l^'-\ / *> LIBRARY OF CONGRESS DDD13flflDHb3 1^ ^ ^. LIBRARY OF CONGRESS.#J UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, PUBLISHERS' NOTICE. The interest which these Lectures awakened, at the time of their delivery and subsequent publication, on account of their conservative tone and the numerous facts they embrace, has induced us to issue them in a single volume. In this form they will be valuable, not only for present reading, to those who have not seen them, but as a work of reference on the subjects which they discuss. The request of the members of the Legislature, for the publication of the first two Lectures, might be considered as an ample endorsement of their worth, and as rendering the addition of any other commendatory notices unnecessary. We cannot refrain, however, from adding one from the pen of a distinguished literary foreigner, as an evidence of the impression they produced upon her mind. While in Cincinnati, she had applied to the author, through a friend, for copies of all three of the Lectures, and on reading them, sent him a note from which we make the following extract : Cincinnati, 9th Dec. 1850. My Dear Sir : — Receive my heartfelt thanks for your letter and Lectures, and still more for your views and working in the question about emancipa- tion and slavery. "They are the first ones I have met, which have inspired me — I mean, made me feel inspired, glowing, on the subject — and opened to me great views, great possibilities in the cause. They have made me truly de- lighted. Mv nature is too averse to polemics, to have been able to sympathise or be warnicd by the ultra abolitionists. But I adore the ideal, the perfect and true; and only from that central point can all relative points come out in their ti-ue light, true relations ; and only from that point is any strong organizing power to be exercised. I congratulate you, most sincerely, on the view of the cause you have taken up, and the way you arc working it out, and myself, to be instructed by your writings. *•'* * ***** Yours, very truly, Fkedrika Bkemer. Mr. David Christy. The facts embraced in these Lectures are, mostly, of a class that are not of easy access to common readers ; nor do we know of any other writer who has brought together so many materials, in so small a space, on the important and exciting questions he has so carefully examined. It is expected, therefore, that their republication will be acceptable to the politician, the statesman, the philanthropist, the divine, and all who feel interested in the intellectual and moral elevation of the people of color. 3 The Publishers COJ^TENTS. LECTURE I. Introduction 3 The Slave Trade 4 Emancipation of Slaves in tlie United States, 11 Colonization to Liberia 15 Influence of Climate on Colored Men 19 Influence of Climate and Foreign Emigration 22 Influence of Slavery and Foreign Emigration 23 Free Colored Emigration into Otiio 2i Necessity of Colonization 27 Practicability of Colonization 31 Influence of Colonization on the Native Af- cans 33 Influence of Colonization on Missionary Ef- forts 33 Relations of England to Liberia 36 Concluding Remarks 54 LECTURE II. Introduction 3 Social and Moral Condition of Africa 6 Human Sacrifices 7 Idolatry 11 Devil \Vorship 12 Witchcraft 13 Polygamy 15 Slavery of Africa. Tyranny, Cruelties, ^Vars. Cannibalism . Modifications of the Slave Trade. Origin of Slave Trade Slaves in a Barricoon Slaves, the Middle Passage 24 '• the Slaver Pons 24 " 6fK) drowned 25 Relations of American Slavery to African Colonization 27 Religious Aiews of the Pilgrims 27 Condition of Slaves in the U. States 31 Condition of Slaves in Jamaica 33 Cuba 38 Brazil 39 Mexico 43 Elements of Colonization 46 Appendix 51 LECTURE III. Introduction Preliminary Historical Retrospect Propositions Discussed : 1. That free labor, in tropical and semi-tropi- cal countries, is failing to furnish to the markets of the world, in anything like adequate quantities, those commodities upon which slave labor is chiefly employed, 2. That the governments of England, France, and the United States, at the present mo- ment, are compelled, from necessity, to consume slave labor products, to a large extent, and thus still continue to be the principal agents which aid in extending and perpetuating slavery and the slave trade 3. That the legislative measures adopted for the destruction of the slave trade and slavery, especially by England, have tend- ed to increase and extend the systems they were designed to destroy i i. That the governments named cannot hope to escape from the necessity of consuming the products of slave labrr, except by call- ing into active service, on an extensive scale, the free labor of countries not at present producing the commodities upon which slave labor is employed 40 5. That Africa is the principal field where free labor can be made to compete, suc- cessfully, with slave labor, in the produc- tion of exportable tropical commodities. . 45 6. That there are moral forces and commer- cial considerations now in operation, wiiich will, necessarily, impel Christian govern- ments to exert their influence for the civ- ilization of Africa, and the promotion of the prosperity of the Republic of Liberia, as the principal agency in this great work ; and that in these facts Ues our encourage- ment to persevere in our colonization efforts 53 7. That all these agencies and influences be- ing brought to bear upon the civilization of Africa, from the nature of its soil, cli- mate, products, and population, we are forced to believe that a mighty people will ultimately rise upon that continent, taking rank with the most powerful nations of the earth, and vindicate the character of the African race before the world 63 Conclusion 70 LECTURE IV Fact,« for Thinking Men : This is a synopsis of facts, chiefly embraced in the foregoing Lectures, and designed to demonstrate the indispensable necessity of colonization to the extension of tropical free labor cultivation : and to show, that opposi- tion to African colonization is opposition to the promotion and increase of free labor. The population of Africa is estimated at 110.000,000, in the first two Lectures, ft is now usually estimated at 150,000.000. (4) A LECTURE /IFRICAN COLONIZATION^: INCLUDING A BRIEF OUTLINE SLAYE TRADE, EMANCIPATION, KELATION OF THE REPUBLIC OF LIBERIA TO ENGLAND, &< DELIVERED IN THE HALL OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE STATE OF OHIO. By DAVID ^HRISTY, AGEN'T OF THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. COLUMBUS: PUBLISHED BY J. H. RILEY & CO. PRINTED BT SCOTT Sc BASCOM. 1853. , \V^^- tiffi Ci'^' SI Columbus, Feb. 2d, 1849. The undersigned members of the General Assembly of the State of Ohio, desirous of promoting the discussion of the topics connected with a provision to be made for the people of color, and that the greatest publicity- should be given to the facts and statistics contained in your interesting and eloquent Lecture on African Colonization, delivered in the Hall of the House of Representatives, on the I9th ult., would respectfully request a copy of the same for publication. To DAVID CHRISTY, Agent, American Colonization Societt. GEO. HARDESTY, SAMUEL BIGGER, CHAUNCEY N. OLDS, SETH WOODFORD, R. F. HOW/^^D, MILLER PENNINGTON J. HAMBLETON, JOHN A. DODDS, TANGY JCLIEN, WM. MORROW, JACOB MILLER, B. F. LEITER, LUTHER MONFORT, DAVID KLNG, J. H. DUBBS, C. B. GODDARD, F. T. BACKUS, A. L BENNET, PINKNEY LEWIS, J. G. BKESLIN, DANIEL BREWER, C. P. EDSON, ALEX. LONG, G. E. PUGH, J AS. R. MORRIS, S. L. NORRIS, WM. DUKBIN, JAMES M. BURT, J AS. H. SMITH, HENRY ROEDTER, J. R. EMRIE. JOHN GRAHAM, FISHER A. BLOCKSOM, SAML. PATrERSON, ISAAC HAINES, W. DENNISON, Juif., F. COR WIN. HARVEY VINAL, WM. KENDALL, J. S. CONKLIN, GEO. D. HENDRICKS, JOSHUA JUDY, SAMUEL MYERS. Oxford, Butler County, Ohio, Feb. 23d. Gentlemen, Yours of the 2d inst. is received per mail. I thank you for the expression of respect tendered to myself, and the interest which you manifest in the cause of which I am the advocate. Your kind invita- tion to me to allow the publication of my Lecture, will afford me the opportunity, under the sanction of your names, of spreading before the public the facts which it embraces in relation to African Colonization, and may serve, it is hoped, to enlist many new friends to the cause of the young Republic of Liberia. I therefore cheerfully comply with your request. I have taken the liberty, you will perceive, of adding another section, which time did not allow me to present in your hearing, and which was not fully matured on the evening in which you did me the honor to allow me the use of the Hall. I cannot expect that every one will agree with me in all my reasonings and conclusions, but the facts which are presented are of such importance that they cannot fail, it is believed, to arrest attention, and to lead to further investigation, and to increased efforts to promote the welfare of our colored population. Yours respectfully, DAVID CHRISTY, Agt. Am. Col. Soc. for Ohio. Messrs. Hardesty, Bigger, Olds, and others. LECTURE AFRICAN COLONIZATION. Ever since the fall of man, and his expulsion from that Eden of bliss, assigned him in his state of innocence, a warfare has been wacred between good and evil. The conflict has been varied in its results, sometimes good and at others evil having the ascendency. But why is it that an all-wise, all-powerful, omniscient and mfinitely benevolent Being should have permitted the introduction of moral evil into the world, and in his providence allow its continuance, we cannot determine, nor shall we wait to inquire. We believe that errors of judgment and opinion, and all evil actions, and every form of wickedness and injustice in the world, have their origin in the moral depravation of man's nature, and that the contest between good and evil will necessardy continue until there shall be a moral renovation of his heart. This moral deprav- ation of man's nature being general, its effects are universal, and the whole world has been but a theater upon which continued develop- ments of its workings have been exhibited. We believe that God has made provision for man's moral redemp- tion,— for creating in him a new heart and renewing a right spirit within him— and that the Gospel is the ordinary medium through which this blessing flows to mankind. And believing this, we have full confidence in the success of all enterprises for the amehoration of the condition of mankind, which embrace the Christian religion as the basis of their operations. The history of African slavery forms one of the darkest pages in the catalogue of woes introduced into the world by human depravity. It originated in the islands connected with this continent,in an error of judgment, but, strange to say, from motives of benevolence, andhas been pl-oductive of an accumulation of human suffering which afibrds a most painful illustration of the want of foresight in man, and the immensity of the evils which misguided philanthropy may inflict upon our race. i • • In attempting to bring up in review this enormous evd in its ongin and various aspects, as connected with colonization, the subject naturally divides itself into the following heads : (3^ 4 The Slave Trade. I. The origin of the slave trade, with the efforts made for its suppression. II. The measures adopted at an early day for the emancipation of the slaves introduced into the United States, with the results. III. The provision to he made for the people of color when liber- ated. IV. The practicability of colonizing the free colored people of the United States. V. The effects of colonization on tlie native Africans, and upon the missionary efforts in Africa. VI. The certainty of success of the colonization scheme, and of the perpetuity of the Republic of Liberia. I. A Portuguese exploring expedition was in progress, in 1434, along the west coast of Africa, having in view the double object of conquering tlie Infidels and finding a passage by sea to India. Under the sanction of a bull of Pope Martin V., they had granted to them the right to all the territories they might discover, and a plenary indulgence to the souls of all who might perish in the enterprise, and in recovering those regions to Christ and his church. Anthony Gonzales, an officer of this expedition, received at Rio del Oro, on the coast of Africa, in 1412, ten negro slaves and some gold dust in exchange for several Moorish captives, which he held in custody. On his return to Lisbon, tlie avarice of his countrymen was awakened by his success, and in a few years thirty ships were fitted out in pursuit of this gainful traffic. These incipient steps in the slave trade having been taken, it was continued by private adventurers until -i84l, when the King of Portugal took the title of Lord of Guinea, and erected many forts on the African coast to protect himself in this iniquitous war upon human rights. Soon after the setUement of the first colony in St. Domingo, in 1493, the licentiousness, rapacity and insolence of the Spaniards exasperated the native Indians, and a war breaking out between them, the latter Avere subdued and reduced to slavery. But as the avarice of the Spaniards was too rapacious and impatient to try any method of acquiring wealth but that of searching for gold, this servitude soon became as grievous as it was unjust. The Indians were driven in crowds to the mountains, and compelled to work in the mines by masters who imposed their tasks without mercy or discretion. Labor so disproportioned to their strength and former habits of life wasted that feeble race so rapidly, that in fifteen years their numbers w^ere reduced, by the original war and subsequent slavery, from a million to sixty thousand. This enormous injustice awakened the sympathies of benevolent hearts, and great efforts were made by the Dominican missionaries to rescue the Indians from such cruel oppression. At length Las Casas espoused their cause; but his eloquence and all his efforts, both in the Island and in Spain, were unavailing. The impossibility, as it was supposed, of carrying on any improvements in America, and securing The Slave Trade. 5 to the crown of Spain the expected annual revenue of gold, unless the Spaniards could command the labor of the natives, was an in- superable objection to his plan of treating them as free subjects. To remove this obstacle, without which it was in vain to mention his scheme, Las Casas proposed to purchase a sufficient number of Negroes, from the Portuguese settlements on the coast of Africa, to be employed as substitutes for the Indians. Unfortunately for the children of Africa, this plan of Las Casas was adopted. As early as 1503, a few Negro slaves had been sent into St. Domingo, and in 1511, Ferdinand had permitted them to be imported in great numbers. The labor of one African was found to be equal to that of four Indians. But Cardinal Ximenes, acting as Regent from the death of Ferdinand to the accession of Charles, peremptorily refused to allow of their further introduction. Charles, however, on arriving in Spain, granted the prayer of Las Casas, and bestowed upon one of his Flemish friends the monopoly of supplying the colonies with slaves. This favorite sold his right to some Genoese merchants, 1518, ani they brought the traffic in slaves, between Africa and America, into that regular form which has been continued to the present time. Thus, through motives of benevolence toward the poor oppressed native Lidians of St. Domingo, did the mistaken philanthropy of a good man, co-operating with the avarice of the Christian world, entail perpetual chains and inflict unutterable woes upon the sons of Africa. This new market for slaves having been thus created, the nations of Europe were soon found treating with each other for the extension of the slave trade. 'The Genoese^' as already stated, 'had, at first, the monopoly of this new branch of commerce. The French next obtained it, and kept it until it yielded them, according to Spanish official accounts, the sum of $204,000,000. In 1713 the English secured it for thirty years.' But Spain, in 1739, purchased the British right for the remaining four years, by the payment of $500,000. The Dutch also participated to some extent in the traffic. The North American Colonies did not long escape the introduction of this curse. As early as 1620, slaves were introduced by a Dutch vessel, which sailed up the James river, and sold her cargo. From that period a hvf slaves were introduced into North America from year to year, until the beginning of the 18th century, when Great Britain, having secured the monopoly of the slave trade, as before mentioned, prosecuted it with great activity, and made her own Colonies the principal mart for the victims of her avarice. But her North American Colonies made a vigorous opposition to their intro- duction. The mother country, however, finding her commercial interests greatly advanced by this traffic, refused to listen to their remonstrances, or to sanction their legislative prohibitions. But in addition to the commercial motive which controlled the actions of England, another, still more potent, was disclosed in the declaration of the Eail of Dartmoutli, in 1777, when he declared, as a reason for forcing the Africans upon the Colonies, that "Negroes cannot become Republicans : — they will be a power in our hands to 6 The Slave Trade. restrain the unruly Colonists." The success which a kind provi- dence granted to the arms of the Colonists, in their struggle for independence, however, soon enabled them to control this evil, and ultimately to expel it from our coasts. In consequence of citizens of the Colonies being involved in the traffic, in the adoption of the Constitution the period for the termina- tion of the slave trade was prolonged until January, 1808. But Congress, in anticipation, passed a law, on March 3d, 1807, prohibit- ing the fitting out of any vessels for the slave trade after that date, and forbidding the importation of any slaves after January, 1808, under the penalty of imprisonment from five to ten years, a fine of $20,000, and tlie forfeiture of the vessels employed therein. This act also authorized the President of the United States to employ armed vessels to cruise on the coasts of Africa and the United States to prevent infractions of the law. On the 3d of March, 1819, another act was passed, re-afilrming the former act, and authorizing the President to make provision for the safe-keeping and support of all recaptured Africans, and for their return to Africa. This movement was prompted by the exertions of the American Colonization Society, which had been organized on the first of January, 1817, and embraced among its members many of the most infiuential men in the nation. On the first of March, preceding the passage of this act, a gendeman from Virginia off'ered a resolution in the House of Repre- sentatives, which was passed without a division, declaring that every person who should import any slave, or purchase one so imported, should be punished ivith death. The incident reveals to us, in a very unequivocal manner, the state of public sentiment at that time. In the following year, 1820, Congress gave the crowning act to her legislation upon this subject, by the passage of the law declaring the slave trade piracy. Tiiis decisive measure, the first of the kind among nations, and which stamped the slave trade with deserved infamy, it should be remembered, was recommended by a committee of the House in a Report founded on a memorial of the Colonization Society. Thus terminated the legislative measures adopted by our Government for the suppression of the slave trade. We shall now turn to Great Britain, the most extensive participator in this iniquitous traffic, and ascertain the success of the measures adopted for its suppression in that direction. Through the eflbrts of Wilberforce and his co-adjutors, the British Parliament passed an act in 1806, which was to take effect in 1808, by which the slave trade was forever prohibited to her West India Colonies. But the want of wisdom and foresiglit involved in the measures adopted to accomplish tliis great work, soon became mani- fest. Had Great Britain prevailed upon or compelled Portugal and Spain to unite with her, the annihilation of the slave trade might have been eflected. The traffic being abandoned by England, and left free to all others, was continued under the flags of Portugal and Spain, and tiieir tropical colonies soon received such large accessions The Slave Trade. 7 of slaves, as to enable them to begin to rival Great Britain in the supply oi tropical products to the markets of the world, ^s, But the philanthropic Wilberforce persevered in his efforts, and, after a struggle of thirty years, succeeded in procuring the passage of the Act of' Parliament, in 1824, declaring the slave trade piracy. 'I'liis was four years after the passage of the Act of our Congress which declared it piracy, and subjected those engaged therein to the penalty of death. This decisive action of the two Governments was hailed with joy by tlie philanthropists of the world, and their efforts were now put forth to influence all the other Christian powers to unite in the sup- pression of this horrible traffic. Tlieir exertions were ultimately crowned with success, and their joy was unbounded. England, France, the United States, and tlie other Christian powers, not only declared it piracy, but agreed to employ an armed force for its sup- pression. This engagement, however, was not carried out by all of the Governments who had assented to the proposition; yet, still, the hope was conddently entertained that the day for the destruction of the slave trade had come, and that this reproach of Christian nations would be blotted out for ever. But, alas, how short-sighted is man, and how futile, often, his reatest eflbrts to do good. The vanity of human wisdom and the utter imbecility of human legislation, in the removal of moral evil, was never more signally shown than in this grand struggle for the suppression of the slave trade. Instead of having been checked and suppressed, and the demons in human form who carried it on having been deterred from continuing the traffic by the dread penally of death, as was confidendy anticipated, it has gone on increasing in extent and with an accumulation of horrors that surpass belief. A glance at its history proves this but too fully, and shows that the warfiirre between good and evil is one of no ordinary magnitude. Edwards, the historian of the West Indies, states, that the import- ation of slaves from Africa, in British vessels, from 1680 to 1786, averaged 20,000 annually. In 1792, Mr. Fox and Mr. Pitt both aefreed in estimating the numbers torn from Africa at 80,000 per annum. From 1798 to 1810, recent English Parliamentary docu- ments show the numbers exported from Africa to have averaged 85, 000 per annum, and the mortality during the voyage to have been 14 per cent. From 1810 to 1815 the same documents present an average of 93,000 per annum, and the loss durino- the middle passage to have equalled that of the preceding peiiod. From 1815 to 1819 the export of slaves had increased to 106,000 annually, and the mortality during the voyage to 25 per cent. Here, then, is brouglit to view the extent of the evil which called for such energetic action, and which, it was hoped, could be easily crushed by legislation. Let us now look forward to the results. While the slave trade was sanctioned by law, its extent could be as easdy ascertained as that of any other branch of commerce; but after that period, the estimates of its extent are only approximations. 8 The Slave Trade The late Sir Thomas Fowell Buxton devoted himself with un weaned industry to the investigation of tiie extent and enormities of the foreign slave trade. His labors extended through many years, and the results, as published in 1840, sent a thrill of horror throughout the Cln-istian world. He proved, conclusively, that the victims to tlie slave trade, in Jlfrica, amounted annually to 500,000. This included the numbers who perish in the seizure of the victims, in the wars of the natives upon each other, and the deaths during their marcli to the coast and the detention there before embarkation. This loss he estimates at one half, or 500 out of every 1000. 'J'he destruc- tion of life during the middle passage he estimates at 25 percent., or 125 out of the remaining 500 of the original thousand. The mortal- ity after landing and in seasoning he shows is 20 per cent, or one-fifth of the 375 survivors. Thus he proves that the number of lives sacrificed by the system, bears to the number of slaves available to the planter, the proportion oi seven io three — that is to say, for every 300 slaves landed and sold in the market, 700 have fallen victims to the deprivations and cruelties connected with the traffic. The parliamentary documents above referred to vary but little from the estimates of Mr. Buxton, excepting that they do not compute the number of victims desli'oyed in Africa in their seizure and transporta- tion to the coast. The following table, extracted from these docu- ments, presents the average number of slaves exported from Africa to America, and sold chiefiy in Brazil and Cuba, with the per cent amount of loss ia the periods designated. •p, , Annual average A v'ge casualties of voyage. ■ numlier exporled. Per Ct. Amount. 1798 to 1805 85,000 14 12,000 1805 to 1810 85,000 14 12,000 1810 to 1815 93,000 14 13,000 1815 to 1817 100,000 25 26,600 1817 to 1819 106,000 25 26,600 1819 to 1825 103,000 25 25,800 1825 to 1830 125,000 25 31,000 1830 to 1835 78,500 25 19,600 1835 to 1840 135,800 25 33,900 This enormous increase of the slave trade, it must be remembered, had taken place during the period of vigorous eflbrts for its suppres- sion. England, alone, according to McQueen, had expended for this object, up to 1842, in the employment of a naval force on the coastof Africa, tlie sum of $88,888,888*^, and he estimated the annual expen- diture at that time at $2,500,000. But it has been increased since that period to $3,000,000 a year, making the total expenditure of Great Britain, for the suppression of tiie slave trade, at the close of 1848, more than one hundred millions cf dollars ! France and the United States have also expended a large amount for this object. Tiie disclosures of Mr. Buxton produced a profound sensation throughout England, and the conviction was forced upon the public mind, and " upon Her Majesty's confidential advisers," that the The Slave Trade. 9 slave trade could not be suppressed by physical force, and that it was " indispensable to enter upon some new preventive system calculated to arrest the foreign slave trade." The remedy proposed and attempted to be carried out, was " the deliverance of Africa by caUins: forth her own resources." To accomplish this great work, the capitalists of England were to set on foot agricultural companies, who, under the protection of the Government, should obtain lands by treaty with the natives, and employ them in its tillage, — to send out trading ships and open factories at the most commanding positions, — to increase and con- centrate the English naval force on the coast, and to make treaties with the chiefs of the coast, the rivers and the interior. These measures adopted, the companies formed were to call to their aid a race of teachers of African blood, from Sierra Leone and the West Indies, who should labor with the whites in diflusing intelligence, in imparting religious instruction, in teaching agriculture, in establishing and encouraging legitimate commerce, and in impeding and suppress- ing the slave trade. In conformity with these views and aims, the African Civilization Society was formed, and the Government fitted out three large iron steamers, at an expense of $300,000, for the use of the company. Mr. McQueen, who had for more than twenty years devoted him- self to the consideration of Africa's redemption and Britain's glory, and who had become the most perfect master of African geography and African resources, also appealed to the Government, and urged the adoption of measures for making cdl Africa a dependency of the British Empire. Speaking of what England had already accom- plished, and of what she could yet achieve, he exclaims : "Unfold the map of the worhi : "We command the Ganges. Fortified at Bombay, the Indus is our own. Possessed of the islands in the mouth of the Persian Gulf, we command the outlets of Persia and the mouths of the Euphrates, and consequently of countries the cradle of the human race. We command at the Cape of Good Hope. Gibraltar and Malta belonging to us, we control the Mediter- ranean. Let us plant the British standard on the island of Socatora — upon the island of Fernando Po, and inland upon the banks of the Niger; and then we may say Asia and Africa, for all their productions and all their wants, are under our control. It is in our power. Nothing can prevent us." But Providence rebuked this proud boast. The African Civilization Society commenced its labors under circumstances the most favorable for success. Its list of members embraced many of the noblest names of the kingdom. Men of science and intelligence embarked in it, and, when the expedition set sail, a shout of joy arose and a prayer for success ascended from ten thousand philanthropic English voices. But this magnificent scheme, fraught with untold blessings to Africa, and destined, it was believed, not only to regenerate her speedily, but to produce a revenue of unnumbered millions of dollars to the 10 The Slave Trade. stockholders, proved an utter failure. The African climate, that deadly foe to the white man, blighted the enterprise. In a few months, disease and death had so far reduced tlie numbers of the men connected with tlie expedition, that tlie enterprise was abandon- ed, and the only evidence of its ever having ascended the Niger exists in its model farm left in the care of a Liberian. 'I'his result, however, had been anticipated by many of the judicious Englishmen who had not suffered their enthusiasm to overcome their judgments, but who had opposed it as wild and visionary in the extreme, on account of the known fatality «f the climate to white men. Thus did the last direct effort of England for the redemption of Africa prove abortive. The slave trade has still been piosecuted with little abatement, and for the last ^gw years with an alarming increase. 'J'he statistics in the parliamentary report, before quoted, and from which we have extracted the table exhibiting the extent of the slave trade between Africa and America, down to 1839, also present the following table, including tlie numbers exported from Africa to America, from 1840 to 1847 inclusive, with the per cent, of loss in the mi " '" liddle pass age and the amount.* It is as follows Years. Numbers. I,oss. r,r n. ^Dwunt. 1840 64,114 25 10,068 1841 45,097 25 11,274 1842 28,400 25 7,100 1843 55,062 25 13,705 1844 54,102 25 1.3,525 1845 30,758 25 9, 1 89 1840 76,117 25 19,029 1847 84,350 25 21,089 Here, then, we iiave the melancholy truth forced upon us, that the slave trade was carried on as actively in 1847 as from 1798 to 1810; while the destruction of life during the middle passage has been increased from 14 percent, to 25; and that while tlie vigorous means used to suppress the traffic, during these fifty years, have failed of this end, they have greatly aggravated its horrors. And such was the conviction of the total inadequacy of the means which had been employed by the British Government to check or suppress the evil, that the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society at the close of the year 1847, after declaring that the slave trade was then more actively and systematically prosecuted than for many years, and that its horrors had been greatly increased, urged upon the Government, from motives of humanity, the suspension of all physical force, and the repeal of all laws inflicting penalties upon * There is some discrepancy in the authorities from which we quote the figures. We have not hail access to the original document. One of our authorities gives the whole number of these exports from Africa to Brazil, and a proportional number to Cuba. This would greatly increase all our estimates based ujion the figures of this table. Ttie Slave Trade. II those engaged in tlie trafTic. It was proved thut the slave traders, when closely pursued l)y vessels of war, ol'ieri liide tlie evidences of tlieir guilt, when favored by die darkness of tlie niglil, I)y burying the shivcs with which they were freighted in die depths of the ocean; or by persevering in refusing to surrender, force the pursuing vessels to continue firing into them, and thus endanger and destroy the inno- cent victims crowded between the decks of tlieir vessels. It was also urged that the African Civilization Society be revived, but tliat, instead of irhife 7ncn, the emigrants be taken from the beltc^r educated and more enlightened of the West India colored population. Hy the adoption of diis course, and the civilization of the Africans along the coast, they hope to seal the fountain whence the evil flows. This brief oudiue of the slave trade, and of the efforts made by Great IJritain for its suppression, ami the utt(!r failure of the measures which she had adoptiul to accomplish that oliject, prove, conclusively, two points which American philanthropists had for years urged as settled trutlis, viz : 1. y'hat I he planting and building vp of Christian Colonics on the coast of Jlfiica, is the onli/ prccciical remedy for the slave trade. 2. That colored men only, can with safety, settle upon the African Coast. And so fully has the British Government now become convinced < f die truth of Uiese propositions, that Lord Palmerston has not only placed a naval force at the disposal of the President of liiberia for the suppression of the slave trade on territory recently purchased, where the slave traders refused to leave, but has, in connection with others, offered ample pecuniary means to purchase the whole territory between Sierra Leone and Liberia, now infestcid by those traffickers in human flesh, wiUi the view of annexing it to the litUe Rei)ul)lic, and thus rescuing it from their hands. By this act, Englishmen have acknowledged the superiority of our scheme of African redemption over that of Uic philanthropists of Britain, and have thus given assurances to the world that tlieir plan of making Jlfrica a dependency of the British Crown has been abandoned, and diat a change of policy toward our colony has been adopted. All their own schemes in relation to Africa having failed, they are constrained to acknowledge the wisdom and success of ours, and are tlie first to avail Uiemselves of the commercial advantages afforded to the world by die creation of the Republic of Liberia. But we shall, under anoUier head, revert again to this subject, and present some facts which may serve to exi)lain the course of England in her sudden expression of friendship and sympathy for our Colony. 11. The efforts made, at an early day, for the emancipation of the slaves in the United States, with the results. On this important question there was not the same unanimity of sentiment which had prevailed upon that of the slave trade. The love of case, the prospect of gain, Uie fear that so large a body of ignorant men would be dangerous to tlie public peace, and many 12 Emancipulion oj Slaves in the United States. other considerations, influenced the minds of a large number to oppose the liberation of the slaves. But, notwithstanding this oppo- sition, the worlv progressed, until Acts of Emancipation were carried through the Legishitures of all the Stales north of Delaware, Mary- land and Virginia. Nor was this good work conhned to the States wliich were engaged in legislative enactments for emancipation. The feelings of humanity which dictated the liberation of the slave in the northern States, pervaded the minds of good men in the southern Slates also. The full extent of the emancipations in the slave States cannot be accurately ascertained. The census tables, however, supply sufficient testimony on this point to enable us to reach a close approximation to the true number which have been liberated since 1790, when the first census of the United States was taken. The following table gives the number of free colored people in 1790, with the nundaer in all the subsequent periods up to 1840, and tlie increase in each ten years, togetlier with the increase per cent, per annum. I. Table showing the number of the Free colored population of the United States. VEARS. 1790 1800 1810 1820 1830 1840 Total number 59,466 108,398 186,446 238,197 319,599 386,235 Actual increase 48,932 78,048 51,751 81,402 66,636 Increase per cent. per annum 8.22+ 7.20+ 2.77+ 3.41 + 2.08+ In 1790 the feeling in favor of emancipation, it will be seen, had given us a free colored population of nearly 60,000 persons. What proportion of these were free-born cannot be determined, but it would probably not exceed one-half. The number of slaves in the free States, in 1790, and the decrease in each period, up to 1840, with the anniud decrease per cent, was as follows : II. Table exhibiting the number of Slaves in the Free States from 1790 to 1840. YEARS. 1790 1800 1810 1820' 1830 2,774 * 15,227 18.88+ 1840 Total number Actual decrease Decrease per cent, per annum 40,212 35,803 4,409 1.23 + 27,181 8,622 3.17+ 18,001 9,180 5.04+ 764 2,010 26.30+ The decrease of the slaves in the free States, after 1790, is not greater than the deaths in a population of such a class of persons. * By a law of New York 1 0,000 slaves were emancipated in one day in 1827, thus decreasing the number of slaves, and increasing the free colored, as slated in this table Emancipalion of Slaves in the United States. 13 Pennsylvania passed lier emancipation act in 1780, and the other states soon afterward followed her example, but at what periods we are not at present informed.* It is probable that the free colored population was not increased by emancipations of the slaves remain- ing in the free states after 1790, because, as before stated, the decrease of these slaves did not exceed the mortality, excepting in 1827, when New York liberated all hers then remaining in bondage. Any in- crease of the free colored population, therefore, over their natural increase will have been produced bi/ emancipations in the slave stales. The following table, taken in connection with table I, shows, that from 1830 to 1840 the increase of the free colored population was reduced to but a very small fraction over two per cent, per annum. Two per cent, per annum, therefore, may be taken as the ratio of the natural increase of the free colored population. The excess over two per cent, must, then, have been derived from emancipations. III. Rate per cent, per annian of increase of Population of the United States. Years. Whites. Free colored Slaves. Free colored and Slaves. 3.22 All combined. 1790 to 1800 3.56 8.22 2.79 3.50 1800 to 1810 3.61 7.20 3.34t 3.75 3.64 1810 to 1820 3.43 2.77 2.95 2.93 3.33 1820 to 1830 3.38 3.41 3.01 3.06 3.32 1830 to 1840 3.46 2.08 2.32 2.33 3.26 Avernge 3.48 4.73 2.88 3.06 3.41 Adopting this rule of computation, we find that the emancipations in the slave stales, from 1790 to 1830, must have been 131,700. If to this v/e add one-half of the number who were free in 1790, or 30,000, it makes the total emancipations up to 1830 amount to 161, 700. The extent of the pecuniary sacrifice made to the cause of emancipation by benevolent men involved in slavery, will be better understood by estimating the number emancipated at $350 each, which gives a product of $56,595,000. This estimated value is low enough. To this sum, however, should be added the number of slaves emancipated and sent to Liberia, which, up to 1843, amounted to 2,290. If to these are added the emancipated slaves sent out to * We find the following statement in relation to the number of slaves in the United States at an earlier period, in the American Almanac. At the time of the Declaration of Independence, in 1776, the whole number of slaves was estimated at 500,000, viz. : Massachusetts, 3,000 New Jersey, Rhode Island, 4,370 Pennsylvania Connecticut, 5,000 Delaware, 9.000 New Hampshire, 629 Maryland, 80,000 New York, 15,000 Virginia, 165,000 Total, 501,599. t It should have been stated that Louisiana was admitted between 1800 and 1810, bringing in 39,000 Africans. This produced the increase of the ratio for 1810. 7,600 N.Carolina, 76,000 10,000 S. Carolina, 110,000 Georgia, 16,000 14 Emancipation of Slaves in the United States. Africa since that period, the number of which we cannot at present as- ceitain, we shall have more than another million of dollars to add to the above sum, thus makino; the amount sacrificed to tlie cause of eman- cipation but little short of Jiffy-eighl millions of dollars. But in granting the slave his freedom, it seemed to be decided by common consent, that the British statesman was right in asserting that Negroes coidd not become Republicans. The right of suffrage was not extended to them. 'I'he stimulus of entering into competition for the highest posts of honor was not afforded to the man of color to prompt him to great mentid eflbrt. Able to find employment only in the more menial occupations, his opportunities for intellectual advancement were poor, and his prospects of moral improvement still more gloomy. These results of emancipation in the northern states were watched with great interest by the philanthropic citizens of the slave states. The liberation of the slaves in the free states had fallen so far short of securing the amount of good anticipated, that the friends of the colored man became less urgent and zealous in their eflbrts to secure further legislative action, while the opponent of the measure was furnished with a new argument to sustain him in his course of hostil- ity to emancipation, and was soon able to secure the passage of laws for its prohibition, under the specious plea that a large increase of the free colored population by emancipation could not be productive of good either to themselves or to the whites. That some powerful cause operated in checking emancipations after 1810, and that it again received a new impulse from 1820 to 1830, is undeniable. The number emancipated in the slave states, during the several periods, as is determined by the rule before adopted, was as follows : 1790 to 1800 emancipations were 37,042 1800 to 1810 " " 36,414 1810 to 1820 " " 14,471 1820 to 1830 " " 33,772* 1830 to 1840 " " 000 From 1790 to 1810 some of the most powerful minds in the nation were directed to the consideration of the enormous evils of slavery, and tlie eflects of their labors are exhibited in the number of emancipations made during that period. The decline of emancipa- tions after 1810, we believe to be due to the cause assigned above — the litde benefit, apparently, which had resulted from the liberation of the slaves, and the consequent relaxation of effort by the friends of emancipation. The impulse given to emancipation between 1820 and 1830, it is believed, was caused by the favorable influences exerted by the Colonization Society, which enjoyed a great degree of popularity during this period. But from 1830 to 1840, the period when the Society had the fewest friends, the increase of the free colored *Tfie 10,000 emancipated in New York being deducted, will leave 23,772 in this period. Emancipation of Slaves in (he United States. 15 population was reduced to only two per cent, per annum, showing tliat emancipations must have nearly ceased, or that the deaths among our free colored people are so nearly equal to the births, that some decisive measures are demanded, by considerations of humanity, to place them under circumstances more favorable than they at present enjoy. It may he well in this place to call attention to the fact, that while the natural increase of our free colored population cannot exceed two per cent, per annum, that of the slaves, notwithstanding the numerous emancipations, has been three per cent, per annum, excepting in the first period, when the disparity in the sexes produced by the slave trade might produce a greater mortality than would afterward occur ; and in the last period, between 1830 and 1840, during which the great revulsions in business, producing an immense number of bank- ruptcies in the south, caused thousands of embarrassed debtors to remove their slaves to Texas, beyond the reach of their creditors. The slaves thus removed, not being included in the census of •1840, caused a reduction in the ratio of our slave increase. See table III. Thus we find, that in the earlier periods of our history, the promptings of philanthropy and tlie influence of Christian principle produced a public sentiment which controlled legislation, and broke the chain of the slave. And where legislation failed, it operated with equal power on the hearts of men, and produced the same salutary effects. But while emancipation was found to have produced to tlie white man the richest fruits, it was observed, with painful feehngs, that to the colored man it had been productive of little else than the "Apples of Sodom.'* These results of emancipation led to anxious inquiries in relation to the disposal of the free colored population. It was nil-important, in the judgment of the friends of the colored man, that he should be placed under circumstances where the degradation of centuries might be forgotten, and where he might become an honor to his race and a benefactor to the world. The conviction forced itself upon their minds, that a separate political, organization — a Government of his oivn, rchere lie would be free in fact as icell as in name — was the only means by which they could fully discharge the debt due to him, and place him in a position where his prospects of advancement would be based upon a sure foundation. These remarks bring us to the consideration of the third branch of our subject. III. The provision to be made for the people of color when liberated. A separate political organization was decided upon, and Coloniza- tion, at a distant point, beyond the influence of the whites, considered the only means of future security to the colored man. To select the field for the founding of the future African Empire was not such an easy task. The history of the Indian tribes had proved, but i09 forcibly, that an establishment upon the territory of the United States 16 Colonization (a Liberia. would soon become unsafe, in consequence of the rapid and universal extension of tlie white population. The unsettled state of the South American Republics was considered as offering still less security Europe had no room for them, nor desire to possess them. England has already removed those cast upon herself and her Canadian pos- sessions, by the casualties of war, back again to Africa, and founded her Colony of Sierra Leone. The only remaining point was Africa. Its western coast wms of most easy access, being but litde further from us than Havre or Liverpool. The condition of its native population off'ered many obstacles to the establishment of a colony. But the inducements to select it as the field of the enterprise in contempla- tion were also many. It was the land of the fathers of those who were to emigrate. It was deeply sunk in both moral and intellectual darkness. The lowest rites of Pagan worship were widely practised. Human sacrifices extensively prevailed, and even cannibalism often added its horrors to fill up the picture of its dismal degradation. And, as though the Spirit of Evil had resolved on concentrating in one point all the enormities that could be invented by the fiends of the nether pit, the slave trade was added to the catalogue, to stimulate the worst passions of the human heart, and produced evelopments of wickedness and of cruelty, at the bare recital of which humanity shudders. Except a few points, no ray of moral light, to guide to a blissful eternity, had yet penetrated the more than midnight moral darkness which had for ages shrouded the land. The deadly inllu- ence of the climate, together with the interference of the slave trade, had hitherto defeated the success of missionary efTort, and there seemed to be no hope for the moral renovation of Africa but through the agency of men of African blood, whose constitutions could be- come adapted to the climate, and who could thus gain a foothold upon the continent, repel the slave traders, and introduce civilization and the gospel. Here, then was a field for the action of the freed-men of the United States. Here was a theater upon which to exhibit before the world the capacities of the colored race. Here, too, could be solved the problem of the value of the republican form of government. And, above all, here could be fully tested the regenerating, the elevating, and the humanizing power of the gospel of Christ. In commencing the setdement of a colony of colored persons on the coast of Africa, two objects were to be accomplished: 1. To improve the condition of the free colored people of the United States. 2. To civilize and christianize Afiica. To these objects the friends of the colored man devoted themselves. The first emigrants were sent out in 1820. The pecuniary means of the society were never very great, and its progress in sending out emigrants and in building up the colony has necessarily been slow. From the first it met with violent opposition from the slave traders on the coast of Africa, who, by creating the impression upon the minds of the naUves that the colonists would prevent their further connectioi. Colonization to Liberia. 11 with the slave trade, and thus cut off their chief source of acquiring wealth, inflamed the minds of the chiefs, and prompted them to make war upon tlie colonists. Soon after the settlement of the colony, the native warriors, one thousand strong, attacked the emigrants, who numbered but thirty-five effective men. But a kind Providence sliieUled them from the infuriated savages who assailed them, and enabled that handful of men to defeat their foes, in two successive assaults, separated from each other by several weeks of time, and, finally, to establish themselves in peace in all their borders. Additional emigrants, from year to year, were sent out. Mission- aries labored, with more or less faithfulness, in establishing schools and in preaching tlie gospel. The natives, in a few years, became convinced that the colonies were their true friends, and that the adoption of civilized habits would secure to them greater comforts than could be obtained by a continuation of the slave trade. Their children were sent to school with those of the colonists. A moral renovation commenced and progressed until, in the course of twenty- six years from the landing of the first emigrants at Monrovia, tlie colony attained a condition of strengtli warranting its erection into an Independent Republic. Accordingly, in July, 1847, its independence Was declared, and a population of 80,000 adopted the constitution and laws, and became members of the Republic. Its newly-elected President, J. J. Roberts, a man of color, in his recent visit to Em^'land, France and Germany, was treated with great respect, and found no difficulty in securing the acknowledgment of the indepen- dence of the Republic of Liberia by the two former governments. But it may be said, that, after all, but lilde has been done, compared with the means expended, in this effort to make provision for the free colored people, and for the introduction of a Christian civilization into Africa. A more striking view of the results will be brought out by contrasting the products of the laoors of the Americai'i Coloniza- tion Society with some of die other efforts which have been made to rescue Africa from the wrongs inflicted upon her. England, mighty in power, and possessing the means of executing magnificent enterprises, has expended, as already stated, more than one hundred m.illidns of dollars for the suppression of the slave trade and the civilization of Africa. But her labors and her treasures have been spent in vain. Her gold might belter have been sunk in the ocean. The monster, hydra-like, when smitten and one head severed from the body, has constantly reproduced two in its place; and, at this moment, as before shown, it is prosecuted with greater activity than for many years. It must be remembered that these efforts of Greiit Britain have been made during the period of the existence of the American Col- onization Society, and in seeming contempt of its pigmy efforts. For years previous to the independence of Liberia, and while England was aiming at making Africa a dependency of her Crown, she, on several occasions, manifested a disposition to cripple the energies of our colony. And so extensive were the agencies she seems to have l8 Colonization to Liberia. employed, that it is now matter of wonder that she had not succeeded in wholly crushing the colonization enterprise, and securing to herself the control of that richest of all the tropical portions of tlie world. But all her efforts at checking the progress of this heaven-horn enter- prise have been as fruitless as those adopted by her in reference to the slave trade, or for civilizing Africa. The fact stands acknow- ledged before the world, that Great Britain, after the expenditure of more than one hundred millions of dollars, has filled in suppressing the slave trade on one mile of coast beyond the limits of her colonies; wliile our colonization elibrts have swept it from nearly ybwr hundred miles of coast, where it formerly existed in its chief strength. But why is it that there is such a marked indifference in the results? Why is it that the Colonization Society, witli a yearly income some- times of only $10,000, and rarely ever reaching $50,000, should have, in twenty -six years, annihilated the slave trade on 400 miles of coast, and secured the blessings of freedom to 80,000 men, formerly slaves, and have succeeded in binding, by treaties, 200,000 more, never again to engage in the traffic in their brethren, — while Great Britain, with all her wealth and power, has accomplis-hed nothing? We will not undertake to answer these questions. It cannot always be discerned by men why the Ruler of the Universe often defeats the best devised human schemes, which to them may seem certain of success ; and prospers those which, to human foresight, were the least promising. We need only remind you that Great Britain has relied, almost exclusively, upon the employment of physical force to accomplish her purposes, while the Colonization Society has depended, as exclusively, upon moral means. The agencies it has employed have been tlie humble mechanic, the hus- bandman, the school-master, the missionary, and the Bible. And, though often thwarted in its purposes by those who felt interested in its overthrow, yet, relying upon moral means, and never resorting to force but in self-defense, it has signally triumphed and put to shame the wisdom of men and the power of kingdoms. Its operations have proved that the schoolmaster, the missionary, and the Bible, possess a moral power infinitely more potent than coronets and crowns. These lesults go very far toward proving the truth of the proposi- tion, announced in the outset, — that the Gospel of Christ is the medium through which God operates in bringing mankind into sub- jection to his will, and that a reliance upon any other means for the moral redemption of the nations of the world, must prove an utter failure. In view of all these results, we are fully warranted in maintaining that the Colonization Society, in its measures for benefitting the colored people, has done an incalculable amount of good, and demands our confidence and our support, and that it is justly entitled to the paternity of three measures which have been productive of the great- est good to Africa : 1. The procuring of the first legal enactments declaring the slave trade piracy. Colonization to Liberia. 19 2. The total extinction of that cruel traffic from near 400 miles of the coast of Africa. 3. Tlie establishment of an Independent Christian RepubUc on that continent. There is another feature of this question, of the disposal of the free cohered population of the United Slates, which demands attention, and is of the utmost importance in selecting for them a home. The northern latitudes of the United Slates do not furnish a suitable home for men of African descent. The evidence of the truth of this proposition is furnished by their own movements when left free to act. The census tables supply the testimony upon this subject. By referring to table III, it will be seen that the ratio of the natural increase of the free colored population is two per cent, per annum. The knowledge of this fact furnishes the key to determine the in- crease or decrease, by emigration, in any state or group of states. IV. Free colored population in Maine, New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, and Vermont. YEARS. 1799. 13,126 3,886 1800. T7,3l'7 4,191 3.19 1,340 1810. 19,488 2,171 1.25 418 1820. "21,248 1,760 0.90 145 1830. 21,331 83 0.03 48 1840. Total luimber Actual increase Increase per cent. per annum Slaves in do. 122,634 1,303 0.61 23 In tlie prosecution of the investigation of the question before us, the effect of climate upon the .fifican constitution, we find that previous to 1790, the desire of the manumitted slave to escape from the scenes of his oppressions had given to tlie six New England states a free colored population of 13,1 26. From 1790 to 1800 the census tables show that the line of emigration was still northward, and augmented their ratio of increase more than one-third over the natural" rate. But during the next forty years, ending with 1840, their ratio of increase, as shown in table IV, was rapidly diminished, and fell so far below the ratio of their naturnl increase, that from 1820 to 1830, with a free colored population of 21,248, they had an in- crease in these ten years of only eighty-three persons. The aggre- gate for the whole period stands thus: In 1810 they had a free colored population of 19,488. and in 1840 but 22,634, being an in- crease of only 3,146; while their natural increase, if retained, would have augmented their numbers to 33,648. This diminution nuist have been caused by emigration back again toward the south, because we find that New York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania, had a corresponding increase during this period, with the exception of the last ten years, when they also lost a portion of their natural increase. But this tendency ot colored men to avoid northern latitudes is quite as fully proved by a comparison of the northern parts of New 20 Influence of Climate on Colored Men. York, Pennsylvania and Ohio, with their southern portions, as it is exhibited in the case of the New England States, when compared with those further south. Take, for example, a few of the counties in the north-east of Ohio. In 1840, Geauga had only 3 persons of color, Ashtabula 17, Lake 21, Portage 39, Summit 42, Medina 13, Lorain 62, Trumbull 70, and Cuyahoga, including the city of Cleve- land, 121, in all 388. Now look at a few of the counties bordering the slave states and in the more southern part of the state. Belmont, in 1810, had 724, Gallia 799, Highland 780, Brown 614, Ross 1195, Franklin 805, and Hamilton 2546. This contrast, which might be extended much further, reveals the fact, that any one of the last named counties, in the southern portion of the state, had nearly double, and several of them more than double the number of colored persons that tlie whole eight northern counties above named included. But to give a more forcible illustration of the truth of our proposi- tion, allow me to extend this contrast between the northern and southern counties of Ohio, so as to include the whole free colored population of the state. By drawing a line east and west across the state, so as to divide its territory into about equal parts, giving an excess of counties, as now divided, to the north, the result is, that in 1840, the 38 northern counties, now divided into 42, included only 2,360 persons of color, wliile the 40 counties of the southern half embraced a colored population of 15,000. And if we deduct Stark, Columbiana and Harrison on the east, and Mercer on the west, from the northern counties, they will have left, in the 36 remaining coun- ties, a free colored population of only 1372, or a little more than half the number in Hamilton county. I append the list of all the coun-^ ties, that it may be accessible to those who may wish to prosecute this investigation.* After making all due allowance for the alledged defect of energy in the colored man, as accounting for his not seeking a residence in the north ; and what has still more influence on his mind — the greater indulgence which he finds from the planter of the south, now settled in our more southern counties, than he does from the northern man who is a stranger to his h;ibits, — there is, we affirm, ample testimony to prove, that the northern latitudes of the United States do not furnish a suitable climate for men of African blood, and that they are con- gregating as far south as circumstances will permit. This fact, we insist, proves conclusively the necessity of securing a tropical Jiome for colored men. But in addition to all the foregoing details, which prove the inadapt- ation of northern laUtudes to the African, we have, very recenUy, the fact revealed to us in a late census of Upper Canada, that in that province, where we had been a thousand times assured that from 20,000 to 25,000 runaway slaves from the United States had ibund refuge, there were, in 1847, barely 5,571 colored persons in the *See Note, page 21. Influence of Climate on Colored Men. 21 colony. In this statement, however, which includes the whole twenty districts, there may be an error in one of them whicli may vary this result. But 1 cannot dismiss this part of our subject without a few remarks. The citizens of our northern counties often cliarge us, of the south- ern, with being destitute of the ordinary feelings of humanity and benevolence, because we are disposed to discourage the further immi- gration of colored men into the state, and because we advocate a separation of the races by colonization. And this they do with an apparent seriousness that warrants us in concluding that they believe what they say. Perhaps if we had only three to a county, like old The following statement, referred to on the previous page, gives the colored popu- lation of Ohio in the several counties, commencing at the northern and southern extremities, as presented in the census of 1810. Hamilton, 2576 Clermont 123 Brown, 614 Adams, 63 Scioto, 206 Lawrence, • • 148 Gallia 799 Meigs, 28 Jackson, ■ . • 31o Pike, 329 Highland, ''86 Butler, • • . 254 Warren, 341 Clinton, 377 Ross 119t Hocking, 46 Athens, • • 55 Washington, 269 Monroe, 13 Morgan, 68 Perry, . • 47 Fairfield, 312 Pickaway, 333 Fayette, 239 Greene, 344 Clark, 200 Montgomery, 376 Preble, 88 Darke, 200 Miami, . . . • 211 Shelby, 262 Logan 407 Champaign, 328 Madison, 97 Franklin, 805 Licking, 140 Muskingum, 562 Guernsey, 190 Belmont, 742 Jefterson, 497 Ashtabula, 17 Lake, 21 Geauga, 3 Cuyahoga 121 Trumbull, . . • 70 Portage, 39 Summit, 43 Medina, 13 Lorain, 62 Erie 97 Huron 106 Sandusky, 41 Ottawa, 5 Seneca, 65 Wood, 33 Lucas, 54 Henry 6 Williams 2 Paulding, Van Wert • . Mercer, 204 Allen, 23 Hancock, 8 Hardin, 4 Marion, 52 Crawford, 5 Richland, SS Wayne, 41 Holmes, 3 Stark, 204 Carroll, 49 Columbiana, 417 Harrison, 163 Tuscarawas, 71 Coshocton, 38 Knox, 63 Delaware, 76 Union, • . . 78 Morrow, Mahoning, Auglaize, Defiance. 22 Injlnence of Climate and Foreign Emigralion. Geaug^a, we, loo, might be disposed to catch them for pets, to amuse our children, as we do mocking birds and paroquets. But with us the novelty oi seeing a colored man has long since passed away, and we no longer make pets of them, on account of color, but treat them precisely as we do oilier men. The upright and industrious we respect and encourage. The immoral and degraded we wish anywhere else than in our liouseliolds or as near neighbors. Free colored population in New York, New Jersey, and Pennsyl- vania. YKARS. 1790 1800 1810 "5"5;668 1820 1830 1840 Total number 13,953 29,340 74,742 101,103 118,925 Actual increase 15,387 26,328 19,074 26,321 17,822 Increase per cent per annum 11.02 8.97 3.42 3. 5 J 1.76 Slaves in do. 36,484 • 34,471 26,663 17,856 2,732 742 But in addition to climate, the colored man has another formidable adversary to contend with. New York, New Jersey, and Pennsyl- vania, as before slated, and as the figures in table V show us, had accessions to their colored population much beyond the natural in- crease on their original numbers up till 1830. But from 1830 to 1840 these states also commenced repelling their free colored population, and their ratio of increase was reduced considerably below two per cent, per annum — Pennsylvania, however, still having a ratio of 2 yVo' showing that she had not been as much allected as the other two states, though between 1820 and 1830 her ratio had been reduced to 1 -jYij per cent, per annum. VI. Free colored population of Delaware, Maryland, and Virginia. 1820 j 1830 i 1840" ~89;8T7| n GTiTlj 128/781 12,184, 26,324! 12,640 I 1.55i 2.93i 1.08 537,060 576,043,530,087 YEARS. 1790 1800 1810 Total number Actual increase Increase per cent, per annum Slaves 24,718 405,350 47,979 23,261 9.41 457,584 77,633 29,654 6.i:< 508,197 VII. Free colored populatio)i of North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia. YEARS. 1790 1 1800 1810 1820 1830 1840 Total number 7,174 11,247 16,621 23,205 29,950 33,761 Actual incraase 4,073 5,374 6,584 6,745 3,811 Increase per cent. per annum 5.67 4.77 3.96 2.90 1.27 Slaves 236,930 338,851 470,407 613,148 778,533 853,799 Injluence of Slavery and Foreign Emigration. 23 Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, also repulsed nearly one-half of their natural increase between 1830 and 1840, as exhibited in tables VI and VII, showing that the emigration from the northern states was not passing in that direction, VIII. Free colored population of Kentucky, Tennessee, and Jllabama. YEARS. 1790 475 1800 1,050 1810 1820 1830 1840 Total number 3,030 6,353 11,044 14,880 Actual increase 575 1,980 3,323 3,691 a,836 Increase per cpni. per annum 12.10 18.85 10.96 7.35 3.47 Slaves 15,247 53,927 125,096254,278 424,365 618,849 Kentucky, Tennessee, and Alabama, though for a time, receiving large accessions of free colored people emigrating, probably, from Virginia and North Carolina, westward into their bounds, seem also to have checked it, between 1830 and 1840, to a considerable extent. But as more energetic measures have since been adopted to repel all immigration, extending even to the selling of the intruders info slavery, as was tlie case last year in Kentucky ; the census of 1850 will no doubt exhibit a reduction of the ratio of these states, also, to the natural rate of increase, if not below it. Louisiana, alone, of all the larger slave states, has maintained a uniform increase of her free colored population. Her position on the Mississippi aflbrds great facilities to enterprising colored men, wishing to escape from the rigors of northern winters, to penetrate her territory. IX. Free colored population of Louisiana. YKARS. 1790 1800 1810 1820 ^To/Jmi :j,:n5 4.44 69,064 1830 16,710 5,750 5.24 109,588 1840 Total number Actual increase Increase per cent. per annum Slaves 7,585 34,660 25,502 8,792 5.26 168,452 In the slave states, the prejudices and the rigid laws in relation to their free colored people, will account for the losses which they have sustained. But in New York and New Jersey, some other cause must have exerted a repelling influence, or there would not have been such a desertion of that region by colored men. This cause will, we believe, be found to exist in the foreign einis^ration into our country. The foreign emigrant, escaping from the tyranny of the despotisms which have so long crushed his energies, and where he had been accustomed to work for a mere subsistence, is overjoyed, on reaching this country, to receive a rate of wages for which the colored man is unwilling to labor. He is thus the most 24 Injluence of Slavery and Foreign Emigration. formidable rival of the colored man, and supplants him in his employ- ments and drives him from his temporary home. But while this rivalry of the forrigner, (he priju.lice of the slave holder, and the influtnce of climate, seem to create insuperable obstacles to the success of anv scheme of securing to colored men a permanent home in the north, it affords a stron0Ti7000 lbs. 18,25.5 tons. 62,960 iihd. 3,477,592 cwt. Average of 1839-10-41. 3 yrs. of Freedom. 14,100 000 lbs. 14,828 tons. .34,415 hhd. 2,396,784cvvt. This immense and unexpected reduction of West India products under the system of freedom, was cause of great alarm. The experiment which was to prove the superiority of free labor over that of slave labor had failed. The hope of dmihling' the exports by that means was blasted. $500,000,000* of British capital, invested in the Islands, says McQueen, w;is on the brink of destruction for want of laborers to make it available. The English government found her commerce greatly lessened, and her home supply of tro- pical products falling below the actual wants of her own people. This diminution rendered her unable to furnish any surplus for the markets of those of her colonies and other countries which she formerly supplied. These results at once extended the market for slave grown products, and gave a new impid.-^e lo the slave trade. The government and its advisers now found themselves in the mortifying position of having blundered miserably in their emancipa- tion scheme, and of having landed themselves in a dilemma of singu- * We reckon the pound sterling, here and elsewhere, for convenience, at five dollars. 40 Relations of England to Liberia. lar perplexity. Had England induced, or compelled Portugal, Spain, and Brazil, — the latter then no longer a colony but an independent nation, — to fulfill the conditions of the treaty declaring the slave trade piracy, and also to abolish slavery, she might have succeeded in her object. But she did not await the accomplishment of this work before she declared the freedom of her own slaves. Tins act resulted so favorably to the interests of those countries employing slave labor, by enlarging the markets for slave grown products, that the difficulty of inducing them to cease from it, was increased a hundred fold. Nor did the expedients to which she resorted prove successful in extricating her from the difficulties in which she was involved. A duty of near 39 shillings, afterwards raised to 41 shillings the cwt., or 4| pence the pound, levied on slave grown sugar — designed to prohibit its importation into England and secure the monopoly to the West India planter, thereby enabling him to pay higher wages for labor — while it f^iiled to stimulate the activities of the freedmen sufficiently to increase the exports to their former amount — resulted only in taxing the English people, by the increase of prices consequent upon a diminution of the supply, in a single year, says Porter in his Progress of Nations, to the enormous amount of $25,000,000 more than the inhabitants of other countries paid for the same quantity of sugar. This enormous tax accrued during 1840, from the protective duty, but was greaUy above that of any other year during its continuance. The whole amount of the bounty to the planter, thus drawn from the pockets of the English people and placed in those of the West India negro laborers in exces.^ive high wages, in the course of six or seven years, says McQueen, 1844, amounted to $50,000,000. The crisis had become so imminent, that energetic measures were immediately adopted to guard against the impending danger. Eng- land must either regain her advantages in tropical countries and tropical products, or she must be shorn of a part of her power and greatness. This truth was so fully impressed upon the minds of her intelligent statesmen, that one of the best informed on this sub- ject, (McQueen,) declared, that " If the foreign slave trade be not extinguished, and the cultiva- tion of the tropical territories of other powers opposed and checked by British tropiccd cidlivation, then the interests and the power of such states will rise into a preponderance over those of Great Britain ; and the power and the influence of the latter will cease to be felt, feared and respected, amongst the civilized and powerful nations of the world." To relieve the English people from the onerous tax of the sugar duties, and at the same time, in obedience to the dictates of public opinion, to continue the exclusion of slave grown products from the English markets, sugar, the product of free labor, it was decided, should he ndmitted at a duty of 10 shillings the cwt. But it was soon discerned, that this policy would only create a circuitous commerce, by which the slave grown sugar of Cuba and Brazil Relations of England to Liberia. 41 would be taken by Holland and Spain, for their own consumption, and that of Java and Manilla sent to England ; thus creating a more extensive demand for slave grown products and consequently for slave labor, and giving to the alave trade an additional impulse in an increased demand for slaves. The necessity for this continuous supply of slave laborers from Africa, for the planters of Cuba and Brazil, will be better understood, when the nature of West India and Brazilian slavery is made known. When England prohibited the slave trade in 1806, the number of slaves in her colonies was 800,000. In twenty-three years afterwards, or near the time she emancipated them, they numbered but 700,000. The decrease in this period was, therefore, 100,000; (Memoirs of Buxton). The United States, in 1800, had a slave population of 893,000. In 1830 she numbered 2,009,000, being an increase of 1,116,000. Thus, in thirty years, the United States had an increase of one million one hundred and sixteen thousand on a population of 893,000; while the West Indies, under the English system of slavery, with a slave population nearly equal to that of the United States, in a period only six years less, suffered an actual decrease of one hundred thousand. The destruction of human life in the slavery of Cuba and Brazil will, doubdess, be equal to what it was formerly in the West Indies, inasmuch as the same causes prevail — the great disparity of the sexes amongst those brought by slave traders, from Africa, for the planters. In the slave population of Cuba this disproportion, says McQueen, is 150,000 females to 275,000 males. It is estimated, that to keep up the slave populaUon of Cuba and Brazil, will require, yearly, 130,000 people from Africa. It is, then, at once apparent, that Cuba and Brazil are dependent, as we have said, upon the slave trade for keeping up the supply of their laborers; and, that, if this annual importation of slaves should be stopped, then, their foreign exports would be proportionally lessened and their growing prosperity checked. Under these circumstances, there could be no doubt, that if Eng- land could suppress the slave trade, she would at once cut off the supply of laborers furnished by that traffic to Cuba and Brazil, and " check " their ability to rival her as producers of tropical com- modilies; and, further, if she could increase the number of laborers in the West Indies suJjUciently , she could restore those Islands to their former productiveness, and recover her former advantages. She, therefore, renewed her efforts for the suppression of the slave trade, with gready increased activity. She also commenced the transfer oi free laborers from the East Indies and from Africa to the West Indies. Every slave trading vessel captured, was made to yield up its burden of human beings to the West India planters, instead of to those of Cuba and Brazil ; thus securing to the former all the advantages of laborers which had been designed for the latter. This arrangement was adopted in 1842, and the only 42 Relations of England to Liberia, exception to it was in relation to Spanish slavers, which were to be given up, with their cargoes of slaves, to the authorities of Cuba. A premium was paid to her naval officers and seamen for all the slaves thus captured and transported to her West India Colonies. The expenditure for tliis object, in 1844, says McQueen, had amounted to $4,700,000. In this movement an intelligent colored man, Mr. William Brown, of Oxford, Ohio, has remarked, that England seems to have copied the example of the eagle, which disdains to soil his own plumage by a plunge in the water, but, as he must have the fish or die, makes no scruple of robbing the more daring fish-hawk of its prey and appropriating the captive fish to his own use, instead of restoring it to its native element. All these eflorts, however, failed in relieving England from her difficulties. The slave trade continued to increase, and the slave grown productions to multiply. The number oi free laborers trans- ported as emigrants from Africa and the East Indies, or captured from the slave traders, and landed in the Islands, Avere so few, comparatively, as to make no sensible difference in the amount of West India productions, and the scheme, though still continued, has failed of its main object — (he increase of British West India pro- ductions. Some other means of replacing England in her former position, must, therefore, be devised. But let us look a moment, before we proceed, at the West Indies, and learn more fully, the extent and nature of the influences which have gone forth upon the world as the result of West India Eman- cipation and British policy and philanthropy. It seems to have been a great error of judgment in the British philanthropists, who urged West India Emancipation vpon the ground that free labor would be more productive than slave labor, — that a freeman, under the stimulus of wages, would do twice the labor of a slave toiling beneath the lash: because this proposition is true only in reference to men of intelligence and forethought, but is untrue when applied to an ignorant and degraded class of men. The ox under the yoke, or the mule in the harness, when spurred on by the goad or the whip, will do more labor than when turned out to shift for themselves. So it will be with any barbarous people, or with the mass of such a slave population as the West Indies then included ; where but little more care had been taken of the greater portion of them than if they had been mere brute beasts, and not moral agents. If any higher estimate had been put upon them, than as mere machines to be us'ed in the production of tropical commodities, then it had been impossible for their numbers to have been reduced one hundred thousand in so short a period as before stated. The first impulse of the heart of the more intelligent slaves, when they awoke to a consciousness of freedom, would prompt them to withdraw their wives, daughters, and younger children, from the sugar plantations, that the mothers might attend to their household dvUies, and the children be sent to school. This would deprive the Relations of England to Liberia. 43 planters vof much of the labor upon which they had depended. The men, too, woukl many of them prefer mechanical pursuits, or confine themselves to the cultivation of small portions of land, and decline laboring- for their old masters, in whose presence they must still have felt a sense of inferiority. Many, from sheer indolence and recklessness of consequences, would only labor when necessity com- pelled tliem to seek a supply of their wants. The marriages taking place would withdraw still more of the laborers from the fields, and reduce the amount of the products of the Islands. While, therefore, the ease, comfort, and welfare, of the colored man was secured, the interests of the planters were almost ruined by emancipation, and the influence and power of England put in jeopardy. Litde did the 700,000 West India freedmen, who refused to labor regularly for the planters, think, when following their own inclinations, or lounging at their ease under the shade trees of these sunny Islands, that their want of industry, their reluctance to go back to the sugar mills, for the wages offered, was crippling the power of one of the greatest empires on earth, and robbing Africa of 400,000 of her children, annually, to supply to the world, from Cuba and Brazil, those very commodities which they were refusing to produce. Yet such was the fact, and such the mysterious links connecting man with his fellow, that the want of ambition in the West India freedman to earn more than a subsistence, depriving the planters of the necessaiy free labor to keep up the usual amount of exports, created a corresponding demand for slave grown products, and robbed Africa, in each two years thereafter, of a number of men more than eqnal to the whole of the slaves emancipated in the British Islands. There would seem, then, to have been but little gain to the cause of humanity by AVest India Emancipation. This view of its results^ however, would be very erroneous. On the contrary, there is exliibited here, in this result, another mysterious link in the chain of events connected with [he redemption of Africa. The failure of the West India experiment, has been a failure, only, of England''s ex- periment adopted to restore herself to her former position and her former advantages, and will not retard the onward progress of the cause of humanity. It has, on the contrary, no doubt greatly tended to precipitate upon the world the solution of a problem of the first importance in the great work of its recovery from barbarism. It must now be admitted that mere personal liberty, even connected with the stimulus of high ivages, is insufficient to secure the indus- try of an ignorant population. It is Intelligence, alone, that can be acted upon by such motives. Intelligence must precede voluntary Industry. This proposition, we claim, has been fairly proved in the West India experiment. And, hereafter, that man or nation, may find it difiicult to command respect or succeed in being esteemed wise, who will not, along with exertions to extend personal freedom to men, intimately blend with their efforts adequate means for intellectual and moral improvement. The AVest India colored 44 Relations of England to Liberia. population, now released from the restraints of slavery, and accessible to the missionaries and teachers, sent to them from English Chris- tians, are rising in intelligence and respectability ; and, thus. West India emancipation has been productive of infinite advantage to ihem, though English capitalists may have been ruined by the act. But we will go farther, and give it as our deliberate opinion, that as soon as intelligence and morality, growing out of the religious training now enjoyed, shall sufficiently prevail, the amount of products raised in the West Indies will greatly exceed that yielded under the system of slavery. Liberty and Religion can make its inhabitants as pros- perous and happy as those of any other spot on earth. We do not say, however, that tliis can take place while they sustain the posi- tion of vassals of the British crown, and their importance in the scale of being continues to be estimated according to the extent to which they can add to its prosperity and its glory. Had the West India colored men, under the stimulus of freedom and high wages, each performed twice the labor of a slave, as they, no doubt, might liave done, and as was confidently anticipated by the enthusiastic friends of emancipation, more than twice the products of former years would have been exported from the Islands, and England, in that event, restored to her former position, and looking only to self aggrandizement, would have remained content, and con- tinued to employ men as mere machines, as she heretofore had done, nor cared for their intellectual and moral elevation. But the failure of England in the West Indies, forced her to renewed efforts for the acquisition of additional tropical possessions, where, with better prospects of success, she could bring free labor into competition with slave labor. Before tracing the movements of Great Britain, however, in her prosecution of this enterprise, let us again look a moment at her position. "Instead of supplying her ovvn wants with tropical pro- ductions, and next nearly all Europe, as she formerly did, she had scarcely enough, says McQueen, 1844, of some of the most impor- tant articles, for her own consumption, while her colonies were mostly supplied with foreign slave produce." " In the mean time tropical productions had been increased from $75,000,000 to $300,- 000,000 annually. The English capital invested in tropical pro- ductions in the East and West Indies, had been, by emancipation in the latter, reduced from $750,000,000 to $650,000,000 ; while, since 1808, on the part of foreign nations $4,000,000,000 of fixed capital had been created in slaves and in cultivation wholly dependent upon the labor of slaves." 'The odds, therefore, in agricultural and com- mercial capital and interest, and consequently in political power and influence, arrayed against the British tropical possessions, were very fearful — six to one.' This, then, was the position of England from 1840 to 1844, and these the forces marshalled against her, and which she must meet and combat. In all her movements hitherto, she had only added to the strength of her rivals. Her first step, the suppression of the slave Relations of Enghuid to Liberia. 45 trade, had diminished her AVest India laborers 100,000 in tvventy- tliree years, and reduced her means of production to that extent, giving all the benefits, arising from this and fmm the slave trade, to rival nations, wlio have but too well improved their advantnges. But, besides her commercial sacrifices, she had expended $100,000,000 to remunerate tlie planters for the slaves emancipated, and another $100,000,000 for an armed repression of the slave trade. And yet, in all this enormous expenditure, resulting only in loss to England, Africa had received no advantage whatever, but, on the contrary, she had been robbed, since 1808, of at least, 3,500,000 slaves, (McQueen) who had been exported 'to Cuba and Brazil from her coast, making a total loss to Africa, by the rule of Buxton, of 11,666,000 human beings, or one million more than the whole white population of the United Stales in 1830, and more than three times the number of our present slave population. Now, it was abundantly evident, that Great Britain was impelled by an overpowering necessity, by the instinct of self-preservation, to attempt the suppression of the slave trade. It was true, no doubt, that considerations of justice and humanity were among the motives which influenced her actions. Interest and duty were, therefore, combined to stimulate her to exertion. The measures to be adopted to secure success, were also becoming more apparent. Few other nations are guided by statesmen more quick to perceive the best course to adopt in an emergency, and none more readily abandon a scheme as soon as it proves impracticable. Great Britain stood pledged to her own citizens and to the world for the suppression of the slave trade. She stood equally pledged to demonstrate, that free labor can be made more productive than slave labor, even in the cultivation of tropical commodities. These pledges she could not deviate from nor revoke. Her interests as well as her honor were deeply involved in their fulfillment. But she could only demonstrate the greater productiveness of free labor over slave labor, by opposing the one to the other, in their practical operations on a scale coexten- sive with each other. She must produce tropical commodities so cheaply and so abundantly, by free labor, that she could undersell slave-grown products to such an extent, and glut the markets of the world with them so fully, as to render it unprofitable any longer to employ slaves in tropical cultivation. Such an enterprise, success- fully carried out, would be a death blow to slavery and the slave trade. " But," says McQueen, " there remained no portion of the tropical world, where labor could be had on the spot, and whereon Great Britain could convenienfly and safely plant her foot, in order to accomplish this desirable object — extensive tropical cultivation — hut in tropical Africa. Every other part was occupied by independent nations, or by people that might and would soon become independent." Africa, therefore, was the field upon which Great Britain was compelled to enter and to make her second grand experiment. Her citizens were becoming convinced that it was unwise, if not unjust, to abstract laborers, even as free emigrants, from Africa, to be employed in other 4 46 Relations of England to Liberia. parts of the world, when their labor might be employed to much better a Ivantage in Africa itself. The government could, therefore, safely resort to some modification of her former policy. 'I'o confine her efforts for the recovery of her prosperity, within the limits of her own tropical possessions, would be to abandon the vast regions of trjpiccd Africa to other nafions, and thus permit them, by taking possession of it, to redouble the advantages over her which they already possessed. By employing the labor q/" Africa tvithin Africa, she would cut off the supply of laborers derived by other nations from tlie slave trade, and would have an advantage over them, not only of the capital expended in the transportation of slaves from Africa, but she would have a gain of seven-tenths in the saving of human life now destroyed by the slave trade. British capital, instead of being directly and indirectly employed in the slave trade, as has been fully shown tiy the Hon. H. A. Wise, lato American minister to Brazil, could be more honorably and safely invested in the cultivation of tlie richer fields of tropical Africa itself. In her West India experiment, however, England had been taught the all-important lesson, that intelligence must precede voluntary industry. Her Niger expediiion of 1842, already noticed, was based upon this principle, and hence the extensive preparations connected with that movement, for tlie improvement of the intelligence and morals and industry of the natives. But the terrible mortality which destroyed that enterprise taught her another lesson, that white men cannot fulfill the agtncy of Africa's intellectual eleoaiion. Since that period, England has been mostly occupied with the seule- meiit of her difliculties with Ciiina, and her war with the Sikhs of India, and she has made but little progress in her African affairs ; excepting by explorations into the interior and negociatioiis with the powers interested in the slave trade. In the meantime the colony of Lilieria had been pursuing its quiet and unostentatious course, and working out the problem of tlie colored man's capability for self-government. The active industry of that handful of men, had created a commerce of much importance, and supplied exports to the value of $100,000 annually. Its declaration of independence was published to the world at a period the most auspicious. France, under those generous impulses so characteristic of her people, had herself trampled the last relics of despotism in the dust, and (leclared the Republic. Great as she herself is, she diil not despise the little African republic, but, extending her view down the stream of time, discerned in it the germ of future empire and greatness, and therefore, she welcomed it into the family of nations. But lest, in its feebleness, it should receive a wound to its honor, or an injury to its commerce, from an attack of the dealers in human flesh infesting its borders, with distinguished liberality she offered the use of her war vessels for their destruction. England, too, found herself in a position inclining her to favor the young republic; nay, not only inclining but imposing upon her the necessity of promoting its welfare. Impelled by her own interests Relations of England to Liberia. 47 and wants, to secure extensive tropical cultivation, by free labor, in ^ifrica, she liad been surveying; the whole vast field of tliat continent, the only country now remaining where her grand experiment could be commenced, and found much of it already occupied. France, fully alive to the importance of the commerce with Africa, had, within a short period, securely placed herself at the mouth of the Senegal and at Goree, extending her influence eastward and southeastward from both places. She had a setdement at Albreda, on the Gambia, a short distance above St. Mary's, and which commands that river. She had formed a settlement at the mouth of the Gaboon, and another near the chief mouth of the Niger. She had fixed herself at iMassuah and Bure, on the west shore of the Red Sea, commanding the inlets into Abyssinia. She had endeavored to fix her flag at Brava and the mouth of the Jub, and had taken permanent possession of the im- portant island of Johanna, situated in the center of the northern outlet of the Mozambique channel, by which she acquired its command. Her active agents were placed in southern Abyssinia, and employed in traversing the borders of the Great White Nile; while Altriers on the northern shores of Africa, must speedily be lier own. Spain had planted herself, since the Niger expedition, in the island of Fernando Po, which commands all the outlets of the Niger and the rivers, from Caraeroons to the equator. Portugal witnessing these movements, had taken measures to revive her once fine and still important colon- ies in tropical Africa. They included 17° of latitude on the east coast, from the tropic of Capricorn to Zanzibar, and nearly 19^ on the west coast, from the 20th° south latitude, northward to cape Lopez. The Iniaum of Muscat claimed the sovereignty on the east coast, from Zanzibar to Babelmandel, with the exception of the station of the French at Brava. From the Senegal northward to Algeria was in the possession of the independent Moorish princes. Tunis, Tripoli, and Egypt were north of the tropic of Cancer, and independent tributaries of Turkey. Here, then, all the eastern and northern coasts of Africa, and also the west coast from the Gambia northwards, was found to be in the actual possession of independent sovereignties, who, of course, would not yield the right to England. Southern Africa, below the tropic of Capricorn, already belonging to England, thouffh only the same distance south of the equator that Cuba and Florida are north of it, is highly elevated above the sea-level, and not adapted to tropical productions. The claims of Portugal on the west coast, before noticed, extending from near the British south African line to Cape Lopez, excluded England from that district. From Cape Lopez to the mouth of the Niger, including the Gaboon and Fernando Po, as before stated, was under the control of the French and Spanish. The only territory, therefore, not claimed by civilized countries, which could be made available to England for her great scheme of tropical cultivation, was that between the Niger and Liberia, embra- cing nearly fourteen degrees of longitude. But this territory includes 48 Relations of England to Liberia. the powerful kingdom of Dahomey and that of Ashantee, whose right to the sovereignty of the soil could not, probably, be purchased, as was tliat of the former petty kings on the line of coast occupied by Liberia. Their territory, however, and that of Liberia, together with the whole of the vast basin of the Nigei-, under the hand of industry could be made to teem with those productions, the command of which were of such essential importance to England. But both Dahomey and Ashantee were engaged in the slave trade, and, like other parts of the continent, nine-tenths of the population held as slaves. — (Dr. Goheen.) This territory, therefore, could not be made available to England until she could succeed in securing the discontinuance of their connection with the slave trade and the abolition of their system of slavery; and not even then, as we have before proved, until intelligence should be introduced and diffused and industry begot- ten — a ivork of generations. But negotiations in relation to these ob- jects had been commenced, says M'Queen, in 1844, under favorable auspices, and the king of Dahomey had agreed to abolish the slave trade, and had favorably received some Wesleyan missionaries. England has, since that period, successfully exerted her influence in other quarters for its suppression. In the British House of Com- mons, lately, Lord Palmerston announced, that the Bey of Tunis had abandoned within his dominions, not merely the slave trade but slav- ery itself — that the Sultan of Turkey had prohibited the slave trade among his subjects in the eastern seas — that the Imaum of Muscat had abolished it within certain latitudes — that the Arabian Chiefs in the Persian Gulf have also abandoned it — and that the Shah of Persia has prohibited it throughout his dominions. Thus, then, though the system of an armed repression of tlie slave trade has entirely failed, as before shown, yet the hope is springing up that it may soon be so circumscribed that its extermination can be more easily efiected by encircling the remaining parts of the coast with Christian colonies. But all these movements, important as they are to the cause of humanity, do not, in the least, check the slave trade with Cuba and Brazil, and the reason seems to be this : the stave trade is not a business by itself, and the slave traders are not a distinct class of men. The trade is so mixed up with the general business of the world, that it can derive facilities from the most innocent commercial trans- actions. In Brazil it is neither unlawful nor disreputable, and, it is said that nobody abstains from it, or from dealing wdlh those concerned in it, from any fear of law, scruples of conscience, or regard of charac- ter ; and that to trade with Brazil at all is to deal with a slave trader, or with some one who deals freely with slave traders. Hence, Eng- lish capitalists in loaning money in Brazil, or English manufacturers in filling orders for goods from Brazil, are furnishing facilities for the slave traders to prosecute their infamous pursuits. The ship-builders of the United States, in selling fast-sailing merchant vessels to Brazil- ians, are furnishing to slave traders the means for transporting slaves from Africa. Thus British capital and industry and American skill, though, to the superficial observer, employed in a lawful way, are Relations of England to Liberia. 49 indirectly furnishing the means for the prosecution of the slave trade, and affording facilities to those engaged directly in it, which, if with- drawn, would greatly embarrass their operations, and make it much less difficult to suppress it. Nor has the success of England, in securing the above named acts for the suppression of the slave trade, accomplished anything in her greai work oi' ej tensive tropical free labor cultivation in .dfrica, as the means upon which she relies to recover her former position, and to break down the prosperity of her rivals. In Sierra Leone, the commercial aflairs being in the hands of white men, has prevented that advancement in industry, and in the know- ledge of business among the colored population, which must exist before habits of active industry will be adopted by them. But in Liberia all the business is in the hands of colored men, and some of them have accumulated fortunes. Their success has encouraged others to follow their example, and industry is beginning to prevail. The great work of tropical cidtivalion by free labor has been success- fully commenced by the Freemen of Liberia. Tropical products have been exported in small quantities, from the colony to England. Its coffee was (bund to be superior to that of all other countries, except Mocha, and about equal to it. The coffee tree, in Liberia, produces double the quantity, annually, which that of the West Indies bears. Its cotton, a native of its forests, is of a superior quality. Its capacity for producing sugar has been tested, and found equal to any other country. Capital and labor only are required to make Liberia more than rival Louisiana, because frosts never touch its crops, and labor- ers will not be thrown idle in the former, from that cause, as they are in the latter. Such is the nature of the soil and climate of Liberia, and such the easy cultivation of the products used for food, that the labor of a man, one third of his time, will supply him with necessary sub- sistence, leaving him the remaining two-thirds for mental improvement and to cultivate articles for export. An industrious man in Liberia must, therefore, become rich, and able to indulge his taste for the elegancies of life, leading him to the purchase of foreign commodities. Liberia, therefore, offered to England a field in which she could at once commence her experiment. All that is needed in Liberia to develop its resources, and to give it the ascendancy over all other portions of the tropical world, is capital and labor-. The first can be abundantly supplied by England ; the second liy the United States and Africa. But African labor, beyond the limits of the colony where intelligence prevails, cannot be made productive until the education of the natives has been undertaken. This work, if extended very rapid- ly, must be performed, in a good degree, by emigrant teachers and missionaries from the United States. Hence the wisdom of the policy of England in now favoring our colony. We can supply teachers to aid in civilizing Africa. Great Britain cannot, and, disconnected from our colony, she cannot create intelligence and industry, and there- fore, cannot, at present, commence her scheme of extensive tropical cultivation without the aid of Liberia. 50 Relations of England to Liberia. Here, now, we claim, is the solu tion of the question of England's pres- ent liberaUtv toward Liberia. Her own interests and purposes, demand an early demonstration of the practicability of employing free labor in opposition to slave labor, on an extensive scale, in tropical Africa. Her own African colonies have been, says McQueen, very injudicious- ly selected for extending an influence into Africa. But the position of Liberia is much more favorable, and will enable her, perhaps, from the head of the St. Pauls, to reach across the Kong mountains, and grasp the tributaries of the upper Niger, and, connecting the two rivers by rail-road, secure the commerce of the interior to the capital of the Republic, as the cities of New York and Philadelphia have secured that of the Mississippi valley. England, therefore, at the moment that President Roberts visited London, found herself in a position compelUng her to a change of policy toward our colony. Liberia at tliat moment, was the only territory under heaven, where could be commenced, immediately, her darling scheme of ej:te}isive tropical cultivation by free labor. And Liberia only, of all the territory that might be made available, contained the elements of success, — intelligence and industry. Here was England's position and here Liberia's. The old Empire, shaken by powerful rivals, and driven to extremity, was seeking a prop of sufficient strength to support her. The young Republic in the feebleness of infancy was needing a protector. That secret, unseen, hidden, invincible, and all-controlling Power, which had impelled England onward in lier giant eflorts to extirpate the slave trade and to abolish slavery, and which had inspired the hearts of American Christians to restore the colored man to Africa, and had watched over and protected the feeble colony until it could assume a national position ; that Providence which had made England's crimes of former years, to react upon and embarrass her in all her relations, had now brouirht, face to face, the Prime Minister ol England and the President of the Republic of Liberia. The first, was the representative of that once unscrupulous but powerful government, whose participa- tion in the slave trade, to build up an extensive commerce and to ag- grandize herself, had doomed the children of Africa to perpetual bond- age ; but who was now, as a consequence of that very slave trade, compelled to the most powerful exertions for its suppression, to save herself from commercial embarrassment and national decline : the se- cond, was the Executive of a new Nation — himself a descendant of one of the victims of the English slave traders — seeking the admis- sion of an African REPrBUc into the family of nations. The old Monarchy and the new Republic thus found themselves standing in the relation to each other of mutual dependtnce — the one, to secure a field for the immediate commencement of her grand experiment of rendering free labor more productive than slave labor, and of creating new markets for her manufactures, — the other, to obtain protection and to ofler the products of the labor of the freemen of Liberia to the commerce of the world. But it mav be asked, why Great Britain should be willing to aid Jielations of England to Liberia. 51 Liberia in extendiiiff her influence over Africa, and thus introduce into the world a new nation who, as soon as its eighty millions of people are civilized and stimulated to industry, can have the preponderance over all the world in tropical productions, and consequently, have the means of acquiring power and influence in the world equal to that of other nations. The solution of this question is not difllcult. The policy of Great Britain, for a long period, caused her to grasp after foreign colonial possessions, and her glory and her strength was believed to be measured by the extent to which s>he could multiply her foreign dependencies. 'When her manufacturing interests began to multiplv, she found a great stimulus to this branch of her national resources,' in the raarkets^urnished by her colonies. The increased commerce thus created, furnished another channel for the employment of British capital and enterprise. The multitude of sailors required for the merchant service, were readily transferred to her navy in times of war, and gave her immense power on the ocean. ' But the unfortunate attempt of England,' says McCuUoch, in his statistical account of the British Empire, to compel the American colonists ' to contribute toward the revenue of the empire, terminating so disas- trously, has led her ever since to renounce all attempts to tax her colonies for anv purpose, except that of their own internal government and police.' Colonies, therefore, have since been cherished chiefly on account of the outlets they aflT)rd to her surplus population; the field they offer to private adventurers for the acquisition of fortunes, to be afterwards transferred to the mother country; the increase they add to her commerce : the markets which they furnish for her manu- factures ; and the agricultural or mineral products which they supply, in return, for consumption and use in England. An opinion, however, is besjinninor to possess the public mind in Eniiland, that the possession of colonies is not of the especial importance to her that they were once considered. Tlie expenditure for their government and defense often outweighs the political and commercial advantasfes realized from their possession. It is now believed, that her commercial and manufacturing interests can be as well if not better promoted, by a liberal commerce with independent states, than with colonies under her own contml. This conviction has been forced upon the English, chiefly by the results which have followed the Independence of the United States. The British go- vernment now derives ten times more advan'a9.67a 2.473 - -3.429.^47 • • • 100,-,i60 • ••.10,174 21 0.f 85.358 • • - 221.381 • 33.092,072 4,063 • • • 45,0-J9 222 707,411 203.901.4.52 .30.2i?9.1l5r-s.o34.976 192.478.296,255,420.47 • 35.040 643.695 •7,714,474 25,^05.1.53 8.420 • •310.011) • 2,400 085 • •251,179 219,333.028 • •-.3)4.091 • 31,095.701 10,024 ........no 57.027 1832. 59.050 . 21 ;7o9 ■ 28.003 1833. 943.3S1 • 15.70^ ■ 17.298 433,898 8 824,111 ••• 553,304 35,178.625 •3-',755.l64 • ••40.879 37 90S 7,158 •••145.520 ■2 040 428 ••2,0!-4.802 • ••59,413 •••389.791 •314 219.750.753 2:37,596 758 ■ ■ ■ 293,002: • • ■ 305,0:i3 • 20.109.500 ■ ■ ■ . ■ 3,729 1.440 ■ ■■ -1,194 283.074 853 't'Sr. 832.525 -22.30:^.556 -18 027,940 206.3C6.29bl208.S04.585 3,403.t21 378 38 1834. - 5.524 !-J6,4-58 ■ 444,437 3 332 • ■2.290.525 • • ■ 2^3,004 3.794 >e9.203.075 • 1 004.840 19,201.396 . • ■ ■ 75.257 • • 154:839 4.053 ;92.9^55 302.413.462 The following table, added to the above, affords all the information that is necessary to a full understanding of the question, whence the supplies of cotton are obtained : McCuUough, Vol. 1, p. 651. + lb. Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 17 Imports of cotton into Great Britain, from all foreign countries, presenting the an- nual average during periods of five years, from 1830 to 1849, inclusive.* Years. Miscellaneous.! Brazil. 59,590,800 51,474,800 37,698,000 39,654,800 F.gypt. East Indies. United States. 1830 to 18.34 1835 to 18.39 1840 to 1844 1845 to 1849 5,510,000 12,909,600 9,430.800 3,586,400 7,959,000 13,842,400 16,6.33,200 17,967,200 32,318,000 57,612,000 93,383,600 71,940,800 247,356,400 344,688,800 464,226,400 734,244,560 i When the cotton of the United States had been fairly tested in England, it was found to be very much superior to that from the East Indies. The seed of our cotton was, therefore, introduced into India, and its cultivation so far succeeded, as to warrant the belief that, with proper encouragement from government, it might be grown in any quantities. In 1839, a vigorous effort was made, headed by George Thompson, Esq., § to enlist Parliament in the enterprise. It was urged that all the elements of successful cotton cukivation existed in the East Indies, and that the English nation might soon obtain its supplies of cotton from that country, and repudiate that of the United States. The introduction to the American edition of the Lectures delivered by Thompson on that occasion, which was written by Wm. Lloyd Garrison, contains the following sentences. || They sufficiently indi- cate what were the anticipations of the advocates of the measure : " If England can raise her own cotton in India, at the paltry rate nf a penny a pound, what inducement can she have to obtain her supply from a rival nation, at a rate six or eight times higher? It is stated that East India free labor costs three pence a day — African slave labor, two shillings ; that upward of 800,000 bales of cotton ;>.fe exported from the United States, annually, to England; and that ihe cotton trade of die United States with England amounts to the enormous sum of $40,000,000 annually. Let that market be closed to this slaveholding Republic, and its slave system must inevitably perish from starvation ! " Mr. Thompson, throughout the whole course of his lectures, seems not to doubt the success of East India cotton cultivation, and also that of sugar and coffee, and thai the result would be the destruction of the slave trade, and the downfall of slavery everywhere. He thus exclaims :^ " The batde-ground of freedom for the world is on the plains of Hindostan. Yes, my friends, do jristice to India; wave (here the scepter of justice, and the rod of oppression falls from the hands of the slaveholder in America ; and the slave, swelling beyond the * Supplement to the London Economist, 1850, pp. 34, 35. — Bales estimated at 400 lbs. each. tCiiiffly the British Colonies. * We have substituted the average imports of 1848 and 1849, from the United States, instead of from 1845 to 1849, because it gives a nearer approximation to the truth. 1847, in the U. S., made only three-fourths of a crop, and it was tlie year of famine in Great Britain. § The great Abolitionist. 9 II Lecture by George Thompson, Esq., IT Lecture, page 121. 1839. 18 Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. measure of his chains, stands disenthralled, a free man, and an acknowledged brother ! " We need not trace the history of this effort to promote the cultiva- tion of cotton in India. It is of such recent occurrence, that all intelligent men are familiar with the results. Paragraphs like the following frequently meet the eye of the general reader. It is taken from a reliable periodical. "Late accounts from India [through the English press,] represent that the attempts of the British capitalists, during the last two or three years, to cultivate cotton in the district of Dharwar, from which much was expected, have signally failed. In 1847-8, about 20,000 acres were cultivated. It is now ascertained that the crop has rapidly de- creased, only 4,000 acres having been under cultivation the past year." It is unnecessary to discuss the causes operating in the East Indies, to make it impossible to stimulate its free laborers much beyond their wonted rules of industry. Our views upon this ques- tion will be found in our two former lectures, where we present the causes of the failure of West India free labor. We need but state, here, that the East Indies have only a Pagan civilization, which has long since attained its full maturity. Any efforts, therefore, aside from the'' introduction of Christianity, and a Christian civilization, or the reduction of the population to slavery, must fail in securing a much greater degree of industry than exists at present. If left to their own free will, all attempts to introduce improvements in agri- culture and manufactures, will probably result like the following effort made to improve their mode of plowing. Under the head of " Cot- ton in India," the London Times of the present year, says : "The one great element of American success — of American en- terprise — can never, at least for many generations, be imparted to India. It is impossible to expect of Hindoos all that is achieved by citizens of the States. During the experiments to which we have alluded, an English plow was introduced into one of the provinces, and the natives were taught its use and superiority over their own clumsy machinery. They were at first astonished and delighted at its effects, but as soon as the agent's back was turned, they took it, painted it red, set it up on end, and worshipped it." Another anecdote, confirmatory of the impossibility of effecting a change of habits in the people of India, was told by the Rev. J. H. Morrison, missionary in India, during his late visit to this country. An English gentleman, resident in India, had commenced an improve- ment, rliquiring the removal of a large quantity of earth. Employing native laborers, they commenced the task in their usual way, by car- rying the earth to the place of deposit, in baskets, upon their heads. Pitying them, and wishing to facilitate the work, he had a number of wheelbarrows constructed, and taken upon the ground. Showing the laborers how to use them, ther appeared pleased with the nov- elty, and worked briskly. Gratified that he had relieved them from a toilsome system of labor, the gendeman left them to pursue their work. But on returning some days afterwards, hu was astonished Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 19 and mortified, to see them filling their Avheelbarrows, and then, lifting the whole burden upon their heads, deliberately carrying it off as they had done their baskets. Such is Pagan stupidity and Pagan attach- ment to custom. The successful cultivation of cotton in the United States, and the better adaptation of the lands in Cuba and Brazil, to the production of sugar and coffee, has led the planters of these two countries to devote their labor chiefly to the production of the last named com- modities. The preceding tables of imports into England, (page 16,) proves the truth of this statement, and shows a great diminution in the production of cotton, except in the United States, In reviewing the results in the several cotton-growing countries, the London Econ- omist remarks : "^ " From Brazil, therefore, our annual supply has diminished nearly 20,000,000 lbs. ; or if we compare the two extreme years of the series, 1830 and 1848, the falling off is from 76,906,800 lbs. to 40,097,600 lbs. or 36,800,000 lbs. " The supply from Egypt, however, seems to have reached its maximum in 1845, in which year we received 32,537,600 lbs. This year it does not reach half lh;it amount. Moreover, this country, from the peculiar circumstances of its government, is little to be relied upon, — the supply having varied from 16,116,000 lbs. in 1832, to 1,027,600 lbs. in 1833 ; and again, from 7,298,000 lbs. in 1842, to 26,400,000 lbs. in 1844. " For many years it was the custom of the Pacha of Egypt, to require a certain amount of cotton from his tenants, or, in fact, to compel them to pay the whole, or a fixed portion of their rent, in cotton. Under this forcing system, the cultivation was extensively introduced. Of late years, however, the Fellahs have been allowed to grow the article, or not, at their option ; and such is their natural indolence and want of enterprise, that even where they still continue the growth, they do so in a very careless manner, t " Our supply from the East Indies varies enormously, from 36,- 000,000 lbs. to 108,000,000 lbs. per annum, inasmuch as ive only receive that proportion of the crop lohich our prices may divert from China, or from internal consumption. " 'i'he summary of our supply, from all these quarters combined, is : 1830 to 1834, 105,410,400 lbs. | 1840 to 1844, 157,145,600 lbs. 1835 to 1839, 136,088,000 lbs. | 1845 to 1849, 133,120,800 lbs. " The result of this inquiry, then, is, that our average annual sup- ply from all quarters, except the United States, was, in the five years ending 1849, less by 2,943,200 lbs. than in the five years ending 1839, and less by 24,000,000 lbs. than in the five years ending 1844. Of this diminished supply, moreover, we have been exporting an increasing quantity, averaging, annually, in the last five years, 31,- 680,000 lbs. against 27,360,000, annually, in the previous five years." * Supplement to Jan. 5, 1850, p. 34. f lb. p. 38. 20 Present Relaiions of Free Labor to Slave Labor. The imports of cotton into the United States, mostly from the Dutch West Indies, is very inconsiderable in amount, being, for 1848, only 317,742 lbs., or less than 800 bags, of which 51,000 lbs. were re-exported. Tlie exports of cotton from the United States, affords the key to the chief source of supply of that article to European countries. Exports of Cotton from the United States, to Foreign Countries, for the years 1846, 1847, 1848, and 1849, the 7jears ending June 30.* Whither Exported. Russia, Prussia, Sweden and Norway,. . . Denmark, Hanse towns, Holland, Belgium, England, Scotland, Ireland, Gibralter, British Amer. Colonies,. France on the Atlantic, " Mediterranean, Spain, Cuba, Portugal, Italy, Sardinia, Trieste and Austrian port; Mexico, Cent. Repub. of America, China and South Seas, . . Total, lbs. Value,. . . . 1,292,680 2,555,788 32,287 7,543,017 3,849,859 7,408,422 326,365,971 13,312,850 6,379,746 1,054,310 47,380 124,185,369 7,867,480 117,885 10,102,969 19,533 11,212,093 2,387,264 13,382,043 4,392 828 85,760 547,558,055 $42,767,341 5,618,365 2,887,693 660,732 10,889,543 1,978,324 10,184,348 338,153,564 12,683,738 424,497 90,199 226,493 98,421,966 4,695,492 12,313,658 3,139,156 8,720,718 4,494,594 11,780,673 848,998 527,219,95i:< .$53,415,884 Lbs.— 1848. 10,266,911 116,523 4,978,024 69,020 17,420,498 4,851,509 15,279,676 546,911,132 25,091,965 133,202 22,352 129,263,272 7,034,583 19,323,425 4,557,474 774 6,077,621 2,514,364 20,643,690 12,953 814,274,431 $61,998,294 Lbs.— 1849' 10,650,631 7,030,305 4,779 13,844,494 11,877,386 28,113,309 696,669,474 38,706,884 3,968,547 5,725,812 97,104 144,481,949 6,858,283 23,285,804 1,584,784 240,895 10,604,462 6,053,707 13,279,384 2,208,704 524,721 760,861 1026,602,269 $66,396,976 We must bring this discussion of the cotton question to a close. If we take the table of imports into England,! as the guide, it will be seen that she was importing, annually, during the last period named, ending with 1849, the following proportions of slave labor and oi free labor cotton : The product of Slave labor. From Brazil, 39,654,800 lbs. From United States, .... 734,244,560 " 773,899,360 lbs. The product of Free labor. From Egypt, 17,967,200 lbs. From East Indies, 71,940,800 " From Miscellaneous, .... 3,586,400 93,494,400 " England's excess of imports of slave labor cotton, 680,404,960 * Reports of Sec. of Treas. of U. S. on Commerce and Navigation- + Present Lecture, p. 17. Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 21 The actual consumption of cotton, by England, in 1849, as before stated, was 624,000,000 lbs. Of the imports of 133,149,200 lbs. * cotton not the growth of the United States, there were re-exported 31,680,000 lbs.,t leaving thereof, for consumption in England, 101,- 469,200 lbs. Deducting this amount from the quantity consumed in 1849, leaves 522,530,800 lbs. as the amount of England's consump- tion of cotton derived from the United States. But of the 101,469,200 lbs. above named, at least 30,000,000 lbs. must have been from Brazil, and consequently of slave labor origin, leaving for the English manufacturer, only 71,469,200 lbs. of free labor cotton. The result of this investigation may now be stated thus : Slave Labor Cotton consumed in 1849. By England, from Brazil, . . 30,000,000 lbs. By England, from United States, 522,530,800 " By France,^ from United States, 147,000,000 " By France, from Brazil, say, 3,000,000 " Bv other continental countries, Vrom United States, . . . 128,800,000 " By United States, growth of United States, 270,000,000 " Total slave labor consumption, 1,101,330,800 lbs. Free lAibor Cotton consumed in 1849. By England, from all sources, 71,469,200 lbs. By France, say, 6,000,000 " By other continental countries, || 1,120.000 " Total free labor consumption, 78,5 89,200 lbs. Grand total cotton consumption, 1,179,920,000 " That this exhibit of the cotton question is not an exaggerated statement, got up for effect, but is within the limits of the truth, wdl appear evident when the extent of the production of cotton is taken into consideration. By the Custom House books of commercial nations, all imports and exports of merchandise are easily ascertained. The following statement, embracing only the quantity of cotton consumed in the United States and exported from it, and the amount imported into England from other countries than the United Stales, in 1849, will be sufficient for our purpose. Exports of cotton from the United States, . . 1,026,602,269 lbs. Amount consumed in the United States, . . . 270,000,000 " Amount imported into England from East Indies, Egypt, Brazil, &c., 133,120,800 » ''Xotal 1,429,723,069 " Amount included in our estimates, . . . 1,179,920,000 " Surplus over our estimates, 249,803,069 " * See table, page 17, present Lecture. t Present Lecture, p. 19. \ Present Lecture, p. 15. II Loudon Economist, 1850, p. 103. 22 Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. After this exhibition of facts, we have no fears that the fairness of our statements will bo called in question. Indeed, a close si;rutiny will show that we have not pressed into the tables of slave grown cotton, all that we might have done. All the foreign imports of cot- ton, not the growth of the United States, that were not re-exported by England, are counted as consumed, thus reducing the proportion of the slave labor cotton of the United States by the amount of the former remaining unconsumed. We wish it also to be noticed, that we have included in the list of slave labor cotton consumed in Eng- land, in 1849, only 522,530,800 lbs. from the United Stales, while in that year, she imported of our cotton, 755,469,008 lbs., being an excess over the amount included in the quantity consumed, nearly equal to the surplus above slated, and proving that that surplus must be mostly the product of slave labor. We may now safely place, in contrast, the figures representing the proportions of Free Labor and of Slave Labor Cotton consumed by the United States and Europe, in 1819, and claim, that, so far as this commodity is concerned, our second proposition is triumphantly sustained. Look at the figures : Total slave labor cotton consumption, . . . 1,101,330,000 lbs. Total free labor cotton consumption, . . . 78,589.200 " Excess of consumption of slave labor over free labor cotton, 1,022,741,600 " Your attention is now called to the article of Coffee. As England occupies the most prominent position upon the subject of African freedom, and is making the most determined struggles to stimulate free labor, and make it compete with slave labor, her connection with this question, as with all the others, becomes one of great interest. Up to 1825, a discriminating duty of 56 shillings per cwt. was levied upon coffee from British India, for the benefit of the Englisii West India colonies. At that time, this duty was but little felt, because, owing to the excessive duty levied upon all descriptions of coffee, the consumption of the kingdom was below tiie supply from the West Indies, and the surplus had to seek a market elsewhere. In 1825, the discriminating duly was reduced to 28 shillings the cwt. The duty after this time stood thus : West India coffee paid 6(/. per lb., or 56s. per cwt. East India " " 9^/. " or 84s. " and all other kinds were, and still are, charged Is. 3(/. per. lb., or I40s. per cwt., amounting to a prohibition. The consumption of coffee in Great Britain, after these clianges in the tariff, increased from 8,000,000 lbs., in 1824, to 22,000,000, in 1830. The demand created by this increased consumption, could * Rep. Sec. Treas. U. S., on Commerce and Navigation. t Present Lecture, p. 16. J See table, p. 16, present Lecture II Present Lecture, p. 19. § Present Lecture, p. 15. If London Economist, 1850, p. 103. ** Present Lecture, p. 15. Present Relations of Free Labor and Slave Labor. 23 not be supplied by the West India planters, and the price rose 39 per cent., so as to bring the East India coffee into use. At the time of the reduction of the duties. West India coffee sold at 90a'. the cwt., but it advanced to 1256-. without effecting an in- creased production. Tiie quantity annually imported from die West Indies, in the five years that preceded the reduction of the duty in 182ri, averaged 30,280,360 lbs., and from 1832 to 1836, only 19,812,160 lbs., being a reduction of 34 per cent, in the supply, notwitlistanding an advance of 39 per cent, in the price. This result led to another modification of the coffee duties in 1835, when East India coffee was admitted on equal terms with that of die West Indies. While the duty on East India cofiee was dd. per lb., the amount increased, because of the increase of price of West India coffee, from about 300,000 lbs. a year, to 1,500,000 lbs. In 1835, the consump- tion of East India coffee amounted to 5,596,791 lbs., and in 1837 reached 9,114,793 lbs.* The following table, embracing the whole field of the extent of the production and consumption of coffee, is so full and satisfactory, that nothing more can be needed to a clear understanding of the sub- ject. It was prepared in Deceudier, 1849, by Campbell, Arnott & Co., the great Liverpool coffee merchants, and may be relied upon as possessing much accuracy. Comparalive View of Production and Consumption of Coffee. COUNTRIES PRODUCING. Brazil, Java and Sumatra. Cuba, Porlo Rico, I,aguavra. and Co.sla Rica, St. Dom;na:o, '• Britisli West Indies, and Ceylon, Dutch West Indies.- French Easi and West Indies, Mocha, India, &o., Total Production, Deduct consuraplion ol" United Slate.s,- Balance for Europe, 838. 1843. (i(14>0 -Vi.-iH) 20,160 44-Bou, 4.480, n. '-'(!().( 12.000, 9t.5(i0 49.a-i, 3S.080. ai.'j.5'j 3..3fi0. 8,900 (i.T-,'0, 000 I S3 (10' 1 15(i 0001 49 (.00 -'4, OUO 40, 000 000 00(1 000 JUl.7-'8OU0,3Gl,:5ia,O00 4!).-,>8o (100 8y,(;oo,ooo •252.448000 27£ .7 la.OOO lbs .KiO.OOO -00.000 2-0,000 040,000 :K0 000 040,000 iOO 000 9(J0 001) 720 000 lbs. 2^0,000,000 134,4(K).U00 22,400.000 33.600.000 33.G00.OOO 38.080,000 2 240.000 672(1.000 4,480,000 ioiO.OOO COUNTRIES CONSUMING Great Britain, France and Iransil, and Switzerland, liolhiiid. IJelgium. and Germany, Russia. Sweden, Norway, and Denmark. •• Italy, Austria, Levant, Greece, and Turkey, Spam and Portugal, Total Consumption, Surplus on the 30lh of December,' 23,520 000 23.312.000 33.(>00.0(IO 36 0r>4()00 52,320 000 190 400 000 1 1 ,200 000 1 5.6S0,000 34,720 ( 00 40,320 000 0.720.000 8960,000 •2(12.080 000 310 730 000 31.360.000 40.320 000 219.520 (NIO 22 400 000 ol.S^iOOOO U,-200()0(l 376.320 000 3S.030.000 44,800 000 232 900.000 26 860.000 58 240,000 13 440,000 414,400.000 ,000.000 94.752 000 * Porter's Progress of the Nation, Vol. II., p. 118, 119. 24 Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. In 1821, the United States consumed 11,866,063 lbs. of coffee. The duty was then five cents per lb. and remained at this rate until 1831, when it was reduced to two cents, and in 1832 to one cent. In 1833 coffee was admitted free of duty, and has so remained ever since that date. 'I'he consumption of that year was 75,057.906 lbs., to which it had gradually risen from the 11,886,000 lbs. of 1821. From this date, the consumption of coffee in the United Stales, had a rapid increase until 1847, when it had reached 150,332,992 lbs.* In 1848 the consumption was 156,000,000 Ihs.t As all our investigations have reference to the question of the ex- tent to which Christian governments are consuming slave labor products, it becomes necessary to refer to the sources whence the coffee imported by each is obtained. It stands thus : England, by her discriminating duties, almost entirely excludes slave labor coffee, and derives nearly the whole amount of her con- sumption of that article from her own colonies. Of the 34,431,074 lbs. of coffee imported for England for home consumption, 29,769,730 lbs. were from her own colonies, and only 4,661,344 from elsewhere.il According to the table of Campbell, Arnott, and Co., the quantity of coffee produced in slave labor countries, including Brazil, the Dutch West Indies, Cuba, Porto Rico, &c., in 1848, was 338,240,000 lbs., while in the remaining coffee growing countries, which were all free labor, (France, in tiiat year, having emancipated the slaves in her colonies,) the production was only 217,800,000 lbs., being less than that of tlie product of slave labor, by nearly one-third, or 120,440,000 lbs. As Holland, Belgium, and Germany, consume 98,560,000 lbs. of coffee more than is produced in Java and Sumatra, this excess is probably all slave grown produce. Looking at the small product of the colonies of France, and her large consumption, the conclusion is, that the greater portion of what she uses must be the product of slave labor. The following table points to the sources whence tlie United States derives its coffee, and the extent to which she is dependent upon slave labor for that article. Imports of Coffee into the United States, for the year 1848. ^ Countries whence imported. Coffee, lbs. Countries whence imported. Swedish West Indies. . , . Danish do. do Dutch do. do Britisii do. do Dutch East Indies British do. do Holland Manilla and Phillipine Is. Cuba Other Spanish W. I 510 56,702 2,001 3,037,373 141,077 710,331 2,381,773 25,484 2,258,710 384,393 Hayti New Granada Venezuela Brazil Cisplatine Republic. Chili Africa generally . . . Asia generally France on Atlantic . Total, ,990,976 328,971 ,720,613 .6,^7,395 507,810 37,136 57,567 167.400 1,923 151,412,125 »Rep. Sec. Treas. U. S., Dec. 1, 1847. -J- Campbell, Arnott, and Co. t Rep. Sec. Treas. on Com. fi, Nav., 1848 & 9, the year ending June 30, 184a II London Qr. RfV. Ajiii, 1850, Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 25 Of the coffee imported, as above, that from Brazil, Civba, and other Spanish and Dutch West Indies, amounting to 114,394,214 lbs., was all slave labor produce. Taking all the remaining imports as the product of free labor, and they only afford us 37,117,911 lbs., or a half million less than one-fourth of the amount imported. Thus stands the coffee question in the United States. From the preceding statistics it appears that the United States and the nations of Europe are now consuming, annually, or have as stock on hand, about 555,520,000 lbs. of coffee, divided as follows: The product of slave labor .... 338,240,000 lbs. The product of free labor 217,280,000 lbs. Difference in favor of slave labor . . 120,960,000 lbs. Next, and last, the article of Sugar clamis attention. "It was unknown to the ancients, as an article of consumption. In Europe it was introduced as late as the fifteenth century." The first sample of West India sugar was manufactured in Jamaica, in 1673. Tlie rapidity with which its production, and consumption, has increased, will be indicated by tiie Ibllowing table, showing the exports of sugar from Jamaica. This table is made up from one in Martin's British Colonies, a work of great research ; the facts of which are derived from official sources. The statistics have been condensed so as to give the average annual exports from 1772 to 1836, and tliere isadde'il, from Blackwood's Magazine, those from 1839 to 1843, and from 1846 to 1848.* A few years omitted in the earlier periods, are blanks in Martin's tables. From 1804, onward, where differ- ent results from the general average are found, we give the years .separately. This arrangement is important, to enable us to judge of the influence which the prohibition of the slave trade exerted upon the prospeiity of that and the other West India Islands ; and to determine tlie period when the decline in the amount of Jamaica exports had its origin. Average annual exports of Sugar from Jamaica, for the periods stated.\ Years. lbs. Sugar. Years. lbs. Sugar. 1772 to 1775 123,979,700 1809 to 1810 180,963,825 1788 to 1791 143,794,837 ISll alone. 218,874,600 1793 to 1798 145,598,850 1812 to 1821 183,706,280 1799 to 1803 193,781,140 1822 to 1832 153,760,431 1804 alone. 177,436,750 1833 to 1835 131,129,100 1805 alone. 237,751,1.50 1836 alone 75,990,950 1806 alone. 231,656,6.50 1839 to 184311 67,924,800 1807 to 1808 197,963,825 [ 1846 to 1848§ 67,539,200 § Ibid. 1 of the abolition of the slave trade, II Present Lecture, p. 10. As heretofore stated,:}: the effects in 1&C8, and of the emancipation of the slaves in 1834, upon the * See present Lecture, p. 10. X Page 7, present Lecture. t Th« tables of Martin give the exports in hhds. tierces, and bbls. We have reduced the whole to lbs., estimating the hhd. at 1600 lbs., the tierce at 900 lbs. and the barrel at 250 lbs., as per best authorities. 26 Present Relations of Fret- Lalor to Slavr Labor. commercial interests of Jamaica, will serve as a true index to the results in all the English West India colonies. The course of legislation in England, for several years past, has tended to increase the consumption of sugar by augmenting the supply. Up to 1844 all foreign sugars were excluded, and her own colonies enjoyed a strict monopoly of her markets. But the failures of her West India possessions, after emancipation, to furnish their usual supplies, led, in 1844, to the admission of foreign free labor sugar for consumption, and, in 1846, to that of slave labor sugar also. In 1848, the London Quarterly Review* says, that the amount taken for consumption, of foreign slave grown sugar, was 229,748,- 096 lbs. We have been unable to ascertain the total annual con- sumption of slave grown sugar, in England, since 1846, but find, by the London Economist,! that, for the first eleven months of each year, it has been as follows : 1846 lbs. 57,902,544 I 1848 lbs. 118,366,976 1847 » 104,838,048 | 1849 " 63,517,888 The total imports of sugar into England, and the amount re-ex- ported, were as I'ollows : English imports.^ English re-export s.W 1846 lbs. lbs. 29,624,432 1847 " " 96.613,992 1848 " 852.792,976 " 48,735.008 1849 " 928,002,208 " 84,768,096 The difference between the imports and re-exports is the amount taken for consumption, and the difierence between this and the actual consumption indicates the stock left on hand at the close of the year. The whole amount of sugar consumed in England, in 1831, § was over 450,000,000 lbs. From 1844 to 1849, the consumption of this article, including molasses at its equivalent in sugar, was as follows : ^ 1844 lbs. 486,648,960 1845 " 570,127,040 1846 " 609,781,760 1847 lbs. 675,329,120 1848 " 692,256,320 1849 " 728,931,600 By taking the average consumption of 1848 and 1849, a true idea of the present annual demand for sugar, in the English market, will be afforded : It was, per annum, lbs. 710,593,960 Of which slave-grown sugar** constituted, say, 146,000,000 Leaving England's consumption of free labor sugar, 564,593,960 * See present Lecture, p. 11. t IPSO, p. 86. + London Economist, 1>*50, p. 169. || lb., p. 170. § Present Lecture, p. 11. IT Lond. Economist, 1850, p. 170. ** See page 27. — Allowing all the exports from the English Colonies to be imported and consumed by her, the whole amount is less than her consumptioUj by about 146,000,000 lbs. Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 27 The sources of England's supply of sugar can be seen at once, in the annexed table. The amounts stated, however, are only for the Jirst eleven months of each year, and do not give the whole quantity imported and entered for consumption. Sugar entered in the Jirst eleven months oj each year, for consumption^ Year [West Indies. Mauritius. | East India Total colonial i Total foreign. 1846" 244,737,136 93,b79,520 1 150,773,616 489,390,272 57,902,544 1847 261,306,080 112.783,216 124,300,144 498,399,440 104,838,048 1848 283,772,036 86 086,896 140,658,572 510,517,404 134,046,976 1849 319,032,896 106,993,152 138,S67,792 564,893,616 47,837,888 "We add another table, which embraces the whole of the exports from all the British colonies, from ls40 to 1849, and exhibits their extent for the twelve months of each year. Exports of Sugar from all the British Colonial Possessions. f Years. lbs. Sugar. Remarks. jj Years. lbs. Sugar. Remarks. 1840 1841 1842 1843 1844 365,060,192 Strict monopoly 473,177,488 463,220.064 " 459,557,728 " 459,495,696 1 " 1 1845 1846 1847 1848 1849 551,336,992 501,061,904 700,906,576 566,077,792 583,024,400 Fr. lab. sug. adni. Foreign, of all kinds, aJm. This table includes the entire sources of supply possessed by Eng- land within her own colonics, and shows that their exi)orts of sugar, were Short of her consumption, in 1849, by 14.^,907,200 pounds. Short of her total imports, do. 344,977,808 But it must here be remarked, that the whole exports /ro?n the British colonies are not always imported into England, because a portion of their products are taken by other countries. In 1848, the United States imported from the British West India Islands, 1,258,2-42 lbs. of sugar, and in 1849, 1,245,492 lbs. It must be re- collected, then, that the exports from her colonies are not always the measure of England's imports from them, and that, therefore, the amount of her supplies of cotton, sugar, cofiee, &c., from her colonies, are not always equal to their exports. The production of cane sugar in the United States, until recently, was confined to Louisiana. The rapidity with which it has pro- gressed, in this country, furnishes a useful lesson for the little Re- public of Liberia. She possesses the best quality of sugar lands, and has around her an unlimited amount of labor that may be made available. The following table presents the amount of the crops of sugar produced in Louisiana, at nearly equal intervals, during thirty years : * London Economist, 1850, p. 86. + London Economist, from Pari. Rep. 351, 1850. 28 Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. and shows the extent of our domestic supply of eane sugar.* The Droduclion of maple sugar, in 1840,t was about 30,000,000 lbs. Table of crops of Louisiana Sugar. Years. lbs. Sugar. Years. lbs. Sugar. 1818 1824-5 1829-30 1834-5 1839-40 18,000,000 30,000,000 73,000,000 110,000,000 119,457,000 1844-5 1848-9 1849-50* " Te.vas.t Lou. gals, niolas. 2(^4,916,000 220,000,000 269,769,000 10,000,000 12,000,000 New Orleans Commercial Bulletin. t Ibid. The imports of foreign cane sugar into the United States, for the last two years, were as follows : ± 1848 . . ' . 257,138,230 1849 .... 259,324,126 Of these amounts the following were the proportions of free and of slave labor : Imports of Free and of Slave Labor Sugar into the United Slates.\\ Slave labor, lbs. 1848 lbs. 1849 Free Labor. lbs. 1848 lbs. 1849 From Cuba, other Sp.W.I. Brazil. Dutch W. I. Guiana. Totalslv.gr. " free lab. Excess sl. lb. 181,058,107 47,778,973 6,687,657 513,977 32,455 183,011,744 51,483,166 11,131,457 737,855 209,755 Svv. &, Dan W.I. DI).E.I.,Hol. etc. Hayti. Manilla, &c. China. Br. W. I., &c. Other countries. 2,734,970 2,432,305 357,091 12,546,098 352,032 2,096,683 547,882 236.071,169 246.573,977 ^1 ,067^61 12,695,355 215,025,548 233,878,622 Total free labor. 21.067,061 2,095,899 665,050 4,617 6,649,1.32 1,060,.372 1,292,761 327,524 12,695,.355 The exports of domestic sugar from the United States is very limited, being for 1848 only 3,522,779 lbs., and for 1849 but 2,356,104 lbs. Of the foreiffn imports, there were re-exported for 1848, 13,686,- 510, and for 1849, only 6,473,800 lbs. § To arrive at the amount of ihe consumption of sugar in the United States, the quantity exported must be deducted from the amount of the imports and of the domestic production. In doing this, we have allowed the re-exports of foreign sugar all to have been of the slave labor production, and thus afford an advantage to the figures representing the free labor sugar consumed in the United States. Making these deductions, the following results are produced : *Ed. D. Mansfield, Esq., of Cincinnati Chronicle, i- See Census, 1840. I Rep. Sec. Treas. U. S., on Com. and Nav. II Rep. Sec. Treas. U. S., on Com. and Nav. § The molasses imported into the United States, amounted, in 1849, to 23,- 796,806 gallons, of which only 756,339 gallons were of free labor. Of these imports 793,535 gals, were rc-e-xported. Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 29 Cousumplion of Cane Sugar in the United States. lbs. 1&J3 ll>s. 1849 Growth of the U. S., less the exports, 216,477,221 277,402,896 Slave labor imports, " " 222,384,759 240,099,177 Slave labor Sugar consumed, U. S., 438,861,980 517,502,073 Free labor Sugar, « " 21,067,061 12,695,355 Total Sugar consumption, 459,929,041 530,197,428 Excess of slave grown, do. 417,794,919 504,806,718 The consumption of sugar in France, in 1848, was about 290,- 000,000 lbs. or this quantity, 140,000,000 lbs. were of beet root sugar, produced in France. The production of cane sugar in the French colonies, in 1840, was 161,500,000 lbs.* p'or the first nine months of 1847, they supplied to France 168,884,177 lbs., but for the same period of 1849, only 96,929,336 lbs., being a falling off, as heretofore stated, of 71,854,841 lbs. the first nine months after freedom. t The production of beet root sugar is increasing ever)'- year. A heavy duty upon foreign sugar nearly excludes it from the French market, and thus, since her emancipation act of 1848, France may be considered as consuming very Utile slave grown sugar. "We have been unable to procure the statistics of the production and consumption of sugar as fully as those of coffee and cotton. t But they are sufficiently accurate for all practical purposes. For England and the United States they are ample, but for the continent somewliat imperfect. The August number of Hunt's Merchant's Magazine contains a statement, from the House of Eaton, Safford & Fox, of Cuba, of the production and consumption of sugar through- out the world. Although imperfect in a few cases, it enables us to reach a close approximation to the amount of slave and free labor sugars annually produced. Taking the whole of the authorities we have consulted, and they warrant us in stating the production of slave grown sugars as follows : Cuba and Porto Rico 672,000,000 lbs. Brazil 268,000,000 « United States 280,000,000 " Total slave grown sugar 1,220,000,000 lbs. This amount does not include the production of the Dutch colo- nies in the West Indies and Guiana, where slavery still exists. The statement is short by that amount, and we have been unable to find it given separately from that of the Dutch East India possessions. Of this slave grown sugar England and the United States consume 663,502,000 lbs. annually. This leaves, of slave grown sugars for the continental countries of Europe, 556,498,000 lbs. The whole cou- sumption of these countries, excepting France, but including Russia, * We are indebted to M. Dureau, a French gentleman engaged in the collec- tion of sugar statistics, for these facts. f See present Lecture, p. 12. X In obtaining our cotton statistics, we have been much indebted to Mr. Thomas Frankland, of the Society of Friends, recently from England, whoso acquaintance we made at the Christian Anti-Slavery Convention, in Cincinnati. 30 Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. Turkey, and Egypt, is estimated by Eaton, Safford &l Fox, at 765,- 375,000. From this, deduct the above balance of slave grown sugar, and there is left to be supi)lied by free labor, a demand of 208,877,000. To determine the probable accuracy of the result last stated, we have taken the exports oi free labor sugar from the British posses- sions, as determined by our former investigations, and those of the other sugar-producing countries, as estimated in the article in Hunt's Magazine. The result is as follows : English possessions Holland possessions Danish and Swedish possessions • German and Belgian, including heet sugar consumption in the South American Republics, 583,024,000 lbs. 120,000.000 " 20,000.000 « 30,000,000 « 30,000,000 " 783,024,000 lbs. 577,289,000 « Excess of production Egypt, and China- Total free labor sugar for European and United States consumption- Deluct free labor sugar consumed by United States and England Balance left for continent, exclusive of France 205,736,000 lbs. But this statement of free labor sugar contains some of the beet root and all of the slave-grown sugar of the Dutch slave labor colo- nies. The estimates of Brazil, on the other hand, have no deduction for home consumption, so that the figures above given, no doubi rep- resent, very nearly, the consumption of free and slave labor sugars on the continent. We may now sum the whole results of our labors in one con- densed table, so as to exhibit the present relations of free labor to slave labor, and the indebtedness of the christian world to slavery for these articles of prime necessity. Total consumption of Free Labor and of Siaiv, Labor Cotlon, Coffee, and Cane Sugar, bij Ihe countries named in the foregoing investigations. Countries consuming. Great Britain United States France Other continental countries Total of each- 552,530,800 270,000.000 150,000,000 ri,469,200 6,000,000 1,120,000 (8,589,200 4,601,344 119,682,189 120,440,000 33,418,156 37,117,911 147,213,933 Slave labor Free labor lbs. sugar, lbs. sugar. 146,000,000 564.503.9CO 517,502,000. 12.riy5,.355 none. 556,498,000 ,220,000,000 280,975, 150,000,000 205,735,000 * Add the consumption of the United States to that of England, and deduct the amount from the total Slave Labor consumption, to find the amount of Slave Labor coffee consumed by France and the continent. III. That the legislative measures adopted for the destruction of the slave trade and slavery, especially by England, have tended to increase and extend the evils they were designed to destroy. In the outset of the investigations demanded to sustain this propo- sition, it is necessary to refer to the condition of slavery and the slave trade before measures had been taken to arrest their progress. The statistical tables, in the present lecture, show that the commercial prosperity of the English and French West India colonies had reached its maximum about the period when the first acts having reference to the removal of the oppressions which had afflicted the African peo- ple, were adopted by these governments. England's act, prohibiting the slave trade, was passed in 1807, and took eflect in 1808. In Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 31 1805 and 1806, the exports of sugar from Jamaica were over 230,- 000,000 lbs.,* for each year, and from the whole English West Indies, it was about 636,000,000 lbs. The article of sugar is referred to, be- cause it is the principal one exported from these islands. From 1827 to 18;U, the period preceding the emancipation of the EngHsh West India slaves, the exports of sugar from these colonies were reduced to an annual average of 448,665,520 lbs., or Hear/^one-ZAirJ, and from Ja- maica alone, from 1 829 to 1833, to 152,564,800 lbs.,t or more than one- third. This was twenty-five years after the prohibition of the slave trade, when ample time to show its effects had elapsed. The act of emancipation was passed in 1833, took effect in 1834, and the free- dom of tbe slaves was perfected in 1838. The effect of emancipation was a still farther reduction of the ex- ports from these colonies — the whole exports, in 1848, being only 313,506,112 lbs.,t or more than one -half less than in 1807, and Jamaica itself but 67,539,200 lbs,, or nearly threefourths less than in 1807. The first direct act of the French, in reference to African freedom, was the proclamation of General Le Clerc,§ in 1802, proclaiming liberty and equality to all the inhabitants of Hayti, without regard to color. The exports of sugar from that island in 1790, were 163,318,810 lbs. II Its prosperity was at once greatly impaired by the revolution, and at present its exports of sugar are almost nothing. Had a reduction of the quantity of sugar, coffee, or cotton, conse- quent upon the suppression of the slave trade and the emancipation of the slaves, been the only effects of these efforts to benefit the Afri- can race, the world would have submitted to the sacrifice without a murmur, because the present cheap and abundant supplies of these articles would have been unknown. But far different from the re- sults anticipated, were the consequences of these measures upon the welfare of the African people. We shall proceed to trace them. England and the United States, in prohibiting the slave trade, did but obey the dictates of a moral power emanating from a philan- thropic public sentiment. It was an act demanded by the Christian principle of these countries. But in the plan of its execution, we have lamentable evidence of the limited wisdom and foresight of man in grappling with evils of great magnitude. In 1808, when the slave trade was prohibited by England and the United States, Africa was annually losing 85,000* of her population by the slave trade. Of this number 19 per cent, perished in the middle passage, making available, to the slave purchasers, 77,000 slaves. But the discontinuance of the slave trade, by these two pow- ers, by no means diminished the evil sought to be destroyed. From that day the export of slaves from Africa increased, and from 1810 to 1815, she was robbed yearly of 93,000 of her population; and * See present Lecture, pages 13 ana 32. t See present Lecture, p. 10. t lb. § lb. p. 8. || lb. p. 11. 32 Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. from 1815 to 1819 of 106,000 annually. Of the latter, 25 per cent, perished in the "rniddle passage," so that out of 106,000 torn from Africa, but 79,400 reached the planters, or only 2,400 more than they had obtained when the exports from Africa were but 85,000 With the exception of 1830 to 1835, the exports of slaves from Africa continued to increase until the close of 1839, when they reached the appalling number of 135,800 a year, with a continued loss of 25 per cent, of the number in their transportation. The following tables, prepared by a select committee of the House of Commons, showing the state of the African slave trade with rela- tion to America, for the last sixty years, convey a clear view of the state of this traffic during that period.* Number of Slaves computed to have heen Exported and Imported westward from Africa, from 1788 to 1840. Am'nt of DATE Slaves Exported. In 1788 100,000 ri798tol805 85,000 1805 to 1810 85,000 5 1810 to 1815 93,000 1815 to 1817 106,600 1817 to 1819 106,600 ^ 1819 to 1825 103,000 i 1825 to 1830 125,000 1830 to 1835 78,iS00 1835 to 1840 135,800 Average casual- I>- ties during the S-=^ . Voyage. ^U Av'rg ^R-3 pr'p'r- Am'nt. tion. m 14p.c. 14,000 25,000 14 " 12,000 15,000 14 " 12,000 15,000 14 " 13,000 30,000 25 " 26,600 .32,000 25 " 26,600 34,000 25 " 25,800 39,000 25 " 31,000 40,000 25 " 19,600 40,000 25 " 33,900 29,000 18,000 20,000 25,000 30,000 31,000 34,000 37,000 50,000 15,000 65,000 44,000 38,000 33,000 20,000 17,000 12,000 capt'd. by crus'rs 1,200 4,000 3,900 7,900 86,000 73,000 73,000 80,000 80,000 80,000 77,200 94,000 58,900 101,900 Number q/" Slaves computed to have been annually Exported and Imported ivestward from Africa, from 1840 to 1848. Am'nt Average casualties during the voyage. Slaves import- Import- Captur- Total slaves expt'd. ed into Spanish colonies ed into Brazil. ed by cruis'rs. Average proportion Am'nt. of slaves import'd. 1840 64,114 25 pr cent. 16,068 14,470 30,000 3,616 48 086 1841 45,097 25 " 11,274 11,857 16,000 5,966 33,823 1842 28,400 25 " 7,100 3,150 14,200 3,950 21,300 1843 55,062 25 " 13,765 8,000 30,500 2,797 41,297 1844 54,102 25 " 13,525 10,000 26,000 4,577 40,577 1845 36,758 25 " 9,189 1,.350 22,700 3,519 27,569 1846 76,117 25 " 19,029 1,700 52,600 2,788 57,088 1847 84,356 25 " 21,089 1,500 57,800 .3,967 68,267 Westminster Review, 1850, p. 263. Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 33 But why this disastrous defeat of the benevolent designs of Eng- land and the United States, in their efforts to suppress the slave trade? The question is easily answered. The diminution of the exports from the British West Indies, being more than one-half, equaled a loss of 420,000 of her former 800,000 slaves. France had lost three-ffths"^' of her annual colonial supplies of sugar and otlier products, in the emancipation, or death by war, of her 480,000 slaves in Hayti.t The 163,300,0001 lbs. of sugar lostby these events, had lo be supplied to France by increased production in her remain- ino- colonies. This required an additional amount of labor, equal- ing what had been rendered unavailable in Hayli, or 480,000 men; and this number, added to England's equivalent loss of 420,000, making in all 900,000 slaves, had to be procured from Jifrica, and to be renewed every seven years.§ Following the example of France, Spain and Portugal immediately commenced extending their cultivation, in Cuba and Brazil, by a vigorous prosecution of the slave trade. They were encouraged in the execution of this design, in the opening markets created for their products by the diminishing exports of the English and French colo- nies. The withdrawal of the English and American slave merchants from the African coast, removed all rivalry, except that of France ; and in alitde over thirty years, slave grown products increased nearly three-fourths above what they had been when the slave trade was prohibited.il These facts being stated, it is easily seen why the slave trade should have increased with such rapidity, and to such an amazing extent. For each slave emancipated by England and France, who refused to labor as he had done while a slave, (for which no man will blame him, but which, it was predicted, he would do out of gratitude to his benefactor,) another had to be obtained from Africa to make up the loss to commerce. But in addition to the diminished supply of tropical products, occasioned by the prohibition of the slave trade and the emancipa- tion of the slaves in the West Indies, there has been a vasdy increased consumption of some of the commodities upon which slave labor has been employed ; and, as before remarked, all this rapidly increas- ing demand had to be supplied by slave labor. Hence, the enormous increase of the slave trade, notwithstanding the efforts made for its suppression. But where was the error, in the legislation by England, on this subject? It was in this : She should, before taking any action her- self, have obtained the consent of the other European powers, to unite in disallowing the slave trade to their subjects. At that day some of the articles now so profitably employing slave labor, were compara- tively unimportant to commerce. People, then, were more desirous of escaping from the evils of slavery than they are at present, and * Present Lecture, p. 8. f lb. t lb. p- H. § lb. p. 7. II See Lecture first, p. 38, for McQueen's statement of this fact. 10 34 Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. efficient measures for emancipation could have been more easily executed. But England's first act of philanthropy was done at a moment when her manufacturing operations were rapidly growing up into great national interests, that could not be checked or dispensed with, and the ultimate importance of which could not then be foreseen. While, therefore, on the one hand, she was afterward pleading the cause of humanity, and urging the abandonment of the slave trade and of slavery, upon other nations ; on the other, her own di- minishing supplies of tropical products, and increasing cotton manufactures and sugar consumption, were creating, at home and abroad, that increasing demand for slave labor products, which sup- plied the chief aliment that sustained the foreign slave trade and foreign slave labor cultivation. And even when Great Britain par- tially succeeded, by bonus* or by treaty, in gaining over a nation to her measures, alas ! there was not that virtuous public sentiment, such as had existed in England and the United Slates, to act over upon that nation, and to encourage or impel it onward in the execu- tion of its noble and humane engagements. An outline of British legislation, in reference to the admission of tropical commodities to her markets, will show how effectually her legislation at home defeated negotiation abroad. Up to 1844, the British colonies enjoyed a practical monopoly of the British markets. The duty on foreign sugar was 63 s. per cwt., on sugar the growth of her East India possessions and Mauritius, 37 s. per cwt., and on that of her West India Colonies, only 27 s.per cwt.t In 1844 the first inroad was made, the act taking effect in November of that year, by which foreign free labor sugar was admitted at a lower duty.t This act terminated the monopoly which the British colonies had in the markets of the mother country, and allowed the introduction of the free labor sugars of Java and Manilla for consumption in England; while Holland and Spain compensated themselves for the amount of their usual supplies thus diverted to a profitable market, by sending to Cuba and Brazil for a sufficient quan- tity of their cheaper slave labor sugar to make up the deficiency. § In 1845, a general reduction of the sugar duties Avas made, which reduced the protection against foreign slave grown sugars one-half, and in 1846, the final act was passed, admitting all foreign sugars on advantageous terms. This act made a progressive reduction, during three years, of the duties on foreign sugar, until in 1849, when those on foreign and colonial were to become equal to each other. || In 1848 however, another act was passed by Parliament, postponing, for three years, the equalization of the duties to be levied on foreign and colo- * A bonus was paid to Portugal, in 1815, to conclude a treaty to abandon tlie slave trade, and near tbe same time, by a similar treaty with Spain, she received from England $2,000,000, and afterward evaded her engagement. — Ed. Rev., July 1836. f Westminster Rev. 1850, p. 276. i London Economist, 1850, p. 85. §See Lecture first, p. 41. || Blackwood's Mag. 184, p, 5. Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 35 nial sugars, and thus, seemingly, affording a slight protection to the colonies until 1854. But the difference in duties, owing to the man- ner in which the scale is arranged, and the greater cheapness of slave-labor cultivation, makes the law afford only a nominal protec- tion and be of little practical value. The duties, per cwt., on for- eign and colonial sugars, stand as follows since the last enactment, and will be equal on all kinds in July, 1854.t MUSCOVADOS. To 5 July, 18.)0. £. s. d British 11 Foreign 17 To5Ji Itol £. s, 11 15 ly, 'd. 6 To 5 July. 1S52. £. $. d. 10 14 To 5 July, 1853. £. .0. d. 10 13 To 5 July, 1S54. £. .■!. d. 10 12 Fr'ni 5 July, 1K54. £. s. d. 10 10 British 14 Foreign 19 10 12 18 VITHITE CLAYED. 10 11 8 11 8 1 16 4 15 2 11 8 14 11 8 11 8 British 16 Foreign 14 8 14 1 2 WHITE REFINED. 8 13 4 13 4 8 10 8 19 4 13 4 17 4 13 4 13 4 British 4 6 Foreign 6 4 4 5 2 9 MOLASSES 3 9 5 3 ' 3 9 4 10 3 9 4 6 3 9 3 9 The immense falling off in the exports of the British West India colonies, which had taken place after emancipation, and the impossi- bility of her East India possessions supplying the deficiency, left the government of Great Britain no other alternative but a redaction of the sugar duties, and the admission of slave grown sugar. A strug- gle to stimulate West India industry had been continued thirteen years, from 18.33 to 1846, resulting only in taxing the English people by protective duties, $150,000,000| more than the consumers of other countries had paid for an equal quantity of sugar, and the effort had to be abandoned. For many years her West India colonies had supplied to England more sugar than was necessary for home consumption, allowing the government to force off that of her East India possessions into other markets, by a differential duty of 10 shillings the cwt. in favor of her West Indies. But in 1840, her own consumption of sugar was 609,- 781,760 lbs.,§ and the total exports of all her West India colonies only 277,252,400 lbs.,l| and with that of the East Indies and Mauritius added, but 501,061,904 lbs. ,11 an amount, even if England received it all, not sufficient for her home consumption by 108,119,856 lbs. By this result the whole field of the foreign markets, formerly supplied with English sugar, was left open for that of slave labor products. The impulse given to the efforts of other nations, in the prosecu- tion of the slave trade, when it was abandoned by England and the United States, received no check, as is shown by the foregoing t Westminster Rev. 1850, p. 276 i Westminster Review, 1850 II Present Lecture, p. 10. p. 275. § Present Lecture, p. 26. f Present Lecture, p. 27. 36 Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. table,* until 1830, when a reduction of the price of sugar from 445. Qd. the cwt. to 24s. M., diminished the export of slaves from Africa 37 per cent. But this depression lasted only during the time that the price of sugar continued at that reduced rate. In 1836, sugar again rose to 29s. 3f?. the cwt., and gave an impetus to the slave trade that increased the export of slaves from Africa 73 per cent., or to 135,800 per annum from that till the close of 1839.t But 1840 constitutes an epoch in the history of the slave trade, because, during that year, the first successful check was given to it, and the hope created that it could be annihilated. From that period until 1847, the varying results will be found in the foregoing Parlia- mentary tables. By the first table it will be seen, that the African slave trade had reached its maximum from 1835 to 1839, when the average annual exports were 135,800, and that in 1840 it was sud- denly reduced to 64,114. This reduction was effected through the unwearying efforts of England, stimulated, in a great measure, it is believed, by the com- mercial considerations referred to in our first Lecture. Be this as it may, by her influence, the authorities of Brazil, in 1840 and 1841, made the attempt to suppress the slave trade, and the effect was immediate.^ General Espartero being in power in Spain, also acted in good faith in the execution of the conditions of the treaty with England, and appointed General Valdez, Governor of Cuba. When Vafdez entered upon his duties, the imports of slaves into Cuba were about 14,000 annually. The first year of his government reduced the imports 8,000 ; and in 1842, the last year, the number imported was only 3,100 men.§ Political changes occurring, the plans of these governments were soon abandoned, and the increasing demand for slave grown products, which was soon after created, by their admis- sion into the English markets, gave renewed activity to that traftic, increasing it, in 1847, to within a trifle of what it was from 1798 to 1810, and in 1848 and 1849, it is believed, to an extent nearly equal to what it has been at any former period. || With these facts before us, a true conception can be formed of the past and present condition of the slave trade. It is evident that if England could have persisted in her exclusion of slave gi-own products from her markets, and could have rejected such free labor products as would have been replaced in other mar- kets by an equivalent of those of slave labor origin, that a death-blow would have been given to the slave trade, and, in its suppression, to the slavery of Cuba and Brazil. But, unfortunately, at the moment when nea;otiation abroad, combined with protective duties at home, had enabled England to reduce the exports of slaves from Africa, in 1845, to 36,758, and the imports into BrazO to 22,700 ; the clamor in England, for a full supply of sugar, forced the government, first * See table, present lecture, p. 32. t London Times, 1849. % Speech of Sir R. Peel in British Parliament, 1844. § Ibid. I] Westminster Review, 1850, p. 265, states that the imports of slaves into Bra- lil in 1848 were 72,000, a larger number than at any former period. Present Relations of Free Labor and Slave Labor. 37 to admit free labor sugar, and next, through the predominance of free-trade principles, slave labor sugar also. These acts at once opened up a market of such importance to countries employing slave labor, that an irresistible impetus was given to the slave trade, stimu- lating those engaged in it to break through every treaty stipulation, and bid defiance to all the physical force that can be arrayed against them. It was the advancing demand for slave grown products, created by the causes before stated, that made it impossible for the governments of Spain and Brazil to act in good faith in the suppression of the slave trade. Governments cannot go much in advance of the public senti- ment of their people, nor can they long remain much behind it. The positions of England and the United States, on the slave trade, were the result of the correct moral sentiment existing among tlieir people. But the people of Spain and Brazil, governed only by commercial considerations, and not by motives of philanthropy or the principles of equity, looked only to' the protits to be made by continuing the slave trade, and cared nothing for the amount of human woe induced, if they could but amass fortunes to themselves. These governments, therefore could not resist the tide of public sentiment; and their poUcy being changed, a rapidly-increasing flood of misery has continued to roll on, wave after wave, until humanity shudders at beholding the dark and dismal deluge continually dashing in upon the shores of the southern portion of our continent. That the legislative measures adopted for the suppression of the slave trade and the abolition of slavery, have tended to increase and extend ttie evils they were designed to destroy, is not an opinion of recent origin, but one of very general belief in England. The pres- ent is, perhaps, the first effort to classify the facts and demonstrate the proposition. But that British legislation directly tended to this result, has been frequently asserted, by many of the most intelli- gent Englishmen, with great positiveness ; and more than this, it was predicted, with equal positiveness, by men who understood human nature better than those controling the movement, that their mea- sures would certainly produce tlie residis which have followed. In proof of this we need only quote a few paragraphs. The first is one embracing predictions of the consequences that would follow the adoption of the course of legislation proposed It will be found in the Westminster Review, 1849. "We cannot abolish slavery and the slave trade — we can only clear ourselves of them ; and we may clear ourselves of them, say- ino- we are abolishing them, in a way to strengthen them. It is not abolishing them to shift them from the West Indies to Cuba. By our way of ridding ourselves of slavery, we are making slaves more valuable and the slave trade more profitable, and increasing the inter- est of all other nations in buying, and selling, and keeping slaves. We shall pay $100,000,000, and millions on millions besides, in the price of sugar and loss of capital ibr confirming slavery and the slave trade. To expect other nations to follow our example by 38 Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. making it their interest not to do it, is not very wise. The way to abolish slavery is to make it contrary to the interest of the slave- dealer and slaveholder." The remaining paragraphs are confirmatory of our proposition, and are from sources entitled to great respect. " Fifteen years ago we thoiiglit we had done with the slave trade and slavery. But these odious subjects come back to us. The dark specters are not laid. One hundred and forty millions is the estimate of the sum of money spent to destroy them. Hundreds of associations, thousands of committees, public speeches, sermons, prayers, &c., &c., &c., have all been used as exorcisms to lay the specters of the bondage and the traffic which degrade men to the level of domestic animals. Our poorer people have been deprived of comforts which would have sweetened, literally and figuratively, their existence, because we would deal heroically with slavery and the slave trade. The chains of the negro have long been broken in mar- ble. The fame of many renowned names have been won by feats of eloquence and zeal in this sacred cause. AVe celebrated many victories over the iniquity. But lo ! slavery and the slave trade are stronger than ever, and more horrific tlian ever. On this subject, England has done two noble things, and committed two blunders. The nobleness has been ethical, and the blunders have been econom- ical. Narrowness has been the source of the evils. Christian ethics had highly cultivated the consciences of the abolitionists, but they were ignorant of economical science."* After referring to the modifications of the sugar duties, by Parlia- ment, and the scarcity of the supplies of sugar in the French mar- kets consequent upon emancipation in Hayti, Blackwood's Magazine says : t "To provide against the evidently approaching crisis in the supply of sugar in the British market, we have thrown open our harbors to slave-grown sugar {rcim every quarter of the globe; and from the rapid decline inthe AVest India Islands, even before this last coup-de- grace was given them by the application of free-trade principles to their produce, it is painfully evident that a result precisely similar (to what occured in Hayti.) is about to take place in the British colonies. And it is little consolation to find that this injustice has recoiled upon the heads of the nation which perpetrated it, and that the decline in the consumption of British manufactures by the West India islands is becoming proportioned to the ruin we have inflicted on them. "But most of all has this concatenation of fanaticism, infatuafion. and injustice proved pernicious to the negro race, for whose benefit the changes were all undertaken. Happy would it have been for them if the British slave trade had never been abolished; and they had crossed the Atlantic chiefly in Liverpool or Glasgow slave-ships, and been brought to the British West India Islands ! For then the » Westminster Review, Oct. 1849. + January, 1843, p. G, 7. Present Rdaliona of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 39 slave trade was suhjeot to our direction, and regulations might have )een adopted to place it upon the best possible footing for its unhappy victims. But now we have thrown it entirely into the hands of the Spaniards and Portuguese, over whom we have no sort of control, and who exercise it in so frightful a manner that the heart absolutely sickens at the thought of the amount of human suffering at the cost of ivhich ire have reduced the price of src^ar to sixpence a pound. Compared with it, the English slave-ships and English slavery were an earthly paradise. Mr. Buxton, the great anti-slavery advocate, admitted, some years ago, that the " number of blacks who now cross the Atlantic, is double u'hac it was when Wilberforce and Clarkson first began their benevolent labors."* A^oic, under the fos- tering influence of free-trade in sugar, it may reasonably be expected that ill a few years, the ivhole, or nearly the whole sugar consumed by Europe, will be raised by the slave colonies, and wrung by the lash from the most wretched species of slaves — those of Cuba and Brazil ! Moreover, the slave trade, to supply them, will be triple what it was in 1789, when the movement in favor of the negro popu- lation began ! Thus, by the combined effects of fanaticism, igno- rance, presumption, and free trade, we shall have succeeded, by the middle of this century, in totally destroying our own sugar colonies; adding, to no purpose, $100,000,000 to our national debt ; annihilating property to the amount of $650,000,000 in our own (colonial) do- mains ; doubling the produce of foreign slave possessions ; cutting off a market of $17,500,000 a year for our manufactures ; and tripling the slave trade in extent, and quadrupling it in horror, throughout the globe." Another writer specifies more fully the effects of these measures.! " The impulse which the government act of 1846 has given to the slave trade in every part of the world, is something perfectly enor- mous ; but its mischievous and inhuman effects will be best understood by a reference to ascertained facts. Prior to 1846, the traffic in slaves between the African coast and the Spanish colonies had been gradually declining, and had in fact almost disappeared. The exclu- sion of slave-grown sugars from our home market had nearly forced the Cuban proprietors into a different system, and arrangements were pending in that Colony for the emancipation of the slaves, just at the time Lord John Russell came forward in favor of the chain and the lash, and all was changed. " The value of field negroes in Cuba had risen (in the course of the two years, from 1846 to 1848) from 300 to 500 dollars each, a price that would speedily bring a supply from the coast." " We will not, forsooth, permit foreign nations to traffic in slaves, and yet we give them the monopoly of our market, know- ing all the while that upon that importation alone we are dependant for a cheap supply — cheap sugar means cheap slaves.'' " Why did we destroy that market in Jamaica which we so eagerly sieze in * Buxton on the Slave trade, p. 172. t Blackwood's Magazine, Feb. 1848, p. 235, 236. 40 Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. Brazil ? " " Great Britain, after forcing the Emancipation Act oi her colonies, and in the most solemn manner announcing, in a voice of thunder, her future determined opposition to the existence of the traffic in slaves, at once took a course which made her the customer of less scrupulous countries, and the largest encourager of that odious traffic in the world, thus ruining her own colonies." Quotations of similar expressions of opinion might be multiplied indefinitely, but enough have been given. It may be added, however, that the North British Review, in a careful digest of the evidence contained in the six Reports on the Slave Trade and Slavery, made to Parliament, within the last two years, is led to this conclusion : 7'hat England's coersive measures have not merely failed to check the supply of slaves to Brazil, but that, on the other hand, they have had the effect of greatly aggravating the horrors of the middle passage, and the sufferings endured by the negroes in the barracoons on the coast of Africa, as well as very materially prejudicing the interests of British merchants trading to that country. This failure of the coercive policy for the suppression of the slave trade, the Reviewers contend, "results from its unsoundness in principle." IV. Tliat the governments named, cannot hope to escape from the necessity of consuming the products of slave labor, except by call- ing into active service, on an extensive scale, the free labor of countries not at present producing the commodities upon which slave labor is employed. In the discussion of our first proposition, we proved that the tropical countries, where slavery has been abolished, have f\uled to furnish to commerce, since emancipation, an amount of products equal to what they had previously supplied. In discussing some of the otlier pro- positions, it appeared that the whole free labor exports from the Asiatic portion of the Eastern Hemisphere, added to those of the Western, had fallen far short of supplying the demands of Europe and America. It also appeared that to this cause was principally due the vast increase of the slave trade during the present century. To sustain our fourth proposition, it will be necessary to show, that the free labor to which we have referred, cannot be so stimulated as to make it sufficienUy productive to compete with, arid displace, the fruits of slave labor in the markets of the world. When the non-progressive character of the population of Pagan countries is considered, but litde aid will be expected from the Asi- atic portion of the Eastern Hemisphere,* in efforts to make free labor compete with slave labor, in tropical cultivation. The inquiries into this subject, may, therefore, be confined to the Western Hemisphere. To understand the relations which the free labor and the slave labor, of this hemisphere, bear to each other, and the capability of the first to compete with the last, it is necessary to state the proportion which the number of persons of the one class bear to those of the other. * Present Lecture, p. 18. Present Relations of Free Labor to Slave Labor. 41 The amount of the population of the EngUsh and French West [ndia Colonies, emancipated from slavery, has been already stated,* and comprehends nearly the whole of tlie free labor employed in the cultivation of the commodities we have been considering. Estima- ting the increase of the population of Hayti, since emancipation, at 40 per cent., and that of the English colonies at 20 per cent., will give them a present population of 1,400,000. To this must be added the persons emancipated by France, in 1848, making the total free labor forces, within the limits under consideration, about 1,657,000 persons. Agamst this free population there is arrayed the following number of slaves : t United States, 3,252,000 Brazil, 3,250,000 Spanish Colonies, 900,000 Dutch Colonies, 85,000 South American Republics, 140,000 African Settlements, 30,000 Total slave population, 7,657,000 Free labor do. above stated, 1,657,000 Excess of slave population 6,000,000 Of the number of slaves in the United States, about 1,000,000 are in States which do not produce cotton and sugar. Deducting these, will leave 6,657,000 slaves arrayed against 1,657,000 free persons, or 5,000,000 more slaves than freemen. These figures testify, with unequivocal distinctness, that the free population, above named, cannot be made to compete with the slave population, in tropical cultivation. In addition to the immense dis- parity of numbers, a moment's consideration will make it evident, that, even were their numbers equal, the circumstances under which the people, called free, are placed, would still make it impossible to stimulate them to such a degree of industry, that their voluntary labor would be equally productive with the compulsoi-y labor of the slaves. A very brief examination will show, that this is not an exaggerated view of the condition of the people under consideration. In refer- ring to Hayti, we need only direct attention to a preceding tablet as an index of its industry, and to our second lecture|| for a correct view of its social and moral condition. The other French colonies, in nine months of their first year of freedom, have diminished their exports of sugar, nearly 72,000,000 lbs.§ The British West Indies, it may safely be said, have a free popu- lation whose industry cannot be made to compete with even an equal amount of slave labor. In addition to the extensive array of facts * Present Lecture, p. 9. + Tenth Report of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society. We add for Texas only 22,000, and estimate the other States up to 1850, at 3 per cent, per annum, since 1840. But Texas has at least 40,000. X Page 11. 11 Pages 42, 43. § Present lecture, p. 12. 42 Present Eclat io)is of Free Labor to Slave Labor. submitted in the present and former lectures, the public have recently been supplied with much new and important information from Ja- maica, by Mr. Bigelow, one of the editors of the New York. Evening Post, a leading Anti-Slavery paper. This genUeman has recently visited Jamaica, and made a careful examination of its condition. He represents industry as at the lowest ebb ; and that the downward tendencies of the island cannot be more rapid than at present. A degrading estimate is put upon labor, and a white man is never seen at work upon the estates. The blacks, " with the average sequence of negro logic, infer that if genUemen never work, they have only to abstain from work to be gentlemen." In the city of Kingston, he says, one looks and listens in vain for the noise of carts and the busde of busy men; no one seems to be in a hurry ; but few are doing anything ; while the mass of the popula- tion are lounging about in idleness and rags. Nor is there any present hope that these habits of indolence will be abandoned ; because there is absolutely nothing to stimulate the majority of the people to in- dustry and to efforts for intellectual and moral advancement. The greater portion of the lands under cultivation is held by owners of immense estates, and but little encouragement is extended to the people to cultivate small tracts, because this policy would draw off the labor from the sugar estates. The property qualification of voters is fixed so high as to exclude the mass of the people from any participation in the government of the island, or in the enactmentof the laws that are to control them. Out of a population in Jamaica, of 400,000, of whom "^6,000 are white, the average vote of the island has never exceeded 3,000. The center of legislative control is in London, and the mem- bers of the colonial legislature are mere shadows, destitute of the vital functions of legislators. The veto power of the governor, who is ap- pointed by the Queen, enables him practically to control all legisla- tion. The enormous property qualification required to make a man eligible to a seat in the legislature, excludes all but the landholders from that body. By this arrangement all the energies of legislation are exerted to promote the growth and sale of sugar and rum. In ad- dition to other depressing influences, young men of moderate means, or who are poor, cannot reach the profession of the law, because none can practice at the bar except such as have pursued their studies in England, and been admitted there. So little do those who control public affairs, comprehend the principles of human action, that though wages are only 18| to 25 cents a day, (the laborer boarding himself,) the planters all imagine that a reduction of wages is essential to the revival of agricultural prosperity. Such are the disadvantages under which these poor, oppressed Africans labor in the West Indies, and such the utter hopelessness of their being able to make much progress, that, next to their brethren yet in slavery, they demand, and should receive, the sympathies of the christian world. It would have been difficult to convince the world, that such uttei ruin, as has occurred in Jamaica, could have been produced by any Present Relations of Free Lohor to Slave Labor. 43 course of legislation. But Mr, Bigelow reveals facts upon this sub- ject that are truly astounding. He says : "Since 1832, out of the six hundred and fifty-three sugar estates then in cultivation more than one hundred and fifty have been aban- doned and broken up. This has thrown out of cultivation over 200,- 000 acres of rich haul, which, in 1832, gave employment to aboui 30,000 laborers, and yielded over 25,600,000 lbs. of sugar, and over 6,000 puncheons of rum. During the same period, over five hun- dred coflee plantations have also been abandoned and their works broken up. This threw out of cultivation over 200,000 acres more of land, which in 1832 required the labor of over 30,000 men." An estate formerly selling for $90,000, in 1845, sold for $5,000. Another, which once cost an equal sum, has been ofl'ered by its present owners for $7,500, and finding no purchaser, was abandoned. A multitude of such cases are embraced in Mr. Bigelow's letters, showing a general prostration of the commercial interests of the island. That an over-crowding of population can have no influence in checking the prosperity of Jamaica, is proved by the fact, that out of her 4,000,000 acres of land, all being of the most fertile kind, not over 500,000 acres have been brought under cultivation, or even appropriated. The low state of civilization, leaves the population of the Britisn West Indies with few wants. It is asserted that the people of these islands are enabled to live in comfort, and acquire wealth, without, for the most part, laboring on the estates of the planters, for more than three or four days in the week\ and from five to seven hours in the day, so that they have no stimulant to perform an adequate amount of labor.* This condition of tilings puts it out of the power of the planters to produce sugar for less than £20 per ton, on the average, while the cost in slave countries is only .£12t per ton. This discloses the fact that the planters of Cuba, employing slave labor, can manufacture sugar for £8 the ton less than those of Jamaica can produce it by free labor. As one of the immediate results of this condition of things, it was asserted in 1848, that "the great influx of slave-growai produce into the English markets has, in the short space of six months, reduced the value of sugar from £26 to £14 per ton; while, under ordinary circumstances of soil and season, the cost to us of placing it in the market is not less than £20 per ton."; It is well, here, to explain why it is that the duties on foreign sugar aff'ord no real protection to the English West India planter. " The slave sugars are all so much better manufactured, which the great command of labor enables them to do, that, to the refiner, they are intrinsically worth more than ours. In short, they prepare their sugars, whereas we cannot do so, and we pay duty at the same rate on an article which contains a quantity of molasses. So that, if the " * Blackwood's Mag. 1848. p. 227. f lb. p- 230. X Blackwood's Mag. 1848, p. 230. Resolutions of a meeting at .St. David's, Jamaica. 44 Present Relations cf Free Labor to Slave Labor. duties were equalized, there would virtually be a bonus on the importation of foreign sugar. The refiners estimate the vaUie of Havanna, in comparison with West India free sugar, as from three to five sliilUngs per cwt. better in point of color and strength. The reason is, that these sugars are partially refined or clayed.''''* The relation in which foreign sugars stand to colonial, in the mar- kets of England, taking into account the protective duties, will be clearly seen by the following statement of the cost of production of each, with the duties added, and an allowance made for the extra value of the Cuban sugar over that of the English colonies, taking the period from July. 1850 to July, 1851 : British Muscovado costs planters per ton, £20 00s. Duty on do. per ton, 1100 Total cost in market, £31 00s. Cuban Muscovado, do. per ton, £12 00s. Duty, per ton, 15 10 27 10 Balance in favor Cuban planter, 3 10s Add extra value of Cuban sugar, £4 per ton 4 00 Slave labor advantage over free labor, £7 10s. By reference to the table of duties, on a preceding page, it will be seen that if the present relations of the cost of production shall be maintained, when the duties become equalized, slave labor will have an advantage in the English market, if no change occurs in the duties, of £12 the^ton.t The duty on both kinds will be. in 1854, 10s. the cwt. or £10 the ton, and the extra value of Cuban sugar being the same, the profits of the slave labor sugar will be £12 the ton as above stated, viz : Cost of production of free labor, per ton, £20 00s. Duty on do. per ton, 10 00 Cost in market to planter, £30 00s. Cost of slave labor, do £12 00s. Duty on do., 10 00 22 00 Surplus profit of slave labor, 8 00s. Extra value of do., , 4 00 Total excess of profit to slaveholder, £12 00s. Who cannot see that such advantages as the Cuban and Brazilian slaveholders now possess, may enable them to banish free labor sugars from the English markets ! But to gain a clear understanding of the reason why the slaveholding planters of Cuba, Brazil, een presented, we most sincerely and earnestly in\'ite him to show us our error, as our only aim is the discovery of truth, in the light of which alone, can we hope to discover the path of duty, in relation to the great questions connected with the redemption of the African race. The investigations now completed, have conducted us to a most inter- esting conclusion, and brought out results wholly different, no doubt, from what most of our readers have been anticipating. They are, how- ever, legitimate deductions from the facts connected with the subject, and show, most conclusively, that the question of slavery, in our country, is placed upon new grounds. It shows, also, that those who have had the control of the anti-slavery movements, have manifested little foresight in their policy, as nearly every measure adopted to check or suppress the evils of slavery and the slave trade, have been followed by results the reverse of what they expected, and were laboring to secure. But we have no disposition to find fault, our only aim being to point to the bearing that the new order of things must have upon African Colonization and the prosperity of the Republic of Liberia. While our researches have revealed the immense extent to which the Christian world is now consuming slave-grown products, at the same time the utmost capacity of slave labor, to meet the demands of commerce, has also been discovered. This is something gained. In the United States, the ratio of increase in the annual production of Cotton, keeps even pace with the natural increase of the slaves, and nothing more. Our sugar growers cannot go beyond this, except as they draw off the laborers from the cotton fields. Thus stands the slave labor of the United States. The slave population of Cuba and Brazil, should the slave trade be effectually suppressed, will soon be placed upon the same basis as that of the United States. The planters there, will have no increase of Facts for Thinking Men. 11 laborers, excepting from the natural increase of the slaves. The reduc- tion of the slave population, by the death of the excess of males, judging from the results in the EngHsh colonies, after 1808, will not be made up by the natural increase, in less than thirty years. Until that occurs, Cuba and Brazil will be unable to keep their exports up to the present amount. The exports of the English colonies, upon the prohibition of the slave trade, fell off one-third, and a like result may now be expected in Brazil and Cuba. Under these cu-cumstances, the utmost capacity of slave labor, in tropical and semi-ti'opical cultivation, can be accurately estimated, and the extent of its supplies to commerce be clearly foreseen. This will enable the friends of free labor to measure the strength and resources of the forces with which they must compote — a thing that was impossible under the reign of the slave trade. But on this point, we shall not speculate. The present inability of free labor and slave labor, both combined, to meet the demands of commerce, and the reduction of cultivation that must occur in Cuba and Brazil, will leave a vaccuum in the markets, for tropical products, to ])e filled from other sources, or to give an increased value to the amoimt that can be supplied from the present fields of cultivation. But who is to be enriched by this result? "Wlio is to supply the deficit, and reap the golden harvest it will afford? Or, in default of augmented cultivation, who are to have their coffers made to overflow by an increase in the price of the productions they are able to furnish ? These questions are worth considering, and we must give them a moment's attention. The English West India free labor colonies cannot be much benefited, at present, by this increased demand for tropical products, as they can- not, immediately, increase their cultivation to any gi-eat extent. This will be readily admitted, when it is stated that the lands in these colo- nies are mostly held by white men, who reside in England ; and that the colored men in the islands own but a few acres each — barely enough, generally, to afford the necessary amount of food for their families. But already the West India landholders are bestirring themselves at the brightening prospects, and are appealing to the free colored people of the United States, to rush over to the islands, become loyal subjects of Queen Victoria, and faithful laborers on the plantations of English gentlemen! Our free colored men, however, deserve something better than this, and they know it : and they give indications of a determina- tion to reject the proffered boon of becoming mere laborers in tlie sucar mills of the West Indies, especially as they cannot expect over ffty cents per day, as wages. Doul)tless, an increase of wages will now command more of i\\Q native labor of these islands, than at any time since emancipation, and tend to multiply their exports; but no great advancement can be made until the intelligence of the colored people is raised much above the present standard, by more extensive means of education than now prevail, nor even then, until they become the owners of the soil. As Hayti still exports about one-third of her former amount of Coffee, she will be benefited by the rise in the price of that article ; but as her 12 Facts for Thinking 3fen. Sugar and Cotton cultivation has been greatly neglected for many years, she will derive little present advantage from that quarter by any in- cr<^ased demand. Liberia, with only eight or nine thousand colonists, and eighty thousand partially civilized natives, mostly engaged in trade, or in pro- ducing food for home consumption, cannot derive any material benefit from an increased demand for Coffee, Sugar, and Cotton, for some years to come. Her citizens, however, are now turning attention to their cultivation with encouraging success ; and British capitalists offer to her citizens any amount of means for the employment of native labor in the cultivation of Cotton. Liberia can command an unbounded extent of fertile tropical lands, well adapted to the cultivation of all the three gi-eat staples upon which slave labor is now chiefly employed. She has within her own jurisdiction at least 300,000 natives, mostly uncivilized, and is backed in the interior and flanked on the west and east by untold millions who must ultimately 1)0 redeemed from barbarism. All this labor she must one day control. But as she has not now a sufficient number of men to carry on the work of civilization, and to control this labor, her wealth cannot be gi-eatly augmented by any extent of demand for articles she is not producing. Recent experiments in Australia, for the cultivation of Cotton, are said to have l3een eminently successful, but the still more recent dis- covery of gold in that country has drawn off the laborers from the cotton cultivation to the more tempting occupation of gold digging. It appears from these statements, that no tropical free labor country can derive much immediate benefit from an increased demand for tropical products ; and that the great practical good derived from it is only a consciousness that the slave trade can no longer paralyze tropical free labor and render the fruits of its industry valueless in the markets of the world. This, however, is one great point gained, and constitutes an era in the history of the African race. The parties, then, who will necessarily be benefited in the greatest degi'ce, by the suppression of the slave trade, will be the native popula- tion of Africa and the slaveholders in the United States. All free labor countries, it is true, will be stinuilatcd to immediate action, but they will require time to realize much of the benefits of the coming changes in the condition of slavery. The natives of Africa will merely be freed from their greatest curse, and be better prepared for civilization. Then, it is evident, that in the suppression of the slave trade, the slave- holders of the United States, alone, of all the parties named, will at once enter upon the enjoyment of the benefits of these changes, and will continue to be enriched thereby, until free labor multiplies its forces and throws into the markets a sufficient amount of products to supply the demand and reduce the prices. But can free labor do this in a day, a year, or ten years? Certainly not. The task, however, has been begun, and in the only mode, and on the only territory in which it can succeed ; and, but for the unfor- tunate opposition of the Abolitionists, this work might have been in a much greater state of forwardness than we now find it. That mode is to employ the labor of Africa within Africa. Many moderate anti- slaverv men, who have hitherto opposed us in this effort to call out free Facts for Tfiinking Men. 13 labor in Africa, are now giving up their opposition to Colonization; bfiin'' convinced that the good of the colored men themselves, as well as th'e interests of free labor, can be most efficiently promoted by emi- gration to Liberia. But others are still violently opposed to Colonization. Leaving out the 500,000 free colored persons of the United States, and there'^are but about one million and three quarters of African free- men employed in the cultivation of Coffee, Sugar, and Cotton, for export ; while the slave population, now similarly employed, is not less than siz millions and three quarters ! Allowing the decrease of the slave popu- lation, in Cuba and Brazil, that will follow the suppression of the slave trade,' only to equal that in the English colonies, after 1808, and there will still be left at least six millions of slaves as competitors against one million and three quarters of freemen. Now, the contest, if conducted with these forces alone, will be an un- equal one, as the degi-ee of intelligence among the majority of the eman- cipated West India people is but a few degrees higher than that of the natives of Africa, and their voluntary industry will be proportionally unproductive. In stating the strength of the free labor forces, employed as rivals to slave labor,°we have not included the 500,000 free colored men of the United States. This was intentional, as they do not belong to the forces practically arrayed against slavery. On the contrary, they are, to the utmost of their pecuniary ability, as a body, engaged in its support. We speak knowingly, and mean what we say and beg to be heard. It is the extensive demand for slave labor products, and the profits on their sale, which is the main prop of slavery. Destroy this demand, and slave labor becomes valueless. Let the consumers become producers, and the task is accomplished to the full extent of the change effected. Draw off enough of the consumers into the ranks of the producers, to supply the demand for slave grown products, at lower rates than slave labor can afford them ; and the whole system must be pai-alyzed, just as certainly as the cheap slave labor, supplied by the slave trade, was ruin- ous to free labor. But the free colored people of the United States, instead of being thus arrayed against slavery, by remaining here, are practically sus- taining that institution, and perpetuating it as far as the patronage of a half million of customers can lend it support. How are they doing this ? The colored people have sworn eternal enmity to slavery, and have pledged themselves to struggle for its downfall ; how is it, then, that they can be thus engaged, perseveringly, in the support of an institution towards which they bear an unbounded hatred? ^i . . Well, they are doing it in this way, and, like the Christian world at large, they are supporting slavery from necessity. At a moderate esti- mate, each free colored person purchases, annually, three dollars' worth of cotton goods for clothing. This gives a support to slave labor, and its manufacturing allies, of one million and a half of dollars a year; an amount more than equal to the whole sum expended in founding the Republic of Liberia ; and which, if invested in the hire of native labor in Africa, would employ over 60,000 freemen in the cultivation of Cot- ton, and give a tremendous impulse to free labor. 14 Facts for Tlnnhinrj Men. We know the free colored people did not mean so, hut for all practical purposes, in the contest for African freedom, they have, all along, been fighting on the wrong side ! But what can these 500,000 free colored people do, to prevent the profitable extension of slave labor, now appearing so inevitable in conse- quence of its advantageous position! Shall they fight? That is a hopeless remedy. Shall they remain here to agitate the question, and continue the consumption of slave grown products? The past history of this mode of warfare, proves it powerless in promoting their object. What can they do, then, to secure to free labor at least the benefits of the increasing demands for tropical products, and thus limit slavery to its present advantages, and prevent its further extension ? Surely, the answer is a plain one. Let these 500,000 free colored persons become producers of free labor products, instead of consumers of those that are slave grown, and let them call to their aid ten times their own numbers, and soon their weight, as a people, would be felt and acknowledged by the Christian world. But there is no country in the world, except Africa, where a suflScient amount of laborers can be found to affect this great question. And here now, allow us to say, that the whole practical tendency of Colonization, so far as it has reference to the free colored people, from the day of its origin, has been to array them on the side of free labor; and that, too, under such circumstances as would best promote their own interests and that of their children, and advance the cause of human freedom in Africa and throughout the world. For, so long as Africa remains barbarous, just so long will the people of color, scattered through- out the world, be reckoned as an inferior race, not capable of enjoying equal rights with the white races among whom they dwell. And allow us to say, further, that we do not expect that these 500,000 free colored persons, by emigrating to Liberia, will be able, by the labor of their own hands to compete with the slave labor still employed in tropical cultivation, and to secure to themselves, at once, all the benefits of the increasing demands of commerce for the productions of the tropics : but we do say, that they will be equal participants in it, and that there is no other possible mode of employing the African free labor within Africa, and making it rival African slave labor in other countries, but by the emigration of intelligent colored men to that continent, to take its labor under then* care and give it a proper direction. And is not the control of the labor of Africa sufficiently valuable to tempt the enterprise of intelligent colored men to secure its possession? Heretofore nations have contended for its monopoly, and is it not worth the attention of individuals ? Look at what African labor has done out of Africa, and then judge of its capabilities if employed within Africa ; and judge, also, of the priceless boon which southern slaveholders be- stow upon their bondmen, when they offer them freedom in Liberia ! Hitherto the thousands of millions of dollars' worth of products, trans- ported by commerce to the ends of the eai-th, from the tropical and semi- tropical districts of the Western Hemisphere, to aggrandize the nations who possessed their control, have all been created by the strong arms and broken hearts of the sons and daughters of Africa. Centmy after century, Africa's children have been torn from her bosom, to labor for Facts for Tliinhing 3Ien._ 15 tlie enriclament of strangers, and to die and be forgotten as the brutes of the field ! Nor was this accomplished but by dreadful losses of human life — losses, which, if occurring in any ordinary branch of commerce, would lead to its abandonment as a ruinous speculation. Look at these losses but a moment : for each 300 men, made available to the planter, by the slave trade, Africa had to lose 1,000 — the 700 perishing in the casualties attending the traffic. Tropical cultivation must be vastly profitable to bear such losses as this. And yet, with all these disadvan- tages, what has not slave labor accomplished in the production of wealth ! Take as an example, the slave gi-own crops of Coffee, Sugar, and Cotton, for a single year, namely, 1849, and theii- market value, at only eight and one-half cents per pound, was over two hundred and thirty millions of dollars ! ! Now if African labor, after the destruction of seven-tenths, to make three-tenths available, has enriched half the nations of the world, and now supplies the basis of two-thirds of their commerce, what may not be expected for Africa herself, when all her labor shall become available for her own aggrandizement? And, need we repeat, that Colonization is but a broad scheme of intervention, for securing to Africa the benefits of her own labor ; that Liberia is but the foundation stone of the glorious temple, yet to be reared in Africa, to freedom and to God ; that the part we ask our free colored people to perform, is but to perfect this work of benevolence and love ; that without their aid, the development of the resources of Africa must be slow, and slave labor be left, almost without a rival, to extend itself upon this continent, crushing free labor and the colored freeman both into the dust ; and that, though there will be six millions of slaves, against whom to do battle in the markets of the world, the free colored people, by removing to Africa, will have one hundred millions of their own race to summon to their aid, in sustaining themselves in this final struo-o-le for the social, civil, and religious redemption of themselves and of the long benighted land of their fathers. And who will now dare to oppose Colonization, and say, that Africa, after enriching the world by her labor, shall not now receive back to her embrace, enough of her captive children to secure to herself the profits of her industry ! Who will be bold enough to deny to her enough of her enlightened sons, to organize her scattered tribes into one great nation, enabling her to become the gigantic commercial country, for which she is so eminently fitted by her inunense population and wonder- ful agi-icultural resources ! With such facts before him, as are embraced in these pages, who can fail to foresee the results of the new contest that is commencing, and to realize that the triumph or defeat of tropical free labor, is dependent upon the course of action adopted by the colored freemen of the United States. Truly, may it be said, that the destiny of Africa, and the African race, is now in their hands ! And, with equal truth, may we not assert, that opposition to Colonization, is opposition to the extension of Free Labor, and must tend to the perpetuation of slavery. Oxford, 0., December, 1852. NOTE Does the Slave Trade and Slavery exist among IJherians'l The organization of the Republic of Liberia, has effected a radical change in the commercial regulations within the territory over which it claims jurisdiction. The laws of the Republic have interfered with the business of the merchants trading on that coas^, by requiring that they shall now pay duties on the goCiis sold to the natives, where formerly they could traffic freely, with- out being interrupted by tariffs. This cliange in the mode of conducting their trade, has lessened the profits of the merchants, and has enraged, against the Republic, that class of them who have been more anxious to amass fortunes than to promote the social and moral welfare of the African people. The feebleness of the little Republic seems to have led this class of men to believe, that, if they could succeed in persuading Christian nations to withdraw their protection, the settlements might easily be destroyed by hostile natives, or the government compeUcdto reUnquish its claims to the exercise of sovereignty. In either case, the trade of the coast would be restored to its previous condition, and they left in the possession of their former advantages. The most artful and successful mode of attack upon Liberia, has been to represent the Colonists as aiding in the slave trade, and as subjecting the natives to slavery. This charge has been so often repeated, that the friends of Liberia, in England, have investigated the subject, and the following testimony, ft'om men of the highest characR-r in the British Navy, has been collected and laid before the public. Other testimony, equally conclusive, niiglit be added, but what is here appended, is considered as amply sufficient to stamp the charges as infamously false. But we must first, state that the Constitution framed for the Colonists, bj' the American Colo- nization Society, and by which they were governed trom 1825 to 1836, declared, '■ Art. V. There shall be no slavery in the settlement;"' and, further, that in 1839, a Legislative Council was created in Liberia, and the Constitution remodeled, so as to read thus : Art. 20. " There shall be no slavery in the Commonwealth." Art 22. " Tliere*siaall be no dealing in slaves by any citizen of the Commonwealth, either within or beyond the Umits of the same." In 1847, the Colony declared itself an Independent Republic, with the following language in its Constitution : " Art. I. — Pec. 1, All men are born equally free ana independent, and among their natural, inherent and inalienable rights, are the rights of enjoying and defending life and liberty. Sec. 4. There shall be no slavery within this Republic. Nor shall any citizen of this Republic or any person resident therein, deal in slaves, either within or without this Republic. Sec. 8. No person shall be deprived of life, hberty, property, privilege, but by the judgment of his peers, or the law of the land. In testimony oif her sincerity, in reference to human rights, in her Treaty with England, which went into operation in April, 1850, Liberia binds herself as follows : Art. 9. " Slavery and the slave trade being perpetually abolished in the Republic of Liberia, the Republic engages that a law shall be passed decl.aring it to be piracy for any Liberian citizen or vessel to be engaged or concerned in the slave trade." New for the testimony in relation to the faitliluhxss with which all these articles have been executed. [We quote from the Colonization Herald, Dec. 1S52 ] " Captain Arabian, R. N., in one of his despalihes says : '• Nothing has been done more to sup- press the slave trade in this quarter, than the constant intercourse of the natives with these indus- trious colonists ;" and, again : " Their character is exceedingly correct and moral ; their minds strongly impressed with religious feeling ; and their domestic habits, remarkably neat and com- fortable." " Wherever the influence of Liberia extends, the slave trade has been abandoned by the natives." Lieutenant Stott, R. N., in a letter to Dr. Ilodgkin, dated July, 1840, says, it (Liberia) promises to be the only successful institution on the coast of Africa, keeping in mind its objects, viz : " that "of raising the African slave into a free man ; the extinction of the slave trade ; and the religious and moral improvement of Africa ;" and adds, " The surrounding Africans are aware of the nature of the colony, taking refuge when persecuted by the few neighboring slave traders. The remnant of a tribe have lately fled to and settled in the colony on land granted them. Between my two visits, a lapse of only a few days, four or five slaves sought refuge from their master, who was about to sell or had sold them to the only slave factory on the coast. The native chiefs in the neighborhood have that respect for the colonists, that they have made treaties for the abolition of the slave trade." Captain Irving, R. N., in a letter to Dr. Ilodgkin, August 8d, 1840, observes : " You ask me if they aid in the slave trade. I assure you, no ! and I am sure the colonists would feel themselves much hurt should they know such a question could possibly arise m England. In my opinion it is the best and safest plan for the extinction of the slave trade, and the civilization of Africa ; for it is a well known fact that wherever their flag flies it is an eye sore to the slave dealers." Captain Herbert, R. N. : " With regard to the present state of slave taking in the colony bf Liberia, I have never known one instance of a slave being owned or disposed of by a colonist. On the contrary, I have known them to render great faciUty to our cruisers there in taking vessels engaged in that nefarious traffic." Captain Dunlop, who had abundant opportunities for becoming acquainted with Liberia during the years 1848, "49, and '50, says : " I am perfectly satisfied no such thing as domestic slavery exists, in any shape amongst the citizens of the Republic." Commodore Sir Charles Hotham, Commander-in-chief of H. B. Majesty's squadron on the West- ern t'oast of Africa, in a letter to the Secretary of the Admiralty, dated April 7, 1847, and pub- lished iu the Parliamentary Returns, says : " On perusing the correspondence of my predecessors, I found a great difference of opinion existing as to the views and objects of the settlers ; some even accusing the governor of lending himself to the slave trade. After discussing the whole subject with officers and others best qualified to judge on the matter, I not only satisfied my own mind that there is no reasonable cause for such a suspicion, but further, that this establishment merits all the. support we can give it ; for it is only through their means that we can hope to improve the African race." Subsequently, in 1849, the same officer gave his testimony before the House of Lords, in the following language : " There is no necessity for the squadron watching the coast between Sierra Leone and Cape Pahnas, as the Liberian territory intervenes, and there the slave trade has been extinguished." ^^ ''fc?^ VS* fi^ -^.JN: ^% I