possible, by our more vigorous exertions; and I trust 
 that nothing will be wanting on your part or in your 
 power to advance our country's cause." 
 
 This was the last communication ever directed to 
 General Thomas by his beloved commander or Congress, 
 and it is doubtful if this was ever received by him. It 
 admits the retreat from before Quebec to have been 
 inevitable, but at the same time must have renewed in 
 Thomas' mind what he before well knew, the great 
 mortification such a step would occasion in the minds of 
 Congress and his countrymen. This information, from 
 such a source, must have been keenly felt by a mind 
 like his, and at the same time, utterly beyond his power 
 to apply an effectual remedy. 
 
 With all the wisdom of Congress during our whole 
 contest for independence, their seemed to be a delusion 
 in their determination to take and keep possession of 
 Canada. And Thomas must have felt that retreat, how- 
 ever inevitable, would be viewed by them as disgraceful. 
 On the 2d of June, 1776, at Chamblee, on the river 
 Sorel, while anxiously awaiting the expected reinforce- 
 ments, he died of the small pox, aged fifty-two years. 
 The disease was so malignant that he was entirely blind 
 some days before his death. And what is remarkable, 
 he had in the course of his professional life, been 
 
53 
 
 familiar with the disorder, and uncommonly skilful in 
 its treatment, and yet had never taken it either by inoc- 
 ulation or otherwise. He attained an enviable eminence 
 in his profession in the section of the country of his 
 residence. In his person he was six feet high, erect and 
 well proportioned, so that Bis appearance was dignified 
 and commanding. In his manners, affable, gentlemanly 
 and of unaffected sincerity. He never lessened his 
 character or martial fame by arrogance or ostentation. 
 
 Granting to all the applause due to their merit, he en- 
 joyed that due to himself with universal assent. As a 
 disciplinarian he was correct, as the whole army bore 
 witness. Among a body of undisciplined countrymen, 
 assembled at the siege of Boston, he was the first to intro- 
 duce order and regularity without severity, by the weight 
 of his character. It does not appear, after he was ad- 
 vanced to high command, either in the old French or 
 revolutionary wars, that any opportunity was afforded 
 him of being engaged in close action with the enemies 
 of his country, but by the testimony of officers with him 
 in both wars, he was cool and self-possessed in every 
 emergency, and when action was fully expected, as at 
 Dorchester Heights, his coolness and self-possession in- 
 spired his troops with confidence, ardor and zeal for ac- 
 tion, which Washington said he never saw surpassed. 
 His perfect collection and soundness of mind to the end 
 of his last sickness, was noticed by all his attendants, as 
 has often been remarked by the late Hon. Joshua Thom- 
 as, of Plymouth, then one of his aids, and long after dis- 
 tinguished as an able and upright judge. 
 
54 
 
 His letter to his wife, from Dorchester Heights, is a 
 picture of the man. Not a word even to her, of the esti- 
 mate in which he washeld by his commander, whose first 
 trait of character was an intuitive knowledge of his fel- 
 low men, and especially of those under him. Not an 
 intimation that he was selected for that important and 
 delicate service in preference to two Major Generals then 
 in camp, to one of whom was assigned a secondary part to 
 act. All this might have been mentioned to her without 
 arrogance or boasting. Not a word of his courage, for no 
 one ever doubted he possessed it, he simply tells her that 
 John is safe, and only two men killed " in all this affair." 
 But further particulars of his character and services are 
 unnecessary, when it is recollected that he received par- 
 ticular marks of favor, and especial confidence was re- 
 posed in him by two of the first Generals of the age, 
 Sir Jeffrey Amherst and George Washington. 
 
 He married Hannah Thomas, of Plymouth, a woman 
 distinguished for intelligence and general accomplish- 
 ments. At the time of his marriage he was rather advan- 
 ced in life. He left a wife, daughter and two sons, both 
 the latter still survive ; one of them was with him at Dor- 
 chester Heights. His wife lived to'an advanced age, and 
 died in 1819, universally respected. This imperfect sketch 
 is not only due to the memory of General Thomas on his 
 own account, and the character of his respectable ances- 
 tors and descendants, for his nobility neither began or 
 ended with himself, but to the whole union, and espe- 
 cially to the old colony of Plymouth, his native place. 
 No section of New England was more distinguished for 
 
55 
 
 intelligence, patriotism and unanimity in the cause of 
 self-government in church and state, and for its able de- 
 fenders in the cabinet and field, as the Cushings, Otis', 
 Paynes and Warrens, in the councils of the nation, and 
 the Thomases, and Lincolns, in the field, bear witness. 
 Notwithstanding the loss of Thomas, the old colony pre- 
 served its standing, for his mantle fell and rested on the 
 brave and virtuous Lincoln. They were personally and 
 intimately acquainted, as appears from business transac- 
 tions between them a few days before the former left 
 Cambridge for Canada, his last field. They were simi- 
 lar in manners and character, and attained an equal 
 standing in the estimation of their countrymen. Lin- 
 coln's military career was longer and more varied. The 
 first we he hear of him as a military character in the 
 revolution, was in the capacity of Major General of Mili- 
 tia of Massachusetts. On the 13th of June, 1776, he em- 
 barked at the head of some Provincial troops and volun- 
 teers at Long Wharf, Boston, to clear the harbor of a fifty 
 gun ship, and several smaller armed vessels. He landed 
 on Long Island, made arrangements for a vigorous can- 
 nonade ; but a few shots soon convinced the British Com- 
 modore of his danger, and he hastily abandoned the Bos- 
 ton waters, never more to infest them. The acquain- 
 tance which Washington had formed with Lincoln, while 
 at Cambridge, induced him to recommend the latter 
 to Congress, as a Major General, to which office he was 
 appointed in February, 1777. In July of the same year, 
 Washington sent him from the main army to join the 
 northern army under Schuyler, because of the influence 
 
56 
 
 ■N 
 
 he had in New England, and the confidence the militia 
 placed in him, and the absolute necessity there was of 
 sending a determined officer. He arrived at Bennington 
 the day after Stark's victory. He immediately commenced 
 operations in Bnrgoyne's rear, by sending Colonel Brown 
 with 500 men to Lake George. He captured the fort 
 and two hundred batteaux, with two hundred and nine- 
 ty-three of the enemy and liberated one hundred Amer- 
 ican prisoners. This raised the spirits of the northern 
 militia. 
 
 After some other operations he joined the army of 
 Gates, to whom he was second in command. In a let- 
 ter of the late General Ebenezer Mattoon, then a Lieu- 
 tenant, of November 13, 1837, to the late Colonel John 
 Trumbull, he says, "As to your enquiry about General 
 Lincoln, in the action of the 7th of October on Bemus' 
 Heights, I recollect our troops broke through the centre of 
 the enemy's line, which left Lord Belcarras on our extreme 
 right, in a very exposed situation. Early in the morning 
 of the 8th, General Lincoln said to me, " my aids are all 
 very busily engaged in writing, will you mount one of their 
 horses and ride to the lines with me ?" I replied, " Sir, 
 I will with pleasure." On the way he observed, " If the 
 enemy have not changed their position during the night, 
 I think Lord Belcarras can be cut off." We rode to the 
 southerly part of our line, which extended northwardly 
 a considerable distance, parallel with the enemy's, which 
 lay east of us, and within long musket shot of where our 
 army lay, secreted behind some logs laid up. The Gen- 
 eral leaped his horse over the logs, and I followed him. 
 
57 
 
 The enemy immediately opened a fire upon him, and as 
 he rode northward the firing increased both from small 
 arms and cannon. I rode at his left side, and regarded 
 my situation as very hazardous. The fire increased as 
 we advanced, and I remarked to the General, " Sir, your 
 life is too dear to the army to be thus exposed." He 
 made no reply, but looked at me and smiled, which I con- 
 strued to mean, " You are more concerned about your- 
 self than about me." We proceeded but a few yards 
 further, when I saw him shudder, and he said, the ras- 
 cals have struck me." I enquired where, he replied, 
 " In my hip I believe." I immediately turned my horse 
 to his right, and found his boot perforated with a musket 
 ball, and the blood flowing out profusely. I said it is 
 your ancle Sir." *' Indeed," said he, " I thought it was 
 my hip." This put an end to the reconnoisance, to my 
 great satisfaction." 
 
 This disabled him, and he was removed to Albany, 
 and thence to Hingham. He joined the army again in Au- 
 gust, 1778, but suffered for several years from the effects 
 of the wound. The reputation of Lincoln now stood so 
 high that the delegates in Congress from South Carolina 
 requested that body to appoint him to the command of 
 the Southern army, which was accordingly done, and 
 he reached Charleston in December. Soon after his ar- 
 rival at Charleston, General Robert Howe was defeated 
 in Georgia, and the British took possession of Savannah. 
 In March following General Ashe was defeated at Briar 
 Creek, which deprived Lincolnof one fourth of his army. 
 
 In June Lincoln attacked the enemies works near Stono 
 
 5* 
 
53 
 
 Ferry, and a warm action ensued. It was bravely fought, 
 but not decisive. On this occasion, after being without 
 sleep the previous night, he was ten hours on horse-back 
 at one sitting. In September, Count D'Estaing arrived off 
 Savannah, where Lincoln joined him. A siege ensu- 
 ed which was too slow an operation for D'Estaing's 
 temperament, he determined on an assault, against the 
 opinion of Lincoln, as a few days would have put them 
 in possession of the place. On the 9th of October, 
 D'Estaing and Lincoln made the assault, leading in per^ 
 son their respective columns. They nobly contented for 
 possession of the town, and it was the bloodiest engage- 
 ment of the Southern war, but less successful than 
 bloody. The Count re-embarked his troops for the West 
 Indies, and Lincoln re-crossed the Savannah, and made 
 his head-quarters at Charleston. On the 30th of March 
 General Clinton encamped in great strength, in front of 
 the American lines. On the 10th of April, having com- 
 pleted his first parallel, the garrison was summoned to 
 surrender. On the 20th a second parallel was comple- 
 ted and the garrison a second time summoned to surren- 
 der, which was rejected. On the 8th of May a third 
 summons was sent, and on the 11th the garrison surren- 
 dered. It is conceded that great credit is due to Lincoln, 
 for his judicious and spirited conduct in baffling for three 
 months, the greatly superior forces of Sir Henry Clinton 
 and Admiral Arbuthnot. Though Charleston and the 
 army were lost, yet by their long defence, the British 
 plans were retarded and deranged, and North Carolina 
 saved for the remainder of the year 1780. So establish- 
 
59 
 
 ed was the spotless reputation of the vanquished Gen- 
 eral, that he continued to enjoy the undiminished respect 
 and confidence of the Congress, the army and the Com- 
 mander-in-chief." His exertions and fatigue during this 
 campaign, were such as few constitutions would have 
 been able to endure. He was on the lines night and day, 
 and for the last fortnight never undressed to sleep. Hav- 
 ing been exchanged for Major General Philips, he joined 
 the army under Washington in the Spring of 1781, on 
 the North River. When the army moved to Virginia, 
 Lincoln conducted it on the route as Washington and 
 Rochambeau preceded it and joined the army under La- 
 Fayette and Steuben, then there. He commanded the 
 centra] division of the army at the Seige of Yorktown. 
 The duty of conducting the conquered army to the field 
 where their arms were deposited, and receiving the cus- 
 tomary submission, was assigned him. Immediately 
 after this he was appointed Secretary of war, with the 
 power to retain his rank in the army. At the end of two 
 years he resigned this office. On the acceptance of his 
 resignation, Congress passed the following resolve. ^Re- 
 solved, that the resignation of Major General Lincoln, 
 as Secretary of War for the United States, be accepted, 
 in consideration of the earnest desire which he expresses, 
 the objects of the war being so happily accomplished, to 
 retire to private life ; and that he be informed, that the 
 United States, in Congress assembled, entertain a high 
 sense of his perseverance, fortitude, activity and merit- 
 orious services in the field, as well as of his diligence, 
 fidelity and capacity in the execution of the office of 
 
CO 
 
 Secretary of War, which important trust he has dis- 
 charged to their entire approbation." In 1787, he was 
 commander of the troops sent to quell the famous Shay's 
 Insurrection, which he happily suppressed during that 
 severe winter, by his activity and prudence. The same 
 year he was elected Lieutenant Governor. In 1789 was 
 appointed Collector of the Ports of Boston and Charles- 
 town, which latter office enabled him to repurchase that 
 part of his patrimony he had been compelled to sell for 
 the support of his family ; he was as humane as brave, 
 in private life few men have been more respected, he was 
 a practical and rational christian from his childhood up. 
 The last and most important office he ever held, was 
 that of Deacon in the Congregational church, of which 
 the learned and pious Dr. Shute was pastor. This of- 
 fice he held till his death, in the same church, formed on 
 primitive, apostolic principles, in which the Elder or 
 Teacher was considered and treated, only as first among 
 equals. 
 
 He was elected to this office by the brethren of the 
 church, for his good report and wisdom, and his humility 
 enabled him to perform all the duties of the office to the 
 acceptance of the brethren. He would not have ac- 
 cepted the office from any source less pure. He and his 
 departed friend had hazarded their lives in defence of 
 this principle in the church, as fully as for the right and 
 ability of the people to govern themselves in civil affairs. 
 They had no reverence for the assumed and usurped 
 power of kings or prelates. 
 
 They felt and knew that the union of church and 
 
61 
 
 state, had brought on earth the greatest calamities ! It 
 has proved the greatest misfortune to both, and history 
 since has been a detail of the woes, crimes, cruelties and 
 blood shedding it has caused. It has blunted and 
 broken the heaven tempered weapons of the former, 
 destined to reach and pierce the heart of every foe to 
 man, perverted and corrupted its mightiest influences, 
 seduced it from its appropriate sphere, from which it 
 showered balm and healing, and benedictions on the 
 nations, made its ministers hirelings and courtiers, and 
 spell bound its power to bless and save. Since it has 
 not been the chaste bride of Christ, but the prostitute of 
 the world, the embrace has been fatal to its hopes and 
 the accomplishment of its mission. He said his kingdom 
 was not of this world, he desired not its aid or favor. It 
 was instituted to confront the world, to rebuke its pas- 
 sions, ambition, pride, selfishness, lust ; to fight against 
 its powers, and the rulers of darkness and corruption. 
 Its legitimate position is one of conflict with the world, 
 till that shall be brought under subjection to the author- 
 ity and reign of Jesus. Their union has been a con- 
 tinual betrayal of his cause, and never will go forth 
 victorious, attracting, charming, subduing all hearts by 
 its beauty, love, sympathy, sublimity, till they are effec- 
 tually and entirely separated. While Christianity is made 
 to dance attendance on kings, to aid their ambitious pur- 
 poses, to subserve their designs against the rights, welfare 
 and dignity of man — while mixed up with their policy, 
 and but the creature of their will and power, though 
 she may lift high her mitred head in their courts, and 
 
62 
 
 shine as bright as the sun in imperiaal gems and robe?, 
 her true glory is departed ; her power has became weak- 
 ness, and she has fallen. The kiss of Judas was em- 
 blematic of this coalition and betrayal. The church 
 and the world met together and kissed each other. In 
 that kiss was poison and death ; the energies of the 
 kingdom that bore in its bosom the salvation of man, 
 were paralyzed and bound. She that was to lead cap- 
 tivity captive, is herself a captive ; she that was to turn 
 and overturn till he, whose right it is to reign, has ac- 
 cepted terms of capitulation, thrown down her arms, 
 and hushed her voice of censure and denunciation. 
 She speaks only in silken tones, and lies quietly in the 
 arms of the wicked one she was sent on earth to subdue. 
 From that time the triumphant progress of Christianity 
 was stayed. 
 
 When she ascended the throne of the Caesars, she 
 deserted her own. When a temporal sceptre was placed 
 in her hand, she let fall that in which resided a portion 
 of omnipotence. When crowned with the diadem of 
 earth the glory of the Most High no longer irradiated 
 her : the one of thorns was better. — Jesus on the cross 
 thrills the heart of the world ; in palaces, clothed in 
 purple, he can hardly reach it by the feeblest influence, 
 and is nearly or quite powerless. If Constantine instead 
 of taking the church under his protection, and loading 
 it with wealth and favor, had kindled the fires of mar- 
 tyrdom throughout his empire, he would much more 
 effectually consulted its true interest. What propriety 
 is there of uniting it to the state ! Is it not sufficient 
 
63 
 
 unto itself! Has it not within itself all the resources 
 requisite to fulfil its mission ! Can it not stand alone ! 
 Why lean on an arm of flesh while that of the Almighty- 
 is stretched forth for its defence. Why look for human 
 aid, as though there was cause to fear for its security? 
 It is built on the rock of ages! what need then of the 
 sandy foundation of earth. Are not their proper spheres 
 different ! One is instituted to protect man's temporal 
 interests, the other to promote his spiritual welfare ; one 
 to suppress and punish crime, the other to subdue pas- 
 sion and purify the heart ; one deals with external acts, 
 the other with inward feelings and motives; one labors 
 to conform the individual to positive institutions, the 
 other to subdue him to the laws of conscience and holi- 
 ness. One strives, by its threatened evils to make him 
 a contented and good citizen ; the other, by its promises, 
 and mighty influences, to make him a happy being — an 
 heir of life. 
 
 The ends therefore proposed to be effected by each 
 being so diverse, there seems much impropriety in their 
 union, as there certainly has been evil and misfortune 
 proceeding from it. Render unto Ceesar his due ; but 
 let him not pervert to his own selfish purposes the things 
 of God. Let him not seize on those divine truths and 
 influences sent on earth for its redemption and make 
 them contribute to its bondage, wrongs and degradation. 
 What perversion ! The institution designed to reform, 
 console and bless man, transformed into an instrument 
 of despotism, seduced to throw a mantle of sanctity over 
 the enterprises of kingly craft and policy. 
 
64 
 
 This union has filled the world with infidels and 
 scorners, associated the Savior with the scourgers of 
 mankind, and excited against his religion the hatred of 
 millions. Jesus has been looked upon as in fellowship 
 and communion with tyrants, lending them aid in their 
 warfare against human happiness, freedom and rights ! 
 Was it not this union that converted Prance into a nation 
 of infidels and atheists ? To gain confidence there as 
 an honest friend of the people, it was deemed necessary 
 to declare one's self an enemy of Christ. 
 
 To gain attention as a philanthropist it was necessary 
 to renounce his religion. Not without reason the church 
 was deemed the most formidable obstacle to the progress 
 of society, to the attainment of human freedom and 
 rights. The altar and the throne must be involved in 
 a common ruin. Such are the fruits of joining together 
 what. God intended should be kept assunder. The 
 Church and State must be divorced. The work has 
 begun and must go on. The Church will be redeemed 
 from its long captivity, take its appointed position in 
 conflict with the world and go forth once more conquer- 
 ing and to conquer. Then will return the days of the 
 Most High ; then the power of the Gospel to regenerate 
 and bless and save will be revealed, and the ministers 
 of Jesus be clothed with salvation ; and the hearts of 
 all men be drawn unto him, and the dark clouds of cen- 
 turies be broken and scattered. The necessity of this 
 separation is felt by his true friends every where, and 
 they are preparing themselves for the battle. Long and 
 firm may be, must be the struggle ; but that success will 
 finally attend their efforts admits not a doubt. 
 
65 
 
 He has promised to be with his faithful ones unto the 
 end of the world, and he surely will be with them in 
 their toils, sufferings and sacrifices to free the Church 
 from its thraldom, and to rescue his cause from subser- 
 viency to the pride, folly and ambition of its rulers and 
 governments. 
 
 Thomas and Lincoln could hardly have considered 
 themselves and countrymen as contending against that 
 oppression which arises directly from a union of Church 
 and State, for their ancestors had left England to avoid 
 it, and been protected in the full enjoyment of them by 
 their charter and the approbation of Oliver Cromwell, as 
 great a man as ever swayed the sceptre of England. 
 They themselves had been educated in these principles, 
 and no part of the United States has preserved the sim- 
 plicity and purity of Church government, together with 
 right of private judgment in religious concerns, and the 
 sufficiency of the Scriptures in every thing connected 
 with religion, than the people of the old colony of Ply- 
 mouth. How then must these good men, long since 
 ascended, have been moved, to have known that the 
 declaration had been publicly made in the presence of 
 their descendants, and by a prelate, " That there could 
 not be a church without a bishop," and that bishop to 
 prove his regular descent from Papal Rome. The above 
 incident has been the occasion of the foregoing remarks. 
 
 But to return, and to close — it is not only safe to 
 imitate such men as Thomas and Lincoln, but praise- 
 worthy to emulate their virtues and patriotism. 
 
COLONEL THOMAS KNOWLTON. 
 
 Colonel Knowlton was descended of respectable 
 English ancestors, who Were among the first settlers ot 
 Massachusetts, where Thomas was born, November, 
 1740, in the town of Boxford, county of Essex ; from 
 whence he removed, when a lad, with his father, to the 
 town of Ashford, in the Province of Conneticut. 
 
 Before he was sixteen years of age he enlisted as a 
 private soldier in the Old French war, and continued in 
 the army between three and four years, during which 
 time he was promoted to the respective offices of Ser- 
 geant, Ensign, and Lieutenant. During this war he 
 was engaged in several close actions, in one of which he 
 came in contact, hand to hand, in the woods, with a 
 French officer, when he flung down his musket and 
 closed in with him, they both fell, the Frenchman 
 uppermost, but Knowlton extricated himself and suc- 
 ceeded in taking the life of his adversary. 
 
 He was in the action of August, 1758, when Major 
 Rogers in command of five hundred Rangers, British 
 and Provincials, was attacked when on his march in the 
 wsods, by an equal number of French and Indians. 
 Rogers in his account of the battle, says, "Major Put 
 
67 
 
 nam being in front of his men when the fire began, the 
 enemy rushed in, took him, one lieutenant, and two 
 others prisoners, and considerably deranged others of 
 the party, who afterwards rallied and did good service, 
 particularly Lieutenant Durkee, who, notwithstanding 
 his wounds, one in his thigh and the other in his wrist, 
 kept in the action the whole time, encouraging his men 
 with great resolution and earnestness. In short, officers 
 and soldiers throughout the detachment behaved with 
 such vigor and resolution, as in one hour's time broke 
 the enemy and obliged them to retreat ; we kept the 
 field and buried our dead. 
 
 When the battle was over, we had missing thirty- 
 three men. The enemy's loss was two hundred and 
 forty killed on the spot, several of whom were Indians," 
 In this action Knowlton belonged to Durkee's party of 
 Provincials, and must have been exposed to the hottest 
 fire of the enemy. 
 
 After the capture of Montreal by Sir Jeffrey Amherst, 
 in 1760, which closed the war in North America, one 
 thousand Connecticut troops, under General Lyman, a 
 brave and intelligent officer, went to the seige of the 
 Havanas, which surrendered to the British arms in the 
 year 1762. Lieutenant Knowlton was with Lyman in 
 this expedition. At this seige there was much blood 
 shed, but the Provincials did not arrive 'till a short time 
 before the surrender, and suffered more from the climate 
 than from the balls of the Spaniards. He was challeng- 
 ed by a British officer on his way home from the 
 Havana, in consequence of words spoken in a trifling 
 
68 
 
 conversation, but no duel ensued, as the challenger pro- 
 posed an adjustment of the affair, which took place 
 before they landed, satisfactorily and honorable to 
 Know! ton. 
 
 On his return to Ashford, he married before he was 
 twenty years old, and became a prosperous farmer, and 
 at an unusually early age he became one of the fathers 
 of the town, a select man ; in which occupation and 
 office the battle of Lexington found him. On the news 
 of this event, the militia company of Ashford, immedi- 
 ately assembled, and Knowlton with his musket, with 
 them, for the purpose of marching to the American camp 
 at Cambridge. 
 
 They were destitute of a captain, and by a unanimous 
 vote elected Knowlton to the vacant office, which he 
 readily and cheerfully accepted. At this occurrence, the 
 mortification of the Lieutenant was so great that he 
 declined marching with the company. This did not 
 arise from want of capacity or patriotism on the part of 
 Lieutenant Marcy, but the greater confidence they justly 
 placed in Knowlton, arising from his former services, 
 which they must have well known : and they had good 
 reason to believe they would meet something very differ- 
 ent from mere parade or children's play in the course of 
 the expedition they were undertaking. 
 
 Knowlton arrived at Cambridge previous to the battle 
 of Bunker's Hill, in which action he took a conspicuous 
 part. He was the only officer, except those from Mas- 
 sachusetts, who had the honor to march with the gallant 
 Colonel Prescott, on the evening of the 16th of June 
 
69 
 
 1775, to take possession of, occupy and defend Bunker's 
 Hill. He, with a double command of four lieutenants 
 and one hundred and twenty men, had that honor? 
 although the youngest captain of his regiment. 
 
 The then estimate of his character as an officer and a 
 gentleman, doubtless procured him that high distinction. 
 His conduct the next day in battle, and his after con- 
 duct, during his short military career of fifteen months, 
 will show how well he sustained the estimate then 
 formed of him. 
 
 On that day, previous to the arrival of the gallant 
 Stark with the New Hampshire line, he was ordered to 
 take post at the extreme left of the rail fence towards 
 the Mistic river ; Stark on his arrival in the afternoon 
 occupied that part nearest the redoubt. Here, in their 
 several positions, Prescott, Stark and Knowlton fought 
 the battle independently of each other, although Prescott 
 was senior and defended the most important post. Be- 
 fore the rail fence, the two first attacks of the enemy 
 were chiefly made, for the purpose of getting in the rear 
 of Prescott and carrying his redoubt ; and here they 
 suffered most severely, their dead covering the ground, 
 and lying, as Stark often said, " as thick as sheep in a 
 foal." In this action Knowlton nobly sustained himself, 
 and lost more men than Prescott or Starke, according to 
 the number he commanded, except the loss sustained by 
 Prescott when retreating from the redoubt, when stormed 
 by the British column which passed round on both sides 
 of the redoubt, giving him an oblique fire, killing more 
 
 than double the number killed in the action. 
 
 6* 
 
70 
 
 In this trying situation, Prescott abandoned his post 
 for want of amunition, and support from his countrymen 
 on Bunker's Hill within six hundred yards of him, and 
 Stark compelled to follow him from the same cause, 
 Knowlton was cool and self possessed. He retreated 
 with young troops, in good order, with celerity and 
 safety; the enemy being unloaded by their fire on 
 Prescott. From this day he was justly considered the 
 first officer of his grade in the army. He received from 
 a gentleman of Boston, whose name is not now recol- 
 lected, for his distinguished gallantry and good conduct 
 at Breed's Hill, a gold laced hat, an elegant sash, and 
 gold breast plate. The gold breast plate is now in 
 the possession of a descendant. 
 
 Colonel Aaron Burr, speaking of him, some few years 
 before his death, said, " He received the full account of 
 this battle from Knowl ton's own mouth, and he believed 
 if he had the whole direction of the day, it would have 
 resulted more fortunately. Its being objected that he 
 should not be placed before Prescott and Stark, he 
 observed that was not what he intended — but that an 
 able and efficient officer was wanting to superintend the 
 whole, as they, as well as Knowlton had their particular 
 posts to defend ; and a great fault rested somewhere for 
 not supporting them." It being then observed that the 
 rapidity of his promotion indicated his merit, he replied, 
 " it was impossible to promote such an officer too rap- 
 idly." It has been justly said of those troops which 
 could be induced to take part in the action that day — 
 "The military annals of the word rarely furnish an 
 
71 
 
 achievement which equals the firmness and courage dis- 
 played on that proud day by the gallant band of Ameri- 
 cans ; and it certainly stands first in the brilliant events 
 of our war. When future generations shall invj.-.-e 
 where are the men who gained the highest prize of glory 
 in the arduous contest which ushered in our nation's 
 birth, upon Prescott and his companions in arms will 
 the eye. of history beam." 
 
 Soon after this action Captain Kn owl ton was promo- 
 ted to a majority, in which capacity he served during 
 the seige of Boston, increasing in the esteem of his com- 
 patriots in arms, and the confidence of the Commander 
 in Chief. " On the 8th day of January, [1776] it having 
 been determined to deprive the British of the houses in 
 Charlestown, below Bunker's hill, a detachment was 
 ordered for the purpose. One hundred men from the 
 first brigade, a like number from Frye's brigade, with 
 Captains Williams, Gould and Wyman ; Lieutenants 
 Foster, Shaw, Patterson and Trafton, and Ensign 
 Cheny ; the whole under the command of Major Knowl- 
 ton, aided by Brigade Majors Henly and Carey. 
 
 The detachment marched between eight and nine 
 o'clock in the evening, and the object was effected with- 
 out the loss of a man. Several British soldiers were 
 taken prisoners. The garrison of Bunker's Hill works, 
 commenced a brisk fire down the hill, towards the 
 houses but no damage was sustained." 
 
 Only those acquainted with the situation of Bunker's 
 Hill and the places adjacent, at the time of this expedi- 
 tion, can fully understand General Heath in his above 
 
72 
 
 description, and the danger and delicacy of the operation 
 assigned Major Knowlton. Knowlton had to pass from 
 the main land in Charlestown, over the neck or low 
 grounds and mill dams to this hill, partly below and 
 around it and its garrison ; to fire many scattering 
 houses, seventeen in the whole, and so to conduct and 
 dispose his force as to secure a safe retreat, in a very 
 dark night, at a time when the greater part of the 
 British army were cantoned on Bunker's Hill. Both 
 objects were completely effected under a brisk fire from 
 the enemy's batteries, without the loss of a man. 
 
 Lieutenant Trafton, of the party, observed many 
 years after, M that it was considered at the time an opera- 
 tion of great hazard, especially in securing a retreat ; but 
 we had entire confidence in the officer commanding, that 
 he could effect it if any officer in the army could do it. 
 For myself, I had determined, rather than foil in the part 
 assigned me — the burning of certain designated houses 
 — to lose my life ; for our regiment was disgraced, on 
 the day of Breed's Hill battle, by the conduct of our 
 colonel, and I would not survive a personal disgrace." 
 Lieutenant Trafton was afterwards promoted, and served 
 through the war with the reputation of a brave and good 
 officer. 
 
 " On the evening when Major Knowlton set fire to 
 the houses in Charlestown, the farce of the " Blockade 
 of Boston," of which General Burgoyne was the reputed 
 author, was performed. The figure designed to bur- 
 lesque General Washington was dressed in an uncouth 
 
73 
 
 style, with a large wig and long rusty sword, attended 
 by an orderly sergeant in his country dress, having on 
 his shoulder an old rusty gun seven or eight feet long. 
 At the moment this figure appeared on the stage, one of 
 the regular seargents came running on the stage, threw 
 down his bayonet, and exclaimed, " The yankees are 
 attacking our works on Bunker 's Hill" Those of the 
 audience who were unacquainted with the different parts, 
 supposed that this belonged to the farce; but when 
 General Howe called out, " Officers to your alarm 
 posts" they were undeceived ; all was confusion and 
 dismay ; and among the ladies, shrieking and fainting 
 ensued." 
 
 After Washington obtained possession of Boston, and 
 the army removed to New York, Knowlton was promo- 
 ted to a Lieutenant Colonelcy. At all times enjoying the 
 entire confidence of his commander ; who, when wish- 
 ing to obtain an officer to pass from New York to Long 
 Island, to gain accurate intelligence of the enemy's forces 
 and situation in that quarter, consulted with Knowlton 
 on the subject. The wishes of the Commander-in-chief 
 were made known by him to a number of officers, with- 
 out on his part, using any arguments for or against their 
 undertaking it. This duty, no doubt, was performed by 
 him in accordance with the previously received instruc- 
 tions of Washington. Captain Nathan Hale of the Con- 
 necticut line, a young gentleman of education and great 
 promise, of his own mere notion, undertook it ; was cap- 
 tured by the enemy and executed as a spy. Congress 
 have recently erected a monument to his memory. In 
 
74 
 
 the unfortunate and disastrous battle of Brooklyn Heights 
 Knowlton by great effort and good fortune gained the 
 American camp before the enemy with an overpowering 
 force closed upon the American rear, thereby saving him- 
 self and his command from being made prisoners with 
 General Sullivan and Lord Sterling. The American 
 troops were now withdrawn from Long and Governors 
 Islands, and in a few days New York city evacuated, in 
 a manner which shew they were overcome with their 
 fears. On this occasion Washington's mortification was 
 extreme, and his corn-patriot Greene said of him, " He 
 appeared to seek death rather than life." In this condi- 
 tion of the American army a halt was made at Harlem 
 Heights and the Commander-in-chief regained his eajii- 
 nimity, although the British in his front reached from 
 the East to the North River, across the whole Island of 
 New York. The night after the retreat, Knowlton at 
 the head of one hundred and fifty Rangers was ordered 
 to guard the American camp, and by his vigilance pre- 
 vent the approach of the enemy unnoticed. The next 
 morning, he commenced skirmishing with the enemy, 
 the Commander-in-chief immediately rode to the advan- 
 ced posts of the army, in order to make in person, such 
 arrangements as this movement might require. Receiv- 
 ing from Knowlton the probable numbers and position of 
 the enemy, immediately reinforced him with a part of a Vir- 
 ginia regiment under Major Leach, directed him to gain 
 their rear, while he amused them with the appearance of 
 making disposition to attack them in front. The plan 
 succeeded, but Knowlton not kno wiring the precise situ- 
 
75 
 
 ation of the enemy, commmenced his attack, rather on 
 their flank than rear, when a very warm action ensued. 
 In a short time Leach was carried from the ground mor- 
 tally wounded, and soon after Knowlton fell. The ac- 
 tion was continued by the Captains with great animation 
 who were re-inforced, but to prevent a general engage- 
 ment Washington recalled his troops to their entrench- 
 ments. The British loss ii» killed and wounded was 
 more than double that sustained by the Americans. 
 Knowlton was the senior officer on the ground, he was 
 conscious that his wound was mortal from the moment 
 he received it, for to a soldier near him, who offered his 
 assistance, he said, " Continue to do your duty in the 
 action for you can do me no good." He was carried 
 from the field in a waggon, and died in about an hour; 
 in this time Washington saw him — regretted his situ a- 
 tion and commended him for his gallantry and good con- 
 duct on all occasions. What a moment for the death ot 
 a hero ! assured of victory and the sincere condolence 
 and approbation of such a man as Washington, the im- 
 mortal Wolf might have envied him such a death. In 
 general orders the next day, September 17th, Washing- 
 ton says, " The General most heartily thanks the troops 
 commanded yesterday by Major Leach, who first advan- 
 ced upon the enemy, and the others who resolutely sup- 
 ported them. Their behaviour yesterday was such a 
 contrast to that of some of the troops the day before, as 
 must show what may be done when officers and soldiers 
 exert themselves. Once more, therefore, the General 
 calls upon officers and men to act up to the noble cause 
 
76 
 
 in which they are engaged, and to support the honor and 
 liberties of their country. The gallant and brave Col- 
 onel Knowlton, who would have been an honor to any 
 country, having fallen yesterday while gloriously fight- 
 ing, Captain Brown is to take command of the party late- 
 ly led by Colonel Knowlton." Washington, in a letter to 
 the President of Congress of the 18th of September reit- 
 erstes his high opinion of Knowlton. 
 
 In his person Colonel Knowlton was near or quite six 
 feet high, erect and elegant in form, made for activity 
 rather than strength. His education was respectable, 
 although not collegiate. Pleasing in his address he nev- 
 er failed of making himself acceptable to those with whom 
 he associated. 
 
 He never lessened his character by ostentation or self- 
 complacency ; and all cheerfully granted him the ap- 
 plause due to his merit. Always to be found where the 
 battle raged, pressing into close action. An old soldier 
 who served under him, said, " The Colonel was the 
 mildest man he ever knew ; nothing of a rough or 
 harsh nature ever passed his lips, so that he was univer- 
 sally respected by those under his command, as well as 
 by those associated with him in command." He left a 
 widow and eight children, all of whom were respectable 
 in society. His oldest son Frederick, was with him 
 when he was shot, and died within a few years past. 
 
 Sixty-eight years have elapsed since the death of this 
 great and good man, who would have been an ornament 
 to any country ; and what has been done by his country 
 in justice to themselves, and in honor of his memory ? 
 
77 
 
 Nothing. His -remains are interred within the city of 
 New- York, and the place where, not difficult to be ascer- 
 tained, even at this late day. Have the United States, 
 in whose service he fell — the State of Connecticut, whose 
 favorite son he was — or the City of New- York, on whose 
 soil he bled, ever thought of erecting even a slab to his 
 memory? We are compelled to give the mortifying 
 negative to this inquiry.* 
 
 *Bince writing the above, the Historical Society of the City of New- 
 York have appointed a Committee, to ascertain where Knowlton 
 fell, with the design of doing something in honor of his memory. 
 
ALEXANDER SCAMMELL. 
 
 Doctor Samuel Leslie Scammell, the father of 
 Alexander, arrived at Boston from Portsmouth, England, 
 in the year 1733, and settled in that part of Mendon now 
 Milford, Worcester county, Massachusetts : Dr. Scammell 
 had two sons, Samuel Leslie, born in 1739, and Alex- 
 ander born in 1744, and died in 1753, aged forty-five ; 
 leaving his two sons in charge and under the care and 
 guidance of the Reverend Amariah Frost of Mendon, 
 the elder until he was qualified for the study of Physic, 
 the younger until he was fitted to enter college. 
 
 Mr. Frost was a most worthy Congregational minister 
 and able instructor. He died at an advanced age in 
 1792, after having had the satisfaction of seeing his 
 wards distinguished in their respective professions, and 
 at all times, with their friends, acknowledging their 
 obligations to him for his fidelity to them, and his purity 
 of character, and ability as a religious teacher. 
 
 When the contest for self-government was approaching, 
 no safer or more suitable instructor could be found than 
 an educated New England clergyman. Alexander the 
 subject of this notice, graduated at Harvard College in 
 
79 
 
 1769, from whence he went to the county of Plymouth 
 and taught school in the towns of Kingston and Ply- 
 mouth. In the same year was formed, by the descendants 
 of the first settlers of Plymouth, Isaac Lothrop, Pelham 
 Winslaw, Thomas Lothrop, Elkanah Cushman, John 
 Thomas, Edward Winslaw Jr., and John Watson, 
 The Old Colony Club. The same year on the 22d 
 day of December, was celebrated, for the first time, the 
 landing of our forefathers, and in the evening the club, 
 with invited guests, not members, joined the club, among 
 whom, were the two grammar schoolmasters, Alexander 
 Scamrnell and Peleg Wadsworth. Scammell and Wads- 
 worth were classmates at Harvard. Gen. Wadsworth, 
 late of Portland, Maine, was an active and brave officer 
 of the revolution, and for many years after the war, an 
 upright and intelligent member of Congress, 
 
 In the year 1770, Scammell and Wadsworth both 
 attended the anniversary of the club, by invitation, for 
 neither of them appear to have been members. The 
 celebration was concluded in the evening, by singing a 
 song composed by Mr. Scammell. In 1771, Mr. Scam- 
 mell, was, by his desire, unanimously voted in a member 
 of the club. 
 
 In 1772, he repaired to Portsmouth, N. H., where 
 under the auspices of a cousin of his name in the 
 employment of the government, he entered upon the 
 business of surveying and exploring lands and of the 
 royal navy timber. In the interval of suspended occu- 
 pation, he kept school a short time at Berwick. He was 
 one of the proprietors of the town of Shapleigh, Maine, 
 
80 
 
 and Clerk of that Association. He assisted Captain 
 Holland in making surveys for his map of New Hamp- 
 shire. About this time, he appears to be serving on 
 board the sloop of war Lord Chatham, bound from 
 Piscataqua river to Boston, to send despatches, plans and 
 reports to the lords of the Treasury. This vessel mounted 
 several swivels, and carried small arms, and her place 
 of rendezvous was Falmouth, now Portland. Previous 
 to the revolution he entered on the study of the law with 
 General Sullivan of Durham, N. H., whom he styles, 
 "an excellent instructor and worthy patron." His 
 worthy patron was a member of the Congress of 1774 
 and 5, and the latter year was appointed a brigadier 
 general by that Congress. 
 
 Gen. Sullivan on accepting this appointment, would 
 have been more than willing that Mr. Scammell should 
 have remained in his office and taken charge of his legal 
 business, which was extensive and lucrative. But when 
 a whole people rose and took arms to claim and defend 
 the right of self-government, a mind like Scammell's 
 must have been elevated to grandeur in such a cause, 
 and to have remained shut up in a law office, almost 
 within sound of the enemy's artillery at Boston, would 
 have been annihilation to him. He immediately joined 
 the army at Cambridge, and .was appointed Brigade 
 Major to Sullivan's Brigade. In this capacity he served 
 during the siege of Boston, without any opportunity 
 offering in which he or the Brigade were particularly 
 distinguished. He served with the Brigade in 1776 
 
81 
 
 and partook of all the disasters of the army in and 
 about New- York. 
 
 Sullivan had been promoted previous to the defeat of 
 the army at Brooklyn, and whether Scammell was 
 attached to his division at that time is not known, but it 
 is certain he was not taken prisoner with him on that 
 occasion. About this time he was promoted and attached 
 to Lee's division and independant command before the 
 close of the year, and the movements of Lee at this 
 time, will be here mentioned, as Scammell's situation as 
 Adjutant General gave him a perfect insight into the 
 intentions of that erratick man, but able general. 
 
 As soon as it was ascertained that General Carleton 
 had abandoned all hostile intentions against Crown 
 Point, and gone into winter quarters, in the month of 
 October, Gates dismissed his militia, left Col. Wayne at 
 Ticonderoga, repaired with his army to Albany, where 
 he received the order of Schuyler to reinforce General 
 Washington. A part of this force, Gen. St. Clair's com- 
 mand, was directed to join Washington, but were inter- 
 cepted by Lee and ordered to join his division. Lee at 
 •this time was determined to increase his forces so as to 
 be able to strike a successful blow on some of the enemy's 
 cantonments, and not unite with Washington, as repeat- 
 edly ordered. He ordered Heath, who commanded in 
 the Highlands, to detach the better part of his forces, and 
 place them under his command, which was refused, as 
 contrary to his written orders from the commander-in- 
 chief. Lee ordered Scammell, to perform this duty, and 
 
 he would have been obeyed but for the timely and 
 
 7 * 
 
82 
 
 prudent interference of Gov. Clinton. Lee moved his 
 force to Baskingridge,near Morristown. Here Major Wil- 
 kinson, on his way from Gates to Washington called on 
 him and shew him Gates' letter to Washington. Here 
 he was called on by Scammell from Gen. Sullivan, who 
 was encamped with the troops for orders of march on 
 the 13th of December, 1776 ; Lee hesitated, asked for the 
 manuscript map of the country, which was produced 
 and spread upon the table ; Lee traced with his finger 
 the route to Princeton ; after a close inspection said to 
 Scammell, " Tell Gen. Sullivan to march down towards 
 Pluckamin, that I soon will be with him." This was 
 off the route he had been ordered to take, and directly 
 on that towards Brunswick and Princeton, combine 
 these circumstances with his letter to Gen. Gates, which 
 was written that morning, and we have a clue to his 
 views and designs. The letter was borne off by Major 
 Wilkinson, unfolded, to Sullivan, and is as follows : — 
 
 Baskingridge, Dec. 13th } 1776. 
 My Dear Gates, 
 
 The ingenious manoeuvre of Fort Washington* 
 has unhinged the goodly fabric we had been building. 
 There never was so damned a stroke. Entre nous, a 
 certain great man is most damnably deficient. He has 
 thrown me into a situation, where 1 have a choice of 
 difficulties ; if I stay in this province, I risk myself and 
 army ; and if I do not stay, the province is lost forever. 
 I have neither guides, cavalry, medicines, money, shoes 
 or stockings. I must act with greatest circumspection. 
 
Tories are in my front, rear, and on my flanks ; the mass 
 of the people is strongly contaminated ; in short, unless 
 something, which I do not expect, turns up we are lost ; 
 our counsels have been weak to the last degree. As to 
 what relates to yourself, if you think you can be in time 
 io aid the General, I would have you by all means ; 
 you will at least save your army. It is said that the 
 Whigs are determined to set fire to Philadelphia ; if 
 they strike this decisive stroke, the day will be our own ; 
 but unless it is done, all chance of liberty in any part of 
 the globe is forever vanished. Adieu my dear friend ! 
 God bless you ! 
 
 CHARLES LEE." 
 
 At the moment this letter was finished Lee was sur- 
 rounded by the enemy's horse, commanded by Col. 
 Harcourt and captured with his aid. Wilkinson escaped 
 by secreting himself in the house. Lee had not break- 
 fasted, although it was ten o'clock in the morning, having 
 been detained in writing the above letter and in an 
 altercation with certain militia corps, particularly the 
 Connecticut light horse, and the call of Scammell. Lee 
 was hurried off, bare-headed, in his slippers, blanket 
 coat and collar open. The capture of Lee, at the time, 
 was felt as a public calamity, and cast a gloom over the 
 country. He merited severe punishment for his neglect 
 of duty and disobedience of orders, and received it from 
 an unexpected hand. His offence was well understood 
 in the army, and his misfortune unpitied by those who 
 reflected on the cause of it. The tenor of Lee's letter 
 
84 
 
 to Gates convicted him of discontent, insubordination 
 and disrespect to Washington, but might have saved him 
 from the suspicion of defection to the cause he had 
 espoused. 
 
 It is more than probable that Lee had come to the 
 deliberate determination to violate his orders, trust to his 
 fortune, tind hazard his fame on the issue of some bold 
 enterprise. The officers about him believed that if Lee 
 had not been made prisoner, he would have attacked 
 the British post at Princeton the next morning, where 
 the superiority of his force would have insured him suc- 
 cess. He had reduced himself to the dilemma of abiding 
 the sentence of a general court martial, for disobedience 
 of peremptory orders, or by some daring and brilliant 
 exploit excited such popular applause as would not only 
 justify his offence, but give him the chief command. 
 Sullivan on the receipt of the intelligence of Lee's cap- 
 ture, immediately directed Scammell to alter the route 
 of the army, so as to gain Washington without unne- 
 cessary loss of time. This was done in time for him 
 and his division to take part in the battle of Trenton 
 and Princeton a few days after. Gates' division joined 
 Washington, but he left the army without the knowledge 
 or permission of Washington before the battles of Trenton. 
 It will be seen that Wilkinson has been relied on 
 principally for the above facts, and will be further made 
 use of, with this acknowledgment. In this gloomy 
 period of the revolutionary contest, it is impossible to 
 pass unnoticed the American Chief. " Born with iron 
 nerves, and an unbending dignity of port, which distin- 
 
85 
 
 guished all his actions, and struck the most presumptuous 
 with awe ; amidst these scenes, he was serene, tranquil 
 and self-possessed, exciting the admiration of his fol- 
 lowers, and exhibiting the example of a chief determined 
 to brave danger and dare death in support of a just cause ; 
 whilst the invincible firmness of Congress, exhibited the 
 rare example of a popular assembly, united in principle, 
 inflexible in purpose, and regardless of consequences. 
 Not to one man then, but to such a Congress and such 
 a Chief, supported by a handful of brave men who ad- 
 hered to the cause of their country, are these United 
 States indebted for the cheap purchase of their liberty 
 and independence." 
 
 No American should ever forget, that when our chief 
 was deserted by his first and second in command, Lee 
 and Gates, the former able and brave, the latter proud 
 and vain, but both determined to disgrace him, and both 
 foreign military adventurers, then was he nobly supported 
 by real Americans, Sullivan, Greene, Mercer, Knox, 
 Stark, Scammell, and many others equally brave and 
 patriotic. And when Washington had determined to 
 risk his life on the issue of his move upon Trenton, his 
 army as nobly supported as he led. This should be a 
 standing lesson to this country, never to place its des- 
 tinies in the hands of foreigners, or suffer them to hold 
 high places either in the civil or military department. 
 The above is the more minutely narrated, because 
 Scammell was in all these movements, the severest and 
 most gloomy time of the revolution, both as to suffering 
 and action. 
 
86 
 
 Acting always with the main army or its great divi- 
 sions, few materials respecting him as an individual are 
 now left. And most of those few, his correspondence 
 with his brother and relatives during the war, were 
 many years ago handed to a gentleman in Boston, with 
 the design of writing his memoir, who was fully com- 
 petent to the performance, but whose death prevented 
 the completion of the task he had assumed. This cor- 
 respondence has never been recovered, and is now irre- 
 coverably lost. This correspondence might now be of 
 great interest, as his situation of adjutant general gave 
 him an opportunity of being acquainted with the secret 
 springs of all the movements in the army, and had 
 prudence permitted him to have communicated them, as 
 in many instances it might, its value must be seen and 
 appreciated. 
 
 In the campaign of 1777, he was placed at the head 
 of the first regiment in the New-Hampshire line, at 
 Ticonderoga, under General St. Clair and the Brigade 
 commanded by General Poor. In the retreat of the 
 army from that fortress to Saratoga, he partook of all its 
 fatigues, deprivations and mortifications. In the first 
 action against Burgoyne, fought by detached regiments, 
 no general officer being on the field, commenced by 
 Dearborn's light infantry and Morgan's riflemen, Scam- 
 mell was closely engaged and wounded. After the 
 surrender of Burgoyne, Poor's Brigade to which Scam- 
 mell was attached, was ordered down the river to oppose 
 Sir Henry Clinton who had captured forts Montgomery 
 and Clinton, and was making further depredations on 
 
87 
 
 the Hudson, but before its arrival Clinton had retired to 
 New- York. From thence Poor's Brigade and other 
 troops were ordered by Colonel Hamilton, who had been 
 dispatched from Philadelphia by the Commander-in- 
 Chief, for the express purpose, to join him. This order 
 was not obeyed by the general commanding in the High- 
 lands, so that Poor and the other reinforcements did not 
 reach Washington in season to operate against Howe 
 and compel him to surrender his army, as would have 
 been the case, in all human probability, had these rein- 
 forcements arrived in season, as ordered. This made a 
 deep impression on the mind of Washington, and by 
 letter of November 19th 1777, he says to the general 
 commanding in the Highlands, " I could wish that in 
 future my orders may be immediately complied with, 
 without arguing upon the propriety of them. If any 
 accident ensues from obeying them, the fault will be 
 upon me and not upon you." The army was encamped 
 in the vicinity of Philadelphia the ensuing winter, when 
 Scammell was appointed adjutant general, Colonel Pick- 
 ering having been promoted to the office of quarter 
 master general. From this time to 1781, he continued 
 in this office, and identified in all the movements of the 
 main army. In the month of June 1778, the army left 
 its cantonment and commenced pursuit of Sir H. Clinton, 
 whose object was New- York city. Clinton's march was 
 not a hurried one, for he consumed eight days in gaining 
 forty miles, thereby embarrassing Washington by keeping 
 him in ignorance of the route he would finally take. 
 In this long march and subsequent battle at Monmouth, 
 
86 
 
 Scammell performed all the duties of his important and 
 responsible office to the entire approbation of the com- 
 mander, and every individual in the army, for no one 
 ever held that office, who was more beloved and 
 respected. 
 
 After the battle of Monmouth, he was directed by the 
 commander-in chief, to place his old General, Lee, under 
 arrest. The opinion of the army was divided as to the 
 guilt of Lee on the charges preferred against him, except 
 his disrespect to Washington. He might have been 
 acquitted of the others had not Washington been con- 
 sidered the complainant. This is rendered probable 
 from the division in Congress on its approval of the 
 sentence of the court martial, only seven states voting 
 for approval. It seems at this day strange that so intel- 
 ligent a court should have found the facts they did, and 
 rendered the judgment of suspension for one year there- 
 on ; when from the then existing rules and articles of 
 war, he should have been shot. Scammell did express the 
 opinion, in presence of many of the officers of the army, 
 that Washington never had so fair an opportunity of gain- 
 ing as decisive a victory over the enemy as at Monmouth, 
 had Lee done his whole duty. This opinion, no doubt 
 correct, had great weight in the army, and preponderated 
 heavily against Lee. The main army in the years 1779 
 and 1780, were in a good measure inactive, and gave 
 time for them to consider and muse over their future 
 prospects. Scammell in the few letters of his which 
 remain and are to be found, addressed to Colonel Pea- 
 body, a member of Congress from New-Hampshire, and 
 
a member of the military committee, are here inserted, 
 which mark strongly the state of his own feelings, and 
 that of the army. . 
 
 Camp, Middle Brook, April 2d, 1779. 
 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 " Relying on your friendship, I must entreat you 
 to assist me in procuring certain certificates and copies 
 of receipts, which I find absolutely necessary in settling 
 my accounts with the auditors, who are very strict. I 
 have wrote Esq. Thompson particularly on the subject. 
 Captain Gilman, the bearer, will likewise be able to let 
 you into the matter circumstantially. 
 
 I am almost tired of quarreling with Great Brit- 
 ain — wish we could reduce them to reason, and a 
 proper sense of their inability. They seem to be deter- 
 mined to die in the last ditch, and that we shall feel the 
 effects of disappointed malice the ensuing campaign. I 
 further fear, that the war will doom me to old bachelor- 
 ism — however, content myself with this consideration, 
 that there is enough of the breed already, though this 
 consideration don't fully correspond with my feelings on 
 the opening of Spring. Let us establish our Indepen- 
 dence on a lasting and honorable foundation, and I shall 
 be happy at all events. It seems half pay for life, for 
 the officers of the Pensylvania and Maryland line, is 
 established by the respective states ; also half pay to the 
 officers' widows since the war began. How this step 
 will be looked upon by the other States, I can't say. 
 
 This I will venture to affirm, that it would increase 
 
 8 
 
90 
 
 legitimate subjects to the States, as it would encourage* 
 our officers, who have no wives, to marry, and proceed 
 in obedience to the first command. At present, the 
 young women dread us as the picture of poverty ; and 
 the speculators, to our great mortification, are running 
 away with the best of them, whilst we are the painful 
 spectators of the meat being taken out of our mouths, 
 
 and devoured by a parcel of — . Give my sincere 
 
 compliments to inquiring friends— Mrs. Peabody in 
 particular. 
 
 Your friend, and humble servant, 
 ALEXANDER SCAMMELL." 
 Colonel Peabody." 
 
 [Extract.] 
 West Point, September 29th, 1779. 
 " Does Congress mean to make the officers any 
 permanent consideration? or do they intend to coax 
 them on by doing a little and promising them a great 
 deal, till the war is over, and then leave them without 
 money, (consequently without friends ;) without estates, 
 and many without property or constitutions, the two 
 latter of which they have generously sacrificed in 
 defence of their country. This is the language of the 
 officers almost universally, from all the States. My 
 station renders it my duty to make every thing as easy 
 and quiet as possible. But I shudder at the consequen- 
 ces, as I am convinced that in the approaching winter, we 
 shall loose many of our brave officers, who must resign 
 or doom themselves to want and misery by remaining 
 
91 
 
 longer in the best of causes, and which in justice should 
 entitle them to liberal considerations and rewards. That 
 men who have braved death, famine, and every species 
 of hardship, in defence of their liberties and righting for 
 their country, should thereby be reduced to slavery, or 
 what is equally bad, beggary, will be an eternal stigma 
 upon the United States, and prevent proper men from 
 ever stepping forth in defence of their country again. 
 The bearer, Mr. Guild, a tutor in Harvard College, is 
 an honest, clever, sensible whig ; whatever civility you 
 show him will add an obligation on yours truly, 
 
 A. SCAMMELL," 
 Nathaniel Peabody, Esq." 
 
 Head Quarters Steenrapie, near Hackensack Old Bridge, > 
 
 Sept. 5 1780. 5 
 
 u Dear Sir, 
 
 I am extremely happy to have ocular demon- 
 tion that you are well enough to brandish the goose- 
 quill again. When I had the disagreeable news of 
 your being dangerously ill, I wished to ride to Morris- 
 town to see you. I attempted to write, but business 
 permitted neither. 
 
 " The army regrets the recalling decree of Congress, 
 and that your committee should be absent from the 
 army at this critical juncture, when famine daily extends 
 her threatening baleful sceptre. What will be the con- 
 sequence of the present system, of supplies? Are we 
 to be in continual danger of a dissolution ? Must the 
 United States of America, replete with resources — full 
 of men, rolling in luxuries — strong in allies— entered on 
 
92 
 
 the scale of nations under a solemn appeal to Heaven, 
 languish in the field— her veterans fainting, her officers 
 at the head of raw troops, obliged to risk their lives and 
 reputation ; with troops counting the moments in pain- 
 ful anxiety, when they shall return home and leave us 
 with scattered ranks ? If the regiments are not filled 
 for the war, our cause must fail, I am bold to pronounce. 
 Not a continental officer, I fear, will be left in the field, 
 if he must every six months, become a drill sergeant. 
 It is too mortifying to risk a six years reputation with 
 inexperienced troops. Our good and great general, I 
 fear, will sink under the burthen, though he has been 
 possessed of the extremest fortitude hitherto, which has 
 enabled him to be equal to every difficulty, and to sur- 
 mount what to human eye appeared impossible. But a 
 continual dropping will impress a stone, and a bow too 
 long strained, loses its elasticity. I have ever cherished 
 hopes, but my patience is almost thread -bare. 
 
 " We yesterday inclined to this place, and took a new 
 position, about two miles from our former one, on the 
 west side of the Hackensack. Our army is remarkably 
 healthy, but frequently fasting without prayers. I con- 
 dole with you on the disagreeable news from the south- 
 ward, and lament the fate of so many brave officers and 
 men. After suffering the extremes of hunger and fatigue) 
 to be basely deserted by the militia, and pushed on to be 
 sacrificed, is truly distressing. Hunger occasioned so 
 great desertion, that their numbers were reduced to a 
 handful in comparison with their numbers when they 
 left Maryland. What demon could induce General G. 
 
93 
 
 to advance so far towards the enemy with so few men ? 
 And why did he retreat so rapidly, and leave his brave 
 men behind? Wishing you a speedy and perfect re- 
 covery of your health, I am, 
 
 " Yours truly, 
 
 « A. SCAMMELL. 
 
 " Col. Peabody." 
 
 The charge made against General Gates, of wasting 
 camp divinity or courage, in the above letter, is sup- 
 ported by General Greene, his successor, who was desi- 
 rous of apologizing for his misfortune, but admitted that 
 deserting his troops when engaged, under the pretence 
 of rallying the militia, was fatal to his reputation as a 
 general. It would have been most fortunate for the 
 country, if Gates had been the only major-gen eral,du- 
 ring the war of Independence, who was deficient in 
 courage and conduct. Col. Scammell, from this time to 
 the treason of Arnold and the execution of Andre, con- 
 tinued in the discharge of the arduous duties of his office. 
 On the day of Andre's execution the whole army was 
 paraded and every general officer present and at his post, 
 except Washington, who never saw Andre. On this 
 solemn occasion, Scammel, as adjutant-general, superin- 
 tended the execution. The following letter to Colonel 
 Peabody, gives a strong and striking picture of the cha- 
 racters of Arnold and Andre, as well as] the effect the 
 treason had on his own mind and that of the army, at 
 
 the time. 
 
 8* 
 
94 
 
 " Head Quarters, October 3, 1780. 
 "Dear Sir, 
 
 " Treason ! treason 1 treason ! black as h — 11 ! 
 That a man so high on the list of fame should be guilty 
 as Arnold, must be attributed not only to original sin 
 but actual transgressions. Heavens and earth ! we were 
 all astonishment — each peeping at his next neighbour to 
 see if any treason was hanging about him : nay, we even 
 descended to a critical examination of ourselves. This 
 surprise soon settled down into a fixed detestation and 
 abhorrence of Arnold, which can receive no addition. 
 His treason has unmasked him the veriest villain of cen- 
 turies past, and set him in true colours. His conduct 
 and sufferings at the northward has, in the eyes of the 
 army and his country, covered a series of base, grovel- 
 ling, dirty, scandalous and rascally peculation and fraud ; 
 and the army and country, ever indulgent and partial to 
 an officer who has suffered in the common cause, wished 
 to cover his faults : and we were even afraid to examine 
 too closely, for fear of discovering some of his rascality. 
 Now, after all these indulgences — the partiality of his 
 countrymen, the trust and confidence the commander-in- 
 chief had reposed in him, the prodigious sums that he 
 has pilfered from his country, which has been indulgent 
 enough to overlook his mal-practices,— I say, after all 
 this, it is impossible to paint him in colours sufficiently 
 i lack. Avarice, cursed avarice, with unbounded ambi- 
 tion, void of every principle of honor, honesty, genero- 
 sity or gratitude, induced the caitiff to make the first 
 overtures to the enemy— as Andre, the British adjutant- 
 
95 
 
 general, declared upon his honor, when on trial before 
 the general officers. This brave, accomplished officer, 
 was yesu^day hanged ; not a single spectator but what 
 tpitied his untimely fate, although filled with gratitude 
 for the providential discovery ; convinced that the sen- 
 tence was just, and that the law of nations and custom 
 of war justified and made it necessary. 
 
 Yet his personal accomplishments, appearance and 
 behaviour, gained him the good wishes and opinion of 
 every person who saw him. He was, perhaps, the most 
 accomplished officer of the age— he met his fate in a 
 manner which did honor to the character of a soldier. 
 Smith the man who harbored him is on trial for his life, 
 and I believe will suffer the same fate. May Arnold's 
 life be protracted under all the keenest stings and reflec- 
 tions of a guilty conscience — be hated and abhorred by 
 all the race of mankind, and finally suffer the excrutia- 
 ting tortures due so great a traitor. 
 
 I am in haste, 
 
 Your friend and servant, 
 
 A. SCAMMELL." 
 
 Colonel Scammell's wish and prediction respecting Ar- 
 nold, was fulfilled certainly in part, for he lived twenty- 
 one years after his treason, in different parts of the world, 
 hated and abhorred by all the race of mankind. 
 
 One letter from the Colonel is here inserted, being the 
 only one which has ever come to light. 
 
 " New Windsor, March 9, 1781. 
 Dear Sir. — 
 
 I was very sorry to hear you passed by without 
 
96 
 
 calling to see me. I hope before this you have pefectly 
 recovered your health. Your friendship and anxiety for 
 the good of the service, will perhaps make any intelli- 
 gence from us by no means disagreeable. Now we have 
 got a tolerable supply of provisions, we want men, no 
 recruits have arrived yet, except a few stragglers. The 
 •nemy are penetrating into the Southern States in sever- 
 al parts, ravaging, plundering and destroying every thing 
 their licentious, unprincipled murderers choose. Lord 
 Cornwallis, after Morgan's victory, having divested him- 
 self of all his baggage, made a most desperate pursuit 
 after Morgan, but was providentially stopped short in his 
 pursuit by the sudden rising of a river, occasioned by a 
 heavy rain after Morgan had forded it. Cornwallis then 
 changed his route, and pursued General Greene, who 
 was obliged to retire before him, to the borders of Vir- 
 ginia, nearly two hundred miles. The rapidity of the 
 pursuit, and retrograde movement of our southern army, 
 I believe prevented the militia of that thinly settled 
 country, from reinforcing General Greene seasonably. 
 However, by the advices this day received, Lord Corn- 
 wallis was retiring, and General Greene, in turn, pursuing 
 him. A pretty reinforcement is sent from Virginia to Gen . 
 Greene, which, I hope, may arrive in season to enable 
 General Greene to act offensively, unless Cornwallis is 
 reinforced again. Arnold is speculating upon Tobacco 
 and Negroes in Virginia. Another part of the army has 
 landed in North Carolina. The Marquis had, by the 
 last advices, arrived at the head of the Elk, with the 
 light Infantry of our army. The Grenadiers and light 
 
97 
 
 Infantry of the French army, I expect by this time, have 
 joined him. I most devoutly wish, that the Marquis 
 may ruin the traitor, and catch his party. 
 
 We have been obliged to put much to the risk, on ac- 
 count of the weakness of our corps. I hope for suc- 
 cess — but it is wrong, exceeding wrong, that the Com- 
 mander-in-chief, should be put to the dangerous ne- 
 cessity of putting so much to the hazard for the safety 
 of the Southern States. Had our regiments been filled 
 agreeable to the requisition of Congress, Clinton would 
 never have presumed to make such large detatchments 
 from New York. I entreat you to make use of your ut- 
 most influence to persuade the State to raise and send 
 on their full compliment of recruits as soon as possible ; 
 our situation, otherwise, will soon be very critical. 
 
 I am, Sir, 
 Your most obedient friend and servant, 
 Col. Peabody. A. SCAMMELL." 
 
 The above correspondence does great honor to the 
 head and heart of Colonel Scammell. There is a vein 
 of playfulness, with his old and personal acquaintance, 
 but the main drift and object was to excite to those mea- 
 sures which would secure a lasting and honorable peace. 
 
 In July, 1781, before the army left the Highlands on 
 the Hudson, to operate against New York or Yorktown, 
 as circumstances would justify, Scammell at his own 
 request, retired from the office he had so long and satisfac- 
 torily filled, and took command of the light Infantry of 
 the army. This corps was selected from the several 
 New England regiments, consisting of the most active 
 
98 
 
 and soldierly young men and officers, to march in advance 
 of the main army, constantly prepared for active and 
 hazardous service. The Colonel was indulged the 
 liberty of choosing his own officers, rejecting those he 
 deemed unfit for his enterprising purpose. This liberty 
 he exercised to the annoyance of some colonels, especially 
 Col. Jackson of Boston, but Scammell was strenuous 
 and always prevailed. This indulgence on the part of 
 Washington, was evidence of his desire not only to 
 gratify the Colonel, but that his popularity and standing 
 in the army was such, that it might be gratified without 
 danger or inconvenience. At the head of this corps, 
 Scammell marched with the army to the vicinity of 
 New- York, where it joined the French army. While 
 in this neighborhood the light infantry was constantly 
 on the watch and alert to meet the enemy in West- 
 chester, but the enemy were too circumspect to indulge 
 them in their wishes while the combined army remained 
 in the vicinity. On the march of the combined army to 
 Yorktown in Virginia, headed, the one by Lincoln, the 
 other by Viominil, Washington and Rochambeau having 
 preceded their armies, the corps of light infantry were 
 conspicuous. The French army as a whole were in 
 better uniform, and perhaps in a more perfect state of 
 discipline than the American, but no corps exceeded the 
 light infantry, commanded by the long acknowledged, 
 first officer of his grade in the army. 
 
 During the siege of Yorktown he was mortally 
 wounded and taken. Col. H. Lee of the American 
 Legion, who was present gives the following account of 
 
99 
 
 it, and his estimate of the man : a Comwallis, yielding 
 to assurances, from Sir Henry Clinton, too solemn to be 
 slighted, as well as in conformity to the spirit of his 
 orders, renounced his intention of disputing the advance 
 of his adversary ; and giving up his fortified camp, 
 retired in the night to his town position, never doubting 
 that the promised aid would start on the appointed day, 
 and well assured if it did, he should be able to sustain 
 himself until it appeared ; when presuming that a gen- 
 eral battle would ensue, he considered it to be his duty in 
 the meantime to preserve rather than cripple his force. 
 His Lordship's conclusion was certainly correct>disastrous 
 as was the consequence of his mistaken confidence. 
 This nocturnal movement did not pass unperceived by 
 our guards ; and Colonel Scammell, officer of the day, 
 put himself at the head of a reconnoitering party with 
 the dawn of light to ascertain its character and extent. 
 Advancing close to the enemy's position, he fell in with 
 a detachment of the legion dragoons, who instantly 
 charged our party. In the rencontre Scammell was 
 mortally wounded and taken. He soon expired. This 
 was the severest blow experienced by the allied army 
 throughout the siege : not an officer in our army sur- 
 passed in personal worth and professional ability this 
 experienced soldier. He had served from the commence- 
 ment of the war in the line of New Hampshire, and 
 when Col. Pickering, adjutant general of the army, suc- 
 ceeded general Greene as quarter-master general, Col. 
 Scammell was selected by the commander-in-chief to 
 fill the important and confidential station — from which 
 
100 
 
 post he had lately retired, for the purpose of taking an 
 active part, at the head of a battalion of light troops, in 
 the meditated operation." 
 
 Col. Scammell did not die immediately of his wound, 
 as might be supposed by the above account, but lived 
 six days after. 
 
 Dr. Thatcher, the surgeon of his regiment, says he 
 was wounded after he surrendered. This fact could 
 only be known from Scammell himself, and his surgeon 
 might have been permitted to have seen him before his 
 death, though he does not state the fact. At the request 
 of Gen. Washington, Lord Cornwallis allowed him to 
 be carried to Williamsburg, where he died, and where a 
 monument is erected to his memory, 
 
 " Which conquering armies from their toils returned, 
 Rear'd to his glory, while his fate they moum'd." 
 
 Col. Scammell in person, was exactly what could be 
 wished, for the fatigues, pomp and parade of war, six 
 feet and two inches in height, and not too mueh encum- 
 bered with flesh. As an officer, he was intelligent, high- 
 minded, honorable and brave. With an early and fin- 
 ished education, his mind was combining and compre- 
 hensive, decisive, prompt and energetic in action. 
 
 In the social circle he was easy and even playful, and 
 no officer could approach Washington so familiarly 
 without offence. Of all the gentlemen, who held the 
 office of adjutant general, among whom were those 
 excellent officers and high-minded patriots, Pickering 
 
101 
 
 and Hand, none had the entire confidence of the whole 
 army in an equal degree. The common soldier, thirty 
 and forty years after the close of the war, always spoke 
 of him with delight, affection and respect ; declaring the 
 army were always satisfied, whatever were their wants, 
 deprivations or dangers, when the general orders con- 
 cluded, " By his Excellency's command, Alexander 
 Scammell adjutant general," it was sufficient for them 
 to know that these two officers were in camp. Col. 
 Scammell left no direct descendants, never having been 
 married. But the children and grand-children of his 
 brother are still living in his native town, highly 
 respected. To show in what estimation he was held 
 by his compatriots in arms, his name has been most 
 honorably borne up, and could he know by whom, it 
 would be a pleasing recollection : three officers of the 
 revolution, his personal friends, and among the most 
 intelligent and patriotic, gave his name to their sons. 
 General Peleg Wadsworth, recently of Portland, of the 
 same class at Harvard with him, gave his name to his 
 son, the present distinguished Commodore Wadsworth 
 of the American navy. 
 
 Col. John Brooks, recently governor of Massachusetts, 
 was the second who gave his name to his son ; the late 
 Col. Brooks of the U. S. Army, distinguished for his gal- 
 lant conduct, as an artillery officer at Plattsburg, and on 
 several other occasions ; Col. Henry Dearborn of the 
 Revolution, more recently Secretary of War and foreign 
 Minister, was the third who honored his name in this way. 
 
 9 
 
102 
 
 This son is still alive, been Collector of the port of 
 Boston, member of Congress, and adjutant general of 
 the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. These three 
 lads, now passed the meridian of life, have not diminished 
 the fame of the noble patriot whose name they bear. 
 From the few materials, either written or traditionary, to 
 which reference could be had, this imperfect sketch has 
 been drawn. Although far from being full or satisfac- 
 tory, it may be the means of preserving some memorial 
 of the best of men, and one of the first, if not the very 
 first and most accomplished officer of the revolution. 
 Should our country ever again be involved in the evils 
 of war, may those evils be diminished by its being con- 
 ducted by such men as Alexander Scammell. 
 
GENERAL HENRY DEARBORN. 
 
 General Dearborn's ancestors were among the first 
 settlers of New Hampshire; for we find, as early as 1639, 
 Godfrey Dearborn, his direct ancestor, with other emi- 
 grants from Exeter, Devonshire, England, arrived at 
 Squamscut Falls, now Exeter, New Hampshire, and join- 
 ed the settlers at that place under the far-famed and much 
 injured clergyman, John Wheelwright, brother of the 
 celebrated Ann Hutchinson, who had been expelled the 
 Province of Massachusetts on account of the Antinomean 
 controversy. 
 
 The settlers, judging themselves without the jurisdic- 
 tion of Massachusetts, on the fourth day of May, 1639, 
 combined into a separate body politic, and articles of a- 
 greement were signed by thirty-five freemen, one of whom 
 was Godfrey Dearborn. All laws were made in a popu- 
 lar assembly. Treason and rebellion against the King, 
 (who is styled the Lord's anointed,) or the country, were 
 made capital crimes. This combination continued three 
 years. 
 
 Godfrey Dearborn soon after removed from Exeter to 
 Winnicumet, now the town of Hampton, situated be- 
 
104 
 
 tween Newberry, Massachusetts, and Portsmouth, New 
 Hampshire, in the latter State, ten miles from his former 
 residence ; where he purchased a large tract of land. A 
 principal inducement with Mr. Dearborn and others for 
 settling at Hampton, was the extensive salt marsh, which 
 was extremely valuable, as the uplands were not culti- 
 vated so as to produce a sufficiency of hay for the sup- 
 port of the cattle. 
 
 Henry, the son of Godfrey, who was a " man grown'' 
 on his father's first arrival at Exeter, inherited the estate, 
 which descended to his son John. Simon, the son of 
 John, resided on the same place, had twelve children, the 
 youngest of whom was Henry, born at Hampton on the 
 23d of February, 1751, and is the subject of this sketch. 
 
 Young Dearborn, after receiving that education which 
 the best schools in New England afforded, commenced 
 and finished his medical education under the instruction 
 of Doctor Hall Jackson, of Portsmouth, who was a dis- 
 tinguished surgeon in the army of the revolution, and 
 justly celebrated as one of the most able physicians New 
 England has produced. Dr. Dearborn was settled in the 
 practice of physic at Nottingham -square, in New Hamp- 
 shire, three years previous to the commencement of the 
 revolutionary war, where, with several gentlemen of the 
 neighborhood, he employed his leisure hours in military 
 exercises ; being convinced that the time was rapidly ap- 
 proaching when the liberties of this country must be eith- 
 er shamefully surrendered, or boldly defended at the 
 point of the sword This band of associates were deter- 
 
105 
 
 mined to be prepared and equipped themselves for the last 
 resort of freemen. 
 
 On the morning of the 20th of April, 1775, notice by 
 an express was received of the affair of the preceding 
 day at Lexington. He, with about sixty of the inhabit- 
 ants of the town, assembled, and made a rapid movement 
 for Cambridge, where they arrived the next morning at 
 sunrise, having marched a distance of fifty-five miles in 
 less than twenty-four hours. After remaining several 
 days, and there being no immediate occasion for their ser- 
 vices, they returned. 
 
 It being determined that a number of regiments should 
 be immediately raised for the common defence, Dr. Dear- 
 born was appointed a captain in the first New Hampshire 
 regiment, under the command of Colonel John Stark. 
 Such was his popularity, and the confidence of the public 
 in his bravery and conduct, that in ten days from the 
 time he received his commission, he enlisted a full com- 
 pany, and joined the regiment at Medford, in the vicinity 
 of Boston, on the 15th of May. Previous to the battle 
 of Bunker Hill, he was engaged in a skirmish on Hog- 
 Island, whither he had been sent to prevent the cattle 
 and other stock from being carried off by the British ; 
 and soon after, took part in an action with an armed 
 vessel near Winnisimit ferry. 
 
 On the morning of the glorious seventeenth of June, 
 information was received that the British were preparing 
 to come out from Boston, and storm the works which 
 had been thrown up on Breed's Hill the night before, by 
 the Americans. The regiment to which he was attached 
 
106 
 
 was immediately paraded and marched from Medford, 
 about four miles, to the scene of the anticipated attack. 
 When it reached Charlestown Neck, two regiments were 
 halted in consequence of a heavy enfilading fire thrown 
 across it, of round, bar, and chain-shot, from the Lively 
 frigate, and floating batteries anchored in Charles river, 
 and a floating battery lying in the river Mystic. Major 
 McClary went forward and observed to the commanders, 
 if they did not intend to move on, he wished them to 
 open and let Stark's regiment pass. The latter was im- 
 mediately done. 
 
 Captain Dearborn's company being in front, he march- 
 ed by the side of Col. Stark, who, moving with a very 
 deliberate pace, Dearborn suggested to him the propriety 
 of quickening the march of the regiment, that it might 
 sooner be relieved from the galling cross-fire of the 
 enemy. With a look peculiar to himself, he fixed his 
 eyes on Dearborn, and observed with perfect composure, 
 " Dearborn, one fresh man in action is worth ten fatigued 
 ones !" and continued to advance in the same cool and 
 collected manner. 
 
 When the regiment arrived at Bunker Hill, the enemy 
 were landing on the. shore opposite Copp's Hill. At this 
 moment the veteran and gallant Stark harangued his 
 regiment in a short but animated address ; then directed 
 them to give three cheers, and make a rapid movement 
 to the rail fence which ran from the left, and in the rear 
 of the redoubt toward the Mystic river. 
 
 The redoubt was erected and commanded by the gal- 
 lant Colonel Prescott. The action soon commenced, 
 
107 
 
 and the Americans stood their ground until their ammu- 
 nition was expended. Captain Dearborn was posted on 
 the right of the regiment, which gave him a full and 
 fair view of the whole action, and being armed with a 
 fuzee, fired regularly with his men. After our troops 
 retreated from the battle-ground and over the Neck, an 
 occurrence took place which affected the whole army, 
 and especially Captain Dearborn ; therefore, it will be 
 given in his own words : 
 
 " From the ships of war and a large battery on Copp's 
 Hill in Boston,a heavy cannonade was kept up upon our 
 line and redoubt, from the commencement to the close of 
 the action and during the retreat ; but with little effect, 
 except killing the brave Major Andrew McClary of Col. 
 Stark's regiment, soon after we retreated from Bunker's 
 Hill. 
 
 " He was among the first officers of the army — pos- 
 sessing a sound judgment, of undaunted bravery, enter- 
 prising, ardent and zealous, both as a patriot and soldier. 
 His loss was severely felt by his compatriots in arms, 
 while his country was deprived of the services of one of 
 her most distinguished and promising champions of 
 liberty. 
 
 " After leaving the field of battle I met him and drank 
 some spirit and water with him. He was animated and 
 sanguine in the result of the conflict for independence, 
 from the glorious display of valor which had distinguished 
 his countrymen on that memorable day. He soon ob- 
 served that the British troops on Bunker's Hill appeared 
 in motion, and said he would go and reconnoitre them, 
 
103 
 
 to see whether they were coming out over the Neck ; at 
 the same time directing me to march my company down 
 the road toward Charlestown. We were then at Tuft's 
 house near Ploughed Hill. I immediately made a for^ 
 ward movement to the position he directed me to take, 
 and halted while he proceeded to the Old Pound, which 
 stood on the site now occupied as a tavern house, not 
 far from the entrance to the Neck. 
 
 u After he had satisfied himself that the enemy did 
 not intend to leave their strong posts on the heights, he 
 was returning toward me, and within twelve or fifteen 
 rods of where I stood with my company, a random shot, 
 from one of the frigates lying near where the centre of 
 Craigie's bridge now is, passed directly through his body, 
 and put to flight one of the most heroic souls that ever 
 animated man. He leaped two or three feet from the 
 ground, pitched forward, and fell dead upon his face. 
 I had him carried to Medford, where he was interred, 
 with all the respect and honors we could exhibit to the 
 manes of a great man. He was my bosom friend ; we 
 had grown up together on terms of the greatest intimacy, 
 and I loved him as a brother." 
 
 The New Hampshire line retired toward Winter Hill, 
 and the others on to Prospect Hill. Strong advanced 
 picquets were posted on the roads leading to Charlestown, 
 and the troops, anticipating an attack, rested on their 
 arms. 
 
 Few events of moment took place in the army from 
 this day till September, and none in which Captain 
 Dearborn took part. In September he volunteered his 
 
109 
 
 services to join the expedition of Arnold up the Kennebec 
 river, and through the wilderness to Quebec. He was 
 permitted to select a company from the New Hampshire 
 regiment for this arduous service. 
 
 Thirty-two days were employed in traversing the 
 hideous wilderness, between the settlements on the 
 Kennebec and Chaudiere river, during the inclement 
 months of November and December, in which every 
 hardship and fatigue of which human nature is capable, 
 was endured indiscriminately by the officers and troops, 
 and a considerable portion of them starved to death. 
 
 On the highlands between the Kennebec and St. 
 Lawrence, the remnant of provisions was divided among 
 the companies, who were directed to make the best of 
 their way in separate divisions to the settlements of the 
 Chaudiere. 
 
 The last fragment of food in most of the companies 
 was soon consumed, and Dearborn was reduced to the 
 extremity of dividing his favorite dog among his suffer- 
 ing men. When he reached the Chaudiere, from colds, 
 extreme hardships and want of sustenance, his strength 
 failed him, and he was unable to walk but a short dis- 
 tance without wading into the water to invigorate and 
 stimulate his limbs. 
 
 With great difficulty he reached a poor hut on the 
 Chaudiere, when he told his men he could accompany 
 them no further, and animated them forward to a glorious 
 discharge of their duty. His company left him with 
 tears in their eyes, expecting to see him no more. Dear- 
 born was here seized with a violent fever, during which 
 
110 
 
 his life was despaired of for ten days ; without medicine, 
 and with scarcely the common necessaries of life. 
 
 His strong constitution at last surmounted the disease, 
 and as soon as he was able to travel he proceeded to 
 Point Levy in a sleigh, crossed over to Wolf's Cove, 
 and made his unexpected appearance at the head of his 
 company, a few days before the assault on Quebec. At 
 four o'clock in the morning, on the 31st day of Decem- 
 ber, 1775, in a severe snow storm, in a climate that vies 
 with Norway in tempests and intense cold, the attack 
 was commenced. Captain Dearborn was attached to 
 the corps under Arnold, who was wounded early in the 
 action, and carried from the field. Lieutenant Colonel 
 Green, the after hero of Mud Island and conqueror of 
 Count Donop, succeeded in the command. They 
 stormed the first barrier and entered the lower town. 
 Montgomery had already bled on immortal ground, and 
 his division having made a precipitate and most shameful 
 retreat as soon as the General fell, the corps under Green 
 was exposed to a sanguinary but unavailing contest. 
 
 From the windows of houses, which being constructed 
 of stone, each was a castle, and from the tops of the par- 
 apets a destructive fire was poured upon the assailants, 
 which threatened inevitable destruction to every one 
 who should appear in the streets. The American troops 
 maintained this desperate contest until at last they were 
 reduced to the necessity of surrendering in small parties. 
 The whole corps led on by Arnold, were killed or made 
 prisoners of war. The officers were put in rigid con- 
 finement, and every day were tauntingly told that in the 
 
Ill 
 
 spring they would be sent to England and hanged as 
 rebels. In May, 1776, Major Meigs, a virtuous citizen 
 and gallant officer, and Captain Dearborn were permitted 
 to return on parole. They were sent round to Halifax 
 in the frigate Niger, and treated with the usual con- 
 tumely and hauteur of English officers. 
 
 On their arrival at Halifax they were put on board 
 another ship of war, and the commander instructed by 
 General Howe to land them in some part of New England. 
 After the ship had cruised with them on board for up- 
 ward of thirty days, during which period they met with 
 the grossest insults, they were put on shore in Penobscot 
 Bay, from whence they proceeded by land to Portland. 
 
 In thefore part of March, 1777, Dearborn was ex- 
 changed, and appointed Major to the third New Hamp- 
 shire regiment, commanded by Alexander Scammell, 
 and early in May following arrived with the regiment 
 at Ticonderoga. Washington, in his letters to Congress, 
 was urgent to effect the exchange of Meigs, Dearborn 
 and Morgan — all of them, at that time, distinguished 
 for their bravery and sufferings, and afterwards, in higher 
 grades, for their capacity and intrepidity. Washington 
 was rarely mistaken in his estimate of character, in civil 
 or military life. 
 
 On the 16th of July, the post at Ticonderoga was 
 abandoned on the approach of Gen. Burgoyne's army. 
 Gen. St. Clair retreated with the main body of the troops, 
 by land, through Vermont to Hudson river, near Sara- 
 toga, and soon after continued the retreat until the army 
 had crossed the Mohawk river, near its junction with 
 
112 
 
 the Hudson, where considerable reinforcements were 
 met, and Gen. Gates assumed the command of the North- 
 ern army. 
 
 St. Clair, in this disastrous retreat, sent forward Major 
 Dearborn to Gen. Schuyler, for the purpose of facilitating 
 his retreat with the least possible loss, and to effect a 
 junction with Schuyler in the best possible manner. 
 Soon after the capture of the British detachment under 
 Col. Baum, at Bennington, by Gen. Stark, the second in 
 command at Bunker Hill, and who met the weight of the 
 battle at Trenton ; and the retreat of Gen. St. Ledger 
 from Foil Stanwix ; Gen. Gates advanced to meet the 
 enemy, who was encamped near Saratoga. 
 
 When the army arrived at Stillwater, a corps of light 
 infantry was formed, by detachments from the line, con- 
 sisting of five full companies, and the command given 
 to Major Dearborn ; and in the opinion of the army, and 
 the Adjutant General in particular, " a more vigilant and 
 determined soldier never wore a sword." Dearborn had 
 orders to act in concert with Col. Morgan's regiment of 
 riflemen, which had joined the army a few days before. 
 A strong position was selected, called Bemis' Height, and 
 immediately occupied by the American army. 
 
 The riflemen, and Dearborn's corps of light infantry 
 encamped in advance of the left of the main line. The 
 British army had advanced from Saratoga, and encamped 
 on the bank of the river, within three miles of Gen. 
 Gates' position. 
 
 On the morning of the 19th of September, the advan- 
 ced piquets announced that the right wing of the British 
 
113 
 
 army was in motion, when Morgan and Dearborn, who 
 commanded separate corps, received orders from General 
 Arnold to make a forward movement, and check the 
 approaching column. 
 
 These orders were promptly obeyed, and the British 
 advanced guard, consisting of tories and other irregulars, 
 was soon met and attacked with spirit, in which conflict 
 they killed and wounded a considerable number of the 
 enemy, and made twenty-two prisoners. This charge 
 was led (as General Morgan Lewis, who saw it from 
 more elevated ground, informed the writer within a few 
 years,) by Major Dearborn, "in the most gallant and 
 determined manner." 
 
 The action soon became general, and continued until 
 the dusk of the evening, on the same ground on which 
 it commenced ; neither party having retreated more than 
 twenty or thirty rods, and that alternately, so that the 
 dead of both armies were niingfei together. Dearborn 
 with his light troops, covered the left of the main line, 
 while Morgan covered the right. The loss was severe 
 on both sides, and especially in the New Hampshire 
 line. Lieutenant Colonels Adams and Colburn being 
 killed, Dearborn was promoted to a lieutenant Colonelcy. 
 As his light corps was constantly employed in recon- 
 noitering, frequent actions occurred between the picquets 
 and advanced parties of the enemy. 
 
 On the seventh day of October, General Burgoyne 
 having determined to make an extraordinary and last 
 effort to gain possession of the American position, and to 
 open a passage for his army to Albany, where he expec- 
 
 10 
 
114 
 
 ted to join the British forces then ascending the Hudson 
 river ; at about one o'clock in the afternoon, advanced 
 in force witli a fine train of artillery, and after driving 
 jn the American picquets. appeared in full view on the 
 left of General Gates' line, in open ground. Morgan 
 and Dearborn were ordered by General Arnold in 
 person, to advance, and hold the enemy in check. They 
 advanced rapidly, and in a few minutes were engaged 
 with the enemy, but soon after received orders to move 
 in such a direction as to meet and oppose any body of 
 the enemy that might be advancing to occupy an emi- 
 nence which would give him the command of the left 
 wing of the American army. In this movement a body 
 of the British light infantry, about five hundred strong, 
 under the command of Lord Bellcaras, was met, and 
 instantly broke and dispersed by one fire and a gallant 
 charge of the infantry. In the language of the Ameri- 
 can adjutant general, Dearborn, at the moment when 
 the enemy's light infantry were attempting to change 
 front, pressed forward with ardor and delivered a close 
 fire ; leaped a fence, shouted, and gallantly forced them 
 to retire in disorder. Earl Bellcaras re-formed behind a 
 fence, but being now attacked by Dearborn, Morgan, and 
 the brigade of Poor, the whole British line, commanded 
 by Burgoyne in person, gave way and retired to his 
 camp. The riflemen and light infantry continued their 
 pursuit until they arrived in the rear of the enemy's 
 right wing. 
 
 Morgan's troops now passed through the skirts of a 
 wood, which brought him in the rear of the enemy's left 
 
115 
 
 wing, while Dearborn bore down directly oh the rear of 
 the right wing, where the British artillery was princi- 
 pally posted, under cover of a body of German troops. 
 Dearborn advanced rapidly up to the pieces, and when 
 within about thirty yards, threw in such a tremendous 
 and well-directed fire, as killed and dispersed the whole 
 of the covering party, as well as nearly all the artillery- 
 men. 
 
 The artillery was immediately taken, together with 
 Major Williams, the commander, and several other 
 officers ; also Sir Francis Clark, one of General Bur- 
 goyne's aids-de-camp, who was mortally wounded. He 
 had just given orders for the removal of the cannon, and 
 as he wheeled his horse to return, received the fire from 
 Dearborn's corps. Colonel Dearborn sent the cannon 
 and prisoners round the right of the British army to the 
 American camp, then advanced in line within sixty 
 yards of the enemy's rear, and poured in a full fire from 
 his whole corps, which produced such an effect as com- 
 pelled the enemy to abandon the field, with great pre- 
 cipitation and disorder, and retire to their advanced 
 fortified camp. In this retreat General Frazer was 
 killed. 
 
 The Americans immediately advanced upon the 
 British, and while Arnold with Dearborn's corps and 
 several regiments of infantry assaulted and carried the 
 German fortified camp on the right, General Poor, with 
 the New Hampshire line, attacked what was called 
 Frazefs camp, which the enemy abandoned as soon as 
 the German camp was carried. It was then nearly 
 
116 
 
 dark. On the assault on the German camp, Arnold, 
 who leaped his horse over the ramparts, received a 
 severe wound in his leg, and his horse being killed at 
 the same moment, fell on him. 
 
 While Colonel Dearborn, who ran to him as soon as 
 he fell, was assisting him from under his horse, he asked 
 the General if he was badly wounded ; he replied with 
 great warmth, " Yes ; in the same leg which was 
 wounded at Quebec ; I can never go into action without 
 being shot ; I wish the ball had gone through my heart." 
 
 After taking care of the wounded, artillery- wagons, 
 horses, tents, and baggage, the prisoners were sent to 
 the American head-quarters, and the troops that had 
 assaulted and carried the post, being relieved by others, 
 at about twelve o'clock at night, marched into camp 
 very much fatigued. 
 
 Early next morning, Dearborn's corps, with about 
 one thousand infantry, advanced over the field of battle 
 into the rear of the enemy's main position, to prevent any 
 attempt of Burgoyne's to retreat into Canada ; but as he 
 did not move, this detachment returned to camp at dark. 
 The next morning, it being ascertained that the enemy 
 were retreating:, Dearborn was ordered to advance with 
 his corps and a part of Morgan's regiment, and take 
 possession of the British camp, with the sick and 
 wounded, that had been left to the care of General 
 Gates. 
 
 The whole of the American army was soon after 
 ordered to march ; but an unusually heavy rain prevent- 
 ed this movement, and compelled General Burgoyne to 
 
117 
 
 halt, mid encamp not more than eight miles from his 
 former position. The rain continued without inter- 
 mission until past the middle of the night. On the 10th 
 of October, the American army marched in pursuit of 
 General Burgoyne, with the light troops in front, and on 
 the 19th the British army surrendered. 
 
 General Gates, in his official report of the battles at 
 Saratoga, mentioned in a particular manner the bravery 
 and good conduct of Colonels Morgan and Dearborn. 
 A few days after the capitulation, Dearborn's light infan- 
 try was broken up, and the officers and men restored to 
 their respective regiments. In the actions previous to 
 the surrender of Burgoyne, the New Hampshire line 
 under Poor acted a conspicuous part, and lost in action 
 more in killed and wounded than any other corps of 
 equal numbers ; three Lt. Colonels, Adams, Colburn and 
 Conner, killed, and Colonel Scammel wounded. This 
 brigade was composed of three regiments, commanded 
 by Colonels Scammell, Reid and Cilley, all veteran and 
 distinguished officers. Yet, as it may with some reason 
 be supposed, too much credit is awarded it, it is proper 
 to state that previous to the 19th of September, Van 
 Cortland's and Livingston's New York regiments, at 
 their own request, had been attached to Poor's Brigade ; 
 and when they marched to join Washington in the 
 vicinity of Philadelphia, Colonel Hamilton, who directed 
 the march of the northern army to Pennsylvania, by the 
 special direction of Washington, says these regiments 
 did not wish to be separated from the Brigade or the 
 
 Brigade from them ; they therefore marched under the 
 
 10* 
 
118 
 
 order of Poor, and hutted with him the ensuing winter 
 at White Marsh ; and it is believed, fought with him at 
 Monmouth the next summer. The State of New York 
 had no General officer in the field in the actions against 
 Burgoyne's army. General Schuyler had been with- 
 drawn from the command of the northern army, after 
 the success of Stark at Bennington, and the relief of Fort 
 Stanwix by Arnold, under his auspicies, through the ill 
 founded prejudices of a part of New York and a greater 
 part of New England, though in every respect a superior 
 man and abler officer than Gates. 
 
 Generals George and James Clinton were below on 
 the Hudson, in command of Forts Montgomery and 
 Clinton, which they would have been able to have 
 defended successfully and triumphantly against Sir 
 Henry Clinton, had they not been controlled and thwart- 
 ed by an incompetent General placed over them by 
 Congress. The origin of the prejudice against Schuyler 
 and St. Clair, was the abandonment by the latter 
 General of Ticonderoga and Mount Independence, 
 within the limits of Schuyler's command. The ridicu- 
 lous story that both these Generals were traitors, at the 
 time gained credit. " They were paid for their treason 
 by the enemy's silver balls, shot from Burgoyne's guns 
 into our camp, which were collected by St. Clair and 
 divided between him and Schuyler." These officers at 
 that time and ever after, in the opinion of Dearborn, 
 were honest patriots and able generals. After being 
 suspended from command for more than a year, with 
 this odium upon them, they were brought before a 
 
119 
 
 Court Martini, of which General Lincoln was President, 
 and " acquitted unanimously with the highest honor on 
 every charge." 
 
 The grand object, the capitulation of Burgoyne, being 
 obtained, the New Hampshire Brigade performed a 
 march of forty miles, and forded the Mohawk river below 
 the falls, in fourteen hours. The design of this rapid 
 movement was to check the progress of a detachment of 
 the British, commanded by Sir Henry Clinton, who 
 threatened Albany with the same destruction which he 
 had spread below ; but on hearing the fate of Burgoyne, 
 he returned quietly to New York. When the badness 
 of the roads at that time are taken into consideration, 
 together with the fording a considerable river, with the 
 usual amount of artillery and baggage- wagons, this 
 march has never been exceeded, if equalled, in this 
 country. But when the character of General Poor, and 
 his subordinate officers, Scammel, Cilley, Reid, Dear- 
 born, Van Cortland and Livingston, are taken into view, 
 and the confidence such officers would inspire in troops, 
 all the difficulties of such a march at once disappear. 
 In the campaign of 1778, Lt. Col. Dearborn was 
 attached to Ciiley's regiment ; and in that capacity was 
 closely engaged with the enemy at Monmouth in June 
 of that year. Among other measures which Washington 
 took to check the advance of the British, he ordered 
 Ciiley's regiment to attack a body of troops which were 
 passing through an orchard on the right wing of the 
 enemy. The regiment advanced under a heavy fire, 
 with rapid step and shouldered arms. The enemy filed 
 
120 
 
 off and formed on the end of a morass. The Ameri- 
 cans wheeled to the right, received their second fire with 
 shouldered arms, marched up within eight rods, dressed, 
 and gave a full fire, and charged bayonet. The British, 
 having sustained considerable loss, fled with precipitation 
 across the morass, where they were protected by the 
 main body of the enemy. Col. Dearborn was then dis- 
 patched to the Commander-in-Chief, to ask what further 
 service was required : when he approached, Washington 
 inquired, with evident pleasure at their gallant conduct, 
 tl What troops are those ?" " Full-blooded Yankees from 
 New Hampshire, sir," replied Dearborn. Washington 
 expressed his approbation in explicit terms, and directed 
 that they should fall back and refresh themselves, as the 
 heat was oppressive and the troops much fatigued. In 
 the general orders of the next day, Washington bestowed 
 the highest commendation on the brilliant exploit of the 
 regiment. Colonels Wigglesworth and Bro«kes of the 
 Massachusetts line, the latter of whom that day acted 
 as Adjutant General to Lee's division, have often, in 
 expressing their opinion of the conduct of this regiment, 
 declared that their gallant and firm conduct was the 
 salvation of the army, for at the moment every thing was 
 retreat or confusion. 
 
 In the campaign of 1779, Colonel Dearborn accom- 
 panied General Sullivan's expedition against the Indians 
 in the interior of New York, and had an active share in 
 the action of the 29th of August, with the united forces 
 of Tories and Indians, at Newtown. In 1780, he was 
 with the main army in New Jersey. This year the New 
 
121 
 
 Hampshire line lost by death their esteemed and respect- 
 ed General Enoch Poor. He died of a fever, September 
 9th. His funeral was the most magnificent and solemn 
 which took place during the war. His corpse was 
 brought from Paramus to the vicinity of the burying 
 ground near Hackensack, when it was attended to the 
 place of interment by a procession of a regiment of light 
 infantry with arms reversed ; four field pieces ; Major 
 Lee's regiment of light horse ; General Hand and his 
 brigade ; two chaplains ; the horse of the deceased, with 
 his boots and spurs suspended from the saddle, led by a 
 servant ; the corpse, born by four sergeants, and the pall 
 supported by six general officers. On the coffin, a pair 
 of pistols and two swords crossing each other. The 
 corpse wss followed by the officers of the New Hamp- 
 shire brigade, and the officers of the brigade of light 
 infantry, which the deceased had lately commanded. 
 The officers of the army fell in promiscuously, the whole 
 closed by his Excellency General Washington and 
 Marquis La Fayette. Having arrived at the burying 
 yard, the troops opened to the right and left, resting on 
 their arms reversed, and the procession passed to the 
 grave, when a eulogy was delivered by the Reverend 
 Mr. Evans. A band of music, played a funeral dirge. 
 The military being in complete uniform and well disci- 
 plined, exhibited a martial and noble appearance. No 
 scene can exceed in grandeur and solemnity, a military 
 funeral. General Poor was a true patriot, who took an 
 early part in the cause of his country, and during his 
 military career, was respected for his talents and bra- 
 
122 
 
 very, and beloved for the amiable qualities of his heart. 
 But it is a sufficient eulogy to say, that he enjoy- 
 ed the confidence and esteem of Washington. The 
 New Hampshire line mourned his death as of a father, 
 and must have been gratified by the respect shown his 
 memory. General Poor and Colonel Dearborn married 
 sisters. 
 
 In 1781, he was appointed deputy quarter-master- 
 general, with the rank of colonel, and served with Wash- 
 ington's army in that capacity in Virginia. He was at 
 the siege of Yorktown by the combined armies of Ame- 
 rica and France, and the capture of Lord Conwallis and 
 his army. At this siege, Colonel Scammel being killed 
 in reconnoitering the enemy's position at the head of the 
 light troops, Colonel Dearborn succeeded to the com- 
 mand of the first New Hampshire regiment. 
 
 In 1782, the New Hampshire line having been reduced 
 to two regiments, were commanded by Colonels George 
 Reid and Henry Dearborn. The former was stationed 
 on the Mohawk, and the latter at Saratoga. In Novem- 
 ber, Dearborn joined the main army at Newburgh, and 
 remained with it till the peace of 1783. 
 
 Having mentioned the names of George Reid and 
 Henry Dearborn together, it may be noticed that they 
 were born in the same county in New Hampshire, were 
 both captains in Stark's regiment at Breed's Hill, and 
 were the only two of thirteen captains in the regiment 
 that day, who continued in the army to the close of the 
 war, and promoted to the rank of colonel. 
 
123 
 
 Reid was considerably the older man and now the 
 senior colonel, having been promoted to a majority while 
 Dearborn was a prisoner at Quebec. If Reid's early 
 education and associations were less favorable than 
 Dearborn's, as a military man he was always respected, 
 and as a citizen virtuous and upright, and was long a 
 general in the militia of New Hampshire, and sheriff of 
 the most populous county in that state. 
 
 " While attending court at Exeter," as he said himself, 
 " a carriage, on passing, let down a window, and a voice 
 exclaimed, 'Halloo, George !' I looked up, and replied, 
 1 Harry, is that you V We went to the hotel together, 
 drank our punch, and had a grand time, I had not seen 
 him for twenty-five years." A gentleman present ob- 
 served, " General Reid, how could you get along with 
 such a democrat as General Dearborn is ?" Reid, after 
 a moment's pause, replied, " I always was rather sorry 
 Harry was a democrat, but that is of no consequence 
 among old officers ; he is a noble fellow ; there is no man 
 I esteem and love more ; and if Jefferson had always 
 made as good appointments as Dearborn, to the war 
 office, I should think much better of him than I now 
 do." 
 
 After Independence was secured, and acknowledged 
 by Great Britain, Colonel Dearborn, with his companions 
 in arms who had survived the fatigues, hardships, and 
 dangers of the war, returned to the pursuits of private 
 life ; and he could truly say, as to property, u I went out 
 full and returned empty." 
 
124 
 
 We have seen Colonel Dearborn in more than eight 
 }rears of war, in sickness and in health, in imprisonment, 
 in victory and defeat, from Bunker's Hill to the surrender 
 of Cornwallis, the same ardent patriot and determined 
 soldier. In camp, vigilant, circumspect and intelligent; 
 in action determined, and always pressing into close ac- 
 tion with the bayonet, as at Saratoga and at Monmouth. 
 In camp or action, always receiving the approbation of 
 his commanders, whether Sullivan, Gates, or Washing- 
 ton. 
 
 All comparisons may be considered in some measure 
 inviduous, yet justice requires, and truth warrants the 
 assertion, that of all the officers of the gallant New 
 Hampshire line in the revolutionary war, after the deaths 
 of General Poor and Colonel Scammel, Dearborn stood 
 first. The writer is fully aware that Stark, Cilley and 
 Reid, were all officers of great merit, but he feels com- 
 pelled to make the foregoing declaration in favor of Col. 
 Dearborn. 
 
 In June, 1784, he removed from New Hampshire to 
 the Kennebec river, in Maine. Before his removal, he 
 fortunately exchanged some uncultivated land with the 
 trustees of Philips's Exeter Academy for cash, a commo- 
 dity at that time rarely to be had. Whether the trustees 
 were losers or gainers by the exchange, is not known ; 
 but Col. Dearborn always considered it a fortunate oc- 
 currence, and in the light of a favor to him. 
 
 In 1787, he was elected by the field-officers of several 
 regiments a brigadier-general of the militia, and soon 
 
125 
 
 after appointed major-general by the Legislature of the 
 Commonwealth of Massachusetts. 
 
 President Washington never forgot his distinguished 
 compatriots in arms, and when called by the voice of the 
 nation to the head of the Federal Government, he nomi- 
 nated his most deserving officers to offices of trust and 
 responsibility ; among these General Dearborn was ap- 
 pointed Marshal of the District of Maine. Soon after 
 he was elected a member of Congress from the Kennebec 
 district, and re-elected ; and in that body took a decided 
 stand in the House of Representatives against the British 
 or Jay's Treaty, as it was commonly called. 
 
 In this act we see his independence ; for he well knew 
 that he acted contrary to the opinion and wishes of 
 Washington. Washington believed the treaty to be 
 preferred, at that time, to war with Great Britain. Dear- 
 born believed, and honestly believed, the treaty to be de- 
 rogatory to the honor of the American people and Go- 
 vernment, and preferred war to peace on such conditions. 
 A very great majority of the American people were then 
 opposed to the treaty, but Washington and the requisite 
 majority of the senate, twenty to ten, approved of it. 
 
 At this time the people look back with approbation of 
 Washington and the senate in this affair. Many honest 
 and able patriots thought and acted with General Dear- 
 born, relative to the exciting question of Jay's Treaty. 
 In consequence of his vote on this occasion, notwith- 
 standing his revolutionary services and great personal 
 popularity, he lost his election in the Kennebec district, 
 and remained a few years in retirement. 
 
 11 
 
126 
 
 In 1801, the administration of the Government passed 
 from the federal to the democratic party after a long and 
 bitter contest, when General Dearborn was called by 
 President Jefferson to preside over the War Department. 
 The federal party not only opposed Mr. Jefferson for the 
 political course he had taken against the administration 
 of Washington, but for the personal attacks he had made 
 on that great and good man, and all the persons he had 
 confided in during his administration — John Adams, 
 John Jay, Timothy Pickering and Alexander Hamilton, 
 all his cotemporarres. If these great and honest patriots 
 were mistaken in any of their measures, they did not de- 
 serve the personal animadversions of Mr. Jefferson ; but 
 Mr. Jefferson, in part to make amends for these errors, 
 called into his cabinet the first men of his party for tal- 
 ents and integrity, such as Madison, Galatin, and Dear- 
 born. There was no defalcations among the public 
 officers during the eight years of his administering the 
 government. 
 
 When General Dearborn was about to resign, the War 
 Department was examined by James Hillhouse and Ti- 
 mothy Pickering, and every thing found correct ; and so 
 they reported, although his political opponents. His in- 
 tegrity in the cabinet was as unimpeaehed as his courage 
 and capacity had been conspicuous in the field. On re" 
 signing the War Department he was appointed Collector 
 of the Port of Boston and Charlestown , the successor of 
 General Lincoln, who had held the office under Wash- 
 ington, Adams and Jefferson; in which office he remained 
 until the nation, deeply wounded and dishonored by re- 
 
127 
 
 peated violations of its rights, resorted to arms to obtain 
 redress. After thirty years of prosperous peace, the Go- 
 vernment had to select its officers to command its armies 
 among its citizens. Could a more eligible appointment 
 have been made for commander-in-chief, than from the 
 few existing veterans whose talents had been proved in 
 the tented field and on the day of battle 7 Among this 
 small number was General Dearborn. During the month 
 of January, 1812, he received the following letter from 
 the President of the United States : 
 
 " Washington, January 11, 1812. 
 
 " Dear Sir, 
 
 The Congress has just passed an act, adding 
 twenty odd thousand to the military establishment. It 
 provides for two major-generals and five brigadiers* 
 The importance of placing this, and the forces in view, 
 under the best commanders, speaks for itself. Our eyes 
 could not but be turned, on such an occasion, to your 
 qualifications and experience ; and I wait for your per- 
 mission only to name you to the senate for the senior 
 major-general. 
 
 " I hope you will so far suspend all other considera- 
 tions as not to withhold it, and that I shall not only be 
 gratified with this information as quickly as possible, but 
 with an authority to look for your arrival here as soon 
 as you can make it practicable. You will be sensible of 
 all the value of your co-operation on the spot, in making 
 the arrangements necessary to repair the loss of time 
 which has taken place. All the information we receive 
 
128 
 
 urges a vigorous preparation for events. Accept my 
 best respects and most friendly wishes. 
 
 " JAMES MADISON." 
 
 On the receipt of this communication, General Dear- 
 born, believing that the accumulated injuries which his 
 country had received from Great Britain, and which still 
 remained unredressed, required an appeal to the God of 
 battles, informed the president that his life had ever been 
 devoted to the service of his country, and he felt himself 
 bound to obey her commands whenever his services were 
 required. 
 
 Early in February, he received a letter from the Pre- 
 sident, dated January 28, in which he observes : " I have 
 just received from the senate their concurrence (23 to 9) 
 in your nomination as a major-general. I give you the 
 earliest notice, that, without waiting for a formal com- 
 munication, you may hasten your setting out for Wash- 
 ington. In order to afford the public the benefit of your 
 councils here, it is very important that you be here with- 
 out a moment's delay. In the hope of seeing you very 
 speedily, and with every wish for your happiness, I ten- 
 der assurances of my esteem and friendship." The next 
 day after the receipt of the foregoing communication — 
 ever prompt to obey the commands of his country — he 
 left Boston for the city of Washington, where he remain- 
 ed until the last of April, assisting in making those ar- 
 rangements which were deemed necessary on the antici- 
 pated event of a declaration of war. 
 
129 
 
 He then repaired to Albany and directed the establish- 
 ment of barracks, depots of" arms, provisions, and the 
 whole material of war, on the northern and northwest- 
 ern frontier. From thence he proceeded to Boston, and 
 adopted the necessary arrangements for putting the gar- 
 risons and sea-coasts of Connecticut, Rhode Island, Mas- 
 sachusetts proper, New Hampshire and the district of 
 Maine, in the best possible posture of defence. 
 
 From the above communications of President Madison, 
 after serving eight years with General Dearborn in the 
 cabinet, and a previous acquaintance as members of 
 Congress, appears the entire confidence he placed in him 
 for his integrity and ability in the necessary arrangement 
 of the army previous to the declaration of war ; and this, 
 too, when the late Gov. Eustis was secretary of war — a 
 gentleman who had passed the whole of the revolution- 
 ary war, with high reputation, in the staff of the army. 
 It will be seen, hereafter, that William Eustis was a very 
 different person from John Armstrong. Soon after the 
 declaration of war, General Dearborn repaired to Green • 
 bush, to direct and superintend the operations of the 
 opening campaign. The shameful surrender of Hull, 
 at Detroit, and subsequent unfortunate transactions on 
 the Niagara, at Q,ueenstown Heights, frustrated the plans 
 of the campaign of 1812. 
 
 Notwithstanding these severe checks, Gen. Dearborn 
 
 did not relax in activity ; for as soon as the troops went 
 
 into winter quarters, he was unremittingly employed in 
 
 recruiting the army, and making preparations for opening 
 
 the campaign early the following year. His expeditious 
 
 11* 
 
130 
 
 movements in 1813, with the regular army, preserved 
 Sackett's Harbor, when abandoned by the militia, and 
 secured the fleet, then frozen up at that port, from a con- 
 templated attack of the enemy. Previous to the Gene- 
 ral's departure from Albany, in February, 1813, he had 
 ordered Generals Lewis and Boyd to the Niagara fron- 
 tier, directing the former to prepare boats and scows, 
 erect batteries, and make every necessary arrangement 
 for an attack on Fort George. 
 
 After giving these orders, he repaired to Utica and 
 Whitestown, made there arrangements for the transpor- 
 tation of troops down the Oswego to Sackett's Harbor, 
 agreeably to a plan of operations which had been sub- 
 mitted to the secretary of war, and which was left to the 
 general to carry into effect. The projected plan was to 
 capture Little York, which would give Commodore 
 Chauncey the command of the lake, render it impossible 
 for the enemy to furnish their troops and Indians with 
 stores, and cut off all communication between Kingston 
 and Maiden. 
 
 The plan was disclosed at the Harbor only to Com- 
 modore Chauncey and General Pike. General Lewis, 
 then at Niagara, was advised of the movement, and or- 
 dered to be in readiness for an immediate attack on Fort 
 George. After the capture of York, the troops were to 
 be transported to Niagara, and make an instant attack on 
 Fort George. This being effected, the army was to have 
 been transported back to Sackett's Harbor ; from whence* 
 with additional troops collecting by previous orders, they 
 were to make an attack on Kingston in its rear; while 
 
131 
 
 the fleet would batter the town, fortifications, and fleet in 
 front. With this system of operations in view. General 
 Dearborn sailed with sixteen hundred men, as soon as 
 the ice permitted the fleet to leave the Harbor. 
 
 York was taken the 27th day of April, with all the 
 stores of the British army, a ship of thirty guns burnt, 
 and the Duke of Gloucester, of fourteen guns, made a 
 prize. The Earl of Moira had previously sailed for 
 Kingston. 
 
 To show the great confidence the army had in their 
 commander and his plans, an extract of a letter from the 
 able and lamented General Z. M. Pike, who fell at the 
 capture of Little York, to his wife, is here inserted : 
 
 "My Dear Clara. — We are now standing on and 
 off the harbor of York, which we shall attack at daylight 
 in the morning. I shall dedicate the last moments to you, 
 and to-morrow throw all other ideas but my country to 
 the winds. As yet, I know not if Gen. Dearborn lands : 
 he has acted honorably, and I feel great gratitude to him. 
 My pen and sword shall both be exerted to do him 
 honor." 
 
 Upon the success of the first part of the expedition, 
 General Dearborn sent an express to inform Gen. Lewis 
 what he had done, and to notify him of his intended ar- 
 rival with the army at Fort Niagara, at which post the 
 General arrived a few days after, where he learned that 
 General Lewis was at Judge Potter's, opposite Niagara 
 Falls, fourteen miles from his troops. Upon further in- 
 quiry, to the disappointment and mortification of General 
 Dearborn, he discovered the heavy mortars were not fixed 
 
132 
 
 on their beds in the fort, nor the battering cannon mount- 
 ed, nor the boats to make the descent provided ; and Ge- 
 neral Winder with his brigade was at Black Rock, more 
 than thirty miles distant from the month of the Niagara, 
 where the descent on the Canadian shore was to be 
 made. 
 
 Gen. Dearborn, who had long known Gen. Lewis, 
 was personally attached to him, and therefore unwilling 
 in the present instance to expose his want of activity to 
 the government, by assigning his gross negligence of 
 prescribed duties and of the positive instructions which 
 had been given, as the cause of the postponement of the 
 intended attack ; but, a few days after, fearful it was 
 possible improper advantage might be taken, to his pre- 
 judice, of this magnanimous forbearance, in the event of 
 disasters, (which ultimately was done) he apprized the 
 secretary of war of all the circumstances which had oc- 
 casioned the unlooked for delay in the movement of the 
 army. 
 
 The general, thus circumstanced, knowing the enemy 
 would be reinforced before the boats to be built would be 
 in readiness to pass over the army, desired Commodore 
 Chauncey to return to Sackett's Harbor, and in the in- 
 terim bring up General Chandler's brigade. Daring 
 this period, five batteries were erected above Fort Nia- 
 gara, and the boats which had been commenced were 
 ordered to be finished with all expedition, and brought 
 round to Four Mile Creek ; the last was effected, on the 
 river, under fire of the enemy's batteries, without any 
 loss. Immediately on the return of the fleet with Gen. 
 
133 
 
 Chandler's brigade, the general issued an order, which 
 never has been published, " that on the next day the 
 troops should breakfast at two o'clock, strike tents at 
 three, and embark at four." 
 
 The situation and position of the country had been 
 previously obtained by spies, the plan of landing digested, 
 and the plan of attack delineated, which was submitted 
 to Generals Lewis, Chandler, Winder and Boyd, and 
 met their full approbation. Excessive fatigue, and fre- 
 quent exposures to storms, had produced a violent fever? 
 which, ten days previous to the attack on Fort George, 
 had confined General Dearborn to his bed. 
 
 The morning after the general order was announced 
 for the attack, General Lewis called on him and said it 
 would be impossible for the army to embark. General 
 Dearborn, then having some suspicions of the military 
 character and energy of Gen. Lewis, replied, the attack 
 should be made as ordered, that he was prepared, and 
 further delay would not be allowed. On the morning of 
 the attack General Dearborn was mounted on his horse) 
 by assistance, before four o'clock, in opposition to the 
 opinion of his physicians, and against the remonstrances 
 of the officers of his staff. He rode to the place of em- 
 barkation — saw the troops on board the fleet and boats ; 
 General Lewis, who had the immediate command, now 
 first made his appearance, and expressed his great as- 
 tonishment at the unexpected rapidity with which this 
 movement had been made. This effort had so exhausted 
 Gen. Dearborn, that he was taken from his horse, led to 
 a boat, and conveyed on board the Madison. On his 
 
134 
 
 way to Four-mile Creek, Dr. Mann, a hospital surgeon 
 of the army., meeting Gen. Dearborn, said to him, " I 
 apprehend you do not intend to embark with the army." 
 The general replied, " 1 apprehend nothing sir — / go 
 into battle or perish in the attempt." From the first 
 dawn of day, and while the army was embarking, a most 
 tremendous fire of hot shot and shells from Fort Niagara 
 and the newly erected batteries, was opened on Fort 
 George, and continued until the block-houses, barracks 
 and stores were enwrapped in flames, and the guns si- 
 lenced. 
 
 The gallant Colonel (now General) Scott, with a com- 
 mand of eight hundred light troops, composed the ad- 
 vance of the army, followed by Generals Boyd and Win- 
 der, and the reserve under Gem Chandler. Col. Scott 
 immediately made good his landing, under a sheet of 
 fire, while the several regiments in succession formed the 
 order of battle from right to left, in a most soldier-like 
 manner. This landing of the army and escalade of a 
 bank twenty feet high, similar to a parapet, has been 
 considered the handsomest military display on the nor- 
 thern frontier during the war. 
 
 General Dearborn, from his great exertions, added to 
 his state of health, was unable to support himself more 
 than fifteen or twenty minutes on his feet at once ; but 
 he was frequently up, watching their movements. The 
 troops had all landed, (except the reserve) when Gem 
 Lewis still remained on board. General Dearborn, exer- 
 cising his usual delicacy with him, merely suggested to 
 him, whether he ought not to land, and then retired. 
 
135 
 
 Within twenty minutes, General Dearborn again came 
 on deck, and rinding Gen. Lewis still on board, repeated 
 his suggestions for him to land ; notwithstanding which, 
 Gen. Lewis ioas not on shore until after the battle- 
 The enemy had now fallen back between the village of 
 Newark and Fort George. After Gen. Lewis had land- 
 ed, an hour and a half passed away, and four thousand 
 men formed in order of battle, with a fine train of artil- 
 lery, were seen standing still ; while the enemy, not 
 more than twelve hundred, was manceuvering for a re- 
 treat. At this moment Gen. Dearborn, in agony at the 
 delay, sent his D. A., Gen. Beebe, to Gen. Lewis, with 
 orders " to move instantly, surround the enemy, and 
 cut them up." Even after this order, it was an hour 
 before Generals Boyd, Chandler and Scott, with all 
 their arguments, could induce Gen. Lewis to advance — 
 and then only to the south side of Newark, three-fourths 
 of a mile from his first position, when the line was again 
 formed, and continued until the enemy had retreated in 
 the rear of Fort George, and took the route to Q,ueens- 
 town Heights. Colonel Scott, however, pursued the re- 
 treating broken army without orders three miles, and 
 would not desist in his pursuit until four aids de-camp 
 of Gen. Lewis had been dispatched to order his return. 
 Late in the day, the ship Madison moved up the river in 
 front of Fort George, where Gen. Dearborn was taken 
 on shore and carried to his quarters, much exhausted. 
 
 Meeting with Gen. Lewis, he expressed his disappro- 
 bation of his conduct, and ordered him to put the army 
 in pursuit of the enemy at five o'cloek the next morning* 
 
136 
 
 Instead of which r he did not move until five o'clock in 
 the afternoon. Upon his arrival at Q,ueenstown Heights, 
 he learnt the enemy had made a rapid movement towards 
 the head of Lake Ontario, by the Beaver Dam, and sent 
 back a report to that effect. 
 
 Gen. Dearborn having, on his part, neglected nothing 
 to secure the advantage obtained over the enemy — mor- 
 tified and provoked at the dereliction of duty in any offi- 
 cer, and unwilling that a broken and disconcerted army 
 should escape, sent for Commodore Chauncey and re- 
 quested him to take part of the army on board his fleet,. 
 and proceed with them to the head of the lake, while the 
 remainder would march by the lake road, and thus make 
 certain the capture of the enemy. To this proposition 
 the commodore readily agreed. Orders were in conse_ 
 quence sent to Gen. Lewis to return. On the following 
 morning, Chauncey called on the general, and informed 
 him, that on reflection it would be imprudent in him to 
 delay his return to Sackett's Harbor, as it was of the ut- 
 most importance that the new ship, Gen. Pike, should be 
 got out on the lake with all possible despatch ; while the 
 weak state of that garrison would favor an attack from 
 a much superior force at Kingston, (which before his 
 return actually took place,) and destroy his new ship, 
 and thus give Sir James Yeo the command of the lake* 
 To the correctness of these remarks, and having no com- 
 mand over Com. Chauncey, Gen. Dearborn was obliged 
 to yield. Thus frustrated in his expectation of assis- 
 tance from the fleet, he ordered Generals Chandler's and 
 Winder's brigades to follow the enemy on the lake road, 
 
137 
 
 while ammunition and provisions were transported in 
 batteaux to the head of the lake. These brigades 
 marched, and having arrived within a few miles of the 
 enemy's camp late in the afternoon, it was thought most 
 prudent to wait and make the attack on the following 
 morning. But the enemy, from their inferiority in num- 
 bers, thought it most wise to do all they could ever do 
 before next morning : they attacked these brigades in the 
 night, and carried off Generals Chandler and Winder 
 prisoners. How this happened has never been satisfac- 
 torily explained ; but the captured Generals have never 
 been accused of too much circumspection on that occa- 
 sion. 
 
 The command now devolved on Col. Burns* who 
 called a council of war : it was determined to send back 
 to Gen. Dearborn (forty miles distant,) inform him of the 
 event, and wait his orders. The express arrived at 
 night. Gen. Dearborn called Generals Lewis, Boyd 
 and Swartwout, and ordered them to set out immediately 
 for the army, and attack the enemy. The two latter 
 Generals were ready to start instantly ; but Gen. Lewis 
 observed that it rained and was dark, and did not get in 
 readiness until the next day. The day after these 
 officers departed to join the army, the British fleet hove 
 in sight ; approached to take the soundings opposite Fort 
 Niagara, and appeared to be designating a place for land- 
 ing troops. In consequence of which, General Dearborn 
 recalled the army from Stoney Creek. 
 
 Com. Chauncey was confident, when he sailed from 
 12 
 
138 
 
 the Niagara, he should be able to get the new ship out 
 by the tenth of June, and that, in the mean time, the 
 British would not dare to come out on the lake. They 
 did appear, however, in a few days after the Commo- 
 dore's departure, and thereby prevented the operations 
 against the enemy which were contemplated. The 
 roads were such, that it was impossible to transport pro- 
 visions and supplies for the army by land ; while it 
 would have been madness to attempt it in batteaux by 
 water, while the British fleet was on the lake. Thus 
 situated, Gen. Dearborn determined to await the return 
 of the Commodore, repair to Fort George, and be in 
 readiness to move as soon as the fleet arrived. An 
 express arrived from Commodore Chauncey, advising he 
 could not move before the 30th of June. 
 
 At this peiiod, Gen. Dearborn's health was reduced so 
 low as to compel him to relinquish the immediate com- 
 mand of the army, and the command, pro tern, devolved 
 on Gen. Boyd. A few days after, information was re- 
 ceived that a party of British, Indians and militia, had 
 established a post sixteen miles from Fort George, from, 
 whence were sent plundering parties in every direction, 
 to harass and plunder those inhabitants who were friendly 
 to the United States ; and where a depot of provisions 
 had been collected. It was of importance that this post 
 should be broken up ; and to put it beyond a doubt* 
 that a plan to effect it should succeed, a select corps was 
 formed of five hundred picked infantry, and a detach- 
 ment of mounted volunteers, selected because they were 
 acquainted with the country ; also a detachment of light 
 
139 
 
 artillery, with one twelve and one six pounder, to batter 
 down the stone house, if it should be garrisoned for 
 defence. 
 
 It became a question who should take the orders of 
 this expedition, as a number of Colonels requested the 
 command ; and among others was Col. Boerstler. This 
 officer stood in the highest repute for his talents, enter- 
 prise and bravery. To him it was assigned. After this 
 arrangement was made, General Boyd, with Colonels 
 Scott, Christie, and other officers, who approved the 
 measure, waited on Gen. Dearborn, and asked his opinion, 
 which was in accordance with theirs. 
 
 Gen. Boyd gave orders to Col. Boerstler to march at 
 dusk, reach the object of the enterprise at sunrise, sur- 
 round the house, capture the party, destroy the provisions, 
 and return immediately to camp. The following day, 
 June 25th, about twelve o'clock, an express arrived from 
 Colonel Boerstler, with information that he was attacked 
 within two or three miles of the house, had fallen back 
 into an open field, and there would defend himself until 
 he was reinforced. Gen. Boyd, and Colonels Scott and 
 Christie waited on Gen. Dearborn, and stated to him 
 these facts. Gen. Dearborn considered this such an 
 extraordinary decision of Col. Boerstler, that upon a 
 moment's reflection, he would either fight a decisive 
 battle, or make a rapid retreat until he met the reinforce- 
 ment ; for Boerstler well knew the enemy was not half 
 the distance from him that he was from Fort George, 
 and could be reinforced and cut him off before it was 
 possible to send him relief. General Boyd, however, 
 
140 
 
 ordered Colonel Christie, with a detachment of three or 
 four hundred, to march ; who, upon his arrival at Queens- 
 town, sent back an express that information was obtained, 
 that at one o'clock Col. Boerstler surrendered. This 
 report was considered impossible by all. The General 
 renewed the order to push on. A short period after, a 
 second express arrived from Col. Christie, stating that 
 he had further positive information, that Boerstler had 
 surrendered ; when the reinforcing detachment was 
 ordered to return. 
 
 General Dearborn was censured for this affair, in 
 anonymous letters published in the National Intelligencer 
 fabricated at Washington, or by some of the corps ^es- 
 pionage in the army. The unvarnished fact is, that 
 Gen. Boyd ordered five hundred and sixty selected men 
 to destroy a post, garrisoned, as he was informed, not by 
 more than one hundred and eighty British, Indians and 
 militia. It was for this public ostensible reason Gen. 
 Dearborn was censured. The secret reason was known 
 to the then Secretary of War, General John Armstrong. 
 
 The troops felt themselves disgraced by the surrender 
 of Boerstler, while a gloom pervaded the army, which 
 Gen. Dearborn found necessary to dissipate; and his 
 health improving, he the next morning resumed the 
 command of the army. He was astonished to find that 
 such was the panic occasioned by this affair, that every 
 exertion was requisite to restore tranquility and firmness 
 among the troops. A sentiment had gone abroad that 
 the army must recross the Niagara, and abandon the 
 Canadian shore. 
 
141 
 
 He assembled the field officers, stated the dangerous 
 tendency of the prevailing gloom, and that every exer- 
 tion must be made to animate the army ; that they were 
 capable of maintaining their position, and he never 
 would consent to a retrograde movement. The officers 
 coincided with him in opinion, and were directed to dis- 
 seminate this determination among the troops. To 
 convince them of the unalterable decision of the General, 
 the boats were ordered to the American side of the river : 
 to restore confidence in the troops of the strength of their 
 position, every exertion was made to put Fort George 
 in the best possible posture of defence. The General, 
 at this period, had so far recovered as to mark out the 
 form of the works, which were thrown up in twenty- 
 four hours. 
 
 The enemy, having received large reinforcements 
 advanced to Twenty Mile Creek. The officers were 
 gratified to see the General in command, after a fever of 
 thirty-six days. A few nights after the army was in- 
 trenched, he mounted his horse on an alarm, rode down 
 the line, and as he passed, harangued the troops that 
 victory was certain, and the next day would close the 
 war at that end of the lake. The unexpected appear- 
 ance of the Commander-in-Chief at the head of the army, 
 after so severe a sickness, renewed their confidence; 
 while his exhortations to them to conduct themselves 
 like Americans who were never beaten, inspired them 
 with animation. General Bearborn, notwithstanding 
 his renewed exertions before his strength was fully rein- 
 stated, had rapidly recovered his health, when, on the 
 
 12* 
 
142 
 
 14th of July, the extraordinary and unexpected order to 
 retire from command, was received from the Secretary 
 of War. 
 
 While Gen. Dearborn was confined to his quarters at 
 Fort George, by severe indisposition, which made it 
 necessary for him to relinquish the command of the army 
 for a few days. General Lewis made a communication 
 to the Secretary of War relative to the expedition to 
 Stony Creek, in which he indelicately alluded to Gen- 
 eral Dearborn, and observed that, "he would never be 
 fit for service again." Gen. Dearborn wrote Gen. Lewis 
 the following letter, as soon as he noticed his in the 
 National Intelligencer. 
 
 " Niagara, July 7th, 1813. 
 
 Dear Sir, — 
 
 Notwithstanding your gloomy predictions, in your 
 official report to the Secretary of War ; whether, * Fif 
 or * Not,' it is more than ten days since I reassumed 
 the command of the army, and the 9th military district 
 of course. Your delicate description of my state of 
 health was peculiarly calculated for soothing the minds 
 of my children and friends, who had been previously 
 informed of my indisposition. 
 
 Your motives must be best known to yourself, but 
 from your general deportment as a gentleman of sensibil- 
 ity and politeness, I could not have believed you capable 
 of so far deviating from your usual character. In your 
 account of the affair at Stoney Creek, the decided and 
 positive condemnation of a general officer, whose situa- 
 
143 
 
 tion will not admit of his vindicating himself, may have 
 been premature. 
 
 I should not, sir, have troubled you with any remarks 
 on your official report, had it not sentenced me to death, 
 and as I conceive, without just cause, and in a manner 
 too, not the most delicate, and quite unnecessary in such 
 a report. 
 
 Your obedient servant &c. 
 
 H. DEARBORN. 
 
 General Lewis." 
 
 As a proof of the motive which induced General 
 Lewis, who was the brother-in-law of Armstrong, to 
 write the letter, and that his predictions were not such 
 as he really believed ; a few days after the date of his 
 letter to the department of War, while at home, on his 
 way to Sackett's Harbor, whither he had been ordered 
 by General Dearborn, he wrote a letter to him, urging 
 him to reassume the command of the army, as he 
 understood General Hampton had arrived at Albany, 
 and was fearful he would take command of District No. 
 9 ; and stated that he had no confidence in him, and 
 conceived it highly important for the good of the Union, 
 that Gen. Dearborn should immediately reassume his 
 command. In his reply to Gen. Dearborn's letter, he 
 stated that he intended no reflection on him, and " had 
 no idea the letter would have been published,"' 1 which 
 he wrote Armstrong ; thus clearly showing, that he did 
 not believe to be true, what he stated in relation to Gen. 
 Dearborn's health, or capacity to command, but that it 
 
144 , 
 
 was to be made use of privately, by being shown the 
 President to injure Gen. Dearborn ; for if he believed 
 Gen. Dearborn would never " be jit for service again? 
 why did he urge him to reassume the command of the 
 army, within five or six days after the date of the letter 
 to Armstrong ; for the order to remove Gen. Dearborn 
 was dated but a few days after Lewis's communication 
 was published in the Intelligencer ; notwithstanding the 
 Secretary had previously received a letter from General 
 Dearborn, informing him of the rapid recovery of his 
 health, and that he had reassumed the command of 
 the army, which letter, it is presumed he did not show 
 the President, but ordered his immediate removal, which 
 was with difficulty effected, as will appear from the fol- 
 lowing sketch of a conversation, which took place be- 
 tween Gen. Wilkinson and Armstrong on the subject. 
 " John Armstrong, Esq., Secretary of War, told General 
 Wilkinson on the 1st or 2d of August, 1813, that it was 
 with difficulty he could prevail on the President, calling 
 him the " little man? to agree to the recall of General 
 Dearborn from command, and informed Wilkinson at 
 the same time, that disobedience of orders was one of 
 the causes of Gen. Dearborn's recall from command. 
 He gave the same reason to Dr. Ball for Gen. Dearborn's 
 recall ; and in a series of documents respecting the cam- 
 paign, which were submitted to General Wilkinson by 
 Armstrong, the fact of Gen. Dearborn's disobedience of 
 orders, was endeavored to be sustained by the circum- 
 stance of his attack on York, instead of Kingston, as 
 he was ordered, The assertion as to the disobedience 
 
145 
 
 of orders above alluded to is unfounded, as will appear 
 by a letter from Gen. Armstrong to Gen. Dearborn, con- 
 tained in a report from the former to Congress, the next 
 winter after the capture of York, in which that move- 
 ment is approved and was sanctioned. 
 
 « War Department, 6th July, 1813. 
 Sir, 
 
 I have the orders of the President to express 
 to you his decision, that you retire from the com- 
 mand of District No. 9, and the troops within the same, 
 until your health be re-established, and until further 
 orders. I have the honor to be, Sir, with very great 
 respect, your most obedient and very humble servant. 
 
 JOHN ARMSTRONG. 
 Maj. Gen. H. Dearborn." 
 
 GENERAL ORDERS. 
 
 Head Quarters, Fort George, July 1st, 1813. 
 Having received an order from the Secretary of War, 
 to retire from my present command, until my health 
 shall be re-established, and until further orders, the 
 command of the army will at present devolve on Brigade 
 General Boyd. I embrace this occasion for expressing 
 my hearty and most ardent wishes for the happiness and 
 success of the troops I have had the honor of command- 
 ing ; of whose bravery and zeal in the service of their 
 country, I have experienced the most distinguished 
 proofs, and for whose fame and welfare, I feel the warm- 
 est and strongest interest. While absent, the confidence 
 
146 
 
 I shall repose in the soldierly qualities of the officers 
 and men, will be a source of the most pleasing antici- 
 pations of their future glory. "Were I permitted to con- 
 sult my own feelings, no consideration would induce me 
 to leave the army at this important crisis ; but the duty 
 of a soldier is to obey the orders of his superiors. 
 
 H. DEARBORN, 
 Maj. Gen. Com. Military District No. 9." 
 
 About twelve o'clock on the day the foregoing order 
 was promulgated, the following address, signed by all 
 the field and staff officers of the army, stationed at Fort 
 George, was presented to General Dearborn. 
 
 Fort George, July 15, 1813. 
 To Major General Dearborn, commanding, &c. &c. 
 Sir, — 
 
 We, the undersigned, general and field officers of 
 the army, who have served under your orders the present 
 campaign, having heard with regret, that it is your in- 
 tention to retire from your present command, beg leave 
 respectfully to address you upon the subject. We are 
 far from presuming, sir, to interfere with arrangements 
 made by authority when announced, but humbly con- 
 ceive the present circumstances of this army are such as 
 will, when taken into serious consideration, convince you 
 that your longer continuance with us is of the first im- 
 portance, at this moment, if not absolutely indispensable 
 to the good of the service. We are now in a hostile 
 country, and in the immediate neighborhood of a pow- 
 
147 
 
 erful, though beaten enemy — an enemy whose strength 
 is daily recruiting by the arrival of reinforcements. In 
 our own numbers, too, we have strength and confidence ; 
 our position has been well chosen for defence, and the 
 moment for advancing upon the enemy may soon be 
 expected to come. But to operate with success, it is 
 necessary that we should have our compliment of officers. 
 But two Generals now remain, whereas our numbers 
 would give full employment for three. If you, too, 
 unfortunately should be taken from us (at such a period 
 as the present.) the deficiencies cannot be soon supplied, 
 and in the meantime the enemy and the renewal of 
 operations are at hand. 
 
 Sir, we are far from distrusting our own ability to 
 execute the commissions with which we have respec- 
 tively been honored by our Government, and have no 
 design of converting this address into one of mere per- 
 sonal adulation. We know your averseness to flattery, 
 and, as soldiers, we are unaccustomed to flatter. But 
 the circumstances under which we address you oblige 
 us to say, that the knowledge we possess of your numer- 
 ous services and merits, in the ardent struggles of our 
 glorious Revolution — not to speak of more recent events 
 in which we might be supposed to feel too warmly a 
 participators — has given us an infinitely higher confi 
 dence in your ability to command, with energy and 
 effect, than we can possibly feel individually in ourselves, 
 or generally in those who will be placed in stations of in- 
 creasing responsibility, by your withdrawal from this army. 
 As soldiers, we trust we shall be found equal to our 
 
148 
 
 duties in any event ; but as soldiers and lovers of our 
 country, we wish to perform our duties under the most 
 favorable auspices; therefore we do most earnestly 
 entreat you to postpone the resolution we understand you 
 have taken, and to continue in the exercise of that com- 
 mand, which you have already holden with honor to your- 
 self and country, and with what is of less consequence, 
 the approbation of those who now address you. If, 
 however, contrary to our ardent wishes, and contrary to 
 what appear the exigencies of this army, you should 
 feel yourself bound from any cause whatever, to with- 
 draw from the frontier, in such event, we have to beg 
 that you will please to bear with you, whithersoever you 
 may go, the recollection of our great veneration for your 
 revolutionary services ; our respect for your political 
 constancy and virtue ; and the high sense we unani- 
 mously entertain of the benefits your country has al- 
 ready received at your hands, since the commencement 
 of the present war. With these sentiments, and the best 
 wishes for the speedy and perfect restoration of your 
 health, we have the honor to be, with the highest grati- 
 tude and respect, your most obedient servants, 
 
 T. P. BOYD, Brigadier General. 
 M. PORTER, Col. light artillery. 
 JAMES BURNS, Col. 2d reg. drag. 
 H. BRADY, Col. 22d infantry. 
 C. PEARCE, Col. 16th infantry. 
 JAMES MILLER Col. 6th inf. 
 W. SCOTT, Col. and Ad.j't Gen. 
 E. BEEBE, Assistant Adj't Gen. 
 H. V. MILTON, Lieut. Col. 8th inf. 
 I. CHRY8TIE, Col. 22d infantry. 
 I. P. PRESTON Lt Col 12th infcom. 
 I. P. MITCHELL, LtCol 3rd artil 
 I. L. SMITH, Lt. Col. 24th inf. 
 
 A. EUSTIS, Major light artillery 
 T. A. POSEY, Major 5th inf. 
 
 J. H. HUYICH, Major 13th inf. 
 N. PINKEY, Major 5threg't. 
 R. LUCAS, Major 23d inf. 
 I. WOODFORD, Maj. 2d reg. drag. 
 J. JOHNSON, Major 21st inf. 
 W. CUMMING, Major 8th inf. 
 I. E. WOOL, Major infantry. 
 W. MORGAN, Major 12th inf. 
 
 B. FORSYTH, Major rifle reg't. 
 A. M. MALCOMB, Major 13th inf. 
 
149 
 
 To the. foregoing address, General Dearborn made the 
 following reply : 
 
 Gentlemen, 
 
 It is with sentiments of grateful feeling, and the 
 liveliest satisfaction, that I have observed your expres- 
 sions of personal friendship and confidence. I regret 
 that my ability to serve my country is not commensurate 
 with the devotion and zeal I have ever felt, for the cause 
 in which it is so honorably engaged ; a cause on which 
 our national character, and the dearest rights of indi- 
 viduals are staked. 
 
 By referring to the general order of this date, you will 
 perceive the necessity of my retiring from the command 
 of the army on this frontier. Be assured, gentlemen, 
 that a recollection of the patience and soldier-like de- 
 portment of yourselves, and the officers and men under 
 your command, in scenes of privation and suffering — 
 your regularity and discipline in camp — your cool intre- 
 pidity in the hour of threatening and danger — and order 
 and bravery in action, will be among my most pleasing 
 remembrances throughout life ; and I look forward with 
 confidence to the future glory of the soldiers who con- 
 quered at York and Newark. Be pleased, gentlemen, to 
 accept my warmest wishes for your health and happi- 
 ness, and may your arduous and honorable services be 
 duly appreciated by the government, and a grateful 
 country. I have the honor to be, &c, &c., 
 
 H. DEARBORN." 
 
 13 
 
150 
 
 General Dearborn having determined to leave Fort 
 George at three o'clock, all the officers waited on him at 
 two, and, each shaking him by the hand, took an affec- 
 tionate leave j then accompanied him to the banks of 
 the Niagara, whence he embarked to cross the river. 
 The military band placed in Brock's Bastion paid ap- 
 propriate honors to their departing Genera], and a salute 
 was fired from the ramparts of the fort. A troop of 
 horse received him on the opposite shore, and escorted 
 him to Lewistown. As soon as he reached Utica, he 
 sent the following letter to the President of the United 
 States : 
 
 " Utica, July 24, 1813. 
 To the President of the United States : 
 
 Sir — From the unequivocal and positive order re- 
 ceived from the Secretary of War, (a copy of which I 
 take the liberty of enclosing,) I had no option, but im- 
 plicit obedience ; and I retired within twenty-four hours 
 after the receipt of that order. My health had so much 
 improved as to enable me to resume the command of the 
 troops on the 16th of June, of which I had informed the 
 Secretary of War. By a letter from the War Depart- 
 ment, of the 27th of May, I am informed that Major 
 General Hampton would set out on the next day for this 
 army. I anxiously expected his arrival by the 18th or 
 20th June ; but, by a letter dated the 30th of June, the 
 Secretary of War gave me theirs* notice of the forma- 
 tion of an army in Vermont, and of the destination of 
 Generals Hampton and Parker to that army. 
 
151 
 
 From the daily expectation of the arrival of General 
 Hampton, Major General Lewis was directed to proceed 
 to Sackett's Harbor, to take the command of the troops 
 assembled and assembling at that place. As I was sus- 
 pended from all command, I shall return to my family, 
 near Boston. I shall never complain of being so dis- 
 posed of as the good of the service may require ; but the 
 manner of performing an act gives a character to the 
 act itself: and considering the particular manner and 
 time of my removal from command, I trust it will not be 
 deemed improper to afford me the satisfaction of an in- 
 quiry, for investigating any part of my conduct that 
 may have been deemed improper, and on which my sus- 
 pension from command may have been predicated. I 
 have the honor of being, with the highest respect, sir, 
 your obedient, humble servant, 
 
 H. DEARBORN." 
 
 A few days after he reached his seat in Roxbury, he 
 received the subjoined answer from the President : 
 
 Washington, August 8, 1813. 
 Dear Sir — 
 
 I have received yours of the 24th July. As my 
 esteem and regard have undergone no change, I wish 
 you to be apprised that such was the state of things? 
 and such the turn they were taking, that the retirement, 
 which is the subject of your letter, was proposed by 
 your best personal friends. 
 
 It was my purpose to have written to you on the oo 
 
152 
 
 casion, but it was made impossible by a severe illness, 
 from which I am now barely enough recovered for a 
 journey to the mountains, prescribed by my physicians as 
 indispensable. It would have been entirely agreeable to 
 me if, as 1 took for granted was the case, you had exe- 
 cuted your original intention, of providing for your 
 health by exchanging the sickliness of Niagara for some 
 eligible spot ; and I sincerely lament every pain to which 
 you have been subsequently exposed, from whatever 
 circumstance it has proceeded. 
 
 How far the investigation you refer to would be regu^ 
 lar, I am not prepared to say. You have seen the motion 
 in the House of Representatives, comprehending such 
 an object, and the prospect held out of resuming the 
 subject at another session. I am persuaded that you 
 will not lose in any respect by the effect of time and 
 truth. Accept my respects and best wishes. 
 
 JAMES MADISON. 
 
 Major General Dearborn." 
 
 General Dearborn was not ignorant who his best per- 
 sonal friends, mentioned in the above letter, were ; and* 
 after a constant effort of more than a year, the Secretary 
 of War and similar friends had been able to succeed in 
 the recall of General Dearborn ; and we shall see that 
 he succeeded more fully in effecting his object against 
 General Harrison, whose resignation took place soon 
 after, in consequence of the repeated insults he received 
 jfrom the War Department. To the above letter of the 
 President's, General Dearborn replied : 
 
153 
 
 " Roxhury, August 17, 1813. 
 To the President of the United States: 
 
 Sir — I have been honored with your letter of the 
 8th inst. It is peculiarly gratifying in my present situ- 
 ation to be apprized that your esteem and regard had 
 undergone no change, and that you are persuaded that 
 I shall not lose in any respect " by the effect of time and 
 truth f but, at my time of life, it could hardly be ex- 
 pected that I should quietly acquiesce in so unusual and 
 unprecedented a measure, as that of being removed from 
 command in the manner I have. From the peculiar 
 tenor of the order, the measure cannot be viewed in any 
 other light than as the result of an opinion that I had 
 been guilty of such misconduct as to render my removal 
 necessary. 
 
 To suspend an officer of my grade and situation in 
 command, except by the sentence of a court martial, or 
 the [opinion of a court of inquiry, is such a strong 
 measure, as on general principles could only be justified 
 by the most unequivocal and outrageous misconduct of 
 the officer ; and I cannot permit myself to doubt but 
 that, on reflection, it will be considered proper to afford 
 me a hearing before a suitable military tribunal, previous 
 to my being again ordered on duty. 
 
 I find it is pretended that my suspension from com- 
 mand was merely to comply with my repeated requests 
 for being allowed to retire for the recovery of my health, 
 but every one acquainted with the facts, and with the 
 peculiar expressions made use of in the order, will read- 
 ily perceive that such pretence is unfounded. 
 
 13» 
 
154 
 
 In the order I complain of, it being explicitly expressed 
 that it came directly from the President of the United 
 States, will j I hope, be admitted as an apology for my 
 having addressed my observations directly to yourself. I 
 shall rely with the fullest confidence, sir, on your justice 
 for such fair and honorable proceedings as my situation 
 demands. That your health may be speedily re-estab- 
 lished is, sir, the sincere prayer of your most obedient 
 and .humble servant. 
 
 H. DEARBORN." 
 
 Notwithstanding General Dearborn had requested not 
 to be ordered on duty until his military conduct had 
 been investigated by a competent tribunal, a different 
 course was pursued by the President. 
 
 In the later part of August, Col. G. G. Conner, one of 
 General Dearborn's aids, requested that he might be per- 
 mitted to join his regiment on the frontiers, where he 
 could be actively employed. On his arrival at Sackett's 
 Harbor, he waited on General Armstrong, and stated the 
 object of his return to the army. General Armstrong 
 informed him he had just received the directions of the 
 President to order General Dearborn to assume the com- 
 mand of District No. 3, as it was expected the British 
 contemplated an attack on New-York, and advised him 
 to return immediately to General Dearborn. In a few 
 days after, the following order was received by General 
 Dearborn : 
 
155 
 
 War Department, Sachet? s Harbor, > 
 Sept. 2Ath, 1813. 5 
 
 Sir — The enemy's squadron left the Chesapeake, and 
 a belief existing that they mean to shape their course 
 northerly, and perhaps with a view to New- York, you 
 will be pleased, on receipt hereof, to repair to that post, 
 and take on yourself the command of District No, 3. 
 I am, sir, very respectfully, your most obedient and very 
 humble servant, 
 
 JOHN ARMSTRONG. 
 
 Major General Dearborn, Boston. 
 
 It was very extraordinary, and so General Dearborn 
 considered it, that he should be called into service 
 before the subject of his removal from Fort George had 
 been investigated. That his reputation had very severely 
 and unjustly suffered from that account, he was well 
 satisfied, and conceiving that the public might entertain 
 sentiments injurious to his character as an officer, if he 
 should again go into service, without an opportunity of 
 publicly vindicating himself, doubted the propriety of 
 obeying the order, and had it in contemplation to resign 
 immediately, but on mature deliberation, he concluded 
 to proceed to* New-York, as the circumstance of his 
 being ordered to an honorable command was a public 
 acknowledgment on the part of the executive, that his 
 reputation had not suffered, or had suffered without 
 cause, and particularly when the reasons assigned for 
 the order, were such as evinced no loss of confidence in 
 him by the President ; besides, if he resigned, he would 
 
156 
 
 be for ever precluded from having an opportunity to 
 defend himself before a military tribuual, which he 
 sanguinely anticipated ; and for which, on his arrival at 
 New- York, he reiterated his request. 
 
 After the disgraceful close of the campaign of 1813, 
 conducted by Armstrong, Wilkinson, and Hampton, he 
 had an interview with Gen. Armstrong at New York, 
 as he passed through the city from the froutier to Wash- 
 ington, and urged that a court should be immediately 
 organized, as during the winter a sufficient number of 
 General officers could be spared from their command for 
 that service. Gen. Armstrong endeavored to dissuade 
 him from such a measure, and assured him that no 
 blame was attached to him, and that his whole conduct 
 met the approbation of the Government ; that a court 
 was not in the least necessary, for there were no charges 
 to be preferred against him. General Dearborn obser- 
 ved, whatever might be the sentiments of the national 
 Executive, it was notorious his reputation suffered in 
 public estimation, as the correspondence on the subject 
 could not be laid before the public in a manner which 
 corresponded with his feelings as an officer, nor was the 
 favorable opinion entertained by the Government known 
 to the world ; and there was no way of doing him ample 
 justice, but by the promulgation of the decision of a 
 competent court, which would be as notorious as the 
 fact of his unprecedented removal. It was an act of 
 justice due to him, and he owed it to himself, children, 
 friends, and the people of the United States, to demand 
 as a right a Court of Inquiry, and which he should 
 never cease to urge. 
 
157 
 
 While in Albany, during the winter of 1813-14, 
 rinding that his request had not been granted, he wrote 
 the following letter to the Secretary of War : 
 
 Albany January 2, 1814. 
 
 Sir, 
 
 '' In my letter to you a few days after I received 
 your order to retire from command, I expressed a wish 
 that I might be allowed a Court of Inquiry, and I also 
 communicated a similar desire to the President of the 
 United States. I waited for the return of the President 
 and Secretary of War to the seat of Government, as a 
 convenient time for having my application attended to. 
 I had hoped that I should be favored with a hearing 
 before a suitable court, without any more direct applica- 
 tion on my part ; but having received no intimation to 
 that effect, I consider it necessary to state explicitly, and 
 request, that as soon as I am relieved from the tour of 
 duty I am now about commencing, [as President of the 
 Court Martial for the trial of General Hull,] I may be 
 indulged with a hearing before such a court as may be 
 deemed proper. 
 
 il From your own remarks, and from common report, 
 it appears that some general disapprobation had been 
 excited against my conduct as commander of the army 
 in the ninth District, and particularly on account of the 
 disaster of Lieutenant Colonel Boerstler and the detach- 
 ment under his command ; and for having been guilty 
 of disobedience of orders. It must be evident, from the 
 extraordinary manner of my being suspended from 
 
158 
 
 command, that strong impressions had been made on 
 the mind of the President, to my prejudice, previous 
 to his giving explicit directions for that measure, as 
 expressed in the order for my removal. 
 
 "'Tis therefore evidently necessary, that a fair and 
 impartial investigation should be had ; not only as an 
 act of common justice due to myself, but for affording 
 such information and satisfaction to the public, as ought 
 not to be withheld. I therefore, do most earnestly 
 request, that a Court of Inquiry be ordered for the 
 investigation of my conduct generally, while command- 
 ing the 9th Military District • and particularly in relation 
 to such parts thereof, as the President of the United 
 States may have deemed improper; and I must take the 
 liberty of requesting that I may not be ordered on any 
 command until I have been indulged with such an 
 investigation*" 
 
 I have the honor to be &c, 
 H. DEARBORN. 
 
 Hon. John Armstrong, Secretary of War. 
 
 The next spring, finding his demand was still waived, 
 he wrote to the Secretary of State, and desired him to 
 lay the subject before the President, who returned the 
 following answer. 
 
 Washington, June 15, 1814. 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 "I ought to have answered your letter sooner, 
 especially as it related to a subject which I find deeply 
 
159 
 
 interests you. The late extraordinary events in Europe, 
 with the duties imposed on me by the arrival of the 
 Oliver, will I hope, plead my apology. 
 
 " You say that you ought to have an inquiry into 
 your conduct, to justify you against any imputation 
 arising from the terms of the order which withdrew 
 you from the command on the lines. I have commu- 
 nicated your impressions to the President, who is 
 perfectly well disposed to afford you the opportunity 
 which you desire, at a time when it may be done with- 
 out injury to the service. My own idea is, that you 
 require no vindication in the case alluded to ; that public 
 opinion has already done you justice. You may recol- 
 lect that you had been infirm, and had even intimated a 
 doubt whether your health would permit you to retain 
 the command of the troops. Of the President's constant 
 friendship for you, and attention to every circumstance 
 interesting to your honor and feelings, I can speak with 
 the utmost confidence, as I can that his disposition 
 toward you has undergone no change. I am satisfied 
 that he had the highest confidence in your integrity, 
 attachment to free government, and ability to command ; 
 diminished only by the infirmity alluded to, which had 
 more weight, considering the very active service imposed 
 on you at your time of life. That confidence is unim- 
 paired. 
 
 "In such a movement as that in which we are 
 engaged, every thing is experimental. The fitness of 
 men for stations is equally so. In my opinion you have 
 much reassn to be satisfied, because the door has been 
 
160 
 
 opened to others, who, whatever may have been their 
 merits, have not placed you in an unfavorable light 
 before our country. What you did, gained you credit. 
 Had you been continued on the frontiers exposed to the 
 changes of the seasons, and extraordinary fatigues of the 
 campaign, and sunk under them by ill health, reproach 
 and censure might have fallen heavily on you, as well 
 as the Government. 
 
 " I am, however, far from dissuading you from taking 
 any course, which, on great consideration, you may find 
 essential to your honor or happiness, I only wish, that it 
 may not be done under improper impression, and that in 
 taking that which you seem to contemplate, it may be 
 done at a suitable time. In pursuing any object which 
 you may have in view, I beg you to command my 
 services without reserve. Be assured it will give me 
 sincere pleasure to be useful to you. Always recollect- 
 ing as Mrs. Monroe and I do, with deep interest, our 
 meeting with your lady in London, and the very 
 friendly intercourse which passed between us and our 
 families, at a time the most interesting to our country 
 and ourselves, we beg you to assure her of our constant 
 affection and regards. With great respect and esteem, 
 believe me, my dear sir," 
 
 Sincerely yours, 
 JAMES MONROE. 
 
 Major General Dearborn. 
 
 After Mr. Monroe was appointed Secretary of War, 
 he wrote him again, on the subject of a Court of Inquiry 
 
161 
 
 and other affairs, to which he received the annexed 
 reply ; from which it is clearly to be inferred that the 
 military talents of General Dearborn were justly held in 
 high estimation by that enlightened and virtuous patriot. 
 
 Washington, July 2lst r 1815. 
 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 "Accept my thanks for your kind attention in 
 several letters, which would have been attended to at 
 the time received, had not the important event of peace 
 taken my attention to the other department, on which a 
 pressure has since been made. This event in relation 
 to the great body of our fellow-citizens/ may be consid- 
 ered highly favorable. The honor of the nation is 
 preserved in the treaty. No concession is made. Our 
 land and naval forces have acquired glory, and the 
 nation character by the contest. The period and cir- 
 cumstances under which the treaty was received and 
 ratified, being just after the battle at New Orleans, made 
 the result highly honorable. 
 
 " I am satisfied, had another campaign been made, that 
 we should have shaken if not overset the power of Great 
 Britain on this continent. Measures were taken for 
 drawing into the field, in aid of the regular troops, 
 twenty thousand men from New York, ten thousand 
 from Yermont, and a strong force from Kentucky, 
 Ohio, the western part of Virginia, and Pennsylvania, 
 with a view to force our way toward Quebec, by suitable 
 routes. In this movement you would have had a distin- 
 guished place. The peace has robbed you and many 
 
 14 
 
162 
 
 others of glory, but you will find an indemnity for it in 
 tho advantages derived from it to your country. I re- 
 quested General Swift to consult you and the other 
 members of the board on the extent and manner of the 
 reduction to a peace establishment, that I might avail 
 myself of your reflections without compromitting either 
 of you. The passion is strong for extensive reduction. 
 I hope it may be confined within proper limits. Perhaps 
 you might be disposed to make a visit here. I should 
 be happy to see you. With great respect and esteem," 
 
 I am sincerely yours, 
 JAMES MONROE. 
 
 Notwithstanding the unceasing efforts of General 
 Dearborn to obtain a hearing before a Court of Inquiry, 
 that request was denied, and justice withheld from him ; 
 but if any doubts should have existed as to the estima- 
 tion in which General Dearborn was held by the 
 President, the following letter removes them: 
 
 Washington, March Ath. 1815. 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 u Being desirous for obtaining for the Department 
 of War services which I thought you could render with 
 peculiar advantage, and hoping that, for a time at least, 
 you might consent to step into that Department, I took 
 the liberty, without a previous communication, for which 
 there was no time, to nominate you as successor to Mr. 
 Monroe, who was called back to the Department of 
 State. I had not a doubt, from all the calculations I 
 
163 
 
 could make, that the Senate would readily concur in 
 my views; and if a doubt had arisen, it would have 
 been banished by the confidence of the best informed 
 and best disposed with whom I conferred, that the nom- 
 ination would be welcomed when it was to be decided 
 on ; contrary to these confident expectations, an opposi- 
 tion was declared in an extent which determined me to 
 withdraw the nomination. 
 
 "But, before the message arrived, the Senate very 
 unexpectedly had taken up the subject and proceeded to 
 a decision. They promptly, however, relaxed so far as 
 to erase the proceedings from their journal, and in that 
 mode give effect to the withdrawal. I have thought 
 this explanation due, both to me and to yourself. I 
 sincerely and deeply regret the occasion for it. But to 
 whatever blame I may have subjected myself, I trust 
 you will see, in the course taken by me, a proof of the 
 high value I place on your public, and of the esteem I 
 feel for your personal character. Permit me lo add, 
 that I have been not a little consoled for the occurrence 
 to which I have been accessory, by the diffusive expres- 
 sions to which it has led, of sentiments such as your 
 best friends have heard with most pleasure. Accept the 
 assurance of my great respect and sincere regard." 
 
 JAMES MADISON. 
 
 Major General Dearborn. 
 
 After the nomination, a number of the Senators 
 waited on the President, and he then gave them his 
 opinion of General Dearborn, and explained to them 
 
164 
 
 the whole transaction, which had done so much injury 
 to a faithful, zealous, and deserving officer. They were 
 astonished, and said, if this development had preceded 
 the nomination, it would have been instantly confirmed. 
 
 It is to that conversation that the President alludes in 
 the last clause of the forgoing letter, and a burst of 
 indignation which assailed his ears from some of the 
 friends of General Dearborn, who were aequainted with 
 the facts, and openly declared their sentiments as to the 
 wrongs done to a soldier who had grown gray in the 
 service of his country — to a hero of the Revolution — 
 who, when injured was denied the rights of an officer, 
 and coldly neglected for " time and truth" to obliterate 
 a stain imposed by executive injustice. 
 
 Those best personal friends^ mentioned in the letter 
 of the President of the 8th of August, were made to 
 believe it was more for their interest to destroy the 
 reputation of General Dearborn, than vindicate him 
 when aspersed. They were such friends as for the time 
 wear the mask of sincerity, but can throw it off when 
 such an act of baseness will have a tendancy to better 
 their situation. They acted their part in such a manner 
 as to deceive the President, and hoped to elude the 
 suspicions of General Dearborn ; but he knew them 
 well, and the reasons which induced them to wrong 
 him. 
 
 The tide of war had been changed by the capture of 
 York and Fort George. Previously the arms of the 
 United States had been disgraced, and accumulated 
 disasters marked the events of the preceding campaigns. 
 
165 
 
 An uninterrupted series of defeats had cast a gloom over 
 the nation, which was dissipated by the splendid achieve- 
 ments of the army under the direction of General 
 Dearborn. A large force was concentrating on the 
 borders of Lake Champlain. The efforts of Harrison 
 and Perry presaged glorious results in the West. On 
 Lake Ontario, Com. Chauncy had so far increased his 
 fleet as to render his ascendency certain ; and the army 
 of the Niagara was ready to co-operate in such a manner 
 as would render the conquest of Kingston, the whole of 
 Upper Canada, and probably Montreal also certain. 
 The prospect was propitious, and such were the matured 
 plans of General Dearborn, that victory would have 
 perched on his banners. 
 
 If General Dearborn could by any means be removed 
 from command, and the Secretary of War repair to the 
 frontier, direct the operations of the campaign, which 
 had been gloriously opened, and bring it to a splendid 
 conclusion, it would have given him such reputation 
 and influence as would have obtained for him the 
 appointment of Lieutenant General and commander-in- 
 chief of the army of the United States, and thus secure 
 to him the Presidential chair. 
 
 The views of the Secretary of War were" early 
 developed, of which General Dearborn was apprised by 
 his real friends at Washington. Two or three subal- 
 terns on the frontiers were agents in the ^scheme of 
 ambition, and hints were circulated, through the medium 
 of certain papers in different sections of the Union, 
 unfavorable to the military character of General Dear- 
 
 14* 
 
166 
 
 bom, in the shape of " extracts of letters from respec- 
 table officers of the army? Those " respectable offi- 
 cers" were early known to General Dearborn, but such 
 was his confidence in the President, and the officers 
 generally of the army, who duly appreciated his talents, 
 and worth, and consciousness of his devotion to the best 
 interests of his country, that he smiled at the indications 
 of the impending storm which was lowering in the 
 horizon for his destruction. Stimulated by the ambition 
 of a Caesar, the Rubicon of honor was, for the second 
 time, passed, and with the sanguine anticipations of a 
 Richard, the author of the Newburgh Letters, the future 
 hero of the north, hurried to pitch his tent in Bosworth 
 fields. Those friends of General Dearborn, who were 
 so solicitous for his disgrace, had golden hopes from 
 this event. But the disastrous and disgraceful move- 
 ments of the army, under the guidance of the Secretary 
 of War, caused those hopes to wither, and the triumphal 
 entry of the British into the city of Washington blasted 
 them for ever. The descent of the St. Lawrence and 
 the Bladensburgh retreat damned Armstrong, and 
 General Dearborn's "best personal friends" lost their 
 anticipated reward, for assisting to blast his reputation. 
 At the close of the war, honorable to the American 
 arms and character, General Dearborn was called on by 
 the government for his aid and advice in the reduction 
 of the army to the peace establishment, and the retention 
 of the most suitable and competent officers to be con- 
 tinued in command. That this delicate operation when 
 many good officers must be dismissed, was performed 
 
167 
 
 with ability and uprightness, with the sole view to the 
 honor of the army and good of the country, appears from 
 the names of the principal officers retained — Brown? 
 Jackson, Scott, McComb, Gaines, Ripley and Miller. 
 
 Soon after he retired from the army to private life, he 
 Was called before the public by the republican party, as 
 their candidate for Governor of the ancient Common- 
 wealth of Massachusetts. For this office he was opposed 
 by the federal party, then a large majority in the state, 
 and an opposing candidate of respectable abilities, revo- 
 lutionary services and unimpeached moral character. 
 Under these circumstances, his personal and political 
 friends could hardly expect a favorable result for their 
 candidate ; and General Brooks, the opposing candidate, 
 was elected Governor. 
 
 Early in 1822, he was appointed by President Monroe, 
 with the unanimous consent of the senate, minister pleni- 
 potentiary to the Court of Portugal. There were no 
 events of special interest in that mission. He was highly 
 respected by the king and court to which he was accredi- 
 ted and all the foreign ministers then resident at Lisbon, 
 and discharged his duties in a manner entirely to the 
 satisfaction of his own government. In 1824, he return- 
 ed home, and was never after in any public employment. 
 After the revolutionary war and the organization of the 
 federal government till 1824, General Dearborn received 
 appointments from four Presidents of the United States 
 — all Virginians — -Washington, Jefferson, Madison and 
 Monroe. All these offices were of high responsibility — 
 Marshall of Maine, Secretary of War, Collector of the 
 
168 
 
 port of Boston, Commander-in-chief of the army, and 
 Foreign minister. 
 
 In all these important offices he acted with ability, in- 
 tegrity, and the most unsullied reputation as a patriot. 
 On the 6th of June, 1829, at his seat at Roxbury, Mass., 
 he died, in the seventy-ninth year of his age. 
 
 General Dearborn was stout and active, six feet full 
 in height, strong, and in middle age not too much en- 
 cumbered with flesh : in after life his flesh rather increas- 
 ed. He was exactly fitted for the toils, fatigues and pomp 
 of war. His countenance and whole person was digni- 
 fied and commanding. His weight was considerably 
 above two hundred. His mind was solid and compre- 
 hensive, which entitled him to the highest military sta- 
 tions. 
 
 There was a loftiness in his character which forbade 
 resort to intrigue and hypocrisy, in the accomplishment 
 of his views, and he rejected the contemptible practice of 
 disparaging others to exalt himself. He was beneficent 
 to his friends, but reserved and cold toward those whose 
 correctness in moral principles became doubtful in his 
 mind. 
 
 As a soldier, he was a rigid, but not a severe discipli- 
 narian ; he obeyed readily his superior, and required the 
 like obedience from his inferior. From his active mind 
 and athletic body, he was from early life a sportsman, 
 and indulged in the amusement of fishing. His fowling:- 
 piece and every accompaniment was always in readiness, 
 as well as his fishing-apparatus, which, in the latter part 
 of his life, he carried with him in his every journey to 
 
169 
 
 the State of Maine. In these sports, his dog was never 
 forgotten. 
 
 The games of cricket and ball he practiced with ardor 
 till past the meridian of life. But, of the gymnastic ex- 
 ercises, in the revolutionary war and after, practised much 
 more then than at this day, wrestling was probably his 
 favorite ; for, from his skill, great muscular power, and 
 temperance in all things, he obtained the mastery on 
 every occasion. When not engaged in business, or 
 otherwise occupied, he was a constant reader through 
 life, not only of all the old English standard works, but 
 of all new publications of merit. One of the few times 
 the writer ever saw him, he found him reading Scott's 
 "Ivanhoe," which was laid aside on the introduction of 
 a few strangers, among whom was one of the oldest phy- 
 sicians and accomplished gentlemen in the city of Boston. 
 A variety of subjects were started in conversation, and 
 the physician repeatedly afterward expressed his surprise 
 at the correctness and ability with which he entered into 
 every subject started, declaring that previously he had 
 considered him merely a military character. 
 
 At the age of twenty-one years, in 1771, he married 
 Mary Bartlett, one of the most ancient names in New 
 Hampshire, by whom he had two daughters. She died 
 in 1778. In 1780 he married Dorcas Marble, a widow 
 lady of Andover, Mass., by whom he had two sons and 
 a daughter. This second wife died in 1811. In 1813 
 he married Sarah Bowdoin, widow of the Hon. James 
 Bowdoin, who died in 1826, without children. He sur- 
 
i70 
 
 vived all his wives, with whom he lived in perfect do- 
 mestic happiness, more than fifty years. 
 
 It is only known that one daughter and one son, by 
 his second wife, survive him. The daughter has long 
 been respectably and eligibly married, residing in Maine. 
 From her purity of character and good sense, she is dis- 
 tinguished in the society in which she moves. The son 
 is resident in the vicinity of Boston, who bears the name 
 of his father, to which is added the name of Alexander 
 Scammell, who has been previously mentioned in this 
 sketch. 
 
 It is believed the son, in a good measure, sustains the 
 excellencies and virtues of the persons whose names he 
 bears : if so, few men, if any, can stand higher. To 
 place these children where only they could wish to be 
 placed, is to say what is known of them : they appreci- 
 ate the character of their parent, remember his example, 
 and follow his precepts. General Dearborn continued 
 through life in that branch of the Christian church in 
 which he had been educated — the Congregational : not 
 that he believed it essential that the true worshipper of 
 the Father should attach himself to any one sect or de- 
 nomination, but he did believe that the Congregational 
 order was more congenial to our republican institutions, 
 apostolic example and precept, and, more than all, gave 
 fuller latitude to the exercise of private judgment in 
 everything ecclesiastical and religious. He believed it 
 Life to believe on the one true God, and Jesus Christ 
 whom he sent ; and* he believed this Teacher was the 
 Way, the Truth, and the Life. In this belief he left this 
 
171 
 
 life for a future, in the full possession of a calm and 
 sound mind. 
 
 Ho often mentioned General Arnold, whom he well 
 knew, being with him when wounded at Quebec and 
 Saratoga. He considered him, for energy and capacity, 
 the first general officer of the Revolution, and often ex- 
 pressed his astonishment at his treason. He despised 
 him as a traitor, but never failed to speak of him as most 
 able and gallant in action, always ready and collected, 
 and saw instantly the exact thing to be done, and at the 
 proper moment. He considered him capable of doing 
 the most desperate deeds as a commander. Neither 
 Gates nor Congress, in his opinion, did him justice for 
 his conduct at Saratoga ; for he was the only general on 
 the field, and fought the battle in defiance of Gates, who 
 never left his quarters, or at least he was not seen in ac- 
 tion, neither did he believe he was. 
 
 Soon after the war of independence, he accidentally 
 met Arnold at St. Johns. Arnold attempted to excuse 
 his conduct, and appeared not only solicitous, but in dis- 
 tress to explain ; but Gen. Dearborn at once put an end 
 to the conversation, by saying, his conduct was indefen- 
 sible, and he held his character in such estimation, that 
 no excuse or explanation could be made, and he wished 
 not to hear him on that subject, for his own opinion was 
 not to be changed. 
 
 None of General Dearborn's writings have fallen into 
 the writer's hands ; but his official letters, and reports, as 
 secretary of war, and his account of the battle of Bunker's 
 Hill, have been before the public. That account will 
 
172 
 
 be here inserted, as well for its apparent accuracy and 
 truth, as giving a specimen of his style of writing : 
 
 " On the 16th of June, 1775, it was determined that 
 a fortified post should be established at or near Bunkers 
 Hill. A detachment of the army was ordered to advance 
 early in the evening of that day, and commence the 
 erection of a strong work on the heights in the rear of 
 Charlestown, at that time called Breed's Hill ; but, from 
 its proximity to Bunker's Hill, the battle has taken its 
 name from the latter eminence, which overlooks it. 
 
 u The work was commenced and carried on under the 
 direction of such engineers as we were able to procure 
 at that time. It was a square redoubt,, the curtains of 
 which were about sixty or seventy feet in extent, with 
 an intrenchment extending fifty or sixty feet from the 
 northern angle, toward Mystic river. In the course of 
 the night, the ramparts had been raised to the height of 
 six or seven feet, with a small ditch at their base ; "but it 
 was yet in an imperfect state. Being in full view from 
 the northern heights of Boston, it was discovered by the 
 enemy at daylight, and a determination was formed by 
 General Gage for dislodging our troops from this new 
 and alarming position. Arrangements were promptly 
 made for effecting this important object. The movement 
 of the British troops, indicating an attack, were soon disco- 
 vered ; in consequence of which, orders were immediately 
 issued for the march of a considerable part of our army, to 
 reinforce the detachment at the redoubts on Breed's Hill ; 
 but such was the imperfect state of discipline, the want 
 
173 
 
 of knowledge in military science, and the deficiency of 
 the materials of war r that the movement of the troops 
 was extremely irregular, and devoid of every thing like 
 concert — each regiment advanced according to the opin- 
 ions, feelings, or caprice of the commander. 
 
 " Colonel Stark's* regiment was quartered at Medford, 
 distant about four miles from the point of anticipated 
 attack. It consisted of thirteen companies, and was the 
 largest regiment in the army. About ten o'clock in the 
 morning he received orders to march. The regiment 
 being destitute of ammunition, formed in front of a house 
 occupied as an arsenal, where each man received a gill 
 cup full of powder, fifteen balls, and one flint. The 
 several captains were then ordered to march their com- 
 panies to their respective quarters, and to make up their 
 powder and balls into cartridges with the greatest possi- 
 ble despatch. As there were scarcely two muskets in a 
 company of equal calibre, it was necessary to reduce the 
 size of the balls for many of them : and as but a small 
 proportion of the men had cartridge-boxes, the remainder 
 made use of powder-horns and ball- pouches. 
 
 " After completing the necessary preparations for ac- 
 tion, the regiment formed and marched about one o'clock. 
 When it reached Charlestown Neck, we found two regi- 
 ments halted in consequence of a heavy enfilading fire 
 
 u * This distinguished veteran is still alive, (1813) in the 91st yearof his 
 age, and resides in the State of New Hampshire. He is one of the three 
 surviving general officers of the revolutionary war. The other two are 
 Maj. Gen. St. Clair, who lives in the interior of Pennsylvania, and Brig. 
 Gen. Huntington, of Connecticut. 
 
 15 
 
174 
 
 thrown across it, of round, bar and chain shot, from the 
 Lively frigate and floating batteries anchored in Charles 
 river and a floating battery lying in the river Mystic. Ma- 
 jor McClary went forward and observed to the comman- 
 ders, if they did not intend to move on, he wished them 
 to open and let our regiment pass : the latter was imme- 
 diately done. My company being in front, I marched 
 by the side of Col. Stark ; who moving with a very de- 
 liberate pace, I suggested the propriety of quickening the 
 march of the regiment, that it might sooner be relieved 
 from the galling cross-fire of the enemy. With a look 
 peculiar to himself, he fixed his eyes upon me, and ob- 
 served with great composure, * Dearborn, one fresh man 
 in action is worth ten fatigued ones,' and continued to 
 advance in the same cool and collected manner. When 
 we had reached Bunker's Hill, where General Putnam 
 had taken his station, the regiment halted for a few mi- 
 nutes for the rear to come up. Soon after, the enemy 
 were discovered to have landed on the shore at Morton's 
 Point, in front of Breed's Hill, under cover of a tre- 
 mendous fire of shot and shells from a battery on Cop's 
 Hill, in Boston, which had opened on the redoubt at day- 
 break. 
 
 " Major-general Howe and Brigadier- general Pigot 
 were the commanders of the British forces which first 
 landed, consisting of four battalions of infantry, ten com- 
 panies of grenadiers, and ten of light infantry, with a 
 train of artillery. They formed as they disembarked, 
 but remained in that position until they were reinforced. 
 At this moment the veteran and gallant Stark harangued 
 
 / 
 
175 
 
 his resfiment in a short but animated address ; then di- 
 rected them to give three cheers, and make a rapid 
 movement to the rail-fence which ran from the left, and 
 about forty yards in the rear of the redoubt, toward the 
 Mystic river. 
 
 " Part of the grass having been recently cut, lay in 
 winrows and cocks on the field. Another fence was 
 taken up, the rails run through the one in front, and the 
 hay mown in the vicinity, suspended upon them, from 
 the bottom to the top, which had the appearance of a 
 breast- work, but was in fact no real cover to the men ; 
 it however served as a deception to the enemy. This 
 was done by the direction of the ' committee of safety? 
 of which James Winthrop, Esq. who then, and now lives 
 in Cambridge, was one, as he has within a few years in_ 
 formed me. Mr. Winthrop himself acted as a volunteer 
 on that day, and was wounded in the battle. 
 
 " At this moment, our regiment was formed in the 
 rear of the rail fence, with one other small regiment from 
 New Hampshire, under the command of Col. Reed ; the 
 fire commenced between the left wing of the British 
 .irmy, commanded by Gen. Howe, and the troops in the 
 redoubt under Colonel Prescott, while a column of the 
 enemy was advancing on our left, on the shore of Mystic 
 river, with an evident intention of turning our left wing, 
 and that veteran and most excellent regiment of Welsh 
 fusileers, so distinguished for its gallant conduct in the 
 battle of Minden, advanced in column directly on the rail 
 fence ; when within eighty or a hundred yards, displayed 
 into line, with the precision and firmness of troops on 
 
176 
 
 parade, and opened a brisk but regular fire by platoons, 
 which was returned by a well-directed, rapid and fatal 
 discharge from our whole line. 
 
 " The action soon became general, and very heavy 
 from right to left. In ten or fifteen minutes the enemy 
 gave away at all points, and retreated in great disorder, 
 leaving a large number of dead and wounded on the 
 field. The firing ceased for a short time, when the 
 enemy formed, advanced, and re-commenced a spirited 
 fire from his whole line. Several attempts were again 
 made to turn our left, but the troops having thrown up 
 a slight stone wall on the bank of the river, and laying 
 down behind it, gave such a deadly fire, as cut down al- 
 most every man of the party opposed to them ; while the 
 fire from the redoubt and the rail fence was so well 
 directed and so fatal, especially to the British officers, 
 that the whole army was compelled a second time to re- 
 treat with precipitation and great confusion. At this 
 time the ground was covered with the dead and wound- 
 ed. Only a few small detached parties again advanced, 
 which kept up a distant, ineffectual, scattering fire, until 
 a strong reinforcement arrrived from Boston, which ad- 
 vanced on the southern declivity of the hill, in the rear 
 of Charlestown ; it wheeled by platoons to the right and 
 advanced directly on the redoubt, without firing a gun. 
 By this time our ammunition was exhausted; a few 
 only had a charge left. 
 
 st The advancing column made an attempt to carry the 
 redoubt by assault ; but, at the first onset, every man that 
 mounted the parapet was cut down by the troops within, 
 
177 
 
 who had formed on the opposite side, not being prepared 
 with bayonets to meet a charge. The column wa- 
 vered for a moment, but soon formed again ; when a for- 
 ward movement was made, with such spirit and intre- 
 pidity, as to render the feeble efforts of a handful of men, 
 without the means of defence, unavailing ; and they fled 
 through an open space in the rear of the redoubt, which 
 had been left for a gate-way. At this moment the rear 
 of the British column advanced round the angle of the 
 redoubt, and threw in a galling flank fire upon our 
 troops, as they rushed from it, which killed and wound- 
 ed a greater number than had fallen before during the 
 action. The whole of our line immediately gave way 
 and retreated with rapidity towards Bunker's Hill, carry- 
 ing off as many of the wounded as possible, so that only 
 thirty-six or seven fell into the hands of the enemy — 
 among whom were Lt. Col. Parker, and two or three 
 other officers who fell in or near the redoubt. 
 
 " When the troops arrived at the summit of Bunker's 
 Hill, we found Gen. Putnam, with nearly as many men 
 as had been engaged in the battle ; notwithstanding which 
 no measure had been taken for reinforcing us, nor was 
 there a shot fired to cover our retreat, or any movement 
 made to check the advance of the enemy to this height ; 
 but on the contrary, Gen. Putnam rode off, with a num- 
 ber of spades and pick-axes in his hands, and the troops 
 that had remained with him inactive during the whole 
 of the action, although within a few hundred yards of 
 the battle-ground and no obstacle to impede their move- 
 ment but musket-balls. 
 
 15* 
 
178 
 
 " The whole of our troops now descended the north- 
 west declivity of Bunker's Hill, and re-crossed the Neck. 
 The New Hampshire line towards Winter Hill, and the 
 others on to Prospect Hill. Some slight works were 
 thrown up in the course of the evening — strong ad- 
 vance pickets were posted on the roads leading to 
 Charlestown, and the troops, anticipating an attack, 
 rested on their arms. 
 
 " It is a most extraordinary fact that the British did 
 not make a single charge during the battle, which, if 
 attempted, would have proved fatal and decisive, as the 
 Americans did not carry fifty bayonets into the field. In 
 my company there was but one. Soon after the com- 
 mencement of the action, a detachment from the British 
 force in Boston landed in Charlestown ; and within a 
 few moments the whole town was in a blaze. A dense 
 column rose to a great height, and there being a gentle 
 breeze from the southwest, it hung like a thunder-cloud 
 over the contending armies. A very few houses escaped 
 the dreadful conflagration of this devoted town. 
 
 " From similar mistakes, the field-ammunition fur- 
 nished for the field-pieces, was calculated for guns of a 
 larger calibre, which prevented the use of field-artillery 
 on both sides. There was no cavalry in either army. 
 
 <{ From the ships of war and a large battery on Cop's 
 Hill, a heavy cannonade was kept up upon our line and 
 redoubt, from the commencement to the close of the ac- 
 tion and during the retreat ; but with little effect, except 
 killing the brave Maj. Andrew M'Clary of Col. Stark's 
 regiment, soon after we retreated from Bunker's Hill. 
 
179 
 
 He was among the first officers of the army — possessing 
 a sound judgment, of undaunted bravery, enterprising, 
 ardent and zealous, both as a patriot and soldier. His 
 loss was severely felt by his compatriots in arms, while 
 his country was deprived of the services of one of her 
 most promising and distinguished champions of liberty. 
 
 14 After leaving the field of battle I met him afid drank 
 some spirit and water with him. He was animated and 
 sanguine in the result of the conflict for independence, 
 from the glorious display of valor which had distinguish- 
 ed his countrymen on that memorable day. 
 
 " He soon observed that the British troops on Bunker's 
 Hill appeared in motion, and said he would go and re- 
 connoiter them, to see whether they were coming out 
 over the neck, at the same time directed me to march 
 my company down the road towards Gharlestown. We 
 were then at Tuft's house near Ploughed Hill. I imme- 
 diately made a forward movement to the position he di- 
 rected me to take, and halted while he proceeded to the 
 old pound, which stood on the site now occupied as a 
 tavern- house not far from the entrance to the neck. After 
 he had satisfied himself that the enemy did not intend to 
 leave their strong posts on the heights, he was returning 
 towards me, and within twelve or fifteen rods of where I 
 stood with my company, a random shot, from one of the 
 frigates lying near where the centre of Craigie's bridge 
 now is, passed directly through his body, and put to 
 flight one of the most heroic souls that ever animated 
 man. 
 
 " He leaped two or three feet from the ground; pitched 
 
180 
 
 forward and fell dead upon his face. I had him carried 
 to Medford, where he was interred, with all the respect 
 and honors we could exhibit to the manes of a great and 
 good man. He was my bosom friend ; we had grown 
 up together on terms of the greatest intimacy, and I loved 
 him as a brother. 
 
 " My position in the battle, more the result of accident 
 than any regularity of formation, was on the right of the 
 line at the rail-fence, which afforded me a fair view of 
 the whole scene of action. 
 
 " Our men were intent on cutting down every officer 
 they could distinguish in the British line. When any of 
 them discovered one he would instantly exclaim, ' there ! 
 see that officer ! let us have a shot at him !' when two or 
 three would fire at the same moment ; and as our soldiers 
 were excellent marksmen and rested their muskets over 
 the fence, they were sure of their object. An officer 
 was discovered to mount near the position of Gen. Howe, 
 on the left of the British line, and ride towards our left ; 
 which a column was endeavoring to turn. This was 
 the only officer on horseback during the day, and as he 
 approached the rail-fence, I heard a number of our men 
 observe, ' there ! there ! see that offieer on horseback ; 
 let us fire.' < No, not yet ; wait until he gets to that little 
 knoll— now!' — when they fired and he instantly fell 
 dead from his horse. It proved to be Major Pitcairn, a 
 distinguished officer. 
 
 " The fire of the enemy was so badly directed, I should 
 presume that forty-nine balls out of fifty passed from one 
 to six feet over our heads ; for I noticed an apple-tree, 
 
181 
 
 some paces in the rear, which had scarcely a ball in it 
 from the trunk and ground as high as a man's head, 
 while the trunk and branches above were literally cut to 
 pieces. 
 
 " I commanded a full company in action, and had only 
 one man killed and five wounded, which was a full aver- 
 age of the loss we sustained, excepting those who fell 
 while sallying from the redoubt, when it was stormed 
 by the British column. 
 
 " Our total loss in killed was eighty-eight, and as well 
 as 1 can recollect, upward of two hundred wounded. 
 Our platoon officers carried fusees. 
 
 " In the course of the action, after firing away what 
 ammunition I had, I walked to the higher ground to the 
 right, in rear of the redoubt, with an expectation of pro- 
 curing from some of the dead or wounded men who lay 
 there, a supply. While in that situation, I saw at some 
 distance a dead man lying near a small locust tree. As 
 he appeared to be much better dressed than our men 
 generally were, I asked a man who was passing me, if 
 he knew who it was. He replied, ' It is Dr. Warren.' 
 
 " I did not personally know Dr. Warren, but was ac- 
 quainted with his public character. He had been recent- 
 ly appointed a general in our service, but had not taken 
 command. He was President of the Provincial Congress 
 then sitting at Watertown, and having heard that there 
 would probably be an action, had come to share in what- 
 ever might happen, in the character of a volunteer, and 
 was unfortunately killed early in the action. His death 
 was a severe misfortune to his friends and country. Pos- 
 
182 
 
 terity will appreciate his worth and do honor to his me- 
 mory. He is immortalized as a patriot, who gloriously 
 fell in defence of freedom. 
 
 " The number of our troops in action, as near as I 
 was able to ascertain, did not exceed fifteen hundred. 
 The force of the British at the commencement of the 
 action, was estimated at about the same number, but they 
 were frequently reinforced. Had our ammunition held 
 out, or had we been supplied with only fifteen or twenty 
 rounds, I have no doubt that we should have killed and 
 wounded the greatest part of their army and compelled 
 the remainder tofiave laid down their arms; for it was 
 with the greatest difficulty that they were brought up the 
 last time. Our fire was so deadly, particularly to the 
 officers, that it would have been impossible to have re- 
 sisted it, but for a short time longer. 
 
 " I did not see a man quit his post during the action, and 
 do not believe a single soldier who was brought into the 
 field, tied, until the whole army was obliged to retreat 
 for want of powder and ball. 
 
 " The total loss of the British was about twelve hun- 
 dred ; upward of five hundred killed, and between six 
 and seven hundred wounded. The Welsh fusileers suf- 
 fered most severely ; they came into action five hundred 
 strong, and all were killed or wounded but eighty-three* 
 
 " I will mention an extraordinary circumstance to 
 show how far the temporary reputation of a man may 
 affect the minds of all classes of society. 
 
 " General Putnam had entered our army at the com- 
 mencement of the revolutionary war, with such a uni- 
 
183 
 
 versal popularity as can scarcely now be conceived, even 
 by those who then felt the whole force of it ; and no 
 one can at this time offer any satisfactory reasons why 
 he was held in such high estimation. 
 
 <£ In the battle of Bunker's Hill he took post on the 
 declivity toward Charlestown Neck ; where I saw him 
 on horseback as we passed on to Breed's Hill, with Col. 
 Gerrish by his side. I heard the gallant Col. Prescott ? 
 (who commanded in the redoubt) observe after the war, 
 at the table of his Excellency, James Bowdoin, then 
 Governor of this Commonwealth, * that he sent three 
 messengers during the battle to Gen. Putnam, requesting 
 him to come forward and take the command, there being 
 no general officer present, and the relative rank of the 
 Colonel not having been settled ; but that he received no 
 answer, and his whole conduct was such, both during 
 the action and the retreat, that he ought to have been 
 shot.' He remained at or near the top of Bunker Hill 
 until the retreat, with Col. Gerrish by his side ; I saw 
 them together when we retreated. He not only con- 
 tinued at that distance himself during the whole of the 
 action, but had a force with him nearly as large as that 
 engaged. No reinforcement of men or ammunition was 
 sent to our assistance ; and, instead of attempting to cover 
 the retreat of those who had expended their last shot in 
 the face of the enemy, he retreated in company with 
 Col. Gerrish, and his whole force, without discharging a 
 single musket. But, what is still more astonishing, 
 Col. Gerrish was arrested for cowardice, tried, cashiered, 
 and universally execrated ; while not a word was said 
 
184 
 
 against the conduct of Gen. Putnam, whose extraordi- 
 nary popularity alone saved him, not only from trial, 
 but even from censure. Col. Gerrish commanded a re- 
 giment, and should have been at its head. His regiment 
 was not in action, although ordered ; but as he was in 
 the suit of the general, and appeared to be in the situa- 
 tion of adjutant -general, why was he not directed by 
 Putnam to join it, or the regiment sent into action under 
 the senior officer present with it ? 
 
 ,( When Gen. Putnam's ephemeral and unaccountable 
 popularity subsided or faded away, and the minds of the 
 people were released from the shackles of a delusive 
 trance, the circumstances relating to Bunker Hill were 
 viewed and talked of in a very different light ; and the 
 selection of the unfortunate Col. Gerrish as a scape-goat 
 considered as a mysterious and inexplicable event. 
 
 11 1 have no private feeling to gratify by making this 
 statement in relation to Gen. Puttiam, as I never had 
 any intercourse with him, and was only in the army 
 where he was present, for a few months ; but at this 
 late period, I conceive it a duty to give a fair and impar- 
 tial account of one of the most important battles during 
 the war of independence, and all the circumstances con- 
 nected with it so far as I had the means of being cor- 
 rectly informed. 
 
 " It is a duty I owe to posterity, and the character of 
 those brave officers who bore a share in the hardships of 
 the revolution. 
 
 u Nothing like discipline had entered our army at that 
 time. Gen. Ward, then commander-in-chief, remained 
 
185 
 
 in his quarters in Cambridge, and apparently took no 
 interest or part in the transactions of the day. 
 
 " No general officer, except Putnam, appeared in 
 sight, nor did any officer assume the command, under- 
 take to form the troops, or give any orders, that I heard 
 except Col. Stark, who directed his regiment to reserve 
 their fire on the retreat of the enemy, until they advanced 
 again. Every platoon officer was engaged in discharg- 
 ing his own musket and left his men to fire as they 
 pleased, hut never without a sure aim at some particular 
 object, which was more destructive than any mode 
 which could have been adopted with troops who were 
 not inured to discipline, and never had been in battle, 
 but were still familiar with the use of arms, from boy- 
 hood, and each having his peculiar manner of loading 
 and firing, which had been practised upon for years 
 with the same gun ; any attempt to control them by uni- 
 formity and system, would have rendered their fires 
 infinitely less fatal to the enemy. Not an officer or 
 soldier of the continental troops engaged was in uni- 
 form, but were in the plain and ordinary dress of citizens ; 
 nor was there an officer on horse-back. (Signed) 
 
 H. DEARBORN." 
 
 It was attempted to invalidate this account, at the 
 time, by a publication by Col. Daniel Putnam, son of the 
 General, and the statements of Colonels John Trumbull 
 and Thomas Grosvenor, were given, as sufficient to 
 lessen or destroy the weight of Dearborn's statement, so 
 far as it implicated Gen. Putnam, for ail agreed to the 
 
 16 
 
1S6 
 
 accuracy of the account in every other particular. Col. 
 Putnam wrote and expressed himself with much warmth ; 
 calling Dearborn hard names, and denouncing him as a 
 disgraced General and base slanderer. Unfortunately 
 for the truth of history, it was a time of great political 
 excitement, Gen. Dearborn being at the time the 
 Democratic candidate for Governor of Massachusetts, 
 and General John Brooks the opposing or Federal can- 
 didate. The writer, at the time was a voter in that 
 state, and for two successive years deposited his vote in 
 favor of Brooks, who both years obtained the election. 
 He is not sensible of having any predilection in favor of 
 Dearborn, either personally or politically, neither has he 
 the least objection to him or his statement in itself; the 
 truth being the only object in such a case, and the only 
 issue before the public. Colonel Putnam further stated 
 with great, confidence, that the conduct of his father was 
 such during the war, as to secure the entire confidence of 
 Congress, Washington and the public. His pamphlet is 
 not now before me and I write from recollection. 
 
 In support of the charges against Dearborn and in 
 defence of his father, he published the following letters, 
 from Colonels Trumbull and Grosvenor. " In the sum- 
 mer of 1786, I became acquainted in London, with Col. 
 John Small, of the British army, who had served in 
 America many years, and had known General Putnam 
 intimately during the war of Canada from 1756 to 1763. 
 From him I had the two following anecdotes respecting 
 the battle of Bunker Hill; I shall nearly repeat his 
 words ; looking at the picture which I had almost com- 
 
187 
 
 pleted, he said : "1 do not like the situation in which 
 you have placed my old friend Putnam ; you have not 
 done him justice. I wish you would alter that part of 
 your picture, and introduce a ciicumstance which actu- 
 ally happened, and which I can never forget. When 
 the British troops advanced the second time to the attack 
 of the redoubt, I, with other officers was in front of the 
 line to encourage the men ; we had advanced very near 
 the works undisturbed, when an irregular fire, like a 
 feu-de-joie, was poured in upon us ; it was cruelly fatal. 
 The troops fell back, and when I glanced my eye to the 
 right and left, I saw not one officer standing ; I looked 
 to the right and left, and saw several young men level- 
 ing their pieces at me ; I knew their excellence as 
 marksmen, and considered myself gone. At that mo- 
 ment my old friend Putnam rushed forward, and strik- 
 ing up the muzzles of their pieces with his sword, cried 
 out, " For God's sake, my lads, dont fire at that man — I 
 love him as I do my brother." We were so near each 
 other that I heard his words distinctly. He was obeyed ; 
 I bowed, thanked him, and walked away unmolested. 
 
 At the moment when the troops succeeded in carrying 
 the redoubt, and the Americans were in full retreat, Gen. 
 Howe, (who had been hurt by a spent ball which bruised 
 his ancle,) was leaning on my arm. He called suddenly 
 to me : do you see that elegant young man who has just 
 fallen? Do you know him? I looked to the spot 
 towards which he pointed — Good God, sir, I believe it is 
 my friend Warren ! Leave me then instantly — run — 
 keep off the troops, save him if possible ! I flew to the 
 
188 
 
 spot, " my dear friend," I said to him, " I hope you are 
 not badly hurt ;" he looked up, seemed to recollect me, 
 smiled and died ! A musket ball had passed through the 
 upper part of his head. 
 
 JOHN TRUMBULL." 
 " Daniel Putnam, Esq." 
 
 In addition to the above, the following letter from 
 Judge Thomas Grosvenor, of Pomfret, addressed to Col. 
 Putnam son of the General, was published to repel the 
 statement of General Dearborn. "Being under the 
 command of Gen. Putnam, part of our regiment and a 
 much larger number of Massachusetts' troops under Col. 
 Prescott were ordered to march, on the evening of the 
 sixteenth of June, 1775, to Breed's Hill, where under the 
 immediate superintendence of Gen. Putnam, ground 
 was broken and a redoubt formed. On the following 
 day, the seventeenth, dispositions were made to deter the 
 advance of the enemy, as there was reason to believe an 
 immediate attack was intended. Gen. Putnam during 
 the period was extremely active, and directed principally 
 the operations. All were animated, and their General 
 inspired confidence by his example. The British army 
 having made dispositions for landing at Morton's Point, 
 were covered by the fire, shot and sheils from Copp's 
 Hill, in Boston, which it had opened on our redoubt 
 early in the morning, and continued the greatest part of 
 the day. At this moment a detachment of four lieu- 
 tenants (of which I was one) and one hundred and 
 twenty men, selected the previous day from General 
 
1S9 
 
 Putnam's regiment, under Captain Knowlton, were, by 
 the General, ordered to take post at a rail fence on the 
 left of the breast work, that ran north from the re- 
 doubt to the bottom of Breed's Hill. This order was 
 promptly executed, and our detachment, in advancing to 
 the post, took one rail fence and placed it against the 
 other, (as a partial cover,) nearly parallel with the line 
 of the breast work, and extended our left nearly to 
 Mystic river. Each man was furnished with one pound 
 of gunpowder and forty-eight balls. The ammunition 
 was received, however, prior to marching to Breed's Hill. 
 In this position our detachment remained until a second 
 division of British troops landed, when they commenced 
 a fire of their field artillery of several rounds, and par- 
 ticularly against the rail fence ; then formed in columns, 
 advanced to the attack, displayed in line at about the 
 distance of musket shot, and commenced firing. At 
 this instant our whole line opened upon the enemy, and 
 so precise and fatal was our fire, that in the course of a 
 short time they gave way and retired in disorder out of 
 musket shot, leaving before us many killed and wounded- 
 There was but a short respite on the part of the British, 
 as their lines were soon filled up and led against us \ 
 when they were met as before, and forced back with 
 great loss. On reinforcements joining the enemy, they 
 made a direct advance on the redoubt, and being suc- 
 cessful, which our brave Captain Knowlton perceiving, 
 ordered a retreat of his men, in. which he was sustained 
 by two companies under the command of Captains Clark 
 
 and Chester. The loss of our detachment. I presume* 
 
 16* 
 
190 
 
 was nearly equal. Of my own immediate command of 
 thirty men and one subaltern, there were eleven killed 
 and wounded ; among the latter was myself, though not 
 so severely as to prevent my retiring. At the rail fence 
 there was not posted any corps save our own under 
 Knowlton, when the firing commenced ; nor did I hear 
 of any other being there till long after the action. Other 
 troops, it was said, were ordered to join, but refused do- 
 ing so. Of the officers on the ground, the most active 
 within my observation, were General Putnam, Colonel 
 Prescott and Captain Knowlton ; but no doubt there 
 were many more, equally brave and meritorious, who 
 must naturally have escaped the eye of one attending to 
 his own immediate command." 
 
 The subjoined letter from Washington to Putnam, 
 taken from Humphrey's Life of Putnam, seems to have 
 been in answer to a letter of Putnam's to him, the design 
 of which was to obtain Washington's opinion and influ- 
 ence to secure his pay when not in service. This letter 
 was published by Col. Putnam to show the entire con- 
 fidence Washington always reposed in Gen. Putnam his 
 father, and thereby lessen the weight of Dearborn's state- 
 ment. 
 
 * Head Quarters, 2d June, 1783." 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 Your favor of the 20th May I received with 
 much pleasure. For I can assure you that among the 
 many worthy and meritorious officers with whom I have 
 
191 
 
 had the happiness to be connected in the service during 
 the course of this war, and from whose cheerful assist- 
 ance [and advice I have received much support and 
 confidence] in the various and trying vicissitudes of a 
 complicated contest, the name of Putnam is not for- 
 gotten. The Secretary of War who is now here, 
 informs me that you have ever been considered as entitled 
 to full pay since your absence from the field, and that 
 you will still be considered in that light until the close 
 of the war ; at which period you will be equally entitled 
 to the same emoluments of half pay or commutation as 
 other officers of your rank. The same opinion is also 
 given by the paymaster-general who is now with the 
 army." 
 
 The above extract from Washington's letter, is all 
 that expresses any opinion of Putnam; and that is 
 exceedingly equivocal. It may be here noticed that 
 Mr. Peabody, in a recent life of Putnam, has interpolated 
 the words in the above letter inclosed in brackets ; a 
 very significant alteration, it might have been the result 
 of accident. Col. Grosvenor, a gentleman of high 
 standing, has no doubt given a true account of what he 
 saw. Having been called on to contradict Dearborn, it 
 may be presumed he would have done so, if truth 
 would have permitted. His history so far as it alludes 
 to General Putnam, was all in the forenoon, two or 
 three hours before the action commenced, for Stark with 
 whom Dearborn marched, did not arrive at Breed's Hill 
 
192 
 
 more than half an hour before the action commenced, 
 nearly or quite three o'clock in the afternoon. Grosvenor 
 does not say he saw Putnam in the action, although 
 willing it should so be believed. No part of his state- 
 ment, bears favorably or unfavorably on Dearborn, 
 directly, but is strong negative testimony in support of 
 it. Washington's opinion of Putnam will be noticed 
 hereafter. 
 
 After the above statements were published, and many 
 anonymous publications, in the prints of the day, tending 
 to keep up a strong feeling against General Dearborn ; 
 he caused to be published in a Boston paper # what 
 follows : — 
 
 " As it appears from various publications that attempts 
 have been made to invalidate the account, which I have 
 given of the battle of Bunker Hill, and thus to produce 
 an excitement against me, not warranted by facts, I have 
 been induced to have the following documents made 
 public. If there are any persons of candid and unpre- 
 judiced minds, who have conceived there were some 
 grounds for doubting the general correctness of my 
 observations, in relation to that memorable event, the 
 concurring declarations of many respectable characters 
 may afford them satisfaction." 
 
 H. DEARBORN. 
 
 Boston, June 10th, 1818. 
 
193 
 
 Gen. Michael M'Clary's Letter. 
 
 " Epsom, May 10, 1818. 
 " Dear Sir— 
 
 " Your letter of the 1st instant I received yester- 
 day, and a few days previously, I saw in the New Hamp- 
 shire Patriot the account published by your father of 
 what is generally called Bunker Hill battle, which, to the 
 best of my recollection, is correct. 
 
 "I was in the battle from its commencement to the 
 end, and have no recollection of seeing Gen. Putnam in 
 or near it. I was the principal part of the time the ac- 
 tion continued near Col. Stark, who commanded the 
 regiment to which I belonged, and on our retreat from 
 Breed's Hill, in ascending Bunker Hill, I well remember 
 seeing Gen. Putnam there on his horse, with a spade in 
 his hand. 
 
 " Being an officer in the company under your father's 
 command, I had an opportunity of knowing the circum- 
 stances generally attending the battle ; and if Gen. Put- 
 nam had been there [that is, taken any part in it] I 
 should have known it. 
 
 " I am, dear sir, &c. 
 
 " MICHAEL McCLARY, 
 
 * H. A. S. Dearborn." 
 
 Gen. B. Pierce's Letter. 
 
 " Hillsboro, N. H., May 17, 1818. 
 " Much respected general — 
 
 " I have read your account of the battle of Bun- 
 ker Hill, and consider it to be more like the thing itself 
 
194 
 
 than any statement I have seen. I went on to the hill 
 about II o'clock, A. M., on the 17th. When I arrived 
 at the summit of Bunker Hill, I saw there two pieces of 
 cannon, and two or three soldiers standing by them, who 
 said they belonged to Oapt. Calender's company, and 
 that the officers had run away. Gen. Putnam sat there 
 upon a horse. I saw nobody else but him and the before 
 mentioned soldiers. The general requested our compa- 
 ny (which was commanded by Capt. John Ford, of 
 Chelmsford, Massachusetts) to take these cannon down 
 to the lines ; which they refused to do, saying they had 
 no knowledge of the use of artillery, but were ready to 
 fight with their own arms. Capt. Ford then addressed 
 his company in a very animated strain, which had the 
 desired effect, and they seized the ropes, and soon drew 
 the cannon to the rail fence. 
 
 " I think I saw Gen. Putnam at that place, looking 
 for something he had lost. I did not hear him give any 
 orders^ or assume any command, except at the top of 
 Bunker Hill, when I was going to the field of action. I 
 remained at the rail fence until all the powder and ball 
 were spent. I had a full view of the movements of the 
 enemy, and I think your statement of the order of the 
 day, and of the two contending armies, correct, and can- 
 not be denied with the semblance of truth. Excuse an 
 old soldier. 
 
 u I am, sir, &c., 
 
 " B. PIERCE. 
 
 " Maj. Gen. Henry Dearborn." 
 
195 
 Letter of Dr. Thomas Kittridge, of Andover. 
 
 "Boston, June 18, 1818. 
 
 ■ Sir— 
 
 " I received your letter of the 8th instant in due 
 season, in which you request me to answer certain ques- 
 tions respecting the battle on Bunker Hill, so called. 
 
 " I was surgeon in Frye's regiment, and marched with 
 the troops in the evening of the 16th of June, 1775, 
 which consisted of three regiments, according to the best 
 of my recollection — Frye's, Prescott's and Bridge's.* — 
 Col. Prescott was considered commander of the whole 
 detachment. We arrived at the hill late in the evening, 
 and the troops immediately commenced throwing up 
 works for our defence. * * * * I left the hill with 
 the first who was wounded, passed over Charlestown 
 Neck, where I proceeded to dress his wounds. You ask 
 whether I saw Gen. Putnam on that day, and where ? 
 I saw him only once, as I came off, at the foot of the 
 lower hill, between where the battle was and Charles- 
 town Neck. He was under a tree, with, as 1 supposed, 
 about thirty or forty men. I made a halt, when I came 
 against him, of three or four minutes ; and while I was 
 there, I heard Gen. Putnam request some of the men to 
 go up to the fort and endeavor to get some of the in- 
 
 * " According to Col. Swett, there were attached to this expedition, 
 in addition to the above, one hundred and twenty men of Gen. Putnam's 
 regiment, and one company of artillery, making in all about one thousand 
 men. 
 
196 
 
 trenching tools. I immediately left them, went over the 
 Neck, and there continued dressing the wounded until 
 the engagement was over. 
 
 " I am, sir, (fee, 
 " THOMAS KITTRIDGE. 
 " Gen. H. A. S. Dearborn." 
 
 "I, Samuel Lawrence, of Groton, Esquire, testify and 
 say, that I was at the battle of Bunker Hill, (so called) 
 in Col. Wm. Prescott's regiment ; that I marched with 
 the regiment to the point on Breed's Hill, which was fixed 
 on for a redoubt ; that I assisted in throwing up the 
 work, and in forming a redoubt, under Col. Prescott, 
 who directed the whole of this operation. The work 
 was begun about nine o'clock in the evening of June 16, 
 1775. I was there the whole time, and continued in the 
 redoubt, or in the little fort, during the whole battle until 
 the enemy came in and a retreat was ordered. 
 
 " Gen. Putnam was not present either while the works 
 were erecting, or during the battle. I could distinctly 
 see the rail fence and the troops stationed there during 
 the battle, but Gen. Putnam was not present as I saw. 
 Just before the battle commenced, Gen. Warren came to 
 the redoubt. He had on a blue coat, white waistcoat, 
 and I think a cocked hat, but of this I am not certain. 
 Col. Prescott advanced to him, said he was glad to see 
 him, and hoped he would take the command. General 
 Warren replied, 'No, he came to see the action, but not 
 to take command ; that he was only a volunteer on that 
 day.' Afterwards I saw Gen. Warren shot ; I saw him 
 
197 
 
 when the ball struck him, and from that time until he 
 expired. No British officer was within forty or fifty rods 
 of him, from the time the ball stiuck him until I saw he 
 was dead. 
 
 " (Signed) SAMUEL LAWRENCE." 
 
 Sworn to before Sam'l. Dana, Justice of the Peace, &c. 
 
 11 1 commanded a company of artillery from the town 
 of Marblehead, attached to Col. Richard Gridley's regi- 
 ment, stationed at Cambridge. About one o'clock in the 
 afternoon of the 17th of June, 1775, I left Cambridge 
 with my company, for Bunker's Hill. When about a 
 quarter of a mile from the Colleges, I saw Gen. Putnam 
 pass upon a horse towards the town of Cambridge, and 
 in. fifteen or twenty minutes I saw him pass in like man- 
 ner towards Charlestown. When I arrived at Bunker's 
 Hill, on the north-west side, I there saw Gen. Putnam 
 dismounted, in company with several others. I halted 
 my company, and went forward to select a station for my 
 pieces, and on my return, saw Gen. Putnam as before ; 
 the American and English forces being then engaged. 
 I proceeded on with my company, and soon after joined 
 that part of the American force at the rail fence, towards 
 Mystic river, the Americans commenced a general retreat. 
 As I was descending the north-west side of Bunker's 
 Hill, I again saw Gen. Putnam in the same place, putting 
 his tent upon his horse. I asked him where I should 
 retreat with the field-piece I had brought off; he replied 
 to Cambridge, and I accordingly marched my company 
 
 to Cambridge. 
 
 17 
 
198 
 
 " In the month of May or June, 1795, being in the 
 island of Guernsey, I had occasion in the course of busi- 
 ness to call upon Maj. (alias Col. Small,) the governor. 
 After closing my business with him, he remarked that 
 my countenance was not new to him, and inquired where 
 he had seen me. I replied, that it must have been at 
 Col. Ingersoll's tavern, in Boston — and that I had once 
 been opposed to him in action. He immediately entered 
 into a free and general conversation on the battle of 
 Bunker's Hill ; but he made no inquiry after Gen. Put- 
 nam, nor did he in any way, either directly or indirectly, 
 allude to him, either as a friend or an officer. 
 
 "SAMUEL R. TREVETT. 
 
 "Boston, June 2, 1818." 
 
 Affidavit of Robert Bradford Wilkins. 
 " I, Robert B. Wilkins, of Concord, county of Rock- 
 ingham, State of New Hampshire, do testify and say, that 
 I acted as a private soldier in the battle' of Breed's Hill, 
 otherwise called the battle of Bunker's Hill, on the 17th 
 of June, 1775 ; that I was attached to Capt. Levi Spaul- 
 ding's company, of Col. Jas. Reed's regiment. That 1 
 was on that day stationed at Charlestown, below the 
 Neck and on the main street ; that our company pro- 
 ceeded from thence on to Bunker's Hill, over the hollow 
 and on to Breed's Hill ; that after our company arrived 
 at the works, near Mystic river, I was sent back on an 
 errand, by the captain, to the house where we had been 
 stationed, and on returning by a route nearer to the 
 Neck, than that we first passed, I saw Gen. Putnam with 
 
199 
 
 Col. Gerrish, as near as I could judge one hundred rods 
 from the line and troops I had left ; that the firing with 
 small arms commenced after I returned the second time ; 
 that in the action the enemy were three times repulsed ; 
 that in the interval between the second and third repulse, 
 I received a severe wound from a musket-ball in my 
 right elbow-joint, for which wound I have since received 
 a pension from the government of the United States ; 
 that I then left the field of battle just before the retreat 
 of the Americans from the fort, and passed on to Bun- 
 ker's Hill, where I found Gen. Putnam and Col. Gerrish 
 in nearly the same place where I first saw them ; that I 
 was then almost exhausted from the loss of blood; that 
 Col. Gerrish gave me some refreshment and bound a 
 handkerchief around my arm at the place of my wound) 
 and sent two men to assist me over the Neck, who left 
 me before I had cleared the Neck, and I fell and lay on 
 the ground, until nearly all the Americans had retreated 
 from the hill, when I was helped off. I served from the 
 commencement to the close of the revolutionary war, and 
 acted successively as a private, a sergeant, ensign and 
 lieutenant. 
 
 " ROBERT B. WILKINS." 
 Sworn to beibre Samuel Greene, Justice of the Peace. 
 May, 30, 1818. 
 
 Rev. Dr. Wm. Bentley's Statement. 
 
 <•' Salem, May 20, 1818. 
 " I was with General Stark on the 31st of May, 1810. 
 I always had a deep interest in the man, and usually 
 
200 
 
 kept a notice of the subject of our conversation. I found 
 him in great good humor, and soon if^on his old war 
 stories, which I did not take care minutely to preserve, 
 because Maj. Caleb Stark had told me he was collecting 
 every thing worthy of the public eye, and to be publish- 
 ed after his father's decease, and in due honor of his me- 
 mory. As among other objects, I intended to get a like- 
 ness, and was uncertain of success, among the maps, 
 prints, and papers I carried him, were some portraits, 
 and among them was one of Gen. Putnam. I recollect 
 upon the sight of the head of General Putnam he said, 
 1 My champlain,' as he called me, you know my opinion 
 of that man. Had he done his duty, he would have de- 
 cided the fate of his country in the first action. He then 
 proceeded to describe to me the scene of action and the 
 'pen, 1 as he called the enclosed works, and breast- works, 
 and gave his reason for not entering it, and the want of 
 judgment in the works. He then told me where he saw 
 General Putnam and what was done on the occasion, 
 and his remarks were as severe as his genius and the 
 sentiments of ardent patriotism could make them. As 
 Gen. Stark always used the same language on the sub- 
 ject, it will be recollected by many of his friends. 
 
 " WILLIAM BENTLEY." 
 
 Certificate op the Rev. Daniel Chaplin, D.D., of 
 
 Groton, and Rev. John Bullard, of Pepperell. 
 
 "This may certify the public, that we whose names 
 
 we have given, were in the habits of intimacy with Col. 
 
 W. Prescott, of Pepperell, a man of the strictest integrity, 
 
201 
 
 during most of the period after he left the revolutionary 
 army until his death ; that at sundry times in conversa- 
 tion with him about the war, particularly about the battle 
 of Bunker Hill, so called, he uniformly told us, that Ma- 
 jor Gen. Warren came to the fort on Breed's Hill, which 
 had been formed the night preceding, a little before the 
 British made an attack on the works ; that he, Col. Pres- 
 cott, said to Gen. Warren, ' I am happy to see you, Ge- 
 neral,' or using words to the same effect, ' for you will 
 now take command, and I will obey your orders and am 
 relieved.' Said Gen. Warren to him, in reply, ' I have 
 no command here, Col. Prescott ; I am a volunteer ; 1 
 came to learn actual service.' Prescott said, 'I wish* 
 then, you would look at the works we have thrown up, 
 and give your opinion.' Warren replied, ' You are bet- 
 ter acquainted with military matters than 1 am.' After 
 which they immediately parted, and met not again. Col. 
 Prescott further informed us repeatedly, that when a re- 
 treat was ordered and commenced, he was descending 
 the hill, he met Gen. Putnam and said to him, { why did 
 you not support me, General, with your men, as I had 
 reason to expect, according to agreement V Putnam an- 
 swered, ■ I could not drive the dogs up.' Prescott point- 
 edly said to him, l If you could not drive them up, you 
 might have led them up.' We have good reason to be- 
 lieve further, from declarations of some of our parishion- 
 ers — men of respectability, whose veracity cannot be 
 doubted, who belonged to Col. Prescott's regiment, and 
 were present through the whole service, that Gen. Put- 
 nam was not on Breed's Hill the night preceding, or on 
 
 17* 
 
202 
 
 that day, except that just before the attack was made, he 
 might have gone to the fort and ordered the tools to be 
 carried off, that they might not fall into the hands of the 
 enemy in the event of his carrying the works, and hold- 
 ing the ground ; and that he and his men, with Colonel 
 Gerrish, remained on the side of Bunker Hill towards 
 the Neck during the whole action. 
 
 " (Signed) DANIEL CHAPLIN, 
 
 « Groton, June 5, 1818. JOHN BULLARD." 
 
 Statement of the Hon. Abel Parker, Judge 
 of Probate. 
 
 "As I was in the battle on Breed's Hill, otherwise 
 called Bunker's Hill, on the 17th day of June, 1775, 
 and there received one ball through my leg, another 
 having passed through my clothes, all accounts of that 
 battle which I have seen published, have been to me 
 extremely interesting. But I have never seen any 
 account which I considered in any degree correct, until 
 the one by Gen. Dearborn. On perusing that account 
 with the utmost attention, I could discover but one mis- 
 take, and that related to his assertion, ' that there was 
 not a man that flinched, 5 or to that effect, for his narra- 
 tive is not now before me, and even in that case, I 
 believe the General's assertion may be strictly true, if 
 his meaning be confined to the time after his arrival on 
 the hill. Previous to that, there were many who left 
 the ground at the fort, particularly at the landing of the 
 British troops ; but after the commencement of the battle 
 with small arms, I know of no man's leaving his post, 
 
203 
 
 until the order to retreat was given by Col. Prescott, 
 But notwithstanding the correctness of Gen. Dearborn's 
 description of that battle, some persons seem to be much 
 exasperated by it, in particular as to what he asserted in 
 regard to Gen. Putnam. As long as they confined 
 themselves to mere declamation, without bringing for- 
 ward any evidence to disprove the General's assertion, 
 I deemed it unnecessary for me to appear in vindication 
 of the General's statement. But on perusing a letter 
 from Col. Trumbull to Col. Putnam ^ wherein mention 
 is made of a conversation with Col. Small in London, 
 I concluded, notwithstanding my aversion to take any 
 part in a newspaper discussion, that to remain any 
 longer silent, would be absolutely criminal. I shall, 
 therefore, in as concise a manner as possible, state what 
 I know relating to that memorable battle. Immediately 
 after the battle of Lexington, I engaged in the service 
 of my country, in Capt. John Nutting's company, in 
 the regiment commanded by Col. Wm. Prescott. Both 
 of these officers belonged to the town of Peperell, 
 where I then lived. I was at this time a little more 
 than twenty-two years of age. On the 16th day of 
 June following, Col. PrescotCs regiment with two or 
 three others, were ordered to march and take possession 
 of Bunker's Hill. On our arrival at the place called 
 Charlestown neck, a halt was made, and Capt. Nutting's 
 company, with ten of the Connecticut troops, were 
 detached to proceed into Charlestown as a guard ; the 
 remainder marched to the hill, which in fact was Breed's, 
 and not Bunker's Hill, where they commenced building 
 
204 
 
 a small fort. In the morning, not far from sun-rising, 
 the alarm was fired from the British vessel lying in the 
 river. Sometime after this, Nutting's company left the 
 town, and marched to join the regiment on the hill. — 
 "When we arrived there, the fort was in considerable 
 forwardness, and the troops commenced throwing up the 
 breast-work mentioned by Gen. Dearborn. We had not 
 long been employed in that work, before the cannon 
 shot from a hill in Boston, and the vessels lying in the 
 river were poured in upon us in great profusion. How- 
 ever, the work progressed until it would answer the 
 purpose for which it was designed. But the firing 
 from the British artillery continued with unabated fury. 
 Sometime before this, there was brought to the fort sev- 
 eral brass field pieces, one of which was actually fired 
 towards Boston ; but the ball did not reach the town. It 
 had this effect, however, on the British, that it made 
 them double their diligence in firing upon us. In the 
 time of this heavy fire, I, for the first time that day, saw 
 Gen. Putnam standing with others, under cover of the 
 north wall of the fort, where, I believe, he remained 
 until the British troops made their appearance in their 
 boats. At this time the artillery was withdrawn from 
 the fort, but by whose orders I know not, and Gen. 
 Putnam^ at, or near the same time, left the fort. The 
 removing of the artillery, and Gen. Putnam's depart- 
 ure, took place a little before, (if my memory be correct) 
 the New Hampshire troops made their appearance on the 
 hill. I saw them when they arrived, and witnessed 
 their dexterity in throwing up their breast- work of rails 
 and hay. 
 
205 
 
 " When the British first made their attack with small 
 arms, I was at the breast work, where I remained until I 
 received my wound from the party who flanked it ; I 
 then went to the fort, where I remained until the order 
 to retreat was given by Col. Prescott. After my arrival 
 at the fort I had a perfect opportunity of viewing the 
 operations of the day, and noticed Col. P. as the only 
 person who took upon him any command. He frequent- 
 ly ordered the men from one side to the other, in order 
 to defend that part which was prest hardest by the 
 enemy ; and I was within a few yards of him, when the 
 order to retreat was given ; and I affirm, that at that 
 time Gen. Putnam was not in the fort, neither had he 
 been there at any time after my entering the same ; and 
 I have no hesitation in declaring, that the story told by 
 Col. Small to Col. Trumbull, concerning Gen. Putnam's 
 saving him from the fire of our men at that time, is 
 altogether unfounded. 
 
 ABEL PARKER." 
 
 " Jeffrey, N. H., May 27, 1S18." 
 
 A more dignified and calm appeal to the public in 
 vindication of the correctness of his statement, bearing 
 on the face of it, a conciousness of having narrated the 
 truth in its simplicity, is rarely to be found, and would 
 have done credit to his old friend and commander, 
 Washington. So complete and satisfactory was this vin- 
 dication, from gentlemen of all political bearings, and 
 of so high standing in society for veracity, that it has 
 precluded any attempt to contradict their statement 
 from the day it was given to the present time. 
 
206 
 
 They all give their statements, without dictation, 
 writing separately, at different times and places. They 
 were not invited by public advertisements to appear to 
 give testimony ; nor were agents employed to travel the 
 country to get up testimony. That the opposition to 
 Dearborn's account arose, in some measure, from the 
 political feelings of the day, may be presumed, from the 
 circumstance, that General Heath in his account of 
 Breed's Hill battle, published in 1798, says : — 
 
 " Perhaps there never was a better fought battle than 
 this, all things considered, and too much praise can 
 never be bestowed on the conduct of Col. William 
 Prescott, who, notwithstanding any thing that may have 
 been said, was the proper commanding officer, at the 
 redoubt, and nobly acted his part as such, during the 
 whole action. Just before the action began, General 
 Putnam came to the redoubt, and told Colonel Prescott 
 that the entrenching tools must be sent off, or they 
 would be lost ; the Colonel replied, that if he sent any 
 of the men away with the tools, not one of them would 
 return, to this the General answered, ' they shall every 
 man return.' A large party was then sent away with 
 the tools, and not one of them returned *, in this instance 
 the Colonel was the best judge of human nature. In 
 the time of action, Colonel Prescott observed the brave 
 General Warren was near the works ; he immediately 
 stepped up to him, and asked him if he had any orders 
 to give him. The General replied mat he had none, 
 that he exercised no command there, * the command,' 
 said the General, * is yours.' Heath's account appeared 
 
207 
 
 thirty years before Dearborn's in which he declares 
 Prescott commanded during the whole action ; and was 
 never contradicted. He further places Putnam in an 
 awkward situation for a general, absorbed with the care 
 of entrenching tools, and depriving Prescott of a large 
 party, it is said at least two hundred men. This party 
 with eighteen or twenty rounds, would in all probability, 
 have given Prescott what he most richly deserved, 
 victory. — General Wilkinson in his memoirs, published 
 two years before Dearborn's, in giving an account of 
 this battle says, ' After the third repulse of the light 
 infantry, and whilst the attack was carried on against 
 the redoubt, Stark's men behind the post and rail fence 
 near the Mystic were unassailed and unocupied, and the 
 scene near the redoubt being obscured by the smoke, 
 they were induced to retreat reluctantly after the work 
 was carried. If they had been thrown forward, when 
 the light infantry finally gave way, to attack Sir 
 Williams Howe's right flank and rear, the issue of this 
 conflict might have proved unfortunate for him ; or if 
 General Putnam had moved up with Colonel Gerrish 
 and the men who remained stationary within six 
 hundred yards of the combat, which lasted an hour and 
 an half, the triumph of the provincials would have been 
 decisive, and those of the British corps who were 
 not killed must have surrendered, which would have 
 probably terminated the contest and prevented the dis- 
 severment of the British empire ; but I understand from 
 high authority, that it was in vain that Colonel Prescott 
 sent messenger after messenger to entreat General 
 
208 
 
 Putnam to come to his succor ; he rode about Bunker's 
 Hill, while the battle raged under bis eye, with a number 
 of entrenching tools slung across his horse, but did not 
 advance a step, and was passed, with Colonel Gerrish 
 by his side, by Stark and Dearborn, as they retreated, 
 near the spot where they saw him when they advanced ; 
 and for this conduct Colonel Prescott never ceased to 
 reprobate the General." 
 
 This high authority quoted by Wilkinson, was pro- 
 bably Colonel Stark, for he says he had the details of 
 the battle from him on the field, the 17th of March 
 1776, the day the British left that post, when he 
 observed "the dead lay as thick as sheep in a fold," 
 before the rail fence. Heath and Wilkinson having 
 been before the public, the one nearly fifty years, aud 
 the other twenty, uncontradicted and acquiesced in, 
 while Dearborn was attacked in the most violent 
 manner, and personal abuse heaped upon him, makes it 
 more than probable that the political excitement of the 
 day, or other sinister views and objects, had an undue 
 weight. 
 
 In every controversy about the truth of history, or 
 the conduct of an individual in exalted station, on any 
 particular occasion, and that controversy of recent origin, 
 it is prudent and safe to call in the aid of authorities 
 of earlier date, and who lived and wrote, at or near the 
 time, the event in controversy happened. On referring 
 to Marshall. Ramsey, Lendrum, General H. Lee, and 
 other respectable historians, it is found they do not 
 mention the name of Putnam, as taking any part in the 
 
209 
 
 action, Gordon, who resided in the vicinity of the 
 scene of action, and published his history in four vol- 
 umes, as early as 1787, makes Prescott the hero of the 
 day, and adds, Putnam was " here and there." 
 
 Botta in his " History of the War of Independence of 
 the United States of America," says, " The troops of 
 Massachusetts commanded by Col. Prescott, occupied 
 Charlestown, the redoubt, and part of the trench ; those 
 of Connecticut, commanded by Capt. Knowlton, and 
 those of New Hampshire, commanded by Colonel Stark } 
 the rest of the trench ; and General Putnam was on the 
 hill above to superintend the action." Humphries in his 
 life of Putnam, does not place him in the action, but 
 says he was active in the retreat. Humphries is careful 
 to inform his readers, that the facts in this Life he re- 
 ceived from Gen. Putnam's own mouth, and it must 
 appear singular, that he did not mention to his biographer 
 his being present and in command on such an occasion. 
 Gen. Dearborn's declaration, that Prescott commanded 
 in the redoubt and Stark at the rail fence, and nothing 
 but musket balls prevented General Putnam from re- 
 inforcing them, produced great indignation ; but perhaps 
 not greater than the following : " When General Put- 
 nam's ephemeral and unaccountable popularity subsided 
 or faded away, and the minds of the people were released 
 from the shackles of a delusive trance, the circumstances 
 relating to Bunker Hill, were viewed and talked of in a 
 very different light^nd the selection of the unfortunate 
 Col. Gerrish as a scape-goat , considered as a mysteri- 
 ous and inexplicable event." To this Col. Putnam and 
 
 18 
 
210 
 
 others gave a full and flat denial, and published Wash- 
 ington's letter to Putnam already cited, in confirmation 
 of their assertion, that his popularity never did subside 
 or fade away. In justice to Gen. Dearborn, the follow- 
 ing letters and orders from Gen. Washington and others 
 are given, that, the reader may be more fully in posses- 
 sion of the facts, as to the above declaration of Dearborn. 
 
 Extract of aletter from John Adams to his wife, while member of Congress, 
 and in session at Baltimore, and when the business of the army was 
 especially before tliat body, for on the day the letter was written, nine 
 individuals were appointed Brigadier Generals, viz. Poor, Patterson, 
 Wayne, Varnum, De Haas, Weedon, Muhlenburg, Cadwallader and 
 Woodford. 
 
 "Baltimore, 21st February, 1777. 
 I sincerely wish we could hear more from General 
 Heath. Many persons are extremely dissatisfied with 
 numbers of the general officers of the highest rank. I 
 don't mean the Commander-in-Chief, his character is 
 justly very high, but Putnam, Spencer and Heath, are 
 thought by very few to be capable of the high commands 
 they hold. We hear of none of their heroic deeds in 
 arms. I wish they would all resign." 
 
 About the same time Robert R. Livingston, then 
 Chancellor of New- York, wrote Washington. " Your 
 Excellency," said he, " is not ignorant of the extent of 
 Gen. Putnam's capacity and diligence ; and how well 
 soever they may qualify him for this important com- 
 mand, [the Highlands,] the prejudices to which his 
 
211 
 
 imprudent lenity to the disaffected, and too great inter- 
 course with the enemy, have given rise, have greatly 
 injured his influence. How far the loss of Fort Mont- 
 gomery and the subsequent ravages of the enemy are to 
 be attributed to him, I will not venture to say ; as this 
 will necessarily be determined by a court of inquiry, 
 whose determination I would not anticipate. Unfor- 
 tunately for him, the current of popular opinion in this 
 and the neighboring states, and so far as I can learn in 
 the troops under his command, runs strongly against 
 him. For my own part, 1 sincerely lament that his 
 'patriotism will not suffer him to take that repose to 
 which his age and past services justly entitle him." 
 
 Gov. Clinton also wrote pressingly to Washington 
 requesting the removal of Putnam from the command 
 in the Highlands. 
 
 In 1777, Congress appointed Gov. Clinton a general 
 officer in the army of the United States, and gave him 
 the command on the North river, because as President 
 Hancock, in a letter to Clinton says, « an active and vigi- 
 lant officer was required at that post." But Clinton's 
 business as govenor, was so pressing, that he was com- 
 pelled to decline the appointment, which continued 
 Putnam in the command till March, 1778. In the latter 
 part of 1777, after the surrender of Burgoyne's army, 
 Washington was so desirous to be reinforced, in the 
 vicinity of Philadelphia, by troops on the Hudson under 
 Gates and Putnam, that he sent Hamilton, his aid, to 
 hasten their march, for his letters to them had not had 
 the desired effect. Hamilton did not find either of those 
 
212 
 
 Generals disposed to comply with Washington's orders, 
 given through him. He addressed many letters to 
 Washington on this subject, and in one dated November 
 12, 1777, he says, " By a letter of yesterday, Gen. Poor 
 informs me he would certainly march this morning. I 
 must do him the justice to say, he appears solicitous to 
 join you, and that I believe the past delay is not owing 
 to any fault of his, but is wholly chargeable to Gen. 
 Putnam. Indeed Sir, I owe it to the service to say, that 
 every part of this gentlemarts conduct is marked icith 
 blunders and negligence, and gives general disgust." 
 Again Hamilton says, " I doubt whether he will attend 
 to any thing I shall say, notwithstanding it comes in 
 the shape of a positive order. Col. Hamilton had the 
 satisfaction of receiving a letter from Washington of 
 November 15, 1777, in which he says, "Dear Sir — I 
 have duly received your several favors from the time 
 you left me to that of the 12th instant. I approve en- 
 tirely of all the steps you have taken, and have only to 
 wish that the exertions of those you have had to deal with 
 had kept pace with your zeal and good intentions." 
 Putnam's disobedience of the orders of Washington, 
 which prevented him from even attempting the capture 
 of Howe, which he had determined to effect, deeply 
 affected his mind ; and we find in a letter dated Valley 
 Forge, of March 6, 1778, he thus expresses himself in 
 reference to the command of Rhode Island. " They 
 also know with more certainty than I do, what will be 
 the determination of Congress respecting Gen. Putnam ; 
 and of course whether the appointment of him to such 
 
213 
 
 a command as that at Rhode Island would fall within 
 their views. 1 1 being incumbent on me to observe, that 
 with such materials as I am furnished, the work must 
 go on — whether well or ill is another matter. If, 
 therefore, he and others are not laid aside, they must 
 be placed where they can least injure the service" In 
 a letter of Washington to Putnam, dated, " Valley Forge, 
 16th March, 1778," he says, " Gen. McDougall is to take 
 command of the posts in the Highlands. My reason for 
 making this change is owing to the prejudices of the 
 people, which whether well or ill grounded, must be 
 indulged ; and I should think myself wanting in justice 
 to the public and candor towards you, were I to continue 
 you in a command, after I have been, almost in direct 
 terms, informed that the people of the State of New- 
 York will not render the necessary support and assist- 
 ance, while you remain at the head of that department. 
 "When the inquiry is finished I desire that you will 
 return to Connecticut and superintend the forwarding 
 on the new levies with the greatest expedition." But 
 Putnam reluctantly obeyed this order, for he soon ex- 
 pressed a wish to join the main army, as may be gathered 
 from Washington to him of April 29th, 1778. " I ex- 
 pect in a few days a general plan of operations for the 
 campaign will be settled ; if one similar to that which 
 you mention should be fixed upon, your assistance will 
 be wanting in Connecticut to arrange and forward the 
 militia, which we shall have occasion to draw from that 
 state, and therefore I wish you to continue there till you 
 
 hear from me." Similar and repeated opinions of Wash- 
 
 18* 
 
214 
 
 ington and Hamilton might be given, but it seems en- 
 tirely unnecessary. The sole reason for which they are 
 referred to, is to show that Dearborn's declaration that 
 Putnam's " ephemeral and unaccountable popularity, did 
 subside and fade away" notwithstanding what has been 
 said to the contrary, is fully supported by the opinions 
 and actions of Adams, Livingston, Washington and 
 Hamilton. Gentlemen, whose opinions, heretofore, and 
 in other cases, have been held in high estimation with 
 their countrymen, and whose words have been justly 
 considered truth. 
 
 All accounts previous to that of Dearborn's, which 
 were many, give the command to Prescott, and were si- 
 lent with regard to Putnam, or censured him. Anony 
 mous writers have been numerous of later times, and 
 their statements variant. Capt. Josiah Cleveland is made 
 to say, "On the retreat, near the causeway, Putnam met 
 with Colonels Gerrish and Poor, with their regiments, 
 whom he reprimanded in the most indignant and fiery 
 terms, for not coming to his support. They excused 
 themselves by saying it was too dangerous to cross the 
 causeway over Bunker's Hill. Putnam replied with an 
 oath, that the balls did'nt hit him, and they too might 
 have escaped. These men were afterwards cashiered." 
 Capt. Cleveland was eighty-seven years old, and did not 
 sign this statement ; but the editor of the Oswego adver- 
 tiser says he told him this, and so published it. A suffi- 
 cient answer to all this is, Colonel Poor was not within 
 fifty-five miles of Bunker's Hill that day, unless Exeter, 
 New Hampshire, is nearer ; nor was he ever cashiered, 
 
215 
 
 but died of a fever in 1780, and was buried at Hacken- 
 sack, New Jersey ; and in the opinion of Washington, 
 an officer of distinguished merit, who, as a citizen and 
 soldier, had every claim to the esteem of his country." 
 
 Among the great variety of opinions expressed in re- 
 gard lo the degree of merit due the several actors in our 
 revolutionary struggle, it is satisfactory to find some dis- 
 posed to speak of them with calmness, candor, and per- 
 sonal knowledge. In a manuscript letter, now before 
 me, of August, 1842, from a very intelligent gentle- 
 man, we have such an expression : " I lived in Pomfret, 
 within three miles of Gen. Putnam, when he died, in 
 1790, and am very well acquainted with his public and 
 private character. It is a common practice for all nations 
 to represent all their commanders as invincible heroes. 
 Putnam was so represented by some Americans, in April, 
 1775 ; while some of the enemy at that time said he was 
 a mere wolf-catcher and Indian-hunter, who was hardly 
 equal to command a company of grenadiers. During 
 the battle on Breed's Hill, I believe Putnam was seen 
 near the hill, urging men to go into the battle, but that 
 he was chief of the time on Bunker's Hill, where there 
 was no danger from the enemy's bullets ; that he showed 
 an improper anxiety in the time of battle to save spades 
 and pickaxes, I have no doubt. I think a full, correct 
 and impartial history of the battle of Bunker Hill (such 
 a one has not, I believe, yet been published,) would 
 prove conclusively that General Putnam had not talents 
 that fitted him to command an army. From the pub- 
 lished accounts of the disastrous battle on Long Island, 
 
216 
 
 by Marshall, Ramsey and others, and from an account 
 of the battle I have had from Col. Knowlton's son, who 
 was there, I have no doubt the chief misfortunes of the 
 day may be attributed to the great want of military tal- 
 ents of the commander, Gen. Putnam. Daniel Putnam, 
 (page 3) says : ' two days before the battle of Flatbush, 
 in consequence , of the sickness of that excellent officer, 
 Gen. Green, who had commanded on Long Island, Gen. 
 Putnam was ordered to the command of that post, and 
 assisted in the arduous and complicated difficulties of that 
 masterly retreat.' [). Putnam is the only person that I 
 ever heard or read of, who asserted that Gen. Putnam 
 assisted in that masterly retreat. I believe that General 
 Putnam remained in his fortified camp, at Brooklyn, du- 
 ring the battle, while General Sullivan did the fighting 
 without the lines, but he could not retrieve the blunders 
 of Putnam. General Putnam was a plain, industrious? 
 prudent farmer, and, I think, was a brave, honest man, 
 but without talents or other qualifications to constitute a 
 general. I believe it would be difficult at this time to 
 offer any satisfactory reason why he was held in such 
 high estimation by some of the Americans previous to 
 the battle of Breed's Hill." 
 
 The writer of the above letter is still living, and wrote 
 without expressing any wish that it should be considered 
 or treated as confidential ; but not having an opportuni- 
 ty of seeing or writing him, on the occasion, before this 
 goes to press, his name is not given at this time. From 
 Col. Swett's history of this battle, and he was never sus- 
 pected of being desirous of supporting Gen. Dearborn 
 
217 
 
 in his declarations, being one of Gov. Brook's military 
 family, we have the different declarations of Putnam and 
 Prescott, previous to the battle. Putnam says : " From 
 long experience he perfectly comprehended the character 
 of the British ; they would ultimately succeed and drive 
 us from the works ; but from the mode of attack they 
 had chosen, it was in our power to do them infinite mis- 
 chief, though we must be prepared for a brave and or- 
 derly retreat, when we could maintain our ground no 
 longer." When preparation on the part of the British 
 was apparent to attack the works thrown up by Prescott, 
 and the men felt and expressed a wish to leave them, 
 having worked all night, and spent the day without re- 
 freshments, he instantly repressed their feelings by decla- 
 ring, { the enemy would not dare to attack them, and if 
 they did, would be defeated ; the men who had raised 
 the works were the best qualified to defend them ; they 
 had already learned to despise the fire of the enemy ; 
 they had the merit of the labor, and should enjoy the 
 honor of the victory.' " These two declarations had the 
 effect which might naturally be supposed : the one to 
 create a trepidation in young and inexperienced soldiers, 
 and prevent them going into action, in which they were 
 told by their general they were to be defeated ; the other, 
 to retain them where they were, await the approaching 
 danger, and defend their works to the last extremity, with 
 the assurance of victory. The one, if not the suggestion 
 of fear, was to the last degree imprudent and injudicious; 
 the other, the most gallant and has placed its author, for 
 his conduct on that day, first among his countrymen. — 
 
218 
 
 Washington's conduct at Braddock's defeat will not com- 
 pare with it. 
 
 Anonymous writers and village editor^ have, since 
 Dearborn's account, written and published often repeated 
 statements, to lessen the weight of his account, without 
 facts to support them. One publication appeared in a 
 Boston periodical of 1818, and republished in the "New 
 World," New York, 1S41. Who the author was, is un- 
 known. The object is to demolish Dearborn, prevent 
 his being elected Governor of Massachusetts, and excite 
 Gen. Putnam's descendants to resent everything said 
 against their ancestor. He does riot doubt General 
 Dearborn's " personal veracity," but denies that General 
 Dearborn is the person talking ; but Captain Dearborn. 
 That General Dearborn, in 1818, is not bound to relate 
 truly what Captain Dearborn saw in 1775, although the 
 general and captain are one and the same man, not 
 possessing two distinct natures or intelligences. He fur- 
 ther says, " General Dearborn probably knows that Col. 
 Prescott and Gen. Putnam kept up a friendly acquaint- 
 ance during their lives." General Dearborn nor the 
 writer of the above sentence ever had any such know- 
 ledge as is implied. Had such been the fact, the writer 
 could have given it, as Prescott and Putnam both had 
 sons living when he wrote. But this fact is assumed to 
 lessen the weight of the uniform and constant statement 
 of Col. Prescott ; and no one ever doubted his veracity, 
 "that Putnam's conduct during the action and retreat 
 was such that he ought to have been shot." The writer 
 
219 
 
 further states, that the British pursued our troops over 
 Bunker Hill, the Neck, and to Winter Hill, where Put- 
 nam met them and drove them hack under cover of their 
 ships — a mis-statement in every part. The writer at last 
 agrees with Dearborn, and says the battle should be 
 called " Prescott's Battle." But Dearborn's great offence, 
 in the opinion of the anonymous writer, is, he wrote 
 " voluntarily and without necessity." The venerable 
 Marshall wrote voluntarily and without necessity, when 
 he said the disastrous affair at Brooklyn Heights occurr- 
 ed, or were greatly aggravated by Gen. Putnam's total 
 neglect of Washington's written order to guard the ave- 
 nues to his camp. This being neglected, the British co- 
 lumns, during the preceding night, occupied in silence 
 and unnoticed the very position they wished. He wrote 
 voluntarily about the capture of forts Montgomery and 
 Clinton, in the Highlands, where Putnam commanded — 
 when he said he had men enough to have prevented 
 these disasters, had they been suitably arranged and dis- 
 posed. A man who gives an account of how a battle is 
 fought, is equally bound to give the true cause of its 
 loss. Had Dearborn, in his account of the battle, given 
 a full list of what Colonel Hamilton called his ' £ endless 
 blunders and caprices," he might have been viewed as a 
 wanton deceiver ; for his account did not require any 
 thing more than what related to Putnam's conduct on 
 the day of the battle of Breed's Hill. Had he withheld 
 the cause of the loss of the battle, his narrative would 
 have been incomplete, and unsatisfactory. 
 
220 
 
 Without taking into consideration the weight of tes- 
 timony in favor of Gen. Dearborn's account, it may 
 well be asked what possible motive could he have 
 had for stating a falsehood respecting a transaction which 
 he saw. He was more than sixty-five years of age when 
 he made the statement, had fought his way from a cap- 
 tain to commander-in-chief of the American army, as 
 well as high and important civil offices, without a suspi- 
 cion against his moral character, patriotism, or capacity. 
 What could induce a man to make shipwreck of such a 
 character ? 
 
 This has occasioned a pause on the part of his revilers ; 
 and in charity to him, they say they are willing to believe 
 he was superannuated and in his dotage. This is mere 
 affectation ; for after he wrote his account, he was nomi- 
 nated by President Monroe as a foreign minister, and 
 unanimously approved by the senate ; and nearly all of 
 them had known him personally. This office he accept- 
 ed, and performed all the duties of it to the acceptance 
 of the government. Was Gen. Dearborn now alive, he 
 would have less reason to complain of the treatment he 
 has received than Washington ; for the same kind of 
 people openly aver that Washington's fear of Putnam's 
 popularity was so great, that he feared being superceded 
 by him ; and that he was a New England man, and 
 therefore he made the statements he did against him. 
 Did Washington ever withhold his confidence in Greene, 
 Lincoln, Knox, or Poor, because they were New Eng- 
 land men ? 
 
221 
 
 If the minds of the people in 1775 were in the " shack- 
 les of a delusive trance" in regard to the standing and 
 services of Gen. Putnam, a similar trance remains upon 
 them relative to the motives of Washington's treatment 
 of him. 
 
 That a highly respectable clergyman of Charlestovvn, 
 recently delivering an address on the anniversary of 
 Blinker's Hill battle, at the request of his fellow-towns- 
 men, should be sneered at by a descendant of Gen. Put- 
 nam's, for giving the credit of the day to Col. Prescott, 
 to whom all history had given it, and placing Putnam on 
 the hill above in charge of the entrenching tools,by calling 
 him a young man, was not surprising ; but that Wash- 
 ington's motives should at this day be considered other 
 than the purest patriotism would justify, was not ex- 
 pected. 
 
 The error Col. Trumbull was led into by Maj. Small, 
 in London, in 1786, in placing Gen. Putnam in his pic- 
 ture, seems the true reason why he was ever thought of 
 as an actor in the battle of Bunker's Hill. Trumbull 
 had originally placed him in the back-ground of his 
 picture, and made the alteration at the suggestion of 
 Major Small. Prescott is represented as a feeble old 
 man, with a slouched hat, plain coat and under- clothes, 
 more like a Quaker than a soldier, and placed in a situ- 
 ation little corresponding with command. If a historian, 
 or graphic historiographer does not tell the whole truth, 
 he is bound not to violate known truth. Col. Trumbull, 
 
 19 
 
years before his death, was satisfied of his mistake, and 
 said, he believed " Putnam had little or nothing to do 
 with the battle." 
 
 With those who will or can, with candor, examine 
 Gen. Dearborn's account, and the evidence in support of 
 it, he will remain the true narrator of an important event 
 of the revolution — the veteran soldier — the honest and 
 upright public servant — entitled to the respect of his 
 countrymen. 
 
 THE END. 
 
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