E 
 
 51 
 
BooklPSbfe 
 
GENERAL BUTLER 
 
 IN 
 
 New Orleans. 
 
 BY 
 
 JAMES PARTON. 
 
 BOSTON: 
 RVVELL & CO., PRINTERS, 
 PEARL STREET. 
 
"Whatever they call him, what care i I 
 Aristocrat, Democrat, Autocrat, — onk 
 Who can rule akd dake not lie ." — Maud. 
 
 P^5i> 
 
 j^u'v^.cd iiecording to Act of Congress, in the year 1S64, by 
 
 MASON brothers, 
 
 la the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States for the Southern 
 District of New York. 
 
 In exchAnf© 
 MAY 2 4 1916 
 
 .nsui 
 
 In this edition some of the longer documents have been omitted or abridged^ 
 but the general course of the narrative remains unchanged, an(i nothing has 
 been omittecJ \\hich is necessary for the understanding of the various subject* 
 tieiited in the work. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 It can not be necessary to apologize for an attempt to relate tlie history of the most remarka- 
 ble episode of the war, respecting which opinions so violently contradictory are expressed, both 
 at home and abroad. The vindication of the country itself seems to require that a policy should, 
 at least, be understood, which the country has accepted as just, wise, and humanft, and which 
 the enemies of the country, foreign and domestic, denounce as arbitrary, savage, and brutal. 
 
 It is, however, of the first necessity to state how this book came to be written, and from what 
 sources its contents have been derived. 
 
 lu common with the other devotees of the Union and the Flag, I had watched the proceedings 
 of General Butler in Louisiana with interest and approval ; and shared also the indignation 
 with which they regarded the perverse misinterpretation put upon his measures by the faction 
 which has involved the Southern States in ruin, and by their "neutral" allies abroad. 
 
 Upon the return of General Butler to the North, I wrote to him, saying that I should like to 
 write an account of his administration of the Department of the Gulf, as well as a slighter sketch 
 of the previous military career of a man who, wherever he had been employed, has shown an 
 ability equal to the occasion ; but that this could not be done, and ought not to be attempted, 
 without his consent and co-operation. 
 
 To this, the general thus replied : • 
 
 " I am too much flattered by your request, and will endeavor to give you every assistance in 
 the direction you mention. My letter and order books shall be at your disposal, as well as the 
 official and unofficial correspondence directed to'' me. If I can, by personal conversation, eluci- 
 date many matters wherein otherwise history might be a perversion of the truth, I will be at 
 your service. 
 
 " One thing I beg shall be understoood between us, however (as I have no doubt it would 
 h^vQ been without this paragraph), that while I will furnish you with every possible facility to 
 
 I. n everything done by me in New Orleans and elsewhere, it will be upon the express condi- 
 tion that you sliall report it in precisely tlie manner you may choose, without the sligbt^t sense 
 of obligation ' aught to extenuate' because of the source from which you derive the material of 
 your work ; and farther, that no sense of delicacy of position, in relation to myself, shall inter- 
 fere with the closest investigation of every act alleged to have been done or permitted by me. 
 I will only ask that upon all matters I may have the privilege of presenting to your mind the 
 documentary and other evidences of the fact." 
 
 I had not the pleasure of General Butler's personal acquaintance, but our correspondence 
 ended with my going to Lowell, where I lived for a considerable time in the general's own 
 house, and received from him, from his staff, and from Mrs. Butler, every kind of aid they could 
 render for the work proposed. "We talked ten hours a day, and lived immersed in the multitudi- 
 nous papers and letters relating to the events which have excited so much controversy. The 
 general placed at my disposal the whole of those papers and letters, besides giving the most 
 valuable verbal elucidations, and relating many anecdotes previously unrecorded. 
 
 Respecting the manner in which the material should be used, he did not then, and has not 
 since, made a single suggestion of any kind. He left me perfectly free in every respect. Nor 
 has he seen a line of the manuscript, nor asked a question about it. 
 
 Therefore, while the whole value aud the greater part of the interest of this volume are duo 
 to the aid afforded by General Butler, he is not to be held responsible for anything in it except 
 his own writings. If I have misunderstood or misinterpreted any event or person, or used the 
 papers injudiciously, at my door let all the blame be laid, for it is wholly my fault. 
 
CONTENTS, 
 
 Ohaptks 
 
 I. — General Butler before the Wae . 
 II. — Massachusetts Ready .... 
 
 III. — Annapolts ....... 
 
 IV. — Baltimore ....... 
 
 V. — Fortress Monroe ..... 
 
 VI. — Hatter as ....... 
 
 VII. — Recruiting •iPo«;'"Si'ECiAL Service 
 VIII. — Ship Island ...... 
 
 IX. — Reduction of the Forts .... 
 
 X. — The Panic in New Orleans . . 
 XL — New Orleans will not Surrender . 
 XII. — Landing in New Orleans 
 XIII. — Feeding and Emploving the Poor . 
 XIV. — The Woman Order ..... 
 
 XV. — Execution of Mumford .... 
 
 XVI. — General Butler and the Foreign Consuls 
 XVII. — Efforts toward Restoration . 
 XVIII. — The Effect in New Orleans of our Losses 
 XIX. — The Sheep and the Goats 
 XX. — The Confiscation Act .... 
 
 XXL — More of the Iron Hand .... 
 
 XXII. — The Negro Question — First Difficulties 
 XXIII. — General Butler Arms the Free Colorkd 
 
 Work for the Fugitive Slaves 
 XXIV. — Representative Negro Anecdotes . 
 XXV. — Military Operations .... 
 
 XXVI. — Routine of a Day in New Orleans 
 
 XXVIL— Recall 
 
 XXVHL— At Home 
 
 XXIX.— Summary 
 
 Appendices 
 
 Pass 
 
 IN Virginia 
 
 Men, and 
 
GENERAL BUTLER IN NEW ORLEANS. 
 
 CHAPTER L 
 
 OENEBAL BUTLER BEFORE THE WAR. 
 
 He came of fighting stock. His father's 
 father, Captain Zephaniah Butler, of Woodbury, 
 Connecticut, fought under Greneral Wolfe at 
 Quebec, and served in the continental army 
 through the war of the revolution. A large 
 old-fashioned powder-horn, covered with quaint 
 carving, done by this old soldier's own hand and 
 jack-kuife, which was slung at his side when he 
 climbed the hights of Quebec, and the sword 
 which he wore during the war for independence, 
 now hang in the library of General Butler at 
 Lowell, the relics of an honorable career. The 
 mother of General Butler descends from the 
 Cilleys of New Hampshire, a doughty race of 
 Scotch-Irish origin ; one of whom fought at the 
 battle of the Boyne on the wrong side. That 
 valiant Colonel Cilley, who at the battle of Ben- 
 nington commanded a company that had never 
 seen a cannon, and who, to quiet their appre- 
 hensions, sat astride of one while it was dis- 
 charged, was an ancestor of our general. Mr. 
 Cilley, member of congress from Maine, who 
 was shot in a memorable duel, twenty-five years 
 ago, was the general's cousin. Thus the tide 
 that courses the veins of Benjamin Franklin 
 Butler is composed, in about equal parts, of that 
 blood which we call Anglo-Saxon, and of that 
 strenuous fluid which gives such tenacity and 
 audacity to the Scotch-Irish. Such a mixture 
 afibrds promise of a mitigated Andrew Jackson 
 or of a combative Benjamin Franklin. 
 
 The father of General Butler was John But- 
 ler, of Deerfield, New Hampshire ; captain of 
 dragoons during the war of 1812; a faithful 
 soldier who served for a while under General 
 Jackson at New Orleans, and there conceived 
 such love for that tough old hero, as to name 
 his first boy Andrew Jackson. After the war, 
 he engaged in the West India trade, saQing 
 sometimes as supercargo, sometimes as merchant, 
 sometimes as captain of the schooner, enjoying 
 for several years a moderate sufficient prosperity. 
 In polities, a democrat, of the pure Jeffersonian 
 school ; and this at a time when in New Hamp- 
 shire to be a democrat was to live under a social 
 ban. He was one of the few who gave gallant 
 support to young Isaac Hill, of the New Hamp- 
 shire Patriot, the paper which at length brought 
 the state into democratic line. He was a friend, 
 personal as woJl as political, of Isaac Hill, and 
 shared with him the odium and the fierce joy of 
 those early contests with powerful and arrogant 
 federalism. A ' hearted' democrat was Captain 
 Butler; one whose democracy was part of his 
 rehgion In Deerfield, where he lived, there 
 
 were but eight democratic votei's, who formed a 
 little brotherhood, apart ft-om their fellow towns- 
 men, shunned by the federalists as men who 
 would have been dangerous from their principles 
 if they had not been despicable from their few- 
 ness. His boys, therefore, were born into the 
 ranks of au abhorred but positive and pugna- 
 cious minority — a httle spartan band, alv/ays 
 battling, never subdued, never victorious. 
 
 In March, 1819, Captain Butler, while lying 
 at one of the West India Islands with his vessel, 
 died of yellow fever, leaving to the care of their 
 mother his two boys, Benjamin being then an 
 infant five months old. A large part of his 
 property he had with him at the time of his 
 death, and little of it ever found itS' way to his 
 widow. She was left to rear her boys as best 
 she could, with slender means of support. But 
 it is in such circumstances that a New England 
 mother shows the stutf she is made of. Capable, 
 thrifty, dOigent, devoted, Mrs. Butler made the 
 most of her means and opportunities, and suc- 
 ceeded in giving to one of her boys a good 
 countrj'- education, and helped the other on his 
 way to college, and to a liberal profession. She 
 lives still, to enjoy in the success of both of them, 
 the fruit of her self-denying labors and wise 
 management; they proud to own that to her 
 they owe whatever renders them worthy of it, 
 and thanking God that she is near tliem to dig- 
 nify and share their honors and their fortune. 
 
 General Butler was born at Deerfield, an agri- 
 cultural town of New Hampshire, on Guy Faux 
 day, the fifth of November, 1818. 
 
 The fatherless boy was small, sickly, tractable, 
 averse to quarrels, and happy in having a stout 
 elder brother to take his part. Reading and 
 writing seem to come by nature in New Eng- 
 land, for few of that country can recollect a time 
 when tliey had not those accomplishments. The 
 district school helped him to spelling, figures, a 
 little geography, and the rudiments of grammar. 
 He soon caught that passion for reading which 
 seizes some New England boys, and sends them 
 roaming and ravaging in their neighborhood for 
 printed paper. His experience was like that of 
 his father's friend, Isaac Hill, who limped the 
 country round for books, reading almanacs, 
 newspapers, tracts, "Law's Serious Call," the 
 Bible, fragments of histories, and all printed 
 things that fell in his way. The boy hunted for 
 books as some boys hunt for birds'-nests and 
 early apples; and, in the great scarcity of the 
 article, read the few he had so often as to learn 
 large portions of them by heart ; devouring with 
 special eagerness the story of the revolution, and 
 all tales of battle and adventure. The Bible 
 was his mother's sufficient library, and the boy 
 pleased her by committing to memory long pash 
 
6 
 
 GENERAL BUTLER BEFORE THE WAR. 
 
 sages ; once, the whole book of Matthew. His 
 memory then, as always, was something won- 
 derful. He can, at this hour, repeat more poetry, 
 perhaps, than any other person in tlie country 
 wlio has not made the repealing of poetry a 
 profession. His mother, observing this gift, and 
 considering the apparent weakness of his con- 
 stitution, early conceived the desire of giving 
 him a hberal education, cherishing also the fond 
 hope, as New England mothers would in those 
 days, "that her boj'^ would be drawn to enter the 
 ministry. 
 
 One chilly morning in November, 1821, when 
 he was in liis fourth year, half a dozen sharp- 
 eyed Boston gentlemen, Nathan Appleton being 
 one of them, might liave been seen (but were 
 not) tramping about in the snow near the Falls 
 of tlie Merrimac. There was a hamlet near by 
 of five or six houses, and a store, but these 
 gentlemen wandered along the banks of the 
 river among the rocks and trees, unobserved, 
 conversing with animation. The result of that 
 morning's walk and talk was the city of Lowell, 
 now a place of forty thousand inhabitants, with 
 thirteen millions invested in cotton and woolen 
 mills, and two hundred thousand dollars a month 
 paid in wages to operatives. In 1828, when our 
 young friend was ten years old, and Lowell was 
 a thriving town of two thousand inhabitants, his 
 mother removed thither with her boys. 
 
 It was a fortunate move for them all. The 
 good mother was enabled to increase her income 
 bj' taking a few boarders, and her book-loving 
 son had better schools to attend, and abundant 
 books at command. He improved these oppor- 
 tunities, graduating from a common school to the 
 high school, and, at a later day, preparing for 
 college at the academy of Exeter in his native 
 state. 
 
 As the time approached for his entering col- 
 lege, the question was anxiously discussed in the 
 family, What college? 
 
 The boy was decided in fiivor of "West Point. 
 Nor was a cadetship unattainable, in the days 
 of Jackson and Isaac Hill, to the son of Captain 
 John Butler. But the cautious mother hesitated. 
 She feared he would forget his religion, and 
 disappoint her dream of seeing him in the pulpit 
 of a Baptist church. She consulted her minister j 
 upon the subject. He agreed with her, and j 
 recommended Waterville college, in Maine, re- 
 cently founded by the Baptists, with a special 
 view to the education of young men for the 
 ministry. It promised, also, the advantage of a 
 manual labor department, in which the youth, 
 by working three hours a day, could earn part 
 of his expenses. At Waterville. moreover, there 
 could be no danger of the student's neglecting 
 religion, since the great object of the college 
 was the inculcation of religion, and all the in- 
 fluences of the place were religious. The presi- 
 dent himself was a clergyman, several of the 
 professors were clergymen. Attendance at 
 church on Sundays was compulsory, and there 
 was even a fine often cents for every unexcused 
 absence from prayers. Witli such safeguards, 
 what danger could there be to the religious 
 principles instilled into the mind of the young 
 man fi-om his earliest childhood ? Thus argued 
 the minister. The mother gave heed to his 
 opinions, and the youth was consigned to Water- 
 ville. 
 
 He was a slender lad of sixteen, small of 
 stature, health infirm, of fair complexion, and 
 hair of reddish brown ; his character conspicu- 
 ously shown in the remarkable form of his head. 
 Over his eyes an immense development of the 
 perceptive powers, and tlie upper forehead 
 retreating almost like that of a Plat-head Indian. 
 A youth of keen vision, fiery, inquisitive, fear- 
 less; nothing yet developed in him but ardent 
 curiosity to know, and perfect memory to retain. 
 Phrenologists would find proof of their theory 
 in comparing the portrait of the youth with the 
 well-rounded head of the man mature, his organs 
 developed by a quarter of a century of intense 
 and constant use of them. His purse was most 
 slenderly furnished. His mother could aSbrd 
 him little help. A good New Hampsliire uncle 
 gave him some assistance now and then, and he 
 worked his three liours a day in the manual 
 labor department at chair-making, earning wages 
 ridiculously small. He was compelled to remain 
 in debt for a considerable part of his college 
 expenses. 
 
 The college was of vast benefit to our young 
 friend, as any college must have been, conducted 
 in the interests of virtue, and attended by a 
 hundred and seventy-five young men from the 
 simple and industrious homes of New England; 
 most of them eager to improve, and perfectly 
 aware that upon tliemselves alone depended the 
 success of their future career. If he was prone 
 to undervalue some parts of the college course, 
 he made most liberal use of the college library. 
 He was an omnivorous reader. All the natural 
 sciences were interesting to him, particular!}^ 
 chemistry; and his fondness for such studies 
 inclined him long to choose the medical pro- 
 fession. No student went better prepared to the 
 class-room of the professor of natui'al philosophy. 
 
 Seduced by his example, there arose a party 
 in the college opposed to the regular course of 
 studies, advocates of an unregulated browse 
 among the books of the library, each student to 
 read only such subjects as interested him, 
 There was a split in the Literary Society. Of 
 the retiring body, afler immense electioneering, 
 young Butler was elected president, and the 
 question was theu debated with extreme earnest- 
 ness tor several weeks, whether the mind would 
 fare better by confining itself to the college 
 routine, or by reading whatever it had appetite 
 for. I know not which party carried the day ; 
 but our friend was foremost in maintaining both 
 by speech and example, that knowledge was 
 knowledge, however obtained, and that the 
 mind could get most advantage by partaking of 
 the kind of nutriment it craved. He laid a 
 wager with a noted plodder of the college, that 
 he would continue for a given term hisdesultoiy 
 reading, and yet beat him in the regular lessons 
 of the class. The wager was won by an artifice. 
 He did continue his desultory reading, as well 
 as his desultory wanderings about the country, 
 but late at night, when all the college slept, he 
 spent some hours in vigorous c7-am for the next 
 day's lesson. His memory was sucli, that he 
 found it easier to commit to memory such lessons 
 as " Waj^iand's Moral Philosophy," than to pre- 
 pare them in the usual way. He astonished his 
 plodding friend one day, by repeating thirteen 
 pages of Waylaud, without once hesitating. 
 
 He came into collision with his reverend 
 
GEiSTERAL BUTLER BEFORE THE WAR. 
 
 instructors oa a point of colleg-e discipline. Tbe 
 Sue of ten cents imposed for absence from 
 prayers, was a serious matter to a young gen- 
 tleman naturally averse to getting up before 
 daylight, and who earned not more than two or 
 three ten cent pieces daily in the chair shop. But 
 it was not of the fine that he complained. It 
 ■was a rule of the college that the fine should 
 carry with it a loss of standing in class. This 
 our student esteemed unjust, and he thought he 
 had good reason to complain since, though, upon 
 the whole, a good scholar, he was always on the 
 point of expulsion for the loss of marks for his 
 morning delinquency. He took an opportunity, 
 at length, to protest against this apparent in- 
 justice in a highly audacious and characteristic 
 manner. One of the professors, a distinguished 
 theologian, preached in the college church, a 
 sermon of the severest Calvinistic type, in the 
 course of which he maintained propositions like 
 these: 1. The Elect, and the Elect alone, will 
 be saved. 2. Of the people commonly called 
 Christians, probably not more than one in a 
 hundred will be saved. 3. The heathen have a 
 better chance of salvation than the inhabitants 
 of Christian countries who neglect their oppor- 
 tunities. Upon these hints the young gentleman 
 spake. He drew up a petition to the faculty, 
 couched in the language of profound respect, 
 asking to be excused from further attendance at 
 prayers and sermons, on the grounds so ably 
 sustained in the discourse of the preceding Sun- 
 day. If, he said, the doctrine of that sermon 
 was sound, of which he would not presume to 
 entertain a doubt, he was only preparing for 
 himself a future of more exquisite anguish by 
 attending religious services. He begged to be 
 allowed to remind the faculty, that the church in 
 which the sermon was preached, had usually a 
 congregation of six hundred persons, nine of 
 whom, were his revered professors and tutors ; 
 and as only one in a hundred of ordinary Chris- 
 tians could be saved, three even of the faculty, 
 good men as all of them were, were inevitably 
 damned. Could he, a mere student, and not one 
 of the most exemplary, expect to be saved be- 
 fore his superiors? Far be from him a thought 
 BO presumptuous. Shakspeare himself had inti- 
 mated that the lieutenant cannot expect salva- 
 tion before his military superior. Nothing re- 
 mained, therefore, for him but perdition. In 
 this melancholy posture of affairs, it became him 
 to beware of hightening his future torment by 
 listening to tlie moving eloquence of the pulpit, 
 or availing himself of any of the privileges of 
 religion. But here he was met by the college 
 laws, which compelled attendance at chapel and 
 church; which imposed a pecuniary fine for 
 non-attendance, and entailed a loss of the honors 
 due to his scholarship. Threatened thus with 
 damnation in the next world, bankruptcy and 
 disgrace in this, he implored the merciful con- 
 sideration of the faculty, and asked to be e.x- 
 cused from all further attendance at prayers and 
 at church. , 
 
 This unique petition was drawn with the ut- 
 most care, and the reasoning fully elaborated. 
 Handsomely copied, and folded into the usual 
 form of important public documents, it was sent 
 to the president. The faculty did not take the 
 joke. Before the whole college in chapel assem- 
 bled, the culprit standing, he was reprimanded 
 
 for irreverence. It was rumored at the time 
 that he narrowly escaped expulsion. He had a 
 friend or two in the faculty who, perhaps, could 
 forgive the audacity of the petition for the sake 
 of its humor. 
 
 It must be owned that the Calvinistic the- 
 ology in vogue at Waterville, did not commend 
 itself to the mind of this young man. He was 
 formed by nature to be an antagonist; and j'outh 
 is an antagonist regardless of remote consequen- 
 ces. At West Point he would have battled for 
 his hereditary tenets against all who had ques- 
 tioned them. At Waterville, nothing pleased 
 him better than to measure logic with the 
 staunchest doctor of them all. It chanced 
 toward the close of his college course, that the 
 worthy president of the institution delivered a 
 course of lectures upon miracles, maintaining 
 these two propositions: 1. If the miracles are 
 true, the gospel is of Divine origin and authoritj'. 
 2. The miracles are true, becau.se the apostles, 
 who must have known whether they were true 
 or false, proved their belief in their truth by 
 their martyrdom. At the close of each discourse, 
 the lecturer invited the class to ofter objections. 
 Young Butler seized the opportunity with alac- 
 rity, and plied the doctor hard with the usual 
 arguments employed by the heterodox. He did 
 not fail to furnish himself with a catalogue of 
 martyrs who had died in the defense and for the 
 sole sake of dogmas now universally conceded 
 to be erroneous. All religions, he said, boasted 
 their army of martyrs ; and martyrdom proved 
 nothing — not even the absolute sincerity of the 
 martyr. And as to the apostles, Peter notoriously 
 denied his Lord, Thomas was an avowed skeptic, 
 James and John were slain to please the Jews, 
 and the last we heard of Paul was, that he was 
 living in his own hired house, commending the 
 government of Nero. The debate continued 
 day after day, our youth cramming diligently 
 for each encounter, always eager for the fray. 
 He chanced to find in the village a copy of that 
 armory of unbelief, " Taylor's Diegesis of the 
 New Testament," and from this, he and his 
 comrades secretly drew missives to let fly at the 
 president after lecture. The doctor maintained 
 his ground ably and manfully, little thinking 
 that he was contending, not with a few saucy 
 students, but with the accumulated skeptical 
 ingeuuity of centuries. 
 
 All this, I need scarcely say, was mere intel- 
 lectual exercise and sport. General Butler, du- 
 ring the whole of his mature life, has been a 
 liberal supporter of the church, aud an advocate 
 of its institutions and requirements. 
 
 His college course was done. He would have 
 graduated with honor, if his standing as a 
 scholar had not been lost through his delinquen- 
 cies as a rebel. As it was, it was touch-and-go, 
 whether he could be permitted to graduate at 
 all. He was, however, assigned a low place in 
 the graduating class, and bore ofl' as good a 
 piece of parchment as the best of them. He 
 had outUved his early preference for the medical 
 profession. In one of his last years at college, 
 he had witnessed in court a well-contested trial, 
 and as he marked with admiration the skillful 
 management of the opposing counsel, and shared 
 the keen excitement of the strife, he said to 
 himself: " This is the work for me." He left 
 college in debt, and with health impaired. He 
 
8 
 
 GENERAL BUTLER BEFORE THE WAR. 
 
 weighed but ninety-seven pounds. In all the 
 world, there was no one to whom he could look 
 for help, save himself alone. 
 
 Yet, in the nick of time, he found a friend 
 who gave him just the aid lie needed most. It 
 was an uncle, captain of a fishing schooner, one 
 of those kind and brave old sailors of Yankee 
 land, who, for two hundred j'ears, have roamed 
 the northern seas in quest of something to keep 
 the pot boiling on the rock-bound shores of Home. 
 The good-hearted captain observed the pule 
 visage and attenuated form of his nephew. 
 "Come with me, lad, to the coast of Labrador, 
 and heave a line this summer. I'll give you a 
 bunk in the cabin, but you must do your duty 
 before the mast, watch and watch like a man. 
 I'll warrant you'll come back sound enough in 
 the fall." Thus, the ancient mariner. The 
 young man went to the coast of Labrador; 
 hove a line ; ate the flesh and drank the oil of 
 cod; came back, after a four months" cruise in 
 perfect health, and had not another sick day in 
 twenty j-^ears. His constitution developed into 
 the toughest, the most indefatigable compound 
 of brain, nerve and muscle lately seen in New 
 England. A gift of twenty thousand dollars 
 had been a paltry boon in comparison with that 
 bestowed upon him by this worthy uncle. 
 
 He returned to Lowell in his twentieth year, 
 and took hold of life with a vigorous grasp. The 
 law office which he entered as a student, was 
 that of a gentleman who spent most of his time 
 in Boston, and from whom he received not one 
 word of guidance or instruction ; nor felt the 
 need of one. He read law with all his might, 
 and began almost immediately to practice a 
 little in the police courts at Lowell, conducting 
 suits brought by the factory girls against the 
 mill corporations, and defending petty criminal 
 cases; glad enough to earn an occasional two 
 dollar fee. The presiding justice chanced to be 
 a really learned lawyer and able man, and thus 
 this small practice was a valuable aid to the 
 student. Small indeed were his gains, and sore 
 his need. One six months of his two years' 
 probation, he taught a public school in Lowell, 
 in order to procure decent clothing; and he 
 taught it well, say his old pupils. What with 
 his school, his law studies, and his occasional 
 practice, he worked eighteen hours in the twen- 
 ty-four. 
 
 At this time he joined the Lowell Phalanx, a 
 company of that Sixth regiment of Massachu- 
 setts militia, so famous in these years for its 
 bloody march through Baltimore. Always fond 
 of military pursuits and exercise.^, he has served 
 in every grade — privaie, corporal, sergeant, 
 third lieutenant, second lieutenant, first lieu- 
 tetiant, captain, major, lieutenant-colonel, colonel, 
 and brigadier-general; making it a point to hold 
 every one of tiiese positions in due succession. 
 For many years, the drills, parades and annual 
 encampings of his regiment were the only re- 
 creation for which he would find leisure — much 
 to tlie wonder of his professional friends, who i 
 were wont, in tlie old, peaceful times, to banter 
 him severely upon what seemed to them a rather 
 ridiculous foible. • " What a Tool you are," they 
 would say, " to spend so much time in marching 
 around town in .soldier-clothes !" This young 
 gentleman, however, was one of those who take 
 hold of life as they find it ; not disdaining the 
 
 duties of a citizen of a free country, but rejoicing 
 in them, and making them serve his purposes, as 
 they should. 
 
 A trifling incident of these early years marks 
 at once the Yankee and the man. That every- 
 day wonder of the modern world, a locomot've, 
 was then first seen at Lowell. Many of us re- 
 member seeing our first locomotive, and how we 
 comported ourselves on the interesting occasion. 
 Our young lawyer behaved thus : In company 
 with his friend, the engineer, he visited the 
 wondrous engine at its own house, and spent 
 five hours in studying it, questioning both it and 
 its master until he understood the why and the 
 wherefore of every part, and felt competent to 
 navigate the machine to Boston. This small 
 anecdote contains the essence of old New Eng- 
 land ; which is expressed also in one of the 
 country exclamations; ^' I ward to know P^ 
 
 In 1840, being then twenty-two years of age, 
 he was admitted to the bar. An early incident 
 brought him into favor with some of the mill- 
 owners. There was a strike among his friends 
 and patrons, the girls ; two or three thousand of 
 whom a.ssembled in a grove near Lowell, to talk 
 over their grievances and organize for their 
 redress. They invited the young lawyer to ad- 
 dress them, and he accepted the invitation. It 
 was a unique position for a gentleman of twenty- 
 two, not wanting in the romantic element, to 
 stand before an audience of three thousand 
 young ladies, the well-instructed daughters of 
 New England farmers and mechanics. He gave 
 ihem sound advice, such as might have come 
 from an older head. Admitting the justice of 
 their claims, he showed the improbabilitj'' of 
 their obtaining them at a time when labor was 
 abundant, and places in the mills were sought 
 by more girls than could be employed. The 
 mill-owners, he said, could, at that time, allow 
 their mills to stand idle for a considerable period 
 without serious loss — perhaps, even with advan- 
 tage ; but could the girls aflbrd to lose any con- 
 siderable part of a season's wages? Strikes 
 were always a doubtful, and often a desperate 
 measure, and entailed suffering upon the opera- 
 tives a thousand times greater than the evils 
 for which they sought redre.ss. The time might 
 come when a strike would be the only course 
 left them; but, at present, he counseled other 
 measures. He concluded by strongly advising 
 the girls to return to their work, and endeavor 
 by remonstrance, and, if that failed, by appeals 
 to the legislature, to procure a shorter day and 
 juster compcn.sation. The girls took his advice 
 and returned to work. 
 
 The day's work in the mills was then thirteen 
 hours — a literally killing period. Thirteen 
 hours a day in a mill means this; incessant 
 activity from five in the morning until nine in 
 the evening the year round. It means a tired 
 and useless Sunday. It means torpidity ot 
 death to all the nobler faculties. It means a 
 white and bloated fiice, a diseased and languid 
 body, a premature death. As much as to any 
 other man in Massachusetts the subsequent 
 change to eleven hours was owing to " the girls' , 
 lawyer," as we shall see in a moment. 
 
 His advice to the girls, at their mass-meeting 
 in the grove, was well pleasing to the lords oJ 
 the mill, some of whom, from this time, gave him 
 occasional employment. 
 
GENERAL BUTLER BEFORE THE WAR. 
 
 9 
 
 But our young friend remained a democrat — 
 a democrat during the administration of General 
 Jaclvsoia — a democrat in LowtU, supposed to be 
 the creation of that protective tariff whicli a de- 
 mocratic majority had reduced and was reducing ! 
 It was lilse living at Cape Cod and voting against 
 the fishing bounties, or in Louisiana and oppos- 
 ing the sugar duty. And this particular democrat 
 was a man without secrets and without guile; 
 positive, antagonistic and twenty-two; a friend 
 and disciple of Isaac Hill, and one who had seen 
 that little lame hero of democracy assaulted by 
 the huge Upham in the streets of Exeter, with 
 feelings not unutterable. In such odium were his 
 opinions held in Lowell at that time, that he 
 could not appear at the tavern table in court time 
 witliout being tabooed or insulted. The first 
 day of his sitting at dinner with the bar, the 
 discussion grew so hot that the main business of 
 the occasion was neglected, and he concluded 
 that if he meant to take sustenance at all he 
 must dine elsewhere. He did so for one dixy; 
 but feehng that such a course looked like aban- 
 doning the field, he returned on the day follow- 
 ing, and faced Ibe '.nusic tc the end of the session. 
 His audacity and quickness stood him in good 
 stead at tliis period. One of his first cases being 
 called in court, he said, in the usual way, " Let 
 notice be given !" 
 
 " In wliat paper ?" asked the aged clerk of the 
 court, a strenuous whig. 
 
 " In the Lovjell Advertiser," was the reply ; the 
 Lowell Advertiser being a Jackson paper, never 
 mentioned in a Lowell court; of whose mere 
 existence, few there present would confess a 
 knowledge. 
 
 ^' The Lowell Advertiser?" said the clerk, with 
 disdainfiil nonchalance, " I don't know such a 
 paper." 
 
 " Pray, Mr. Clerk, " said the lawyer, " do noti 
 interrupt the proceedings of the court ; for if you 
 begin to tell us what you don't know, there will 
 be no time for anything else." 
 
 He was always prompt with a retort of this 
 kind. So, at a later day, when he was cross- 
 questioning a witness in not the most respectful 
 manner, and the court interposing, reminded liira 
 that the witness was a professor in Harvard 
 college, he instantly replied ; " I am aware of it, 
 your honor; we hung one of them the other 
 day." 
 
 His politics were not, in reality, an obstacle to 
 his success at the bar, though his friends feared 
 they would be. There are two sides to every 
 suit ; and as people go to law to win, they are 
 not likely to overlook an advocate who, besides 
 the ordinary motives to e.vertion, has the stimulus 
 of political and social antagonism. He won his 
 way rapidlj' to a lucrative practice, and witli 
 sufficient rapidity, to an important, leading, con- 
 spicuous practice. He was a bold, diligent, veiie- 
 ment, inexhaustible opponent. 
 
 In some important particulars, General Butler 
 surpassed all his contemporaries at the New 
 England bar. His memory was such, that he 
 could retain the whole of the testimony of the 
 very longest trial without taking a note. His 
 power of labor seemed unlimited. In fertility of 
 of expedient, and in the lightning quickness of 
 his devices, to snatch victory from the jaws of 
 defeat, his equal has seldom lived. To tliese 
 gifts, add a perseverance that knew no discour- 
 
 agement, and never accepted defeat while one 
 possibility of triumph remained. One who saw 
 liiui much at the bar in former times, wrote of 
 him three years ago : 
 
 " His devices and shifts to obtain an aquittal 
 and release are absolutely endless and innumer- 
 able. He is never daunted or baffled until the 
 sentence is passed and put into execution, and 
 the reprieve, pardon, or commutation is refused. 
 An indictment must be drawn with tlie great- 
 est nicely, or it will not stand his criticism. A 
 verdict of guilty is nothing to him; it is only the 
 beginning of tlie case; he has fitly exceptions; 
 a hundred motions in arrest of judgment ; and 
 after that the habeas co^-jnis and personal replevin. 
 The opposing counsel never begins to feel safe 
 until the evidence is all in ; for he knows not 
 what new dodges Butler may spring upon him. 
 He is more fertile in expedients than any man 
 who practices law among us. His expedients 
 frequently fail, but they are generally plausible 
 enough to bear the test of trial. And faulty and 
 weak as they oflontimes are, Butler always has 
 confidence in them to the last; and when one 
 fails, he invariably tries anotiier. If it were not 
 that there must be an end to everything, his 
 desperate cases would never be finished, for there 
 would be no end to his expedients to obtain his 
 case." 
 
 An old friend andfellow-practitioner of General 
 Butler, Mr. J. Q. A. A. Griffin, of Charlestown, 
 Massachusetts, favors the reader with an anec- 
 dote; 
 
 " General Butler was a member of our house of 
 representatives one year, when his party was in 
 a hopeless and impotent minority, except on 
 such occasions as he contrived to make it efficient 
 by tactics and stratagems of a teciinical, pariia- 
 jSjentary character. The speaker was a whig, and 
 ja tliorough partisan. Tiie whigs were well drill- 
 •ed and had a leader on the floor of very great 
 capacity, Mr. Lord of Salem. During one angry 
 debate, General Butler attempted to strangle an 
 obnoxious proposal of the majority by tactics. 
 Accordingly lie precipitated upon the chair divers 
 questions of order and regularity of proceeding, 
 one after the other. These were debated by Mr. 
 Lord and himself, and tlien decided bj' the speak- 
 er uniformly according to the notions advanced 
 by Mr. Lord. The general bore this for some 
 time without special coinphiint, contenting him- 
 self with raising new questions. j\.t length,, 
 however, he called special attention to the fact 
 tliat he had been overruled so many times by the 
 cliair, williin such a space of time, and that, as 
 often not only had the speaker adopted tiie re- 
 sult of Mr. Lord's suggestions, but generally had 
 accepted the same words in which to aunc^oe 
 it; and, said he, 'Mr. Speaker, I cannot complain 
 of these rulings. They doubtless seem to the 
 speaker to be just. I perceive an anxiety on 
 your part to be just to the mhiority and to me 
 by whom at this moment they are represented, 
 for, like Saul, on the road to Damascus, your 
 constant anxiety seems to be, Loud, what wilt 
 tiiou have me to do?" 
 
 One example of what a writer styles General 
 Butler's legerdemain. A man in Boston, of re- 
 spectable connections and some wealth, being 
 afflicted with a mania for stealing, was, at length, 
 brought to trial on four indictments; and a host 
 of lawyers were assembled, engaged in the case. 
 
10 
 
 GENEEAL BUTLER BEFORE TUiO WAR. 
 
 expecting a long and sharp contest. It was hot . ilany of General Butler's triumphs, however, 
 sunitner weather ; the judge was old and indo- ' were won after long and perfectly contested 
 'ent; the ofBcers of the court were weary of the ' struggles, which fully and legitimately tested his 
 session and anxious to adjourn. General Butler sti-eugth as a lawyer. Perhaps, as a set-off to 
 was counsel for the prisoner. It is a law in the case just related, I should give one of the 
 Massachusetts, that the repetition of a crime other description. 
 
 by the same offender, within a certain period, A son of one of the general's most valued 
 shall entail a severer punishment than the first friends made a voyage to China as a sailor before 
 oflense. A third repetition, involves more se- ■ the mast, and returned with his constitution 
 verily, and a fourth still more. According to ' ruined through the scurvy, his captain having 
 this law, the prisoner, if convicted on all four : neglected to supply the ship with the well-known 
 indictments, would be liable to imprisonment in [ antidotes to that disease, lime juice and fresh 
 the penitentiary, for the term of sixtj' years, i vegetables. A suit for damages was instituted 
 As the court was assembling, General Butler re- j on tlie part of the crew against the captain, 
 monstrated with the counsel for the prosecution, ! General Butler was retained to conduct the 
 upon the rigor of their proposed proceedings, j cause of the sailors, and Mr. Rufus Choate de- 
 Surely, one indictment would answer the ends j fended the captain. The trial lasted nineteen 
 of justice ; why condemn the man to imprison- , working days. General Butler's leading posi- 
 
 ment for life for what was, evidently, more a 
 disease liian a crime ? They agreed, at length, 
 to quash tliree of the indictments, on condition 
 that the prisoner sliould plead guilty to the one 
 which charged the theft of the greatest amount. 
 The prisoner was arraigned. 
 
 " Are you guilty, or not guilty ?" 
 
 '"Say guilt}-, sir," said General Butler, from 
 his place in the bar, in his most commanding 
 tone. 
 
 The man cast a helpless, bewildered look at 
 his counsel, and said nothing. 
 
 " Say guilty, sir," repeated the General, look- 
 ing into the prisoner's eyes. 
 
 The man, without a will, was compelled to 
 obey, by the very constitution of his infirm mind. 
 
 " Guilty," he faltered, and sunk down into his 
 seat, crushed with a sense of shame. 
 
 "Now, gentleman," said the counsel for the 
 prisoner, "have I, or have I not, performed my 
 part of the compact?" 
 
 " You have." •' '* 
 
 " Then perform yours." '"' 
 
 This was done. A Not. Pros, was duly en- 
 tered upon the three indictments. The counsel 
 for the prosecution immediately moved for 
 sentence. 
 
 General Butler then rose, with the other 
 indictment in his hand, and pointed out a flaw 
 in it, manifest and fatal The error consisted in 
 designating the place where the crime was 
 committed. 
 
 "Your honor perceives," said the general, 
 " that this court has no jurisdiction in the mat- 
 ter. I move that the prisoner be discharged 
 from custody." 
 
 Ten minutes from that time, the astounded 
 man was walking out of the court-room free. 
 
 tions were: 1. That tiiu captain was bound to 
 procure fresh vegetables if he could ; and, 2. 
 That he could. In establishing tr'ase two points, 
 he displayed an amount of leari/ing, ingenuity 
 and tact, seldom equaled at the bar. The whole 
 of sanitary science aiid the whole of sanitary 
 law, the narratives of all navigators and the 
 usages of all navies, reports of parliamentary 
 commissions and the diaries of philanthropical 
 ivesligators, ancient log-books and new treatises 
 of maritime law ; the testimony of mariners 
 and the opinions of physicians, all were made 
 tributary to his cause. He exhibited to the jury 
 a large map of the world, and, taking the log of 
 the ship in his hand, he read its daily entries, 
 and as he did so, marked on the map the ship's 
 course, showing plaitdy to the eye of the jury, 
 that on four different occasions, while the crew 
 were rotting with the scurvy, the sln'p passed 
 within a few hours' sail of islands, renowned in all 
 those seas fjr the abundance, the excellence, and 
 the cheapness of their vegetables. Mr. Choate 
 contested every point with all his skill and elo- 
 quence. The end of the daily session was only 
 ihe beginning of General Butler's day's work; 
 for there were new points to be investigated, 
 other facts to be discovered, more witnesses to 
 be hunted up. He rummaged libraries, he pored 
 over encyclopedias and gazetteers, ho ferreted 
 out old sailors, and went into court every morn- 
 ing with a mass of new material, and followed 
 by a train of old doctors or old salts to support 
 a position shaken the day before. In the course 
 of the trial he had on the witness-stand nearly 
 every eminent physician in Boston, and nearly 
 every sea-captain and ship-owner. Justice and 
 General Butler triumphed. The jury gave dam- 
 ages to the amount of three thousand dollars ; 
 
 The flaw in the indictment, General Butler an award which to-day protects American sailors 
 discovered the moment after the compact was ! on every sea. 
 made. If he had gone to the prisoner, and spent j Such energy and talent as this, could not fail 
 five minutes in inducing him to consent to the of liberal reward, .\fler ten years of practice 
 arrangement, the sharp opposing counsel, long at Lowell, with frequent employment in Boston 
 accustomed to his tactics, would have suspected ' courts, General Butler opened an office in Boston, 
 a ruse, and eagerly scanned the indictment. He ', and thenceforward, in conjunction wiih a part- 
 relied, therefore, .solely on the power which a ' ner in each city, carried oii two distinct estab- 
 naan, with a will, has over a man who has none, ' lishments. For many years ho was punctual at 
 and so merely commanded the plea of guilty. ' the depot in Lowell at seven in the morning, 
 The court, it is said, not unwilling to escape a summer and winter; at Boston soon after eight; 
 long trial, laughed at tiie manasuver, and com- ' in court at Boston from half-past nine till near 
 plimented the successful lawj'er upon the ex- five in ihe afternoon; back to Lowell, and to 
 cellent "discipline" which he maintained among dinner at half past six; at his office in Lowell 
 his clients. from half past seven till midnight, or later. 
 
 This was a ease of legal "legerdemain." "When the war broke out, ne had the most 
 
GENERAL BUTLER BEFORE THE WAR. 
 
 lucrative practice in New England — worth at a 
 moderate estimate, eighteen thousand dollars a 
 year. At the moment of his leaving for the scene 
 of war, the list of cases in which he was re- 
 tained numbered five liundred. Happily mar- 
 ried at an early age to a lady, in whom are 
 united the accomplishments which please, and 
 the qualities that inspire esteem, blessed with 
 three affectionate children, he enjoyed at his 
 beautiful home, on the lofty baniis of the tum- 
 bling Merrimac, a most enviable domestic felicity. 
 At the age of forty, though he had lived Hber- 
 ally, he was in a condition to retire from business 
 if he had so chosen. 
 
 A writer well remarks that a lawyer in great 
 practice as an advocate has peculiar oppor- 
 tunities of ncquiring peculiar knowledge. That 
 famous scurvy case, for example, made him 
 acquainted with the entire range of sanitary 
 science. A great bank case opens all the mys- 
 teries of finance ; a bridge case the wiiole art of 
 bridge building; a railroad case the law and 
 usages of all railroads. A few years ago when 
 General Butler served as one of the examiners 
 at West Point, he put a world of questions to 
 the graduating class upon subjects connected 
 ■with the military art, indicating unexpected 
 specialties of knowledge in the questioner. 
 " But how did you know anything about that?" 
 his companions would ask. " Oli, I once had a 
 case which obliged me to look into it." This 
 answer was made so often that it became the 
 jocular custom of the committee, when any 
 knotty point arose in conversation, to ask Gen- 
 eral Butler whether he had not a case involving 
 it. The knowingness and direct manner of this 
 Massachusetts lawyer left such an impression 
 upon the mind of one of the class, (the lamented 
 General George G. Strong,) that he sought ser- 
 vice under him in the war five years after. 
 This curious specialty of information, particu- 
 larly his intimate knowledge of ships, banks, 
 railroads, sanitary science, and engineering, was 
 of the utmost value to him and to the country 
 at a later day. 
 
 And now a few words upon the political 
 career of General Butler in Massachusetts. 
 Despite his enormous and incessant labors ac 
 the bar, he was a busy and eager politician. 
 Prom his twentieth year he was wont to stump 
 the neighboring towns at election time, and from 
 the year 1844, never failed to attend the national 
 conventions of his party. Upon all the ques- 
 tions, both of state and national politics, which 
 have agitated Massachusetts during the last 
 twenty years, his record is clear and ineffaceable. 
 R.ight or wrong, there is not the slightest ditfi- 
 lulty in knowing where he has stood or stands. 
 He has, in piTfection, what the French call 
 "the courage of opinion;" which a man could 
 aot fail to have who has passed his whole life 
 in a minority, generally a hopeless minority, but 
 a minority always active, incisive, and inspired 
 with the audacity which comes of having nothing 
 to lose. I need not remind any American reader 
 that during the last twenty-five years the demo- 
 cratic party in Massachusetts has seldom had 
 even a plausible hope of carrying an election. 
 If ever it has enjoyed a partial triumph, it has 
 been through the operation of causes which 
 disturbed the main issue, and enabled the party 
 to combine with factions temporarily severed 
 
 from a majority otherwise invincible. The 
 politics of an American citizen, for many 
 years past, have been divided into two parts : 
 1. His position on the questions affected by 
 slavery. 2. His position on questions aot 
 affected by .slavery. Let us first glance at Gen- 
 eral Butler's course on the class of subjects last 
 named. 
 
 As a state politician, then, the record of which 
 lies before me in a heap of pamphlets, reports, 
 speeches, and proceedings of deliberative bodies, 
 I find his coni'se to liave been soundly democrat- 
 ic, a champion of lair play and equal rights. In 
 that great struggle which resulted in the passage 
 of the eleven-hour law, he was a candidate for 
 the legislature, on the "ten-hour ticket," and 
 fought the battle with all the vigor and tact 
 which belonged to him. A few days before the 
 election, as he was seated in his office at Lowell, 
 a deputation of workiugraen came to him, excit- 
 ed and alarmed, with the news, that a notice had 
 been posted in the mills, to the effect, that any 
 man who voted the Butler ten-hour ticket, would 
 be discharged. 
 
 " Get out a hand-bill," said the general " an 
 nouncing that I will address the workingmen to 
 morrow evening." 
 
 The hall was so crammed with people that 
 the speaker had to be passed in over the heads 
 of the multitude. He began his speech with 
 umwonted calmness, amid such breathless si- 
 lence as falls upon an as-sembly when the ques- 
 tion in debate concerns their dearest interests — 
 their honor, and their livelihood. He began by 
 saying that he was no revolutionist. How could 
 he be in Lowell, where were invested the earn- 
 ings of his laborious life, and where the value ot 
 all property depended upon the peaceful labors 
 of the men before him ? Nor would he believe 
 that the notice posted in the mills was aulliorized. 
 Some underling had doubtless done it to propi- 
 tiate distant masters, misjudging them, misjudg- 
 ing the working-men of Lowell. The owners of 
 the mills were men too wise, too just, or, at 
 least too prudent, to authorize a measure which 
 absolutely extinguished government ; which, at 
 once, invited, justified, and necessitated anai'chy. 
 For tyranny less monstrous than this, men of 
 Massachusetts had cast olf their allegiance to the 
 king of Great Britain, and plunged into the 
 bloodj' eiiaos of revolution ; and the directors of 
 the Lowell mills must know that the sons stood 
 ready, at any moment, to do as their sires had 
 done before them. But this he would say : If 
 it should prove that the notice tuas authorized ; 
 if men should be deprived of the means of earn- 
 ing their bread for having voted as their con- 
 sciences directed, then, woe to Lowell! " The 
 place that knows it shall know it no more for 
 ever. To ray own house, I, with this hand, will 
 first apply the torch. I ask but this: give me 
 time to get out ray wife and children. All I 
 have in the world I consecrate to the flaraes!" 
 
 Those who have heard General Butler speak 
 can form an idea of the tremendous force with 
 which he would utter words like these. He is a 
 man capable of infinite wrath, and, on this oc- 
 casion he was stirred to the depths of his being. 
 The audience were so powerfully moved, that a 
 cry arose for the burning of tiie town that very 
 night, and there was even the beginning of a 
 movement towards the doora. But the speaker 
 
GENERAL BUTLER BEFORE THE WAR. 
 
 instantly relapsed into the tone and line of re- 
 mark with w'fiicli he liad begun tlio speecli, and 
 concluded vvitii a solemn appeal to every voter 
 present to vote as his judgment and conscience 
 directed, with a total disregard to personal con- 
 sequences. 
 
 The ne.Kt morning the notice was no more 
 seen. Tiie election passed peacefully away, and 
 the ten-hour ticket was elected. Two priceless 
 hours were tlius rescued from the day of toil, 
 and added to those which rest and civilize. 
 
 The possibility of high civih'zation to the whole 
 community — the mere possibility — depends upon 
 these two things: an evening of leisure, and a 
 Sunday without exhaustion. These two, well 
 improved during a whole lifetime, will put any 
 one of fair capacity in possession of the best 
 best results of civilization, social, moral, intel- 
 lectual, esthetic. And this is the meaning and 
 aim of democracy — to secure to all honest people 
 a foir chance to acquire a share of those tilings, 
 which give to life its value, its dignity, and its 
 joy. Justly, tiierefore, may we class measures 
 which tend to give the laborer a free evening, as 
 democratic. 
 
 In the legislature, to which General Butler 
 was twice elected, once to the assembly, and 
 once to the senate, he led the opposition to the 
 old banking system, and advocated tliat which 
 gives perfect security to the New York bill- 
 holder, and wiiich is often styled the New York 
 system, recently adopted as a national measure. 
 He had the courage, too, to report a bill for 
 compensating the proprietors of the Ursuliue 
 convent of Charlestown, destroyed, twenty 
 years ago, by a mob, and standing now a black- 
 ened ruin, reproaching the commonwealth of 
 Massachusetts. It is s;iid, that he would have 
 succeeded in getting his biU passed, had not an 
 intervening Sunday given the Calvinistic clergy 
 an opportunity to bring their artillery to bear 
 jpon it. He represented Lowell in the conven- 
 tion to revise the constitution of Massachusetts, 
 a few years ago, and took a leading part in its 
 proceedings. With these exceptions, though he 
 has run for office a liundred times, lie has fig- 
 ured only in the forlorn hope of the minority, 
 3limbing toward the breach in every contest, 
 with as much zeal as though he expected to 
 reach the citadel. 
 
 "But why so long la the minority? why 
 20uld he and Massachu.setts never get into ac- 
 cord ?" This leads us to consider his position 
 in national politics. 
 
 Gentlemen of General Butler's way of think- 
 ing upon the one national question of the last 
 twenty years have been styled " pro-slavery 
 democrats." This expression, as applied to 
 General Butler, is calumnious. I can And no 
 utterance of his which justifies it; but on the 
 contrary, in his speeches, there is an evidently 
 purposed avoidance of expressions that could be 
 construed info an approbation of slavery. The 
 nearest approach to anything like an apology for 
 the " institution" which appears in his speeches, 
 is the expression of an opinion, that sudden ab- 
 olition would be ruin to the niiister, and a 
 doubtful good to the slave. On the other hand, 
 there is no word in condemnation of slavery. 
 There is even an assumption that with the moral 
 and philanthropic aspects of slavery, we of the 
 north had nothing to do. He avowed the opin- 
 
 ion, that we were bound to stand by the com- 
 promises of tlie constitution, not in the letter 
 merely, but in the spirit, and that the spirit of 
 those compromi.ses bound the government to 
 give slavery a chance in the territories. 
 
 A ruling motive with him was a keen sense 
 of the sacredness of compacts. Add to this a 
 strong, hereditary party spirit, and some willful 
 plensure in acting with a minority. In his 
 speeclics on the slavery question there is candor, 
 force, and truth ; and their argument is unan- 
 swerable, if it be granted that slavery can have 
 any rights whatever not expressly granted by 
 the letter of the constitution. There is nothing 
 in them of base subserviency, notliing of insin- 
 cerity, nothing uncertain, no vote-catching 
 vagueness. 
 
 When the wretched Brooks had committed 
 the assault upon Charles Sumner in the senate 
 chamber, there were men of Massaclmsetts who, 
 i surpassing the craven baseness of Brooks himself, 
 gave him a supper, and stooped even to sit at 
 ihe table and help him to eat it. General But- 
 ler, blazing with divine wrath, publicly denoun- 
 ced the act in Washington in such terms as 
 became a man, and called upon Mr. Sumner, to 
 express his horror and his sympath}'. He saw 
 with his own eyes, and felt with his own hands, 
 that the wounds could only have been given 
 while the senator was bending low over his desk, 
 absorbed and helpless. 
 
 When John Brown, the sublime madman, or 
 else the one sane man in a nation mad, had done 
 the deed for which unborn pilgrims will come 
 from afar, to look upon the sod that covers his 
 bones. General Butler spoke at a meeting held 
 in Lowell, to reassure the alarmed people of the 
 South. This speech very fairly represents his 
 habit of thought upon the vexed subject before 
 the war. He spoke in strong reprobation of 
 northern abolitionists, and southern fire-eaters, 
 as men equally guilty of inflaming and mislead- 
 ing their fellow citizens ; so that, at lengtii it 
 had come to pass, that neither section under- 
 stood the other. "The mistake," said he, "is 
 mutual. We look at the South through the 
 medium of tlie abolitionist orators — a very dis- 
 torted picture. The South see us only as ram- 
 pant abolitionists, ready to make a foray upon 
 their life and property." 
 
 General Butler was elected a delegate to the 
 democratic convention, held in Charleston, in 
 April, I860. He went to Charleston with two 
 strong convictions on his mind. One was, that 
 concessions to the Soutii had gone as far as the 
 northern democracy could ever be induced to 
 sustain. The other was that a fair nomination 
 of Mr. Dougln.s, by a national democratic con- 
 vention was impossible. 
 
 Nevertheless, in obedience to instructions, he 
 voted for Mr. Douglas as long as there was any 
 hope of procuring his nomination. He then gave 
 his vote for Jefferson Davis. On the final dis- 
 ruption of the convention at Baltimore, he went 
 with the body that nominated for the presidency 
 John 0. Breckinridge of Kentucky. 
 
 Let us see how the four parties stood in the 
 contest of that year. 
 
 The Cincinnati platform of 1856 said: Let the 
 people in each territory decide, wh-^n they form 
 a constitution, whether they will come into the 
 Union as a slave state or as a free state. 
 
MASSACHUSETTS EEADY. 
 
 13 
 
 But the delay in the admission of Kansas, gave 
 intense interest to the question, whether slavery 
 oould exist in a territory before its admission. 
 This was the issue in 1860. 
 The republican platform said : No, it can not 
 exist. Freedom is the normal condition of all 
 territory. Slavery can exist only by local law. 
 There is no authority anywhere competent to le- 
 galize slavery in a territory of the United States. 
 The Supreme Court can not do it. Congress can 
 not do it. The territorial legislature can not do 
 it. 
 
 The Douglas platform said ; We do not know 
 whether slavery can exist in a territory or not. 
 There is a difference of opinion among us upon 
 the subject. The Supreme Court must decide, 
 and its decision shall be final and binding. 
 
 The Breckinridge platform said: Slavery law- 
 fully exists in a territory the moment a slave- 
 owner enters it with his slaves. The United 
 States is bound to maintain his right to hold 
 slaves in a territory. But when the people of the 
 territory frame a state constitution, tiiey are to 
 decide whether to enter the Uniou as a slave or 
 as a free slate. If as a slave state, tiiey are to 
 be admitted without question. If as a free state, 
 the slave-owners must retire or emancipate. 
 
 The Bell and Everett party, declining to con- 
 struct a platform, expressed no opinion upon the 
 question at issue. 
 
 Thus, of the four parties in the field, two only 
 had the courage to look the state of things in the 
 face, and to avow a positive conviction, namely, 
 the republicans and the Breckinridge men. These 
 two, alone, made platforms upon which an hon- 
 est voter could intelligently stand. The other 
 parties shirked the issue, and meant to shirk it. 
 The most pitiable spectacle ever afforded in the 
 politics of the United States, was tl)e wrigglings 
 of Mr. Douglas during the campaign, when he 
 taxed all his great ingenuity to seem to say 
 something that should win votes in one section, 
 witliout losing votes in the other. Tragical as 
 the end was to him, all men felt that his disap- 
 pointment was just, though they would liave 
 gladly seen him recover from the shock, take the 
 bitter lesson to heart, and join with his old allies 
 in saving the country. 
 
 Before leaving Baltimore, the leaders of the 
 Breckinridge party came to an explicit under- 
 standing upon two important points. 
 
 First, the northern men leceived fi-om Mr. 
 Breckinridge and his southern supporters, not 
 merely the strongest possible deolurations of de- 
 votion to the Union and the Constitution, but a 
 particular disavowal and repudiation of the cry 
 then heard all over the South, that incase of the 
 success of the republican party, the South would 
 secede. There is no doubt in the minds of the 
 well-informed, that Mr. Breckinridge was sincere 
 in these professions, and it is known that he ad- 
 hered to the Uniou, in his heart, down to the 
 time, when war became evidently inevitable- 
 There is reason, too, to believe that he has since 
 bitterly regretted having abandoned the cause of 
 his country. 
 
 Secondly, the Breckinridge leaders at Balti- 
 more arranged then- programme of future opera- 
 tions. They were aware. of the certainly of their 
 defeat. In all probability, the republicans would 
 come into power. That party .(as the Breckin- 
 ridge democrats supposed) being unused to gov- 
 
 ern, and inheriting immense and uuexarai^kd 
 difficulties, would break down, would quarrel 
 among themselves, would become ridiculous or 
 offensive, and so prepare the way for the triumph- 
 ant return of the democracy to power in 18G5. 
 Mr. Douglas, too, they thought, would destrov 
 him.self, as a political power, by having wantoii- 
 ly broken up his party. The democrats, then, 
 would adhere to their young and popular candi- 
 date, and elect him ; if not in IS 64, then in 1868. 
 Having concluded these arrangements, they 
 separated, to meet in Washington after the elec- 
 tion, and renew the compact, or else to change 
 it to meet any unexpected issue of the campaign. 
 On his return to Lowell, General Butler found 
 himself the mcst unpopular man in Massachu- 
 setts. Not that Massachusetts approved the 
 course or the character of Mr. Douglas. Not 
 that Massachusetts was incapable of appreciating 
 a bold and honest man, who stood in opposition 
 to her cherished sentiments. It was because she 
 saw one of her public men acting in conjunction 
 with the party which seemed to her identified 
 with that which threatened a disruption to the 
 country if it should be fairly beaten in an election. 
 The platform of that party was profoundly odious 
 to her. It appeared to lier, not merely erron- 
 eous, but immoral and monstrous, and she could 
 not but feel that the northern supporters of it 
 were guilty of a kind of subserviency that bor- 
 dered upon baseness. She did not understand 
 the series of events which would have compelled 
 Mr. Douglas, if he had been elected, to go to un- 
 imagined lengths in quieting the apprehensions 
 of the South. She could not, in that time of in- 
 tense excitement, pause to consider, that if Gen- 
 eral Butler's course was wrong, it was, at least, 
 disinterested and unequivocal. 
 
 He was hooted in the streets of Lowell, and a 
 public meeting, at which he was to give an ac- 
 count of his stewardship, was broken up by a 
 mob. 
 
 A second meeting was called. General Butler 
 then obtained a hearing, and justified his course 
 in a speech of extraordinary Ibrce and cogency. 
 He characterized the Douglas ticket as " two- 
 taced," designed to win both sections, by deceiv- 
 ing both. " Hurrah lor Johnson 1 he goes for 
 intervention. Hurrah for Douglas! he goes for 
 non-intervention unless the Supreme Court tells 
 him to go the other way. Hurrah for Johnson 1 
 he goes against popular sovereignty. Hurrah for 
 Douglas! he goes for popular sovereignty if the 
 Supieme Court will let him! RurraU lor John- 
 son ! he is for disunion 1 Hurrah for Douglas I 
 he is for the Union. 
 
 He met the chaige brought against Mr. Breck- 
 inridge of sympathy with southern disunionists. 
 " By whom is this charge made ? By Pierre Soule, 
 an avowed disunion. si, iu Louisiana ; by John 
 Forsyth and tlie ' Atlanta Confederacy, ' in 
 Georgia, which maintains the dutj' of the South 
 to leave the Union if Lincoln is elected ; and yet 
 these same men are the foremost of the southern 
 supporters of Douglas ; by Gaulding of Georgia, 
 who is now slumping the state for Douglas, 
 making the same speecli that he made in the cou 
 ventiou at Baltimore, where he argued that non- 
 intervention meant that congress had no power to 
 prevent the exportation of negroes from Africa, 
 and that the slave trade was the true popular 
 sovereignty in full expansion. 
 
14 
 
 MASSACHUSETTS READY. 
 
 '•Would you believe it, fellow-citizens, this 
 speech was applauded in the Douglas convention, 
 aud that too, by a delegate from Massachusetts, 
 ay, aud from Middlesex county. 
 ' " When I left tliat convention, I declared that 
 I would no longer sit where the Aincan slave 
 trale, made piracy and feiony by tlie laws of my 
 country, was openly advocated and applauded. 
 Yet such, at tlie South, are the supporters of 
 Douglas." 
 
 General Butler was the Breciiinridge candidate 
 for the governorship of ilassachusets. He had 
 been a candidate for the same office a few j^ears 
 before, aud had received the full support of his 
 party, about 50,000 votes. On this occasion 
 only 6,000 of his lellow-citizens cast their votes 
 for him ; the whole number of voters being more 
 than 170,000. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 MASSACHUSETTS READY. 
 
 In December, 1860, Mr. Lincoln having been 
 elected, and congress met, General Butler went 
 to Washington, according to the agreement at 
 Baltimore, in June, to confer with democratic 
 leaders upon the future course of the party. 
 South Carolina had gone through the form of 
 seceding from the Union, and her tliree cum- 
 missioners were at the capital, to present to the 
 president the ordinance of secession, and nego- 
 tiate tlie terms of separation. Regarding them- 
 selves in the light of ambassadors, and expect- 
 ing a long negotiation, they had taken a house, 
 which served as the head-quarters of the mal- 
 contents. Excitement and apprehension per- 
 vaded all circles. General Butler, in visiting 
 his southern friends, found that most of them 
 considered eecession a fact accomplished, noth- 
 ing remaining but to arrange the details. Mr. 
 Breckinridge, however, still steadfast to his 
 pledges, indignant, sorrowful, was using his 
 influence to bring about a convention of the 
 border states, which should stand between the 
 two hostile bodies, and compel both to make the 
 concessions supposed to be necessary for the 
 preservation of tlie Union. By day and night 
 he strove to stem the torrent of disafieciion, 
 and bring the men of the South to rea.«on. He 
 strove in vain. The movement which he en- 
 deavored to effect was defeated by Virginians, 
 particularly by Mason and Hunter. Finding 
 his plan impossible, lie went about Washington, 
 pale and haggard, the picture of despair, and 
 sought relief, it is said, wliere despairing southern 
 men are too apt to seek it, in the whisky 
 bottle. 
 
 " What does all this mean ?" asked General 
 Butlfr, of an old southern democrat, a few hours 
 after his arrival in Washington. 
 
 '• It means simplv what it appears to mean. 
 The Union is dead. Tiic e.Kperiment is liiiished. 
 The attempt of two communities, having no 
 interest in common, abiiorruig one another, to 
 make believe that tiiey are one nation, lias 
 ceased for ever. We shall establish a sound, 
 homogeneous government, with no discordant 
 elements. We shall have room for our uorthern 
 friends. Come with us." 
 
 "Have you counted the cost? Do you 
 really think you can break up this Union ? Do 
 you think so yourself?" 
 
 " I do." 
 
 " You are i:)repared, then, for civil war 7 You 
 mean to bring tliis thing to the issue of arms ?" 
 
 " Oh, there will be no war. The North won't 
 fight." 
 
 "The North will fight." 
 
 "The North won't fight." 
 
 '• The North will fight." 
 
 " The North cauH fight. We have friends 
 enough at the North to prevent it." 
 
 " You have friends at the North as long as you 
 remain true to the constitution. But let me tell 
 you, that the moment it is seen that you mean 
 to break up tie country, the North is a unit 
 against you. I can answer, at least, for Massa- 
 chusetts. She is good for ten thousand men to 
 march, at once, against armed secession." 
 
 " Massachusetts is not such a tool. If your 
 state should send ten thousand men to preserve 
 the Union against southern secession, she will 
 have to fight twice ten thousand of her own 
 citizens at home who will oppose the policj'." 
 
 " No, sir ; when we come from Massachusetts 
 we shall not leave a single traitor behind, unless 
 he is hanging on a tree." 
 
 " Well, we shall see." 
 
 "You will see. I know something of the 
 North, and a good deal about New England, 
 where I was born and have lived forty-two 
 years. We are pretty quiel there now because 
 we don't believe that you mean to carry out 
 your tlireats. We have heard the same story at 
 every election these twenty years. Our people 
 don't yet believe you are in earnest. But let 
 me tell you this : As sure as you attempt to 
 break up this Union, the North will resist the 
 attempt to its last man and its last dollar. You 
 are as certain to fail as that there is a God in 
 Heaven. One thing you may do: you m.\v ruin 
 the southern states, and extiuguisli your insti- 
 tution of slavery. From the moment the first 
 gun is fired upon the American flag, your slaves 
 will not be worth five years' purchase. But as 
 to breaking up the country, it can not be done. 
 God and nature, and the blood of your fathers 
 and mine have made it one ; and one -country it 
 must remain." 
 
 And so the war of words went on. The gen- 
 eral visited his old acquaintances, the South 
 Carolina commissioners, and with them he had 
 similar conversations ; the substance of all being 
 this: 
 
 Secessionists: " The North won't fight." 
 General Butler: "The North will fight." 
 Secessionists : " If the North fights, its labor- 
 ers will starve and overturn the government." 
 
 General Butler: "If the South fights, there 
 is an end of slavery." 
 
 Secessionists : " Do you mean to say that yovi 
 yourself would fight in such a cause ?" 
 
 General Butler : " I would ; and, by the grace 
 of God, 1 wilL" 
 
 Tlie general sat at the table, once more, oi 
 Jefferson Davis, for whom he had voted in the 
 Charltstoii convention. Mr. Davis, at that time, 
 appeared still to wish for a compromise and tho 
 preservation of the Union. But he is a poiiii- 
 cian. He gave in to the sentiment, that he owed 
 allegiance, first to the state of Mississippi ; sec- 
 
MASSACHUSETTS EEADY. 
 
 16 
 
 oudly, to the United States ; which is the same 
 as saying- that he owed no allegiance to the 
 United States at all. So, if a majority of the 
 legislature of Mississippi should pronounce for 
 secession, he was bound to abandon that which, 
 for fifty years, he had been proud to call his 
 "country." 
 
 In times like those, every man of originating 
 mind has his scheme. If in the multitude of 
 counselors there were safety, no country had 
 been safer than this country was in December, 
 1860, when Mr. Buchanan was assailed and 
 confounded with advice from all quarters, near 
 and remote, from friends and foes. Grcneral 
 Butler, too, had an idea. As a leading member 
 of the party in power, he was entitled to be 
 listened to, and he was listened to. Mr. Black, 
 the legal adviser of the government, had given 
 it as his opinion, that the proceedings of South 
 Carolina were legally definable as a " riot," 
 which the force of the United States could not 
 be lawfully used in suppressing. 
 
 General Butler said to the attorney-general : — 
 " You say that the government can not use its 
 army and navy to coerce South Carolina in 
 South Carolina.- Very well. I do not agree 
 with you ; but let the proposition be granted. 
 Now, secession is either a right, or it is treason. 
 If it is a right, the sooner we know it the bet- 
 ter. If it is treason, then the presenting of the 
 ordinance of secession is an overt act of treason. 
 These men are coming to the Wiiite House to 
 present the ordinance to the president. Admit 
 them. Let them present the ordinance. Let 
 the president sa)"- to them : — ' Gentlemen, yon 
 go hence in the custod}^ of a marshal of the 
 United States, as prisoners of state, charged 
 with treason against your country.' Summon a 
 grand jury, here in Washington. Indict the 
 comraissiouers. If any of your officers are back- 
 ward in acting, you have the appointing power ; 
 replace them with men who feel as men should, 
 at a time hke this. Try the commissioners ' 
 befcre the Supreme Court, with all the imposing | 
 forms and stately ceremonial wliich marked the i 
 trial of Aaron Burr. I have some reputation at I 
 home as a criminal lawyer, and will stay here ! 
 and help the district attorney through the trial | 
 without fee or reward. If they are convicted, 
 execute the sentence. If they are acquitted, you 
 will have done something toward leaving a clear 
 path for the incoming administration. Time 
 will have been gained ; but the great advantage 
 will be, that both sides will pause to watcli 
 this high and dignified proceeding; the passions 
 of men will cool ; the great points at issue will 
 become clear to all parties; the mind of the 
 country will be active while passion and preju- 
 dice are allaj^ed. Meanwhile, if you can not 
 use your army and navy in Charleston harbor, 
 you can certainly employ them in keeping order 
 here." 
 
 This was General Butler's contribution to the 
 grand eum total of advice with which the admin- 
 istration was favored. Mr. Black seemed in- 
 chned to recommend the measure. Mr Buchanan 
 was of opinion, that it would cause a fearful agi- 
 tation, and probably inflame the South to the 
 point of beginning hostilities forthwith. Besides, 
 these men claimed to be aml)assadors ; and though 
 we could not admit the claim, still they had vol- 
 untarily placed themselves in our power, and 
 
 seemed to have a kind of right to be, at least, 
 warned away, before we could honorably trust 
 them as criminals or enemies. In vain General 
 Butler urged that his object was simply to get 
 their position defined by a competent tribunal; 
 to ascertain whether they were, in realitj', am- 
 bassadors or traitors. His scheme was that of a 
 bold and stedfapt patriot prepared to go all 
 lengths for his country. It could not but be 
 rejected by Mr. Buchanan. 
 
 General Butler frankly told the commissionera 
 the advice he had given. 
 
 " Why, you would'nt hang us, would you ? " 
 said Mr. Orr. 
 
 "Oh, no," replied the General; "not unless 
 you were found guilty." 
 
 Then came the electric news of Major Ander- 
 son's " change of base " from Fort Moultrie to 
 Fort Sumter; one of those trivial events which 
 generally occur at times like those to decide the 
 I question of peace or war. The future historian 
 I will probably tell us, that there was never a 
 j moment after that event when a peaceful solu 
 I tion of the controversy waa possible. He will pro 
 ' bably show that it was the skillful use of that in- 
 j cident, at a critical moment, which enabled the 
 ! secessionists of Georgia, frustrated till then, to 
 commit that great state to the support of South 
 Carolina; and Georgia is the empire state of the 
 cotton South, whose delection involved that o» 
 all the cotton states, as if by a law of nature. 
 
 The president of the United States had allow- 
 ed himself to promise the South Carolina com- 
 missioners that no military movement should oc- 
 cur in Charleston harbor during the negotiation 
 at Washington. They promptly demanded the 
 return of Major Anderson to Fort Moultrie. 
 Floyd supported their demand. Mr. Buchanan 
 consented. Then the commissioners, finding the 
 president so pliant, demanded the total with- 
 drawal of the troops from South Carolina, and 
 Floyd supported them in that modest demand 
 also. While the president stood hesitating upon 
 the brink of this new inf;\my, the enormous 
 frauds in Floyd's department Ciime to light, and 
 his influence was at an end. The question of 
 withdrawal being proposed to the cabinet, it was 
 negatived, and the virtuous Floyd relieved his 
 colleagues by resigning. Mr. Holt succeeded 
 him; the government stiffened ; the commission- 
 ers went home ; and General Butler, certain now 
 that war was impending, prepared to depart. 
 
 He had one last long interview with the south- 
 ern leaders, at which the whole subject was gone 
 over. For three hours he reasoned with them, 
 demonstrating the folly of their course, and warn- 
 ing them of final and disastrous failure. The 
 conversation was friendly, though warm and 
 earnest on both sides. Again he was invited to 
 join them, and was offered a share in their enter- 
 prise, and a place m that "sound and homogene- 
 ous government," which they meant to establish. 
 He left them no roo.ii to doubt that he took sides 
 with his country, and that all he had, and all he 
 was, should be freely risked in that country's 
 cause. Late at niglit they separated to know 
 one another no more except as mortal foes. 
 
 The next morning. General Butler went to 
 Senator Wd on, of Massachusetts, an old acquajn- 
 tance, though long a political opponent, and told 
 him that the southern leaders meant war. and 
 urged him to join in advising the governor oi 
 
16 
 
 MASSACHUSETTS EEADY. 
 
 fcheir state to prepare the militia of Massachusetts 
 for taking the field. 
 
 At that time, and for some time longer, the 
 soutliern men were divided among themselves 
 respecting the best mode of beginning hostilities. 
 The bolder spirits were for seizing Washington, 
 preventing the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln, and 
 placing Breckinridge, if he would consent, or 
 some other popular man if he would not, in the 
 presidential mansion, who should issue a proc- 
 lamation to tlie whole country, and endeavor to 
 rally to his support a sufficient number of north- 
 ern democrats to distract and paralyze the loyal 
 Btates. That more prudent counsels prevailed 
 was not from any sense of the turpitude of such 
 treason, but from a conviction that if anything 
 could rouse tlie North to armed resistance, it 
 would be the seizure of t))e capital. Nothing 
 short of that, thought the secessionists, would 
 induce a money-making, pusillanimous people to 
 leave tlieir shops and their counting-houses, to 
 save their country from being broken to pieces 
 and brought to nought. The dream of these 
 traitors was Vo destroy their country witliout 
 fighting ; and so the scheme of a coup d'etat was 
 discarded. But General Butler left Washington 
 beheving lliat the bolder course was the one 
 which would be adopted. He believed this the 
 more readily, because it was the course which 
 he would have advised, had he, too, been a trai- 
 tor. One thing, however, he considered abso- 
 lutely certain : there was going to be a war be- 
 tween Loyalty and Treason ; between the Slave 
 Power and the Power which had so long pro- 
 tected and fostered it. 
 
 He found the North anxious, but still incred- 
 ulous. He went to Governor Andrew, and gave 
 him a full relation of what he had heard and seen 
 at Washington, and advised him to get the mi- 
 iitia of the state in readiness to move at a day's 
 notice. He suggested that all the men should 
 be quietly withdrawn from the militia force who 
 were either unable or unwilling to leave the 
 state for the defense of the capital, and their 
 places supplied with men who could and would. 
 The governor, though he could scarcely yet 
 believe that war was impending, adopted the 
 suggestion. About one-half the men resigned 
 their places in the militia ; the vacancies were 
 quickly fiJled ; and many of the companies dur- 
 ing the winter months, drilled every evening 
 in the week, except Sundays. General Butler 
 further advised that two thousand overcoats be 
 made, as the men were already provided with 
 nearly every requsite for marching, except those 
 indispensable garments, which could not be ex- 
 temporized. To this suggestion there was stur- 
 dy opposition, since it involved the expenditure 
 of twenty thousand dollars, and that for an exi- 
 gency which Massticliusetts did not believe was 
 likely to occur. One genthimen, high in office, 
 said that General Butler made the proposal in 
 the interest of the moths of Boston, which alone 
 would get any good of the overcoats. Others 
 iusiiiualed that he only wanted a good contract 
 for the Middlesex Woolen Mills, in which he 
 was a large shareholder. The worthy and pa- 
 triotic governor, however, strongly recommended 
 the measure, and the overcoats were begun. 
 The last stitches in the last hundred of them 
 were performed while the men stood drawn up 
 on the ommon waiting to strap them to their 
 
 knapsacks before getting into the cars for Wash- 
 ington. 
 
 Having thus assisted in preparing Massachu- 
 setts to march, General Butler resumed his prac- 
 tice at the bar, vibrating between Boston and 
 Lowell as of old, not without mucli inward cliaf- 
 ing at tiio humiliating spectacle which the coun- 
 try presented during those dreary, shameful 
 months. One incident cheered the gloom. One 
 word was uttered at Washington which spoke 
 the heart of the country. One man in the cab- 
 inet felt as patriots feel when the flag of their 
 country is tlireatened with dialionor. One order 
 was given which did not disgrace the govern- 
 ment from which it issued. "If any one at- 
 tempts TO HAUL DOWN THE AMERICAN FLAG 
 SHOOT HIM ON THE SPOi" !" " When I read it," 
 wrote General Butler to General Dix long alter, 
 '•my heart bounded with joy. It was the first 
 bold stroke in favor of the Union under the past 
 administration," He had the pleasure of send- 
 ing to General Dix, from New Orleans, the iden- 
 tical flag which was the object of the order, and 
 tlie confederate flag which was hoisted in its 
 place ; as well as of recommending for promotion 
 the sailor, David Ritchie, who contrived to snatch 
 both flags from the cutter when traitors abandon- 
 ed and burnt her as Captain Parragut's fleet drew 
 near. 
 
 The fifteenth of April arrived. Fort Sumter 
 liad fallen. The president's proclamation call- 
 ing for troops was issued. In the morning came 
 a telegram to Governor Andrew from Senator 
 Wilson, asking that twenty companies of Massa- 
 chiisetts militia be instantly dispatched to defend 
 the seat of government. A few hours after, the 
 formal requisition arrived from the secretary of 
 war calling for two full regiments. At quarter 
 before five that afternoon. General Butler was in 
 in court at Boston trying a cause. To him came 
 Colonel Edward F. Jones, of the Sixth regiment, 
 bearing an order from Governor Andrew, direct- 
 ing him to muster his command forthwith in 
 Boston common, in readiness to proceed to Wash- 
 ington. This regiment was one of General But- 
 ler's brigade, its head-quarters being Lowell, 
 twenty-five miles distant, and the companies 
 scattered over forty miles of country The gen- 
 eral endorsed the order, and at five Colonel Jones 
 was on the Lowell train. There was a 'good 
 deal of swift riding done that night in the region 
 roundabout Lowell; and at eleven o'clock on 
 the day following, there was Colonel Jonea 
 with his regiment on Boston common. Not less 
 prompt were the Third and Eighth regiments, for 
 they began to arrive in Boston as early as nine, 
 each company welcomed at the dep6t by applaud- 
 ing thousands. The Sixth regimeut,it was deter- 
 mined, should go first, and the governor deemed 
 it best to strengthen it with two additional com- 
 panies. 
 
 The general, too, was going. During the 
 night following the 15th of April, he had been 
 at work with Colonel Jones getting the Sixtii 
 together. On the morning of the 16t!i, he was 
 in the cars, as usual, going to Boston, and with 
 him rode Mr. James G. Carney, of Lowell, presi- 
 dent of the Bank of Redemption, in Boston. 
 
 "The governor will want money," said the 
 general. "Can not the Bank of Redemption 
 offer a temporary loan of fifty thousand dollar? 
 to help ofif the troops ?" 
 
MASSACHUSETTS READY. 
 
 r, 
 
 It can, and shall, was tlie reply, iii substance, 
 of the president; and in the course of the 
 morning, a note offering the loan vvus in the 
 governor's hands. 
 
 General Butler went not to court that nsorn- 
 iug. As yet, no brigadier had been ordered 
 into service, but there was one brigadier who 
 was on fire to serve ; one who, from the first 
 summons, had been resolved to go, and to stay 
 t,o the end of the fight, whether he went as 
 private or as lieutenant-general. Farewell the 
 learned plea, and" the big fees that swell the 
 lawyer's bank account 1 Farewell the spirit- 
 stirring speech, the solemn bench, and all the 
 pomp and circumstance of glorious law 1 Gen- 
 eral Butler's occupation was about to be changed. 
 He telegraphed to Mr. Wilson, asking him to 
 remind Mr. Cameron, that a brigade required a 
 brigadier ; and back from Washington came an 
 order calling for a brigade of four full regiments, 
 to be commanded by a brigadier-general. 
 
 That point gained, the next was to induce 
 Governor Andrew to select the particular brig- 
 adier whom General Butler had in his miijd 
 when he dispatched the telegram to Mr. Wilson. 
 There were two whose commissions were of 
 older date than his own ; General Adams and 
 General Pierce ; the former sick, the latter de- 
 siring the appointment. General Pierce had the 
 advantage of being a political ally of the gov- 
 ernor. On the other hand, General Butler had 
 suggested tlie measures which enabled the 
 troops to take the field, had got the loan of 
 fifty thousand dollars, had procured the order 
 for a brigadier. He was, moreover, Benjamin 
 F. Butler, a gentleman not unknown in Boston, 
 tliough long veiled from the general view by a 
 set of obstinately held unpopular political opin- 
 ions. These considerations, aided, perhaps, by 
 a little wire-pulling, prevailed; and in the 
 morning of the ITth, at ten o'clock, he received 
 the order to take command of the troops. 
 
 All that day he worked as few men can work. 
 There were a thousand things to do ; but there 
 wei'e a thousand willing hearts and hands to 
 help. The Sixth regiment was oft' in the after- 
 noon, addressed before it moved by Governor 
 Andrew and General Butler. Two regiments 
 were embarked on board a steamer for Fortress 
 Monroe, then defended by two companies of 
 regular artillery — a tempting prize for the rebels. 
 Late at night, the General went home to bid 
 farewell to his family, and prepare for his final 
 departure. The next morning, back again to 
 Boston, accompanied by his brother. Colonel 
 Andrew Jackson Butler, who chanced to be on 
 ?. visit to his ancient home, after eleven years' 
 residence in California; where, with Broderick 
 and Hooker, he had already done battle against 
 the slave power, the lamented Broderick having 
 died in his arms. He served now as a volunteer 
 aid to the General, and rendered good service on 
 the eventful march. At Boston, General Butler 
 stopped at his accustomed barber-shop. While 
 he was under the artist's hands, a soldier of the 
 departed Sixth regiment came in sorrowful, 
 begging to be excused from duty ; saying that 
 he had left his wife and three children crying. 
 
 "I am not the man for you to come to, sir," 
 said the General, "for I have just done the 
 same," and straightway sent for a policeman to 
 arrest him as a deserter. 
 
 A hurried visit to the steamer h-^uud foi 
 Fortress Monroe. All was in readinosa tbore. 
 Tiien to the Eighth regiment, on tie oomjion, 
 which he was to conduct to VVasbmgt'ja by 
 way of Baltimore; no intimation of the imnend- 
 ing catastrophe to the Sixth having yet been 
 received. The Eighth marched to the cars, 
 and rolled away from the depot, followed by 
 the benedictions of assembled Boston ; saluted 
 at every station on the way by excited multi 
 tudes. At Springfield, where there was a brio' 
 delay to procure from the armory tlie means of 
 repairing muskets, the regiment was joined by a 
 valuable company, under Captain Henry S. Brigga 
 Thence, to New York. Tiie Broadway march of 
 the regiment ; their breakfast at the Metropolitan 
 and Astor ; their push through the crowd to 
 Jersey City; the tumultuous welcome iu New 
 Jersey; the continuous roar of cheers across the 
 state; the arrival at Philadelphia in the after- 
 noon of the memorable nineteenth of April, who 
 can have forgotten? 
 
 Fearful news met the general and the regi- 
 ment at the depot. The Sixth regiment, in its 
 march through Baltimore that afternoon, had 
 been attacked by the mob, and there had beei; 
 a conflict, in which men on both sides had fallen ! 
 So much was fact ; but, as inevitably happens 
 at such a time, the news came with appalling 
 exaggerations, which could not be corrected ; 
 for soon the telegraph ceased working, the last 
 report being that the bridges at the Maryland 
 end of the railroad were burning, and that 
 Washington, threatened with a hostile army, 
 was isolated and defenseless. Never since the 
 days when " General Benjamin Franklin" led a 
 little army of Philadclphians against the Indians 
 after Braddock's defeat, the Indians ravaging 
 and scalping within sixty miles of the city, and 
 e.xpected soon to appear on the banks of the 
 Schuylkill, had Philadelphia been so deeply 
 moved with mingled anger and apprehension. 
 The first blood shed in a war sends a thrill of 
 rage and horror through all hearts, and this blood 
 shed in Baltimore streets, was that of the coun- 
 trymen, the neighbors, the relatives of these 
 newly arrived troops. A thousand wild rumors 
 filled the air, and uotliing was too terrible to be 
 believed. He was the great man of the group, 
 who had the most incredible story to tell ; and 
 each listener went his way to relate the tale 
 with additions derived from his own frenzied 
 imagination. 
 
 General Butler's orders directed him to march 
 to Washington by way of Baltimore. That 
 having become impossible, the day being far 
 spent, his men fatigued, and the New York 
 Seventh coming, he marched his regiment to the 
 vacant Girard House for a night's rest, where 
 hospitable, generous Philadelphia gave them 
 bountiful entertainment. The regiment slept 
 the sleep that tired soldiers know. 
 
 For General Butler there was neither sleep 
 nor rest that night, nor for his fraternal aid-de- 
 camp. There was telegraphing to the governor 
 of Massachusetts ; there were consultations with 
 Commodore Dupont, commandant of the Navy 
 Yard; there were interviews with Mr. Felton, 
 president of the Philadelphia and Baltimore 
 railroad, a son of Massachusetts, full of patriotic 
 zeal, and prompt w'th needful advice and help ; 
 there was poring over maps and gazetteers. 
 
18 
 
 MASSACHUSETTS KEADT. 
 
 Meanwhile, Culonel A. J. Builer was out in the 
 dtreets, buying pickaxes, shovels, tinware, pro- 
 visious, and all that was necessary to enable the 
 troops to take the field, to subsist oa array 
 rations, to repair bridges and railroads, and to 
 ihrow up breastworks. All Maryland was sup- 
 posed to be ill arms ; but the general was going 
 through ^Maryland. • 
 
 Before the evening was far advanced, he had 
 determined upon a plan of operations, and sum- 
 moned his officers to make them acquainted 
 with it — not tu shun responsibility by asking 
 their opinion, nor to waste precious time in dis- 
 cussion. They found upon his table thirteen 
 revolvers. He explained his design, pointed 
 out its probable and its possible dangers, and 
 saitl that, as some might censure it as rash and 
 reckless, he was resolved to take the sole res- 
 ponsibility himself. Taking up one of the 
 revolvers, he invited every officer who was 
 willing to accompany him to signify it by ac- 
 cepting a p.stol. Tiie pistols Vi-ere all insti.atly 
 appropriated. The officers departed, and the 
 general then, in great hasto. and amid ceaseless 
 interruptions, sketched a memorandum of his 
 plan, to be sent to the governor of Massachusetts 
 after his departure, that his friends might know, 
 if he should be swallowed up in the maelstrom 
 of secession, what he had intended to do. Manv 
 sentences of this paper betray the circumstances 
 in which they were written. 
 
 •' My proposition is to join with Colonel Lef- 
 ferts of the Seventh regiment of New York. I 
 propose to take the fifteen hundred troops to 
 Annapolis, arriving there to-morrow about fo-jp 
 o'clock, and occupy the capitaJ cf Maryland, and 
 thus call the state to account for the death of 
 Massachusetts men, my friends and neighbors. 
 If Colonel Letferts thinks it more in accordance 
 with the tenor of his instructions to wait rather 
 than go through Baltimore, I stiU propo-ie to 
 march with this regiment. I propose to occupy 
 the town, and hold it open as a means of com- 
 munication. I have then but to advance by a 
 forced march of thirtj^ miles to reach the capital, 
 in accordance with the orders I at first received, 
 but which subsequent events in my judgment 
 vary in theh- execution, believing from the tele- 
 graphs that there will be others in great num- 
 bers to aid me. Being accompanied by officers 
 of more experience, who will be able to direct 
 the afiair, I think it will be accomplished. We 
 have no light batteries ; I have therefore tele- 
 graphed to Governor Andrew to have the Boston 
 Light Battery put on shipboard at once, to-night, 
 to help me in marching on Washington. In 
 pursuance of this plan, I have detailed Captains 
 Devereux and Briggs with their commands to 
 hold the boat at Havre de Grace. 
 
 " Eleven, a. m. Colonel Lefferts has re/used 
 to march with me. I go alone at three o'clock, 
 P. M., to execute this imperfectly written plan. 
 If I succeed, success will justify me. If I fail, 
 purity of intention will excuse want of judgment 
 or rashness." 
 
 The plan was a little changed in the morning, 
 when the rumor prevailed that the ferry-boat at 
 Havre de Grace had been seized and barricaded 
 by a large force of rebels. The two companies 
 were not sent forward. It was determined that 
 the regiment should go in a body, seize the boat 
 and use it for transporting the troops to Annapolis. 
 
 " I may have to sink or burn your boat," said 
 the general to Mr. i^elton. 
 
 "Do so," replied the president, and immedi- 
 ately wrote an order authorizing its destruction, 
 if necessary. 
 
 It L&d been the design of General Butler, as 
 we navj ss^r to leave Philadelphia in the morn- 
 ing traJc • but he delayed his departure in the 
 hope that Golcnel Leflerts might be induced to 
 share in the expedition. The Seventh had arri- 
 ved at sunrise, and General Butler made known 
 his plan to Colonel Lefferts, and invited his co- 
 operation. That officer, suddenly intrusted with 
 the lives (but the honor also) of nearly a thousand 
 of the flower of tlie young men of New York, 
 was overburdened with a sense of responsibility, 
 and felt it to be his duty to consult his officers. 
 The consultation was long, and, I believe, not 
 harmonious, and the result was, that the Seventh 
 embarked in the afternoon in a steamboat at 
 Philadelphia, with the design of going to Wash- 
 ington by the Potomac river, leaving to the men 
 of Massachusetts the honor and the danger of 
 opening a path through Maryland. It is impos- 
 sible lor a New Yorker, looking at it in the light 
 of subsequent events, not to regret, and keenly 
 regret, the refusal of officers of the favorite New 
 York regiment to join General Butler in his bold 
 and wise movement. But tl— y had not the light 
 of subsequent events to tiid them in their delib- 
 erations, and they, doubtless, thought that their 
 first duty vas Vj hasten to the protection of 
 Washington, and avoid the risk of detention by 
 the way. It happened on this occasion, as in so 
 many others, that the bold course was also the 
 prudent and successful one. The Seventh waa 
 obliged, after all, to take General Butler's road 
 to Washington. 
 
 At eleven in the morning of the twentieth of 
 April, the Eighth Massachusetts regiment moved 
 slowly away trom the depot in Broad street toward 
 Havre de Grace, where the Susquehaunah river 
 empties into the Chesapeake Bay — forty miles 
 from Philadelphia, sixty-four from Annapolis. 
 General Butler went through each car explain- 
 ing the plan of attack, and giving the requsite 
 orders. His design was to halt the traiii one 
 mile from Havre de Grace, advance his two best 
 drilled companies as skirmishers, follow quickly 
 with the regiment, rush upon the barricades and 
 carry them at the point of the ba}'onet, pour 
 headlong into the ferry-boat, drive out the rebels, 
 get up steam and start for Annapolis. 
 
 Having assigned to each company its place in 
 the line, and given all due explanation to each 
 captain, the general took a seat and instantly foil 
 asleep. 
 
 And now, the bustle being over, upon all these 
 worthy men fell that seriousness, that solemnity, 
 which comes to those who value their lives, and 
 whose lives are valuable to others far aw^ay, but 
 who are about, for the first time, to incur mortal 
 peril for a cause which they feel to be greater 
 and dearer than life. Goethe tells us that valor 
 can neither be learned nor forgotten. I do uo: 
 believe it. Certainly, the first peril does, in some 
 degree, appal the firmest heart, especially when 
 that peril is quietly approached on the easy seat 
 of a railway car during a two hours' ride. Scarcely 
 a word was spoken. Many of the men s;i-. 
 erect, grasping their muskets firmly, and lookiiifs, 
 anxiously out of the windows. 
 
ANNAPOLIS. 
 
 19 
 
 One man blenched, and one onlj. The general 
 was atartJed from his sleep by the cry of, '• Man 
 overboard I" The train was stopped. A soldier 
 was seen running across the tields as thougii 
 pursued by a mad dog. Panic had seized him, 
 and he had jumped from a car, incurring ten 
 times the danger from which he strove to escape. 
 The general started a group of country people in 
 pursuit, offering them the lawful thirty dollars if 
 ihey brought die deserter to Havre de Grace in 
 time. The train moved again : the incident 
 broke the spell, and the cars were filled with 
 laughter. The man was brought in. His ser- 
 geant's stripe was torn from his arm, and he was 
 glad to compound his punishment by serving the 
 regiment in the capacity of a menial. 
 
 At the appointed place, the train was stopped, 
 the regiment was formed, and marched toward 
 the ferry-boat, skirmishers in advance. It mus- 
 tered thirteen officers and seven hundred and 
 eleven men. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 ANNAPOLI& 
 
 It was a false alarm. There was not an armed 
 enemy at Havre de Grace. The ferry-boat 
 Maryland lay at her moorings in the peaceful 
 possession of her crew ; and nothing remamed 
 but to get up steam, put on board a supply of 
 coal, water and provisions, embark the troops, 
 and start for Annapolis. 
 
 Whether the captain and crew were loyal or 
 treasonable — whether they were likely to steer 
 the boat toA nnapolis or to Baltimore, or run her 
 ashore on some traitorous coast, were questions 
 much discussed among officers and men. The 
 captain professed the most ardent loyalty, and 
 General Butler was more inclined to trust him 
 than some of his officers were. There were men 
 on board, however, who knew the way to Anna- 
 polis, and were abundantly capable of navigating 
 any craft on any sea. It was resolved, therefore, 
 to permit the captain to command the steamer, 
 but to keep a shart lookout ahead, and an unob- 
 served scrutiny of the engine-room. Upon the 
 first indication of treachery, captain and engi- 
 neers should find themselves in an open boat upon 
 the Chesapeake, or stowed away in the hold, 
 their places supplied with seafaring Marblehead- 
 ers. Never before, I presume, had such a vari- 
 ously skilled body of men gone to war as the 
 Massachusetts Eighth. It was not merely that 
 all trades and professions had their representa- 
 tives among them, but some of the companies 
 had almost a majority of college-bred men. 
 Major Winthrop did not so much exaggerate 
 when he said, that if the word were given, 
 'Poets to the front!"' or '' Painters present 
 arms!'' or "Sculptors charge bayonets!" a 
 baker's dozen out of every company would re- 
 spond. Navigating a steamboat was the sim- 
 plest of all tasks to many of them. 
 
 At six in the evening they were oflf, packed 
 as close as negi'oes in the steerage of a slave 
 ship. Darkness closed in upon them, and the 
 men lay down to sleep, each with his musket in 
 his hands. The general, in walking from one 
 part of the boat to another, stumbled over and 
 
 trod upon many a growling sleeper. He was too 
 anxious upon the stiU unsettled point of the cap- 
 tain's fidelity to sleep ; so he went prowling about 
 am(>ng the prostrate men, exchanging notes with 
 those who had an eye upon the compass, and 
 with those who were observing the movements 
 of the engineers. There were moments when 
 suspicion was strong in some minds ; but cap- 
 tain and engineers did their duty, and at mid- 
 night the boat was off the ancient city of Anna- 
 polis. 
 
 They had, naturally enough, expected to come 
 upon a town wrapped in midnight slumber. 
 There was no telegraphic or other communication 
 with the Nortli ; how could Annapolis, then, 
 know that they were coming? It certainly 
 could not ; yet the whole town was evidently 
 awake and astir. Eockets shot up into the sky. 
 Swiftly moving lights were seen on shore, and 
 all the houses in sight were lighted up. The 
 buildings of the Naval Academy were lighted. 
 There was every appearance of a town in ex- 
 treme commotion. It had been General Butler's 
 intention to land quietly while the city slept, 
 and astonish the dozing inhabitants in the morn- 
 ing with a brilliantly executed reveille. Noting 
 these signs of disturbance, he cast anchor and 
 determined to delay his landing till daylight. 
 
 Colonel Andrew Jackson Butler volunteered 
 to go on shore alone, and endeavor to ascertain 
 the cause of the commotion. He was almost 
 the only man in the party who wore plain clothes 
 The general consenting, a boat was brought 
 round to the gangway, and Colonel Butler 
 stepped into it. As he did so he handed his 
 revolver to a friend, saying, that he had no 
 intention of fighting a tovm full of people, and 
 if he was taken prisoner, he preferred that his 
 pistol should fight, during the war, on the Union 
 side. The brother in command assured him, 
 that if any harm came to him in Annapolis, it 
 would be extremely bad for Annapolis. The 
 gallant colonel settled himself to his work, anu 
 gfided away into the darkness. 
 
 The sound of oars was again heard, and a 
 boat was descried approaching the steamer. A 
 voice from the boat said : 
 
 " "What steamer is that ?" 
 
 The steamer was as silent as though it were 
 filled with dead men. 
 
 ""What steamer Ls that?" repeated the voice. 
 
 No answer. The boat seemed to be making 
 off. 
 
 " Come on board," thundered General Butler 
 
 No reply from the boat. 
 
 ■' Come on board, or I'll fii-e into you,"' said 
 the general. 
 
 The boat approached, and came alongside. It 
 was rowed by four men, and in the stern sat an 
 officer in the uniform of a lieutenant of the 
 United States navy. The officer stepped on 
 board, and was conducted by General Butler to 
 his cabin, where, the door being closed, a curi- 
 ous colloquy ensued. 
 
 " "Who are you ?" asked the lieutenant. 
 
 " "Who are you f said the general 
 
 He replied that he was Lieutenant Matthews, 
 attached to the Naval Academy, and was sent 
 by Captain Blake, commandant of the post, and 
 chief of the Naval Academy, who directed him 
 to say that they must not land. He had, also, 
 an order from Governor Hicks to the aame effect, 
 
120 
 
 ANNAPOLIS. 
 
 The United Slates quartermaster had requested 
 him to add from Lieutenant-GeDeral Scott, that 
 there were no moans of transportation at Anna- 
 polis. 
 
 General Butler was still uncommunicative. 
 Both gentlemen were in a distrustful state of 
 mind. 
 
 The truth was that Captain Blake had been, for 
 forty-eight hours, in momentary expectation of an 
 irruption of " Plug Uglies," from Baltimore, either 
 by sea or land. He was surrounded by a popula- 
 tion stolidly hostile to the United States The 
 school-ship Constitution, which lay at the academy 
 wharf was aground, and weakly manned. Ke 
 had her guns shotted, and was prepared to fight 
 her to the last man ; but she was an alluring 
 prize to traitors, and he was in dread of an 
 overpowering force. "Large parties of seces- 
 sionists," as the oflScers of the ship afterwards 
 testified, " were round the ship every day, noting 
 her assailable points. The militia of the county 
 were drilled in sight of the ship during the day 
 time ; during the night signals were exchanged 
 along the banks and across the river, but the ' 
 character of the preparation, and the danger w j 
 the town in case of an attack, as one of the j 
 batteries of the ship was pointed directly upon j 
 it, deterred them from cai'rying out their plans. 
 During this time the Constitution had a crew of 
 about twenty-five men, and seventy-six of the 
 youngest class of midshipmen, on board. The 
 ship drawing more water than there was on the 
 bar, the secessionists thought she would be in 
 their power, whenever they would be in suffi- 
 cient force to take her." In these circumstances. 
 Captain Blake, a native of Massachusetts, who 
 had grown gray in his country's service, as loyal 
 and stedfast a heart as ever beat, was tortured 
 with anxiety for the safety of the trust which 
 his country had committed to him. Upon seeing 
 the steamer, he had concluded that here, at last, 
 were the Baltimore ruffians, come to seize his 
 ship, and lay waste the academy. Secessionists 
 in the town were prepared to sympathize, if not 
 to aid in the fell business. All Annapolis, for 
 one reason or another, was in an agony of desire 
 to know vv^ho and what these portentous mid- 
 night voyagers were. Captain Blake, his ship 
 all ready to open fire, had sent the lieutenant to 
 make certain that the new-comers were enemies, 
 before beginning the congenial work of blowing 
 them out of the water. 
 
 General Butler and the lieiitenant contin- 
 ued for some time to question one another, 
 without either of them arriving at a satisfactory 
 conclusion as to the loyalty of the other. The 
 general, at length, announced his name, and de- 
 clared his intention of marching by way of 
 Annapolis to the relief of "Washington. The 
 lieutenant informed him that the rails were torn 
 Tip, the cars removed, and the people unanimous 
 against the marching of any more troops over 
 the soil of Maryland. The general intimated 
 that the men of his command could dispense 
 with rails, cars, and the consent of the people. 
 They were bound to the city of Washington, and 
 expected to make their port. Meanwhile, he 
 would send an officer with him on shore, to 
 confer with the governor of the slate, and the 
 authorities of the city. 
 
 Captain P. Haggerty, aid-de-camp, was dis- 
 patched upon this errand. He was conveyed to 
 
 the town, where he was soon conducted to the 
 presence of the governor and the mayor, to 
 whom he gave the requisite explanations, and 
 declared General Butler's intention to land. 
 Those dignitaries finding it necessary to confer 
 together, Captain Haggerty was shown into an 
 adjoining room, where he was discovered an 
 hour or two later, fast asleep on a lounge. Lieu- 
 tenant Matthews was charged by the governor 
 with two short notes to General Butler, one 
 from himself, and another from the aforesaid 
 quartermE^ster. The document signed by the 
 governor, read as follows : 
 
 " I would most earnestly advise, that you do 
 not land your men at Annapolis. The excite- 
 ment here is very great, and I think it prudent 
 that you should take your men elsewhere. I 
 have telegraphed to the secretary of war against 
 your landing your men here." 
 
 This was addressed to the " Commander of 
 the Volunteer troops on Board the Steamer." 
 The quartermaster. Captain Morris J. Miller, 
 wrote thus : 
 
 " Having been intrusted by General Scott 
 with the arrangements for transporting your 
 regiments hence to "Washington, and it being 
 impracticable to procure cars, I recommend, that 
 the troops remain on board the steamer until 
 further orders can be received from General 
 Scott." 
 
 This appears to have been a mere freak of the 
 captain's imagination, since no troops were ex- 
 pected at Annapolis by General Scott. 
 
 Captain Haggerty returned on board "the 
 steamer," and the notes were delivered to the 
 general commanding. 
 
 "What had befallen Colonel Butler, meanwhile? 
 Upon leaving the steamer, he rowed towards the 
 most prominent object in view, and soon found 
 himself alongside of what proved to be a wharf 
 of the Naval Academy. He had no sooner 
 fastened his boat and stepped ashore, than he 
 was seized by a sentinel, who asked him what 
 he wanted. 
 
 " I want to see the commander of the post." 
 
 To Captain Blake he was, accordingly, taken. 
 Colonel Butler is a tall, fully developed, imposing 
 man, devoid of the slightest resemblance to the 
 ideal " Plug Ugly." Captain Blake, venerable 
 with years and faithful service on many seas, in 
 many lands, was not a person likely to be mis- 
 taken for a rebel. Yet these two gentlemen 
 eyed one another with intense distrust. The 
 navy had not then been sifted of all its traitors; 
 and upon the mind of Captain Blake, the appre- 
 hension of violent men fi-om Baltimore had been 
 working for painful days and nights. He re- 
 ceived the stranger with reticent civility, and 
 invited him to be seated. Probing questions 
 were as'iced by both, eliciting vague replies, or 
 none. These two men were Yankees, and each 
 was resolved that the other should declare him- 
 self first. After long fencing and " beating 
 about the bush," Colonel Butler expressed him- 
 self thus: 
 
 " Captain Blake, we may as well end this now 
 as at any other time. Tliey are Yankee troops 
 on board that boat, and if I don't get back 
 pretty soon, they will open fire upon you." 
 
 The worthy Captain drew a long breath of 
 relief Full explanations on both sides followed, 
 and Captain Blake said he would visit Genera. 
 
ANNAPOLIS. 
 
 21 
 
 Bntler at daybreak. Colonel Butler returned on 
 board the Maryland. 
 
 The general was soon ready with his reply to 
 the note of Governor Hicks. 
 
 To the governor: "I had the honor to re- 
 ceive your note by the hands of Lieutenant 
 Matthews, of the United States Naval School at 
 Annapolis. I am sorry that your excellency 
 should advise against my landing here. I am 
 not provisioned for a long voyage. Finding the 
 ordinary means of communication cut ofl" by the 
 burning of railroad bridges by a mob, I have 
 been obhged to make this detour, and hope that 
 your excellency will see, from the very neces- 
 sity of ihe case, that there is no cause of excite- 
 ment in the mind of any good citizen because 
 of our being driven here by an extraordinary 
 casualty. I should, at once, obey, however, an 
 order from the secretary of war."' 
 
 Captain Blake came off to the steamer at 
 dawn of day, and soon found himself at home 
 among his countrj^men. 
 
 " Can you help me off with the Constitution? 
 Will your orders permit you ?" 
 
 " I have got no orders," replied the general. 
 " I am making war on my own hook. But we 
 can't be wrong in saving the Constitution. That 
 is, certainlj'-, what we came to do." 
 
 How the regiment now went to work with a 
 will to save the Constitution ; how the Maryland 
 moved up along side, and put on board t!;s 
 Salem Zouaves for a guard, and a hundred Mar- 
 bleheaders for sailors; how they tugged, and 
 tramped, and lightened, and heaved, and tugged, 
 and tugged again ; how groups of sulky secesh 
 stood scowling around, muttering execrations : 
 how the old frigate was started from her bed of 
 mud at length, amid such cheers as Annapolis 
 had never heard before, and has not heard since. 
 Captain Blake bursting into tears of joy after 
 the long strain upon his nerves ; these things 
 have been told, and have not been forgotten. 
 
 But the ship was not yet safe, though she was 
 moving slowly toward safety. General Butler 
 had now been positively assured that the cap- 
 tain of his ferry boat was a traitor at heart, and 
 would like nothing better than to run both 
 steamer and frigate on a mud bank. He doubted 
 the statement, which indeed was false. The 
 man was half paralyzed with terror, and was 
 thinking of nothing but how to get safely out of 
 the hands of these terrible men. Nevertheless, 
 the general deemed it best to make a remark or 
 two by way of fortifying his virtuous resolutions, 
 and neutralizing any hints be may have received 
 from people on the shore. The engine-room he 
 knew was conducted in the interest of the 
 United States, for he had given it in charge to 
 four of his own soldiers. He had no man in 
 his command who happened to be personally 
 acquainted with the shallows of the river Sev- 
 ern. 
 
 •'Captain," said he, "have you faith in my 
 word?" 
 
 •' Yes," said the captain. 
 
 "I am told that you mean to run us aground. 
 I think not. If you do, as God Uves and you 
 live, I'll blow your brains out." 
 
 The poor captain, upon hearing these words, 
 evinced symptoms of terror so remarkable, as to 
 convince General Butler that if any mishap 
 befell the vessels, it would not be owing to any 
 
 disaffection on the part of the gentleman in the 
 pilot-house. 
 
 All seemed to be going well. The general 
 dozed in his chair. He woke to find the Mary- 
 land fast in the mud. Believing the captain'3 
 protestations, and the navigation beiug really 
 difficult, he did not molest his brains, which 
 were already sufficiently discomposed, but or- 
 dered him into confinement. The frigate was 
 still afloat, and was, soon after, towed to a safe 
 distance by a tug. The Eighth Massachusetts 
 could boast that it had rendered an important 
 service. But there the regiment was upon a 
 bank of mud ; provisions nearly consumed ; 
 water casks dry ; and the sun doing its duty. 
 There was nothing to be done but wait for the 
 rising of the tide, and, in the mean time, to re- 
 plenish the water casks from the shore. The 
 meu were tired and hungry, black with coal 
 dust-, and tormented with thirst, but still cheerful, 
 and even merrj' ; and in the twihght of the Sun- 
 day evening, the strains of rehgious hymns rose 
 from groups who, on the Sunday before sang 
 them in the choirs of village churches at home. 
 The officers, as they champed their biscuit, and 
 cut their pork with pocket knives, laughingly 
 alluded to the superb breakfast given them on 
 the morning of their departure from Philadelphia 
 by Paran Stephens at the Continental. Mr. 
 Stephens, a son of Massachusetts, had employed 
 all the resources of his house in giving his 
 countrymen a parting meal. The sudden plunge 
 from luxury brought to the perfection of one of 
 the fine arts, to army rations, scant in quantity, 
 ill-cooked, and a short allowance of warm water, 
 was the constant theme of jocular comparison 
 on board the Maryland. It was a well-worn 
 joke to call for delicate and ludicrously impos- 
 sible dishes, which were remembered as figuring 
 in the Continental's bill of fare ; the demand 
 being gravely answered by the allowance of a 
 biscuit, an inch of salt pork, and a tin cup half 
 full of water. 
 
 General Butler improved the opportunity of 
 going on shore. He met Governor Hicks and 
 the mayor of Annapolis, who agahi urged him 
 not to think of landing. All Maryland, they 
 said, was on the point of rushing to arms; the 
 railroad was impassable, and guarded by 
 armed men ; terrible things could not fail t© 
 happen, if the troops attempted to reach Wash- 
 ington. 
 
 "I mwsi land," said the general; "my men 
 are hungry. I could not even leave without 
 getting a supply of provisions." 
 
 They declared that no one in Annapolis would 
 sell him anything. To which the general replied 
 that he hoped better things of the people of 
 Annapolis; but, in any case, a regiment of hun- 
 gry soldiers were not limited to the single meth- 
 od of procuring supplies usually practiced in 
 time of peace. There were modes of getting 
 food other than the simple plan of purchase. 
 Go to Washington he must and should, with or 
 without the assistance of the people of Anna- 
 polis. The governor still refiised his consent, 
 and, the next day, put his refusal into writing; 
 "protesting against the movement, which, in *'he 
 excited condition of the people of this state, I 
 can not but consider an unwise step on the part 
 of the government. But," he added, " I must 
 earnestly urge upon yoa, that there shall be no 
 
22 
 
 ANNAPOLIS. 
 
 halt made by the troops in this city." No halt? 
 Seveu hundred aud twenty-four fami.shing men, 
 with a march of thirty miles before them, wore 
 expected to pass by a city aboniidiug in provis- 
 ions, and not halt ! G-reat is Buncombe ! 
 
 Another night t( as passed on board the Mary- 
 land. The dawn of .Monday morning brought 
 with it a strange apparition — a steamer approach- 
 ing from the sea. crammed with troops, their 
 arms soon glittering in the rays of the rising sun. 
 Who could they be? They cheered the stars 
 and stripes waving from the mast of tlie rescued 
 Constitution ; so they were not enemies, at least. 
 
 The steamer proved to be the Boston, with 
 the New York Seventh on board, thirty-six 
 hours from Philadelphia. They had steamed to- 
 ward the mouth of the Potomac, but, on speak- 
 ing the light-ships, were repeatedly told that the 
 secessionists had stationed batteries of artillery 
 on the banks of the river, for the purpose of pre- 
 venting the ascent of troops. There was no 
 truth in the storj', but it seemed probable enough 
 at that mad time ; and, tlierefore, Colonel LeSerts, 
 after the u.sual consultation, deemed it most pru- 
 dent to change his course, and try General But- 
 lers road to the capital ; the regiment by no 
 means relishing the change. Tlie two regiments 
 exchanged vigorous volleys of cheers, and pre- 
 parations were soon made for getting the Mary- 
 land ;\float. 
 
 General Butler, counting now upon Colonel 
 Leffert's hearty co-operation, issued to his own 
 troops a cheering order of the day. 
 
 The Maryland could not be floated. The men 
 threw overboard coal and crates, and all heavy 
 articles that could be spared. The Boston 
 tugged her strongest. The Eighth ran in masses 
 from side to side, and from end to end. After 
 many hours of strenuous exertion, the men 
 suffering extremely from thirst and hunger, the 
 general himself not tasting a drop of liquid for 
 twelve hours, the attempt was given up, and it 
 was resolved that the Boston should land the 
 Seventh at the grounds of the Naval Academy, 
 and then convey to the same place the Massa- 
 chusetts Eighth. 
 
 Desirous not to seem wanting in courtesy to 
 a sovereign state, General Butler now sent to 
 Governor Hicks, a formal written request for 
 permission to land. The answer being delayed 
 and his men almost fainting for water, he then 
 dispatched a respectful note announcing his in- 
 tention to land forthwith. It was to these notes 
 that Governor Hicks sent the reply, already 
 quoted, protesting against the landing, and 
 urging that no halt be made at Annapolis. 
 
 In the course of the afternoon, both regiments 
 were safely landed at the academy grounds, and 
 and the Seventh hastened to share all they had 
 of provender and drink with their new friends, i 
 The men of the two regiments fraternized imme- i 
 diaiely and completely ; nothing occurred, during 
 the laborious days and nights that followed, to i 
 disturb, for an instant, the perfect harmony that 
 reigned between them. Tlie only contest was, 
 which should do most to help, and cheer, and : 
 relieve the other. 
 
 I regret to be obliged to state that this pleas- 
 ant state of affairs did not extend at all times, to 
 the powers controlling the two regiments. An 
 obstacle, little expected, now arose in General 
 Butler's path. 
 
 I From the moment when the Seventh had en- 
 tered the grounds of the nav;^ school, systematic 
 attempts appear to have been made to alarm 
 Colonel Lofferts for the safety of his command. 
 Messengers came in with reports that the acad- 
 emy was surrounded with rebel troops ; aud 
 even the loyal middies could testify, that during 
 that very day, a force of Maryland militia had 
 been drilling in the town itself. True, this force 
 consisted of only one company of infantry and 
 one of cavalry; but probably the exact truth 
 was not known to Colonel Leffert's informants. 
 Certain it is, that he was made to believe that 
 formidable bodies of armed men only waited the 
 issue of the regiments from the gates of the wall- 
 ed inclosure in which they were, to give them 
 battle, if, indeed, the inclosure itself was safe 
 from attack. Accordingly he posted strong 
 guards at the gates, and ordered that no soldier 
 should be allowed to pass out. Nor were his 
 apprehensions allayed when a Tribune reporter, 
 who, accompanied by two friends, had strolled 
 all over the town unmolested, brought back word 
 that no enemj^ was in sight, and that the store- 
 keepers of Annapolis were perfectly civil and 
 willing to sell their goods to Union soldiers. 
 Colonel Lefferts was assured that the hostile 
 troops were purposely keeping out of sight, t© 
 fall upon the regiment where it could light only 
 at a fatal disadvantage. 
 
 Consequently, he determined not to march 
 with General Butler. He placed his refusal in 
 writing, in the following words : — 
 
 " Annapolis Ac.idrmt, 
 " Monday Night, Api-U 22d, 1861. 
 " General B. F. Butler, Commanding Massa- 
 chusetts Volunteers, 
 
 "Sir: — Upon consultation with my officers, I 
 do not deem it proper, under the circumstances, 
 to co-operate in the proposed march by railroad, 
 laying track as we go along — particularly in 
 view of a large force hourly expected, and with 
 so little ammunition as we possess. I must be 
 governed by my officers in a matter of so much 
 importance. I have directed this to be handed 
 to you upon your return from the transport ship. 
 " I am, sir, yours respectfully, 
 
 Marshall Lefferts.'' 
 
 It was handed to the general on his .return 
 from the transport ship. He sought an interview 
 with Colonel Lefferts, and endeavoured to change 
 his resolve. Vain were arguments ; vain re- 
 monstrance ; vain the biting taunt. Colonel 
 Leflerts still refused to go. General Butler then 
 said he would go alone, he and his regiment, 
 and proceeded forthwith to prepare for their 
 departure. He instantly ordered two companies 
 of the Massachusetts Eighth to march out of 
 the walled grounds of the academy, and seize 
 the railroad depot and storehouse. With the 
 two com]iiuiies, he marched himself to the depot, 
 and took possession of it without oppositioii. 
 At the storehouse, one man opposed ihem, the 
 keeper in charge. 
 
 '•What is inside this building?" asked the 
 general. 
 
 "Nothing," replied the man. 
 
 " Give me the key." 
 
 "I hav'nt got it." 
 
 "Where is it?" 
 
 " I don't know." 
 
 " Boys, can you force those gates * ' 
 
/VXNAPOLIS. 
 
 23 
 
 The bo^'s expressed an abundant willinguess 
 to tiy. 
 
 " Try tboD." 
 
 They tried. The gates yielded and flew open. 
 A small, rusty, damaged locomotive was found 
 to be the "nothing,' which the building held. 
 
 '• Does any one here know anything about 
 this machine ?" 
 
 Charles Hoinans, a private of company E, 
 eyed the engine for a moment, and said : 
 
 '■ Our shop made that engine, general. I guess 
 I can put her in order and run her." 
 " Go to work, and do it." 
 Charles Homans picked out a man or two to 
 help, and began, at once, to obey the order. 
 
 Leaving a strong guard at tlie depot, the gen- 
 era! viewed the track, and ascertained that the 
 rails had, indeed, been torn up, and thrown 
 aside, or carelessly hidden. Returning to the 
 regiment, he ordered a muster of men accus- 
 tomed to track-laying ; who, with the dawn of 
 the next day, should begin to repair the road. 
 
 At sunset that evening, the Seventh regiment, 
 to the delight of a concourse of midshipmen and 
 other spectators, performed a brilliant evening 
 parade, to the music of a full band. 
 
 Two members of this regiment (many more 
 than two, but two especially), preferred the work 
 that (i-eneral Butler was doing, and implored 
 him to give tliem an humble share in it. One of 
 them was Schuyler Hamilton, grandson of one 
 of the men whose name lie bore, and great- 
 gTandson of the other ; since distinguished in 
 the war, and now General Hamilton. The other 
 was Theodore Winthrop. General Butler found 
 a place on his staff for Scliuyler Hamilton, who 
 rendered services of the utmost value ; he was 
 wise in counsel, valiant and prompt to execute. 
 To Winthrop/he general said : 
 
 " Serve out your time in your own regiment. 
 Then come to me, wherever I am, and I will 
 Und something for you to do." 
 
 Happily, a change came over the minds of the 
 officers of the Seventh the next morning. As 
 late as three o'clock at night. Colonel Leflferts 
 was still resolved to remain at Annapolis ; for, 
 f t that hour, he sent of!" a messenger, in an open 
 boat, for New York, bearing dispatches asking 
 for reinforcements and supplies. He informed 
 the messenger that he had certain information 
 of the presence of four rebel regiments at the 
 Junction, where the grand attack was to be 
 made upon the passing troops. But when the 
 day dawned, and the cheering sun rose, and it 
 became clear that the Massachusetts men at the 
 depot had not been massacred, and were cer- 
 tainly going to attempt the march, then the 
 officers of the Seventh came into General Butler's 
 scheme, and agreed to join their brethren of 
 Massachusetts. Prom that time forward, there 
 was no hanging back. Both regiments worked 
 vigorously in concert — Winthrop foremost among 
 the foremost, all ardor, energy and merriment. 
 Campaigning was an old story to him, who had 
 roamed the world over in quest of adventure; 
 and few men, of the thousands who were then 
 rushing to the war, felt the greatness and the 
 holiness of the cause as he felt it. Before 
 leaving home, he had solemnly given his life to 
 it, and, in so doing, tasted, for the first time, 
 perhaps, a joy that satisfied him. 
 
 It would be unfair to censure Colonel Leflferts 
 
 lor his excessive prudence. He really believed 
 the :<tories told him of the resistance lie was to 
 meet on the way. Granting that those tales 
 were true, his course was, perhaps, correct. The 
 general had one great advantage over him ic 
 liie nature of his professional trainaig. General 
 Butler is one of the most vigorous and skillful 
 cross-questioners in New England. In other 
 words, he had spent twenty years of his life in 
 detecting the true from the plausible ; in dragging 
 up half-drowned Truth, by her dripjjing locks, 
 from the bottom of her well. Such practice 
 gives a man at last a kind of intuitive power of 
 detecting falsehood ; he acquires a habit of 
 balancing probabilities ; he scents a lie from afar. 
 Doubtless, he believed their marcli might be 
 opposed at some favorable point ; but, probably, 
 he had too a tolerable certainty that slow, indo- 
 lent, divided Maryland, could not, or would not, 
 on such short notice, assemble a force on the line 
 of railway, capable of stopping a Massachusetts 
 regiment l)ound to Washington on a legitimate 
 errand. He had had, at Havre de Grace, a 
 striking instance of the diU'erence between truth 
 and rumor, and his whole life had been full of 
 such experiences. Colonel Leflerts, as a New 
 York merchant, had passed his life among people 
 who generally speak the truth, and keep their 
 word. He was unprepared to believe that a 
 dozen people could come to him, all telling sub- 
 stantially the same story, many of tliem believing 
 what they told, and yet all uttering falsehoods. 
 
 Tuesday was a busy day of preparation for 
 the march. Rails were hunted up and laid. 
 Parties were pushed out in many directions but 
 found no armea enemies. Lieutenant-Colonel 
 Hinks, with two companies of the Massachusetts 
 Eighth, advanced along the railroad three miles 
 and a half, without meeting the slightest appear- 
 ance of opposition. Soldiers strolled about the 
 town, and discovered that the grimmest seces- 
 sionist was not unwilling to exchange such com- 
 modities as he had for coin of the United States. 
 Negroes gave furtive signs of good will, and 
 produced baskets of cakes for sale. Madame 
 Rumor was extremely diligent; there were 
 bodies of cavalry here, and batteries of artillery 
 there, and gangs of " Plug Uglies" coming from 
 terrible Baltimore. The soldiers worked away, 
 unmolested by auyt/iing more formidable than 
 vague threats of coming vengeance. 
 
 A startling rumor prevailed in the morning 
 that the negroes in the vicinity of Annapolis 
 were about to rise against their masters, and do 
 something in the St. Domingo style — as per 
 general expectation. The commanding general 
 thought it proper to address to Governor Hicks 
 the letter whicii became rather famous in those 
 days : 
 
 " I have understood within the last hour that 
 some apprehension is entertained of an insurrec- 
 tion of the negro population of this neighbor- 
 hood. I am anxious to convince all classes of 
 persons that the forces under my command are 
 not here in any way to interfere, or countenance 
 an interference, with the laws of the state. I, 
 therefore, am ready to co-operate with your ex- 
 cellency in suppressing most promptly and effi- 
 ciently any insurrection against the laws of tho 
 state of Maryland. I beg, therefore, that you 
 announce publicly, that any portion of the forces 
 under my command is at your excellency's dia 
 
24 
 
 ANNAPOLIS. 
 
 posal, to act immediately for the preser\'atiou of 
 tiie peace of this community." 
 
 The governor gave immediate publicily to this 
 letter, and it is said to have had a remarkable 
 effect in quieting the apprehensions of the people. 
 Many who had fled from their homes returned 
 to them, and gave aid and comfort to the troops. 
 
 Early the ue.xt morning, the troops were in 
 motion. It was a bright, warm spring day, the 
 sun gleaming along the line of bayonets, the 
 groves vocal with birds, the air fragrant with 
 blcssoms. The engine driven by Charles Homans, 
 — a soldier with fixed bayonet on eacii side of 
 iiim, — came and went panting through the line 
 of marching troops. As the sun cli-nibed toward 
 the zenith, the morning breeze died away, and 
 the air in the deeper cuttings became suffocating- 
 ly warm. The working parties, more used to 
 such a temperature, plied the sledge and the crow- 
 bar unflaggiugly, but the daintier New Yorkers 
 reeled under their heavy knapsacks, and were 
 glad, at length, to leave them to the charge of 
 Homans. With all their toil, the regiments 
 cculd only advance at the rate of a mile an honr, 
 for the further thej^ went, the more complete was 
 the destruction of the road. Bridges had to be 
 'epaired, as well as rails replaced. A shower in 
 the afternoon gave all parties a welcome drench- 
 ing, and left the atmosphere cool and bracing; 
 but when night closed in, and the moou rose, 
 they were still many miles from the Junction. 
 
 In the afternoon of the day fbllowing, the 
 Seventh marched by the White House, and 
 saluted the President of the United States. Not 
 an armed foe had been seen by them on the 
 way. 
 
 It had been General Butler's intention to ac- 
 company the troops to Washington ; but before 
 they had started the steamer Baltic arrived, 
 loaded with troops from New York, giving abun- 
 dant employment to the general and his extem- 
 porized staff. Before they had been disposed ofj 
 other vessels arrived, and, on the day fohowing, 
 came an order from General Scott, directing 
 General Butler to remain at Annapolis, hold the 
 town and the road, and superintend the passage 
 of the troops. Before the week ended, the " de- 
 partment at Annapolis," embracing the country 
 lying twenty miles on each side of the railroad, 
 was created, and Brigadier-General Butler placed 
 in command ; with ample powers, extending 
 even to the suspension of habeas corpus, and the 
 bombardment of Annapolis, if such extreme 
 measures should bo necessary for the mainte- 
 nance of the supremacy of tlie United States. 
 
 During the next ten days. General Butler's 
 unequaled talent for the dispatch of business, 
 and his unequaled powers of endurance, were 
 taxed to the uttermost Troops arrived, thou- 
 sands in a day. The harbor was filled witli 
 transports. Every traveler from North or South 
 was personally examined, and his passport in- 
 dorsed by the general in command. Spies were 
 arrested. The legislature of Maryland was closely 
 watched, and no secret was made of Geuerid 
 Butler's intention to arrest the entire majority if 
 an ordinance of secession was passed. It was 
 not known to that body, I presume, that one of 
 their officers had consigned to General Butler's 
 custody the Great Seal of the Commonwealth, 
 without which no act of theirs could acquire the 
 validity of law. Such was the tact, however. 
 
 In the total inexperience of commanding orJlccrs, 
 every detail of the disembarkation, of the en- 
 campments, of the supply, and of the march, re- 
 quired the supervision of the general. From 
 daylight until midnight he labored, keeping chaos 
 at bay. One night as the clock was striking 
 twelve, when the general, after herculean toils, 
 had cleared his office of tlie last bewildered ap- 
 plicant for advice or orders, and he was about lo 
 trudge wearily to bed, an anxious-looking corre- 
 spondent of a newspaper came in. 
 I " General," said he, "where am I to sleep to- 
 night ?" 
 
 This was, really, t^vo mucii. 
 
 '"Sir," said the tired commander of the Depart- 
 ment of Annapolis, ■' I have done to-day about 
 everytliing that a man ever did in this world. 
 But I am not going to turn chambermaid, by 
 Jove!" 
 
 And, so saying, he escaped from the room. 
 
 We need not linger at Annapolis. General 
 Butler's services there were duly appreciated by 
 the president, tlie lieutenant-general, Governor 
 Andrew, and the country. One act alone o« 
 his elicited any sign of disapproval : it was his 
 ofi'er of the troops to aid in suppressing any 
 imaginary insurrection of the slaves. General 
 Butler, however, ably justified his course in a 
 letter to the Governor of Massachusetts. 
 
 We all remember how universal the expec- 
 tation was, at the beginning of the war, that 
 the negroes would everywhere embrace the op- 
 portunity to rise upon their masters, and com- 
 mit frightful outrages. That expectation grew 
 out of our general ignorance of the character 
 and feelings of the southern negro ; and none of 
 us vvere so ignorant upon these points as hunkci 
 democrats. If they had some acquaintance with 
 slaveholders, they knew nothing about slavery, 
 because they would know nothing. It is a pro- 
 pensity of the human mind, to put away from 
 itself unwelcome truths. American democrats, 
 I repeat, know nothing of American slavery. 
 It was pleasant and convenient for them to 
 think, that Air. Wendell Phillips, Mr. Garrison, 
 Mrs. Stovve, and Mr. Sumner, were persons of a 
 fiiuatical cast of character, whose calm and very 
 moderate exhibitions of slavery were totally 
 beneath consideration — distorted, exaggerated, 
 incredible. It was with the most sincere 
 asloiilshment, that General Butler and his 
 hunker staff discovered, when they stood face 
 to tiice witli slavery, and were obliged to ad- 
 minister the law of it, and tried to do justice to 
 the black man as well as to the white, that the 
 woret delineations of slavery ever presented to 
 the public fell far short of the unimaginable 
 truth.* They were ready to confess their ig- 
 norance of that of which they had been hearing 
 and reading all their lives, and that this 'patri- 
 arclial institution,' for which some of them had 
 pleaded or apologized, was simply the most hell- 
 ish thintj that ever was in this world. 
 
 * " On readiug Mrs. Stowe'B book, ' Uncle Tom's 
 Cabin,' I thought it to be an overdniwn, highlv 
 wronght picture of southern life ; but I have seeu with 
 my own eyes, and heard with uiy own ears, many 
 things wliich go beyo.id her book, as much as her book 
 does beyond an ordinary scliool-girl's novel." — Speech 
 of General BatUr at the Fifth Avenue Hotel, New 
 York, Oif his return from Jfew Orleans, JaniMry S, 
 186a 
 
BALTIxMORE. 
 
 25' 
 
 Nevertheless, there has never been the slight- 
 est danger of an insurrection of the slaves. The 
 real victim of slavery is the v/hite man, not the 
 black. Whatever little good there is in the sys- 
 tem, the black man has had ; while most of the 
 evil has fallen to the white man's share. Under 
 slavery, tlie black man has deeply suffered and 
 slowly improved ; the white man has ignobly 
 enjoyed and rapidly degenerated. Three or 
 lour, or tive generations of servitude have ex- 
 tirpated whatever of warlike and rebellious en- 
 ergy tlie negro may have once possessed; and, 
 of late years, the Christian religion, in a rude 
 and tropical form — much feeling and little 
 knowledge — has exerted a still more subduing 
 influence upon them. Some more or less cor- 
 rect version of the story of the Cross has become 
 familiar to them all, as well as the sentiments of 
 tiie Sermon on the Mount. To no people, of all 
 the suffering sons of men, has that wondrous 
 tale come home with such power as to these 
 sad and docile children of Africa. Are not 
 they, too, men of sorrow ? Are not they, too, 
 acquainted with grief? Have not they, too, to 
 sufier and be silent? — revenge impossible, for- 
 giveness divinely commanded ? 
 
 Insurrection ? If a Springfield musket and a 
 Sheffield bowie-knife were this day placed in 
 every negro hut in the South, and every master 
 gone to the war, the negroes might use those 
 weapons, but it would be to defend, not to mo- 
 lest, their masters' wives and children. There 
 is many a negro in the southern states who 
 does actually stand in the same kir>A of moral 
 relation to his master as that which Jesus Christ 
 bore to the Jews, when he said, "Father, forgive 
 them, for they know not what they do." And not 
 mm-al relation only ; for the negro often has a 
 clear mental perception of the fact stated. He 
 sometimes stands above his master, at a higiit 
 which the master can neither see nor believe in. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 BALTIMORE. 
 
 Baltimore was the ruling topic in those days. 
 Baltimore, still severed from all its railroad con- 
 nections with the North, and still under control 
 of the secession minority. One of the last re- 
 porters that made his way through the city, two 
 or three days after the attack of the mob upon 
 the Sixth Massachusetts, gave a striking narra- 
 tive of his adventures, which kept alive the im- 
 pression that Baltimore had gone over, as one 
 man, to the side of the rebels, and meant to 
 resist to the death the passage of Union troops. 
 
 "In the streets," he wrote, "of the lower part 
 of the cit}-^, there were immense crowds, warm 
 discussions, and the high pitch of excitement 
 which discussion engenders. The mob — for 
 Baltimore street was one vast mob — was surg- 
 ing to and fro, uncertain in what way to move, 
 and apparently without any special purpose. 
 Many had small secession cards pinned on their 
 ooat collars, and noi a few were armed with 
 guns, pistols and knives, of which they made 
 the most display. 
 
 " I found the greatest crowd surging around 
 the telegraph office, waiting anxiously, of cour.se, 
 
 for news. The most inquiry was as to tho 
 whereabouts of the New York troops — tlie most 
 frequent topic, the probably results of an at- 
 tempt on the part of the Seventli regiment to 
 force a passage through Baltimore. All agreed 
 that the force could never go through — all 
 agreed that it would make the attempt if or- 
 dered to do so, and none seemed to entertain a 
 doubt that it would leave a winrow of the dead 
 bodies of those who assailed it in the streets 
 through which it might attempt to pass. 
 
 " I found the police force entirely in sympa- 
 thy with the secessionists and indisposed to 
 act against the mob. Marshal Kane and the 
 commissioners do not make any concealment of 
 their proclivities for the Southern Confederacy. 
 Mayor Brown, upon \\hom I called, seemed to 
 be disposed to do his duty — provided he knew 
 what it was, and could do it safely. He was in 
 a high state of excitement when I mentioned 
 my name and purpose. He manifested a dis- 
 position to be civil, and to give me information 
 but was evidently afraid that I was a Northern 
 aggressor, with whom it was indiscreet for him 
 to he in too close communication. Seeing his 
 condition, I left him and went out in the crowd 
 to gather public opiiiion again." 
 
 " All through the next day, the accessions 
 from the country were coming in. Sometimes a 
 squad of infantry, sometimes a troop of liorse, 
 and once a small park of artillery. It was 
 nothing extraordinary to see a ' solitary horse- 
 man' riding in from the counties, with shot-gun,, 
 powder-horn and flask. Some came with prov- 
 ender lashed to the saddle, prepared to picket 
 out for the night. Boys came with their fathers, 
 accoutered apparently with the war sword and 
 holster-pistols that had done service a century 
 ago. There were strange contrasts between the 
 stern, solemn bearing of the father, and the 
 buoj'ant, excited, enthusiastic expressions of the 
 boy's face. I hnd frequent talks with these- 
 people, and could not but be impressed with 
 their' devotion and patriotism ; for, mistaken as 
 they were, they- were none the less actuated by 
 the most unselfish spirit of loyalty. Th(!y hardly 
 knew, any of them, for what they had so sud- 
 denly come to Baltiraora. They had a vague 
 idea only, that Maryland had been invaded, and 
 that it was the solemn duty of her sons to pro- 
 tect their soil from the encroachments of an in- 
 vading force." 
 
 Upon reading such letters as this, a great crj 
 arose in the North for the re-opening of the path 
 to "Washington through Baltimore, even if it 
 should involve the destruction of the rebellious 
 city. The proceedings of General Butler at 
 Annapolis, and the departure from Baltimore of 
 the leading spirits of tlie mob to join the rebel 
 army in Virginia, quieted the city, and gave the 
 Union men some chance to make their influence 
 felt. But this change was not immediately un- 
 derstood at Washington, and General Scott was 
 meditating a great strategic scheme for the con- 
 quest of the city. 
 
 His plan, as officially communicated on tho 
 29th of April, to Genera! Butler, General Pat- 
 terson, and others who were to co-operate, was 
 as follows: "i suppose," wrote the iieutenant- 
 general, " that a column from this pk-ce (Wash- 
 ington) of three thousand men, a«other from 
 York of three thousand m.en, a tliird from Perry- 
 
26 
 
 BALTIMORE. 
 
 vFile, or Elkton, by land or water, or both, of 
 three thousand men, and a fourth from Anna- 
 polis, by water, of three thousand men, might 
 suffice. But it may be, and many persons think 
 it probahk, that Baltimore, before we can get 
 ready, will re-open the communication through 
 that city, and bej'ond, each way, for troops, army 
 .supplies, and travelers, voluntarily. "When can 
 we be ready for the movement on Baltimore on 
 this side? Colonel Mansfield has satisfied me 
 that we want, at least, ten thousand additional 
 troops here to give security to the capital ; an d, 
 as yet, we ha,ve less than ten thousand, including 
 some very indifferent militia from the district. 
 With that addition, we will be able, I think, to 
 make the detachment for Baltimore." 
 
 A day or two after the receipt of this letter, 
 <3eneral Butler went to "Washington to confer 
 with tlie general-in-chief. He conversed with 
 him tiiUy upon the state of affairs. One sug- 
 gestion offered on this occasion, by General But- 
 ler, has peculiar interest in view of subsequent 
 events. He was of opinion, with Shakspeare, 
 that the place to light the wolf is not at j-our 
 own front door, but nearer its own den. Man- 
 assas Junction he suggested, not Arlington 
 Heights, was the place where "Washington should 
 nrst be defended; and he offered to march 
 thither with two thousand men, destroy the rail- 
 road connections with the South, and fortify the 
 position. As there were then no rebel troops at 
 the Junction, this could have been done without 
 loss or delay. General Scott negatived the pro- 
 posal. The Committee on the Conduct of the 
 "War have since characterized the omission to 
 seize Manassas Junction at this time, as " the | 
 great error of that campaign." ''The position 
 at Manassas," add the Committee, "controlled 
 the railroad communication in all that section of 
 country. The forces which were opposed to us 
 at the battle of Bull Run were mostly collected 
 and brotiglit to Manassas during the months of 
 June and July. The three months' men could 
 have made the place easily defensible against 
 any force the enemy could have brought against 
 it; and it is not at all probable that the rebel 
 forces would have advanced beyond the line of 
 the Rappahannock had Manassas been occupied 
 by our troops." 
 
 General Butler strongly urged his scheme of 
 seizing Manassas, both in conversation and in 
 writing, to various influential persons. General 
 Scott's veto was decisive. 
 
 The reduction of Baltimore was, however, the 
 chief topic of discussion between General Butler 
 and the commander-in-chief. General Scott was 
 still of opinion that some time must elapse be- 
 fore troops could be spared for the attempt; but 
 he consented to General Butler's taking a regi- 
 ment or two, and holding the Relay House, a 
 station nine miles from Baltimore. Before leaving 
 on this expedition, he asked General Scott what 
 were the powers of a general commanding a 
 department. The repl}^ was, that, except as 
 limited by specific orders and by military law, 
 his powers were absolute ; he could do whatever 
 ho thought best. Upon receiving this information. 
 General Butler privately consulted an officer of 
 engineers, who ascertained for him, by reference 
 to authoritative maps, that the city of Baltimore 
 was within the Department of Annapolis, as de- 
 Sned in the order creating it. 
 
 Saturday afternoon. May 4lh, the Eighth New 
 York, the Sixth Mass^ichusetts, and Cook's bat- 
 tery of artillery received the welcome order to 
 be ready to march by two o'clock the next 
 morning. General Butler had given a solemn 
 promise to the Si.xtli, his own home regiment, 
 which he had joined before his beard was grown, 
 that they should, one day, if his advice was 
 taken, march again through Baltimore. His 
 selection of the regiment on this occasion was 
 the beginning of the fuliOlment of that promise. 
 At daylight on Sunday morning, a train of thirty 
 cars glided from the depot ac Washington ; fron^ 
 which, two hours later, the regiments issued at 
 the Relay House, where they seized the depot and 
 swarmed over the adjoining hills, reconnoitering. 
 
 No enemy was discovered ; there was no for- 
 midable enemy at that time any where near 
 Washington and there liad not been ; but every 
 man they met had something terrible to tell 
 them of rebel dragoons hovering near. Cannons 
 were planted on the heights. Camps were 
 formed, and scouting parties sent out. Officers 
 were detailed to go through all passing trains 
 and seize articles contraband of war — such aa 
 weapons, powder, and intrenching tools. The 
 general wrote to "^''ashington to know if he might 
 not arrest certain prominent traitors who lived 
 near — members of the Carroll familj and others. 
 He concluded his first dispatch with these words : 
 " I find the people here exceedingly friendly, and 
 I have no doubt that with my present force I 
 could march through Baltimore. I am the more 
 convinced of this because I learn that, for several 
 days, many of the armed secessionists have left 
 for Harper's Ferry, or have goue forth plundering 
 the country. I trust my acts will meet your ap- 
 probation, whatever j'ou may think of my sug- 
 gestions." 
 
 General Butler remained a week at the Relay 
 House. Large numbers of friendly people from 
 Baltimore drove out to his camp, and, with them, 
 some who were not friendly. He became per- 
 fectlj' well informed of the condition of the city. 
 General Scott wrote approvingly of his acts, and 
 authorized him to use his discretion in arresting 
 the disaffected, and in seizing contraband anicles. 
 He also inlbrmed hiin that he need not remain 
 at the Relay House " longer than he deepied his 
 presence there of importance." He did not. 
 
 On the 13tli of May, General Butler arrived at 
 the conclusion that his presence at the Relay 
 House was no longer necessary. Early in the 
 morning, he telegraphed to General Scolt, among 
 other things, that Baltimore was in the depart- 
 ment of Annapolis. An answer came back from 
 Colonel Schuyler Hamilton, then on the staff of 
 the lieutenant-general, which certainly could not 
 be construed as forbidding the movement ooVl- 
 templated. 
 
 " General Scott desires me to invite your at- 
 tention to certain guilty parties in Baltimore, 
 namely, those connected with the guns and mil- 
 itary cloths seized by your troops (at the Relay 
 House), as well as the baker who furnished sup- 
 plies of bread for Harper's Ferry. It is probable 
 that you will find them, on inquiry, proper sub- 
 jects for seizure and examination. He acknow- 
 ledges your telegram o.' this morning, and is happy 
 to find that Baltimore is within 3-our department." 
 
 Later in the day, arrived a second dispatch 
 from Colonel Hamilton : — 
 
BALTIMORE. 
 
 27 
 
 " General Scott desires me to inform you that 
 he has recoi^od information, believed to be re- 
 L'able, that several tons of gunpowder, designed 
 or those unlawfully combined against the govern- 
 ment, are stored in a church in Baltimore, in the 
 neighbourhood of Calhoun street, between Balti- 
 more and Fayette streets. He invites your at- 
 tention to the subject." 
 
 It is said that (xeneral Scott, who required 
 much sleep, and who was oppressed with a mul- 
 tiplicity of business, did not always scrutinize 
 very closely the dispatches sent in his name, 
 when the}^ were supposed to relate to matters of 
 mere detail. It may bo that the meaning and 
 tendency of these dispatches escaped his atten- 
 tion. Colonel Hamilton, who had enjoyed the 
 opportunity at Annapolis of becoming acquain- 
 ted with the quality of the Massachusetts briga- 
 dier, was, certainly, not iuchned to place any 
 obstacles in his way. 
 
 At four o'clock in the afternoon of May 13th, 
 the rebel spies at the Relay House felt sure, 
 that at length, they were about to have some- 
 thing important to communicate to their employ- 
 ers at Baltimore. Two trains of cars stood upon 
 the track, both headed toward Harper's Ferry, 
 both loaded with troops. One was a short train, 
 with a force of fifty men on board. The other 
 was of imniense length. It contained the whole 
 of the Sixth Massachusetts, some companies of 
 the New York Eighth, and two pieces of artillery, 
 in all nine hundred men. The general's white 
 horse, horses for the statf and artillery were on 
 the train. When ever3rthiug was in readiness, 
 word was brought to the general that two fast 
 Baltimore trotters were harnessed in a stable 
 near by, which were to convey the tidings of the 
 movement to Baltimore the moment the trains 
 bad started. 
 
 " Let them go," said the general. 
 The two trains moved slowly toward Harper's 
 Ferry. The fast nags, at the same moment, 
 were put on the road to Baltimore. General 
 Butler secretly resolved to give them plenty of 
 time to reach the city. Except himself and a 
 few members of his staff, every man in the train 
 was ignorant of his real design. 
 
 Two miles from tiie Relay House, both trains 
 halted a while. Then the smaller train kept on 
 its way. It was bound to Fredeaick, where the 
 troops were ordered to seize the millionaire, Ross 
 Winans, and the machine then figuring ominous- 
 ly in the newspapers, or Winan's steam gun ; a 
 useless rattle-trap, as it proved. Winans was a 
 thorough-going traitor, and one who, from his 
 prodigious wealth (fifteen millions, it was 
 thought), could give his fellow traitors abundant 
 aid and very solid comfort. Already, he had 
 manufactured five thousand pikes for the use of 
 the Baltimore mob against the forces summoned 
 by hia country to defend its cipital. An arch- 
 traitor, and an old ; gray hairs did what tliey 
 could to "make his ibUy venerable." If ever 
 treason was committed, he had committed it ; for 
 he had not even the empty excuse of the passage 
 of an ordinance of secession by the legislature of 
 his state. General Butler will interpret his or- 
 ders with exact literahiess, if this hoary-headed 
 traitor falls into his hands, while he remains in 
 command of the department of AnnapoHs, includ- 
 ing the city of Baltimore. 
 
 A-bout six o'clock in the evening, the long 
 
 train, with its nine hundred men, the artillery 
 and the horses, backed slowly past the Relay 
 House again, and continued backing until it 
 reached the depot at Baltimore. 
 
 A thunder storm of singular character, extra- 
 ordinary both for its violence and its extent, 
 hung over the city, black as midnight. It was 
 nearly dark when the train arrived. No rain 
 had yet fallen ; but the whole city was soon en- 
 veloped in rushing clouds of dust. Flashes Oi 
 lightning, vivid, incessant — peals of thunder, 
 loud and continuous, gave warning of the com- 
 ing deluge. The depot was nearly deserted, 
 and scarcely any one was in the streets. By 
 the time the troops were formed, it had become 
 dark, except when the flashes of lightning illu- 
 mined the scene, as if with a thousand Drum- 
 mond lamps. This continuous change, from a 
 blinding glare of light to darkness the most 
 complete, was so bewildering, that if the gen- 
 eral had not had a guide familiar with the city, 
 he could scarcely have advanced from the depot. 
 This guide was Mr. Robert Hare of Philadelphia, 
 son of the celebrated chemist, who, after ren- 
 dering valuable services to the general eiae- 
 where, had joined him at the Relay House, and 
 now volunteered to pilot him to Federal Hill. 
 
 The word was given, and the troops silently 
 emerged from the depot ; the general, Mr. Hare, 
 and the staff in the advance. The orders were, 
 for no man to speak a needless word ; no drums 
 to beat ; and if a shot was tired from a house, 
 halt, arrest every inmate, and destroy the house, 
 leaving not one brick upon another. 
 
 When the line had cleared the depot, the 
 storm burst. Such torrents of rainl Such a 
 ceaseless blaze of lightning 1 Such crashes and 
 volleys of thunder ! At one moment the long 
 line of bayonets, the ranks of firm white faces, 
 the burnished cannon, the horses and their 
 riders, the signs upon the houses, and every 
 minutest object, would flash out of the gloom 
 with a distinctness inconceivable. The next, a 
 pall of blackest darkness would drop upon the 
 scene. Not a countenance appeared in any 
 window ; for, so incessant was the thunder 
 that the tramp of horses, the tread of men, the 
 rumble of the cannon, were not heard ; or if 
 heard lor a moment, not distinguished from the 
 multitudinous noises of the storm. As the gen- 
 eral and his staff gained the summit of Federal 
 Hill, which rises abruptly from the midst of the 
 town, and turned to look back upon the troops 
 winding up the steep ascent, a flash of un- 
 equaled brilliancy gave such startling splendor 
 to the scene, that an exclamation of wonder 
 and delight broke from every lip. The troops 
 were formed upon the summit, the cannon were 
 planted, and Baltimore was their own. 
 
 Except a shanty or two, used in peaceful 
 times as a lager-beer garden, there was no shel- 
 ter on the hill. The men had to stand still in 
 the pouring rain, with what patience they could. 
 When the storm abated, scouts were sent out, 
 who ferreted out a wood-yard, from which 
 thirty cords of wood were brought ; and soon 
 the top of the hill presented a cheerful scene 
 and picturesque ; arras stacked and groups of 
 steaming soldiers standing around fifty blazing 
 fires, each man revolving irregularly on hia axij, 
 trying to get himself and his blanket dry. 
 
 General Butler established his head-quarters 
 
28 
 
 BALTIMORE. 
 
 m the German shiantj-. An officer, who had 
 oecD scouting:, came to him there in consider- 
 able excitement, and said: 
 
 " I am informed, general, that this hill is 
 mined, and that we are all to bo blown up." 
 
 "Get a lantern,'' replied the general, "and 
 70U and I will walk round the base of the hill, 
 and see." 
 
 They found, indeed, deep cavities in the side 
 of the hill, but tliese proved to be places whence 
 sand had been dug for building. After a tho- 
 rough examination, the general said : 
 
 "I don't think we shall be blown up; but if 
 we are, there is one comfort, it will dry us all." 
 
 Returning to his shanty, General Butler, still 
 as wet as water could make him, set about pre- 
 paring his proclamation. 
 
 At half-past eight in the morning, he received 
 a note from the mayor, which showed how com- 
 pletely his movaraents had been concealed by 
 the storm. The note had been written during 
 the previous evening. 
 
 "I have just been informed," wrote the 
 mayor. " that you have arrived at the Camden 
 Station with a large body of troops under your 
 command. As the sudden arrival of a force 
 will create much surprise in the community, I 
 beg to be informed whether you propose that it 
 shall remain at the Camden Station, so that the 
 police may be notified, and proper precautions 
 may be taken to prevent any disturbance of the 
 peace." 
 
 The mayor had not long to wait for informa- 
 tion. An extra Clipper of the morning, con- 
 taining General Butler's proclamation, advised 
 all Baltimore of his intentions, which simply 
 were to maintain intact tlie constitutional au- 
 thority of the government of the United States 
 against traitors, armed and unarmed. 
 
 Not the slightest disturbance of the peace 
 occurred. The suggestions and requests of the 
 general were observed. There was plenty of 
 private growling, and some small, furtive exhi- 
 bitions of disgust, but nothing that could 
 be called opposition. Contraband gunpowder, 
 pikes, arms and provisions were seized. The 
 Union flag was hoisted upon buildings belong- 
 ing to the United States, and the flag of treason 
 nowhere appeared. The camp equipage of the 
 troops was brought in, and camps were formed 
 upon the hill. Jilarly in the afternoon, General 
 Butler and his stall" mounted their horses, and 
 rode leisurely through the streets to the Gilmore 
 house, where they dismounted, and strolled into 
 the dining room and dined; after which they 
 remounted, and enjoyed a longer ride in the 
 streets, meeting no molestation, exciting much 
 muttered remark. General Butler does not 
 mount a horse quite in the style of a London 
 guardsman. In mounting before the Gilmore 
 house, across a wide gutter, he had some little 
 difficulty in bestriding his horse, which, a pass- 
 ing traitor observing, gave rise to the report, 
 promptly conveyed to Washington, that the 
 general was drunk tliat Aay, in the streets of 
 Baltimore. Such a misfortune is it to have 
 short legs, with a g\itter and a horse to get 
 over. From that time, the soldiers, in twos 
 and threes, walked freely about the city, ex- 
 hilarated, now and then, by a little half-sup- 
 pressed vituperation from men, and a ludicrous 
 display oi petulance ou the part of lovely 
 
 woman. Often they were stopped in the streets 
 by Union men, who shook them v»'armly by the 
 hand and thanked them for coming to their de- 
 liverance. 
 
 There is a limit to the endurance of man. ■ 
 General Butler performed tliat, day, one of his 
 day's work. At night, exhausted to an ex- 
 treme, for lie had not lain down in forty hours, 
 and racked wit'i head.achc, he ventured to go to 
 bed ; leaving orders, howeve!', that he was to be 
 instantly notified if aiiytliiiig extraordinary oc- 
 curred. It perversely happened that many ex- 
 traordinary things did occur that night. Soma 
 important seizures were made; some valuable 
 information was brought in ; many plausiole 
 rumors gained a hearing; and, consequently, 
 the general was disturbed about every half hour 
 during the night. He rose in the morning un- 
 refreshed, feverish, almost sick. His feelings 
 may be imagined, when, at half-past eight, he 
 received the following dispatch from the lieu- 
 tenant-general, dated May 14th : 
 
 "Sir, — Your hazardous occupation of Balti- 
 more was made without my knowledge, and. of 
 course, without my approbation. It is a God- 
 send, that it was without conflict of arms. It 
 is, also, reported, that you have sent a detiveh- 
 ment to Frederick ; but this is impossible. Not 
 a word have I received from you as to either 
 movement. Let me hear from you." 
 
 This epistle was not precisely what General 
 Butler thought was due to an officer who, with 
 nine hundred men, had done what General Scott 
 was preparing to do with twelve thousand. It 
 was a damper. It looked like a rebuke for 
 domg his duty too well. The sick general took 
 it much to heart ; not for his own sake merely ; 
 he could not but augur ill of the conduct of the 
 war if a neat and triumphant httle audacity, like 
 his march into Baltimore, was to be rewarded 
 with an immediate snub from head-quarters. 
 Being only a militia brigadier, he did not clearly 
 see how a war was to be carried on without 
 incurring some slight risk, now and then, of a 
 conflict of arms. 
 
 But there was little time for meditation. 
 There were duties to be done. For one item, 
 he had Ross Winans a prisoner in Fort Mc- 
 Henry ; his pikes and steam-gun being also iu 
 safe custody, with other evidences of his treason. 
 He was preparing to try Mr. Winans by court- 
 martial, and telegraphed to Mr. Cameron, asking 
 him not to interfere, at least not to release him, 
 until General Butler could go to Washington 
 and explain the turpitude of hLs guilt. It was, 
 and is, the gi?neral's opinion, that the summary 
 execution ol' a traitor wo"th fifteen millions, 
 would have been an fxhibition of moral 
 strength en the part of the go»ernment, such 
 as the times required. His guilt was beyond 
 question. If there is, or can be, such a crime 
 as treason against the United States, this man 
 hud committed it, not in language only, but in 
 overt acts, numerous and aggravated. Mr. 
 Seward, I need scarcely say, took a different 
 view of the matter. Winuns was released. 
 Why his pikes and his steam-gun \\'ere not 
 returned to him does not appear. A i*i\v 
 months after, it was found necessary to place 
 him again in confinement. 
 
 Nothing would appease General Scoti short of 
 the recall of General Butler from Baliimors, and 
 
BALTIMORE. 
 
 29 
 
 the withdrawal of the troops from Federal Hill. 
 General Butler was recalled, and General Cad- 
 wallader ruled in his stead. The troops were 
 temporarily removed, and Greaeral Butler re- 
 turned to Washington. 
 
 That the president did not concur with the 
 rebuke of General Scott, was shown by his 
 immediately offering General Butler a commis- 
 sion as major-general, and the command of 
 Fortress Monroe. That the secretary of war did 
 not concur with it, I infer from a passage of one 
 of his letters from St. Petersburgh. " I always 
 said," wrote Mr. Cameron, "that if you had 
 been left at Baltimore, the rebellion would have 
 been of short duration;" a remark, the full sig- 
 nificance of which may, one day become apparent 
 to the American people. I believe I may say 
 witliout improperly using the papers before me, 
 that more than one member of the cabinet held 
 the opinion, that General Butler's recall from 
 Baltimore was solely due to his frustration of the 
 sublime strategic scheme of taking that city by 
 the simultaneous advance of four columns of 
 three thousand men each. 
 
 The people made known their opinion of Gen- 
 eral Butler's conduct in all the usual ways. On 
 the evening of his arrival in Washington, he was 
 serenaded, and abundantly cheered. His little 
 speech on this occasion was a great hit. The 
 remarkable feature of it was, that it expressed, 
 without exaggeration, as without suppression, 
 his habitual feehug respecting the war into which 
 the nation was groping its way. He talked to 
 the crowd just as he had often talked, and talks 
 to a knot of private friends: 
 
 " Fellow-Citizens : — Your cheers for the old 
 commonwealth of Massachusetts are rightly 
 bestowed. Foremost in the ranks of those who 
 fought for the liberty of the country in the revo- 
 lution were the men of Massachusetts. It is a 
 historical fact, to which I take pride in now 
 referring, that in the revolution, Massachusetts 
 sent more men south of Mason and Dixon's line 
 to fight for the cause of the country, than all 
 the southern colonies put together; and in this 
 second war, if war must come, to proclaim the 
 Declaration of Independence anew, and as a 
 necessary consequence, establish the Union and 
 the constitution, Massachusetts will give, if ne- 
 cessary, every man in her borders, ay, and 
 woman I [Cheers,] I trust I may be excused 
 for speaking thus of Massachusetts ; but I am 
 confident there are many within the sound of my 
 voice whose hearts beat with proud memories of 
 the old commonwealth. There is this diflerence, 
 I will say, between our southern brothers and 
 ourselves, that while we love our state with the 
 true love of a son, we love the Union and the 
 country with an equal devotion. [Loud and 
 prolonged applause.] We place no ' state rights' 
 before, above, and beyond the Union. [Cheers.] 
 To us our country is first, because it is our coun- 
 try [three cheers], and our state is next and 
 second, becau.se she is a part of our country and 
 our state. [Renewed applause.] Our oath of 
 allegiance to our country, and our oath of alle- 
 giance to our state, are interwreathed harmoni- 
 ously, and never come in conflict nor clash. He 
 who does his duty to the Union, does his duty 
 to the state; and he who does his duty to the 
 sute does his duty to the Union — ' one insep- 
 
 arable, now and for ever.' [Renewed applause.] 
 As I look upon this demonstration of yours, I 
 believe it to be prompted by a love of the com- 
 mon cause, and our common country — a country 
 so great and good, a government so kind, so be- 
 neficent, that the hand from which we have 
 only felt kindness, is now for the first time raised 
 in chastisement. [Applause.] Many things in 
 a man's life may ba worse than death. So, to a 
 government there may be many things, such as 
 dishonor and disintegration, worse than the 
 shedding of blood. [Cheers.] Our fathers pur- 
 chased our liberty and country for us at an 
 immense cost of treasure and blood, and by the 
 bright heavens above us, we will not part with 
 them without first paying the original debt, and 
 the interest to this date 1 [Loud cheers.] We 
 have in our veins the same blood as they shed ; 
 we have the same power of endurance, the same 
 love of liberty and law. We will hold as a 
 brother him who stands by the Union ; we will 
 hold as an enemy him who would strike from 
 its constellation a single star. [Applause.] But, 
 I hear some one say, ' Shall we carry on this 
 fratricidal war? Shall we shed our brothers' 
 blood, and meet in arms our brothers in the 
 South ?' I would say, 'As our fathers did not 
 hesitate to strike the mother country in the de- 
 fense of our rights, so we should not hesitate to 
 meet the brother as they did the mother.' If 
 this unholy, this fratricidal war, is forced upon 
 us, I say, ' Woe, woe to them who have made the 
 necessity. Our hands are clean, our hearts are 
 pure ; but the Union must be preserved [intense 
 cheering. When silence was restored, he con- 
 tinued] at all hazard of money, and, if need be, 
 of every life this side of tlie arctic regions. 
 [Cheers.] If the 2.'), 000 northern soldiers who 
 are here, are cut otf, in six weeks 50,000 will 
 take their place ; and if they die by fever, pes- 
 tilence, or the sword, a quarter of a million will 
 take their place, till our army of the reserve will be 
 women with their broom slicks, to drive every 
 enemy into the gulf [Cheers and laughter.] 
 I have neither fear nor doubt of the issue. I 
 feel only horror and dismay for those who have 
 made tlie war. God help them 1 we are here 
 for our rights, for our country, for our flag. Our 
 faces are set south, and there shall be no footstep 
 backward. [Immense applause.] He is mis- 
 taken who supposes we can be intimidated by 
 threats or cajoled by compromise. The day of 
 compromise is past. 
 
 " The government must be sustained [cheers] ; 
 and when it is sustained, we shall give everybody 
 in the Union their rights under the constitution, 
 as we always have, and everybody outside of 
 the Union the steel of the Union, till they shall 
 come under the Union. [Cheers, and cries of 
 good, go on.'] It is impossible for me to go on 
 speech making; but if you will go home to your 
 beds, and the government will let me, I will go 
 south fighting ibr the Union, and you will follow 
 me." — iY. Y. Daily Times. 
 
 A diflerent scene awaited him the next morn- 
 ing in the office of the lieutenant-general, re- 
 specting which it is best to say little. He bore 
 the lecture for half an hour without replying. 
 But General Butler's patience under unworthy 
 treatment is capable of being exhaasted. li 
 was exhausted on this occasion. Indeed, the 
 
30 
 
 FORTRESS MONROE. 
 
 spectacle of cumbrous inefficiency which the 
 iiead-quarters of tiie armj'- then presented, and 
 continued long to present, was such as to grieve 
 and alarm every man acquainted with it, who 
 had also an adequate knowledge of the formid- 
 able task to which the country had addressed 
 itself. I am not ashamed to relate, that Greneral 
 Butler, on reaching his apartment, was so deeplj- 
 moved by what had passed, and by the infer- 
 ences ho could but draw by what had passed, 
 that he burst into hysteric sobs, which he found 
 himself for some minutes, unable to repress. 
 And, what was worse, he had serious thoughts 
 of declining the preferred promotion, and going- 
 home to resume his practice at the bar. Not 
 that his zeal had (lagged in the cause : but it 
 seemed doubtful whether, in the circumstances, 
 a man of enterprise and energy would be 
 allowed to do anything of moment to promote 
 the cause. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 FORTRESS MONROE. 
 
 The president had no lecture to bestow upon 
 General Butler; but, on the contrary, compli- 
 ment and congratulation. He urged him to 
 accept the command of Fortress Monroe, and use 
 the same energy in retaking Norfolk as he had 
 displayed at Annapolis and Baltimore. Atter a 
 day's consideration, the general said he was will- 
 ing enough to accept the proftered promotion 
 and the command of the fortress, if he could have 
 the means of being useful there. As a base for 
 active operations. Fortress Monroe was good ; 
 he only objected to it as a convenient tomb for a 
 troublesome militia general. Could he have four 
 Massachusetts regiments, two batteries of field 
 artillery, and the other requisites for a successful 
 advance ? Not that Massachusetts troops were 
 better than others, only he knew them better, 
 and they him. Yes, he could have them, and 
 should, and whatever else he needed for effective 
 action. An active, energetic campaign was pre- 
 cisely the thing desired and expected of him, 
 and nothing should be wanting on the part of 
 the government to render such a campaign pos- 
 sible. This being understood he joyfully accep- 
 ted the commission and the command. General 
 Butler's commission as major-general dates from 
 May 16th, two days after his thunderous march 
 mto Baltimore. He is now, therefore, in reality, 
 the senior major-general in the service of the 
 United States. On that day. General McClellan 
 and General Banks were still in the pay of their 
 respective railroad companies ; General Dix. was 
 at home ; General Fremont was in Europe, at- 
 tending to his private affairs. 
 
 May 2 2d, at eight o'clock in the morning, the 
 ^uns of the fortress saluted General Butler as 
 the commander of tlio post ; and as soon ae the 
 ceremonies of his arrival were over, he proceeded 
 to look about liim, to learn what it was that had 
 fallen to his share. In the course of the day, he 
 made great progress in the pursuit of knowledge. 
 
 This huge fort was one of the hinges of the 
 stable-door which was shut after the horse had 
 been stolen, in the war of 1812. It had 
 never been used for warlike purposes, and 
 
 had been, usually, garrisoned by a company or 
 two, or three, of regular troops, who paraded and 
 drilled in its wide expanses with listless pimc- 
 tuality, and fished in the surrounding waters, or 
 strolled about the adjacent village. Colonel 
 Dimmick was the commandant of the post when 
 the war broke out ; a faii,hful, noble-minded offi- 
 cer, who, with his one man to eight yards ot 
 rampart, kept Virginia from clutching the prize. 
 Two or three tliousand volunteers had since 
 made their way to the fortress, and were en- 
 camped on its grounds. 
 
 General Butler soon discovered that of the 
 many things necessary for the defense of the 
 post, he had a sufficiency of one only, namely, 
 men. There was not one horse belonging to the 
 garrison; nor one cart nor wagon. Provision 
 barrels had to be rolled from the landing to the 
 fort, three-quarters of a mile. There was no well 
 or spring within the walls of the fortress ; 'but 
 cisterns only, filled with rain water, which had 
 given out the summer before when there were 
 but four hundred men at the post. Of ammu- 
 nition, he had but five thousand rounds, less than 
 a round and a half per man of the kind suited tu 
 the greater number of the muskets brought by 
 the volunteers. The fort was getting over- 
 crowded with troops, and more were hourly ex- 
 pected ; he would have nine more regiments in 
 a few days. Room must be found for the new 
 comers outside the walls. He found, too, that he 
 had, in his vicinity, an active, numerous, and in- 
 creasing enemy, who were busy fortifying points 
 of land opposite or near the fort ; points essential 
 for his purposes. The garrison was, in eflfect. 
 penned up in the peninsula ; a rebel picket a 
 mile distant ; a rebel flag waving from Hampton 
 Bridge in sight of the fortre.ss ; rebel forces pre- 
 paring to hem in the fortress on every side, as 
 they had done Sumter; rumor, as usual, mag- 
 ni^'ving their numbers tenfold. Colonel Dimmick 
 had been able to seize and hold the actual prop- 
 erty of the government ; no more. 
 
 Water being the most immediate necessity. 
 General Butler directed his attention, first of all. 
 to securing a more trustworthy supply. Can 
 the artesian well be speedily fiuisheil. wiiich was 
 begun long ago and then suspended ? It could, 
 thought Colonel de Russy, of the engineer^- who, 
 at once, at the general's request, consulted a con- 
 tractor on the subject. There was a spring a, 
 mile from the fortress, which furnished 700 gallons 
 a day. Can the water be conducted to the fort- 
 ress by a temporary pipe? It can, reported the 
 colonel of engineers ; and the general ordered 
 it to be done. Meanwhile, water from Baltimore, 
 at two cents a gallon. To-morrow, Colonel 
 Phelps, with his Vermonters, shall cross to 
 Hampton, reconnoiter the country,, and see il 
 there is good camping ground in that direction : 
 for the pine forest suggested by General Scott 
 was reported by Colonel de Russy to be un- 
 healthy as well as waterless. In a day or two. 
 Commodore Stringham, urged thereto by General 
 Butl»r, would have shelled out the rising battery 
 at Sewall's Point, it he had not been suddenly 
 ordered away to the blockade of Charleston har- 
 bor. Already the general had an eye upon New- 
 port News, eleven miles to the south, directly 
 upon one of the roads he meant to take by and 
 by, when the promised means of offensive warfkr« 
 arrived. Word was brought that the enemy had 
 
FOETRESS MONROE. 
 
 31 
 
 an eye ujxin it, loo ; and General Butler deter- 
 mined to be there before them. That rolling of 
 barrels from the landing would never do ; on this 
 first day, the general ordered surveys and esti- 
 mates for a railroad between the wharf and the 
 fortress. The men were eating hard biscuit : he 
 directed the coustruction of a new bake-house, 
 that they might have bread. 
 
 The next day, as every one remembers, 
 Colonel Phelps made his reconnoissance in 
 Hampton and its vicinity — not without a show 
 of opposition. Upon approaching the bridge 
 over Hampton Creek, Colonel Phelps perceived 
 that the rebels had set. fire to the bridge. Rush- 
 ing forward at the double-quick, the men tore 
 off the burning planks and quickly e.xitinguished 
 the fire ; then marching into the village, com- 
 pleted their reconnoissance, and performed some 
 evolutions for the edification of the inhabitants. 
 Colonel Phelps met there several of his old West 
 Point comrades, whom he warned of the inevi- 
 table failure of their bad cause, and advised them 
 to abandon it in time. The general himself was 
 soon on the ground, and took a ride of seven 
 miles in the enemy's country that afternoon, still 
 eager in the pursuit of knowledge. 
 
 One noticeable thing was reported by the 
 troops on their return. It was, that the negroes, 
 to a man, were the trusting, enthusiastic friends 
 of the Union soldiers. They were all glee and 
 welcome ; and Colonel Phelps and his men were 
 the last people in the world to be backward in 
 responding to their salutations. No one knew 
 better than he that in every worthy black man 
 and woman in the South the Union could find a 
 helping friend if it would. By whatever free- 
 masonry it was brought about, the negroes re- 
 ceived the impression, that day, that those Ver- 
 monters and themselves were on the same side. 
 
 This Colonel Phelps is one of the remarkable 
 figures of the war. A tall, loose-jointed, stout- 
 hearted, benignant man of fifty, the soul of hon- 
 esty and goodness. It had been his fortune, 
 before his retirement from the army, to be sta- 
 tioned for many years in the South. For the 
 last thirty years, if any one had desired to test, 
 with the utmost possible severity, a New Eug- 
 lander's manhood and intelligence, the way to do 
 it was to make him an officer of the United 
 States army, and station him in a slave state. 
 If there was any lurking atom of baseness in 
 him, slavery would be sure to find it out, and 
 work upon it to the corruption of the entire man. 
 If there was even defective intelligence or weak- 
 ness of will, as surely as he continued to live 
 there, he would, at last, be found to have yielded 
 to the seducing influence, and to have lost his 
 moral sense : first enduring, then tolerating, de- 
 fending, applauding, participating. For slavery 
 is of such a nature, that it must either debauch 
 or violently repel the man who is obliged to live 
 long in the hourly contemplation of it. There 
 can be no medium or moderation. No man can 
 hate slavery a little, or like it a little. It must 
 either spoil or madden him if he lives with it 
 long enough. Colonel Phelps stood the test ; 
 but, at the same time, the long dwelling upon 
 wrongs which he could do nothing to redress, 
 the long contemplation of suflferings which he 
 could not stir to relieve, impaired, in some degree, 
 the healthiness, the balance of his mind. He 
 seemed, at times, a man of one idea. "With such 
 
 tenderness as his, such quickness and depth of 
 moral feeling, it is a wonder he did not go raving 
 mad. When the war began, he was at home 
 upon his farm, a man of wealth for rural Ver- 
 mont; a ad now he was at Fortress Monroe, 
 commanding a regiment of three months' militia ; 
 a very model of a noble, brave, modest, and 
 righteous warrior, full in the belief that the 
 longed-for lime of deliverance had come. It 
 was a strange coming together, this of the Mas- 
 sachusetts democrat and the Vermont aboUtionist 
 — both armed in the same cause. General But- 
 ler felt all the worth of his new friend, and they 
 worked together with abundant harmony and 
 good- will. 
 
 Colonel Phelps's reconnoissance led to the 
 selection of a spot between Hampton and the 
 fort for an encampment. The next day, General 
 Butler went in person to Newport News, and, 
 on the fifth day after taking . command of the 
 post, had a competent force at that vital point, 
 intrenching and fortifying. Meanwhile, in ex- 
 tensive dispatches to head-quarters, he had made 
 known to General Scott his situation and his 
 wants. He asked for horses, vehicles, ammuni- 
 tion, field-artillery, and a small force of cavalry. 
 Also (for attacks upou the enemy's shore batter- 
 ies), he asked for fifty surf- boats, " of such con- 
 struction as the lieutenant-general caused to be 
 prepared for the landing at Vera Cruz, the effi- 
 ciency and adaptedness of which has passed into 
 history." He asked for the completion of the 
 artesian well, and the construction of the short 
 railroad. He justified the occupation of New- 
 port News, on the ground that it lay close to the 
 obvious highway, by water, to Richmond, upon 
 which already (jeneral Butler had cast a gen- 
 eral's ej'e. 
 
 On the evening of the second day after hie 
 arrival at the post, the event occurred which 
 will for ever connect the name of General But- 
 ler with the history of the abolition of slavery 
 in America. Colonel Phelps's visit to Hampton 
 had thrown the white inhabitants into such 
 alarm that most of them prepared for flight, 
 and many left their homes that night, never to 
 soe them again. In the confusion three negroes 
 escaped, and, making their way across the 
 bridges, gave themselves up to a Union picket, 
 saying that their master. Colonel Mallory, was 
 about to remove them to North Carolina to work 
 upon rebel fortifications there, far away from 
 their wives and children, who were to be left in 
 Hampton. They were brought to the fortress, 
 and the circumstance was reported to the gen- 
 eral in the morning. He questioned each of 
 them separately, and the truth of their story 
 became manifest. He needed laborers. He was 
 aware that the rebel batteries that were rising 
 around him were the work chiefly of slaves, 
 without whose assistance they could not have 
 been erected in time to give him trouble. He 
 wished to keep these men. The garrison wished 
 them kept. The country would have deplored 
 or resented the sending of them away. If they 
 had been Colonel MaUory's horses, or Colonel 
 Mallory's spades, or Colonel MaUory's percussion 
 caps, be would have seized them and used them, 
 without hesitation. Why not property more 
 valuable for the purposes of the rebellion than 
 any other ? 
 
 He pronounced the electric words, " These 
 
32 
 
 FORTRESS MONROE. 
 
 men are Contraband of War ; set them at 
 work." 
 
 " An epigram," as Winthrop remarks, " abol- 
 ished slavery in the United States." The word 
 took; for it gave the country an^xeuse for doing 
 what it was longing to do. Every one remem- 
 bers how relieved the " conservative " portion 
 of the people felt, when they found that the 
 slaves could be used on the side of the Union, 
 without giving Kentucky a new argument 
 against it, Kentucky at that moment controlling 
 •the policy of the administration. '■ The South," 
 said Wendell Phillips, in a recent speech, 
 " fought to sustain slavery, and the North fought 
 not to have it hurt. But Butler pronounced the 
 magic word, 'contraband,' and summoned the 
 negro into the arena. It was a poor word. I 
 <io not know that it is sound law, but Lord 
 Chatham said, ' nullus liber homo^ is coarse Latin, 
 but it is worth all the classics. Contraband is a 
 bad word, and may be bad law, but it is worth 
 all the Constitution ; ~yr in a moment of critical 
 emergency it summoned the saving elements 
 into the national arena, and it showed the gov- 
 ernment how far the sound fiber of the nation 
 extended." 
 
 By the time the three negroes were comfort- 
 ably at work upon the new bake-house, GeneraJ 
 Butler received the following brief epistle, 
 signed, "J. B. Carey, major-acting, Virginia vol- 
 unteers : " 
 
 " Be pleased to designate some time and place 
 when it will be agreeable to you to accord me a 
 personal interview." 
 
 The general complied with the request. In 
 the afternoon two groups of horsemen might 
 have been seen approaching one another on the 
 Hampton road, a mile from the fort. One of 
 these consisted of General Butler and two of his 
 stafif. Major Fay and Captain Haggerty ; the 
 other, of Major Carey and two or three friends. 
 Major Carey and General Butler were old politi- 
 ■eal allies, having acted in concert both at 
 Charleston and at Baltimore — hard-shell demo- 
 crats both. After an exchange of courteous 
 salutations, and the introduction of companions, 
 the conference begaiL The conversation, was, 
 as nearly as can be recalled, in these words : 
 
 Major Carey: "I have sought this interview, 
 sir, for the purpose of ascertaining upon what 
 principles you intend to conduct the war in this 
 neighborhood." 
 
 The geaeral bowed his willingness to give the 
 information desired. 
 
 Major Carey : " I ask, first, whether a pas- 
 sage through the blockading fleet will be al- 
 lowed to the families of citizens of Yirginia, • 
 who may desire to go nortn or south to a place , 
 of safe 13'." 
 
 General Butler: "The presence of the fam- 
 ilies of belligerents is always the best hostage 
 for their good behavior. One of the objects of 
 the blockade is to prevent the admission of sup-, 
 plies of provisions into Virginia, while she con- 
 tinues in an attitude hostile to the government. 
 Reducing the number of consumers would ne- 
 cessarily tend to the postponement of the object 
 in view. Besides, the passage of vessels 
 through the blockade would involve an amount 
 of labor, in the way of surveillance, to prevent 
 abuse, which it would be impossible to perform 
 
 I am under the necessity, therefore, of refusing 
 the privilege." 
 
 Major Carey: will the passage of families de- 
 siring to go north be permitted ?" 
 
 General Butler: with the exception of an in- 
 terruption at Baltimore, which has now been dis- 
 posed ofj the travel of peaceable citizens through 
 the North has not been hindered ; and as to the 
 internal line through Virginia, your friends have, 
 for the present, entire control of it. The au- 
 thorities at Washington can judge better than I 
 upon this point, and travelers can well go that 
 way in reaching the North." 
 
 Major Carey : I am informed that three ne- 
 groes, belonging to Colonel Mallory, have es- 
 caped within your lines. I am Colonel Mal- 
 lory's agent, and have charge of his property. 
 What do you intend to do with regard to those 
 negroes ?" 
 
 General Butler: I propose to retain them." 
 
 Major Carey: "Do you mean, then, to set 
 aside your constitutional obligations ?" 
 
 General Butler : " I mean to abide by the de- 
 cision of Virginia, as expressed in her ordinance 
 of secession, passed the day before yesterday 
 I am undei* no constitutional obligations to a 
 foreign country, which Virginia now claims to 
 be." 
 
 Major Gary : " But you say, we can't secede, 
 and so you can not consistently detain the ne- 
 groes." 
 
 General Butler : " But you say you have se- 
 ceded, and so you can not consistently claim 
 them. I shall detain the negroes as contraband 
 of war. You are using them upon your bat- 
 teries. It is merely a question whether they 
 shall be used for or against the government. 
 Nevertheless, though I greatly need the labor 
 which has providentially fallen into my hands, 
 if Colonel Mallory will come into the fort and 
 take the oath of allegiance to the United States, 
 he shall have his negroes, and I will endeavo' 
 to hire them from him." 
 
 Major Carey: " Colonel Mallory is absent." 
 
 The interview here terminated, and each 
 party, with polite farewell, went its way. 
 
 This was on Friday, May 24. On Sunday 
 morning, eight more negroes came in, and were 
 received. On Monday morning, forty-seven 
 more, of all ages; men, women, and children; 
 several whole families among them. In the after- 
 noon, twelve men, good field hands, arrived. 
 And they continued to come in daily, in tens, 
 twenties, thirties, till the number of contrabands 
 in the various camps numbered more than nine 
 hundred. A commissioner of negro affairs was 
 appointed, who taught, fed, and governed them; 
 wlio reported, after several weeks' experience, 
 that they worked well and cheerfully, requiring 
 no urging, and perfectly comprehended him 
 when he told them that they were as much 
 entitled to freedom as himself. They were 
 gentle, docile, careful and efficient laborers; 
 their demeanor digaihed, their conversation al- 
 ways decent. 
 
 Many strange scenes occurred in connection 
 with this flight of the negroes to "Freedom 
 Fort," as they styled it ; for one of which, per 
 haps, space may be spared here. It gives us a 
 glimpse into one of those ancient Virginia homes 
 suddenly desolated by the war. Major Win- 
 
FORTEESS MONROE. 
 
 36 
 
 Jirop, I sbould premise, had now arrived at tiie 
 fortrt'ss. He came just in time to take the place 
 of military secretary to the geueral comiriandirig, 
 T/hich liad been vacant only a day or two, and 
 was now a liappy member of the general's fam- 
 ily, winning his rapid waj' to all hearts. I 
 mention him here because his comrades re- 
 member how intensely amused he was at the 
 interview about to be described. If he had 
 lived a few days longer than he did, he would 
 probably have told it himself, in his brief, bright, 
 graphic manner. The office of the general at 
 head-quarters was the place where the scene 
 occurred. 
 
 Enter, an elderly, grave, church- warden look- 
 ing gentleman, a,pparently oppressed with care 
 and grief He was recognized as a respectable 
 farmer of the ueigliborhood, the ov/ner, so 
 called, of thirty or forty negroes, and a farm- 
 house in the dilapidated style of architecture, 
 which might V^e named the Virginian Order. 
 Advancing to the table he announced his name 
 and business. He said he had come to ask the 
 officer commanding the post for the return of 
 one of his negroes — only one ; and he proceeded 
 to relate the circumstances upon which he based 
 his modest request. But he told his tale in a 
 manner so measured and woful, revealing such a 
 curious ignorance of any other world than the 
 little circle of ideas and persons in v/hich he had 
 moved all his life, with such naive and comic 
 simplicity, that the hearers found it impossible 
 to take a serious view of his really lamentable 
 situation. He proceeded in something like these 
 words: — 
 
 " I have always treated my negroes kindly. 
 I supposed they loved me. Last Sunday, I went 
 to church. When I returned from church, and 
 entered into my house, I called Mary to take off 
 my coat and hang it up. But Mary did not 
 come. And again I called Mary in a louder 
 roico, but I received no answer. Then I went 
 into the room to find Mary, but I found her not. 
 There was no one in the room. I went into the 
 ki.t.ohen. There was uo one in the kitchen. I 
 went into the garden. There was uo one in the 
 gardon. I went to the negro quarters. There 
 was no one at the negro quarters. All my ne- 
 groes had departed, sir, while I was at the house 
 of 'jod. Then I went back again into my house. 
 And soon there came to me James, who has 
 been my body-servant for many years. And I 
 -luicl 00 James ; 
 
 '• ' James, what has happened ?' 
 
 " And James said, ' AU the people have gone 
 to the fort.' 
 
 '■'While I was gone to the house of God, 
 James ?' 
 
 '' And Jameij said, ' Yes, master, they're all 
 gone.' 
 
 " And I said t-o James, ' why didn't you go 
 too, Jaaies ?' 
 
 "And James said, 'Master, I'll never leave 
 you.' 
 
 • ' Well James,' said I, ' as there's nobody to 
 cook, see if you can get me some cold victuals 
 and some whisky.' 
 
 "So James got me some cold victuals, and I 
 aie ihem witii a heavy heart. And when I had 
 jaten, I said to James ; 
 
 " ' Jame.s, it is of no use for us to stay here. 
 Let us go to your mistress.' 
 
 " His mistress, sir, had gone away from her 
 home, eleven miles, fleeing from the dangers of 
 the war,, 
 
 " 'And, so, James,' said I, 'harness the best 
 iiorse to the cart, and put into the cart our best 
 bed, and some bacon, and some corn meal, and. 
 James, some whisky, and we will go unto youi 
 mistress.' 
 
 " And James did even as I told him, and some 
 few necessaries besides. And we started. It 
 was a heavy load for the horse. I trudged along 
 on foot, and James led the horse. It was lato at 
 night, sir, when we arrived, and I said to 
 James : 
 
 " • James, it is of no use to unload the cart to- 
 night. Put the horse into the barn, and unload 
 the cart in the morning.' 
 
 " And James said, ' Yes, master.' 
 
 " I met my wife, sir ; I embraced her, and 
 went to "bod ; and, notwithstanding my troubles, 
 • I slept soundly. The next morning, James icas 
 (jone ! Then I came here, and the first thing I 
 saw, when I got here, was James peddling cab- 
 bages to your men out of that very cart." 
 
 Up to this point, the listeners had managed to 
 keep their countenances under tolerable control. 
 But the climax to the story was drawled out in 
 a manner so lugubriously comic, that neither 
 the general nor the staff could longer conceal 
 their laughter. The poor old gentleman, uncon- 
 scious of any but the serious aspects of his case, 
 gave them one sad, reproachful look, and left 
 the fort without uttering another word. He had 
 fallen upon evil times. 
 
 General Butler, meanwhile, had been studying 
 the country around him. His dispatches to 
 head-quarters teem with evidence that inex- 
 perienced as he was in the business of wagisg 
 war, he comprehended the advantages and op- 
 portunities of his position. The uppermost 
 thought in his mind was, that the way to Rich- 
 mond was by the James river — not through the 
 mazes of Manassas and the wilderness beyond. 
 What he meant was this : 
 
 Begin the war iierj?. Strike at Richmond 
 from this point. Sever Virginia from the South, 
 by darting hence upon her railroad centers. 
 Make war where your navy can co-operate. Use 
 the means which God and nature have given 
 you, and which Colonel Dimmiek preserved. 
 Don't sit there in Washington, puttering upon 
 forts and deflsnses, listening anxiously to the roar 
 from the North, •' On to Richmond ;" but give the 
 enemy something to do elsewhere, far away from 
 your capital and your sacred thin!,'s, yet made 
 near to you by your command of tiie sea. 
 
 General Butler's plans might nat have been 
 completely successful; but if tiiey had been 
 adopted we should have had no I;ull Run ; and 
 perhaps, no Merrimac — the true cause of the 
 failure of the peninsular campaign. Other dis- 
 asters we might have suffered, but surely 
 nothing so bad as Bull Run and the Meriimac, 
 the most costly calamities that ever befell a 
 country. 
 
 General Scott, intent solely on the defense of 
 Washington, replied so vaguely to our gen- 
 eral's eager and frequent dispatches' that he 
 could scarcely tell whether his plans were ap- 
 proved or disapproved. If, however, the words of 
 the commander-in-chief were equivocal, his con- 
 duct was not. No horses were sent, nor battery 
 
34 
 
 GREAT BETHEL. 
 
 of field artillery, nor vehicles, nor cavalry, aor 
 boats. No objection to the railroad, the artesian 
 ■well, the bake-house, the intrenched camps ; but 
 whatever was needful for an advance beyond 
 half a da3''s marcli was withheld. Such was the 
 scarcity of horses that the troops were constantlj' 
 seen drawing wagon loads of supplies. A re- 
 porter writes : "A picture in the drama of the 
 camp has this moment passed my quarters. It 
 is a gang of the Massachusetts boj^s hauling a 
 huge military wagon, loaded. They have struck 
 up 'The Red, White and Blue.' They believe 
 in it, and consequently render it with true 
 patriotic inspiration. They pause and give three 
 rousing cheers ; and now they dash oft' like fire- 
 men, which they are, shouting and thundering 
 fdong at a pace that makes the drowsy horses 
 they pass prick up their ears." To supply the 
 most pressing occasions, General Butler had nine 
 horses of his own brought from Lowell, and 
 these were all he had for the public service for 
 more than two months. Another reporter writes, 
 June 28th : "Among the passengers on board 
 the steamer to the fortress was Colonel Butler, 
 brother of the general, who went to Washington 
 last week to get orders for the purchase of 
 horses, without which not a single stop can be 
 Hiadje iu advance, simph'- because the forces here 
 are entirely destitute of the means of transpor- 
 tation, lie got orders and succeeded in buying 
 one hundred and thirty-five very good horses, 
 mainly in Baltimore, whereupon the government 
 immediately sent up and took one hundred of 
 them for the artillery service at Washington. 
 This was pretty sharp practice, and gives rise to 
 comment on the inability of the authorities at 
 the capital to see anything but Washington 
 worthy of a moment's thought in connection 
 with the present war." 
 
 The lamentable affair of Great Bethel occurred 
 while General Butler was waiting for the sup- 
 plies which were requisite for successful op- 
 erations in the field. It happened thus : 
 
 The forced inaction of General Butler had the 
 eflfect of making the enemy bolder in approaching 
 his lines. They would send parties from York- 
 town, who "would come down within sight of 
 the Union pickets near Hampton, and seize both 
 Union men and negroes, conscripting the former, 
 using the latter on their batteries. Major Win- 
 throp, always on the alert, learned from a con- 
 traband, George Scott by name, that the rebels 
 Lad established themselves at two points between 
 Yorktown and the fort, where they had thrown 
 up intrenchments, and Avhence they nightly 
 issued, seizing and plundering. George Scott 
 described the localities with perfect correctness, 
 and Winthrop himselfj accompanied by George, 
 repeatedly reconnoitered the road leading to 
 them. On one point only was the negro guide 
 mistaken : he thought the rebels were two thou- 
 sand in number ; whereas, when he saw them, 
 five hundred was about their force. They had 
 eleven or twelve hundred men in the two Beth- 
 els on the day of the action, but not more than 
 five hundred took part in it; the rest having 
 arrived, on a run, from Yorktown while the 
 "battle" was proceeding, and, before they had 
 recovered breath, it was over. 
 
 Major Winthrop reported to General Butler, 
 who resolved to attempt the capture of the two 
 posts. His orders restricted him to advances of 
 
 half a day's march. Great Bethel being nm^ 
 miles distant.might be considered within the limit. 
 Now, all was excitement and activity at head- 
 quarters — no one so happy as Winthrop, who 
 threw himself, heart and soul, into the affair. 
 The first rough plan of the expedition, drawn up 
 in his own hand lies before me; brief, haaty, 
 colloquial, interlined ; resembling tlie first sketch 
 of an " article " or a story ; such as, doubtless 
 he had often dashed upon papor at Staten Island 
 
 PLAN OF ATTACK BY TV?T. DETACFMENTS UPOJf 
 THE LITTLE BETliF.L AST) BIG BETilEL. 
 
 A regiment or battalion to march from New- 
 port News, and a rogiuiont to march from Camp 
 Hamilton — JjuryMs. Each v/ill be supported 
 by sufiBcieul reserves under arms in camp, and 
 with advanced guards out on the road of march. 
 
 Duryee to push out two pickets at 10 p. M. ; 
 one two and a half miles beyond Hampton, oa 
 the county road, but not so far as to alarm the 
 enemy. This is important. Second picket half 
 as far as the first. Both pickets to keep as much. 
 out of sight as possible. Ko one whatever 
 to be allowed to pass out through their lines. 
 Persons to be allowed to pass inward tow^ard 
 Hampton — unless it appears that they intend to 
 go roundabout and dodge through to the front. 
 
 At 12, midnight. Colonel Duryee will march 
 his regiment, with fifteen rounds cartridges, on 
 the county road towards Little Bethel. Scows 
 will be provided to ferry them across Hampton 
 Creek. March to be rapid ; hul not hurried. 
 
 A howitzer with canister and shrapnel to go. 
 
 A wagon with planks and material to repair 
 the Newmarket Bridge. 
 
 Duryee to have the 200 rifles. He will pick 
 the men to whom to intnist them. 
 
 Rocket to be thrown up fi'om Newport News. 
 Notify Commodore Pendergra.stof this to prevent 
 general alarm. 
 
 Newport News movement to be made some- 
 v.'hat later, as the distance is less. 
 
 If we find the enemy and surprise them, men 
 will fire one volley, if desirable ; not reload, and 
 go ahead with the bayonet. 
 
 As the attack is to be by night, or dufjk oi 
 morning, and in two detachments, our,]^^eop'i~ 
 should have some token, say a wir.ze rag (or a 
 dirty white rag) on the left arm. 
 
 Perhaps the detachments who are to do the 
 job should be smaller than a regiment, 300 or 500, 
 as the right and left of the attack would be more 
 easilj' handled. 
 
 If we bag the Little Bethel men, push on to 
 Big Bethel, and similarly bag them. Bum botl; 
 the Bethels, or blov/ up if brick. 
 
 To protect our rear in case we take the field- 
 pieces, and the enemy should march hid main 
 body (if he has any) to recover thorn, it would be 
 well to have a squad of competent artillerists, 
 regular or other, to handle the capturc^l g'ms ou 
 the retirement of our main body. Also spikes ;o 
 spike them, if retaken. 
 
 George Scott to have a shootmg-iron. 
 
 Perhaps Duryee's men would be awkward witl: 
 a new arm in a night or early dawn attack, 
 whert there will be little marksman duty to per- 
 form. Most of the work will be done with tine 
 bayonet, and they are already handy with tho 
 old ones. 
 
G-REAT BETHEL. 
 
 35 
 
 " George Scott to have a shooting-iron I" So, 
 the first suggestion of arming a black man in this 
 war came from Theodore Winthrop. George 
 Scott, liad a shooting-iron. 
 
 This plan, the joint production of the general 
 and his secretary, was substantially adopted, and 
 orders in accordance therewith, were issued. 
 
 The command of the expedition was given to 
 .•^rigadier-Geueral E. W. P ierce, of Massachu- 
 setts, a bra^'0 and good man, totally without 
 military experience except upon parade-grounds 
 on training days. General Butler, as we have 
 before said, was his junior in the militia of 
 Massachusetts, and hacl been selected by Gov- 
 ernor Andrew to command the first brigade 
 which left the state, over the head of General 
 Pearce, who desired to go. It was by way of 
 atonement to General Pierce for having taken 
 the place which belonged by seniority to him, 
 that General Butler assigned him to the com- 
 mand. The aiotive was honorable to his feelings 
 AS a man. On Boston Common the act would 
 nave bf-en highly becoming and quite unobjec- 
 lionabk. But, alas! the theater of action was 
 not Boston Common. 
 
 General Butler has au eye lor the man he 
 wants. This was the first time, and the last 
 iirac, in his military c&reer, that he has selected 
 aa officer for an independent command, for any 
 other reason but a conviction tliat lie was the 
 best man at hand for the duty to be done. Gen- 
 eral Pierce was a brave and good man ; re- 
 puted then to be such ; since proved to be 
 such; but he was not the best man at 
 band I'or the duty to be done! Out of a 
 good citi'^n you can make a good soldier in 
 tour months; but a good officer is a creature 
 slowly produced. Seven years in peace, one 
 year in war, may do it, but he Tmist have served 
 an apprenticeship, before he is fit to be intrusted 
 with the lives of men and the honor of a countrj-. 
 The day before Bethel, General Butler had the 
 brains of a general, the courage of a general, the 
 toughness of a general, tuo technical knowledge 
 of a general : but to fit him for independent com- 
 mand, he still needed sojtio such harsh and bitter 
 experience as now awaited him. The day after 
 Bethel, he had made a prodigious stride in his 
 military' education, for he is a man who can take 
 a hint. The whole secret of war was revealed 
 in the flash and thunder, the disaster and shame, 
 of that sorry skirmish. 
 
 All went well until near the dawn of day, 
 June 10th, when the f^.'vces were to form their 
 junction near Little Bethel. There Colonel Ben- 
 dix's regiment saw approacliing over the crest of 
 a low hill what seemed, in the magnifying dusk, 
 a body of cavalry. It was Colonel Townsend's 
 regiment which they saw. Knowing that Gen- 
 eral Butler had no cavalry. Colonel Bendix con- 
 cluded, of course, that they were a body of 
 mounted rebels. The fatal order was given to 
 fire, and ten of Colonel Townsend's men fell: 
 two killed and eight wounded. The fire was re- 
 lumed in a desultory manner, without loss to 
 the regiment of Colonel Bendix. Of the con- 
 fusion that followed, the double-quick counter- 
 marching, the alarm to friends and foes I need 
 not speak. The dawn of day revealed the error, 
 and then the question arose, whether to advance 
 'jx to return to the fortress. A surprise was no 
 longer possible, and the inhabitants of the coun- 
 
 [ try concurred in stating the force of the enemy 
 ' at four or five thousand, with formidable aitil- 
 lery. Colonel Duryee had already captured the 
 picket at Little Bethel. The enemy, therefore, 
 fully warned, must be concentrated at Great 
 Bethel. Major Winthrop and Lieutenant But- 
 ler, both of the commanding general's stafif, united 
 in most earnestly advising an advance, and 
 General Pierce gave no reluctant assent. He 
 had sent back for reinforcements which were 
 soon on the march to join him. 
 
 At half past nine, he had airived within a 
 mile of the enemy, with two regiments and four 
 pieces of cannon of small caliber, one of which 
 was the gun of Lieutenant Greble of the regular 
 artillery. Two other regiments were approach- 
 ing. The ground may be roughly described 
 thus : Au oblong piece of open country, sur- 
 rounded on three sides by woods. General Pierce 
 entering at the end where there was no wood. 
 The enemy's position was near the upper end. 
 but behind a strip of wood which concealed it. 
 It was, in some slight degree, protected in front 
 by a creek twelve feet wide and three deep. 
 Their battery consisted of four pieces of field ar- 
 tillery, one of which becoming disabled through 
 the disarrangement of the trigger-apparatus, was 
 useless. The earthworks, hastily thrown up in 
 front of the guns, added scarcely any strength to 
 the position, for they were less than three feet 
 high on the outside. A boy ten years old could 
 have leaped over them ; a boy ten years old 
 could have waded the creek. The breastworks 
 were, in fact, so low that, the wheels of the ene- 
 my's guns were embedded in the earth, in order 
 to get the carriages low enough to be protected. 
 These facts I learn from a, Union officer of high 
 rank, who aft;erward became famihar with the 
 ground. Behind these trivial works were five 
 hundred rebel troops, who were re -enforced 
 while the action was going on with six hundred 
 more from Yorktown, thoroughly bloivn with 
 running. This was the real strength of the ene- 
 my, whom General Pierce firmly believed to 
 consist of four or five thousand troops strongly 
 posted, and well supplied with artillery. 
 
 General Pierce and his command then stood 
 at half-past nine, on the high road leading from 
 Hampton to Yorktown a mile from the enemy, 
 whose battery commanded the road. That bat- 
 tery was so placed that it could have been ap- 
 proached within fifty j'-ards without the attack- 
 ing party leaving the woods. Nor was there 
 any serious obstacle to turning it either on the 
 right or on the left. This not being immediately 
 perceived. Colonel Duryee and Lieutenant Greble 
 marched along the high road into the enemy's 
 fire, and soon the cannon balls began to play 
 over their heads, falling far to the rear. The 
 men gave three cheers and kept on their way. 
 Soon, however, the enemy fired better, and some 
 men were struck ; not many, for the total loss 
 of Colonel Duryee's regiment that day was four 
 killed, and twelve wounded. To these troops, 
 in their inexperience, it seemed that work of 
 this kind could not be down in the programme. 
 They also received the impression that the en- 
 emy's three pieces of cannon were thirty at least, 
 and that, upon the whole, this was not the right 
 road to the battery. So they sidled oft' into the 
 woods, and there remained waiting for some one 
 to tell them what to do next Greble kept on 
 
-S€ 
 
 CONSEQUENCES OF GREAT BETHiL 
 
 CO a point three hundred pirds from the eueray, 
 where he planted his gun, and maintained a 
 Bteady and eftective fire upon them for an hour 
 and a half. I say effective. It did not kill a 
 ••ebel; but it had the effect of keeping them 
 within their works, and gi^'iug tliem the idea 
 that they were attacked. 
 
 After Colonel Duryee had retired to the woods, 
 there was a long pause in the operations, during 
 which a good plan was matured for turning the 
 enemy's battery, and getting in behind it. It 
 was agreed that Colonel Townsend should keep 
 well away to the left, near the wood, or through 
 the wood, and go on to the Yorktown road 
 beyond the batter}'-; then turn dow-n upon it, 
 and dash in. Colonel Duryee and Colonel 
 Bendix were to niai-ch through the woods on 
 the right, and penetrate to the same road below 
 the battery, and then rush in upon it simulta- 
 neously with Colonel Townsend. It was an 
 excellent and most feasible scheme, certain of 
 success if executed with merely tolerable vigor 
 and resolution. Colonel Duryee again advanced, 
 this time through the woods. He went as far 
 the creek, and concluding it to be impassable by 
 his " Zouaves," retired a second time with some 
 trifling loss ; Lieutenant-Colonel Warren, and a 
 few brave men remaining long enough to bring 
 away the body and the gun of poor Greble, shot 
 by the enemy's last discharge. Meanwhile, 
 Colonel Townsend was making his way far on 
 the other side of the road. He was going 
 straight to victory ; Major Winthrop among the 
 foremost, full of ardor and confidence, and the 
 men in good heart. In five minutes more he 
 would have gained a position upon the York- 
 town road, beyond the battery, from which they 
 could have marched upon the enemy, as in an 
 open field. Then occurred a fatal mistake. In 
 the haste of the start, two companies of the 
 regiment had marched on the other side of a 
 stone fence ; and, anxious to get forward, were 
 coming up to the front at some distance from the 
 main body in the open field. Colonel Townsend 
 seeing these troops, supposed that they were a 
 body of the enemy coming out to attack him in 
 flank. He ordered a halt, and then relumed to 
 the point of departure to meet this imaginary 
 foe. Winthrop, as is supposed, did not hear the 
 order to retire. With a few troops he still 
 pressed on, and when they halted, still advanced, 
 and reached a spot thirty yards from the enemy's 
 battery. With one companion, private John M. 
 Jones, of Averment, he sprang upon a log to get 
 a view of the position, which he alone that day 
 clearly saw. A ball pierced his brain. He 
 almost instantly breathed his last. His body 
 being left on the field fell into the hands of the 
 foe. In their opinion, he was the only man in 
 the Union force who displayed " even an approx- 
 imation to courage," and they gave his remains 
 the honorable burial due to the body of a hero, 
 and returned his watch and other effects to his 
 com) landing officer. 
 
 General Pierce, with the advice of all the col- 
 onels present, except Colonel Duryee, now gave 
 the order to return to camp : and so the " battle" 
 of Great Bethel ended. Some of the companies 
 retired in tolerable order. But there was a 
 great deal of panic and preeipitation, though the 
 pursuit was late and languid. The noble Chap- 
 lain Winslow and the brave Lieutenant-Colonel 
 
 G. K. Warren,* with a few otiier firm men, r^ 
 mained behind ; and. all exhausted aa they werf 
 drew the wounded in v/agons nine miles, frcu 
 the scene of the action to the nearest camp. 
 
 The Union loss in killed and permanently 
 disabled wns twenty-five. The rebel loss, ^ne 
 man killed and three wouno^d. A few Lour? 
 after the action. Great Bethel was evacuated 
 If General Pierce had withdrawn his men o-t •/ 
 fire, and caused them to sit down and eat theii 
 dinuer, it is highly probable the enemj woula 
 have retreated; for they were greatly calnum 
 bered, and were perfectly aware that one regi 
 rnent of steady and experienced troops, led by a 
 man who knew his business, could have taken 
 them all prisoners in twenty minutes. For the 
 most part, our men, I am assured, behaved aa 
 well as could have been expected. All they 
 wanted was commanders who knew what was 
 the right thing to do, and who would go forward 
 and show them how to do it. One well-com- 
 pacted, well-sustained rush from any p^int o: 
 approach, and the battery had been theiit;. 
 
 The day after Bethel was a sad one at rortress 
 Monroe. Lieutenant Greble's father was on his 
 way to visit his son, and arrived only to take 
 back his remains to his family, tbliowod by the 
 sorrow of the whole command. Thr> i.^t^i of 
 Winthrop was not yet known ; he was reported 
 only among the "missing." Before leaving 
 head-quarters he had borrowed a g-aii of tlie 
 general, saying, gayly, " I may want to take a 
 pop at them." In the course of iha ucruiug, 
 this gun was brought in, with such iufbrmatiou 
 as led to the conclusion that he must have fallen ;. 
 perhaps, thrown his life purposely away. During 
 his short residence at head-quartors lie had en- 
 deared himself to aU hearts ; to uoJio more thai; 
 to the general and Mrs. Butler. IIo waa mourned 
 as a brother by those who had kno^'^'a him but 
 sixteen days. 
 
 To the mother of his dead comrade, General 
 Butler addressed the ibuowing letter : 
 
 Hkad-Qcabteks, DspARrMBNT OF Virginia, 
 June \3th, 13G1. 
 
 " My Dear Madam : — The newspapers have 
 anticipated me in the sorrowful intelligence 
 which I have to communicate. Your son Theo- 
 dore is no more. Ha fell mortally wounde'd from 
 a rifle shot, ac County Bridge. I have conversed 
 with private John M. Jones, of the North field 
 company in tho Vermont regiment, v\ho stood 
 beside Major Wiuth.roy -when he fell, and sup- 
 ported him in his arms. 
 
 "Your son's death was in a few moments, 
 without apparent anguish. Afler Major Win- 
 throp had delivered tlie order with which he was 
 charged, to the commander of the regiment, he 
 took ins rifle, and while his guide held his horse 
 in the woods in the rear, with too daring bravery, 
 went to the front ; while there, stepping upon a 
 log to get a full view of the force, he received 
 the fatal shot. His friend, Colonel Wardrop, t 
 Massachusetts, had loaned him a sword for the 
 occasion, on which his name was marked in full, 
 so that he was taken by the enemy for the colo- 
 nel himself. 
 
 * Since brigadier-general and chief of staff to General 
 Meade — distinguished on many fields, particularly at 
 the battles in rennsylvania in June, 1866. 
 
CONSEQUENCES OF GREAT BETHEL. 
 
 37 
 
 "Major Wiutlirop had advanced so close to 
 the parapet, that it was not thought expedient 
 by those in command to send forward any party 
 to bring off the body, and thus endanger the 
 lives of others in the attempt to secure his re- 
 mains, as the rebels remorselessly fired upon all 
 the small parties that went forward for the pur- 
 pose of bringing off their wounded comrades. 
 
 " Had your gallant son been alive, I doubt not 
 ho would have advised this course in regard to 
 another. I have assurances from the oflBcer in 
 command of the rebel forces at County Bridge, 
 that Major Winthrop received at their hand a re- 
 spectful and decent burial. 
 
 " His personal effects found upon him, will be 
 given up to my flag of truce, with the exception 
 of his watch, which has been sent tp Yorktown, 
 and which I am assured will be returned through 
 me to yourself. 
 
 " I have given thus particularl}' these sad de- 
 tails, because I know and have experienced the 
 fond inquiries of a mother's heart respecting her 
 son's acts. 
 
 " My dear madam 1 although a stranger, my 
 tears will flow with yours in grief for the loss of 
 your brave and too gallant son, my true friend 
 and brother. 
 
 " I had not known him long, but his soldierly 
 qualities, his daring courage, his true-hearted 
 friendship, his genuine sympathies, his cultivated 
 mind, his high moral tone, all combined to so 
 win me to him, that he had twined himself about 
 my heart with the cords of a brotlier's love. 
 
 " The very expedition which resulted so un- 
 fortunately for him, made him all the more dear 
 to me. Partly suggested by himself, he entered 
 into the necessary preparations for it with such 
 alacrity, cool judgment, and careful foresight, in 
 all the details that might render it successful, as 
 gave great promise of future usefulness in his 
 chosen profession. When, in answer to his re- 
 quest to be permitted to go witli it, I suggested 
 to him that my correspondence was very heavy, 
 and he would be needed at home, he playfully 
 replied : general, we will all work extra hours, 
 Mid make that up when we get back. The affair 
 can't go on without me, you know.' The last 
 words I heard him say before his good-night, 
 when we parted, were, ' If anything happens I 
 have given my mother's address to Mr. Green. 
 His Inst thoughts were with his mother; his 
 last acta were for his country and her cause. 
 
 " I have used the words ' unfortunate expedi- 
 tion for him !' Nay, not so; too fortunate thus to 
 die doing his duty, his whole duty, to his coun- 
 try, as a hero, and a patriot. Unfortunate to us 
 only who are left to mourn the loss to ourselves 
 and our country. 
 
 " Permit me, madam, in the poor degree I may, 
 to take such a place in your heart that we may 
 mingle our griefs, as we do already our love and 
 admiration for him who has only gone before us 
 to that better v/orld where, through the ' merits 
 of Him who suffered for us,' we shall all meet 
 together. 
 
 " Most sincerely and affectionately, 
 
 "Yours, Benj. F. Butler." 
 
 I must not leave this melancholy subject with- 
 out mentioning the noble, and, I believe, unique 
 atonement made by General Pierce for whatever 
 ■errors he mav have committed at Great Bethel. 
 
 He served out his term of three months in such 
 extreme sorrow as almost to threaten his reason. 
 He then enlisted as a private in a three year's 
 regiment, and served for some time in that 
 honorable lowliness. Appointed, at length, to 
 the command of a regiment, he served with dis- 
 tinction through the campaign of the peninsula, 
 where, in one of the battles, he was severely 
 wounded. 
 
 General Butler learnt the lesson first taught 
 by the failure at Great Bethel, since repeated on 
 so many disastrous fields. That lesson was, the 
 utter insuflSciency of the volunteer system aa 
 then organized, and the absolute necessity of offi- 
 cers morally and professionally superior to the men 
 under their command. The southern social sys- 
 tem, at least, leads to the selection of officers to 
 whom the men are accustomed to look up. Our 
 officers, on the contrary, must have a reoi su- 
 periority, both of knowledge and of character, in 
 order to bind a regiment into coherency and 
 force. General Butler had under his command 
 captains, majors and colonels who owed their 
 election chiefly to their ability to bestow un- 
 limited drinks. There were drunkards and 
 thieves among them; to say nothing of those 
 who, from mere ignorance and natural inefficiency, 
 could maintain over their men no degree what- 
 ever of moral or military ascendancy. The gen- 
 eral saw the evil. In a letter to the secretary of 
 war, June 26th, he pointed out the partial rem- 
 edy which was afterward adopted. 
 
 "I desire," he wrote, " to trouble you upon a 
 subject of the last importance to the organization 
 of our volunteer regiments. Many of the volun- 
 teers, both two and three year's men; have cho- 
 sen their own company officers, and in some 
 cases their field officers, and they have been ap- 
 pointed without any proper miUtary examination, 
 before a proper board, according to the plan of 
 organization of the volunteers. There should be 
 some means by which these officers can be sifted 
 out. The efficiency and usefulness of the regi- 
 ment depend upon it. To give you an illustra- 
 tion : In one regiment I have had seven appli- 
 cations for resignation, and seventeen applications 
 for leave of absence ; some on the most frivolous 
 pretexts, by every grade of officers under the 
 colonel. I have yielded to many of these appli- 
 cations, and more readily than I should other- 
 wise have done, because I was convinced that 
 their absence was of benefit rather than harm. 
 Still, this absence is virtually a fraud upon the 
 United States. It seems as if there must be some 
 method other than a court-martial of ndding the 
 service of these officers, when there are so many 
 competent men ready, willing, and eager to serve 
 their country. Ignorance and incompetency are 
 not crimes to be tried by a court martial, while 
 they are great misfortunes to an officer. As at 
 present the whole matter of the organization is 
 informal, without direct authority of law in its 
 details, may not the matter be reached by having 
 a board appointed at any given post, composed 
 of three or five, to whom the competency, effi- 
 ciency, and propriety of conduct of a given officer 
 might be submitted ? And that upon the re- 
 port of that board, approved by the commander 
 and the department, the officer be dropped with- 
 out the disgrace attending the sentence of a 
 court-martial?" 
 
 Meanwhile, the general labored most eameatlj 
 
38 
 
 CONSEQUENCES OF GREAT BETHEL. 
 
 to raise the standard of discipline in the regi- 
 ments. The difiBculty was great, amounting, at 
 times, to impossibility. At one time tJiere were 
 thirty-eight vacancies among the officers of the 
 New York regiments alone. The men, accus- 
 iomed to active industry, and now compelled to 
 endure the monotony of a camp, sought exeite- 
 inent iu drink. It was, for some weeks, a puzzle 
 at head-quarters where the soldiers obtained 
 Buch abundant supplies of the means of intox- 
 ication. " We used," said General Eutler, in his 
 testimony before the war committee, " to send a 
 picket guard up a mile and a half from Fortress 
 Monroe. The men would leave perfectly sober, 
 yet every night when they came back we would 
 have trouble with them on account of their being 
 drunk. Where they got their liquor from we 
 could not tell. Night after night, we instituted 
 a rigorous examination, but it was always the 
 same. The men were examined over and over 
 again ; their canteens were inspected, and yet 
 we could find no liquor about them. At last it 
 was observed that they seemed to hold their 
 guns up very straight, and, upon examination 
 being made, it was found that every gun-barrel 
 was filled with whisky ; and it was not always 
 the soldiers who did this." 
 
 Further investigation disclosed facts still more 
 distressing. An eye-witness reports; 
 
 " General Butler ascertained that what was 
 professedly the sutler's store of one of the regi- 
 ments, was but a groggery. This he visited, and 
 stove the heads of some half-dozen barrels, and 
 spilled all the liquor of every sort to be found. 
 He found a book, in which the account with a 
 single regiment was kept, which disclosed a 
 state of tilings truly startling. Scarcely an offi- 
 cer of the regiment but had an open account, 
 footing up for the single month, amounts ranging 
 from $10 to $1,000. The items charged, and 
 the space of time v/ithin which the liquor was 
 obtained, and, of course, consumed, was truly 
 astonishing, and proved the depth of demoral- 
 ization to which the officers, and, I fear, conse- 
 quently, the entire regiment, had become redu- 
 ced. I purposely suppress a narrative of the 
 scenes of debauchery and violence in the camp 
 at Newport News, where the regiment has lately 
 been removed, a few evenings since, resulting in 
 the shooting, if not the death, of a soldier, fired 
 on by an officer while both were intoxicated. 
 
 " General Butler having possessed himself of 
 the book in question, went to Newport News 
 yesterday afternoon, having previously summoned 
 all the commissioned officers of the regiment to 
 meet him alone on the boat on his arrival. They 
 came as summoned. General Butler told them 
 frankly and pointedly what was the object of the 
 meeting ; exhibited to them the evidence that 
 was in his hands of the astonishing amounts of 
 Uquor which they as ofiQcers had purchased ; 
 pointed them to the consequences as seen in the 
 demoralized condition of the regiments; the late 
 scenes of violence, the waste of money, the in- 
 justice of such conduct toward New York, after 
 she had been to the expense of giving them a 
 liberal outfit, and, with a princely Hberality, was 
 supporting so many of the families of soldiers 
 and others ; and, more than all, the deplorable 
 consequences that must ensue to the cause from 
 such indulgence. General Butler said there must 
 and should bo a stop put to it. He said he 
 
 himself was not a total-abstinenco man, but lie 
 jiledged to the officers he addressed his word of 
 honor as an officer and a man that, so long aa 
 he remained in this department, intoxicating 
 drinks should be banished from his quarters, and 
 that he would not use them except when medi- 
 cinally prescribed ; and he wanted the officers 
 present to give him their pledge that henceforth 
 this should be the rule of their conduct. As he 
 had determined to tell no man to go, where he 
 could not say come, so, in this matter, he re- 
 quired no officer to do that which he would not 
 first do himself General Butler enforced his 
 views and the grounds of the determination he 
 had formed, feelingly and forcibly, and the 
 affirmative response was unanimous, with only 
 one exception, he being a captain, whoso resig- 
 nation Coloiiel Phelps announced was then iu 
 his hands, and which General Butler instantly 
 accepted. 
 
 " This interview over, General Butler directed 
 Captain Davis, the provost-marshal, and his dep- 
 uty, W. H. Wiegel, to proceed to search every 
 place known to sell liquor, or suspected of being 
 engaged in the traffic, and destroy the same. 
 Within one hour between twenty and thirty 
 barrels of whisky, brandy, and other concoctions 
 were emptied on the ground, amid the cheers of 
 the soldiers. The proceeding elicited the warm- 
 est approbation of the whole camp, and especially 
 of the men, who, as patrons of the sutlers, had 
 been swindled by them. The sutlers themselves, 
 and all others guilty of having contributed to 
 demoralize the troops, were taken into custody 
 and brought to the fortress, and will be sent 
 hence." 
 
 The whisky at Fortress Monroe inspired one 
 piece of wit, which amused the command. This 
 was the time when it was customary to '' admiu 
 ister the oath" to arrested secessionists, and set 
 them at liberty. A scouting party having brought 
 in a rattlesnake, the question aro.se what should 
 be done with it. A drunken soldier hiccoughed 
 out :. " d — n him, swear him in and let him go.' 
 
 With equal vigor. General Butler made war 
 upon a practice which no commanding offlcoi 
 has ever been able entirely to suppress, that of 
 plundering abandoned houses. The posseasiou 
 of a chair, a table, a piece of carpet, an old i-otUe, 
 or even a piece of plank, adds so much to the 
 comfort of men in camp, that the temptation to 
 help themselves to such articles is sometimes 
 irresistible. If any luan could have prevented 
 plundering, Wellington was that individual ; but 
 he could not, though ho possessed ar:J used the 
 power to hang offenders on tlio spot.. Subse- 
 quent investigation proved that our '.r-.^opa around 
 Fortress Monroe plundered little, ounsJ-.;eriug their 
 opportunities and their temptation. But that 
 little was disgracef\il enougli, and gave rise to 
 much clamor. All that any man could have 
 done to prevent and punish ottenses of this 
 nature was done by the commanding general. 
 No man abhorred plundering more than Colonel 
 Plielps; but he could not qui:':: prevent it. 
 Coming in to dinner one day, he saw upon the 
 table a porcelain dish filled v.'iuh green peas. 
 Ho stood for a moment with eyes iixed upon the 
 suspicious vessel, wrath gathering in his face. 
 
 "Take that dish away," said he iu a tone of 
 fierce command for so gentle a man. 
 
 The alarmed contraband preparec' to obey, b>r. 
 
RECALL FROM VIRGINIA. 
 
 39 
 
 ventured to a.sk: wliat he should do with the 
 peas. 
 
 " Put them into awash-basin, if 3'ou cau't find 
 anything better. But take that dish away and 
 never let me see it again." 
 
 The dish was removed, and Colonel Phelps 
 ordered it to be taken to tlie hospital for the use 
 of the sick. 
 
 One truth became very clear to General Butler 
 while he held command in Virginia. It was, 
 that men enlisted for short terms cannot as a 
 rule, be relied upon for effective service. When 
 the time of the three months men was half 
 expired, all other feelings seemed to be merged 
 in the longing for release. Like boys at school 
 before the holidays, they would cut notches in a 
 stick and erase one every day ; and, as the time 
 of return home drew nearer, they would cut half 
 a notch away at noon. It appeared that short- 
 termed troops are efficient for not more than 
 half their time of enlistment; after that their 
 ])earts are at home, not in their duty. The gen- 
 eral was of opinion, that an army, if possible, 
 should be enlisted not for any definite term, but 
 for the war; thus supplying the men with a 
 most poweiful motive for efficient action; the 
 homeward path lying through victory over the 
 enemy. 
 
 The battle of Bull Run ended General Butler's 
 hopes of being usefLd at Fortress Monroe. It 
 was on the very day of that battle that he first 
 received the means of moving a battery of field 
 artillery, and of completing his preparations for 
 sweeping clear of armed rebels the Virginia 
 tip of the peninsula, of which Maryland forms 
 the greater part. Colonel Baker was to com- 
 mand the expedition.- Two days after the 
 retreat came a telegran* from General Scott: 
 •' Send to this place without fail, in three days, 
 four regiments and a half of long-term volunteers, 
 including Baker's regiment and a half." The 
 troops were sent, and the expedition was neces- 
 sarily abandoned. 
 
 The news of the great defeat created at the 
 fortress a degree of consternation almost amount- 
 ■ng to panic ; for, at »nce, the rumor spread that 
 the victorious army were about to descend upon 
 xbe fortrses, and overwhelm it. General Butler 
 J?us not alarmed at this new phantom. One of 
 ti<e first cheering voices that reached the admin- 
 --tratiou was his. A few hours after reading the 
 news, he wrote to his friend, the postmaster- 
 general : 
 
 " We have heard the sad news from Manassas, 
 but are neixher dismayed or disheartened. It 
 will have the same good effect upon the army in 
 general that Big Bethel has had in my division, 
 to teach us wlierem we are weak and they are 
 strong, and how to apply tlie remedy to our 
 deficiencies. Let not the administration be dis- 
 heartened or discouraged. Let no compromises 
 be made, or wavering be felt. God helping, we 
 wUl go through to ultimate assured success. But 
 let us have no more of the silk glove in carrying 
 on this war. Let these men be considered, what 
 they have made themselves ' our enemies,' and 
 let their property of all kinds, whenever it can 
 be useful to us, be taken on the land where they 
 have it, D.a they take ours upon the sea where 
 we hare it. There seems to me now but one of 
 two ways, either to make an advance from this 
 [I'iiice with a sufficient force, or else, leaving a 
 
 simple garrison here, to send six thousand men 
 that might bo spared on the other line; or, still 
 another, to make a descent upon the southern 
 coast. I am ready and desirous to move forward 
 in either." 
 
 In another part ofthis letter he strongly recom- 
 mends Colonel Phelps for promotion. "Although 
 some of the regular officers will, when applied 
 to, say that he is not in his right mind — the only 
 evidence that I have seen of it, is a deep religious 
 enthusiasm upon the subject of slavery, which, 
 in my judgment, does not unfit him to tight the 
 battles of the North. As I never had seen him 
 until he came here, as he differs with me in 
 politics, I have no interest in the recommen- 
 dation, save a deliberate judgment for the good 
 of the cause after two months of trial." He ho.d 
 soon after the pleasure of handing to Colonel 
 Phelps the shoulder straps of a brigadier-gen- 
 eral. 
 
 " I am as much obliged to you, general," said 
 he, " as though you had done me a favor." 
 
 The withdrawal of so large a number of his 
 best troops, compelled the evacuation of Hamp- 
 ton. He was even advised, and that, too, by a 
 member of the cabinet, as well as by many 
 officers high in rank at the post, to abandon 
 Newport News; but he would not let go his 
 hold upon a point so important to the future 
 movement which he had advised. 
 
 The evacuation of Hampton left homeless 
 upon his hand several hundreds of contrabands. 
 Again he urged the government to adopt a de- 
 cisive policy with regard to the negroes, and to 
 take measures for depriving the rebels of their 
 slaves, by whose labor they were supported. 
 But the government was not prepared to adopt 
 the system proposed. 
 
 The southern people, it is worth remarking, 
 had already shown their sense of General But- 
 ler's services to his country. They knew their 
 enemy. It has been their cue to compliment 
 some of the generals conspicuous in the service 
 of the United States ; but for him who first 
 established the rule of employing the courtesies 
 which mitigate the horrors of war, they have 
 only vituperation. They were right in their 
 instinctive perceptions, for he was also the first 
 to recognize them as enemies incurable, whoso 
 destruction as a power was essential to the re- 
 storation of the country. Few readers can have 
 forgotten the biography of General Butler which 
 circulated in southern nc vvsp&psrs in these 
 months. It ran thus ; 
 
 " He is the son of a nef.re barber, who, early 
 in the century did busiojs'i on Pcydras street, 
 in New Orleans. The ton, in early manhood, 
 emigrated to Liberia, where an indisposition for 
 labor and some talent turned his attention to 
 the bar, to prepare for which he repaired to 
 Massachusetts. Having mastered his profession, 
 he acquired a fondness for theological studies, 
 and became an active local preacher, the course 
 of his labors early leading him to New York, 
 where he attracted the notice of Mr. Jacob 
 Barker, then in the zenith of his fame as a finan- 
 cier, and who, discovering the peculiar abilitiea 
 in that direction of the young mulatto, sent him 
 to northern New York to manage a bankmg 
 institution. Tiiere he divided his time between 
 the couuting-house and the court-room, the 
 prayer-meoting and the nrin ting-office." etc 
 
40 
 
 EATTERAS. 
 
 This, with a variety of comments, was the 
 southern response to Annapolis and Baltimore. 
 
 The North seemed slower to recognize his 
 services. After the withdrawal of the four regi- 
 ments, he found himself in a false position at 
 Fortress Monroe, incapable of acting, yet ex- 
 pected by the country to act. His embarrass- 
 ment was not diminished by discovering that 
 the intention to remove his troops was known 
 and published before the battle of Bull Enii, and 
 that they were still detained at Baltimore inac- 
 tive. 
 
 " As soon," he wrote to Colonel Baker, " as I 
 began to look like activitj'-, my troops are all 
 taken away. And almost my only IHend and 
 counselor, on whose advice I could rely, is taken 
 away by name * * * * "What 
 ought I to do under these circumstances? I 
 ought not to stay here and be thus abused. Tell 
 me as a true friend,' as I know yon are, what 
 ought to be done in justice to myself To resign, 
 when the country needs service, is unpatriotic. 
 To hold office which government believes mo 
 unfit for, is humiliating. To remain here, dis- 
 graced and thwarted by every subordinate who 
 is sustained by the head of the department, is 
 unbearable." 
 
 The government resolved his doubts. A day 
 or two after the reply to General Butler's con- 
 traband letter had been dispatched, he was re- 
 moved from the command of the department, 
 and General Wool appointed in his stead. 
 "Whether the two acts had anj^ connection, or 
 whether the removal was a compliance with the 
 suggestions of a leading newspaper, has not 
 been disclosed. "General Wool," commented 
 the New York Times, " is assigned the command 
 of Fortress Monroe. So far, so good. The 
 nation was deeply dissatisfied, not to say indig- 
 nant, at the fact that one of the bravest, as well 
 as one of the most skillful and experienced of 
 American generals, was persistently kept in 
 quiet retreat at Troy, N. Y., while political 
 brigadiers were fretting away the spirit of the 
 army by awkward blunderings upon masked 
 batteries." There had, indeed, been much 
 clamor of this kind, and worse. One gallant 
 colonel, removed from his command for drunk- 
 enness, had caused letters to be published, accu- 
 eing General Butler of disloyalty. Other officers, 
 who had left the service for the service's good, 
 were not silent, and one or two reporters, who 
 had been ordered away from the post, still had 
 the use of tiieu- pens. Nor had the public the 
 means of understanding the causes of General 
 Butler's inactivity. They saw tiie most im- 
 portant military post in th.e possession of the 
 United States, apparently well-supplied with 
 troops, contributing notiiing to the military 
 strength of the country. The blame was nat- 
 urally laid at the door of the general command- 
 ing it. 
 
 On the eighteenth of August, General Butler 
 gracefully resigned the command of the depart- 
 ment to his successor. In his farewell order he 
 said: " The general takes leave of the command 
 of the officers and soldiers of this department 
 with the kindest feelings towards all, and with 
 the hope that in active service upon the field, 
 they may soon signalize their bravery and gal- 
 lant ccnduct, as they have siiown thVir patriot- 
 ism b^ fortitude under the fatigues of camn duty. 
 
 No personal feeling of regret intrudes itself at 
 the change in the command of the department, 
 by which our cau.se acquires the services in the 
 field of the veteran general commanding, in 
 whose abilities, experience, and devotion to the 
 flag, the whole country places the most implicit 
 reliance, and under whose guidance and com- 
 mand all of us, and none more than your late 
 commander, are proud to serve." 
 
 He had been in command of the department 
 of Virginia two months and twenty-seven days 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 HATTERAS. 
 
 The order which relieved General Butler from 
 command in Virginia assigned him to no other 
 dutJ^ He was simply ordered to res^ his com- 
 mand to General Wool. Whether he was to re- 
 main at the fortress, or repair to head-quarters, 
 or go home, was left to conjecture. ^That should 
 he do? Where should he go? Friends unanimon.'^- 
 ly advised : ' Go home. The governmont plainly 
 intimates that it does not want you.' T!ie game 
 is lost; throw up your hand. ''No," said he. 
 " whatever I do, I can't go home. That were 
 the end of my militarj- career, and I am in for 
 the war." It ended in his asking General Wool 
 for something to do; and General Wool, who 
 could not but see what eff).cient service be had 
 rendered at the post, and heartily acknowledged 
 it, gave him the command of the volunteer troops 
 outside tho fortress. So he vacated the mansion 
 within the walls, and sers'ed where he hid been 
 wont to rule. 
 
 A week after, the expedition to t educe the 
 forts at Ilalteras Inlet was on the point of SJiii- 
 ing. It was a .scheme of the general's own. A 
 Union prisoner being detained at the inlet, had 
 brought the requsite information to the fortress 
 many weeks before. He said, that through tliat 
 gap in the long sand-island which i-uns alone: th<-' 
 coast, of North Carolina, numberless blo'^kad.' 
 runners found access to the main land, lli^3 re- 
 port being duly conveyed to head-quarters, a 
 joint expedition, military and naval, was ordered 
 to take the forts, destroy them, block up the in- 
 let with sunken stone, and return to Fortress 
 Monroe. Preparations for this expedition were 
 at Cull tide when General Butler was superseded 
 Nine hundred troops were detailed to accomp:.ny 
 it; a small corps for a major-general. Genera! 
 Butler volunteered to command them, and Gen- 
 eral Wool accepted his oSor ; ki;id friends whis- 
 pering, " infra dig." 
 
 He went. ' Every one remembers the details 
 of that first cheering success after the summer of 
 our discontent. It seemed to break the spell of 
 disaster, and gave encouragement to the country, 
 disproportioned to the magnitude of the .lohiovo- 
 ment. General Butler enjoyed a share of Uie 
 eclat, which restored much o.*" the public favor 
 lost at Great Bethel. 
 
 Two points of the general's i".)nduct on tiiis 
 occasicm, we may notice before pa.ssing on tr> 
 more stirring scenes. The reader hit;-- cot for- 
 gotten, that the rebel coiumander first or'eiod t" 
 surrender, provided the garrisor were allowed t'- 
 retire, and that General Butler refused the terai-t?. 
 
EECRUITING FOR SPECIAL SERVICIC. 
 
 (ieraanding unconditional surrender. " The Ade- 
 laide," he reports, '' on carrying in the troops, at 
 the moment my terms of capitulation were under 
 consideration by the enemy, had grounded upon 
 the bar. * * At the same time, the Harriet 
 Lane, in attempting to enter the bar had grounded, 
 and remained fast ; both were under the guns of 
 the fort. By these accidents, a valuable ship of 
 war, and a transport steamer, with a large por- 
 tion of my troops, were within the power of the 
 enemy. I had demanded the strongest terms, 
 which he was considering. He might refuse, 
 and seeing our disadvantage, renew the action. 
 But I determined to abate not a tittle of what I 
 considered to be due to the dignity of the gov- 
 ernment ; nor even to give an official title to the 
 officer in command of the rebels. Besides, mj' 
 tug was in the inlet, and, at least, I could carry 
 on the engagement with my two rifled si.K-pound- 
 ers, well supplied witii Sawyer's shell." It was 
 an anxious moment, but his terms were accepted, 
 and the victory was complete. 
 
 One of the guns of the Minnesota was worked 
 durintr the action by contrabands from Fortress 
 Monroe. The danger was slight, for the ene- 
 my's balls fell short. But it wo.s observed f>nd 
 freely acknowledged on all hands, that no gun in 
 the fleet was more steadily served than theirs, 
 and no men more composed than they when the 
 danger was supposed to be imminent. In action 
 and out of action their conduct was everything 
 Uiat could be desired. 
 
 The other matter which demands a word of 
 explanation, relates to General Butler's sudden re- 
 turn from Hattcras, which elicited sundry satirical 
 remarks at the time. He had been ordered not 
 to hold but to destroy the port. But on survey- 
 ing the position, he was so much impressed with 
 the irnjKirtance of retaining it, that he resolved 
 to go instantly to Washington and explain his 
 views to tiio government. He did so, and the 
 government dete/mined to hold the place. Nor 
 was luLste unnecessary, since supplies had been 
 brought for only live days. The troops must 
 have been immediately withdrawn or immedi- 
 ately provisioned. 
 
 And now again he was without a command. 
 The government did not know what to do with 
 him, and he did not know what to do witli him- 
 self Recruiting was generally at a stand still, 
 and there were no troops in the field that had 
 not their full allowance of major-generals. West 
 Point influence was in the ascendant, as surely it 
 ought to be in time of war ; and this lawyer in 
 apaxTlets seemed to be rather in the way than 
 ■jtherwise. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 •r'>(} FOR SPECIAL SERVICK. 
 
 GESERi:, BuTLiR now recalled the attention 
 »f the govt-i anient to his scheme for expelling 
 i'ebel forces from the Virginia peninsula, which 
 had been suspended by the sudden transfer of 
 Colonel Baker and his command from Fortress 
 Monroe. He obtained authority from the war 
 department to recruit troops in Massachusetts 
 for this purpose. Recruiting seemed to be pro- 
 ceeding somewhat languidly in the state, although 
 
 her quota was yet far from full ; nnd it was sup- 
 posed, that General Butler could strike a vein 
 of hunker democrats which would yield good 
 results. Not that hunker democrats had been 
 backward in enlisting; but it was thought that 
 many of them who still hesitated would rally to 
 the standard of one who had so often led them 
 in the mimic war of elections. On going home, 
 however, he found that General Sherman was 
 before him in special recruiting, and that to him 
 Governor Andrew had promised tlie first regi- 
 ments that should be completed. He hastened back 
 to Washington. He had been engaged to speak 
 in Paneuil HaD, but left a note of excuse, ending 
 with these words: " That I go for a vigorous 
 prosecution of the war is best shown by the fact 
 that I am gone." At Washington, a change of 
 programme. He penned an order, dated Sept. 
 10th, enlarging his sphere of operations to all 
 New England, which the secretary of war signed. 
 To make assurance doubly sure, he asked the 
 additional sanction of the president's signature. 
 The cautious president, always punctiliously 
 respectful to state authority, first procured by 
 telegraph the assent of all the governors of New 
 England, and then signed the order. 
 
 It was upon General Butler's return to New 
 England to raise these troops, that the collision 
 occurred between himself and the governor of 
 Massachusetts, which caused so much perplexity 
 to all the parties concerne'^. 
 
 Let us draw a veil over these painful scenes. 
 A quarrel is divided into two parts. Part first 
 embraces all that is said and done while both 
 parties keep their temper ; part second, all that 
 is said and done after one or both of the parties 
 lose it. The first part may be interesting, and 
 even important : the second is sound and fury, 
 signifying nothing. Governor Andrew felt that 
 General Butler was interfering with his prerog- 
 ative. General Butler, intent on the work in 
 hand, was exasperated at the obstacles thrown 
 in his way by Governor Andrew. General 
 Butler, who had had bitter experience of sub- 
 altern incompetency, was anxious to secure 
 commissions tP men in whom he could confide. 
 Governor Andrew naturally desired to give com- 
 missions to men in whose fitness he couid liimself 
 believe. General Butler's friends were chiefly of 
 the hunker persuasion ; Governor Andrew was 
 better acquainted with gentlemen of his own 
 party. Both were honest and zealous servants 
 of their country. Long may both of them five 
 to serve and honor it. 
 
 The six thousand troops were raised, But the 
 delay in Massachusetts deprived General Butler 
 of the execution of his peninsula scheme, which 
 fell to the lot of General Dix, who weU per- 
 formed it in November. So General Butler went 
 to Washington to learn what he was to do with, 
 his troops, now that he had them. 
 
 For many months the government had been 
 silently preparing for the recovery of the southern 
 strongholds, which had been seized at the out- 
 break of the war, while the last administration 
 was holding parley with treason at the capital. 
 Commodore Porter was busy at the Booklyn 
 Navy Yard with his fleet of bomb-boats. The 
 navy had been otherwise strengthened; though 
 the day of iron-clads had not yet dawned in 
 Hampton {Joads. Immense provision had been 
 ordered of the cumbro".^s material used in sieges.. 
 
42 
 
 RECRUITING FOR SPECIAL SERVICE. 
 
 But as yet, preparations only had been made ; 
 the points first to be attempted had not been 
 selected ; the chief attention of the government 
 being still directed to the increase and organi- 
 zation of the army o*" the Potomac, held at 
 bay by the phantom of two hundred thousand 
 rebels, and endless imaginary masked batteries 
 at Manassas. The arrival of General Butler at 
 "Washington recalled the consideration of the 
 government to more distant enterprises. 
 
 Mobile was then the favorite object, both at 
 the head-quarters of the army and at the navy 
 department; and General Butler was directed 
 to report upon the best rendezvous for an expe- 
 dition against Mobile. Maps, charts, gazetteers, 
 encyclopedias, and sea captains were zealously 
 overhauled. In ?■ day or two, the general was 
 ready with his report, which named Ship Island 
 as the proper rendezvous for operations against 
 any point upon the gulf coa.st. Ship Island it 
 should be then. To New England the general 
 quickly returned, and started a regiment or two 
 for the rendezvous under General Phelps, whose 
 services he had especially asked. Then to 
 Washington once more, where he found that 
 ^lobile was not in high favor with the ruling 
 member of the cabinet, who thought Texas a 
 more immediately important object. It was 
 natural that he should so regard it, as he was 
 compelled by his office to look at the war in the 
 light shed from foreign correspondence. General 
 Butler was now ordered to prepare a paper 
 upon Texas, and the best mode of reannexing it. 
 Nothing loath, he rushed again at the maps and 
 .gazetteers, collaring stray Galvestonians by the 
 way. An elaborate paper upon Texas was the 
 j)rompt result of his labors, a production justly 
 complimented by General McClellan for its lucid 
 completeness. Texas was in the ascendant. 
 Texas should be reannexed; the French kept 
 out ; the German cotton plau-ters delivered ; the 
 rebels quelled ; the blockading squadron released. 
 Homeward sped the General to get more of his 
 troops on the way. The Constitution, which had 
 conveyed General Phelps to Ship Island and 
 returned, was again loaded with .troops. Two 
 thousand men were embarked, and the ship was 
 on the point of sailing, when a -telegram from 
 Washington arrived of singuilar brevity : 
 
 "Don't Sail. Disembark." 
 
 No explanation followed ; nor did General 
 Butler wait long for one. The next day he was 
 in "Washington, in quest of elucidation. The ex- 
 planation was simple. Mason and Slidell were 
 in Fort "Warren ; England had demanded their 
 ■surrender ; war with England was possible, not 
 improbable. If war were the issue, the Consti- 
 tution would be required, not to convey troops 
 to Ship Island, but to bring back those already 
 there. 
 
 Nothing remained for General Butler but to 
 return home, and wait till the question was 
 decided. He went, but not until he had avowed 
 his entire conviction that justice and policy 
 united in demanding thac the rebel emissaries 
 should be retained. He thought that New 
 England alone, drained as she was of men, would 
 follow him to Canada, that wiuten, with fifty 
 thousand troops, and seize the commanding 
 points before the April sun had let in the Eng- 
 lish navy. The country, he thought, was not 
 half awake- -had not put forth half its strength. 
 
 He felt that in such a qu-irrei, uicrica would do 
 as Greece had done vriien Xerxes led his myriad 
 against her — every man a soldier, and everj 
 soldier a hero. He did not despair of seeing, 
 first the border states, and then the gulf states, 
 lired with ihe old animosity, and joining against 
 the heroditiiry foe. Knowing what England had 
 done in the way of violating the flag of neutrals, 
 he regarded her conduct in this affair as the very 
 sublime of impudence. He boiled with indig- 
 nation whenever he thought of it, and he Uiought 
 of little else during those memorable weeks. 
 
 Fortunately, as most of us think, other counsels 
 prevailed at "^Vashington, and a blow was strvick 
 at the rebellion, by the surrender of the men, of 
 more eflect than the winning of a great battle. 
 The restoration of the Union will itself avenge 
 the wrong, and cut deeper into the power that 
 has misled England than the losa of many 
 Canadas. 
 
 Mason and Sfidell were given up. The troops 
 sailed for Fortress Monroe. General Butler, 
 early in January, 1862, went to "Washington to 
 conclude the last arrangements, intending to join 
 his command in Hampton Roads. At the war 
 department mere confusion roignotl, for this wad 
 the time when Mr. Cameron was going out, and 
 Mr. Stanton coming in. Nothing could be dene ; 
 the troops remained at Fortress Monroe: the 
 general was lost to finite view in the mazes of 
 Washington. 
 
 "\Ye catch a brief glimpse of him, however, 
 testifying before the committee on the conduct 
 of the war. No reader can have forgottou that 
 the question then agitating the country wa.s, 
 why General McClellan, with his army of two 
 hundred thousand men, had remained inactive 
 for so many months, permitting the olockado of 
 the Potomac, and allowing the superb weather 
 of November and December to pass unimproved 
 into the mud and cold of January. The odtab- 
 lished opinion at head-quarters was, that the 
 rebel army before Washiiigtcr. numbered alxmt 
 two hundred and tbrty thousand men. Upon 
 this point General Butler, from much study oi 
 the various sources of intbrmatiou, bad arrived 
 at an opinion which ditfered from the one in 
 vogue, and this he communicated to the com- 
 mittee ; and not the opinion only, but the grounds 
 of the opinion. lie presented an argument on 
 the subject, having thoroughly got up the case 
 as he had been wont to do for gentlemen of the 
 jury. Subjecting General Beauregard's report ol 
 the two actions near Manassas to a minute aur.I- 
 ysis, he showed that the rebel army at the battle 
 of Bull Run numbered 36,000 men. He cr-jas- 
 examined those reports, counting first by regi 
 ments, secondly by brigades, and found the re- 
 sults of both calculations the same. He ther 
 computed the quotas of the various rebel states 
 and concluded that the entire Confederate force 
 on the day of the battle of P'oll Run V'"'';S about 
 54,000. He next considered the iacrefcfio to the 
 rebel armies since the battle of Bull K'.ir.. We, 
 with our greatly superior raea.-S of transport- 
 ation, with our greater population, and the 
 command of the ocean, had been able, by the 
 most strenuous exertions, to assemble au army 
 before Washington of little more than 200,000. 
 Could the rebels have got together half that 
 number in the same time ? It was not probable, 
 it was scarcely possible. Then the extent o'' 
 
RECRUITING FOR SPECIAL SERVICE. 
 
 45 
 
 covintry held by the rebel army was known, and 
 forbade the supposition entertained at head- 
 quarters. Upon the whole, he concluded that 
 the armies menacing Washington consisted of 
 about 70,000 men ; which proved to be within 
 5,000 of the truth. 
 
 This opinion was vigorously pooh-poohed in 
 in the higher circles of the array, but leading 
 members of the committee were evidently con- 
 vinced by it. One officer of high rank, a. fre- 
 uuenter of the olfiee of the general-in-chief, 
 was good enough to say, when General Butler 
 had tlnally departed, that he hoped they had now 
 "Vjund a hole big enough to bury that Yankee 
 -general in. 
 
 During the delay caused by the change in the 
 department of war, an dmost incredible incident 
 occurred, which strikingly illustrates the confu- 
 sion sometimes arising from Lirdng thiee centers 
 of military authority — the president, the secre- 
 tary of war, and the commajider-iu-ciiief. By 
 mere accident G-eneral Butler heard one day that 
 his troops had oevu. sent, two weeks before, 
 from Fortress lionroe to Port Royal. '•"What!" 
 he exclaimed, " liave I been played with all this 
 time?" He discovered, upon inquiry, that such 
 an order had indeed been issued. He procured 
 an interview with Mr. Stanton, gave him a liis- 
 tory of his proceedings, and aaked an explana- 
 tion of the order. Mr. Stanton knew nothing 
 about it ; Mr. Cameron knew nothing about it ; 
 General McClelian knew nothing about it. Never- 
 theless, the order in question had really been 
 sent. Mr. Stanton readily agreed to counter- 
 mand the order, provided the troops had not 
 already departed. The general hurried to the 
 telegraph office, wliere, under a rapid fire of 
 messages, a still more wonderlul fact was disclo- 
 sed. The mysterious order had been received in 
 Baltimore by one of General Dix's aids, who 
 had put it into his pocket, forgotten it, and carried 
 it about loiih him two lueeks! From the depths 
 of his pocket it was finally brought to light. 
 The troops were still at the (brtress. 
 
 Mr. Stanton soon made himself felt in the 
 dispatch of business. General Butler obraincd 
 an ample hearing, and the threads of Lis eater- 
 prize were again taken up. One day (about Jan- 
 uary 10th), towards the close of a long confer- 
 ence between the general and the secretary, Mr. 
 Stanton suddenly asked : 
 
 " Why can't New Orleans be taken?" 
 
 The question thrilled General Butler to the 
 marrow. 
 
 " It can!" he replied. 
 
 This was the first time New Orleans had been 
 mentioned in General Butler's hearing, but by 
 no means the first time he had thought of it. 
 The secretary told him to prepare a programme; 
 and for the third time the general dashed at the 
 charts and books. General McClellan, too, was 
 requested to present an opinion upon the feasi- 
 bility of the enterprise. He re;j;>ii;ed that the 
 capture of New Orleans would require an array 
 of 50,000 men, and no such numoer could be 
 spared Even Texas, he. thought, .should be 
 given up for the present. 
 
 But now General Butler, fired with the splen- 
 dor and daring of the new project, exerted all 
 the tbrces of his nature to win for it the consent 
 of the government. He talked New Orleans to 
 e,\Qrj member of the f^abiuet. In a nrotracted 
 
 interview with the president, he argued, he 
 urged, he entreated, he convinced. Nobly were 
 his efibrts seconded by Mr. Fox, the assistant 
 secretary of the navy, a native of Lowell, a 
 schoolmate of General Butler's. His whole 
 heart was in the scheme. The president spoke, 
 at length, the decisive word, and the general 
 almost reeled from the White House in the in- 
 toxication of his relief and joy. One difficulty 
 still remained, and that was the tight clutch of 
 General McClellan upon the troops. At Ship 
 Island there were 2,000 men ; on ship-board 
 2,200; ready in New England, 8,500; total, 
 12,700. General Butler demanded a total of 
 15,000. As the general-in-chief would not hear 
 of sparing men from Washington, three of the 
 Baltimore regiments were assigned to the expe- 
 dition ; and these were the only ones in General 
 Butler's division which could be called drilled. 
 Not one of his regiments had been in action. 
 
 About January 23d, the last impediment was 
 removed, and General Butler went home, for the 
 last time, to superintend the embarkation of the 
 rest of the New England troops. The troops 
 detained so long at Fortress Monroe, were 
 hurried on board the Constitution, and started 
 for Ship Island. Other transports were rapidly 
 procured; other regiments dispatched. A month 
 later. General Butler was again in Washington 
 to receive the final orders ; the huge steamship 
 Mississippi, loaded with his last troops, lying in 
 Hampton Roads, waiting only for his coming to 
 put to sea. It may interest some readers to 
 know, that the total cost of raising the troopa 
 and starting them on their voyage, was about a 
 million and a half of dollars. 
 
 It was not without apprehensions that General 
 Butler approached the capital on this occasion — 
 there had been so many changes of programme. 
 But all the departments smiled propitiously, 
 and the final arrangements were soon completed. 
 A professional spy, who had practiced his voca- 
 tion in Virginia too long for him to venture 
 again within the enemy's lines with much chance 
 of getting out again, was on his way to New 
 Orleans, having agreed to meet the general at 
 Ship Island with a full account of the state of 
 afiairs in the crescent city. A thousand dollars 
 if he succeeds. The department of the gulf 
 was created, and General Butler formally placed 
 in command of the same. The following were 
 the orders of tlio commaader-in-cbie£ 
 
 " Head-Quartkrs of the Armt, 
 "■ February 1M, 1862. 
 "Major-General B. F. Butler, United States 
 
 Army: 
 
 "General: — You are assigned to the com- 
 mand of the land forces destined to co-operate 
 with the navy in the attack upon New Orleans. 
 You will use every means to keep the destina- 
 tion a profound secret, even from your staff 
 officers, with the exception of your chief of 
 stafl', and Lieutenant Wietzel, of the engineers. 
 
 " The force at your disposal will consist of the 
 first thirteen regiment's named in your memo- 
 randum handed to me in person, the Twenty- 
 first Indiana, Fourth Wisconsin, and Sixth 
 Michigan (old and good regiments from Balti- 
 more) — these three regiments will await your 
 orders at Fort Monro*?. Two companies of the 
 Twenty-first Indiana are well drilled at heavy 
 
44 
 
 SHIP ISLAND. 
 
 artillery. The cavalry force already en route for 
 Ship Island, will be sufficient for your purposes. 
 After full consultation with officers well ac- 
 quainted with the country in which it is proposed 
 to operate, I have arrived at the conclusion 
 that three light batteries inWy equipped and one 
 without horses, will be all that will be neces- 
 sary. 
 
 " This will make your force about 14,400 
 infantry, 275 cavalry, 580 artillery, total 15.255 
 men. 
 
 "The commanding general of the departaent 
 of Key West is authorized to loan you, ^.^^1po- 
 rarily, two regiments ; Fort Pickens can pro- 
 babl}'- give you another, which will bring your 
 force to neariy 18,000. The object of your 
 f'xpeditioa is one of vital importance — the cap- 
 ture of New Orleans. The route selected is up 
 the Mississippi river, and the first obstacle to bo 
 encountered, perhaps the only one, is in the 
 resistance offered by Ports St. Philip and Jack- 
 son. It is expected that the navy can reduce 
 the works ; in that case, you wnll, after their 
 capture, leave a sufficient garrison in them to 
 render them perfectly secure ; and is recom 
 mended that en the upward passage a few heavy 
 guns and some troops be left at the pilot station, 
 at the forks of the river, to cover a retreat in the 
 case of a disaster, the troops and guns will of 
 course be removed as soon as the forts are 
 captured. 
 
 " Should the navy fail to reduce the works, 
 you will land your forces and siege train, and 
 endeavor to breach the works, silence their fire, 
 and carry them by assault. 
 
 " The next resistance will be near the English 
 Bend, where there are some earthen batteries ; 
 here it may be necessary for you to land your 
 troops, to co-operate with the naval attack, 
 although it is more than probable that the navy, 
 unassisted, can accomplish the result. If these 
 works are taken, the city of New Orleans neces- 
 sary falls. 
 
 " In that event it will probably be best to 
 occupy Algiers witl) the mass of your toops, 
 also the eastern bank of the river above the 
 city — it may be necessary to place some troops 
 in the city to preserve order ; though if there 
 appears sufficient Union sentiment to control 
 the city, it may be best for purposes of discipline 
 to keep your men out of the city. 
 
 " After obtaining possession of New Orleans, 
 it will be necessary to reduce all the works 
 guarding its approaches from the oast, and par- 
 ticularly to gain the Manchac Pass. 
 
 " Baton Rouge, Berwick Bay, and Port Liv- 
 ingston will next claim your attention. 
 
 " A feint on Galveston may facilitate the 
 objects we have in view. I need not call your 
 attention to the necessitj'' of gaining possession 
 of all the rolling stock you can, on the different 
 railways, and of obtaining control of the roads 
 themselves. The occupation of Baton Rouge, 
 by a combined naval and land force, should be 
 accomplished as soon as possible after you 
 have gained New Orleans; then endeavor to 
 open your communication with the northern 
 column of the Mississippi, always bearing in mind 
 the necessity of occupying Jackson, Mississippi, 
 as soon as you can safely do so, either aflcr or 
 before you have effected the junction. Allow 
 nothing to divert you from obtaining full pos- 
 
 session of all the approaches to New Orleans. 
 When that object is accomplished to its fullest 
 extent, it will be necessary to make a combined 
 attack on Mobile, in order to gain possession of 
 the harbor and works, as well as to control the 
 railway terminus at the cit}'. In regard to thi^ 
 I will send more detailed instructions, as the 
 operations of the northern column develop tiiem- 
 selves. I may simply state that the general 
 objects of the expedition are first, the reduction ci 
 New Orleans and all its approaches, then Mobile, 
 and all its defenses, then Pensacola, Galveston, 
 etc. It is probable that by the time New Or- 
 leans is reduced, it will be in the power of rhe 
 government to re-enforce the land forces suffi- 
 ciently to accomplish all these objects ; in the 
 meantime j'ou will please give all the assistance 
 in your power to the army and navy com- 
 manders in your vicinity, never losing sigiit oi 
 the fact chat the great object to be achieved is 
 the capture and firm retention of New Orleans, 
 " Yovy respectfully, your obedient servant, 
 "George B. McClellan, 
 *' Majo'"- General Commav.ding, &c., dtc.^' 
 
 February 24th was General Butler's last day 
 in Washington. 
 
 " Good-by, Mr, President. AVe shall t8k<* 
 Now Orleauf, or you'll never see me again." 
 
 Mr. Staut<;n : " Tlie man that takes Nev¥ 
 Orleans is made a lieutenant-general." 
 
 Febmary 2oth, at nine in the evening, the 
 steamship Mississippi sailed from Hampton 
 Roads, with Gerieral Butler and his staff, and 
 fourteen hundred troops on board. Mrs. Butler, 
 the brave and kind companion of her general in 
 all his campaigns hitherto, was still at his side 
 on the quarter-deck of the Mississippi. Except 
 himself, Major Strong, and Lieutenant Wietzel, 
 no man in the ship, and no man on the island 
 to which they were bound, knew the object of 
 tljo expedition. Articles and maps had appeared 
 in tii3 Herald, calculated to lead the onemj- to 
 suppono thai New Orleans, if attacked at all, 
 would "lie attacked from above, not from the 
 gulf. The northern public were completely in 
 the dark ; no one even guessed New Orleans. 
 
 CHAPTER VIIL 
 
 SHIP ISLAND. 
 
 Ship Island is a long wave of whitest, finest 
 sand, that glisiona in the sun, and drifts before 
 the wind like New England snow. It is one of 
 four islands tiiat .stretch along ten or twelve 
 miles from liie gulf coast, forming Mississippi 
 sound. It was to one of these sand islands that 
 the British troops repaired after their failure 
 before New Orleans iu 1815, where thoy lived 
 for several weeks, amusing themselves with 
 f:.sliing and play-acting. Ship Island, seven 
 miles long and tlu-ee quarters of a mile wide, 
 containing two square miles of land — the best 
 of the ifciar I'm: a rendezvous — is sixty-five miles 
 from New Orleans, ninety-five from the mouths 
 of the Mississippi, fifty from Mobile bay, ten 
 from the nearest point of the state of Mississippi, 
 of which the island is a part. It lies so low 
 among the white, tumbling waves, that, when 
 
SHIP I?I;AND. 
 
 4;=) 
 
 covered with tents, it looked like a camp floating 
 upon the sea. Land and water are menacingly 
 blended tliere. Numberless porpoises, attracted 
 by the refuse of the camps, floundered all around 
 the shore, wliich was lined with a living fringe 
 of sea-gulls, flapping, plunging, diving and 
 screaming. The waves and the wind seemed 
 to heave and toss the sand as easily as they did 
 the water. In great storms the island changes 
 its form ; large portions are severed, others sub- 
 merged ; new bays and inlets appear. On land- 
 ing, the voyager does not so much feel that he 
 iias come on shore as that he has got down over 
 the ship's side to the shifting bottom of the sea, 
 raised for a momeut by the mighty swell of 
 watei-s, threatening again to sink and disappear. 
 I'erra jirvM, it is not. 
 
 It was observed that the first aspect of this 
 island struck death to the hopes of arriving troops. 
 They faintly strove to cheer their spirits with 
 jocular allusions to the garden of Eden and to 
 Coney Island ; and one of General Phelps's men, 
 on looking over the ship's side upon the desolate 
 scene of his future home, raised a doleful laugh 
 by exclaiming, in the language of Watts: 
 
 " Lord, what a wretched land is this, 
 VVliich yields us no supplies I" 
 
 Appearances, however, were deceptive. The 
 ■wretched land was found to yield abundant sup- 
 plies of commodities and conveniences, most 
 essential to soldiers. At the western end there 
 is a really sm)erior harbor, safe in all winds, ad- 
 milting t!ie largest vessels. At the eastern ex- 
 treriiity groves of pine and stunted oak have suc- 
 ceeded in establishing themselves, and afford 
 plenty of wood. For fresh water, it is only 
 jieeessary to sink a barrel three feet ; it imme- 
 diately tills with rain water, pure from the natural 
 ilher of the sand. Oysters of excellent quality 
 can be iiad by yaduig for them ; fish abound ; 
 and \Lq w.jods, strange to relate, furnished the 
 means of raccoon-huntiag. The climate, too, in 
 the wint^i' months, is mote enjoyable than New- 
 port in midsummer, and the bathing not inferior. 
 Neveitlielebs, it must be owned, that with all 
 these advantages. Ship Island was never regarded 
 by the troops with high favor ; they never re- 
 covered from the flrnt; shock of disappointment. 
 
 Before the arriv*i of 'loueral Ph .Ips, in Decem- 
 ber, 1861, the isLiud had been the theater of 
 many events. The breaking out of the rebellion 
 found workmen, in the service of the United 
 States, building a fort for the defense of the har- 
 bor. They s<,^in abandoned the place, and tlie 
 rebels iminediatoiy laiided, burned the houses, 
 damaged tiie fort, destroyed the lantern of the 
 light-house, and retired. Then the blockading 
 squadron appeared, captiu-e*.! many prizes, and 
 nearly stopped the coasting trade between Mobile 
 and New Orleans. But the coast being clear for 
 a few days, a rebel force again landed, and pro- 
 ceeded to repair the damage they had done, 
 mounting heavy guns upon the fort, and erecting 
 extensive works. Commodore McKeau unable to 
 reach them with the guns of the Massachusetts. 
 In September, alarmed by rumors of a coming 
 expedition, the rebels again abandoned the island; 
 but, in so doing, were so much acclerated by tlie 
 vigQant McKeac, that, though they took their 
 guns with them, they lefl the fort standing, and 
 'the commoaore captured a vessel laden with tim- 
 
 ber, hewn and cut for th* defensive works. 
 From September to December, Commodore 
 McKean, with a hundred and seventy sailors and 
 marines, under Lieutenant McKean Buchanan, 
 had held the harbor, and labored to remount the 
 fort, and complete the works begun by the ene- 
 my : darting out occasionally, and pouncing upon 
 venturesome schooners from Mobile, or blockade- 
 runners from Nassau. Five or six prizes were 
 there when General Phelps hove in sight, and 
 two light-draft steamers among tiiem, invaluable 
 for landing troops. 
 
 During the next three months the island pre- 
 sented a busy scene. The huge steamer Consti- 
 tution landed her little army of troops, sailed, 
 and returned with more; General Phelps and 
 Commodore McKean striving, meanwhile, to com- 
 plete the defenses, and to prepare in all ways for 
 coming events, whatever those events might be ; 
 neither of them knowing the designs of the gov- 
 ernment. General Phelps, a strict disciplinariaa- 
 assiduously drilled and reviewed the troops. 
 
 December, January, and February p.assed 
 slowly and drearily by. The island was covered 
 with troops; the fleet augmented in the harbor. 
 The troops beinginconvenientiy crowded. General 
 Phelps sent over a party to the main land to see 
 if there was room and safety there for a portion 
 of his command. A sudden shower of canister 
 from a battery near thewharf of Mississippi City 
 was interpreted to mean that, though there might 
 be room enough, there was not safety. The 
 troops, therefore, were obliged to remain cooped 
 and huddled together on the small part of the 
 island that afforded tolerable camping ground. 
 The monotony of their lives, in these forlorn aud 
 restricted circumstances, told upon the spirits or 
 the men. The resigning fever broke out among 
 the officers, and "carried off"" several victims. 
 At the end of February, when the last trans- 
 ports arrived. General Phelps learned that the 
 next arrival would be that of General Butler 
 himself, who might be daily expected, and then 
 active operations would begin. But the days 
 passed on, and no general came. Two large 
 steamers were lying in the harbor, at a daily ex- 
 pense to the government of three thousand dollars. 
 Now, General Phelps is one of those gentlemen 
 who take the true view of the public money, re- 
 garding it as the most sacred of all money, to be 
 expended with the thoughtful economy with 
 winch an honest guardian expends the slender 
 portion of a girl bequeathed to his care by a 
 dying friend. Still unacquainted with the plans 
 of the government, hearing, too, that General 
 Butler had been lost at sea, the costly presence 
 of those steamers distressed his righteous soul ; 
 and, at length, he ordered them home. So there 
 were ten thousand men, on a strip of sand, on a 
 hostile coast, with no great supply of provisions, 
 destitute of any adequate means either of getting 
 away or of getting supplies. A deep despond- 
 ency settled upon the troops as the month of 
 March wore on, and they vainly scanned the 
 horizon for a smoky harbinger of their expected 
 commander. Fears for his safety received mel- 
 ancholy armfirrcation, w^hen a vessel pri-ived, 
 bringing Brigadier-General Williams from Hatt- 
 eras Inlot, for whom the Vlississipi was to have 
 called or her way. For a month, General Phelps 
 waited for (^.'eral Sutler in painful s'ljpsnse. 
 The rumors of disaster to the IWississippi 
 
46 
 
 SHIP ISLAND. 
 
 were far from groundless. In getting to Ship 
 Island, General Butler had almost as many ad- 
 ventures as Jason in search of the golden fleece. 
 To him, and to his staff, who had already en- 
 countered so many obstacles in Massachusetts 
 and at Washington, it seemed now as if gods 
 and men were contending against their expedi- 
 tion. But they were animated with desperate 
 resolution, feeling that only some signal achieve- 
 ment could vindicate their enterprise, and enable 
 them to show themselves again in Massachusetts 
 without shame. The general had assumed so 
 much of the responsibility of the expedition, had 
 borne it along on his own shoulders through so 
 many difficulties, against so much opposition or 
 lukewarm support, that he felt there were two 
 alternatives for him, glorious success or a glori- 
 ous death. Xor did he suppose for a moment, 
 that the brunt of the affair •would fall upon the 
 wooden ships of the navy. He expected power- 
 ful aid from the navy, but he took it for granted, 
 that the closing and decisive encounter would be 
 with the Confederate army on the swamps and 
 bayous of the Delta, defended by works supposed 
 by the enemy to be impregnable. Storming par- 
 ties, scaling ladders, siege guns, headlong as- 
 saults into the imminent, deadly breach — these 
 were the means by which he supposed the work 
 was to be finally done, and this was evidently 
 the impression of the secretary of war when he 
 spoke of the reward which would be due to the 
 man who sliould take New Orleans. 
 
 February 25th, at nine in the evening, the 
 Mississippi steamed from Hampton Roads, and 
 bore away for Hatteras and General Williams. 
 The weather was fine, and the night passed 
 pleasantly. The morning broke beautifully upon 
 a tranquil sea, and the superb ship bowled along 
 before a fair wind. Landsmen began to fear 
 that they should complete the voyage without 
 having experienced what is so delightful to read 
 about in Byron — a storm at sea. But, in the 
 afternoon — a change, and such a change. The 
 horizon thickened and drew in ; the wind rose ; 
 and when, at six o'clock, they were eight miles 
 off Hatteras Inlet, there was no getting in that 
 night. The ship made for the open sea, and in 
 so doing, ran within a few feet of perdition, in 
 the form of a shoal, over which the* waves bioke 
 into foam. The ship escaped, but not the cap- 
 tain's reputation. The general's faith in his cap- 
 tain was not entire before this ominous occur- 
 rence, but from that moment it was gone, and 
 lie left the deck no more while the danger lasted. 
 The gale increased as the night came on, until 
 at midnight it blew half a hurricane. The 
 vessel being short-handed, there was a rumma- 
 ging among the sleeping and sea-sick troops for 
 sailors ; numbers of whom responded to the call, 
 who rendered good service during the night — 
 their general awake, ubiquitous. It lulled 
 towards morning ; and by noon, the wind had 
 ceased. The ship was then so far from Hatteras, 
 that it was determined to give up General Wil- 
 liams, and make straight for the gulf. " All felt 
 relieved," remarks Major Bell in Lis itinerary, 
 " and such as had desired to see a storm at sea, 
 had had faeir wildest wish fully realized, and 
 were satis^ed." 
 
 Again, tlie magnificent ship went prosper- 
 ously on her way. The sea-sick struggled on 
 deck; xh° disheaHenod were reassured; and 
 
 those who had lost confidence in the captain ha'^ 
 had their faith in the general renewed. The 
 night was serene; the morning fine. At seven 
 the ship was off Cape Fear, going at great 
 speed, wind and steam co-operating; land in 
 sight ; men in higli spirits over their coffee and 
 biscuit. At liah-past eight, when the genera) 
 and his staff were at breakfast in the cabin, they 
 heard and felt that most terrible of all sounds 
 known to .sea-faring men, the harsh grating oi 
 the ship's Iceei upon a shoal. Every one started 
 to his feet, and hurried to tlie deck. The sky 
 was clear, the land was five miles distant, a 
 light-house was in sight. The vessel aground 
 upon the rocks, but still moved. Her couvsf 
 was altered and altered again ; all points cf the 
 compass were tried ; but still she touched. 
 Boats were lowered, and soundings were taken 
 in all iirections, without a practicable channel 
 being discovered. 'The captain, amazed and 
 confounded, gave the fatal order to let go the 
 bow anchor ; and the ship, with three sails set, 
 drove upon the fluke, which pierced the forward 
 compartment, and the water poured in in a tor- 
 rent that baffled the utmost exertions of men 
 and pumps. Benjamin Franklin, dead in Christ 
 i Church burial-ground at Philadelphia, saved the 
 ship from filling; for it was he who tirst learned 
 from the Chinese, and suggested to the occi- 
 dental world, the expedient of building ship? 
 with water-tight compartments. In an hour 
 from the first shock, the good steamer Missis- 
 sippi was hard and fast upon Fryuig Pan ShoaJU 
 one compartment filled to the water iiuo, and 
 the forward berths all afloat. There Wds no 
 help in the captain ; he was in such a niazo that 
 he could not ascertain from his books even the 
 state of the tide, whether it was rising or tailing, 
 a question upon which the safety of Uie ship de 
 pended. 
 
 The general, in effect, took command of tf . 
 ship. Major BelJ and Captain R. S. J>a/i?. Iwtb 
 volunteer aids, were ordered to loJr into tht. 
 captain's library for the hour <;f the • oxt high 
 tide. They reported falling water; high tide at 
 8 P.M. Signals of tli.Htress were hoisted, gxrns 
 were fired, efforts were still made to get the ship 
 afloat. Horsemen were dcsciied on the shore, 
 and fears were ontertaLDoathut some Contpderato 
 vessel, lurking on tlie c-oast, might come out 
 and make an easy capture of a defenseless trans- 
 port. Amid the manifold perils of the situation, 
 the troops behaved with admirable composure, 
 and perfect order was maintained without eflbrt 
 on the part of the ofliccrs. It could scarcely 
 have been otherwise, fcr the men saw during 
 that long and anxious day, Mis. iiutler, with her 
 attendant, tranquilly hemming streamers on the 
 quarter-deck, she not suspecting the essential 
 aid she was rendering the offioers in command. 
 The men confessed the next day, that nothing 
 cheered them so much whiii they were in peril, 
 as the sight of Mrs. Butler sitting there, in the 
 sight of them all, calmly plying her needle. 
 And the danger was indeed most imminent. 
 An oi-dinary squaU would have broken up the 
 ship ; it would have taken days to laud the men 
 in the ship's boats ; and they were upon a hos- 
 tile shore. The strain was severest upon the 
 nerves of those who were most familiar with a 
 coast noted for the suddenness and violence of its 
 gales. One man's hair turned white ; one went mad 
 
SHIP ISLAND. 
 
 47 
 
 Toward noon, a steamer hove in sight ; revi- 
 ving hope iu some, quickening the fears of 
 others. She approached cautiously, as if doubt- 
 Ail of the character of the grounded ship. The 
 Union flag was made out flying from her mast- 
 head, but still she hung ofi' in the distance sus- 
 piciously. General Butler sent Major Bell on 
 board, who discovered that she was the gun- 
 boat Mount Vernon, Commander 0. S. Glisson, 
 of the United States navy, blockading Wilming- 
 ton. Captain Glisson, who had, indeed, doubted 
 the character of the Mississippi, came on board, 
 and placed his vessel at the service of General 
 Butler. The sea was still smooth, but tokens of 
 change being manifest, it was deemed best to 
 transfer Mrs. Butler and her maid to the Mount 
 Vernon. A hawser was attached to the Missis- 
 sippi, and the gun-boat made many fruitles.s 
 attempts -to drag her fj'om ihe shoals. Three 
 hundred men were put bn board the M'.iuni 
 Vernon ; shells were thrown overboard ; the 
 troops ran in masses from bow to Btern, and 
 from stern to bow ; the engines worked at full 
 speed ; but still she would not budge. As the 
 tide rose, the wind and waves rose also ; it be- 
 came difficult to transfer the troops; and, soon, 
 the huge ship began to roll and strike the rocks 
 iiiarmkjgly. The sun went down, and twilight 
 was deeporiiiig into darkness, the wind still in- 
 creasing. Lut soon atter seven, to the inex- 
 pressible relitf of all on board, she moved for- 
 ward a few feet, and then surged ahead into 
 deeper water, and was .Riioat. The Mount 
 Vernon went slowly on to show the way the 
 Mississippi following ; the lead continuing for a 
 whole Lour to show but six inches of water 
 under her keel. The vessel hung down heavily 
 by the Lead, the forward compartment Ijeing 
 filled, and no one had a sense of safety until, at 
 laidnighl, both vossols oitme to archer in the 
 1 "ape Fear Ei^er. '-All l)sliaved vroaderMly 
 well," Major Bell records. " The resources of 
 the general seemed inexhaustible , his seeming 
 calmness and his clear judgment, in view of the 
 responsibility which the ignorance of the captain 
 left upon him were wonderful." 
 
 The next morning, after a survey of the dam- 
 aged vessel, it was decided to go on to Port 
 Royal for repairs, trusting to the settlfed appear- 
 I'jjce of the weather ; the Mount Vernon to ac- 
 company. Mrs. Butler and the troops returned 
 to the Missis&ippi, except one gentleman, the 
 chaplain of a ngiment, who resigned his com- 
 mission, and stuck to the vessel that had a com- 
 petent captain and no hole in her bottom. Gen- 
 eral Butler was ingenious in expedients to check 
 the tendency to resign, which is apt to manifest 
 tself in certain circumstances ; but he placed no 
 obstacle in the way of the chaplain's escape. 
 The vessels put to sea in tiie afternoon. The 
 next day wa« Sunday, and prayers were said on 
 the deck of the Mississippi. The most profound 
 solemnity vrevailed in the dense throng of sol- 
 diers, who literally watched -Mii prayed; prayed 
 to Heaven and watched the weather. In the 
 ;?.fiteri>oou they were cheered with the sight of 
 the gieat fleet blockading Charleston, one of the 
 vessels of which took the place of the Mount 
 Vernon. At sunset, o:: the second of March, the 
 Mississippi and her new conaort, the Matanzas, 
 anchored off Hilton Head. 
 
 As no adequate transportation for the troops 
 
 could be Lad at Port Royal, nothing remained 
 but to attempt to repair the Mississippi, and this, 
 too, in the absence of a dry dock and other 
 faciUties for handling so large a vessel. The 
 ship was taken to Seabrook Landing, on Shell 
 Creek, seven miles from Hilton Head, and the 
 men and stores were removed. The naval 
 officers on the station. Captain Boggs, Captain 
 Renshaw, Captain Boutelle, and others, con- 
 ferred with the general, and lent all possible aid 
 to the work in hand. Plan after plan was pro 
 posed, discussed, rejected. Men and pumps 
 strove in vain to clear the compartment of water. 
 Twice the leak was plugged from the inside, and 
 twice the water burst through again, and des- 
 troyed in an liour the work of two days and 
 nights. It can be truly averred, that General 
 Butler's indomitable resolution and inexhaustible 
 ingenuity w"ere the cause of the final success ; 
 for long after every one else had despaired, he 
 persisted, and still suggested new expedients. 
 A sail was at length, with inconceivable difficulty 
 and after many disheartening failures, drawn 
 over the leak ; the pumps gained upon the water, 
 and as tiie head of the vessel rose, the work be- 
 came more feasible. When the water had fallen 
 below the leak, a few hours of vigorous exertion 
 sufficed to stop it, and the naval gentlemen pro- 
 nounced the vessel fit for sea. 
 
 The troops were re-embarked, and the luckless 
 Mississippi started for the mouth of the harbor. 
 The captain, disregarding the advice of the naval 
 officers, who were familiar with the soundings, 
 ran her aground upon a bed of shells, and there 
 she stuck as fast as upon Frying Pan Shoals, 
 " It now became painfully evident," remarks 
 Major Bell, " that if we ever hoped to get the 
 Mississippi to Ship Island by water, we must 
 have a new captain." General Butler yielded 
 to the universal desire, and to Lis own sense of 
 the necessity of the case; he ordered a board 
 of inquiry, which reported the captain mcom- 
 petent, he deposed him and placed him under 
 arrest in his state-room. ■' I am grieved,' be 
 wrote to the captain, "to be obliged to this 
 action, for our personal relations Lave been of 
 the kindest character, and I know yourself will 
 beUeve that only the sternest sense of duty 
 would compel me to it.' 
 
 Acting-master Sturgis, of the Mount 'Vernon, 
 took the vacant place. Under his skillful direc- 
 tion, the ship was once more floated, but not till 
 the men had been again landed, and all the tugs in 
 port had done their utmost. March 13 th, under 
 a salute of fifteen guns from the flag-ship, the 
 Mississippi put to sea, still accompanied by thtf 
 Matanzas with part of the troops on board. 
 
 No more disasters. Seven days of prosperous 
 sailing brought them in sight of Ship Island, a 
 long camp floating flat upon the gulf. Dismal 
 scene ! A gale was blowing as the sLip steamed 
 into the harbor, and Luge waves were seen 
 rolling up, apparently among tLe tents, and no 
 man could tell whicli was water and which was 
 land. For two days and more, the gale con- 
 tinued, and the men, unable to land, looked out 
 upon the island dolefully. It seemed a sorrv 
 port to come to after svch a voyage. A gloom 
 that some men who were not easily dismayed 
 could scarcely endure, mucL less conceal, fell 
 upon every Leart. I Lave Leard General Butler 
 say, tLat when he saw wLat SLip Island was 
 
48 
 
 SHIP ISLAND. 
 
 and learned that Geueral Plielps had sent away 
 the transports, and thought of the many chances 
 there were of the faUue of supphes, and how 
 absolutely dependent they all were upon exter- 
 nal and distant resources, his heart, for the first 
 tiiEe during the war, died within him, and it 
 required all the resolution and fortitude he 
 aouid command to maintain a decent show of 
 Aeerfulness. He was somewhat debilitated too, 
 at this time, by a return of the disease con- 
 vacted some years before, at the National Hotel 
 in Washington. 
 
 On the 25th of March, just thn-ty days from 
 Hampton Roads, the troops were landed. There 
 being no house on the island, a shanty of 
 charred boards, eighteen feet square, was erected 
 for the residence of Mrs. Butler, furniture for 
 which was opportunely procured from a cap- 
 tured vessel. A vast old-fashioned French bed- 
 stead half filled the little cabin. 
 
 A closer acquaintance with tlie island did uot 
 raise the spirits of the troops. The heat was 
 intense. Innumerable were the flies. The 
 general discomfort was extreme ; and to add to 
 the gloom, phantoms were not wanting. As the 
 belief gained ground that New Orleans was the 
 object of the expedition, rumors of tire immense 
 preparations of the enemy to defend the city 
 obtained currency ; the river was lined witlt 
 batteries for a hundred miles; "rams" of fearful 
 magnitude and power had been constructed ; an 
 army of fifty thousand men were in the field. 
 And soon after General Butlers arrival, the 
 news reached the island, with enormous exagge- 
 rations, of the foray of the Merrimac among the 
 fleet in Hamptou Roads. Were the iron-clads 
 of New Orleans likely to be less formidable ? 
 .Had we any Monitors to meet them ? If the 
 Wellington heroes under Pakenham could not 
 take the city when it was defended by only 
 four thousand militia, badly armed, what was 
 the prospect now, when all the appliances of 
 modern science had been employed, and the 
 place was defended by forls, columbiads, cables, 
 a whole fleet of Merrimacs, and a large army 7* 
 
 It happened, however, that the men in com- 
 mand of the joint expeditiou were peculiarly 
 insensible to phantoms. General Butler was at 
 once immersed in the details of preparation, and 
 rose superior to the prevailing depression. Cap- 
 tain Farragut — the immortal Farragut — who had 
 arrived within a few days, and taken command 
 of the fleet, had all an old sailor's contempt for 
 everything that bore the name of ram. From 
 
 • New Orleans newspapers were brought over from 
 Biloxi in considerable numbers. Such paragraphs as 
 the following were .found in them: "The Mississippi 
 is fortified so as to be impassable for any hostile fleet or 
 flotilla. Forts Jackson and St. Philip are armed with 
 one hundred ami seventy heavy guns (sixty-three 
 pounders, rifled by Barkley Britton, and received from 
 England.) The navigation of the river is stopped by a 
 dam of about a quarter of a mile from the above forts. 
 No flotilla on earth would force that dam in less tlian 
 two hours, during which it would be within short and 
 cross range of one hundred and seventy guns of tlie 
 heaviest caliber, many of whicli would be served with 
 red-hot shot, numerous furnaces for which have been 
 erected in every fort and battery. 
 
 " In a day or two we sliall have ready two iron-ca.sed 
 floating batteries. The plate.s are four and a half inches 
 thick, of tlie best hammered iron, received fr<>m Eng- 
 land and France. Each iron-cased battery will mount 
 twenty-six eight pounders, placed so as to skim the 
 w&te.r, 4UU striking th* anemy's hull between wind and 
 
 the first, he regarded the naval part of the ens- 
 my's preparations as unworthy of serious con- 
 sideratiou. Give him, wooden ships. He would 
 answer for the rams and iron-clads — floating 
 caldrons to boil sailors in. He was for fighting 
 on deck, not in the bottom of a tea-kettle. 
 Wooden sliips were good enough for Nelson, 
 Perry, Lawrence, Decatur ; and they were good 
 enough for him. The rebels were heartily wel- 
 come to their I'ams and floating batteries, their 
 raUroad-ironed steamboats, and their fire-rafts of 
 pine knots. 
 
 A few hours after General Butler had landed 
 his troops, he was in consultation with Captaii 
 Farragut — Captain Bailey of the navy being al«o 
 present, as well as Major Strong and Lieutennnt 
 Weitzel. The plan of operations then adopted 
 was the one which was substantially carried out, 
 and which resulted in the capture of the city. 
 
 I. Capt,aiu Porter, with his fleet of twenty-one 
 bomb-schooners, should anchor below the two 
 ibrts, Jackson and St. Philip, and continue to fire 
 upon them until they were reduced, or until his 
 ammuuition was nearly exhausted. During the 
 bombardment. Captain Farragut's fleet should 
 remain out of tire, as a reserve, just below the 
 bomb-vessels. The army, or so much of it as 
 transportation could be found for, shoiild remain 
 nt the mouth of the river, awaiting the issue of 
 the bombardment. If Captain Porter succeeded 
 in reducing the forls, the army ^vould ascend the 
 river and garrison them, it would then be 
 apparent, probably, wluit the next movement 
 should be. 
 
 II. If the bombardment did not reduce or 
 silence the forts, then Captain Farragut with his 
 fleet of steamers, would attempt to run by ifaem. 
 If he succeeded, he propo.-3ed to clear tho rivor 
 of the enemy's fleet, cut oS' the foits &om sup- 
 plies, and push on at least far euo'.;gh to recon- 
 noiter the next obblniction. 
 
 III. Captain Farragut having pcfisod the fcrts, 
 General Butler v/o'ild at once take the troops 
 round to the roar o*" Fort St. Philip, land them 
 iu the swamps there, and attempt to carry the 
 fort by assault. Tlie enemy had made no prep- 
 arations to resist an attack from that quarter, 
 supposing tl>e swamps impassable. But Lieu- 
 tenant Welt/.til, while completing the ibrt, had 
 been tor two years in the hubit of duck-shooting 
 all over those swamps, and knew every bay and 
 bayou of them. He assured General Butler 
 that the landing of troops there would be diffi- 
 cult, but not impossible ; and hence this part of 
 
 water. "We have an abundant supply of incendiiiry 
 shells, cupola furnaces fbr molten iron, congreve rockvta 
 and flre-ships. 
 
 " Between New Orleans aiid tho forts there is ?. con- 
 stant succession of earthworks. At the Plnir. cf Clial- 
 uiette, near Janin's property, there arc redoubt.^, arried 
 with rifled cannon, which have been found lo be "'ffeo- 
 tive at five miles rarge. A ditch thirty fc^et wMf and 
 twenty deep exl nds/i-om the Missi-isipi-i lo L!vCi;)riera. 
 
 '"in Forts St. Piilipand Jackson, there are throe tb&n- 
 sand men, of whom a goodly porti-on are ei'poribnced 
 artillery-men, and gunners who have served iu the 
 navy. 
 
 " At New Orleans itself we have thirly-tvro thousand 
 infantry, and as many more quartered in the immediate 
 neighborhood. In disciplino and drill they are far 
 superior to the Yankees. We liove two very iiblu aw. 
 active generals, who possess our entije conflJcnj?.e, 
 General Mansfleld Loveli, and Brig:<dior-G*«>enil llu?- 
 gles. For commodore, we have oXl IloUins, a Nelsi^n 
 ia bis way. — Maw Orlecms Ficayune, April 5th, 1»6'?. 
 
SHIP ISLAND. 
 
 49 
 
 the scheme. Both in the formation of the plan 
 and ill its execution, the local knowledge and 
 pre-eminent professional skill of Lieutenant 
 Weitzel were of the utmost value. Few men 
 contributed more to the reduction of the city 
 than he. There are few more valuable officers 
 in the service than General Weitzel, as the 
 country well knows. 
 
 IV. The forts being reduced, the land and 
 naval force would advance towards the cily iu 
 the manner that should then seembest. 
 
 This was the plan. The next question was : 
 when could they be ready to begin ? Captain 
 Farragut said he would sail at once for tlie 
 mouths of the river, and thought he could be 
 ready to move thence toward the forts in seven 
 days. General Butler engaged to have six 
 thousand men embarked and prepared in seven 
 days. He would fill all the steamers he had, 
 and take the remainder of the force in tosv in 
 sailing vessels. These arrangements concluded, 
 Captain Farragut and the Meet departed, and 
 General Butler set to work to do a month's work 
 in seven days and nights. 
 
 Re did it. He labored night and day. Having 
 no quartermaster, no priceless Captain George, 
 who was consigned to Lowell because a senator 
 wanted his place for a relative. General, Butler 
 was seen on the wharf, blending the quarter- 
 master with the major-general, and not disdain- 
 ing the duty of the stevedore, when the steve- 
 Jore's duty became the vital one. A hundred 
 Massachusetts carpenters were detailed to make 
 scaling ladders ; a hundred boatmen to help to 
 .0 man the thirty boats which were to nose 
 their devious way through the reeds, creeks, 
 pools and sharks in the rear of Fort St. Philip. 
 The troops were fortued into three brigades ; 
 the first under General Phelps, the second under 
 General Williams, the third under Colonel Shep- \ 
 ley, of the Twelfth Maine. The siali' was an- } 
 uounced. A court-martial was organized, to : 
 bring up arrears of discipline, and a board to j 
 examine the new officers. A blast issued from | 
 head-quarters against intoxicating drinks, " the 
 curse of the army." "Forbidden," added the 
 general, "by every regulation, prohibited "by 
 official authority, condemned by experience, it 
 still clings to the soldier, although more deadly, 
 in this climate, than the rifle. All sales, there- 
 fore, within this department, will be punished by 
 instant expulsion of the party ofleuding, if a 
 civilian, or by court-martial if an officer or 
 soldier. All intoxicating liquors kept for sale or 
 to be used as a beverage, will be seized and 
 destroyed, or confiscated to hospital uses." 
 
 On the sixth day, seven regiments and two 
 batteries of artillery were embarked, ready to 
 sail as soon as the word should come from Cap- 
 tain Farragut. But high winds and low tides 
 were placing unexpected obstacles in the way of 
 the fleet, the larger vessels of which were many 
 ■days in getting over the bar. General Butler 
 was obliged to disembark his troops, and await 
 the tardy lightering of the ships into the river. 
 A tedious fortnight passed before the fleet was 
 ready, the general vibrating between the island 
 aiad tlie mouths of the river. 
 
 A romantic incident occurred during this inter- 
 val, which led to a variety of curious adventures. 
 A mischance of war tossed upon the sand- 
 beach of Ship Island, a beautiful little girl, three 
 
 years of age, the child of a New Orleans pbysicau, 
 a rebel of noted bitterness. She was voyaging 
 in Mississippi Sound with her parents and nurse, 
 when the vessel being chased by a gunboat, 
 foundered, and all hands took to the boats. Tlie 
 little creature was a pet with the sailors : she 
 was among them in the forecastle when the ves- 
 sel went down, and they took her with them into 
 the boat, while the parents and the nurse hurried 
 into another boat with the captain and mate. 
 The boats were soon separated in the gale, and 
 the one containing the child were picked up by 
 a cruiser, and brought to Sliip Island. The arri- 
 val of the child among the troops, so many of 
 whom had left children or little sisters at home, 
 excited a degree of interest difficult to conceive. 
 She was taken to Mrs. Butlers's shanty, her 
 clothes all wet and torn, and there she was pro- 
 vided with such clothing as could be hastily 
 made, and otherwise provided tor with the ten- 
 derest care. But Ship Island in such circum- 
 stances was no place tit lor her. She could tell her 
 name, and seemed to have a lively sense of hav- 
 ing a grandfather in New Orleans, whose name 
 she also knew. The general determined to send 
 her as far on her way to this grandfather as Ije 
 could. Whether her parents had survived the 
 storm no one knew. 
 
 A sloop was manned, and Major Strong was 
 directed to convey her, under a flag of truce, to 
 Biloxi, the nearest point of the opposite shore, 
 and place her iu the custody of a magistrate, 
 with money to pay her expenses to New Orleans. 
 Major Strong performed this congenial duty. He 
 found at Biloxi a probate of wills, who was also 
 a justice of the peace, to whom he committed the 
 child, and gave him a sum of money in gold, suf- 
 ficient to defray the cost of her transportation to 
 tlie city. In the dusk of the evening, the tide 
 having fallen, the sloop started to return, but 
 grounded on the bar, a tew hundred yards from 
 the shoi'e. Nothing remained but to wait six 
 hours ibr the rising of the tide. Soon after dark, 
 a boat came off with four men, one of whom 
 Major Strong recognized as a persoi* who had 
 conversed with him iu a friendly manner on shore. 
 This gentlemen warned him that he would be 
 attacked by a large force in the course of the 
 evening, and advised him to surrender. Scarcely 
 believing that men could be found base enough 
 to assail a flag of truce on such an errand as his, 
 Major Strong nevertheless thought it best to send 
 a boat to the nearest cruiser for assistance. He 
 had seven men with him. Five of these he sent 
 away in the boat, under Captain Conant, leaving 
 three men and eight muskets in the sloop. Ma- 
 jor Strong was one of those soldiers who know 
 nothing about surrendering ; it formed no part of 
 his calculations; he had not studied the subject, 
 and did not admit it as a branch of the art mili- 
 tary. He barricaded the deck of the sloop, put 
 his eight muskets into position, and extended a 
 stout log of wood over the side to play the part 
 of a howitzer. His two men were ordered below, 
 having been first instructed in .their role. One 
 of the men, Macdouald by name, had brought his 
 violin with him, and kept up a lively performance 
 in the cabin, of national airs and dancing tunes. 
 About nine o'cluck two large boats, filled with 
 armed men, were seen approaching from the shore. 
 Voices called out : 
 
 " Surrender I Surrender 1 " 
 
■jO 
 
 SHIP ISLiJN-D. 
 
 Major Strong- replied : "I am here under a flag 
 of truce, perlurming an errand of mercj' to one of 
 your citizens. If >ou attempt to violate the laws 
 of this sacred mission, 1 will blow you with this 
 howitzer," laying his hand on the log, "so deep 
 into , that jour commander will find it diffi- 
 cult to produce you at taps. 
 
 "We'll see about that." returned a voice. 
 
 The boats hauuid oti' as if to consider the mat- 
 ter. They soon approached again one on each 
 side. 
 
 " Keep those boats on the same side of the 
 sloop," shouted the Major, " or I'll sink both of 
 you. 
 
 The order was obeyed. The boats came to- 
 gether, and loy ofl' at hailing distance. 
 
 " Don't come any nearer," cried Major Strong. 
 "if you have anything to say to me, send one 
 man." 
 
 A man came wading, and halted a few yards 
 from the vessel. 
 
 " How many men hav'e you got there ?"' asked 
 Major Strong. 
 
 " Forty," replied the man. " How many have 
 you. 
 
 ' , " Well, not many, but enough to defend this 
 vessel. 
 
 The major was aware that anything like a 
 boast of his numbers would confirm the opinion 
 of tlie magnanimous foe, that he was in reality 
 defenseless. 
 
 While this colloquy was going on, the two 
 men in the hold were pertbrming an important 
 part. They contrived to make a great deal of 
 noise, and Macdonald continued his fiddling, Ma- 
 jor Strong frequently calling out : 
 
 " Keep quiet down there, men." " No, don't 
 come on deck yet." "All heads below, I say," 
 " Major Jones, look to your men there forward, 
 and keep those heads below the hatches." "Stop 
 tiiat fiddling, Macdonald ; there'll be time enough 
 to dance by and by. 
 
 The wading hero returned to the boats, which 
 lingered a while, and then, firing a volley at the 
 sloop, rapidily disappeared, and were no more 
 seen. A gun-boat soon came to the rescue of 
 the party, and the facts were duly reported to the 
 general in the morning. 
 
 The boiling indignation excited in all minds by 
 the dastardly conduct of the Biloxi savages may 
 be imagined. The general instantly determined 
 to give them a lesson in good manners. At half- 
 past two that very afternoon, two gun-boats, the 
 Jackson and New London, and the transport 
 Lewis, with Colonel Caiull's Ninth Connecticut, 
 and Captain Everett's battery on board, sailed 
 for Biloxi, for the purpose of conveying that les- 
 son to their benighted minds. Major Strong 
 comm.anded the expedition, attended by Captain 
 Jonas H. French, Lieutenant Turnbull, Captain 
 Conant, Lieutenant Kinsman, Captain Davis, 
 Captain John Clark, and Lieutenant Biddle. 
 
 Soon after four o'clock, the armed steamers an- 
 chored otf Biloxi. and the transport Lewis made 
 fast to the wharf. The inhabitants lined the 
 beaf>h, and one wild son of Mississippi stood on 
 the wharf, rifle in hand, defying the troops to 
 come on siiore. The men were marshaled on the 
 wharf. Major Strong placed himself at their 
 head, and gave the word to advance. The wild 
 sou of Mississippi retired. In a few minutes 
 Biloxi was surrounded and pervaded by Union 
 
 troops, the people looking sullenly and silently 
 on. Biloxi was a watering place in otiier times ; 
 the Mississippi cotton-planters' Long Branch, now 
 half deserted, dilapidated and forlorn. Major 
 Strong found ample quarters in the building 
 which had served as a summer hotel. Two 
 prisoners were brought iu; one, the valorous 
 Mississippian just mentioned : the other a four- 
 footed ass. 
 
 " What do you bring that creature here for ? 
 asked the commander of the force. 
 
 " Isn't he a Saypoy secessionist ?" replied the 
 Irishman who had brought him in. 
 
 " Let him run," said the major. 
 
 "Very well, sir," said the witty O'Dowd, as 
 he obej-ed the order. "I think myself we had 
 better not touch the privates till we catch the 
 commander. 
 
 By the time the surrounding country had been 
 well reeonnoitered, night closed in, and fiu'tlier 
 proceedings we^e deferred till the morrow. The 
 troops slept in and around the town. Not a 
 Biloxian was molested, not a house was plun- 
 dered or disfigured, not a hen-roost disturbed, 
 nor a garden despoiled.' An Irish officer asked 
 a group, where the blackguards were who had 
 fired into the boat that brought home the infernal 
 secessionist's darlin' shipwrecked daughter ; but 
 as he elicited no response, the subject wad 
 dropped for the night. Indeed, the sad, despair- 
 ing expression of every face, the evident pov- 
 erty of the people, the many abandoned hoitse% 
 and the utter desolation of the scene, seemed to 
 disarm the resentment of the troops, and a 
 feeling of pity for the " poor devils" arose in its 
 stead. The manner in which the caught .Missis- 
 sippian devoured his rations, led the men to infer 
 that provisions were not abundant in Biloxi ; 
 which was found to be true, not of Biloxi only, 
 but of all that coast for hundreds of miles. The 
 people were intense and vigilant devotees of 
 secession, however. The spy who had been 
 engaged by General Butler at Washington, six 
 weeks before, had accomplished his mission so 
 far as to visit New Orleans, and had come to 
 Biloxi, designing to steal over to Shij^ Island, 
 but he was there suspected, closely watched, 
 and finally arrested. He was then in prison at 
 New Orleans. Not a scrap of paper was 
 found upon him, but he was still detained on 
 suspicion. 
 
 At dawn the next morning, Captain Clark and 
 Lieutenant Kinsman led a boat chase after a 
 schooner laden with molasses ; but wind proving 
 a better resource than oars, the schooner escaped. 
 As the day advanced, the citizens of Biloxi pre- 
 sented themselves at Major Strong's head-quar- 
 ters, all avowing themselves secessionists, none 
 of them justifying the attack on the sloop. The 
 major's orders were to procure a written apology 
 from the mayor, and fi-om the commander of the 
 Confederate forces, if any such there were. The 
 mayor, however, kept out of the way ; and it 
 was not till his daughter had been politely con- 
 ducted to head-quarters as a hostage for his ap- 
 pearauce, that he could be found. He gave the 
 written apology required, alleging that the party 
 who fired upon the sloop were a mob whicii he- 
 had no force to control. At sunset, with the 
 band playing and colors flying, Major Strong i^- 
 embarked the troops, and the fleet steamed, 
 westward for Pass Christian, where a regiraeni 
 
REDUCTION OP THE FORTS. 
 
 51 
 
 of the enemy was posted, and which the gen- 
 eral's orders authorized him to visit. At ten in 
 the evening, the steamers anchored off the pass, 
 and the troops slept on board. 
 
 Danger was approaching them while they 
 slept. The thunder of cannon woke thetn as 
 tiie day was dawning ; and before the troops had 
 rubbed their eyes open, crasli came a ten-inch 
 shot tlirough the transport, perforating the 
 steam-pipe, passing through the cabiu-hglits, 
 and out through the smoke-stack. In an instant, 
 a second shot struck her, whicii carried away 
 the cook's galley and part of the wheel-house. 
 Three of the enemy's gun-boats, their lights all 
 out, had stolen from Lake Borgne upon our little 
 squadron, and this was their morning salutation. 
 A sliarp action ensued. It was twenty minutes 
 before the Lewis could get steam enough to 
 move, during which she received three more 
 shots, and escaped three. But at length she 
 both moved and acted. Fortunately, she had 
 been provided with two rifled cannon, which 
 were used with so much eflect as to materially 
 aid in the repulse of the enemy. The two gun- 
 boats plied the foe with shot and shell for more 
 than an hour before they thought proper to seek 
 safety in the shallows of Lake Borgne. Strange 
 to relate, but one man of the Union force was 
 vvounded, and he slightly — Captain Conant, of 
 the Thirty-First Massachusetts. 
 
 Major Strong executed his purpose. He 
 .jded his troops, and took possession of the 
 own, a sea-side summer resort, frequented by 
 the people of New Orleans. He dashed upon 
 the camp of the Confederate regiment, three 
 ' p-s uistant, and reached it so quickly after the 
 »-.j,-.t of the enemy as to find in the colonel's 
 tent an unfinished dispatch, and the pen with 
 which he was writing it still wet with ink. The 
 dispatch was designed to inform General Lovell, 
 commanding at New Orleans, of the descent 
 upon Biloxi and Pass Christian, and announced 
 the colonel's " desire" to attack the Union troops 
 " toward evenii/g." The camp was destroyed ; 
 the public stores in the town were also seized, 
 part of them carried away, and the rest burnt. 
 
 \t Pass Christian, the Union officers had their 
 first taste of the quality and humor of the ladies 
 of the south-west. 
 
 " A portion of the women," writes an officer, 
 " stood their ground ; Mrs. and Miss Lee were 
 of this number. Mrs. Lee and her husband 
 keep a hotel, which is known as ' Lee's boarding 
 house.' It is a snug inn. But Mrs. Lee is a 
 tartar. She told Major Strong, that ' Mr. Lee, 
 although he kept a hotel, wasof one of the first 
 families of Virginia.' 
 
 "'I dare say,' replied the Major; 'there is 
 nothing incompatible with great quahties in the 
 business he pursues!' 
 
 '• While this parley was going on. Miss Lee 
 pushed herself through the front door. She 
 pouted as she passed over the portico, pulUng as 
 she went an unwilling hood over her handsome 
 face, then somewhat disfigured by a frown. 
 
 "After the miniature sea and land fights, the 
 officers met again at Lee's boarding house. 
 Bread and butter and poor claret, were the sub- 
 stance of the repast ; Mrs. Lee and her fire- 
 emitting daughter insisting upon occupying 
 chairs at the table, while Mr. Lee waited upon 
 the guests and drew the corks. The display of 
 
 appetite was good. I think every man ate the 
 worth of the gold dollar which he gave Mrs. 
 Lee, who carefully folded away the hateful 
 Lincoln coin in the corner of h.er dirty r.pron. 
 It struck me as queer to see this ' first lady' in 
 clothes which soap could have improved." 
 
 Miss Lee could not be appeased. She con- 
 tinued to pout and frown, and say rude things to 
 the officers in reply to their polite banter, when 
 silence or witty retort would have been in bet- 
 ter accord with the lofty claims of her family. 
 
 The squadron returned to Ship Island without 
 farther adventure. General Butler marked hia 
 sense of the excellent conduct of the troops in a 
 general order : 
 
 " Of their bravery in the field," he said, "he 
 felt assured ; but another quality, more trying to 
 the soldier, claims his admiration. After having 
 been for months subjected to the privations ne- 
 cessarily incident to a camp life upon this island, 
 these well-disciplined soldiers, although for many 
 hours in full possession of two rebel villages, 
 filled with what to tiaem were most desirable 
 luxuries, abstaining from the least unauthorized 
 interference with private property, and all mo- 
 lestation of peaceable citizens. This behavior 
 is worthy of all praise. It robs war of half its 
 horrors — it teaches our enemies how much they 
 have been misinformed bj^ their designing lead- 
 ers, as to the character of our soldiers and the 
 intention of our government — it gives them a 
 lesson and an example in humanity and civiUzed 
 warfare, much needed, however httle it may be 
 followed. The general commanding commends 
 the action of the men of this expedition to every 
 soldier in this department. Let it be imitated by 
 all in the towns and cities we occupy, a Uving 
 witness that the United States soldier fights 
 only for the Union, the constitution, and the en- 
 forcement of the laws." 
 
 Readers will care to kuow, that the child, the 
 unconscious cause of these proceedings, was 
 restored to her parents. Her father was seeking 
 her at Fort Pickens, under a flag of truce, while 
 Major Strong was conveying her to Biloxi. Her 
 mother, some weeks later, induced the gentleman 
 to call upon General Butler at New Orleans, and 
 thank him for his goodness to their offspring. 
 
 April 15th, the welcome word came from 
 Captain Farragut, that all his fleet were over the 
 bar, and reloaded, and that he hoped, the next 
 day, to move up the river to the vicinity of the 
 forts. He had made all possible haste ; but the 
 dense, continuous fogs, and the extraordinary 
 lowness of the water had retarded every move- 
 ment. On the 17th, General Butler was at the 
 mouths of the river with his six thousand troop.s 
 ready to co-operate. If the fleet had been delayed 
 a few days longer, General Butler would have 
 taken Pensacola, which he learned had been left 
 almost defenseless. The naval commander 
 vetoed the scheme, not anticipating further delay 
 in operating against the forta. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 EEDUCTION OF THE FORTS. 
 
 The distance from the mouths of the Missis- 
 sippi to New Orleans is one hundred and five 
 
52 
 
 REDUCTION OF THE FORTS. 
 
 miles. The two forts are situated at a beud iii 
 the river, seventy-five miles below the cit}^, and 
 thirty from the place where the river breaks into 
 the passes or mouths. Fort Jackson, on the 
 western bank, is hidden from the view of the 
 ascending voyager by a strip of dense woods, 
 which extends along the bank to a point eight 
 miles below it ; but Fort St. Philip, on the eastern 
 shore, lies plainly in sight, because it is placed 
 in the upper part of the bend, and the ground in 
 front is covered only by a thick growth of reeds. 
 These forts do not look very formidable to the 
 unprofessional eye. They do not stand boldly 
 out of the water, presenting great masses of fine 
 masonry, like those to which we are accustomed 
 in northern seaports. Fort Jackson is but 
 tweuty-five feet high, aud St. Philip nineteen; 
 and as the ditches and outer works are neatly 
 sodded, the passing traveler sees little more than 
 extensive slopes of green, close-shaven grass, 
 and a low red-brick wall, with many guns 
 mounted on it, and several piercing ic. 
 
 But these forts, lying low in the bend of a 
 river half a mile wide and running four miles an 
 hour, presented an obstacle to an ascending foe 
 such as, I believe, no fleet had ever been able to 
 overcome. One poor fort at that bend, half 
 finished and half manned, had kept a Britisli 
 fleet at bay, in 1815, for nine days ; the English 
 vainly using the same thirteen-inch bombs which 
 were to be employed in 1862. General Jackson's 
 "Tom Overton," who commanded Port St. 
 Philip on that occasion, was uncle of Thomas 
 Overton Moore, governor of Louisiana under 
 Jeflerson Davis. It was not till the eighth day 
 that Overton could get one bomb in position 
 capable of throwiug a shell among the enemy, 
 but that one sent them flying down the river — 
 two bomb vessels, one brig, one sloop and one 
 schooner. A thousand heavy shells had fallen 
 about the fort, without impairing its defensive 
 power.* But now there were two forts in the 
 bend, constructed by professional engineers, at a 
 cost of a million and a quarter of dollars. Fort 
 Jackson, a five-sided work, of immense strength, 
 mounted seventy-four guns, fourteen of which 
 were under cover ; and below it was a supplemen- 
 tary battery mounting six. Fort St. Philip was 
 of inferior strength, mounting fort}' guns ; bat it 
 was protected by distance, being a few hundred 
 yards higher up the river, and had a strong 
 battery on each side of it on the river bank. 
 The unmilitary reader does not take the comfort 
 which uncle Toby found in such words as bastion, 
 glacis, scarp, counterscarp, fosse, covered- way, 
 curtain, casemate and barbette. We are in- 
 formed, however, that the forts had all these 
 things aud more. I have often looked out those 
 words in the dictionary, and find the sum total 
 of their meaning to be, that the forts, with their 
 outer works, pointed one hundred and twenty- 
 eight heavy guns upon the river ; that fourteen 
 of those guns could be worked under cover, and 
 that the batteries were protected by ditches wide 
 and deep, by walls of immense strength, by 
 bulwarks of earth aud sods, and by enfilading 
 howitzers. All had been done for them which 
 the skill of Beauregard and Weitzel could ac- 
 complish, working with leisurely deliberation, 
 and aided by the treasury of the United States. 
 
 * Parton's Life of Jackson, ii. 239. 
 
 What they had left undone, the zeal of the Con- 
 federates had supplied during many months of 
 preparation. 
 
 Ti}ey were garrisoned, as it appears, by fifteen 
 hundred men, commanded by General J. KL 
 Duncan, a recreant Pennsylvanian, educated at 
 West Point. The commander of St. PhQip was 
 Colonel Higgins, once an officer of the army of 
 the United States. A large portion of the gar- 
 risons were men of northern birth, who had 
 been consigned to the forts because their devo- 
 tiou to the Confederate cause was considered 
 questionable. But experience shows that it is a 
 matter of little consequence by what process men 
 are got together within the brick walls of a fort 
 i or the wooden walls of a ship, provided they are 
 i ably, justly, and firmly commanded. "An Eng- 
 I lish seventy-four," says Carlyle, " is one of the 
 impossiblest entities. A press-gang knocks 
 men down in the streets of sea-towns, and drags 
 I them on board. If the ship were to be stranded, 
 I have heard they would nearly all run ashore 
 and desert." Nevertheless, while the ship re- 
 mains at sea, they usually do all that the various 
 occasions demand. Duncan had a motley, ill- 
 clad, discontented, and rather turbulent garrison, 
 but they stood manfully to the guns as long as 
 standing to the guns could avail. 
 
 The weakness of the forts was the kind of 
 guns with which they were armed. " All of 
 them," says Lieutenant Weitzel, " were the old 
 smooth-bore guns picked up at the differfc. 
 works around the city, with the exception o*" 
 about six ten-inch columbiads, and two one 
 hundred pound rifled guns of their own manu 
 facture, a formidable kind of gun." Ha 
 the opinion that if the forts had been pro.— .,_ 
 with a full complement of the best modern artil- 
 lery, they could not have been reduced or passed 
 by wooden ships. 
 
 It was not, however, upon the forts that the 
 enemy wholly relied. Across the river, from a 
 point just below Fort Jackson, a cable was 
 stretched, upon which the enemy had expended 
 prodigious labor. They had first supported it 
 by heavy logs thirty feet long attached to seven 
 large anchors. But this cable caught the floating 
 trees and timber which, in a few weeks, formed 
 a heaped-up, Red-river raft, extending half a 
 mile above the cable. The chain broke at length, 
 and the whole structure, cable, logs, anchor, 
 buoys, and trees, were swept down by the cur- 
 rent toward the gulf. A lighter cable was then 
 procured from the stores at Pensacola. Seven 
 or eight schooners, dismasted and filled with 
 logs, were strongly anchored in a row acro.ss the 
 river, and the chain was laid across each of tbem 
 and securely fastened round the capstan. At 
 the end of the cable, on the shore opposite Fort 
 Jackson, a mud battery was built to drive ofl' 
 parties attempting to sever the barrier. Under 
 this cable the floating timber freely passed ; and 
 there was an ingenious contrivance near the 
 fort, by which the vessels of the foe were quickly 
 admitted and the aperture quickly closed. 
 
 Tliis cable, because of itssignal failure as a 
 means of defense, has been too lightly regarded. 
 It might have been a formidable obstacle. Our 
 naval oEBcers think that if it had been placed just 
 above St. Phihp, instead of just below Fort Jack- 
 son, it could scarcely have been cut ; because, in 
 that case, the party attempting it would have 
 
REDUCTION OF THE FORTS. 
 
 53 
 
 had to ran the gauntlet of a hundred guns, 
 against a rapid current, remain under the fire of 
 most of them during the operation, and then de- 
 scend two miles under the same fire before reach- 
 ing the fleet. Placed were it was, however, 
 there was reason to hope that a party could steal 
 silently upon it in the darkness of a foggy night, 
 and work upon it for a considerable time before 
 being discovered : and even if discovered, the 
 night fire of heavy guns might be borne long 
 enough to effect the object ; particularly as the 
 supporting hulks would afford cover for the 
 boats. The cable was not ill-planned but wrong- 
 ly placed. • 
 
 Another error appears to have been committed 
 by the enemy, in not cutting away more of the 
 woods below Fort Jackson. They removed 
 enough to enable them to bring their guns to 
 bear upon the channel of the river, but left 
 enough for Captain Porter to string his bomb- 
 schooners behind along the western shore, 
 around the bend, completely out of sight. Ho 
 had no need to see his object, for his bombs were 
 purposely set to throw the shells high into the 
 air and down upon the forts hke falling meteors ; 
 but theii- guns were designed to be sighted and 
 aimed at a visible mark. The forts were sta- 
 tionary, and their exact position was known ; 
 the schooners were movable, and could only be 
 hit by chance, unless they could be seen. 
 
 Besides the forts and the cable, the enemj' had 
 a fleet of fourteen or fifteen gun-boats, several of 
 which were iron-clad. No one has thought it 
 worth while to draw up a descriptive catalogue 
 of these vessels, and none of them ventured far 
 below the cable after Captain Farragut had got 
 his fleet into the river. The sudden collapse and 
 total destruction of most of them in the haze and 
 darkness of an April morning, deprived our men 
 of an opportunity of studying their construction. 
 The greater number were probably river steam- 
 boats, strengthened and armed. " The celebrated 
 ram Manassas " resembled the Merrimac in ap- 
 pearance, but was not a Merrimac in power or 
 strength. One real Merrimac dashing down 
 headlong among our wooden ships, might have 
 given them some damaging blows — might have 
 driven them out of the river; but the builders of 
 " the celebrated ram Manassas " had not a steam 
 frigate to serve as the basis of theu' structure, 
 and they knew her too well to trust her among 
 Captain Farragut's steamers. There was also a 
 huge thing called ^jge Louisiana, built upon the 
 hull of a dry dock, propelled by four engines, 
 and armed with sixteen heavy guns. This pon- 
 derous engine of war, was a main reliance of the 
 enemy, but it was not finished in time to join in 
 the fray. Fire-rafLs and long river-scows filled 
 ■with pine knots had been prepared in consider- 
 able numbers for the entertainment of the attack- 
 ing fleet. 
 
 In the swamps, a mile and a half from Fort 
 Jackson, two hundred "sharp-shooters" were 
 stationed, whose chief employment was to scout 
 along the banks of the river and overhear 
 conversation in the fleet. It may have been 
 these men who conveyed to General Duncan the 
 most prompt and accurate information of every 
 movement of our ships, and every scheme of 
 movement. Such information we know that he 
 had. The camp of the scouting sharpshooters 
 was not undisturbed during the operations, and 
 
 many of them deserted : but, probably, enough 
 of them remained to catch the talk of the sailors 
 plying their bombs a few yards from the shore. 
 
 The confidence of the enemy in their ability to 
 defend the forts against any possible force — 
 against " the navies of the world " — was com- 
 plete. It was long before General Duncan and 
 Colonel Higgins believed that the fleet would do 
 more than reconnoiter the position, or, perhaps, 
 transfer the blockading station to the head of the 
 passes. This of itself would have been an 
 advantage worth considerable outlay. But their 
 position they firmly believed was impregnable ; 
 and, perhaps, it was impregnable. Certain it is 
 that the forts were never taken. 
 
 For the reduction of these forts, thus defended 
 and supported, there was then in the Mississippi 
 the most powerful expedition that had ever 
 sailed under the flag of the United States. The 
 strength and composition of the army we have 
 seen ; it consisted of fifteen thousand troops, 
 most of them men of New England, fully provi- 
 ded with the means of offensive war, and led by 
 a general endowed by nature with the abiUty to 
 command, and trained by education to assume 
 responsibilities and invent expedients. The fleet 
 consisted of forty-seven armed vessels, of which 
 eight were large and powerful sloops of war 
 propelled by steam ; seventeen were steam gun- 
 boats, most of them new, and all heavily armed ; 
 two were sailing vessels, rankhig as sloops of 
 war; and twenty-one were mortar schooners, 
 each provided with a bomb capable of throwing 
 a shell weighing two hundred and fifteen pounds 
 to a distance of three miles. The steam sloops 
 carried from nine to twenty -eight guns each ; the 
 the gun-boats five or six guns each. The whole 
 numbei- of guns and mortars was about three 
 hundred and ten ; many of the heaviest caliber, 
 and of the newest construction. 
 
 The fleet had been provided with everything 
 which naval men could suggest as likely to 
 increase its efficiency. We have heard a great 
 deal concerning the imaginary somnolence of the 
 heads of the navy department. I suppose this 
 has been because the navy department has been 
 conducted with such consummate energy and 
 tact, and with a wonderful uniformity of triumph. 
 We can not praise enough our generals who 
 have failed, nor censure with too much severity 
 a department which has known little but success. 
 Both in fitting out this expedition and in select- 
 ing the men to command it. the department dis- 
 played a foresight and ability that proved suffi- 
 cient in the day of trial. There were only two 
 mishaps : a delay in the arrival of the medical 
 stores, and a scant supply of coal, owing to the 
 month's detention in getting the ships over the 
 bar. But General Butler, through the wise 
 abundance provided by Captain George, was 
 able to lend Captain Farragut a competent sup- 
 ply of surgeons' stores and a tliousand tons of 
 coal. 
 
 The men in chief command of the fleet had 
 spent their lives in the navy. Of the sixty-three 
 years that Captain Farragut had lived, he had 
 been fifty-two an officer in the navy of the 
 United States. He was a boj' midshipman a3 
 far back as the war of 1812, not undistinguished 
 then in at least one bloody sea-fight. Though ad- 
 vanced in years, his heart was young, his frame 
 light and active,- his face and bearing those of .■» 
 
54 
 
 REDUCTION OF THE FORTS. 
 
 man of middle age. " He was the youngest 
 man iu the fleet," says General Butler; alert in 
 chmbing to the mast-head, quick in getting into 
 his boat, capable of long-continued, severe ex- 
 ertion. A mode.st, quiet man, doing his duty 
 with the minimum of show and fuss, using sim- 
 ple words, preferring simple topics. Above all, 
 he has a firm, brave, honest heart, that can not 
 be dismayed by phantoms, and Ivuows no fear, 
 except the noble dread, lest, in any way, through 
 fault of his, the fleet intrusted to his care should 
 disappoint the reasonable expectations of the 
 country. The language of eulogy is so lavishlj- 
 employed in these times, that it has acquired an 
 opprobrious quality. But these things are 
 literally true of this noble and valiant Tennesse- 
 an. The country knows what he has done ; but 
 his modest worth, his utter sincerity, his entire 
 and single-eyed devotion to liis duty ; of these 
 there will be much to tell, when tlie final record 
 is made up. It is pleasing to notice in the pa- 
 pers relating to the expedition, how perfect was 
 the accord between the commander of the fleet, 
 and the commander of the army. Whatever 
 either could do, during their long connection, to 
 forward the plans, or enhance the glory of the 
 other, was done with generous promptitude and 
 fullness. 
 
 The month of delay at the mouth of the river 
 had been well spent. Assistant-engineer Hoyt, 
 of the Richmond, conceived the happy idea of 
 protecting the boiler and engine of his ship by 
 an extemporized armor of chain-cable, hung 
 down from the gun-deck to below the water- 
 line, and fastened by an ingenious system of 
 bolts and cordage. The engineers of the Brook- 
 lyn, Pensacola and Iroquois employed the same 
 contrivance, which was supposed to be equiva- 
 lent to a four-inch plating of iron. The boilers 
 of other vessels were protected by an interior 
 structure of sand-bags, layers of cable, bales of 
 bagging, and logs. Howitzers were placed in 
 the tops of all the sloops, protected by plates of 
 boiler iron, or thick screens of cordage. Some 
 of the vessels had small anchors at their yard- 
 arms, to drop down upon the enemy's gun-boats 
 and fire-rafts, and grapple them. Strong net- 
 tings of cordage were drawn under the rigging, 
 to prevent the cannon-balls, which might be 
 stopped aloft, from dropping on deck. All the 
 bomb-schooners, and several of the gun-boats 
 and sloops received a coat of mud-colored paint. 
 Last of all, to the masts of the greater number 
 of the bomb-vessels were fastened large branches 
 of trees, which, mingling with the tree-tops of 
 the sheltering forest, would still more completely 
 conceal them from the enemy. A few of these 
 vessels, which were designed to be stationed in 
 full view of Fort St. Phillip, were covered with 
 a coating of the reeds which grew on the marshy 
 level in front of the fort. All hands, under the 
 direction of the engineers, labored incessantly to 
 increase the offensive and defensive power of the 
 fleet; and it was to this month's preliminarj^ 
 work that the success of the expedition was 
 chiefly owing. Not one precaution too many 
 was taken; every expedient was justified by iis 
 manifest utility in the hour of trial. The ab- 
 sence of the ciiain-plating from the sides of the 
 flag-ship proved the value of that mode of pro- 
 tection ; for, at a critical moment, the want of it 
 nearly lost the ship. 
 
 Meanwhile, the gentlemen of the coast-survey, 
 under Mr. F. H. Gerdes, speci.'iUy detailed by 
 Professor Bache for the purpose, were busy in 
 preparing a chart for the guidance of Captain 
 Porter in stationing his bomb-vesseis. This was 
 an indispensable preliminary, since nearly every 
 bomb was expected to be discharged upon a 
 computed aim. The map was completed in five 
 days, but not without diflicully and danger. 
 "Frequently," says Mr. Gerdes, "the members 
 of the party were compelled to mount their in- 
 struments on the chimney-tops of dilapidated 
 houses. In other places boats were run under 
 overhanging trees on the shore, iopwhich signal- 
 flags were hoisted, and the angles measured be- 
 low with sextants. It was very satisfactory, 
 however, that the last measurement determined 
 (leading to the flag-staff on St. Philip) agreed 
 almost identically with the location given by the 
 coast-survey several years ago. It seemed to 
 be a regular occupation of the garrison in the 
 fort, to destroy, during the night-time, the marks 
 and signals which were left daily by the party ; 
 and for this reason, Mr. Gerdes caused numbered 
 posts to be set in the river banks, and screened 
 with grass and reeds so that they could 'not be 
 found b}' the enemy in the dark. From these 
 marks, which were separately determined, he 
 was enabled to furnish to Captain Porter the 
 distances and bearings from almost any point OQ 
 the river to the forts, and by the resulting data 
 the commander selected the positions for his 
 mortar-vessels. * * * Twice Captain Por- 
 ter ordered some of the vessels to change their 
 po.sitious when he found localities that would 
 answer better ; the coast-survey party furnished 
 the new data required. From the schooners, 
 which were fastened to the trees .on the river- 
 side, none of the works of the enemy were visi- 
 ble, but the exact station of each vessel, and its 
 distance and bearings from the forts, had been 
 ascertained from the chart. The mortars were 
 accordingly charged and pointed, and the fuses 
 regulated. Thus the bombardment was con- 
 ducted entirely upon theoretical principles, and 
 as such, with its results, fjresents perhaps a new 
 feature in naval warfare." * 
 
 The position of the enemy had been repeat- 
 edly reconnoitered. As early as Marcii'28th, 
 Captain Bell, in the gun-boat Kennebec, had run 
 up near enough to inspect the cable, and to dis- 
 cover the out-lying batteries, and to draw a 
 thundering fire from both forts. On the 6th oi 
 April, Captain Farragut himself had a peep at 
 them. Captain Bell showing tlie way. " About 
 noon," says one wlio accompanied, " we came iu 
 sight of the two forts, which could be seen 
 through the glass to be thronged with rebel offi- 
 cers watching our movements. As we came 
 within range, a white puff of smoke floated up- 
 ward from Fort Jackson, and a hundred-pound 
 rifle shell screeched through the air, striking 
 the water and exploding only about a hundred 
 yards in advance of us. Flag-Ofiicer Farragut 
 and Flag-Captain Bell had meanwhile gone aloft, 
 where they sat iu the cross-trees taking observa- 
 tions. There was another white puff of smoke, 
 and another monster shot came screeching 
 toward us. This passed perhaps fifty feet over 
 the heads of the Reutlemen alolt, and struck th 
 
 * Continental Monthly, May, ^tk 
 
REDUCTION OF THE FORTS. 
 
 --,T,ter two-thirds acioss Ihe river. 'Back her,' 
 from aloft, and we drift down the river two or 
 three ships' lengths, and only just in time, a 
 third furious shell strikino; and bursting in the 
 water just at the point we had a moment before 
 left. A low murmur of applause at th.is renjark- 
 ably excellent gunnery is drawn from our men 
 as we steam slowly up again. Another shot 
 falls short, another bur.^ts prematurely (this one 
 from a forty-two-pound smooth-bore), when 
 ' whiz-z-z-z,' with a fearful sound, a hundred- 
 pound shell passes low down, between our 
 smoke-stack and mainmast, the wind of its swift 
 passage actually rocking one of the ship's boats 
 hanging on the side." * 
 
 A third reconnoisance was more cheering, 
 since it revealed the eneraj' employed in repair- 
 rag the cable damaged by the rush of a sudden 
 rise of the river. The sailors of the fleet held 
 the cable in much contempt. 
 
 The last day of preparation is usuallj'' the 
 busiest. It was the 17lh of April. The fleet 
 had all reached the vicinity of tlie forts on the 
 evening previous, and the dawn of the 17th 
 found the vessels anchored in a tempting huddle 
 four miles below Fort Jackson. The rebels be- 
 gan the fight. As the sun was rising, a flat- 
 boat piled with wood saturated with tar and 
 turpentine, was fired by them and cut adrift. A 
 fresh wind was blowing up the river, and the 
 descent of this magnificent bonfire was slow. 
 Nevertheless, it came, at length, roaring and 
 blazing by, causing a sudden slipping of cables 
 and a general anxiety to get out of the way. 
 As it was supposed to contain something of the 
 torpedo kind, the Mississippi fired a few shells 
 into it without effect. A boat from the Iroquois 
 soon tackled the monster, and, fixing three grap- 
 pling-irons in the leeward end, towed it ashore, 
 where it burned itself harmlessly away. The 
 work of preparation then proceeded. The dress- 
 ing of the masts of the mortar-boats was com- 
 pleted, and they looked as if prepared for a 
 festival instead of a bombardment. In the after- 
 noon, some of the mortars were towed into posi- 
 tion and fired a few experimental shells, frag- 
 ments of which were exliibited the next day at 
 ]S"ew Orleaas. Preparations were made by Cap- 
 tain Porter for the proper reception of fire-rafts, 
 in case the enemy should again employ them. 
 All the boats of the mortar-fleet were ordered to 
 be provided with axes, ropes, and grappling- 
 hooks ; and early in the evening, the boats were 
 reviewed, furnishing a pretty spectacle to the 
 rest of the fleet ; nay, a pair of spectacles. 
 
 "The boats pulled round the Harriet Lane, 
 the flag-ship of Captain Porter, in single line, 
 each officer in charge being questioned as be 
 passed, by Commodore Porter, as follows: 'Eire 
 buckets ? axes ? rope ?' A responsive ' Ay, ay, 
 sir.' and the commodore directed — 'Pull around 
 the Mississippi and return to your vessels.' The 
 Mis,si3sippi being a quarter of a mile ahead, the 
 men gave way sturdily, in order to beat the rival 
 boats. There were not less than one hundred 
 and fifty boats under review, many of them ten- 
 oared, and the whole scene reminded me more 
 of a grand regatta than of anything else. 
 
 " An hour after the review, the men had an 
 opporrunity to test, in a practical manner, their 
 
 * Correspondence of New York Herald, May, 1862. 
 
 moans for destroying fire-rafts, and they proved 
 be an admirable success. A turgid column of 
 black smoke, arising from resinous wood, was? 
 seen approaching us from the vicinity of the 
 forts. Signal lights were made, the varied colors 
 of which produced a beautiful cifect upon the 
 filiage of the river bank, and rendered the dark- 
 ness inienser by contrast wlien they disappeared ; 
 instantl}' a hundred boats shot out towards the 
 raft, which was now blazing fiercely and castuig 
 a wide zone of light upon the water. Two or 
 three of the gun-boats then got under way and 
 steamed boldly toward the unknown thing of 
 terror. One of them, the Westfield, Captain 
 Renshaw, gallantly opens her steam-valves, and 
 dashes furiously upon it, making sparks fly and 
 timbers crash with the force of her blow. Then 
 a stream of water from her hose plays upon the 
 blazing mass. Now the small boats lay along- 
 side, coming up helter-skelter, and actively em- 
 ploying their men. We see everything dis- 
 tinctly in the broad glare — men, oars, boats, 
 buckets and ropes. The scene looks phantom- 
 like, supernatural, intensely interesting, inex- 
 tricably confused. But finally the object is nobly 
 accomplished. The raft, yet fiercely burning, is 
 taken out of range of the anchored vessels and 
 towed ashore, where it is slowly consumed. As 
 the boats return they are cheered by the fleet, 
 and the scene changes to one of darkness and 
 repose, broken occasionally by the grufl' hail of 
 a seaman, when a boat, sent on business from 
 one vessel to another, passes through the 
 fleet."* 
 
 The next morning the bombardment began. 
 At daylight, each of tlie small steamers attached 
 to the mortar fleet took four of the schooners in 
 tow, and drew them slowly up the river, the 
 bright green foliage waving above their masts. 
 Fourteen of them were ranged in line, close 
 together, along the western shore, behind the 
 forest ; the one in advance being a mile and 
 three-quarters below Fort Jackson. Six were 
 stationed near the eastern bank, in full view of 
 both forts, two miles and three-quarters from St. 
 Philip. The orders were to concentrate the fire 
 upon Fort Jackson, the nearest to both divisions ; 
 since if that were reduced St. Philip must ne- 
 cessarily yield. At nine, before all the mortar 
 vessels were in position. Fort Jackson began the 
 conflict, the balls plunging into the water a 
 hundred yards too short. The gun-boat Owasco, 
 which had steamed up ahead of the schooners, 
 was the first to reply. In a few minutes, how- 
 ever, the deep thunder of the first bomb struck 
 into the overture, and a huge black ball, two 
 hundred and fifteen pounds of iron and gun- 
 powder, whirled aloft, a mile in the air, with the 
 " roar of ten thousand humming tops," and curv- 
 ed with majestic slowness down into the swamp 
 near the fort, exploding with a dull, heavy 
 sound. The mortar men were in no haste. For 
 the first half hour, they fired very slowly, while 
 Captain Porter was observing the effect of the 
 tire . and giving new directions respecting the 
 elevations^ the length of fuse, and the weight of 
 the charge of powder. The calculations were 
 made with such nicety that the changes in the 
 weight of the charge were made by single 
 
 * Correspondence of the New York Daily Times, 
 May S, 1S62. 
 
56 
 
 REDUCTION OF THE FORTS. 
 
 ounces, when the whole charge was nearly 
 twenty pounds. The enemy, too, flred slowly 
 and badly during the first half-hour. By ten 
 o'clock, however, both sides had ceased to ex- 
 periment, and had begun to work. 
 
 The scene at this time was in the highest de- 
 gree exciting and picturesque. The rigging of 
 the Union fleet, just below the mortar-vessels, 
 was filled witli spectators, from rail to mast- 
 head, who watched with breathless eagerness 
 the rise and descent of every shell, and burst 
 into the heartiest cheers when a good shot was 
 made. Four or five of the gun-boats were 
 moving about in the middle of the river, between 
 the two divisions of mortars, keeping up a 
 vigorous fire upon the nearer batteries. Both 
 forts were firing steadily and well, their shots 
 splashing water over the mortar-vessels on the 
 eastern side, and throwing up the soft soil of tlie 
 bank high over the masts of those on tJie west- 
 ern. It is wonderful how many splendid shots 
 may be made at a distant object without one 
 hitting it. The balls fell all around the mortar- 
 boats all day, and only two of them were struck, 
 and they not seriously injured. Not a man was 
 hurt in the mortar-fleet the first day, except 
 those who were sickened by the tremendous 
 concussion which followed every discharge. The 
 men stood on tip-toe and witli open mouths to 
 lessen the efi'ect of the stunning sound. But 
 men can get used to anytiiing. They came at 
 length to be able to sleep upon the deck of the 
 mortar-boats, while the bombs were going oft' 
 at the rate of two in a minute. It was exhaust- 
 ing work handling those huge globes of iron ; 
 and the men, too tired to go below, would lie 
 down along the forecastle, fall instantly asleep, 
 and never stir till they were called to duty 
 again. 
 
 Men can bear what no other creatures can. 
 As the firing grew hotter, the very bees in the 
 woods could not endure it, but came in swarms 
 over the river, and buzzed about the ears of the 
 men in the rigging of the fleet. It was too 
 much even for the fish in the river ; large quan- 
 tities of dead fish floated past, killed by the 
 close thunder of the guns. Those who looked 
 over the side at this new wonder did not see 
 any of those sealed bottles of news go bobbing 
 by, which the Union men in the forts afterward 
 said they had sent down the river. 
 
 "When the fire had lasted an hour and a half, 
 the scene was enlivened by a new feature. 
 " Over the woods, beyond the Ibrts," says a 
 highly competent witness, '• we can count seven 
 or eight moving columns of smoke, which indi- 
 cate that the rebel steamers are passing about, 
 probably plotting some misciiief against us. 
 Soon one, and then another, and afterwards a 
 third, api^ear in view, steering toward the forts. 
 Before reaching them, however, the steamers 
 dash to cover again, and we see that three huge 
 burning rafts have been set adrift. Tlie swift 
 current sweeps them toward us ; below they are 
 a brilliant blaze, and rising from the flames is a 
 spiral, funnel-sliaped cloud of grayjsh black 
 smoke, so dense as to shut from sigh't the fort 
 and all else in that direction. Nearer and nearer 
 these seemingly formidable rafts approach, but 
 they occasion very little anxiety. We know 
 how to dispose of them. Tlio sailors from the 
 brge ships are called out of the rigging, which 
 
 they have been permitted to occupy as interested 
 spectators of the battle, and in a sliort time 
 boats have the rafts in tow, and they are lauded 
 on the river bank to burn away. We all confess 
 to an admiration of these pyrotechnic disphys. 
 They add vastly to the picturesqueness of our 
 surroundings, and are perfectly harmless. The 
 brave fellows on the schooners did not relax 
 their fire during this exciting interlude."* 
 
 The day wore on. Noon came and passed. 
 The charm of novelty subsided. At four, Gen- 
 eral Butler's little steamer, Saxon, arrived, with 
 the news that the general and his troops were 
 below, and ready, and that the Monitor had sunk 
 the Merrimac. Captain Farragut telegraphed 
 tlie tidings to the fleet. It had a wonderfully 
 inspiriting effect. 
 
 An hour later, the fleet was further cheered 
 by witnessing an indication that the fire had not 
 been ineffectual. Flames were seen bursting 
 from Fort Jackson, and the fire of its guns 
 slackened. It soon became evident that the cit- 
 adel and the woodeu barracks within the fort 
 were on fire, as the barracks of Fort Sumter had ' 
 been, when it was defended by Major Anderson. 
 Both forts ceased firing, and all the evening, till 
 two o'clock the next morning, a magnificent 
 conflagration illumined the scene. At half-past 
 six, Captain Porter gave the signal to cease 
 firing, and the night passed in silence. After 
 dark, he withdrew the six schooners from their 
 exposed situation on the eastern shore, and sta- 
 tioned them in the line upon the western side of 
 the river. This appears to have been an e.'ccess 
 of caution, for the most effective sliots made 
 during the bombardment came from that division, 
 and none of the vessels had been disabled. It 
 is not improbable that the bombardment might 
 have silenced the fort, if that division had been 
 doubled instead of removed. Its transfer to the 
 shelter of the forest on the western shore, was a 
 great relief to the enemy. 
 
 The ne.xt morning disappointed tho.se who 
 had indulged hopes from the burniug of the 
 wooden barracks. Fort Jackson was prompt 
 and vigorous in responding to the fire of the 
 mortars. At half-past eleven, a lifle ball crushed 
 completely through one of the bomb schooners, 
 and sunk her in twenty minutes, but harming no 
 man. The Oneida, Captain Lee, was twice hit 
 in the afternoon, as she was steaming about in 
 advance; two gun-carriages were knocked to 
 pieces, and nine men wounded. The fort, too, 
 suffered so much, that its fire sensibly slackened 
 long before the day closed. One shell bursting 
 in the levee had flooded the interior of the fort 
 with water. Another broke into the officers' 
 mess-room while they were at dinner, and the 
 i]gly thing lay smoking on the ground between 
 them and the only door. They sprang away 
 from it into the farthest corner of the apartment, 
 and remained clutched together in awful sus- 
 pense for half a minute, when the fuso went out 
 without exploding the shell. Often, when a 
 shell sank twenty feet into tue miry delta near 
 the walls, and exploding there, th.rew a vvhole 
 eruption of black mud into the air, the fort 
 seemed to shake to its foundations, and to 
 threaten the total submersion of the garrison 
 deep in the black bowels of the earth. The 
 
 * J/ew Yof-k Ttims, May 8th, 18&il 
 
REDUCTION OF THE FORTS. 
 
 57 
 
 men, however, were surprising;!)' cool after the 
 first day. They discovered that the bombs were 
 terrible chiefly to the nerves and the imagination ; 
 they could see them coming and get out of the 
 way ; and beyond dismounting a gun now and 
 then, the shells did no essential harm — no harm 
 which impaired the defensive power of the fort. 
 The soft, earth of the delta is easily stirred and 
 shaken, but of all known substances it offers to 
 cannon-balls the most completely baffling re- 
 sistance. The fire of the fort often slackened 
 and occasionally ceased; but it was only to 
 repair damages, which, however serious they 
 may have seemed, were, in reality, not consider- 
 able. 
 
 General B atler and his staff arrived in the 
 afternoon, and had hospitable welcome on board 
 the flag-ship Hartford. He found that the faith 
 of the naval men in the efficiency of the bombs 
 had ebbed away under the monotony of the in- 
 efieclual fire of two days. The cable was loom- 
 ing up, as the ruling topic of conversation. The 
 cable must be cut ; how shall we cut the cable? 
 After dark, the general and some members of 
 his staff went up the river in a small boat, to 
 take a look at this inconvenient barrier. They 
 satisfied an enhghtened curiosity without molest- 
 ation from the enemy ; but on returning were 
 fired upon by one of the mortar-boats, and 
 narrowly escaped being hit. The cable did not 
 strike these Yankees as being an obstacle abso- 
 lutely insurmountable. 
 
 All night, at long intervals, the mortars played 
 upon the fort, each of the three divisions taking 
 the duty in turn. A deserter, a Dan Rice circus 
 performer from Pennsylvania, made his way 
 through the swamps from Fort Jackson to the 
 fleet, lighted and guided by the fire of the mor- 
 tars, often floundering in mire up to his arm-pits. 
 He could only tell that the fort was well bat- 
 tered by the bombs. He escaped in the confu- 
 sion caused by the explosion of a shell in alarm- 
 ing proximity to the magazine. 
 
 The third day of the bombardment presented 
 no new incident to the outside spectator. The 
 mortar-men were beginning to grumble at the 
 inaction of the statelier vessels of the fleet, and 
 the officers commanding those vessels were arri- 
 ving at the conclusion, that the work of reducing 
 the fort would, after all, devolve upon them. A- 
 council of captains was held in the cabin of the 
 Hartford. The prevailing opinion was, that the 
 mortar experiment should be fully tried, and 
 then the running-by attempted. Captain Farra- 
 gut issued, in the course of the day the following 
 order : 
 
 " The flag-officer, having heard all the opinions 
 expressed by the different commanders, is of the 
 opinion that whatever is to be done will have to 
 be done quickly, or we will again be reduced to 
 a blockading squadron, without the means of 
 carrying on the bombardment, as we have nearly 
 expended all the shells and fuses and material 
 for making cartridges. He has always enter- 
 tained the same opinions which are expressed 
 by Commodore Porter — that is, that there are 
 three modes of attack, and the question is, 
 which is the one to he adopted? His own 
 opinion is that a combination of two should be 
 made, viz.: The forts should be ran, and when a 
 force is once above the forts to protect the 
 troops, they should be landed at quarantine from 
 
 the gulf side, by bringing them through the 
 baj^ou ; and then our forces should move up the 
 river, mutually aiding each other, as it can her 
 done to advantage. 
 
 " When, in the opinion of the flag-officer, the- 
 propitious time has arrived, tlie signal will be 
 made to weigh and advance to the conflict. If, 
 in his opinion, at the time of arriving at the 
 respective positions of the different divisions of 
 the fleet, we have the advantage, he will make 
 the signal for 'close action,' and abide the result, 
 conquer or to be conquered, drop anchor or keep 
 under way as, in his opinion, is best. Unless 
 the signal above mentioned is made, it will be 
 understood that the first order of sailing will be 
 formed after leaving Fort St. Philip, and we will 
 proceed up the river in accordance with the 
 original opinion expressed." 
 
 But first, the cable must be cut. It was re- 
 solved to attempt it that very evening. Petards 
 had been brought from the north for the purpose 
 of blowing up the hulks whicli supported it, and 
 Mr. Kroehl, the inventor of the contrivance, was 
 on board the fleet to superintend the operation. 
 The plan was to throw a petard on board one of 
 the hulks, and discharge it by an electric spark 
 sent along a wire from a gun-boat. Captain Bell 
 was detached to conduct the daring and difficult 
 enterprise. Two of the gun-boats, the Pinola 
 and the Itasca, were placed under his command, 
 and they were to be supported by the Iroquois, 
 the Kennebec, and the Winona. 
 
 The night was fortunately dark ; but the 
 current, under the influence of the recent freshet, 
 ran with unwonted velocity, ;md a gale was 
 blowing down the river. At ten, the Pinola and 
 the Itasca started on their errand, watched as 
 they passed into the darkness beyond the flag- 
 sliip, with an interest which no language can 
 describe. The success of the expedition, the fate 
 of New Orleans, was felt to depend upon that 
 night's work. When the two ve.<sels had gone 
 beyond the line of mortar-schooners. Captain 
 Porter opened a fire upon the torts, so heavy, so 
 continuous, that the previous bombardment 
 seemed mere plaj in comparison with it. At 
 some moments, eight shells were in the air at 
 once, eight globes of fire, curving magnificently 
 over the black outline of the forest. Amid this 
 hurly-buriy, the Pinola ran up toward the cable, 
 near the western shore, almost under the guns 
 of the forts, and approached one of the hulks. 
 Mr. Kroehl was ready with his petard, and threw 
 it successfully on board. But as the engine had 
 been stopped at the same moment, the wind, 
 and current instantly carried the vessel down 
 the stream, and the coil of wire on deck ran out 
 hke the cord of a harpoon when the whale has 
 been struck. Before the operator could discharge 
 the spark, the wire snapped, and the attempt 
 was a failure ; the Pinola whirling away down 
 the river at a prodigious rate. Such was the 
 force of the gale and the current, and such the 
 darkness of the night, tliat it was half an hcur 
 before the vessel was again under eommard with 
 her bow towards the cable. 
 
 The Itasca, meanwhile, under Captain Cald- 
 well, had tackled the next schooner, one near 
 the middle of the river. The Ita.sca had no 
 petard ; she trusted to dexterous hands and cold 
 steel. Steaming up close to the hulk, mei: 
 sprang on board, lashed the gun-boat secure'/ 
 
58 
 
 REDUCTION OF THE FORTS. 
 
 to her side, and then proceeded in a groping way 
 to study the arrangement of the cable. A rocket 
 fihot into the air. They were discovered. Both 
 .''orts opened fire ; but, protected by the darkness 
 and the smoke, the gallant men of the Itasca 
 worked in perfect security, not a shot coming 
 near enough to discompose them. Half an hour 
 sufficed. The cable was severed with sledge and 
 chisel ; the anchors of the hulks were slipped ; 
 ,ind instantly, gun-boat and hulk, borne away 
 by wind and tide, swung round to the eastern 
 shore, and grounded in the mud, under the 
 ore of both forts. Luckily the hulk had the 
 inside berth ; still, the Itasca was hard and fast 
 by the forefoot. By this time, however, the 
 Pinola was at her post once more, and came to 
 the assistance of her consort. For an hour or 
 more she tugged to get her afloat ; jjarted two 
 Hve-incli hawsers without moving her; but 
 started her at last with one of eleven inches; 
 when both vessels came down in triumph with- 
 ■out a scratch. 
 
 The success of the enterprise was complete ; 
 for after the removal of the central hulk, the 
 current caused the one on each side of the aper- 
 ture 10 swing away, so as to make an opening 
 wide enough to admit several large ships abreast. 
 A boat's crew of the Itasca's men pulled up two 
 nights after into the opening, sounded the 
 -channel, and found no obstruction whatever to 
 the ascent of the fleet. Well done, Itasca 1 
 
 The last clieers died away. The bombard- 
 ment subsided to its usual nightly average, and 
 the forts were silent. The moon rose. At two 
 o'clock a tire-raft of immense extent came down 
 ■before the north wind and rushing current, 
 blazing, roaring, cracking, and rolling aloft the 
 densest volumes of smoke. It passed by the 
 mortar fleet, and whirled past the flag-ship, only 
 lifty feet from her side, scorching the men on 
 deck, grazing the Scioto, and went on its way 
 toward the lower divisions of the fleet. But the 
 mortar-men grappled the monster in time, towed 
 it on shore, and put out the fire. There was 
 little sleep in the fleet that night. The sleepy 
 but indomitable reporter of the Herald was 
 obliged to fall back upon the reflection, that, if 
 the expedition was successful, it would be a fine 
 thing to talk about for the rest of his mortal life. 
 Meanwhile, the work was rather wearing to a 
 reporter, dozing within a few yards of a bom- 
 barding fleet, and having to tumble up every 
 lew minutes to witness spectacles that had 
 ceased to be interesting. Let us gratefullj'' note 
 that the gentlemen of the press, connected with 
 the fleet and the army, served the public with 
 signal fidelity. It is no joke to prepare, during 
 such a week as this, in such circumstances as 
 theirs, a mass of manuscript equivalent to a 
 hundred pages of foolscap, abounding in passages 
 highly pictorial, and the whole executed with 
 ;ra evident desire to tell the truth. Would that 
 these brave and laborious public servants were 
 more justly rewarded. 
 
 The fourth day of the bombardment passed 
 without incident. Nearly four tliousand shells 
 had been fired, and stOl the forts replied with no 
 perceptible diminution of vigor. It was a costly 
 business, this bombardment, each shell costing 
 the government not far from fifty dollars. In 
 the evening the enemy appeared to be making 
 c?ii\e attempts to repair the cable, but the fire 
 
 of the gun-boats in advance kept them from 
 effecting their purpose. Anotlier fire-rafb at 
 niglit paled its ineffectual fire under the dexter- 
 ous handling of the mortar-men. 
 
 Tlie fifth day dawned — April 22d. Captain 
 Farragut had intended that this should be the 
 last of the bombardment ; but it chanced that 
 two of the gun-boats had been so much injured 
 as to require the assistance of all the carpenters 
 in the fleet. He determined, therefore, to wait 
 another day. The morning of the twenty-fourth, 
 between midnight and day-light, if wind and 
 weather were not too perverse, was the desig- 
 nated time. The conduct of the enemy showed, 
 what their officers afterwards asserted, that they 
 were aware of this determination before suarli<? 
 on the morning of the 23d. 
 
 The sixth day the forts were silent. Not one 
 gun was fired by them from morning till night. 
 The bombardment was languidly continued. 
 Green-horns said Fort Jackson had been evac- 
 uated. Others thought the enemy were draw- 
 ing a new cable across the river above St. 
 Philip. Men at the mast-head of the flag-ship 
 reported twelve steamers above the forts, with 
 steam up, moving about briskly. Occasionally 
 one of these came down to the old cable, as if 
 to reconnoiter, drew the fire of a gun-boat, and 
 away up the river again. No inference couid 
 be drawn from the absence of a flag from Fort 
 Jackson, for it had hoisted no flag after the first 
 day. Evidently the rebels were there — were 
 active ; but what they were doing could only be 
 guessed. 
 
 We now know that they were collecting 
 their strength for the final struggle, in perfect 
 confidence of victory. The general commanding 
 in New Orleans wrote that day to General Dun- 
 can: " Say to your officers and men that their 
 heroic fortitude in enduring one of the most 
 terrific bombardments ever known, and the 
 courage which they have evinced will surely 
 enable them to crush the enemy whenever he 
 dares come from under cover. Their gallant con- 
 duct attracts the admiration of all, and will be 
 recorded in history as splendid examples for 
 patriots and soldiers. Anxious but confident 
 families and friends are watching them with firm 
 reliance, based on their gallant exhibition, thus 
 far made of indomitable courage and great mili- 
 tary skill. The enemy will try your powers of 
 endurance, but we believe with no better success 
 than already experienced." 
 
 Duncan reported : " Heavy and continued 
 bombardment all night, and still progressing. 
 No further casualties, except two men slightly 
 wounded. God is certainly protecting us. We 
 are still cheerful, and have an abiding faith in 
 our ultimate succes.s. We are making repairs as 
 best we can. Our barbette guns are still in 
 working order. Most of them have been dis- 
 abled at times. The health of the troops con- 
 tinues good. Twenty-five tliou.sand thirteen- 
 inch shells have been fired by the enemy, one 
 thousand of which fell in the fort. They must 
 soon exhaust themselves; if not, we can stand 
 as long as they can." 
 
 Not twenty-five thousand shells: five thou- 
 sand. Not a thousand inside the fort: only 
 three hundred. The recreant mast have pur- 
 posely exaggerated. He could not but have 
 known better. The whole number of shells 
 
REDUCTION OF THE FORTS. 
 
 59 
 
 thrown was five thousand five hundred and thir- 
 ty-two; and when Duncan wrote, the grand, final, 
 volcanic eruption of sliells had not taken place. 
 
 At sunset, on the evening of the 23d, Captain 
 Farragut had completed his arrangements for 
 running bJ^ The fleet was in five divisions. 
 The mortar-boats. were to retain the position 
 they had held during the bombardment, and 
 cover the attack with the most rapid fire of 
 which thej' were capable. The six small steam- 
 ers attached to the mortar-fleet — the Harriet 
 Lane, "Westfield, Owasca, Clifton, Miami and 
 Jackson, the last named towing the Ports- 
 mouth — were to engage the water-battery be- 
 low Fort Jackson, but not attempt to pass the 
 forts. Captain Farragut, with the three largest 
 ships, the Hartford, Richmond and Brooklyn, 
 were to advance upon Fort Jackson. Captain 
 Bailey, second in command, with the Cayuga, 
 Pensacola, Mississippi, Oneida, Varuna, Katah- 
 din, Kineo, and Wissahickon, were to proceed 
 along the eastern bank, and close with Fort St. 
 Philip. Captain Bell, commanding the third 
 division, which consisted of the Scioto, Iroquois, 
 Pinola, Winona, Itasca, and Kennebec, was to 
 advance in the middle of the river, and push on 
 to the attack of the enemy's fleet above the 
 forts. As night drew on, these divisions lay in 
 their proper order, ready for the signal. 
 
 The norther had died away. The night was 
 still, and a very light southerly breeze spread a 
 haze over the river. The occasional discharge 
 of the bombs, like minute-guns over the dead, 
 seemed but to deepen the hush and awfulness of 
 the hour. The men went early to their ham- 
 mocks, and the officers conversed in the low 
 tone of men on tlie eve of battle. Lieutenant 
 Weitzel continued to impart to them the benefit 
 of his local and professional knowledge. He 
 advised them to run in as close as possible to 
 the forts. The tendency of all men in battle, he 
 said, was to fire too high, and the gunners of the 
 forts had been for a week firing as high as the 
 guns could be elevated. Besides, they would 
 naturally expect the ships to keep at a distance, 
 and would aim for the middle of the river. The 
 ships, too, would certainly fire over those low 
 forts, unless the officers took particular precau- 
 tious to keep the guns depressed. General But- 
 ler, Lieutenant "Weitzel, and the rest of the staflf, 
 went on board the Saxon, leaving the naval offi- 
 cers to their repose. The general ordered steam 
 to be kept up upon the little steamer, that he 
 might be in instant readiness to join the army at 
 the head of the passes, if the fleet should pass 
 the forts. 
 
 Men sleep the night before their execution, 
 but not the night before their trial. There was 
 not much sleeping achieved in the fleet, though 
 the stillness of death pervaded the ships. "For 
 myself," said a reporter, "I could not think of 
 sleep, because of ray anxiety for the success of 
 the momentous undertaking which was soon to 
 commence. I passed the slow- hours in gazing 
 at the dark outlines of the vessels. A death- 
 like stillness hung over every ship, unrelieved by 
 the faintest glimmer of lamp-light. There were 
 no warm colors in the picture, and its cold, 
 dreary aspect, was suggestive of any but pleas- 
 ant thoughts." * 
 
 * TJKes. 
 
 At eleven, a signal from the Itasca announced 
 that all was clear at the cable. Note, however, 
 that the hulks, all but the one removed by the 
 Itasca, were still in the river. The opening was 
 wide, but, in the darkness of the night, the 
 hulks might prove troublesome, especially as the 
 smoke of the ascending ships' guns would roll 
 over them. It was just the night for smoke to 
 settle down, and, mingling with the fog, hang in 
 an impenetrable mass over the river; for the 
 breeze was of the lightest, and the atmosphere 
 was heavy. In every respect, the night was 
 favorable for an enterprise which darkness alone 
 could render possible. The moon would peep 
 over the horizon at three'; but, by the time she 
 had risen above the forest, it was hoped that her 
 light would be welcome. 
 
 At one, all hands were called. Hammocks 
 were stowed. The last preparations were made. 
 The low hiss of steam was heard at the boilers. 
 At two o'clock, the signal to weigh anchor 
 ascended to the peak of the flag-ship. " I had 
 the honor," says the Herald correspondent, "to 
 hoist the signal with my own hands." He did 
 himself the honor also to run by with the ship — 
 he and the artist of Harper^s Weekly — gallant 
 fellows both. 
 
 Captain Farragut's division, close in to the 
 western bank, was ready to move at half-past 
 two ; but Captain Bailey, on the eastern shore, 
 with a more numerous division, was a little 
 slower, and had some distance to go before get- 
 ting abreast of Captain Farragut. At half-past 
 three, the moon slanting a beam upon the swift 
 river, the night still hazy, the ships began their 
 simultaneous and silent advance. During the 
 first few minutes, the very mortars lield their 
 breath. In the distance, away up near the forts, 
 fires could be seen, perhaps to light the ships to 
 their destruction. The fleet advanced against 
 the stream not faster than four miles an hour. 
 The distance from the starting -place to a point 
 above the forts beyond the reach of their guns, 
 was about five miles — two miles to the torts, 
 one mile under their guns, two miles to perfect 
 safety. 
 
 The mortars spoke. Everything had been pre- 
 pared for the rapidest fire possible ; and the men 
 surpas.sed all their previous exertions. Never 
 less than five of those tremendous shells were in 
 the air at the same moment ; often seven or 
 eight ; sometimes, as many as eleven. The 
 thunder, the roar, the crash, the smoke, the 
 glowing bombs circling over the woods on the 
 western bank — this was the mighty prelude to 
 the opening scene. 
 
 The fleet advanced in the appointed three 
 lines, one ship close behind the other. Captain 
 Bailey, on the eastern side, caught the first fire. 
 His Cayuga had just passed through the open- 
 ing in the cable, when both forts discovered him, 
 and opened upon him with every available gun. 
 The balls flew around the ship; but the firing 
 was much too high, and he was seldom hulled. 
 As yet, the Cayuga was silent, and the rebel 
 gunners, as they afterwards said, could see noth- 
 ing whatever; they averred that they aimed no 
 gun that morning at an objucc, except when the 
 flash oi Union guns gave them a momentary de- 
 lusive target. Captain Bailey's division steamed 
 on three-quarters of a mile under this fire, with- 
 out firing a shot iu reply, guided on the way by 
 
60 
 
 REDUCTION OF THE FORTS. 
 
 the flashes of St. Philip. Running in, at length, 
 close under the fort, lie gave them broadsides of 
 grape and canister as he passed. The Pensa- 
 cola, the Mississippi, the Varuna and the rest of 
 the division followed close behind, each deliver- 
 ing broadsides of small shot, and keeping stead- 
 ily OQ in tlie wake of tlie Cayuga. All of the 
 division passed the forts with little material dam- 
 age, except the sailing Portsmouth, which could 
 only get up near enough to fire one broadside, 
 and then, losing her tow, became unmanageable 
 and drifted away down the river. 
 
 The middle division, uuder Captain Bell, was 
 less fortunate, because it was the middle division. 
 Half of Captain Bell's ships, the Scioto, the Iro- 
 quois, and the Pinola, went handsomely by, 
 under the most tremendous fire ; but the gallant 
 Irasca, when directly opposite St. Philip, re- 
 ceived a cataract of shot, one of which pierced 
 her boiler, and she dropped helpless down the 
 river. The Winona recoiled from the same 
 annihilating fire, and retired. The Kennebec 
 was caught in the cable, and when disentangled, 
 lost her way in the stygian blackness of the 
 smoke, and returned to her anchorage un- 
 harmed. 
 
 Captain Parragut, meanwhile, was having, to 
 use his own language, " a rough time of it." 
 The Hartford advanced to within a mile and a 
 quarter of Fort Jackson before receiving the at- 
 tentions of the Ibe — Captain Farragut, in the fore- 
 rigging, peering into the night with his glass — 
 all silent below and aloft. Then the fort opened 
 upon the ship a fire that was better aimed than 
 that which had saluted Captain Bailey. The 
 ship was repeatedly struck. Captain Farragut 
 anticipating the situation, had taken the precau- 
 tion to mount two guns upon the forecastle, with 
 which he now replied to the fire of the enemy, 
 still steaming directly for the fort. At the dis- 
 tance of half a mile, says the captain, '' we 
 sheered oft" and gave them such a fire as they 
 never dreamed of in their philosophy." Broad- 
 sides of grape and canister drove every man in 
 the fort under cover; but the casemate guns 
 were in full play, and the Hartford was well 
 peppered. The liichmond quickly followed, and 
 deluged the fort with grape and canister. The 
 Brooklyn, the last ship of this division, had tiie 
 ill luck to be caught by one of the cable hulks, 
 and so lagged behind. How nobly she redeemed 
 hereelt, let Captain Craven relate : 
 
 "I extricated my ship from the rafts, her 
 head was turned up stream, and a few minutes 
 thereafter she was fully butted by the celebra- 
 ted ram Manassas. • She came butting into our 
 starboard gangway, first firing from her trap- 
 door when within about ten feet of the ship, di- 
 rectly toward our smoke-stack — her shot enter- 
 ing about five feet above the water-line, and 
 lodging in the sand-bags which protected our 
 steam drum. I had discovered this queer-look- 
 ing gentlemen while forcing my way over the 
 barricade lying close in to the bank, and when 
 he made his appearance the second time, I was 
 so close to him that he had not an opportunity 
 to get up his full speed, and his efibrts to dam- 
 age me were completely Irustrated, our chain- 
 armor proving a perfect protection to our sides. 
 He soon slid ofl' and disappeared iu the dark- 
 ness. 
 
 "A few minutes thereafter, being all this 
 
 while under a raking fire from Fort Jacksoi^ 1 
 was attacked by a large rebel steamer. Our 
 port broadside, at the short distance of only fifty 
 or sixty j-ards, completely finished him, setting 
 him on fire almost instantaneously. 
 
 '• Still groping my way in the dark, or under 
 the black cloud of smoke from the fiire-rafl, I 
 suddenly found myself abreast of St. Philip, and 
 so close that the leadsman in the starboard 
 chains gave the soundings ' thirteen feet, sir.' 
 As we could bring all our guns to bear for a few 
 brief moments, we poured in grape and canister, 
 and I had the satis.'action of completely silencing 
 that work before I left it, my men in the tops 
 witnessing, in the flashes of their bursting shrap- 
 nel, the enemy running like sheep for more com- 
 fortable quarters." 
 
 Quartermaster James Beck, he adds, stood by 
 the wheel seven hours after receiving a severe 
 contusion, and would not leave his post till pos- 
 itivelj- ordered. 
 
 Most of the ships had run by, and Captain 
 Farragut, having escaped Fort Jackson, was ad- 
 vancing toward the other fort, when a new ene- 
 my appeared — the fleet of rebel gun-boats, lying 
 in order of battle just above St. Philip. Capte.in 
 Bailey, still leading the advance, in the Cayuga, 
 was in the very midst oi' them before he was 
 aware of their presence; in the midst of them, 
 and so far as he could see, he was alone. It 
 was a moment of anxiety. The rebel steamers 
 ran at him, full tilt; but by skillful steering he 
 contrived to avoid their blows, and pouring 
 eleven-inch solid shot into them, reduced three 
 to surrender before the other ships of his division 
 came up. " The Varuna and Oneida came dash- 
 ing in," says Captain Bailey, "and soon made a 
 finish of them ;" but not until tlAj Varuna had 
 gone down in glory to the bottom of the river, 
 firing as she sank. 
 
 " After passing the batteries with the Varuna," 
 says Captain Boggs, "finding my vessel amid a 
 nest of rebel steamers, I started ahead, delivering 
 her fire, both starboard and port, at every one 
 that she passed. The first vessel on her star- 
 board beam that received her fire appeared to be 
 crowded with troops. Her boiler was exploded, 
 and she drifted to the shore. In like manner 
 three other vessels, oue of them a gunJjoat, 
 were driven ashore in flames, and alterward 
 blew up. * * * The Varuna was attacked 
 by the Morgan, iron-clad about the bow, com- 
 manded by Beverly Kenuon, an ex-naval ofiicer. 
 This vessel raked us along the port gangway, 
 killing four and wounding nine of the crew, 
 buttmg the Varuna 03 the quarter and again on 
 the starboard side. I managed to get three 
 eight-inch shells into her abaft lier armor, as also 
 several shot from the after rifled gun, when she 
 dropped out of action partially disabled. 
 
 '• While still engaged with her, another rebel 
 steamer, iron-clad, with a prow under water, 
 struck us in the port gangway, doing consider- 
 able damage. Our shot glanced from her bow. 
 She backed ofi' lor another blow, and struck 
 again iu the same place, crushing in the side; 
 but, by going ahead fast, the concussion drew 
 her bow around, and 1 was able with the port 
 guns to give her, while close alongside, five 
 eight-inch shells abaft her armor. This settled 
 her, and drove her ashore in flames. 
 
 '• Finding the Varuna sinking, I ran her into 
 
REDUCTION OF THE FORTS. 
 
 61 
 
 ine bank, let go the anchor, and tied up to the 
 trees. 
 
 " During all this time our guns were actively 
 at work crippling the Morgan, which was mak- 
 ing feeble efforts to get up steam. The fire was 
 kept up until the water was over the gun-truck, 
 when I turned my attention" to getting the 
 wounded and crew out of the vessel. The 
 Oneida, Captain Lee, seeing the condition of the 
 Varuna, had rushed to her assistance, but I 
 waved her on, and the Morgan surrendered to 
 her, the vessel being in flames. I have since 
 learned that over fifty of her crew were killed 
 and wounded, and she was set on fire by her 
 commander, who burned his wounded with his 
 vessel." 
 
 Thus, six of the enemy's fleet fell under the 
 Varuna's fire before she sank, with colors flying, 
 to the river's bed. 
 
 While Captain Farragut was still battling with 
 the forts, pouring broadsides into St. Philip, and 
 receiving the fire of both, a huge fire-raft sud- 
 denly blazed up before him, revealing the ram 
 Manassas pushing the raft upon the Hartford. 
 In attempting to steer clear of the I'aft, the Hart- 
 ford ran upon the bank, when the raft came 
 crashing along.side. " In a moment," says 
 Captain Farragut, " the ship was one blaze all 
 along the port side, half way up to the main and 
 raizzen tops. But, thanks to the good organi- 
 zation of the fire department by Lieutenant 
 Thornton, the flames were extinguished and at 
 the same time we backed off and got clear of 
 the raft. But all this time we were pouring the 
 shells into the forts, and they into us, and every 
 now and then a rebel steamer would get under 
 our fire and receive our salutation of a broadside. 
 At length the fire slackened, the smoke cleared 
 off, and we saw to our surprise that we were 
 above the forts, and here and there a rebel ! 
 gun-boat on fire. .\s we came up with them, 
 trying to make their escape, they were fired into 
 and riddled, so that they ran them on shore ; ) 
 and all who could made their escape to the ! 
 shore. The Mississippi and Manassas made a 
 set at each other at full speed, and when they 
 were within forty yards, the ram dodged the ] 
 Mississippi and ran on shore, when the latter | 
 poured her broadside into her, knocked away her I 
 smoke-stack, and then sent men on board of her ; 
 but she was deserted and riddled, and after ' 
 a whQe she drifted down the stream full of 
 water. She was the last of the eleven we de- 
 stroyed." 
 
 In the hurly-burly. Captain Farragut was 
 struck by the wind of a passing shot, as he sat 
 in the fore-rigging. Our friend of the Herald 
 mentions that a shot, at the same time, knocked 
 his cabin to pieces, shattered his effects, and 
 nearly carried off the toilfully prepared manu- 
 script of the bombardment. 
 
 The scene when the fire caught the flag-ship, 
 which was the crowning moment of the battle, 
 is whoUy beyond the imagination to conceive; 
 much more beyond the power of words to de- 
 scribe. I shall not attempt the impossible. The 
 mere noise was an experience unique to the 
 oldest officers. Twenty mortars, a hundred and 
 forty-two guns in the fleet, a hundred and twenty 
 on the forts ; the crash of splinters, the explo- 
 sions of boilers and magazines; the shouts, the 
 cries, the shrieks of scalded and drowning men. 
 
 Add to tliis the belching flashes of the guns, the 
 blazing raft, the burning steamboats, the river full 
 of fire. Tlie confined space in which the action 
 was fought is to be also considered ; and, con- 
 fined :i3 it was, each ship was fighting its own 
 battle, ignorant of nearly all that passed beyond 
 its own guns. " The river," says Captain Far- 
 ragut, " was too narrow for more than two or 
 three vessels to act to advantage, but all were so 
 anxious, that my greatest fear was that we 
 would fire into each other, and Captain Wain- 
 wright and myself were hollowing ourselves 
 hoarse at the men not to fire into our ships." 
 The time, too, was wonderfully short. The 
 forts were passed, and the enemy's fleet de- 
 stroyed in an hour and a half after the ships had 
 left their anchorage. 
 
 The Cayuga had been struck forty- two time.s 
 in the melee, to the great damage of masts and 
 rigging. But Captain Bailey, keeping on up 
 the river, descried, in the gray light of the dawn, 
 a camp upon the shore at the quarantine station, 
 five miles above the forts, the rebel soldiers in 
 full flight. The flight was promptly arrested, 
 and the oflScers surrendered the position. The 
 fleet came up, ship after ship, each received with 
 cheers, each responding with cheers, as she 
 dropped her anchor in line along the shore. 
 The dead, thirty in number, were buried. The 
 wounded, of whom there were a hundred and 
 nineteen, were duly cared for. Repairs were 
 made, and the rigging was spliced ; for Captain 
 Farragut was going on in quest of other batteries 
 that still blocked the way. Captain Boggs, 
 hailed by his generous comrades the hero of the 
 morning, being without a ship, undertook to 
 convey a dispatch round to General Butler in 
 an open boat through a tortuous bayou. Two 
 gun-boats were detailed to remain at the quar- 
 antine station and co-operate with the troops in 
 the contemplated landing behind Fort St. Philip. 
 At eleven in the morning, Captain Farragut 
 gave the signal, and the fleet stood up the river — 
 so slight was the damage received in the action. 
 Except the Itasca and the Varuna, no vessel 
 had received snfiQcient injury to seriously impair 
 her efl'ective force — an escape that was wholly 
 due to the darkness of the night. In daylight 
 no wooden ship could have passed those forts; 
 nor could iron-clads, if the forts had mounted 
 such guns as the rebels now have at Charleston. 
 Of those who witnessed the scenes of this 
 memorable morning, none looked on with an 
 interest so absorbing and profouud as General 
 Butler and a group of his staff officers — Major 
 Strong, Major Bell, Lieutenant Weitzel, and 
 Lieutenant Kinsman. They were on board the 
 Saxon, which followed closely in the rear of 
 Captain Bailey's division, until the shells from 
 the forts, splashing in the water before and be- 
 hind the little vessel, warned the general that 
 he had gone far enough. " We forgot," says 
 Major Bell, " that Porter's twenty mortar-boats 
 were vomiting from beside us a horrid discharge 
 of shell ; we forgot that we were witiiin the 
 range of the enemy's and our own guns, and that 
 the sliells of both were falling about us — such 
 was the fascination which lured us on behind 
 the advancing ships." The Saxon had eight 
 hundred barrels of powder on board — a fact of 
 which her captain was painfully conscious. He 
 was a happy man when the general gave the 
 
'62 
 
 REDUCTION OF THE FORTS. 
 
 word to drop a little astern. From a point jast 
 below the reach of the guns, the party on the fore- 
 castle of the Saxon saw the fleet vanish into the 
 bend, and heard the tremendous uproar of the 
 fire. •' Combine," says Major Bell, " all you 
 have ever heard of thunder, and add to it ail 
 you have ever seen of lightning, and you have, 
 perhaps, a conception of the scene." The}' 
 could not tell what was happening, nor who was 
 winning. Still more puzzed were the}' when 
 the fleet seemed to have jsassed the forts, and 
 the cannonade, which had slackened, broke out 
 again with more fury than before. Then the 
 forts were illumined with fire. Is it a burning 
 ship? "No," said Lieutenant Weitzel, "it is 
 too low for that." Portions of the burning raft, 
 steamboats burning and hissing came by, the 
 river at times covered with fire. The vessels 
 that failed to get past drifted down, but could 
 give little information of what had been achieved. 
 
 The cannonade subsided at length, and the 
 fiery masses disappeared from the river. It was 
 the time of sunrise, but a pall of smoke hung 
 over land and water. It was darker than mid- 
 night. A breeze sprang up, and rolled the 
 smoke from the river. Startling change! In 
 three minutes the sun of a bright April morning 
 shone upon tlie scene. There lay the forts, witli 
 the flag of secession waving from both flag-staffs, 
 hoisted to denote that they were still unsubdued. 
 But, away up the river, beyond the forts, could 
 be seen the top-masts of the fleet, dressed in the 
 stars and stripes ! Captain Porter's fleet of 
 steamers were coming rapidly down the river, 
 propelled by a report that the " celebrated ram 
 Manassas" was after them. " And sure enough," 
 says Captain Porter, " there she was, apparently 
 steaming along shore, ready to pounce upon the 
 apparently defenceless mortar vessels. Two of 
 our stenmers and some of the mortar- vessels 
 opened fire upon her, but I soon discovered that 
 the Manassas could harm no one again, and I 
 ordered the vessels to save their shot. She was 
 beginning to emit some smoke from her ports or 
 holes, and was discovered to be on fire and sink- 
 ing. Her pipes were all twisted and riddled 
 with shot, and her hull was also well cut up. 
 She had evidently been used up by the squadron 
 as they passed along. I tried to save her, as a 
 curiosity, by getting a hawser around her and 
 securing her to the bank ; but just after doing 
 BO she faintly exploded, her only gun went oti", 
 anu emitting flames through her bow port, like 
 some huge animal, she gave a plunge and dis- 
 appeared under the water. Next came a steamer 
 on fire, which appeared to be a vessel of war be- 
 longing to the rebels ; and after her two others, 
 all burning and floating down the stream." 
 
 This looked like victory. But was it a vic- 
 tory ? The rebel flags waved defiance still ; and 
 it soon appeared that three of the enemy's gun- 
 boats had escaped destruction, one of which was 
 the ponderous armed dry-dock, named the 
 Louisiana. True, she was a phantom — a useless, 
 lumbering, unmanageable hulk. But this was 
 not suspected. She was supposed to be a 
 steam battery of sixteen Merrimac power, capa- 
 ble o*" crushing a poor little row of mortar-boats 
 with one graze of her iron-clad sides. 
 
 About seven in the morning, Captain Porter 
 sent a gun- boat toward the forts, with a flag of 
 truce, to demand their surrender. Five cannon- 
 
 balls from one of them (the color of the flag not 
 having been discerned), gave an intimation of 
 tlie answer that might be expected. The gun- 
 boat retired, followed soon by a rebel officer 
 with apologies, who also brought a reply to the 
 summons: No surrender, the forts will never 
 surrender. The rebel gun-boats hovered about 
 above the cable, drawing renewal of fire from 
 the moriar-vessejs. But the Louisiana ! Word 
 was brought by a gun-boat, which had given 
 the rebel messenger a friendly tow up the 
 stream, that Fort Jackson was transferring heavy 
 guns to the monster, which, it was thought 
 would soon be down among the residue of the 
 fleet. Captain Porter ordered the mortar-vessels 
 to weigh anchor and hasten down the stream. 
 Towed by the steamers belonging to them, they 
 abandoned the vicinity of the forts, leaving the 
 enemy to repose, and proceeded to the head of 
 the passes. Two killed, six wounded, one ves- 
 sel sunk, four or five slight!}'- injured were the 
 losses the mortar-fleet had sustained during the 
 bombardment. 
 
 General Butler, perceiving now that the time 
 had come for the army to play its part, borrowed 
 a light-draft steamer from Captain Porter, and 
 hastened down the river to join his troops. 
 
 During the next three days the forts were not 
 molested and fired not a gun. Dismounted 
 guns were replaced, some repairs were made, 
 and the garrison rested from their labors ; their 
 numbers little diminished by the week's fire, the 
 forts as strong in defensive power as when the 
 bombardment began. Captain Porter in his 
 first report remarked : " These forts can hold out 
 still for some time, and I would suggest that the 
 Monitor and Mystic, if they can be spared, be 
 sent here without a moment's delay, to settle 
 the question.'' There was still a chance then, 
 for General Butler and his impatient troops, who 
 had been lying a week at the passes, hearing, 
 when the wind blew down the river, the distant 
 thunder of the bombardment. 
 
 Up anchor, all the transport steamers! The 
 sailing vessels in tow to remaiu in the river 
 under General Phelps. Genersd Williams to 
 command the troops on board the steamers. 
 
 Sable Island, twelve miles in the rear of St. 
 Philip, was the rendezvous. Twenty-four hours 
 were lost by the grounding of the borrowed 
 Miami, an ex-ferry-boat, drawing seven feet and 
 a half. Captain Boggs reached the general with 
 a dispatch from Captain Farragut, having been 
 twenty-six hours in an open boat. " We had a 
 hot time of it," wrote the flag-officer; "but 
 after being on fire and run at by tne ram, and 
 attacked by forts and rebel steamers, we suc- 
 ceeded in getting through, taking all their gun- 
 boats and the ram to boot." He added that he 
 should " push on" to New Orleans, leaving tht? 
 forts to the tender mercies of the general. 
 
 On the 26th of April, the Twenty-Sixth Mas- 
 sachusetts under Colonel Jones, the same Colo- 
 nel Jones that led the Sixth Massachusetts 
 through Baltimore on the 19th of April, ISGl, 
 was crowded on board the Miami, with com- 
 panies of the Fourth Wisconsin and Twenty- 
 First Indiana. Cautiously the little steamer 
 felt her way in those shallows; but when the 
 fort was still six miles distant, she grounded 
 again. The thirty boats were manned and filled 
 with troops. Guided by Lieutenant Weitzel, 
 
THE PANIC IN NEW ORLEANS. 
 
 63 
 
 and by Captain Everett of the Sixth Massachu- 
 setts battery, who had been out reconnoiteri-ag 
 there during the bombardment, the boats pulled 
 for the swampy shore. The ba\-ous empty into 
 the gulf at that point with sucii a rush of cross 
 currents, lliat, at times, it was all the boats 
 could do to hold their own. Four miles and a 
 half of fierce rowing brought them into Manuel's 
 canal, which, running like a mill-race, forbade 
 farther progress by rowing. Soldiers sprang 
 into the water — a line of soldiers clutching the 
 side of each boat ; and floundering thus breast- 
 deep in water and mire, and phantom sharks, 
 drew the boats by main force a mile and a half, 
 to a landing jDlace five miles above St. Philip. 
 By this laborious process two hundred of the 
 troops were landed from the Miami in the course 
 of the day, meeting no opposition. Lieutenant 
 Weitzel stationed part of them on the western 
 bank, part on the eastern. Captain Porter had, 
 meanwhile, placed some of his mortar-schooners 
 in the bay behind Fort Jackson ; and thus, on 
 the morning of the 27th, the forts were invested 
 on every side — up the river, down the river, and 
 in the rear. 
 
 That night came the thrilling news that Cap- 
 tain Farragut's fleet was at anchor before New 
 Orleans. General Butler, perceiving the abso- 
 lute necessity of light-draft steamers for landing 
 his heavy guns and ammunition, desiring also to 
 confer with Captain Farragut, left General 
 "Williams to continue the landing of the troops 
 — a work of days — and went up to the city, 
 accompanied by Captain Boggs. 
 
 The same night, a picket of Union men on 
 the western bank had a peculiar and joyful ex- 
 perience. A body of rebel troops, two hundred 
 and fifty in number, came out of Fort Jackson, 
 and gave themselves up. They said thej' had 
 fought as long as fighting was of any use : but, 
 seeing the forts surrounded, they had resolved 
 not to be sacrificed upon a point of honor, and 
 therefore had mutinied, spiked the up-river guns, 
 and broken away. The forts were still defensible," 
 however, and could have given the troops a tough 
 piece of work. But the next morning the offi- 
 cers deemed it best to surrender. Captain Por- 
 ter, who chanced to be present in the river, and 
 had the means of reaching the forts by water, 
 negotiated the surrender, granting conditions more 
 favorable than were necessary. The officers 
 were allowed to retain their side-arms and pri- 
 vate propertj', and both officers and men were 
 released on parole. While the negotiations were 
 proceeding in the cabin of the Harriet Lane, the 
 huge Louisiana was set on fire by her officers, 
 and set adrift down the river. She blew up only 
 just in time not to destroy the Union fleet, 
 toward which she was drifting. The explosion 
 was regarded l)y the army as a commentatory note 
 of exclamation upon the favorable terms con- 
 ceded to the garrison. Captain Porter justly placed 
 in close 'confinement the officers who had done 
 the dastardly act. 
 
 The joy, the curiosity with which the troops 
 entered the forts and scanned the result of the 
 long fire upon them, may be imagined. St. Philip, 
 beyond one or two slight abrasures, was abso- 
 lutely uninjured. Respecting the damage done 
 to Fort Jackson, different opinions have been 
 published. It is important for our instruction in 
 the art of war, that the truth upon this point 
 
 should be known and established. The testi- 
 mony of Lieutenant Weitzel will settle the ques- 
 tion in the mind of every officer of the regular 
 army. In a report to General Butler, dated May 
 5th, 1862, Lieutenant Weitzel says: 
 
 " The navy passed the works, but did not 
 reduce them. Fort St. Philip stands, with on& 
 or two slight exceptions, to-daj- without a scratch. 
 Fort Jackson was subjected to a torrent of thir- 
 teen-inch and eleven-inch shells during a hun- 
 dred and forty-four hours. To an inexperienced 
 eye it seems as if this work were badlj' cut up. 
 It is as strong to-day as when the first shell vjos 
 fired at it. The rebels did not bomb-proof the 
 citadel ; consequently the roof and furring caught 
 fire. This fire, with subsequent shells, ruined 
 the walls so much that I am tearing it down and 
 removing the debris to the outside of the work. 
 Three shot furnaces and three cisterns were 
 destroyed. At several points the breast-high 
 walls were knocked down. One angle of the 
 magazine on the north side of the postern was 
 knocked ofi'. Several shells went through the 
 flank casemate arches (which were not covered 
 with earth), and a few through the other case- 
 mate arches (where two or more struck in the 
 same place). At several points in the casemates, 
 the thirteen-inch shell would penetrate through 
 the earth over the arches, be stopped by the 
 latter, then explode, and loosen a patch of 
 brick-work in the souflfoir of the arch about 
 three feet in diameter and three-quarters of a 
 brick deep, at its greatest depth. 
 
 " To resist an assault, and even regular ap- 
 proaches, it is as strong to-day as ever it was." 
 
 If the splendid daring of Captain Farragut 
 aud the fleet deprived General Butler of his lieu- 
 tenant-generalship, it is but just to him and the 
 army to declare, that it was the prompt and un- 
 expected landing of the troops in the rear of St. 
 Philip that caused the mutiny which led to the 
 surrender. Fighting wins the laurel, and justly 
 wins it, for fighting is the true and final test of 
 soldierly merit : but a maneuver which accom- 
 plishes results without fighting — that also merits 
 recognition. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 THE PANIC IK NEW ORLEANS. 
 
 New Orleans did not rush headlong into 
 secession in the Charleston manner. The doc- 
 trine, that if Mr. Luacoln was elected the nation 
 must be broken up, was not popular there during 
 the canvass of 1860 ; it was, on the contrary, 
 scouted by the ablest newspapers, and the influ- 
 ential men. In 1856, the city had given a ma- 
 jority of its votes to Mr. Fillmore ; in 1850, 
 Bell aud Everett were the favorite candidates. 
 Bell, 5,215; Douglas, 2,996; Breckinridge, 
 2,646; Lincoln, 0. The fact was manifest to all 
 reflecting men, that the two states which de- 
 rived from the Union the greatest sum-tolal of 
 direct pecuniary benefit were Massachusetts aud 
 Louisiana. 
 
 The great sugar interest, the Creole sugar- 
 planters, who held the best of the cultivated parts 
 of the state, stood by the Union last of all. 
 
 But the first gun fired in a war, carries ?.oa- 
 
«4 
 
 THE PANIC IN NEW ORLEANS. 
 
 ■victlon to v/avering minds. 'Eveiy man in the 
 ■world either is a secessionist, or could become 
 ■one, who holds slaves, or who could hold slaves 
 with an ea.«y conscience, or who can contem- 
 plate the fact with indifference that Slaves are 
 held. In this great controvers}', the United 
 States has not one hearty and perfectly trust- 
 worthy adherent on earth, who is not now an 
 abolitionist. Its actual and possible enemies are 
 all who do not detest slavery, whether they be 
 called secessionists, copperheads, or Englishmen. 
 
 So the " moral epidemic" spread in New 
 Orleans, and it became nearly unanimous for 
 secession. If the majority for secession was 
 small in the city, it sufficed to make secession 
 master. Union men were banished 'by law; 
 Union senttments suppressed by violence. I 
 know not whether the horrid tale of the New 
 England school mistress stripped naked in Lafay- 
 ette Square, and tarred and feathered amid 
 the jeers of the mob, is true or false. I presume 
 it is false; but the fact remains, that neither 
 man nor woman could utter a syllable for the 
 Union in New Orleans in the hearing of the pub- 
 lic, and live. A very few persons of pre-eminent 
 standing in the city, like the noble Durant, and 
 a few old men, who could not give up their 
 'Country and the flag they had fought under in 
 the days of their youth, were tolerated even 
 with ostentation — so firm in the saddle did seces- 
 •sion feel itself. 
 
 Even the foreign consuls were devoted seces- 
 sionists ; all except Senor Hiiiz, "the Mexican 
 ■consul. Reichard, the consul of Prussia, raised 
 a battalion in the city, and led it to Virginia, 
 where he rose to the rank of brigadier-general, 
 (having left in New Orleans, as acting-consul, 
 Mr. Kruttsmidt, his partner, who had married a 
 ■daughter of the rebel secretary of war. The 
 'Other consuls, connected with secession by ties 
 of business or matrimony, or both, were among 
 the most zealous adherents of ■the Cortfederate 
 cause. This is an important fact, when we con- 
 •sider that two-thirds of the business men were 
 of foreign birth, and a vast proportion of the 
 whole population were of French, Spanish, and 
 ■German descent. 
 
 The double blockade — blodkade above and 
 blocRade below — struck death to the commerce 
 of New Orleans, a city created and sustained 
 iby commerce alone. How wonderful was that 
 commerce ! ' The crescent bend of the river 
 upou which the city stands, a waving line seven 
 miles in extent, used to display the commercial 
 activity of the place to striking advantage. 
 Cotton ships, eight or ten deep; a forest of 
 roasts, denser than any but a tropical forest; 
 steamboats in bewildering numbers, miles of 
 them, puffing and hiesing, arriving, departing, 
 and tlireateiiing to depart, with great clangor of 
 bells and scream of whistles ; cotton-bales piled 
 high along the levee, as far as the eye could 
 Teach ; acres and acres covered ■with hogsheads 
 of sugar; endless flotillas of flat-boats, market- 
 boats, and timber-rafts ; gangs of negroes at 
 work upon every part of the levee, with loud 
 chorus and outcry ; and a constant crowd of 
 'Clerks, merchants, sailors, and bandanna-crowned 
 aegro women selling coffee, cakes, and fruit. It 
 was a spectacle without parallel on the globe, 
 'because the whole scene of the city's industry 
 was presented in one view. 
 
 "What a change was WTougbt by the mere 
 announcement of the blockade! The cotton 
 ships disappeared; the steamboats were laid 
 away in convenient bayous, or departed up the 
 river to return no more. The cotton mountains 
 vanished ; the sugar acres were cleared. The 
 cheerful song of ihe negroes was seldom heard, 
 and grass grew on the Vacant levee. The com- 
 merce of the city was dead ; and the forces 
 hitherto expended iu peaceful and victorious 
 industry, were wholly given up to waging war 
 upon the power which had called that industry 
 into being, defended it against the invader, pro- 
 tected and nourished it for sixty years, guiltless 
 of wrong. The young men enlisted in the army, 
 compelling the reluctant stevedores, impressing 
 with violence the foreign born. At the Ex- 
 change, books were opened for the equipment 
 of privateers. For the first six months there 
 was much running of the blockade, one vessel 
 in three escaping, and the profit of the third 
 paying for the two lost. Hollins was busy in 
 getting ready a paltry fleet of armed vessels for 
 the destruction of the blookaders, and there was 
 rare hammering upon rams and iron-clad steam- 
 boats. Seventeen hundred families meanwhile 
 were daily supplied at the " free market." Look 
 into one wholesale grocery store through the 
 following advertisement: 
 
 " "We give notice to our friends generally, 
 that we have been compelled to discontinue the 
 grocery business, particularly for the reason that 
 we have now no goods for sale, except a little 
 L. F. salt. Persons ordering goods of tis must 
 send the cash to fill the order, unless they have 
 money to their credit. Four of our partners 
 and six of our clerks are in the army, and hav- 
 ing sold out our stock of goods on credit, we 
 have no money to buy more to be disposed of 
 that way." 
 
 A word or two upon the "Thugs" of New 
 Orleans, the party controlling municipal aflairs 
 for some years past. New Yorkers are in a 
 position to understand this matter with very lit- 
 tle explanation, since the local politics of New 
 Orleans and of New York present the same 
 essential features, the same dire results of the 
 fell principle of universal suffrage. Martin Yan 
 Buren predicted it all forty-two years ago, when 
 opposing the admission to the polls of every man 
 out of prison who was twenty-one years of age. 
 He said then, what we now know to be true, 
 that universal suffrage, in large commercial cit- 
 ies, would make those cities a dead weight upon 
 the politics of the states to which they belong; 
 would repell from local politics the men who 
 ouglit to control them; would consign tlie cities 
 to the tender mercies of the Dexterous Spoiler,* 
 who could only be dethroned by bloody revolu- 
 tion. Is it not so? Who is master of certain 
 great cities but Dexterous Spoiler, supported by 
 the dollars of Head Jew ? 
 
 It must be so under universal suffrage. Tiere 
 we have, say, ten thousand ignorant voters; 
 ignorant, many of them, of the very language of 
 the country; ignorant, most of them, of the art 
 of reading it. These ten tliousand are thirsty 
 men, hangers-on of our six or seven thousand 
 groggeries, the keepers of which are as com- 
 
 * See Martin Van Bcren's argument in Parton's Lit* 
 of Jackson, ill., 129. 
 
THE PANIC IN NEW ORLEANS. 
 
 65 
 
 pletely the minions aud servants of Dexterous 
 as though they were m his pay. New Yorkers 
 know why this is so. Here, then, are sixteen or 
 seventeen thousand voters to begin with, as cap- 
 ital-stock and basis of political business. Add 
 to these five tliousand of those lazy, thoughtless 
 men in the carpeted spheres of life, who can 
 never be induced to vote at all; some even 
 pluming themselves upon the fact. So there are 
 twenty thousand votes or more, which Dexter- 
 ous can, in all cases, aud in all weathers, count 
 upon with absolute certainty. Then there are 
 sundry other thousands who can only bo got to 
 the polls by moving heaven aud earth; which 
 is an expensive process, involving unlimited 
 Roman caudles and endless hirings of the Cooper 
 Institute. The majority of tliese, in most elec- 
 tions, allow themselves to remain in the scale 
 that weighs down struggling Decency. In a 
 word, our Dexterous Spoiler, by his possession 
 of the tetx thiMisand votes which a justly re- 
 stricted suffrage would exclude, controls the pol- 
 itics of the city. Probably, the mere exclusion 
 of all voters who can not read would render the 
 politics of cities manageable in the interests of 
 Decency. In the absence of all restriction, the 
 Spoiler mvst bear sway. 
 
 •As in New York, so in New Orleans ; only 
 worse. The curse of universal suffrage in New 
 York is mitigated by several cu'cumstances, 
 which have hitherto sufficed to keep anarchy at 
 bay. First, it is still true in New York, that 
 when the issue is distinct aud sole between De- 
 cency and Spohation, and tliere has been the due 
 moving of heaven and earth, the party of Decen- 
 cy can always secure a small majoritj'' of the 
 whole number of votes. Secondly, one evening, 
 about fifteen years ago. New York rowdyism fell, 
 weltering in blood, in Astor Place, before the 
 fire of the Seventh regiment. It has known 
 three days of resurrection since, owing to a com- 
 bination of causes never likely to be again com- 
 bined. Third, New York has had the supreme 
 happiness of rescuing its police from all control 
 of the Spoiler. The police department has been 
 taken out of politics, and has daily improved 
 ever since, until now there is no better police in 
 the wiirld, and no city where the reign of order 
 is more unbroken — where life and property are 
 more secure. Again : the alliance between the 
 Spoiler and the Banker compels the Spoiler to 
 stop siiort of attempting the manifestly anarchic. 
 The Spoiler, too, has his moneys and his usances, 
 and values the same. 
 
 What New York would have been without its 
 small, safe majority ou the side of Decencj'', 
 without the Astor Place riot, and without tlie ti- 
 midity of Wall street, that New Orleans was, for 
 many years before the rebellion ; with all evil 
 tendencies accelerated and aggravated by the 
 presence of slavery. New Orleans was the 
 metropolis of the cotton kingdom, the receptacle 
 of its wealth and of its refuse, the theater of its 
 display and the pool of its abominations. 
 
 Now, the peculiarity of the cotton kingdom — 
 that which chiefly distinguishes it from the (jther 
 kingdoms of the earth, is this : la other king- 
 doms wickedness is committed, but is admitted 
 Xoha wickedness; it is reprobated and warred 
 upon ; it hides itself, and is asliamed. But the 
 eoiton kingdom distinctly, and in the hearing of 
 ihe whole woild, adopted wickedness as its por- 
 
 tion and speciality. It did not say, Evil be 
 thou our Good; but our Evil is not evil ; it is 
 good, beneficent, and even Divine. In the case 
 of Cain versus Abel, the cotton kingdom, with 
 the utmost possible clearne.ss and decision, sup- 
 ported Cain. If the " diEBculty " between the 
 brothers had occurred in the rotunda of the St. 
 Charles hotel, Public Opinion would have clap- 
 ped Cain on the back, and called him a high- 
 spirited, chivalrous young fellow, a worthy son 
 ofoneofour first families. It was the unwrit- 
 en law of New Orleans, that if one man said to 
 another man an offensive word, the proper pen- 
 was instant assassination ; which was precisely 
 the principle upon which Cain acted. In New 
 Orleans, every man carried about his person the 
 means of executing this law with certainty aud 
 dispatch. 
 
 Doctor McCormick, of the United States armjf, 
 medical director at New Orleans during General 
 Butler's administration, familiar with the city in 
 former years, related to me the following anec- 
 dote: — 
 
 Time — about ten years before secession. 
 Place — the Charity Hospital at New Orleans, in 
 charge of Doctor McCormick. A friend from the 
 North visited the doctor at the hospital, and 
 went the rounds with him one morning. 
 Among the patients were four men wounded in 
 affrays during the previous evening and night; 
 two mortally, whose wounds the doctor dressed. 
 The morning tour completed, the friends were 
 leaving the building, when they met a raau 
 coming in who had been just stabbed in the ej'e, 
 in a street quarrel. The doctor dressed liis 
 wound, and again the friends turned to go. 
 Before reaching the front-door, they met a man 
 with four balls in his cliest, received in an 
 affiay. His wounds were dressed, and the gen- 
 tlemen then succeeded in making their escape. 
 
 " Doctor," exclaimed the visitor, aghast, " is 
 this common?" 
 
 " Not to this extent," replied the doctor, " not 
 six a day. But two or three a day is common : 
 that is about the daily average during the 
 season." 
 
 " Well," said his friend, " this is no place for 
 me. I meant to stay a week ; but I leave New 
 Orleans to-night," 
 
 Duels, too. Miss Martineau's " fifteen duels 
 on one Sunday morning" was* probably no ex- 
 aggeration. Doctor McCormick declared, that 
 he has himself witnessed six in one day from a 
 window of the United States barracks. He has 
 seen men in mortal combat while driving along 
 a road near the city with his wife ; seen them 
 fighting as he passed ; seen the dead body of one 
 of them as he returned. 
 
 •' What could the fools find to fight about ?" 
 asks the incredulous northern reader. Hear a 
 very competent witness. 
 
 " Young men meet around the festive board 
 The wine-cup passes freely." The climate fa- 
 vors drinking ; men can drink three limes the 
 quantity of wine that a northern head can bear. 
 " Conversation becomes a confusion of unmean- 
 ing words. One declares that General Lopez 
 was a patriot and martyr to the cause of free- 
 dom and the world, and another that he was an 
 adventurer, and in bowing his neck to the 
 garrote, only paid the penalty of his rashness. 
 One avers that Isabella Catholica, mother to the 
 
66 
 
 THE PANIC IN NEW ORLEANS. 
 
 baby priace of the Asturias, is another Semira- 
 mis — worse only — having had Christian bap- 
 tism. Another, with equal warmth, contends 
 that this same queen- moUier, patroness of all the 
 bull-fights, and queen of the Antilles, is a wed- 
 ded Vestal, more chaste llian the icicle which 
 hangs on Diana's temples, purer than Alpine 
 snows. One cries ' G-od save Spain's royal mis- 
 tress;' and another swears that an anointed 
 Amazon, who rides a-straddle through the 
 streets, shall have have no vivas from him. A 
 slap in the face ! The rising of the sun sees 
 them on the battle-field, arrayed all in white. 
 Under the spreading oaks of G-entilly, they 
 crush the daises beneath their feet, and brush 
 dew from the lilies that brightly blossom there. 
 Is there none lo whisper peace ? Xone. There 
 is a click of the swift trigger, and a hiss of the 
 leaden death; a spring into the air; a yell, a 
 groan, a gurgling of the purple life-current ; 
 and it is done 1 What now? Chains and a 
 prison for tlie slayer? Neither; but honor 
 and laudation for him who has had the bravery 
 to kill."« 
 
 " Honor and laudation," says our narrator, 
 await the murderer. Even so. Let me relate 
 one of Dr. McCormick's duel anecdotes ; he hav- 
 ing witnessed the scenes he- described, and as- 
 sisted at them as attending surgeon. The 
 events occurred not in New Orleans, but the par- 
 ties well known there, all of them being men of 
 wealth and great note in the cotton kingdom. 
 Time, 1841. 
 
 The principals were Colonel Augustus Alston, 
 a graduate of West Point, and Colonel Leigh 
 Reed ; planters, both ; chief men of their county ; 
 politicians, of course. Long-standing, bitter 
 feud between the families, aggravated by polit- 
 ical aspirations and disappointments ; the whole 
 county sympathizing with one or the other — 
 eagerly, wildly sympathizing. The quarrel re- 
 lieved the tedium of idleness ; served instead of 
 morning paper to the men, supplied the want 
 of new novels to the women. At length, one 
 of the Alston party, on slight pretext, challenged 
 Reed ; which challenge Reed refused to accept ; 
 no man but Alston for his pistol. Another 
 Alstonian challenge, and yet another he declined. 
 Then Alston himself sent a challenge — Alston, 
 the best shot in* a state whose citizens cultivated 
 the deadly art with the zeal of saints toiling after 
 perfection. This challenge Lee instantl}^ ac- 
 cepted. Weapon, the rifle, hair-trigger, ounce 
 ball. Men to stand at twenty paces, back to 
 back ; to wheel at the word One ; to fire as 
 soon as they pleased after the word; the second 
 to continue counting as far as five ; after which, 
 no firing. 
 
 Reed was a slow, portly man — a good shot if 
 he could fire in his own way without this pre- 
 liminary wheeling. He regarded himself as a 
 dead man ; he felt that he had no chance what- 
 ever of liis life on such terms — not one in a 
 thousand. He bought a coffin and a shroud, 
 and arranged all his affairs for immediate death. 
 The day before the duel, his second, a captain 
 in the army, took him out of town and gave him 
 a long drill in the wheel-and-fire exercise. The 
 pupil was inapt — could not get the knack of 
 wheeling. If he wheeled quickly, his aim was 
 
 • New Orleans Delta, June 3d, 186-3. 
 
 j bad ; if he wheeled slowly, there was no need of 
 his aiming at all, for his antagonist was as ready 
 with heel as with trigger, from old training at 
 West Point. " Leigh," said the captain, " you 
 must wheel quicker or you've no chance.'' 
 Stimulated with this remark, Leigh wheeled with 
 velocity, and fired with such success as to bring 
 down a neighbor riding along the road. 
 
 Reed sent his coffin and shroud to the field. 
 Mrs. Alston accompanied her husband. " I have 
 come," she said, " to see Leigh Reed shot." 
 
 The men were placed, and the seconds counted 
 one. In swiflly wheeling, the light cape of 
 Alston's coat touched the hair-trigger, and hia 
 ball whistled over Reed's head, who stood 
 amazed, with rifle half presented. The word 
 two, recalled him to himself; he fired; and 
 Alston fell pierced through the heart. Mrs. 
 Alston flew to her fallen husband, and found the 
 ball which had slain him. In the sight and 
 hearing of all the witnesses of the duel, her dead 
 husband bleeding at her feet, she Ufted up the 
 ball, and with loud voice and fierce dramatic 
 gesture, swore that that ball should kill Leigh 
 Reed. 
 
 Now, observe the conduct of the " chivalry" 
 upon this occasion. Note the Public Opinion 
 of that community. Were they touched by 
 Reed's magnificent courage'? Were they moved 
 to gentler thoughts by Alston's just but lamen- 
 table end ? The Montagues and Capulets were 
 reconciled over dead Juliet and Romeo : 
 
 " O brother Montague, give me thy hand ; 
 This is my daughter' » jointure; for no more 
 Can I demand." 
 
 Not SO, the chivalry of the South. A few 
 days after, ten of the Alston party, headed by 
 Willis Alston, brother of the deceased, drew 
 themselves up, rifle in hand, bowie-knip3 and 
 pistol in belt, before the hotel in vvhicii tiie ad- 
 herents of Reed were assembled congratulating 
 their chief They sent in a messenger challeng- 
 ing ten of the Reed party to come fortli and fight 
 them in the pubhc square. Much parleying 
 ensued, which ended in the refusal of the Reeds 
 to accept the invitation. 
 
 A few days after, Reed was seated at the table 
 of the hotel, in the public diuing-room, at which 
 also sat men, ladies and cliildren — 'a large^ 
 number — Dr. McCormick among them. Willis 
 Alston entered, took his stand opposite Reed, 
 drew a pistol, and shot him througii the liver. 
 The wound was not mortal. Alter some month* 
 of confinement. Reed was well again, and went 
 about as usual, the bloody-minded Alston stiil 
 loose among the people. They met at length 
 in the streets of the town, and Alston shot hmi 
 again, inflicting this time a mortal wound. 
 
 Then, there was a hideous farce of a trial. 
 Every man in the court-room, except two, was 
 armed to the teetlx Those two were the judge, 
 and the principal witness, Doctor McCormick. 
 The jurymen all had a rifle at their side in the 
 jury-box — twelve men, twelve rifles. The- 
 prisoner had two enormous horse-pistols pro- 
 truding from his vest. The spectators were all 
 armed ; the Reeds to prevent a rescue in case or 
 conviction, the Alstons to protect their man in 
 case of acquittal. The counsel tor the accused 
 admitted that their client had shot the deceased, 
 but contended that the wound then inflicted was 
 
THE PANIC IX NEW ORLEANS. 
 
 67 
 
 not tho cause of his death. Doctor McCormick 
 was called, and took the stand amid the deepest 
 silence, the prisoner glaring at him like the wild 
 beast he was. 
 
 '•' Is it your belief that the deceased came to 
 his death from the wound inflicted by the pris- 
 oner at the bar ?" 
 
 '' [ liave no belief on the subject," replied the 
 witness. '' It is not a matter of belief, but of 
 fact. I knmu he did." 
 
 That . night, the trial not yet concluded, the 
 prisoner deemed it best to escape from prison. 
 He went to Texas ; met on the road tliere an 
 old enemy, whom he shot dead in his saddle ; 
 and on reaching the next town, boasted of his 
 exploit to the murdered man's friends and 
 neighbors. Thirty of them seized him, tied him 
 to a tree, and shot him, all the thirty firing at 
 once, to divide tlie responsibility among them. 
 And so the brute's career was fitly ended. 
 
 Nor can we pity the murdered Reed, brave as 
 he was; for he, too, was a man of blood. They 
 tell of an early duel of his so incredibly savage, 
 that, in comparison with it. General Jackson's 
 little affair with Charles Dickinson seems the 
 play of boys. Picture it. Two men standing 
 sixty feet apart, back to back, each armed with 
 two revolvers and a bowie-knife. They are to 
 wheel at the word, approach one another firing, 
 fire as fest as they choose, advance as rapidly as 
 they choose. Pistols failing, then the grapple 
 and the knrfe. As it was arranged, so it was 
 done. Reed fired his last charge, but his anta- 
 gonist was still erect. The men were within 
 six feet of one another, when Reed, bleeding fast 
 from several wounds, collected his remaining 
 strength, and threw his pistol, with desperate 
 force, in his antagonist's face, and felled him with 
 the blow. Reed staggered forward and fell upon 
 him. Drawing his knife he was seen feeling for 
 the heart of his enemy, and having found it, he 
 placed the point of the knife over it and tried to 
 drive it home. He could not. Then holding 
 the knife with one hand he tried to raise himself 
 up with the other, so as to fall upon the knife, 
 and kill his adversary by mere gravitation. 
 This amazing spectacle was too much even for 
 the seconds in a southern duel, one of whom 
 seized the man by the feet and drew him off. 
 It was found that his antagonist was dead where 
 he lay ; but Reed recovered to figure in another 
 of these savage conflicts, and to die by violence 
 in the streets. 
 
 We may ask, with Dr. McCormick's friend, 
 " Were such things common in the ' cotton 
 kingdom ?' " The doctor's answer will sufiBce : 
 "Not to this extent;" but scenes like these 
 were common ; and the spirits, the habits, the 
 cast of character, which gave rise to them, were 
 all but universal What, then, must New 
 Orleans have been, the chief city of that king- 
 dom, with a police subject to the city govern- 
 ment, the city government controlled by 
 ■ Thugs," and the " Thugs" managed by the 
 Spoiler, in alliance with the money-changer? 
 
 We return to the morning of April Sith, on 
 which the Union fleet ran past the forts. 
 
 Never before were the people of New Orleans 
 so confident of a victorious defense, as when 
 ihey read in the newspapers of that morning 
 the brief report of General Duncan, touching 
 lae twenty-five thousand ineffectual shells. 
 
 Always the city had implicitly relied on its 
 defenses; but after six days of vain bombard- 
 ment, the confidence of the people was such, 
 tliat news from below had ceased to be very in- 
 teresting, and every one went about his business 
 as though nothing unusual was going on. 
 
 At half-past nine in the morning, late risers 
 still dawdling over their coffee and Delta, the 
 bell of one of the churches, which had been 
 designated as the alarm bell, struck the concerted 
 signal of alarm — twelve strokes four times re- 
 peated. It was the well-known summons for 
 all armed bodies to assemble at their head- 
 quarters. There was a wild rush to the news- 
 paper bulletin-boards. 
 
 " It is reported that two of the enemy's 
 gux-boats have succeeded in passing the 
 
 FORTS." 
 
 This was all that came over the wires before 
 Captain Farragut cut them ; but it was enough 
 to give New Orleans a dismal premonition of the 
 coming catastrophe. The troops flew to their 
 respective rendezvous. The city was filled with 
 rumors. The whole population was in the 
 streets all day. The bulletin-boards were be- 
 sieged, but nothing could be extracted from 
 them. There were but twenty-eight hundred 
 Confederate troops in the city; and General 
 Lovell, their commander, had gone down to. the 
 forts the day before, and was now galloping 
 back along the levee like a man riding a steeple- 
 chase. The militia, however, were numerous ; 
 conspicuous among them the European Brigade, 
 composed of French, English and Spanish bat- 
 talions. A fine regiment of free colored men 
 was on duty also. But, in the absence of the 
 general, and the uncertainty of the intelligence, 
 nothing was done or could be done, but assem- 
 ble and wait, and increase the general alarm by 
 the spectacle of masses of troops. 
 
 The newspapers of the afternoon could add 
 nothing to the intelligence of the morning. But, 
 at half-past two. General Lovell arrived, bringing 
 news that the Union fleet had passed the forts, 
 destroyed the Confederate gun-boats, and was 
 approaching the city. Then the panic set in. Stores 
 were hastily closed, and many were abandoned 
 without closing. People left their houses, for- 
 getting to shut the front-door, and ran about the 
 streets without apparent object. There was a 
 fearful beating of drums, and a running together 
 of soldiers. Women were seen bonnetless, with 
 pistol in each hand, crying: "Burn the city. 
 Never mind us. Burn the city." OflBcers rode 
 about impressing carts and drays to remove the 
 cotton from store-houses to the levee for burning. 
 Four millions of specie were carted from the 
 banks to the railroad stations, and sent out of 
 the city. The consulates were filled with people, 
 bringing their valuables to be stored under the 
 protection of foreign flags. fraitor Twiggs 
 made haste to fly, leaving his swords to the care 
 of a young lady — the swords voted him by 
 Congress and legislature for services in Mexico. 
 Other conspicuous traitors followed his prudent 
 example. The authorities, Confederate and mu- 
 nicipal, were at their wit's end. Shall the troops 
 remain and defend the city, or join the army of 
 Beauregard at Corinth ? It was concluded to 
 join Beauregard ; at least to get out of the city, 
 beyond the guns of the fleet, and so save the 
 city from bombardment. Some thousands of tlio 
 
C3 
 
 NEW ORLEANS WILL NOT SURRENDER. 
 
 nii'ilia, it appears, left with the twenty-eight 
 hundred Coafederate troops, choking the avenues 
 of escape with multitudinous veliicles. Other 
 thousands remained, doffing their uniforms, ex- 
 changing garments even with negroes, and re- 
 turned to their homes. The regiment of free 
 colored men would not leave the city — a fact 
 which was remembered, some mo itiis later, to 
 their advantage. 
 
 At such a time, could the Thugs be inactive ? 
 To keep them in check, to save the city from 
 conflagration and plunder, the mayor called upon 
 the European Brigade, and i^laced the city under 
 their charge. They accepted the duty, repressed 
 the tumult, and prevented the destruction of the 
 town, threatened alike by frenzied women and 
 spoliating rowdies. 
 
 So passed the afternoon of Thursday, April 
 24:th. I indicate only the leading features of the 
 scene. The reader must imagine the rest, if he 
 can. Only those who have seen a large city 
 suddenly driven mad with apprehension and 
 rage, can form an adequate conception of the 
 confusion, the hurry, the bewilderment, the ter- 
 ror, the fury, that prevailed. Such denunciations 
 of Duncan, of the governor of the state, of the 
 general in command ! Such maledictions upon 
 the Yankees! Such a &triie between those who 
 wished New Orleans to be another Moscow, and 
 those who pleaded for the homes of fifty thou- 
 sand women and children ! Such a hunting 
 down of the few Union men and women, who 
 dared to display their exultation ! Such a threat- 
 tening of instant lamp-post, or swifter pistol 
 bullet, to any who should so much as look at a 
 Yankee without a scowl! Woe, woe, to the man 
 who should give them the slightest semblance of 
 aid or sympathy ! Hail, yellow fever 1 once the 
 dreaded scourge of New Orleans ; more welcome 
 now than the breezes of October after a summer 
 of desolation. Come, Destroyer; come and 
 blast these hated foes of a sublime southern 
 chivalry! Come, though we also perish I 
 
 During the evening of Thursday, before it was 
 known whether the batteries at Chalmette could 
 retard the upward progress of the fleet, the 
 famous burning of cotton and ships began. 
 Fifteen thousand bales of cotton on the levee ; 
 kwelve or fifteen cotton ships in the river ; fifteen 
 or twenty river steamboats ; an unfinished ram 
 of great magnitude ; the dry-docks ; vast heaps 
 of coal ; vaster stores of steamboat wood ; miles 
 of steamboat wood ; ship timber ; board-yards ; 
 whatever was supposed to be of use to Yankees ; 
 all was set on fire, and the heavens were black 
 with smoke. Hogsheads of sugar and barrels 
 of molasses were stove in by hundreds. Parts 
 of the levee ran molasses. Thousands of negroes 
 and poor white people -were carrying off the 
 sugar in aprons, pails, and baskets. And, as if 
 this were not enough, the valiant governor of 
 Louisiana fled away up the river in the swiftest 
 steamboat he could find, spreading alarm as he 
 went, and issuing proclamations, calling on the 
 planters to burn every bale of cotton in the 
 state, which the ruthless invaders could reach. 
 
 "If," said he, "you are resolved to be free; 
 if you are worthy of the heroic blood that has 
 come down to you through hallowed genera- 
 tions; if you have fixed your undimmed eyes 
 upon the brightness that is spread out before 
 you and your children, and are determined to 
 
 shake away for ever all po.hcal association with 
 the venal hordes that now gather like a pesti- 
 lence about your fair country ; now, my fellow- 
 citizens, is the time to strike." He meant strike 
 a light; for he continued thus: "One sparkhng, 
 living torch of fire, for one hour, in manly action 
 upon eacli other's plantation, and tlie eternal 
 seal of southern independence is fired and fixed 
 in the great heart of the world." 
 
 This sublime effusion had its effect, supported 
 as it was by the presence of the Union fleet in 
 the sacred river. Hence, as we are officially 
 informed, two hundred and fifty thousand bales 
 of cotton were consumed, during the next few 
 days, in a region already impoverished by the 
 war. Not a pound of this cotton was in danger 
 of seizure ; it was safer after the fall of the city 
 than before. 
 
 About twelve o'clock, the fleet hove in sight 
 of assembled New Orleans. The seven miles of 
 crescent levee were one living fringe of human 
 beings, who looked upon the coming ships with 
 inexpressible sorrow, shame, and anger. Again 
 the cry arose, burn the city ; a cry that might 
 have been obeyed but for the known presence 
 and determination of the European Brigade. 
 The people were given over to a strong delusion, 
 the result of two generations of De Bow false- 
 hood and Calhoun heresy. That fleet, if they 
 had but known it, was Deliverance, not Subju- 
 gation; it was to end, not begin, the reign of 
 terror and of wrong. The time will come when 
 New Orleans will know this; when the anniver- 
 sary of this day will be celebrated with thank- 
 fulness and joy, and statues of Farragut and 
 Butler will adorn the public places of the city. 
 But before that time comes, what years of wise 
 and heroic labor! The fleet drew near and cast 
 anchor in the stream, the crowd looking on, 
 some in sullen silence, many uttering yells of 
 execration, a few secretly rejoicing, all deeply 
 moved. 
 
 CHAPTER XL 
 
 NEW ORLEANS WILL NOT SURRENDER. 
 
 Captain Farragut's fleet emerged from the 
 hurly-burly of the fight on the morning of the 
 24th, into a beautiful and tranquil scene, goon 
 after leaving quarantine, the sugar plantations, 
 with their villas girdled with pleasant verandas, 
 and surrounded with trees, each with its village 
 of negro huts near by, appeared on both sides 
 of the river. The canes were a foot high, and 
 of the brightest April green, rendered more 
 vivid by the background of forest a mile from 
 the river. Except that a white flag or rag was 
 hung from many of the houses, and, in some in- 
 stances, a torn and faded American flag, a relic 
 of better times, there was little to remind the 
 voyagers that they were i:i an enemy's country. 
 Here and there a white ffian was seen waving a 
 Union flag ; and occasionally a gesture of defi- 
 ance or contempt was discerned. The negroes 
 who were working in the fields in great num- 
 bers — in gangs of fifty, a hundred, two hun- 
 dred — these alone gave an unmistakable wel- 
 come to the ships. They would come running 
 down to the levee in crowds, hoe in hand, and 
 
NEW ORLEANS WILL NOT SURRENDER. 
 
 69 
 
 toss their battered old hats into the air, and 
 shout, sing aud caper in their wild picturesque 
 fashion. Other gangs, held under stronger con- 
 trol, kept on their work without so much as 
 looking at the passing vessels, unless it might 
 be that one or two of them, watching their 
 chance, would wave a hand or hat, and straight 
 to hoe again. 
 
 None of those batteries with which the river 
 was said to be "lined," were discovered. At 
 three o'clock the ships were off Point la Hache, 
 which had been reported to be impassably forti- 
 fied. No guns were there. On the contrary, 
 on a plantation near by thirty plows were going, 
 and two hundred negroes came to the shore in 
 the highest glee, to greet the ships. " Hurrah 
 for Abraham,'' cried one. At eight o'clock in 
 the evening, at a point eighteen miles below the 
 city, the fleet came to anchor for the night. 
 The city was not more than half that distance 
 in a straight line, and consequently, the prodig- 
 ious volumes of smoke from the burning cotton 
 were plainly seen, exciting endless speculation 
 in the minds of ofiBcers and crew. Perhaps 
 another Moscow. "Who knows? Nothing is 
 too mad for secesh ; secession itself being mad- 
 ness. 
 
 At midnight, an alarm! Three large fires 
 ahead, concluded to be fire-rafts. Up anchor, 
 all ! The vessels cruised cautiously about in the 
 river for an hour or two ; Captain Farragut not 
 caring to venture higher in an unexplored river, 
 said to be lined witli batteries. The fires proved 
 to be stationery ; and when the fleet passed 
 them the next morning, they were discovered to 
 be three large cotton ships burning — their block- 
 ade-running ended thus for ever. 
 
 At Chalmette, Jackson's old battle-ground, 
 now but three miles below the city, the river 
 really was "lined" with batteries; i. e., there 
 was a battery on each side of the river, each 
 mounting eight or ten old guns. The signal to 
 engage them was made the moment they came 
 in sight. The leading ships were twenty min- 
 utes under fire before they could return it ; but 
 then a few broadsides of shell and grape drove 
 the unsheltered foe from the works, with the loss 
 of one man in the fleet knocked overboard by 
 the wind of a ball, and our Herald friend hit 
 with a splinter, but not harmed. " It was what 
 I call," says Captain Farragut, "one of the little 
 elegancies of the profession — a dash and a vic- 
 tory," 
 
 Round the bend at noon, into full view of the 
 vast sweep of the Crescent City. What a scene I 
 Fires along the shore farther than the eye could 
 reach ; the river full of burning vessels ; the 
 levee Uned with madmen, whose yells and defi- 
 ant gestures showed plainly enough what kind 
 of welcome awaited the new-comers. A faint 
 cheer for the Union, it is said, rose from one 
 part of the levee, answered by a volley of pistol- 
 shots from the by-slanders. As the fiuet drop- 
 ped anchor in the stream, a thunder-storm of 
 tropical violence burst over the city, which dis- 
 solved large masses of the crowd, and probably 
 reduced, in some degree, the frenzy of those 
 who remained. 
 
 The banks, the stores, all places of business 
 were closed in the city. The mayor, by formal 
 proclamation, had now invested the European 
 Brigade, under General Juge, "with the duty of 
 
 watching over the public tranquillity ; patrols 
 of whom should be treated with respect, and 
 obeyed." General Juge and his command saved 
 the city from plunder and anarchy — probably 
 from universal conflagration. Night and day 
 they patrolled tlie city ; and the general, by per- 
 sonal entreaty and public proclamation, induced 
 some of the butchers and grocers to open their 
 shops. A fear of starvation was added to the 
 other horrors of the time ; for the country people 
 feared to approach the city, and the markets 
 were alarmingly bare of provisions. And then 
 the Confederate currency— would that be of any 
 value under the rule of the United States ? 
 "It is as good now as it ever has been," said 
 the mayor, in one of his half-dozen proclama- 
 tions, "and there is no reason to reject it;" but 
 " those who hold Confederate currency, and wish 
 to part with it, may have it exchanged for city 
 bills, by applying to the Committee of Public 
 Safety." Another proclamation called upon 
 those who had carried ofl" sugar from the levee 
 to bring it back ; another promised a free market 
 and abundant provisions on Monday; another 
 desired the provision dealers to re-open their 
 stores; another urged the people to be calm, 
 and trust the authorities with their welfare and 
 their honor. 
 
 At one o'clock, the fleet was anchored. The 
 rain was falling in torrents, but the crowd near 
 the Custom-House was still dense and fierce, the 
 rain having melted away the softer elements. 
 A boat put ofl' from the flag-ship — man-of-war's 
 boats, trim and tidy, crew in iiesh tarpauhns 
 and clean shirts, no flag of truce flying. In the 
 stern sat three officers, Captain Bailey, second 
 in command of the fleet, Lieutenant Perkins, his 
 companion in the errand upon which he was 
 sent aud Acting-Master Morton in charge of the 
 boat. Just after the boat put off, a huge thing 
 of a ram Mississippi, pierced for twenty guns, 
 a kind of monster Merrimac, or fortified Noah's 
 ark, came floating down the river past the fleet, 
 wrapped in flames. At another time the spec- 
 tacle would have been duly honored b}' the 
 fleet, but at that moment every eye was upon 
 Captain Bailey's boat, nearing the crowd on the 
 levee. 
 
 We all remember the greeting bestowed upon 
 this officer. It was by no means that which a 
 conquered city usually confers upon the con- 
 queror. Deafening cheers for " Jeff. Davis and 
 tlie South;" thundering groans for "Lincoln and 
 his fleet;" sudden husthug and collaring of two 
 or three men who had dared cheer lor the " old 
 flag." Captain Bailey and Lieutenant Perkins, 
 however, stepped on shore, and announced their 
 desire to see the mayor of the city. A few re- 
 spectable persons in the crowd had the cournge 
 to offer to conduct them to the City Hall, under 
 whose escort the officers started on their peril- 
 ous journey, followed and surrounded by a 
 yelling, infuriated multitude, regardless of the 
 pouring rain. " No violence," says a Delia re- 
 porter, " was offered to the officers, though cer- 
 tain persons who were suspected of tavoring 
 their flag and cause were set upon with great 
 fury, and roughly handled. On arriving at the 
 City Hall, it required the intervention of .«ieveral 
 citizens lo prevent violence being oiiered lo the 
 rash embassadors of an execrated dynasty aud 
 guvernmeut." 
 
70' 
 
 NEW ORLEANS WILL NOT SURRENDER. 
 
 Mayor Monroe is a gentlemeu of slight form 
 and sliort stature ; he was not equal to the ex- 
 ceedingiy perplexing situation in wliich he found 
 himself. Supported, however, by the presence 
 of several of the " city fathers," as he styled 
 them, and aided by the talents of Mr. Soule, he 
 performed his part in the curious interview with 
 tolerable dignity. While the colloquy proceeded, 
 the City Hall was surrounded by an ever grow- 
 ing crowd, whose clieers for Jeff. Davis and 
 groans for " Abe Lincoln " served as loud ac- 
 companiment to the mild discord within tlie 
 building. Captain Bailej'' and bis companion 
 ■were duly presented to the mayor, and courteous 
 salutations were exchanged between them. 
 
 "I iiave been sent," said the captain, "by 
 Captain Farragut, commanding the United States 
 fleet, to demand the surrender of the city, and 
 the elevation of the flag of the United States 
 over the Custom-House, the Mint, the Post- 
 Office, and the City Hall." 
 
 " I am not," replied the maj^or, " the military 
 commander of the city. I have no authority to 
 surrender it, and would not do so if I had. 
 There is a military commander now in the city. 
 I will send for him to receive and reply to your 
 demand. 
 
 A messenger was accordingly dispatched for 
 General Lovell, who, though he had sent off his 
 troops, remained in the town, a train wailing 
 with steam up to convey him and bis staff to 
 camp. 
 
 Polite conversation ensued between the oflBcers 
 and the gentlemen in the oflBce of the mayor, 
 with fitful j'ell accompaniment from the outside 
 crowd. The officers praised with warm sinceri- 
 ty the stout defense made by the forts, and the 
 headlong valor with which the rebel fleet had 
 hurled itself against the Union ships. Captain Bai- 
 le\' regretted the wholesale destruction of property 
 in the city, and said that Captain Farragut de- 
 plored it no less than himself. To this tlie 
 mayor replied, not with the courtesy of his mon- 
 itor, Mr. Soule, that the property being their 
 own, the destruction of it did not concern out- 
 siders. Captain Bailey remarked that it looked 
 to him like biting off your nose to spite your 
 face. The mayor intimated that he took a dif- 
 ferent view of the subject. 
 
 Cheers from the mob announced the arrival 
 of General Lovell, who soon entered tlie office. 
 The officers were presented to him. 
 
 "I am General Lovell," said he, " of the 
 armj' of the Confederate States, commanding 
 this department." 
 
 Whereupon he shook hands with the Uniou 
 officers. Captain Bailey repeated the demand 
 with which he had been charged, adding that 
 he was instructed by Captain Farragut to say, 
 that he had come to protect private property and 
 personal rights, and had no design to interfere 
 with any private rights, and especially not with 
 negro property. 
 
 General Lovell replied that he would not sur- 
 render the city, nor allow it to be surrendered ; 
 that he was overpowered on the water by a su- 
 perior squadron, but that he intended to tight on 
 land as long as he could muster a soldier : he 
 had marched all his armed men out of the city; 
 had evacuated it ; and if they desired to shell 
 the town, destroying women and children, they 
 could do so. It it was to avoid this that he had 
 
 marched his troops beyond the city limits, but a 
 large number even of the women of the city had 
 begged him to remain and defend the city even 
 against shelling. He did not think he would be 
 justified in doing so. He would therefore re- 
 tire and leave the city authorities to pursue what 
 course they should think proper. 
 
 Captain Bailey said, that nothing was farther 
 from Captain Farragut's thoughts than to shell 
 a defenseless town filled with women and child- 
 ren. On the contrary, he had no hostile inten- 
 tions toward New Orleans, and regretted ex- 
 tremely the destruction of property that had 
 already occurred. 
 
 " It was done by my authority, sir," inter- 
 rupted General Lowell. . He might have added 
 that his own cotton was the first to be fired. 
 
 It was then concluded that the Union officers 
 should return to the fleet, and the mayor would 
 lay the matter before the common council, and 
 report the result to Captain Farragut. Captain 
 Bailc}' requested protection during their return 
 to the levee, the crowd being evidently in no 
 mood to allow their peaceful departure. The 
 general detailed two of his officers to accompany 
 them, and went himself to harangue the multi- 
 tude. Mr. Soule also addressed the people, 
 counseling moderation and dignity. The naval 
 officers meanwhile were conducted to the rear of 
 the building, where a carriage was procured for 
 tliem, and they were driven rapidly to their 
 boat. T4ie crew were infinitely relieved by their 
 arrival, for during the long period of their 
 absence, the crowd had assailed them with every 
 epithet of abuse, to which the only possible re- 
 ply was silence. The officers stepped on board, 
 and were soon alongside of the flag-ship, the 
 parting yell of the mob still ringing in their ears. 
 At the same time General Lovell was making 
 his way to the cars, and was seen in New Or- 
 leans no more. 
 
 Captain Farragut was a little amused and very 
 much puzzled at the singular position in which 
 he found himself. There was nothing further to 
 be done, however, until he heard from the 
 mayor. AH hands were tired out. New Orleans, 
 too, was exhausted with the excitement of the 
 last three days. So, both the fitet and the city 
 enjoyed a night more tranquil than either had 
 known for some time. " The city was as peace- 
 ful and quiet as a country hamlet — much quieter 
 than in ordinary limes," said the Picayune the 
 next morning. 
 
 April 26th, Saturday, at half-past six, a boat 
 from shore reached the flag-ship, contaming the 
 mayor's secretary and chief of police, bearers oi 
 a message from the mayor. The mayor said the 
 common council would meet at ten that morning, 
 the result of whose deliberations should be 
 promptly submitted to (Japtain Farragut. The 
 captain, not relishing the delay, still le.ss the 
 events of j'esterday, sent a letter to the mayor, 
 recapitulating those events, and again stating 
 his determination to respect private rights. "I, 
 therelbre demand of you," said the flag-officer, 
 "as its representative, the unqualified surrender 
 of the city, and that the emblem of the sov- 
 ereignty of the United States be hoisted over 
 the City Hall, Mint, and Custom-House, by 
 meridian this day, and all flags and other em- 
 blems of sovereignty other than that of the 
 United States be removed from all the public 
 
NEW ORLEANS WILL NOT SURRENDER. 
 
 71 
 
 buildings by that. hour. I particularly request 
 that you shall exorcise your authority to quell 
 disturbances, restore order, and call upon all the 
 good people of New Orleans to return at once 
 to their avocations; audi particularly demand 
 that no person shall bo molested in person or 
 l^roperty for senliments of loyalty to their 
 government. I shall speedily and severely 
 punish auy person or persons who shall commit 
 such outrages as were witnessed yesterday, of 
 armed men firing upon helpless women and 
 children for giving expression to their pleasure at 
 witnessing the ' old flag.' " 
 
 This demand of Captain Parragut, that the 
 enemy should themselves hoist the UntDu flag, 
 gave the mayor, aided by Mr. Soule, an oppor- 
 tunity to make an advantageous reply. 
 
 The oomiuoa council met in the course of the 
 morning. Besides relating the interview with 
 Captain Bailey, the mayor favored the council 
 with his opinion upon the same. " My own 
 opinion is," said he, " that as a civil magistrate, 
 possessed of no military power, I am incompetent 
 to perform a militarj' act, such as the surrender 
 of the city to a hostile for«:e ; and that it would 
 be proper to say, iu reply to a demand of that 
 character, that we are without military pro- 
 tection, that the troops have withdrawn from 
 the city, that we are consequently incapable of 
 making any resistance, and that therefore, we 
 can ofler no obstruction to the occupation of the 
 Mint, the Oustom-House and the Post-Ofl&ce ; 
 that these are the property of the Confederate 
 government ; that we have no control over them ; 
 and that all acts involving a transfer of property 
 must be performed by the invading force — by 
 the enemy themselves: that we' yield to physical 
 force alone, and tliat we maintain our allegiance 
 to the Confederate government. Beyond this, a 
 due respect for our dignity, our rights, and the 
 flag of our country, does not, I think, permit us 
 to go." 
 
 Upon receiving this message, the common 
 council unauimously adopted the following reso- 
 lutions : 
 
 " Whereas, the common council of the city of 
 New Orleans, having been advised by the mili- 
 tary authorities that the city is indefensible, de- 
 clare that no resistance will be made to the forces 
 of the United States ; 
 
 " Resolved, that the sentiments expressed in 
 the message of his honor the mayor to the com- 
 mon council, are in perfect accordance with the 
 sentiments entertained by the entire population 
 of this metropolis ; and that the mayor be 
 respectfully requested to act in the spirit mani- 
 fested by the message." 
 
 "While waiting for the deliberations of the 
 council, Captain Farragut went up the river, 
 seven miles, to Carrolton, where batteries had 
 been erected to defend the city from an attack 
 from above. He found them deserted, the guns 
 spiked, and the gun-carriages burning. 
 
 April 27th, Suuday. — An eventful day; to 
 one unhappy man, a fatal day. The early 
 morning brought the mayor's reply to Captain 
 Farragut : " I am no military man, and possess 
 no autliority beyond that of executing the mu- 
 nicipal laws of the city of New Orleans. It 
 would be presumptuous in me to attempt to lead 
 an army to the field, if I had one at command ; 
 and I know siill less how to surrender an unde- 
 
 fended place, held, as it is, at the mercy of your 
 gunners and your mortars. To surrender such 
 a jjlace were an idle and unmeaning ceremouy. 
 The city is yours by the power of brutal force, 
 not by my choice or the consent of its inhab- 
 itants. It is for j'ou to determine what will be 
 the fate that awaits us here. As to hoisting any 
 flag not of our own adoption and allegiance, let 
 me say to you that the man lives not in our 
 midst whose hand and heart would not be par- 
 alyzed at the mere thought of such an act; nor 
 could I find in my entire constituency so des- 
 perate and wretched a renegade as would dare 
 10 profane with his hand the sacred emblem of 
 our aspirations." With more of similar purport. 
 The substance of the mayor's meaning seemed 
 to be : " Come on shore and hoist what flag you 
 please. Don't ask ma' to do your flag raising." 
 A rather good reply in the substance of it. 
 Slightly impudent, perhaps ; but men who are 
 talking from behind a bulwark of fifty thousand 
 women and children, can be impudent if they 
 please. 
 
 The commander of the fleet refused to confer 
 farther with the mayor ; but, with regard to the 
 flag hoisting, determined to take him at his word. 
 Captain Morris, of the Pensacola, the ship that 
 lay off the Mint, was ordered to send a party 
 ashore, and hoist the flag of the United States 
 upon that edifice. At eight in the morning, the 
 stars and stripes floated over it once more. The 
 ofiBcer commanding the party warned the by- 
 standers that the guns of the Pensacola would 
 certainly open fire upon the building if any one 
 should be seen molesting the flag. "Without 
 leaving a guard to protect it, he returned to his 
 ship, and the howitzers in the main-top of the 
 Pensacola, loaded with grape, were aimed at the 
 flag-staff, and the guard ordered to fire the mo- 
 ment any one should attempt to haul down the 
 flag. I think it was an error to leave t/lie flag 
 unprotected. A company of marines could have 
 kept the mob at bay ; would have prevented the 
 shameful scenes that followed. 
 
 At eleven o'clock, the crews of all the ships 
 were assembled on deck for prayers : " to render 
 thanks," as the order ran, " to Almighty God for 
 His great goodness and mercy in permitting us 
 to pass through the events of the last two days 
 with so little loss of life and blood." As the 
 clouds threatened rain, the gunner of the Pensa- 
 cola, just before taking his place for the cere- 
 mony, removed from the guns the " wafers" by 
 which they are discharged. One look-out man 
 was left in the main-top, who held the strings of 
 the howitzers in his hand, and kept a sliarp eya 
 upon the flag-staff of the Mint. The solemn 
 service proceeded for twenty minutes, with such 
 emotions on the part of those brave men as may 
 be imagined, not related. 
 
 A discharge from the howitzers overhead, 
 startled the crew from their devotions! They 
 rushed to quarters. Every eye sought the flag- 
 staff of the Mint. Four men were seen on the 
 roof of the building, who tore down the flag, 
 hurried away with it, and disappeared. "With- 
 out orders, by an impulse of the moment, the 
 cords of the guns all along the broadside were 
 snatched at by eager hands. Nothing but the 
 ciiauce removal of the wafers saved the city 
 from a tearful scene of destruction and slaughter. 
 The exasperation of the fleet at this audacioua 
 
72 
 
 NEW ORLEANS WILL NOT SURRENDER. 
 
 act, was such that, at the moment, an order to 
 shell the town would have seemed a natural and 
 proper one. 
 
 New Orleans hailed it with vociferous accla- 
 matioas. "The names of the party," said tlio 
 Picayune of the next morning, " tliat distin- 
 guished themselves by gallantl}" tearing down 
 the flag that had been surreptitiously hoisted, 
 we learn, are W. B. Mumford, who cut it loose 
 from the flag-staff amid tlie shower of grape, 
 Lieutenant N. Holmes, Sergeant Burns ami 
 James Reed. They deserve great credit for 
 their patriotic act. New Orleans in tliis hour 
 of adversity, by the calm dignity she displays in 
 the presence of the enem}^ by the proof she 
 gives of her unflinching determination to sustain 
 to the uttermost tlie righteons cause for which 
 she has done so much and made such great sacri- 
 fices, by her serene endurance undismayed of 
 the evil which afflicts her, and iier abiding con- 
 fidence in the not distant coming of better and 
 brighter days — of speedy deliverance from the 
 enemy's toils — is showing a briglit example to 
 her sister cities, and proving herself, in all 
 respects, worthy of the proud position she has 
 achieved. We glory of being a citizen of this 
 great metropolis." 
 
 "Calm dignity I" The four men having secured 
 their prize, trailed it in the mud of the streets amid 
 the yells of the mob ; mounted with it upon a 
 furniture car and paraded it about the city with 
 fife and drum ; tore it, at last, into shreds, and 
 distributed the pieces among the crowd. Such 
 was the calm dignity of New Orleans. Such 
 tlie valor of ruffians protected by a rampart of 
 fifty thousand women and children. 
 
 Captain Farragut was equally indignant and 
 embarrassed. Seldom has a naval commander 
 found himself in a position so beset with con- 
 tradictions — defied and insulted by a town that 
 lay at his mercy. A few hours after these 
 events. General Butler arrived to share the ex- 
 asperation of the fleet and join in tlie counsels of 
 its chief. He advised the captain to threaten 
 the city with bombardment, and to order away 
 the women and children. Captain Farragut, in 
 part, adopted the measure, and sent a commu- 
 nication to the mayor warning him of the peril 
 which the city incurred by such scenes as those 
 of Sunday morning. He informed him of the 
 danger of drawing from the fleet a destructive fire 
 by tlie spontaneous action of the men. " The elec- 
 tion is with j^ou," he concluded, " but it becomes 
 my duty to notify you to remove the women and 
 children from the city witliin fortj'^-eight hours, 
 if I have rightly understood your determination." j 
 The authorities of the city chose to interpret this 
 note as a formal announcement of a bombard- j 
 inent at the expiration of tlie specified period. 
 So, at least, they represtnted it to Captain De 
 •Jlouet, commanding a Frencli man of war whicli 
 had just arrived before the city. That officer 
 thought it his duty to demand a longer time for 
 the removal of the women and children. "Sent 
 by my government," he wrote to Captain Far- 
 ragut, '• to protect the persons and property of 
 'ts citizens, who are here to the number of thirty 
 Uiousand, I regret to learn at tliis moment that 
 3-ou have accorded a delay of forty-eight hours 
 for the evacuation of the city by the women and 
 children. T venture to observe to you that this 
 hort delay is ridiculous; and, in the name of 
 
 my government T oppose it. If it is your reso- 
 lution to bombard tlie city, do it; but I wish to 
 state that you will have to account for the bar- 
 barous act to the power which I represent. In 
 any event, I demand sixty days for the evacu- 
 ation." 
 
 Captain Farragut and General Butler had 
 visited Captain De Clouet on his arrival, and had 
 received from him polite congratulations upon 
 the succe.«s of the expedition. It was no fault 
 of his that Captain Farragut's notification was 
 so egregiously misunderstood. 
 
 General Butler meanwhile perceiving that 
 light-draft steamers were not to be had, and that 
 nothing effectual could be done without landing 
 a force in tliie eity, hastened down the river to 
 attempt the reduction of the forts with such 
 means as he could command. Before leaving, 
 however, he had the satisfaction of receiving the 
 spy, engaged at Washington many weeks before, 
 who had escaped in the confusion, and brought 
 full details of the condition of the city. Mr. 
 Summers, too, once recorder of New Orleans, 
 fled on board one of the ships from the violence 
 of a mob in whose hearing he had declared his 
 attachment to the Union. A lady, also, came 
 off, and delivered] a paper of intelligence and 
 congratulation. 
 
 On his way down the river. General Butler 
 met the glad tidings of the surrender of the forts, 
 and had the pleasure, on the 28th, of walking 
 over them with Captain Porter among the joyful 
 troops. Colonel Jones, of the Twenty-sixth 
 Massachusetts, was appointed to command the 
 Garrison, and Lieutennat Weitzel began forth- 
 with to put the forts in repair. All the rest of 
 the troops were ordered up the river with the 
 utmost speed. General Phelps was already 
 at the forts, and tlie transports from Sable Island 
 were making their wa\' under General Williara.s 
 to the mouth of the river. The news of tho 
 surrender of the forts, which reached the fleet 
 on Monday, relieved Captain Farragut from em- 
 barrassment. He could now afford to wait, if 
 New Orleans could, though llie fli^et still beheld 
 with impatience the flaunting of the rebel flags. 
 General Duncan, that day, harrangued the crowd 
 upon the levee, declaring, " with tears in his 
 eyes," that nothing but tiie mutiny of part of his 
 command could have induced him to surrender. 
 But for that, he could and would have held out 
 for months. "He cried like a child," says one 
 report. The tone of the authorities appeared to 
 be somewhat lowered by the news. The}' dared 
 not formally disclaim the exploit of Mumford 
 and his comrades ; but Captain Farragut was- 
 privately assured that the removal of the flags 
 from the mint was the unauthorized act of a few 
 individuals. On the 29th, Captain Bell, with a 
 hundred marines, landed on the levee, marched 
 into the city, hauled down the Confederate flag 
 from the Mint and Custom-House, and hoisted, 
 in its stead the flag of the United States. Cap- 
 tain Bell locked the Custom- Mouse and took the 
 keys to his ship. These flags remained, though 
 the marines were withdrawn before evening. 
 
 The work of the European Brigade was ap- 
 proaching a conclusion. The portion of it call- 
 ed the British Guard, composed of unnatural- 
 ized Englishmen — uimatufq] Englishmen rathei 
 — voted at their armory, ■. day or two after, tc 
 send their weapons, accoutcrments and uniforrat 
 
LANDING IN NEW ORLEANS. 
 
 r3 
 
 to General Beauregard's army, as a slight token 
 of their afleetion for the Confederate States. 
 Some of these " neutral" gentlemen had occa- 
 sion to regret this step before the month of May 
 was ended. 
 
 There was a general coming up the river, who 
 ]iad the peculiarity of feeling toward the rebel- 
 lion as the rebel leaders felt toward the gov- 
 ernment they had betrayed. He hated it. He 
 meant to do his part toward putting it down by 
 the strong hand, not conciliating it by insincere 
 palaver. The reader is requested to bear in 
 mind this peculiarity, for it is the key to the 
 understanding of General Butler's administra- 
 tion. Consider always tiiat his attachment to 
 the Union and the flag was of the same intense 
 .und uncompromising nature, as the devotion of 
 South Carolinians to the cause of the Confed- 
 eracy. His was indeed a nobler devotion, but 
 in mere warmth and entireness. it resembled the 
 zeal of secessionists. He meant well to the peo- 
 ple of Louisiana; he did well by them; but it 
 was his immovable resolve that the ruling power 
 in Louisiana henceforth should' be the United 
 States, which had bought, defended, protected, 
 and enriched it. Think what secessionists would 
 have done in New Orleans, if it had remained 
 true to the Union, and fallen into their hands in 
 the second year of the war. That General But- 
 ler did ; only with exactest justice, with ideal 
 purity ; employing all right methods of concilia- 
 tion ; rigorous only to secure the main object — 
 the absolute, the unquestioned supremacy of the 
 United States. 
 
 CHAPTER xn. 
 
 LANDING IN NEW ORLEANS. 
 
 The troops had a joyful trip up the river 
 among the verdant sugar- fields, welcomed, as 
 the fleet had been, by capering negroes. The 
 transport Mississippi, witii her old complement 
 of fourteen hundred men, and Mrs. Butler on 
 the quarter-deck, hove in sight of the forts at 
 sunset on the last daj' of April. The forts were 
 covered all over with blue-coated soldiers, who 
 paused in their investigations to cheer the arriv- 
 ing vessels, and, especially, the Lady who had 
 borne them company in so many perils. It was 
 an animated and glorious scene, illumined by the 
 setting sun ; one of those intoxicating moments 
 which repa}^ soldiers for months of fatigue and 
 waiting. The general came on board, and, at 
 midnight, the transport steamers started for the 
 city. At noon on the 1st of May, the Missis- 
 sippi lay alongside the levee at New Orleans. 
 
 A crowd rapidly gathered ; but it was by no 
 means as turbulent or noisy as that which had 
 howled at Captain Bailey five days before. There 
 were women among them, many of whom ap- 
 peared to be nurses carrying children. Mulatto 
 women with baskets of cakes and oranges were 
 also seen. Voices were frequently heard calling, 
 for " Picayune Butler," who was requested to 
 " sliow himself," and ''come ashore." The gen- 
 eral, who is fond of a joke, requested Major 
 Strong to ascertain if any of the bands could 
 play the lively melody to which the mob had 
 called his attention. Unluckily, none of the 
 
 bandmasters possessed the music; so the gen- 
 eral was obliged to forego his joke, and fall back 
 upon Yankee Doodle and the Star Spangled 
 Banner. Others of the crowd cried : •' You'll 
 never see home again." " Yellow Jack will 
 have you before long." " Halloo, epaulets, lend 
 us a picayune." With divers other remarks of 
 a chafing nature, alternating with maledictions. 
 General Butler waited upon Captain Farragut, 
 and heard a narrative of recent events. 'J'he 
 general announced his determination to land 
 forthwith, and Captain Farragut notified the 
 mayor of this resolve; adding that he should 
 hold no farther correspondence with the authori- 
 ties of New Orleans, but gladly yielded the situ- 
 ation to the commander of the army. Returning 
 to the Mississippi, General Butler directed the 
 immediate disembarkation of the troops, and the 
 operation began about four o'clock in the after- 
 noon. A company of the Thirty-first Massachu- 
 setts landed on the extensive platform raised 
 above the levee for the convenient loading of 
 cotton, and, forming a line, slowly pressed back 
 the crowd, at the point of the bayonet, until 
 spiice enough was obtained for the regiment to 
 (brm. When the Thirty-first had all landed, 
 they marched down the cotton platform to the 
 levee, and along the levee to De Lord street, 
 where they halted. The Fourth Wisconsin was 
 then disembarked, after which the processiou 
 was formed in the order following: 
 
 First, as pioneer and guide, marched Lieuten- 
 ant Henry Weigel, of Baltimore, aid to the gen- 
 eral, who was familiar with the streets of the 
 city, and now rose from a sick bed to claim the 
 fulfillment of General Butler's promise that he, 
 and he only, should guide the troops to the Cus- 
 tom-House. 
 
 Next, the drum-corps of the Thirty-first Mas- 
 sachusetts. Behind these. General Butler and 
 his staft' on foot, no horses having yet been 
 landed, a file of the Thirty-first marching on 
 each side of them. Then Captain Everett's bat- 
 tery of artillery, with whom marched Captain 
 Kensel, chief of artillery to the expedition. The 
 Thirty-first followed, under Colonel 0. P. Good- 
 ing. Next, General Williams and his staff, pre- 
 ceded by the fine band of the Fourth Wisconsin, 
 and followed bj^ that regiment under Colonel 
 Paitie. The same orders were given as on the 
 march into Baltimore: silence; no notice to be 
 taken of mere words ; if a shot were fired from 
 a house, halt, arrest inmates, destroy house; if 
 fired upon from the crowd, arrest the man if 
 possible, but not fire into the crowd unless abso- 
 lutely necessary for self-defense, and then not 
 without orders. 
 
 At five the procession moved, to the music of 
 the Star Spangled Banner. The crowd surged 
 along the pavements on each side of the troops, 
 struggling chiefly to get a sight of the general : 
 crying out: " Where is the d — d old rascal?" 
 " There he goes, G — d d — n him 1" " I see ih'j 
 d — d old villain !" To which were added such 
 outcries, as " Shiloh," " Bull Run," " Hurrah for 
 Beauregard!" "Go home, you d — d Yankees." 
 From some windows, a mild hiss was bestowed 
 upon the troops, who marched steadily on, 
 looking neither to the right hand nor to the left. 
 The general, not having a musical ear, was ob- 
 served to be chiefly anxious upon the point of 
 keeping step to the music — a feat that haJ never 
 
74 
 
 LANDING IN NEW ORLEANS. 
 
 become ensy to him, ofien as be had attempted 
 it in the streets of Lowell. And so they marched ; 
 along the levee to Poydras street ; Poydras street 
 to St. Charles street ; past the famous hotel, 
 closed and deserted now, though alive witii five 
 hundred inmates three days before; along St. 
 •Charles street to Canal street and the Custom- 
 House — that vast, unfinished, roofless structnre, 
 upon vfhich the United States had expended so 
 many millions, one Beauregard being engineer. 
 
 The troops surrounded the edifice ; Captain 
 Kensel posted his artillery so as to command the 
 adjacent streets, and the general ordered the 
 Thirty-first to enter and occupy the building, 
 but Captain Bell had locked the door and put 
 the key into his pocket. The door was forced, 
 therefore, and by six o'clock, the Thirty-first 
 \vas lodged in the second story, making prep- 
 arations for the evening meal. Strong guards 
 were posted at all needful points. The general 
 4ind his staff then returned to the levee, and 
 went on board the Mississippi for the night. The 
 Twelfth Connecticut, Colonel Deming, bivouacked 
 upon the levee near tlie ship, happy to lie down 
 once more under the stars, after being so long 
 huddled in a transport ship. The evening was 
 Tvarm and serene, and tlie city was again as 
 still as a country hamlet. General Phelps came 
 on shore at twilight, and walked about the city 
 unattended and unmolested. Nay, he reported 
 that the people whom he '• .4 spoken to answer- 
 •ed his inquiries with politeness, despite his 
 uniform. " You didn't mention your name ; did 
 you, General?" asked an officer. " No," replied 
 he, laughing; " no one asked it." 
 
 That evening, General Butler having put the 
 finishing touches to his proclamation, sent two 
 officers of his staff to the office of the True Delia, 
 to get it printed as a handbill. He forbore to 
 demand its insertion in the paper, unwilling to 
 bring upon any one establishment the odium 
 that its insertion could not but excite. In all 
 ways, he was trying the suaviier in modo, before 
 resorting to the fortiter in re. The officers 
 reached the office at ten, after the proprietor and 
 ■editors had gone home. The foreman in charge 
 replied, that in the absence of the proprietor, the 
 document could not be printed. The ofiScers 
 returned to the ship, reported, and received 
 farther orders. At eight the next morning, the 
 same oflQcers were again at the office of the True 
 Delta, where they found the chief proprietor, 
 and repeated their request. 
 
 No; the True Delta oS^cq could not think of 
 printing General Butler's proclamation. 
 
 The officers quietly intimated that, in that 
 case, they would be under the painful necessity 
 of seizing the office, and using the materials 
 therein for the purpose of printing it. Tlie pro- 
 prietor objected. He said that the selection of 
 bis establishment for the printing of such a 
 manuscript, v ^s invidious and unjust; it looked 
 as if tlie design was to make him and his col- 
 leagues obnoxious and loathsome to their fellow- 
 citizens. "I can not resist," said he, " the seizure 
 of the office, but, under no circumstances, shall 
 it be -sed for the purpose designated, with my 
 approval or conseut." 
 
 The officers bowed and retired. After two 
 hours' absence, they returned with a file of 
 soldiers, armed and equipped, who drew up bo- 
 ■fore the building. Half a dozen of them entere ! 
 
 the printing-office, where they laid aside their 
 weapons of war, and took up the peaceful im- 
 plements of their trade. The proclamation was 
 soon in type, and a few copies printed; enough 
 for tlie general's immediate purpose. The pro- 
 prietor himself testified, in the paper of the next 
 day, that the troops effected their purpose and 
 retired, " without offering any offense in language 
 or behavior, or manifesting the least desire to 
 interfere with the regular business of the office, 
 or to injure or derange its property." It would 
 have been better if he could have refrained from 
 other comment. But he did not. He added: 
 " As this first step of the commander of the 
 federal troops in possession of this city, is indic- 
 ative of a determination, on his part, to subject 
 us to a supervision utterly subversive of the 
 character of fearless pal riotism which the True 
 Delta has ever maintained, we will promise this 
 much, and we will perform it, namely, to sus- 
 pend our publication, even if our last crust 
 be sacrificed by the act, rather than molt one 
 feather of that independence which, in presence 
 of every discouragement, and danger, we have 
 ever made our honest boast. We have no favors 
 to ask ; we have never asked or desir>.d any from 
 any party; and we are prepared to stand or fall 
 with the fortunes of our adopted Louisiana. 
 
 General Butler ordered the suspension of the 
 True Delta until farther orders. The proprietors, 
 however, yielded to the inevitable, promised 
 comphance with the general's requisitions, and 
 obtained, on tlie next day, permission to resume 
 the publication of the paper. It was not, how- 
 ever, till the 6th of May, that the proclamation 
 appeared in its columns. The other newspapers 
 took the hint, and exhibited, in their comments 
 upon passing events, a blending of the politic 
 with the audacious, that was ingenious and 
 amusing, but not always ingenious enough, as 
 General Butler occasionally reminded them. 
 Editing a secession newspaper in New Orleans, 
 during the next eight months, was an affair 
 which could be described as " ticklisli;" rather 
 more so, than conducting a journal in the 
 Orleans interest, under the nose of Louis Bona- 
 parte. 
 
 The second day of the occupation of the city 
 was crowded with events of the highest in- 
 terest. 
 
 The landing of the troops was resumed with 
 the dawn. Colonel Deming encamped his fine 
 regiment in Lafayette Square in front of the City 
 Hall. Other regiments were posted in conve- 
 nient localities. Troops were landed in Algiers 
 on the opposite bank of the river, and the rail- 
 road terminating there was seized, with its cars 
 and buildings. General Phelps went up the 
 river several miles in the Saxon, to reconnoiter, 
 and select a site for a camp above the city. Cap- 
 tain Everett was busy extracting the spikes 
 from the cannon lying about the Custom-Hou.se, 
 and preparing to mount some of them in and 
 upon it. He cast an inquiring and interested 
 eye upon the eight hundred bells — church bells, 
 school bells, plantation bells, hand bells, cow 
 bells — which had been sent to New Orleans 
 upon General Beauregard's requisition ; some of 
 which now call the children of New England to 
 school ; others, factory girls to their labor ; 
 others, rural congregations to church ; for they 
 were all sold at auction, sent to the Nouh, and 
 
LANDING IN NEW ORLEANS. 
 
 75 
 
 distributed over the country. The quartermaster 
 to the expedition had a world of trouble with the 
 draj'men of tne city, whom he needed for trans- 
 porting the tents and baggage. Xot one of them 
 dared, not many of them wished, to serve him. 
 He was obliged to compel their assistance at the 
 point of the pistol. Everythiug seized for the 
 use of the troops, on this day and on all days, 
 was either paid for when taken, or a receipt 
 given therefor which was equivalent to gold. 
 The behavior of the troops was faultless. No 
 resident of New Orleans was harmed or insulted. 
 None complained of harm or insult. A stranger 
 would have supposed, from the quiet demeanor 
 of the troops, and the arrogant air of the people, 
 that the soldiers were prisoners in an enemy's 
 town, not conquerors in a captured one. For the 
 most part, the troops held no intercourse what- 
 ever with the inhabitants. It was, indeed, 
 perilous in the extreme, for a resident of the 
 city to speak to an old friend, if that friend wore 
 the uniform of the United States. Major Bell 
 mentions that he met several old aequaiiitaaces 
 about the city, but they either gave him the cut 
 direct, or else bestowed a hurried, furtive .salu- 
 tation, and passed rapidly on. Another officer 
 reports that on accosting an acquaintance, the 
 * gentleman said, in an anxious undertone, 
 ••Don't speak lo me, or I shall have my head i 
 blown oti'." 
 
 A gentlemen connected with the expedition, i 
 but not in uniform,* tells me that he strolled into 
 a market that morning, and bought a cup of coffee, | 
 for which he gave a gold dollar, and received in I 
 change nineteen dirty car-tickets, part of the es- 
 tablished currency of the city. I 
 Quarters were required for the commanduag 
 general and his stafi'. What could they be but 
 the St. Charles hotel, vacated five days before 
 by General Lovell? Major Strong, Colonel 
 French, and Major Bell, accompanied by Mr. 
 Glenn, formerly a resident of New Orleans, were 
 dispatched, early in the morning, to make the 
 preliminary arrangements. They found the 
 building closed. Going round to the ladies' en- 
 trance they gained admission to the famous ro- 
 tunda — bar-room and slavemart, scene of count- 
 less " difiScullies " and chivalric assassinations. 
 There they met a son of one of the proprietors, 
 to whom they stated their wishes. He replied, 
 that botli the proprietors were absent ; and as 
 to his giving up the iiotel lo General Butler, his 
 head would be shot off before he could reach the 
 next corner if he should do it. He declared 
 that waiters would not dare to wait upon them, 
 nor cooks to cook for them, nor porters to carry 
 for them. Moreover, tiiere were no provisions 
 JO be had in the market; he did not see what 
 could be got for them bej-ond army rations. 
 These objections were oftered by the young 
 gentleman with the utmost politeness of man- 
 ner. Major Strong observed, with equal suav- 
 itj', that he need give himself no concern 
 with regard to giving up the hotel. In the 
 name of General Butler, they would venture to 
 take it. And as to the lack of provisions, tbey 
 were used to army rations, had found them suffi- 
 cient, and could make them do for an indefinite 
 period. With regard to waiters and cooks, the 
 
 * Mr. Samuel F. Olenn, afterward dark of the provost- 
 eourt. 
 
 army of occupation were chiefly men of the Yan- 
 kee persuasion, who were accustomed to wait on 
 themselves, and could do a little of everything, 
 from cooking upward. The young gentleman had 
 nothing farther to offer, and so the St. Charles 
 became the head-quarters of the army. The 
 general arrived in the course of the morning, 
 and established his office in one of the ladies' 
 parlors. Mrs. Butler still remained on board the 
 Mississippi. 
 
 The three officers and Mr. Glenn next pro- 
 ceeded to the City Hall, in search of the mayor. 
 They found that public functionary, after some 
 delay. They informed him, with all possible 
 courtesy, that General Butler, commanding the 
 department of the Gulf, had established his head- 
 quarters at the St. Charles hotel, where he 
 would be happy to confer with the mayor and 
 council of New Orleans, at two o'clock on that 
 day. The reply of the mayor was to the efi'ect, 
 that his place of business was at the City Hall, 
 where any gentleman who had business with 
 him could see him during office hours. Colonel 
 French politely intimated that that was not an 
 answer likelj^ to satisfy the commanding general, 
 and expressed a hope that the mayor, on re- 
 flection, would not complicate a state of affairs, 
 already embarrassing enough, by raising ques- 
 tions of etiquette. General Butler'was well dis- 
 posed toward New Orleans and its authorities ; 
 he merely desired to come to a clear under- 
 standing with tiiem as to the future government 
 of the city. The officers retired. The mayor, 
 upon reflection, concluded to wait upon the gen- 
 eral. At two o'clock, accompanied by Mr. 
 Soule and a considerable party of friends, highly 
 respectable gentlemen of the city, lie sat face to 
 to face with General Butler in the ladies' parlor 
 of the St. Charles. 
 
 The interview was destined to be interrupted 
 and abortive. The seizure of the St. Charles 
 hotel appeared to have rekindled the passions of 
 the populace, who surrounded the building in a 
 dense mass, filling all the open space adjacent. 
 A cannon was posted at each of the corners of the 
 building; a regiment surrounded it; and the 
 brave General Williams was in command. But 
 it seemed as if the quiet demeanor of the 
 troops, since the landing of the evening before, 
 had been misinterpreted by the mob, who grew 
 fiercer, louder and bolder, as the day wore on. 
 The mayor and his party had not been long in 
 the presence of General Butler, when an aide- 
 de-camp rushed in and said : 
 
 '"General Williams orders me to say, that he 
 
 fears he will not be able to control the mob." 
 
 General Butler, in his serenest manner replied ; 
 
 " Give my compliments to General Williams, 
 
 and tell him, if he finds he cannot control the mob, 
 
 to open upon them with artUlery." 
 
 The mayor and his friends sprang to their feet 
 in consternation. 
 
 " Don't do that, general," exclaimed the mayor 
 " Why not, gentlemen ?" said the general. 
 The mob must be controlled. We can't have a 
 disturbance in the street." 
 
 " Shall I go out and speak to the people?" 
 Lsked the mayor. 
 
 "Anything you please, gentlemen," replied 
 General Butler. " 1 only insist that order be 
 maintained in the public streets." 
 
 The mayor and other gentlemen addressed the 
 
LANDING IX NEW ORLEANS. 
 
 crowd ; and, as their remarks were enforced by tlie 
 rumor of General Butler's order, there was a tem- 
 porary lull in the storm. The crowd remained, 
 however; vast, fierce and sullen. 
 
 The interview having been resumed, the may- 
 or was proceeding to descant, in the high-flown 
 rhetoric of the South, upon General Butler's for- 
 mer advocacy of the rights of the sontliern states. 
 The South had looked upon him as its special 
 friend and champion, etc 
 
 "Stop, sir," said the general. "Let me set 
 you right on that point at once. I was always 
 1 friend of southern rights, bat an enemy of 
 soutb.ern wrongs." 
 
 The conversation was going on in an amicable 
 strain, when another aid entered the apartment, 
 Lieutenant Kinsman, of General Butler's staff, 
 who requested a word with the general. 
 
 This oflScer had been sent to the fleet that 
 morning in search of telegraphic operators. On 
 board the Mississippi (the man-of-war, not the 
 transport steamer), he was accosted by Judge 
 Summers, who had sought refuge on board the 
 ship, as we have before related. The unhappy 
 judge, who was anxious to get to the city, re- 
 quested Lieutenant Kinsman to take him on 
 shore, and give him adequate protection against 
 the mob, who, he said, would tear him limb from 
 limb, if they should cntch him alone. The lieu- 
 tenant, who had left the city perfectly quiet, was 
 disposed to make light of the danger ; but said 
 he could go on shore with him if he chose, and 
 he would endeavor to get him safe to the St. 
 Charles. On reaching the levee. Lieutenant 
 Kinsman impressed a hack into his service, and 
 the two passengers were started for the hotel. 
 Unluckily, the ex-recorder is a man of gigantic 
 stature — six feet five, and of corresponding mag- 
 nitude ; a man of such pronounced peculiarity of 
 appearance, that even if he had never sal on the 
 bench and thus become familiar to the eyes of 
 scoundrels, he must have been known by sight 
 to all who frequented the streets of the city. 
 He was instantly recognized. A. crowd gathered 
 round the carriage, hooting, yelling, cursing; 
 new hundreds rushing in from every street ; for 
 all the men in the city were idle and abroad. 
 Several times the carriage came to a stand ; but 
 Lieutenant Kinsman, pistol in hand, ordered the 
 driver to go on, and kept hiai to his work, until 
 they reached the troops guarding the hotel, 
 where both succeeded in alighting and entering 
 the building unharmed. 
 
 Judge Summers was thoroughly unnerved, as 
 most men would have been in the same circum- 
 stances. A mob is of all wild beasts the most 
 cowiirdly, the most easily managed by a man 
 that is uiiscarable by pliantoms. The mob that 
 attacked the Tribune office, last July, was scat- 
 tered by the report of one pistol. I saw it done. 
 Never have I seen the square in front of the 
 building i?o bare of people as it was in ten seconds 
 after that solitary pistol was fired. But a mob 
 is, at the same time, the most terrific thing to 
 look at, especial]}' if its vulgar and savage eye is 
 6xed upon yau, that can be imagined. Mr. 
 Summers felt unsafe, even in the hotel. "Give 
 me some protection," said he; "they'll tear me 
 all to pieces if they get in here ;" and it looked, 
 at the time, as if tlie mob would get in. 
 
 Hence it was, that Lieutenant Kinsman inter- 
 rupted the general, and asked a word with him. 
 
 General Butler came out, and heard the Iiea» 
 tenant's report. The ex-recorder said there was 
 no place in the St. Charles where he co-uldbe safe. 
 
 "Well, then," said the general, "there's the 
 Custom-House over yonder ; that will hold you. 
 You can go there, if yon choose." 
 
 "But how can I get there? The mob will 
 tear me f) pieces." 
 
 The general reflected a moment. Then said, 
 assuming all the "major-general commanding:" 
 
 " We may as well settle this question now a.'t 
 at any other time. Lieutenant Kinsman, take 
 this man over to the Custom-House. Take 
 what force you require. If any one molests or 
 threatens you, arrest him. If a rescue is at- 
 tempted, fire." 
 
 Having said this, he returned to the confer- 
 ence with the mayor, and Lieutenant Kinsman 
 proceeded to obej' the order. Ho conducted 
 Mr. Summers to a side door, which he opened, 
 and disclosed to the view of his charge a com- 
 pact mass of infuriated men, held at bay by a 
 company of fifty soldiers. 
 
 " Don't attempt it," said the judge, recoiling 
 from the sight. 
 
 "I must," returned the lieutenant. "The 
 general's orders were positive. I have no choice 
 but to obey." 
 
 The company of soldiers were soon dravm 
 up in two lines, four feet apart, two men closing 
 the front and two the rear of the column. In 
 the open space were Lieutenant Kinsman and 
 Mr. Summers. 
 
 "Forward, march!" The column started. 
 The crowd recognizing the giant judge, yelled 
 and boiled around the slowly pushing column. 
 The active men of the mob were not those 
 within reach of the soldiers. The nearest men 
 prudently held their peace and watched their 
 chance. Consequently, no arrests were made 
 until the column had gone half way to the Cus- 
 tom-House. At that point stood an omnibus 
 with one man in it, who was urging on the mob, 
 by voice and gesture, with the violence of frenzy. 
 
 " Halt ! Bring out that man !" 
 
 Two soldiers sprang into the omnibus, collared 
 the lunatic, drew him out, and placed him be- 
 tween the lines, where he continued to yell and 
 gesticulate in the most frantic manner. 
 
 "Stop your noise!" thundered the lieutenant. 
 
 " I won't," said the man ; " my tongue is my 
 own." 
 
 " Sergeant , lower your bayonet. If a 
 
 sound comes out of that man's mouth, run him 
 through !" 
 
 The man was silent. 
 
 "Forward — march!" The column pushed on 
 again, but very slowly. After going some dis- 
 tance, the lieutenant perceived that one man, 
 who had been particularly vociferous, was within 
 clutching distance. 
 
 "Halt — bring in that man," pointing him out. 
 
 The man was seized and placed in the column. 
 He continued to shout, but a lowered bayonet 
 brought him to his senses also. The column 
 pushed on attain, and lodged the judge and the 
 two prisoners salely in tlie impregnable Custom- 
 House, the ciiadel of New Orleans. The com- 
 pany marched back, in the same order, through 
 a crowd " as silent as a funeral,'' to use the lieu- 
 tenant's owu language. 
 
 This scene was witnessed from the windows 
 
L A.N DING IN NEW ORLEANS. 
 
 77 
 
 of the St. Charles by General Butler and his 
 staff, and by the mayor and his friends, tlie con- 
 ference being suspended by common consent. 
 The general informs me, that the firmness of 
 Lieutenant Kinsman on this occasion, aided by 
 ihe soldierly steadiness of the troops, and the 
 perfect coolness of their officers, contributed 
 most essentially to the subjugation of the mob 
 of New Orleans. It was never so rampant 
 again. The company was Captain Paige's of 
 the Thirty-first Massachusetts. 
 
 The reader perceives how it fared with the 
 conference. The afternoon wore away amid 
 these interruptions, and it was finally agreed to 
 postpone farther conversation till the evening, 
 when all matters in dispute should be thoroughly 
 discussed. By that time too, copies of the 
 Proclamation would be ready from the True 
 Delta ofiQce. So the mayor and his friends de- 
 parted. 
 
 In the dusk of the evening, a carriage having 
 been with difficulty procured. General Butler, 
 with a single orderly on the box, drove to the 
 levee, a distance of three-quarters of a mile, and 
 Avent on board the transport Mississippi. Mrs. 
 Butler and her maid had passed an anxious day 
 there, ignorant of what was passing in the city. 
 " Get ready to go on shore," said the general. 
 The trunks were locked and strapped, and trans- 
 ferred to the carriage. Mrs. Butler and her 
 attendant took their places, the general followed 
 them, and the party were driven to the hotel 
 without molestation or outcry. 
 
 There was a curious tea-party that evening in 
 the vast dining-room of the Bt. Charles, where 
 hundreds of people had been wont to consume 
 luxurious fare. At one end of one of the tables 
 sat the hltle company, lost in the magnitude of 
 the room — the general, Mrs. Butler, and two 
 or throe members of the staff. The fare was 
 neither sumptuous nor abundant, and the soli- 
 tary waiter was not at his ease, for he was doing 
 an act that was death by the mob law of New 
 Orleans. The general entertained the company 
 by reading choice extracts from the anonymous 
 letters which he had received in the course of 
 the day. " We'll get the better of you yet, old 
 cock-eye," remarked one of his nameless cor- 
 respondents. Another requested him to wait a 
 month or two, and see wliat Yellow Jack would 
 do for him. Another warned him to look out 
 for poison in his food. Both the General and 
 Mrs. Butler received many epistles of this nature 
 during the first few weeks, as well as some of a 
 highly eulogistic tenor. Occasionally the gen- 
 eral would reply to one of the abusive letters in 
 the manner following : 
 
 " Madam ; I have received the letter in which 
 you remark upon my conduct in New Orleans, 
 which I regret does not meet your approbation. 
 It may interest you to know that others view it 
 in a very different light, and I, theretbre, beg to 
 inclose for your perusal a letter received this 
 day, in which my administration is commented 
 upon in a strain diS'erent from that in which you 
 have done me the honor to review it. I am, 
 madam," etc. 
 
 As the frugal repast in the St. Charles was 
 drawing to a close, a band on the balcony in 
 front of the building, in full view of the crowd, 
 struck up the Star Spangled Banner, filiing the 
 void immensity of the dining-room with a deaf- 
 
 ening noise. The band continued to play during 
 the evening, the crowd standing silent and 
 sullen. 
 
 Our business, however, lies this evening in the 
 ladies' parlor. It is a spacious, lofty and elegant 
 apartment. On one side, in a large semi-circle, 
 sat the representatives of New Orleans, the 
 maj^or, the common council, other magnates, and 
 Mr. Pierre Soule, spokesman and orator of the 
 occasion. Mr. Soule had long been the special 
 favorite of the Creole population ; popular, also, 
 with all his fellow-citizens ; a kind of pet, or 
 ladies' delight among them ; renowned, too, at 
 the bar. New Yorkers may call him, if they 
 please, the James T. Brady of New Orleans. Jn 
 appearance he is not unlike Napoleon Bona- 
 parte — about the stature, complexion and gen- 
 eral style of Napoleon ; only with an eye of 
 marvelous briUiaucy, and hair worn very long, 
 black as night. A melodious, fluent, graceful, 
 courteous man, formed to take captive the liearis 
 of listening men and women. Of an independent 
 turn of mind, too ; not too tractable in the 
 courts ; not one of those who made haste to 
 sever the ties that had bound them to their 
 country. He appears to have accepted secession 
 as a fact accomplished, rather than helped to 
 make it such. In conventions and elsewhere, 
 General Butler had often met him before to-day, 
 and their intercourse had alwajs been amicable. 
 On the opposite side of the room, also in a 
 semi-circle, sat general Butler and bis staff, in 
 full uniform, brushed for tlie occasion. Readers 
 are familiar with those annihilating caricatures, 
 which are called photographs of General Butler. 
 In truth, the general has an imposing presence 
 Not tall, but of well- developed form, and fine, 
 massive head; not graceful in movement, but 
 of firm, solid aspect ; self-possessed ; not silver 
 tongued, not fluent, hke Mr. Saule; on the con 
 trary, he is slow of speech, often hesitates and 
 labors, can not at once bring down the sledge 
 hammer squarely on the anvil; but down it 
 comes at last with a ring that is remembered. 
 It is only in the heat and tempest of contention, 
 that he acquires tiie perfect use of his parts ol 
 speecli. A lady who may, for anything I know, 
 have been peeping into the room this evening 
 from some coigne of vantage, compares the two 
 combatants on this occasion to Richard and Sala- 
 din, us described by Scott in the Talisman; 
 where Saladin, all alertness and grace, cuts the 
 silk with gleaming, swiftest cimeter, and burly 
 Richard, with ponderous broad-sword, which 
 only he could wield, severs the bar of iron. 
 
 General Butler opened the conversation by 
 saying that the object for which he had re- 
 quested the attendance of the mayor and coun- 
 cil, was to explain to them the principles upon 
 which he intended to govern the department to 
 which he had been assigned, and to learn from 
 them how far they were disposed to co-operate 
 with him. He added that he had prepared a 
 proclamation to the people of New Orleans, 
 which expressed his intentions; and which he 
 would now read. After reading it he would be 
 happy to listen to any remarks from gentlemen 
 representing the people of the city. He then 
 read the proclamation. 
 
 " The surn and substance of the whole," 
 added General Butler, " is this : I wish to leav" 
 the municipal authority in the full exercise of itf 
 
78 
 
 LANDING IN NEW ORLEANS. 
 
 accustomed functions. I do not desire to inter- 
 fere with the collection of taxes, the government 
 of the police, the lighting and cleaning of the 
 streets, the sanitary laws, or the administration 
 of justice. I desire ou]j to govern the military 
 forces of the department, and to take cognizance 
 only of ofifenses committed by or against them. 
 Representing iiere the United States, it is my 
 wish to contine myself solelj'' to the business of 
 sustaining the government of the United States 
 against its enemies." 
 
 Mr. Soule replied. He said, that his first con- 
 cern was for the tranquillity of the city, which, 
 he felt sure, could not be maintained so long as 
 the federal troops remained within its limits. 
 He therefore urged and implored General Butler 
 to remove the troops to the outskirts of the 
 town, where the hourly sight of them would not 
 irritate a sensitive and high-spirited people. '■ I 
 know the feelings of the people so well," said 
 he, " that I am sure your soldiers can have no 
 peace while they remain in our midst." The 
 Proclamation, he added, would give great of- 
 fense. The jjeople would never submit. They 
 were not conquered, and could not be expected 
 to behave as a conquered people. " "Withdraw 
 your troops, general, and leave the city govern- 
 ment to manage its own affairs. If the troops 
 remain, there will certainly be trouble." 
 
 This absurd line of remark — absurd as a reply 
 to the general's proposals — fired the commander 
 of the department of the gulf. He spoke, how- 
 ever, in a measured though decisive manner. 
 
 "I did not expect," said he, "to hear from 
 Mr. Soule a threat on t]ds occasion. I have 
 been long accustomed to hear threats from 
 southern gentlemen in political conventions; 
 but let me assure gentlemen present, that the 
 time for tactics of that nature has passed never 
 to return. New Orleans is a conquered city. 
 If not, wh}- are we here? How did we get 
 here ? Have you opened your arms and bid 
 us welcome? Are we here by your consent? 
 Would you or would you not, expel us if you 
 could ? New Orleans has been conquered by 
 the forces of the United States, and by the laws 
 of all nations, lies subject to the will of the con- 
 querors. Nevertheless, I have proposed to leave 
 the municipal government to the free exercise 
 of all its powers, and I am answered by a 
 threat." 
 
 Mr. Soule disclaimed the intention to threaten 
 the troops. He had desired merely to state 
 what, in his opinion, would be the consequences 
 of their remaining. 
 
 " Gladly," continued General Butler, "will I 
 take every man of the army out of New Orleans 
 the very day, the very hour it is demonstrated 
 to me that the city government caa protect me 
 from insult or danger, if I choose to ride alone 
 from one end of the city to tlie other, or accom- 
 panied by one gentleman of my stafi". Your in- 
 ability to govern the insulting, irreligious, un- 
 washed mob in your midst, has been clearly 
 proved by the insults of your rowdies toward 
 my officers and men this very afternoon, and by 
 the fact that General Lovell was obliged to pro- 
 claim martial law while his army occupied your 
 city, to protect the law abiding citizens from the 
 rowdies. I do not proclaim martial law against 
 the respectable citizens of this place, but against 
 the same class that obliged General Wilkinson, 
 
 General Jackson, and General Lovell to declare 
 it. I have means of knowing more about your 
 city than you think, and I am aware that at 
 this hour there is an organization here established 
 for the purpose of assassinating my men by de- 
 tail ; but I warn you that if a shot is fired from 
 any house, that house will never again cover a 
 mortal's head ; and if I can discover the perpe- 
 trator of the deed, the place that now know.s 
 him shall know him no more foi' ever. I have 
 the power to suppress this unruly element in 
 your midst, and I mean so to use it, that in a 
 very short period, I shall be able to ride through 
 the entire city, free from insult and danger, or 
 else this metroiDolis of the South shaU be a 
 desert, from the plains of Chalmeite to the out- 
 skirts of Carrolton." 
 
 Mr. Soule, in reply, delivered an oration, the 
 beauty and grace of which were admired l^y all 
 who heard it. I regret that we have no report 
 of his speech. It was, in part, a defense and 
 eulogy of New Orleans, and, in part, a secession 
 speech of the usual tenor, illumined by the 
 rhetoric of an accomplished speaker. He said 
 that New Orleans contained a smaller proportion 
 of the mob element than any other city of equal 
 size, and that the proclamation of martial law by 
 General Lovell was aimed, not at the mob, but 
 at the Union men and " traitors" in their midst. 
 The conversation then turned to a topic of 
 immense moment to the people of the city, the 
 supply of provisions. The general said he had 
 determined to issue permits to dealers and others, 
 which should protect them in bringing in pro- 
 visions from a certaiu distance beyond his lines. 
 The awful sif.oation of the poor of the city should 
 have his immediate attention ; in the mean time, 
 the Confederate currency in tlieir hands should 
 be allowed to circulate, since many of them had 
 nothing else of the nature of money. 
 
 After much farther discussion, the general 
 being immovable, the mayor announced, that the 
 functions of the city government would be at 
 once suspended, and the general could do with 
 the city as seemed to him good. 
 
 A member of the council prompt^ly interposed, 
 saying that a matter of so much importance 
 should not be disposed of until it had been con- 
 sidered and acted upon by the common council. 
 The mayor assented. General Butler offered no 
 objection. It was finally agreed that the coun- 
 cil should confer upon the subject the ne,\t 
 morning, and make known the result of their 
 deliberations to the general in the course of the 
 day. The gentlemen then withdrew : the crowd 
 in the streets gradually dispersed, and the city 
 enjoyed a tranquil night. 
 
 The next morning, the Proclamation was pub- 
 lished , i. e., handbills, containing it, were freely 
 given to all who would take one. Two impor- 
 tant appointments were also announced : Major 
 Josepli W. Bell, to be provost-judge, and Col- 
 onel Jonas H. French, to be provost-marshai. 
 Colonel French notified the people, by hand-bill, 
 that he " assumed the position of provost-mar- 
 shal, for the purpose of carrying out such of tiie 
 provisions of the. Proclamation of the general 
 commanding within this department, as were not 
 left to municipal action. * * Particu- 
 
 larly does he call attention to the prohibition 
 against assemblages of persons in the streets ; 
 the sale of liquor to soldiers; the necessity for 
 
LANDING IN NEW ORLEANS. 
 
 79 
 
 a license on tlie part of keepers of public houses, 
 cofifee-houses, and drinkino- saloons: to the post- 
 ing of placards about the streets, giving infor- 
 mation concerning the action or movements of 
 rebel troops, and the publishing in the newspa- 
 pers of notices or resolutions laudatory of the 
 enemies of the United States. " The soldiers of 
 tin's command are subject, upon the part of some 
 low-minded persons, to insult. Tins must stop. 
 Repetition will lead to instant arrest and pun- 
 ishment. In the performance of his duties the 
 undersigned will, in no degree trench upon the 
 regularly established police of the city, but will 
 confine himself simply to the performance of 
 such acts as were to bo assumed by the military 
 authorities of the United Slates ; and, in such 
 action, he hopes to meet with the ready co-oper- 
 ation of all who have the welfare of the city at 
 heart." 
 
 At noon, the foreign consuls waited upon Gen- 
 eral Butler, accompanied by General Juge, com- 
 manding the European Brigade. The interview 
 was in the highest degree amicable and cour- 
 teous. General Butler explained to the consuls 
 the line of conduct he had marked out for him- 
 self, and related the leading points of his proposal 
 to the mayor and council, whose reply he was 
 then awaiting. He also assured the consuls, 
 that nothing should be wanting on his part, to 
 facilitate the discharge of their public duties. 
 His most earnest desire, he said, was to confine 
 his attention to his military duty, and leave all 
 public fiinctionaries, domestic and foreign, to the 
 unrestrained discharge of their vocations. He 
 warmly thanked Genera-1 Juge for his eminent 
 services during the last week, expressed regret 
 that he had disbanded his men, hoped he would 
 reorganize them, and aid him in maintaining or- 
 der. The gentlemen retired, apparently well 
 pleased with what they had heard. They all 
 shook hands with the general at parting. 
 
 A delegation from the common council next 
 appeared, who informed the general that his pro- 
 posal of the evening before was accepted. The 
 city government should go on as usual ; but 
 they requested that the troops should be with- 
 drawn from the vicinity of the City Hail, that 
 the authorities might not seem to be acting under 
 military dictation. This request was granted : 
 the troops were withdrawn. 
 
 The general went farther. He sent a consid- 
 erable body of troops under General Phelps to 
 Carrollton, where a permanent camp was formed. 
 A brigade under General Williams soon went up 
 the river with Captain Farragut, to take posses- 
 sion of and hold Baton Rouge. Other troops 
 were posted in the various forts upon the lakes 
 abandoned by the enemy. Others were at Al- 
 giers. The camps in the squares of the city 
 were broken up. When all the troops were 
 posted, there remained in the city, during the 
 first few weeks, two hundred and fifty men : and 
 these men were lodged in the Custom-House, 
 and served merelj' as a provost-guard. Mr. 
 Soule, therefore, had his desire, or nearly so, for 
 the general was fully resolved to omit no fair 
 means of conciliating the people, and winning 
 them back to their allegiance. 
 
 Thus, by the end of the third day, the city 
 was tranquil, and there seemed a prospect of 
 the two 8» of authorities going on peacefully 
 
 together, each keeping to its own department : 
 General Butler governing the army, and extend- 
 ing the area of conquest ; the mayor and council 
 ruling the city, aided, if necessary, by General 
 Juge and his brigade. This was the theory 
 upon which General Butler began his memorable 
 administration. Tliis was the offer which he 
 sincerely made to the people and government of 
 the city. We shall discover, in lime, whose fault 
 it was that the tlieory proved so signally un- 
 tenable. 
 
 The comments of the press of New Orleans 
 upon the new order of things, were far more 
 favorable to General Butler than could have 
 been expected. The True Delta ft-ankly ad- 
 mitted the trutli of that part of the Proclamation 
 which gave to the European Brigade the credit 
 of having preserved the city. " For seven years 
 past," said the T)-ue Delta, of May 6th, "the 
 world knows that this city, in all its depart- 
 ments — judicial, legislative, and executive — has 
 been at the absolute disposal of the most godless, 
 brutal, ignorant and ruthle.ss ruffianism the world 
 has ever heard of since the days of the great 
 Roman conspirator. By means of a secret or- 
 ganization emanating from that fecund source of 
 eveiy pohtical infamy, New England, and named 
 Know Nolhingism or 'Sammyism' — from the 
 boasted exclusive devotion of the fraternity to 
 the United States — our city, from being the 
 abode of decency, of liberality, generosity and 
 justice, has become a perfect hell ; the temples 
 of justice are sanctuaries for crimes; the min- 
 isters of the laws, the nominees of blood-stained, 
 vulgar, ribald caballers ; licensed murderers .shed 
 innocent blood on the most public thoroughfares 
 with impunity ; witnesses of the most atrocious 
 crimes are either spirited away, bought off, or 
 intimidated from testifying ; perjured associates 
 are retained to prove alibis, and ready bail is 
 always procurable for the immediate use of thos© 
 whom it is not immediately prudent to enlarge 
 otherwise. The electoral system is a farce and 
 a fraud ; the knife, the slung-shot, the brass 
 knuckles determining, while the sham is being 
 enacted, who shall occupy and administer the 
 offices of the municipality and the common- 
 wealth. Can our condition then surprise any 
 man ? Is it, either, a tair ground for reproach 
 to the well-disposed, kind-hearted and intelligent 
 fixed population of New Orleans, that institutions 
 and offices designed for the safety of their persons, 
 the security of their property, and mainleuance 
 of their fair repute and unsullied honor, should 
 by a band of conspirators, in possession by force 
 and fraud of the electoral machinery, be diverted 
 from their legitimate uses and made engines of 
 the most insupportable oppression ? "W'e accept 
 the reproach in the Proclamation, as every Loui- 
 siauian alive to the honor and tair fame of his 
 state and chief city must accept it, with bowed 
 heads and brows abashed." 
 
 The Bee of May 8th said: '"The mayor and 
 municipal authorities have been allowed to retain 
 their power and privileges in everything uncon- 
 nected with military atiairs. The federal soldiers 
 do not seem to interfere with the private property 
 of the citizens, and have done uotiiing that we 
 are aware of to provoke difficulty. The usual 
 nightly reports of arrests for vagrancy, assaults, 
 wounding and killing have unquestionably beeu 
 
80 
 
 FEEDING AND EMPLOYING THE POOR. 
 
 diminished. The city is as tranquil and peacea- 
 ble as in the most auiet times." 
 
 CHAFER Xlir. 
 
 FEEDING AND EMPLOYING THE POOR. 
 
 New Orleans was in danger of starving. It 
 contained a population of, perhaps, one hundred 
 and fifty thousand, for whom there was in the 
 city about thirty days' supply of provisions, held 
 at prices beyond the means of all but the rich. 
 A barrel of Hour could not be bought for sixty 
 dollars ; the markets were empty, the provision 
 stores closed. The trade witli Mobile, which 
 had formerly whitened the lakes and the sound 
 with sails, was cut off. The Texas drovers had 
 ceased to bring in cattle, and no steamboats 
 from the Red River country were running. The 
 lake coasts were desolate and halt-deserted, 
 because the trade with New Orleans had ceased, 
 and because the locusts of secession had de- 
 voured their substance. 
 
 New Orleans was thus a starving city, in the 
 midst of an impoverished country. The river 
 planters, who had been wont to send marketing 
 to the city, now feared to trust iheir sloops, their 
 produce and their slaves, within the hues of an 
 army which they had been taught to believe 
 was bent on plunder only. A large proportion 
 of the men of New Orleans were away with the 
 Confederate armies, at Shiloh, in Virginia, and 
 elsewhere, having left wives and children, mis- 
 tresses and their offspring, to the public charge. 
 The city taxes were a million dollars in arrears; 
 and the city government, it was soon discovered, 
 was expending its energies and its ingenuity 
 upon a business more congenial than that of 
 providing for the poor ; namely, that of frustrat- 
 ing and exasperating the commander of the 
 Union army. In a word, fifty thousand human 
 beings in New Orleans saw before them a pros- 
 pect, not of want, not of a long struggle with 
 adversity, but of starvation ; and that immediate, 
 to-morrow or the next day ; and General Butler, 
 wielding the power and resources of the United 
 States, alone could save them. 
 
 To this task he addressed himself; it neces- 
 sarily had the precedence of all other work 
 during the first few days. If we confine our- 
 selves to this topic for a short time, so as to show 
 in one view all tliat General Butler did for the 
 . poor of New Orleans, the reader will please bear 
 in mind, that the commanding general was by 
 . no means able to confine his attention to it. He 
 I bad eveiythiug to do at once. The business of 
 the city was dead ; he strove to revive it. Con- 
 idence in the honest intentions of the Union 
 autliurities did not exist ; he endeavored to call 
 ■ it into being. The currency was deranged; it 
 was his duty to rectify it. The seeessiouidts 
 were audaciously diligent ; he had to circumvent 
 and repress them. The yellow fever season was 
 at hand ; he was resolved to ward it ofl". The 
 city government was obstructive and hostile; it 
 was his business to frustrate their endeavors. 
 The negro problem loomed up, vast and por- 
 ieutous ; he had to act upon it without delay. 
 The banks were in disorder; their affairs de- 
 manded his attention. The consulates were so 
 
 many centers of hostile operations ; he had to 
 penetrate their mysteries. His army was con- 
 siderable, his field of operation immense; he 
 could not neglect the chief business of his mis- 
 sion. All these aflairs claimed his immediate 
 attention, and had it. But though a thousand 
 events may occur simultaneously, it is not con- 
 venient to relate them simultaneously. We shall 
 have sometimes to disregard the order of lime, 
 and pursue one subject or class of subjects to the 
 end. 
 
 General Butler's first measures for the supply 
 of the city were taken upon the suggestion of 
 the city magnates. Orders were promulgated on 
 the third day of the occupation of the city, 
 which permitted steamboats to ply to Mobile 
 and the Red River and bring to the city provis- 
 ions, but only provisions. The directors of the 
 Opelousas Railroad received permits to run 
 trains for the same purpose. 
 
 For the immediate relief of the poor, General 
 Butler gave from his own resources a thousand 
 dollars, half in money, half in provisions. His 
 brother, Colonel A. J. Butler, who found himself 
 by the action of the senate, without employment 
 in New Orleans, and having both capital and 
 •credit at command, embarked in the business of 
 bringing cattle from Texas, to the great advan- 
 tage of the city and his own considerable profit 
 The quartermaster's chest being empty. Genera. 
 Butler placed all the money of his own, which he 
 could raise, at his disposal. Provisions soon be- 
 gan to arrive, but not in the requisite quantities. 
 At the end of a month, flour had fallen to twen- 
 ty-four dollars a barrel; but nearly nineteen 
 hundred families were daily fed at the public 
 expense, and thousands more barely contrived to 
 subsist. 
 
 It immediately appeared that every one of the 
 passes and permits issued by the general, in ac- 
 cordance with the orders just given, was abused, 
 to the aid and comfort of secession. It was dis- 
 covered that provisions were secretly sent out of 
 the city to feed General Lovell's troops. It was 
 ascertained that Charles Heidsieck, one of the 
 champagne Heidsiecks, had come from Mobile 
 in the provision steamboat, disguised as a bar- 
 keeper, and conveyed letters to and from that 
 city ; an oifense which consigned him speedily to 
 Fort Jackson. Nor did the city government stir 
 in the business of providing for tlie poor; not a 
 dollar was voted, not a relieving act was passed. 
 The city was reeking, too, with the accumulated 
 filth of many weeks, the removal of which 
 would have afforded employment to many hun- 
 gry men ; but it was suffered to remain, inviting 
 the yellow fever. 
 
 General Butler, on the 9th of May, reminded 
 the mayor and council of the compact between 
 himself and the city authorities made five days 
 before. " I desire," said he, " to call your atten- 
 tion to the sanitary condition of your streets. 
 Having assumed, by tlie choice of your fellow- 
 citizens, and the permission of the United Stales 
 aulliorities, the care of the city of New Orleans 
 in this behalf, that trust must be faithfully admin- 
 istered. Resolutions and inaction will not do. 
 Active, energetic measures, fully and promptly 
 executed, are imperatively demanded by the exi- 
 gencies of the occasion. The present suspension 
 of labor furnishes ample supplies of huugry myn, 
 who can be profitably employed to this end. A 
 
FEEt)ING AND EMPLOYING THE POOR. 
 
 tithe of the labor and effort spent upon the streets 
 amd public squares, which was uselessly and in- 
 anely wasted upon idle fortificaiions, like tiiat 
 about the United States Mint, will place tlie city 
 iiii a condition to insure the health of its inhabit- 
 #ints. Tt will not do to shift the responsibility 
 from yourselves to the street commissioners, 
 from thence to the contractor, and thence to the 
 sub-contractors, and through all the grades of 
 civic idleness and neglect of duty. Three days 
 since I called the attention of Mr. Mayor to the 
 subject, but nothing has been done." 
 
 The mayor boldly replied that three hundred 
 extra men had been set to work upon the streets. 
 No such force could be discovered by the optics 
 of the Union officers. Steps may have been 
 taken toward the employment of men, and even 
 ■"extra men," in cleaning the city ; but it is cer- 
 tain that, up to the ninth of May, no street- 
 cleaners were actually at work. The weather 
 was extremely hot, and the need of purification 
 was manifest and pressing 
 
 On the same day. General Butler issued one of 
 his startling general orders, the terms and tone 
 of which were doubtless influenced by the may- 
 or's audacious reply, as well as by the abuse of 
 the passes which admitted food to a starving city. 
 
 "New Orlkans, May 9, 1862. 
 
 " The deplorable state of destitution and hun- 
 ger of the mechanics and working classes of this 
 city has been brought to the knowledge of the 
 '•'^mmanding general. 
 
 He has yielded to every suggestion made \>y 
 ^ne city government, and ordered every method 
 of furnisliing food to the people of New Orleans 
 *hat government desired. No relief by tho.se 
 jicials has yet been atlbrded. This hunger does 
 ''Ot pinch the wealthy and influential, the leaders 
 % the rebellion, who have gotten up this war, 
 and are now endeavoring to prosecute it, without 
 regard to the starving poor, the workingman, his 
 wife and ciiild. Unmindful of their suffering 
 fellow-citizens at home, they have caused or suf- 
 fered provisions to be carried out of the city for 
 Confederate service since the occupation by 
 the United States forces. 
 
 ''Lafayette Square, their home of affluence, 
 was made the depot of stores and munitions of 
 war for the rebel armies, and not of provisions 
 for their poor neighbors. Striking hands with 
 the vile, the gambler, the idler, and the ruffian, 
 they have destroyed the sugar and cotton which 
 might have been exchanged for food for the in- 
 dustrious and good, and regrated the price of that 
 which is left, by discrediting the very currency 
 they had furnished, while they eloped with the 
 specie ; as well that stolen from the United States. 
 as from the banks, the property of the good 
 people of New Orleans, thus leaving them to ruin 
 and starvation. 
 
 "Fugitives from justice many of them, and 
 others, their associates, staying because too puer- 
 ile and insignificant to be objects of punishment 
 by the clement government of the United States. 
 '■ They have betrayed their country : 
 "They have been false to every trust: 
 " They have shown themselves incapable of 
 defending the state they had seized upon, al- 
 though they have forced every poor man's child 
 into their service as soldiers for that purpose, 
 while they made their sons and nephews officers: 
 
 " They can not protect those whom they have 
 ruined, but have left them to the mercies and 
 assassinations of a chronic mob: 
 
 "They will not feed those whom they are 
 starving: 
 
 " Mostly without property themselves, they 
 have plundered, stolen, and destroyed the means 
 of lliose who had property, leaving children pen- 
 niless and old age hop-eless. 
 
 •' Men of Louisiana, ttorkingmen, prop- 
 erty-holders, MERCHAXTS. AND CITIZENS OF 
 THE United States, of whatever nation you 
 may have had birth, how long will you uphold 
 these flagrant wrongs, and, by inaction, suffer 
 yourselves to be made the serfs of these 
 leaders ? 
 
 "The United States have sent land and naval 
 forces here to fight and subdue rebellious armies 
 ill array against' her authority. We find, sub- 
 stantially, only fugitive masses, runaway pro- 
 perty-burners, a whisky-drinking mob, and starv- 
 ing citizens with their wives and children. It \i 
 our duly to call back the first, to punish the sec- 
 ond, root out the third, feed and protect tiie last. 
 
 " Ready only for war, wo had not prepared 
 ourselves to feed the hungry and relieve tiie 
 distressed with provisions. JBut to the extent 
 possible, witliin the power of the commanding 
 general, it shall be done. 
 
 " He has captured a quantity of beef and 
 sugar intended for the rebels in the field. A 
 thousand barrels of these stores will be distribu- 
 ted among the deserving poor of this city, from 
 whom the rebels had plundered it; even al- 
 though some of the food will go to supply the 
 craving wants of tlie wives and children of 
 those now herding at ' Camp Moore' and else- 
 where, in arms against the United States. 
 
 " Captain John Clark, acting chief commissary 
 of subsistence will be charged with the execu- 
 tion of this order, and will give public notice of 
 the place and manner of distribution, which 
 will be arranged, as far as possible, so that the 
 unworthy and dissolute will not share its bene- 
 fits." 
 
 Another measure of relief was adopted when 
 the arrival of stores from New York had deliv- 
 ered the army itself from the danger of scarcity. 
 The cliief commissary was autliorized to "sell 
 to families for consumption, in small quantities, 
 until farther orders, flour and salt meats, viz : 
 pork, beef, ham, and bacon, from the stores of 
 the army, at seven and a half cents per pound 
 for flour and ten cents for meats. City bank- 
 notes, gold, silver, or treasury notes to be taken 
 in payment." 
 
 The city government still neglecting the 
 streets, General Butler conceived the idea of 
 combining the relief of the poor with tlie purifi- 
 cation of the city. There was nothing upon 
 which ho was more resolved than tlie disap- 
 pointment of rebel hopes with regard to the 
 yellow fever. He under.xtood the yellow fever, 
 knew the secret of its visitations, felt himself 
 equal to a successful contest with it. June 
 fourth (the mayor of the ciiy being then in a 
 state of suppression at Fort Jackson, for acts 
 yet to be related), the general sketched his plan 
 in a letter to General Shepley and the common 
 council. 
 
 General Shepley communicated this letter to 
 
8*2 
 
 FEEDING AND EMPLOYING THE POOR. 
 
 the council, who readily adopted the plan, and 
 appointed a gentleman to superintend their 
 share in it. On the part of the United State?, 
 General Shcpley named Colonel T. B. Thorpe, 
 the well-known author of the "Bee Hunter," 
 who had received the appointment of city sur- 
 veyor. The entire management of the two 
 thousand laborers fell to Colonel Thorpe, as his 
 colleague refused to take the oath of alle<iiance 
 to the United States, which General Butler 
 made a sine qua non. No man conid have done 
 the work better. He waged incessant and most 
 successful war upon nuisances. He tore away 
 shanties, filled up hollows, purged the canals, 
 cleaned the streets, repaired the levee, and kept 
 the city in such perfect cleanliness as extorted 
 praise from the bitterest foes of his country and 
 his chief In gangs of twenty-five, each under 
 an overseer, the street-sweepers pervaded the 
 city. 
 
 " It was a reflecting sight," says an eye-wit- 
 *uess, " to behold these mea on the highways 
 and bj'--ways, with their shovels and brooms ; 
 and it was still more gratifying to notice and to 
 feel the happy eflects o: their work. The street 
 cleaning commenced, the colonel then undertook 
 the distribution of the food to the families of the 
 laborers, and this was a task of no ordinary 
 magnitude. A thousand halfstarved women, 
 made impatient by days of starvation, brought 
 in contact and left to struggle at the entrance of 
 some ill-arranged establishment, for their food 
 and rights, was a formidable subject of contem- 
 plation ; so the colonel organized a distributing 
 department, and so well managed his plans that 
 the food is being given out with all the quietness 
 of a popular grocery. To secure the object of 
 the charity, he had tickets printed that made the 
 delivery of the food to the women only ; in this 
 way it was carried into the family, consumed by 
 the helpless, and not sold by the unprincipled 
 for rum. The moment Colonel Thorpe's name 
 appeared in the papers, he was flooded with let- 
 ters calling his attention to nuisances, the people 
 acting voluntarily as street inspectors. By a 
 judicious distribution of labor, in a few days tlie 
 change became a subject of comment, some of 
 the most ferocious secessionists admitting ' that 
 the federals could clean the streets, if they 
 couldn't do anything else.' " * 
 
 Colonel Thorpe's labors were permanently 
 beneficial to the city in many ways. The freaks 
 of the Mississippi river constantly create new 
 land within the city limits. This land, which is 
 called batturc (shoal), requires the labor of man 
 before it is completely rescued from the domains 
 of the river. It is computed that Colonel 
 Thorpe's o!>'.llfully directed exertions upon the 
 batture added to the city a quantity of land 
 worth a million of dollars. 
 
 And this leads us to the most remarkable of 
 all the circumstances attending General Butler's 
 relief of the poor of New Orleans. He not only 
 made it profitable to the city, but he managed it 
 so as not to add one aollar to the expenditures 
 of his own government. At a time when thirty- 
 five thousand persons were supported by the 
 public funds, he could still boast, and with literal 
 truth, that it cost the United States nothing. 
 " You are the cheapest general we have employ- 
 
 ♦ Correspondent of i^ew York Times, July 21, 1862. 
 
 ed," said Mr. Chase, when acknowledging the 
 return of twenty-five thousand dollars in gold^ 
 which hail been senv. to General Butler's com- 
 Inissar3^ 
 
 The following general order explains the 
 secret : 
 
 "Nbw Orlrans, August 4, 1862. 
 "It appears that the need of relief to the des- 
 titute poor of the city requires more extended 
 measures and greater outlay than have yet been 
 made. 
 
 " It becomes a question, in justice, upon whom 
 should this burden fall. 
 
 "Clearly upon those who have brought this 
 great calamity upon their fellow-citizeus. 
 
 '•It should not be borne by taxation of the 
 whole municipality, because the middling and 
 working men have never been heard at the bal- 
 lot-box, unawed by threats and unmenaced by 
 'Thugs' and paid assassins of conspirators 
 against peace and good order. Besides, more 
 than the vote that was claimed for secession 
 have taken the oath of allegiance to the United 
 States. 
 
 " The United States government does its share 
 when it protects, defends, and preserves the peo- 
 ple in the enjoyment of law, order, and calm 
 quiet. 
 
 " Those who have brought upon the city this 
 stagnation of business, this desolation of the 
 hearth-stone, this starvation of the poor and 
 helpless, should, as far as they may be able^ 
 relieve these distresses. 
 
 "There are two classes whom it would seem 
 peculiarly fit should at first contribute to this 
 end. First, those individuals and corporations 
 who have aided the rebellion with their means : 
 and second, those who have endeavored to de 
 stroy the commercial prosperity of the city, upon 
 which the welfare of its inhabitants depend. 
 
 '* It is brought to the knowledge of the com- 
 manding general that a subscription of twelve 
 hundred and fifty thousand dollars was made by 
 the corporate bodies, business firms, and persons 
 whose names are set/orth in schedule 'A' an- 
 nexed to this order, and that sum placed in the 
 hands of an illegal body known as the '• Con> 
 mittee of Public Safety,' tor the treasonable- 
 purpose of defending the city against the govern- 
 ment of the United States, under whose humane 
 rule the city of New Orleans had enjoyed eucli 
 unexampled prosperity, that her warehouses 
 were filled with trade of all nations who came to 
 share her freedom, to take part in the benefits 
 of her commercial superiority, and thus she was 
 made the representative mart of the world. 
 
 " The stupidity and wastefulness with which' 
 this immense sum was spent was only equaled 
 by the folly which led to its being raised at alL 
 The subscribers to this fund, by this very act. 
 betray their treasonable designs and their ability 
 to pay at least a much smaller tax for the relief 
 of their destitute and starving neigbors. 
 
 " Schedule ' B' is a hst of cotton brokers, who. 
 claiming to control that great interest in New- 
 Orleans, to which she is so much indebted for 
 her wealth, published in the newspapers, in 
 October, 1861, a manifesto deliberately advising 
 the planters not to bring their produce to the 
 city, a measui'e which brought ruin at the same 
 time upon the producer and the city. 
 
 "This act sufiQciently testifies the malignity 
 
FEEDING AND EMPLOYING THE POOR. 
 
 of tliese traitors, as well to the government as 
 their neighoors, and it is to be regretted that 
 their ability to relieve their fellow-citizens is not 
 equal to their facilities for injuring them. 
 
 " In taxing both these dasses to relieve the 
 suffering poor of New Orleans, yea, even though 
 the needy be the starving wives and children of 
 those inarms at Richmond and elsewhere against 
 the United States, it will be impossible to make 
 a mistake save in having the assessment too 
 easy and the burden too light. 
 
 " It is therefore Ordered — 
 
 " 1st. That the sums in schedules annexed, 
 marked ' A' and ' B,' set against the names of 
 the several persons, business tirms and corpora- 
 tions herein described, be and hereby are as- 
 sessed upon each respectively. 
 
 " 2d. That said sums be paid to Lieutenant 
 David C. G-. Field, financial clerk, at his office in 
 the Custom-House, on or before Monday, the 
 nth instant, or that the property of the delin- 
 quent be forthwith seized and sold at public 
 auction, to pay the amount, with all necessary 
 charges and expenses, or the party imprisoned 
 till paid. 
 
 "3d. The money raised by this assessment to 
 be a fund for the purpose of providing employ- 
 ment and food for the deserving poor people of 
 New Orleans." 
 
 The promised schedules followed. The first 
 contained ninety-five names, arranged thus : 
 
 SCHEDULE A. 
 
 List of subscribers to the Million and a Quarter 
 Loan, placed in the hands of the Committee 
 of Public Safety, for the defense of New 
 Orleans against the United States, and ex- 
 pended by them some $38,000. 
 
 Sams subscribed Snms assessed 
 
 to aid treason to relieve the 
 
 against the poor by the 
 
 United States. United States. 
 
 Abat, Generee & Co. . .$210,000 $52,500 
 
 Jonathan Montgomery. . 40,000 10,000 
 Tbos. Sloo, President Sun 
 
 Insurance Co 50,000 12,500 
 
 C.C.Gaines 2,000 500 
 
 C. C. Gaines & Co 3,000 750 
 
 The sum yielded by thi.s schedule was $312,- 
 716.25. The second schedule, which contained 
 ninety-four names, began thus : 
 
 SCHEDULE B. 
 
 List of Cotton Brokers of New Orleans who pub- 
 lished in the Orescent, in October last, a card 
 advising planters not to send produce to New 
 Orleans, in order to induce foreign intervention 
 in behalf of the rebellion. 
 
 Sums assessed to relieve 
 
 the starving poor by 
 
 the Unitfid States. 
 
 Hewitt, Norton & Co $500 
 
 "West & Villerie 250 
 
 S. E. Belknap 100 
 
 Brander, Chambliss & Co 500 
 
 Lewis & Oglesby 100 
 
 The amount of this assessment waa $29,200. 
 
 General Order, No. 55, placed at the di-sposal of 
 General Butler, for the support of the poor of the 
 city, the sum of $341,916.25. 
 
 The effect produced by a mensnre so boldly 
 just, upon the mind<* of tlie ruling class of New 
 Orleans, can scarcely be imagined. It waa the 
 more stunning from the fact, that after three 
 months' experience of General Butler's govern- 
 ment, his orders were known to be the irrever- 
 sible fiat of irresistible power. Every man who 
 saw his name on either catalogue, was perfectly 
 aware that the sura annexed thereto must be 
 paid on or before the designated day. Protest 
 he might, but pay he must. Money first; argu- 
 ment afterwards. ^ 
 
 The loyal and humorous Delta assured the 
 gentlemen, and with perfect truth, that lamen- 
 tations would not do. " The poor must be em- 
 ployed and fed, and you must disgorge. It will 
 never do to have it said, that while you lie back 
 on cushioned divans, tasting turtle, and sipping 
 the wine cnp, dressed in fine linen, and rolling 
 in lordly carriages — that gaunt hunger stalked in 
 the once busy streets, and poverty flouted its 
 rags for the want of the privilege to work." 
 
 There was but one court of appeal in New 
 Orleans, open to distressed secessionists — the 
 consulate of the country of which he could 
 claim to be a citizen. The consuls lent a sympa- 
 thizing ear to all complaints, and vrillingly for- 
 warded them to their ministers at "Washington ; 
 who, in turn, laid them before the secretary of 
 state. The protest of some of the " neutrals" 
 in New Orleans gave General Butler the oppor- 
 tunity to vindicate the justice of Order No. 55, 
 and he performed the task with a master's hand. 
 
 ""When." said he, "I took possession of New 
 Orleans, I found the city nearly on the verge of 
 starvation, but thirty days' provision in it, and 
 the poor utterly without the means of procuring 
 what food there was to be had. 
 
 " I endeavored to aid the city government in 
 the work of feeding the poor : but I soon found 
 that the very distribution of food was a means 
 faithlessly used to encourage the rebellion. I 
 waa obliged, therefore, to take the whole matter 
 into my own hands. It became a subject of 
 alarming importance and gravity. It became 
 necessary to provide from some source the funds 
 to procure the food. They could not be raised 
 by city taxation, in the ordinary form. These 
 taxes were in arrears to more than a million of 
 dollars. Besides, it would be unjust to tax the 
 loyal citizens and honestly neutral foreigner, to 
 provide for a state of things brought about by 
 the rebels and disloyal foreigners related to them 
 by ties of blood, marriage, and social relartion 
 who had conspired and labored together to ovfc 
 throw the authority of the United States, and 
 establish the very result which was to be met. 
 
 "Farther, in order to have a contribution 
 effective, it must be upon those who have wealth 
 to answer it. 
 
 " There seemed to me d' such fit subjects for 
 such taxation as the cotton brokers who had 
 brought the distress upon the city, by thus 
 paralyzing commerce, and the' subscribers to the 
 rebel loan, who hsd money to invest for purposes 
 of war, so advertised and known. 
 
 " "With these convictions, I issued General 
 Order No. 55, which will explain itself; and have 
 
84 
 
 FEEDING AND EMPLOYING THE POOR. 
 
 raised nearly che amount of tax therein set 
 forth. 
 
 " But for what purpose ? Not a dollar has 
 gone in any way to the use of the United States. 
 1 am now employing one thousand poor laborers, 
 as matter of charity, upon the streets and 
 wharves of the city, from this fund. I am dis- 
 tributing food to preserve from starvation nine 
 thousand seven hundred and seven families, con- 
 taining ' thirty-two thousand four hundred and 
 fifty souls' daily, and this done at an expense of 
 seventy thousand dollars per month. I am sus- 
 taining, at an expense of two thousand dollars 
 per month, five asylums for widows and orphans. 
 I am aiding the Charity Hospital to the extent 
 of five thousand dollars per month. 
 
 "Before their excellencies, the French and 
 Prussian ministers, complain of my exactions 
 upon foreigners at New Orleans, T desire they 
 would look at the documents, and consider for a 
 few moments the facts and figures set forth in 
 the returns and in this report. They will find 
 that out of ten thousand four hundred and ninety 
 families who have been fed from the fund, with 
 the raising of which they find fault, less than 
 one-tenth (one thousand and ten) are Americans; 
 nine thousand four hundred and eighty are for- 
 eigners. Of the thirty-two thousand souls, but 
 three thousand are natives. Besides, the charity 
 at the asylums and ho.spitals is distributed in about 
 the same proportions as to foreign and native 
 bora ; so that of an expenditure of near eighty 
 thousand dollars per month, to employ and feed 
 the starving poor of New Orleans, seventy-two 
 thousand goes to the foreigners, whose com- 
 patriots loudly complain, and offensively thrust 
 forward their neutrality, whenever they are 
 called upon to aid their suffering countrymen. 
 
 " I should need no extraordinary taxation to 
 feed the poor of New Orleans, if the bellies of 
 the foreigners were as active with the rebels, as 
 are the heads of those who claim exemption, 
 thus far, from this taxation, made and used for 
 purposes above set forth, upon the ground of 
 their neutrality; among whom I find Rochereau 
 & Co., the senior partner of which firm took an 
 oath of allegiance to support the constitution of 
 the Confederate States. 
 
 '• I find also the house of Reichard & Co., the 
 senior partner of which. General Reichard, ia in 
 the rebel army. I find the junior partner, Mr. 
 Kruttschnidt, the brother-in-law of Benjamin, 
 the rebel secretary of war, using all the funds in 
 his hands to purchase arms, and collecting the 
 securities of his correspondent before they are 
 due, to get funds to loan to the rebel authorities, 
 and now acting Prussian consul here, doing 
 quite as effective service to the rebels as his 
 partner in the field. I find Mme. Vogel, late 
 partner in the same house of Reichard & Co., 
 now absent, whose funds are managed by ihat 
 house. I find M. Paosher & Co., bankers, whose 
 clerks and employes formed a part of the French 
 legion, organized to fight the United Slates, and 
 who contributed largely to arm and equip that 
 corps. And a Mr. Lewis, whose antecedents I 
 have not had time to investigate. 
 
 "And these are fair specimens of the neutral- 
 ity of the foreigners, for whom the government 
 is called upon to interfere, to prevent their pay- 
 ing anything toward the Relief Fund for their 
 starving countrymen. 
 
 " If the representatives of the foreign govera- 
 ments will feed their own .starving people, over 
 whom the only protection they extend, so far as 
 I see, is to tax them all, poor and rich, a dollar 
 and a half each for certificates of nationahty, I 
 will release tlie foreigners from all the exactions, 
 fines, and imposts whatever." 
 
 There is the whole case, written out, as all of 
 General Butler's dispatches were, late at night, 
 after twelve or fifteen hours of intense exertion. 
 After such a reaper there is scanty gleaning. 
 
 Let me add, liowever, that among the docu> 
 ments relating to the expedition may be found 
 many little notes, written in an educated, femi- 
 nine hand, conveying to General Butler the 
 thanks of '' Sister Emily," "Mother Alphonso," 
 and other Catholic ladies, for the assistance 
 afforded by him to the orphans, the widows, 
 and the sick under their charge ; ■' whose 
 prayers," they added, "will daily ascend to 
 Heaven in his behalf" During the latter half 
 of his administration, the charities of New 
 Orleans were almost wholly sustained from the 
 funds wrung from "neutral" foes by Order 
 No. 55. The great Charity hospital received, 
 as we have seen, five thousand a month. To 
 the orphans of St. Elizabeth, when the public 
 funds ran low, the general gave five hundred 
 dollars of his own money, besides ordering 
 rations from the public stores at his own charge, 
 and causing the Confederate notes held by the 
 asylum to be disposed of to the best advantage. 
 A commission was appointed, after a time, to 
 inquire into the condition and needs of all the 
 a.sylums, hospital and charity schools in the city, 
 and to report the amount of aid proper to he 
 allowed to each. The report of the commission 
 shows, that the rations granted them by General 
 Butler were all that enabled them to continue 
 their ministrations to the helpless and the igno- 
 rant, the widow, the orphan, and the sick. 
 
 I may afford space for a letter addressed by 
 the commanding general to tlie Superior of the 
 Sisters of Charity, upon the occasion of the 
 accidental injury of their edifice during the 
 bombardment of Donaldsonville. It is not pre- 
 cisely the kind of utterance which we should 
 naturally expect from a "Beast." 
 
 " HBAD-QtTAnTRRS, DrPARTMENT OF THF. GuLF, 
 
 " Nkw Orleans, September 2d, 1862. 
 
 "Madame: — I had no information until the 
 reception of your note, that so sad a result to 
 tlie sisters of your command had happened from 
 tlie bombardment of Donaldsonville. 
 
 "I am very, very sorry that Rear-A.dmiral 
 Farragut was unaware that he was injuring 
 your establishment by his shells. Any injury 
 must have been entirely accidental. The de- 
 struction of that town became a necessity. The 
 inhabitants harbored a gang of cowardly gueril- 
 las, who committed every atrocity; amongst 
 others, that of firing upon an unarmed boat 
 ciowded wiih women and children, going up the 
 coasi, returning to their homes, many of them 
 having been at school at New Orleans. 
 
 " It is irnpoasible to allow such acts ; and I 
 am only sorry that the righteous punishment 
 meted out to them in this instance, as indeed in 
 all others, fell quite as heavily upon the inno- 
 oent and unotlieuding as upon the guilty. 
 
THE WOMAN ORDER. 
 
 •'No o.i. «au appreciate more fully than my- 
 eelf the holy, self-sacrificing labors of the sisters 
 of charity. To them our soldiers are daily in- 
 debted for the kindest offices. Sisters of all 
 mankind, they know no nation, no kindred, 
 neither war nor peace. Their all-pervading 
 charity is like the boundless love of ' Him who 
 died for all,' whose servants they are, and whose 
 pure teachings their love illustrates. 
 
 " I repeat the expression of my grief, that 
 any harm should have befallen your society of 
 sisters ; and I cheerfully repair it, as far as I 
 may, in the manner you suggest, by filling the 
 order you have sent to the city for provisions 
 and medicines. 
 
 " Your sisters in the city will also further 
 testify to you, that my officers and soldiers have 
 never failed to do to them all in their power to 
 aid them in tlieir usefulness, and to lighten the 
 burden of their labors. 
 
 " With sentiments of the highest respect, 
 believe me, your friend, 
 
 "Benjamin F. Butler. 
 
 "Santa Makia Clara, 
 
 " Superior and Sifter of Charity.'" 
 
 The relief afforded by Order No. 55, liberal as 
 it was, did but alleviate the distresses of the 
 poor. The whole land was stricken. The fre- 
 quent marching of armed bodies swept the coun- 
 try of the scanty produce of a soil deserted by 
 the ablest of its proprietors In the city, life 
 was just endurable; beyond the Union lines, 
 most of the people were hungry, half naked, 
 and without medicine. 
 
 "The condition of the people here," wrote 
 General Butler to General HaUeck, September 
 Ist, "is a very alarming one. They literally 
 come down to starvation. Not only in the city, 
 but in the country: planters who, in peaceful 
 times, would have spent the summer at Sara- 
 toga, are now on their plantations, essentially 
 without food. Hundreds weekly, by stealth, 
 are coming across the lake to the city, reporting 
 starvation on the lake shore. I am distributing, 
 in various ways, about fifty thousand dollars per 
 month in food, and more is needed. This is to 
 the whites. My commissary is issuing rations 
 to the amount of nearly double the amount 
 required by the troops. This is to the blacks. 
 
 " They are now coming in by hundreds — say 
 thousands — almost daily. Many of the planta- 
 tions are deserted along the 'coast,' which, in 
 this country's phrase, means the river, from the 
 city to Natchez. Crops of sugar-cane are left 
 standing, to waste, which would make miUions 
 of dollars worth of sugar." 
 
 Such were some of the fruits of this most dis- 
 astrous and most beneficent of all wars. Such 
 were some of the difficulties with which the 
 sommander of the Department of the Gulf had 
 to contend during the whole period of his admin- 
 istration. Clothed witli powers more than impe- 
 rial, such were some of the uses to which those 
 powers were devoted. 
 
 The government sustained Order No. 55. In 
 December, the money derived from it having 
 been exhausted, the measure was repeated. 
 
 "New Oblbans, Decemlter 9, 1862. 
 
 " Under General Order No. 55, current series, 
 irom these head-quarters, an assessment was 
 
 made upon certain parties n^ho had aided the 
 rebellion, ' to be appropriated to the relief of 
 the starving poor of New Orleans.' " 
 
 "The calls upon the fund raised under that 
 order have been frequent and urgent, and it is 
 now exhaust-ed. 
 
 " But the poor of this city have the same, or 
 increased necessities for relief as then, and their 
 calls must be heard; and it is both fit and 
 proper that the parties responsible for the pres- 
 ent state of affairs should have the burden of 
 their support. 
 
 "Therefore, the parties named in Schedules 
 A and B, of General Order No. 55, as hereunto 
 annexed, are assessed in like sums, and for the 
 same purpose, and will make payment to D. C. 
 G. Field, financial clerk, at his office, at these 
 head-quarters, on or before Monday, December 
 15, 1862." 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 THE WOMAN ORDER. 
 
 It concerns the people of the United States to 
 know that secession, regarded as a spiritual 
 malady, is incurable. Every one knows this 
 who, by serving on " the frontiers of the re- 
 bellion," has been brought in contact with its 
 leaders. General Rosecrans knows it. General 
 Grant knows it. General Burnside knows it. 
 General Butler knows it. True, a large number 
 of Southern men wno have been touched with, 
 the epidemic, have recovered or are recovering. 
 But the hundred and fifty thousand men who 
 own the slaves of the South, who own the best 
 of the lands, who have always controlled its 
 pohtics and swayed its drawing-rooms, in whom 
 the disease is hereditary or original, whom it 
 possesses and pervades, like the leprosy or the 
 scrofula, or, rather, like the falseness of the 
 Stuarts and the imbecility of the Bourbons — 
 these men will remain, as long as they draw the 
 breath of life, enemies of all tlie good meaning 
 which is summed up in the words. United 
 States. It is from studying the characters of 
 these people that we moderns may learn why 
 it was that the great Cromwell and his heroes 
 called the adherents of the mean and cruel 
 Stuarts by the name of " Malignauts." They 
 may be rendered innoxious by destroying their 
 power, i. e., by abolishing slavery, which is their 
 power ; but, as to converting them from the 
 error of their minds, that is not possible. 
 
 General Butler was aware of this from the 
 beginning of the rebellion, and his experience in 
 New Orleans was daily confirmation of his belief. 
 Hence, his attitude toward the ruling class was 
 warlike, and he strove in all ways to isolate that 
 class, and bring the majority of the people to see 
 who it was that had brought all this needless 
 ruin upon tlieir state ; and thus to array the 
 majority against the few. Throwing the whole 
 weight of his power against the oligarchy, he 
 endeavored to save and conciliate the peojJle, 
 whom it was the secret design of the leaders to 
 degrade and disfranchise. He was in New Or- 
 leans as a general wielding the power of his 
 government, and as a democrat representing its 
 principles. 
 
86 
 
 THE WOMAN ORDER. 
 
 The first monili of his ndtuiiustratioa was sig- 1 served the mode ia which the Union soldiers 
 nahzed by several warhke acts aud utterances, i stationed there were accustomed to behave when 
 
 aimed at the Spirit of Secession ; some of which 
 excited a clamor throughout the whole secession 
 world, on both continents, echoes of which are 
 still occasionally heard. 
 
 The following requires no explanation : 
 
 "New Orleans, May 13, 1862. 
 
 " It having come to the knowledge of the com- 
 manding general that Friday next is proposed to 
 be observed as a day of fasting and prayer, in 
 obedience to some supposed proclamation of one 
 Jefferson Davis, in the several churches of this 
 city, it is ordered that no such observance be 
 had. 
 
 " ' Churches and religious houses are to be 
 kept open as in time of profound peace,' but no 
 religious exercises are* to be had upon the 
 supposed authority above mentioned." 
 
 This was General Order No. 27. The one 
 next issued, the famous Order No. 28, which 
 relates to the conduct of some of the vvonieu of 
 New Orleans, can not be dismissed quite so 
 summarily. 
 
 One might have expected to find among the 
 women of the South many abolitionists of the 
 most " radical" description. As upon the white 
 race the blighting curse of slavery chiefly falls, 
 so the women of that lace sufter the conse 
 quences of the system which are the mo:>t de 
 
 passing by ladies who wore the secession flag 
 on their bosoms. The ladies, on approaching a 
 soldier, would suddenly throw aside their cloaks 
 or shawls to display the badge of treason. The 
 soldier would retort by lifting the tail of his 
 coat, to show the rebel flag doing duty, appar- 
 ently, as a large patch on the seat of his trousers. 
 The general noted the circumstance well. It 
 occurred to him then, that, perhaps, a more 
 decent way could be contrived to *shame the 
 heroines of secession out of their silly tricks. 
 
 The women of New Orleans by no means con- 
 fined themselves to the display of minute rebel 
 flags on their persons. They were insolently 
 and vulgarly demonstrative. They would leave 
 the sidewalk, on the approach of Union officers, 
 and walk around them into the middle of the 
 the street, with up-turned noses and insulting 
 words. On passing privates, they would make 
 a great ostentation of drawing away their 
 dresses, as if from the touch of pollution. Se- 
 cession colors were conspicuously worn upon the 
 bonnets. If a Union officer entered a street 
 car, all the ladies in it would frequently leave 
 the vehicle, with every expression of disgust ; 
 even in church the same spirit was exhibited — 
 ladies leaving the pews entered by a Union 
 officer. The female teachers of the public schools 
 kept their pupils singing rebel songs, and ad- 
 grading aud the most painful. It leads their I vised the girls to make manifest their contempt 
 husbands astray, debauches their brothers and for the soldiers of the Union. Parties of ladies 
 their sous, enervates aud coarsens their daughters, upon the balconies of houses, would turn their 
 
 The wastefulness of the institution, its bunglin^ 
 stupidity, the heavy aud needless burdens i't 
 imposes upoii house-keepers, would come home, 
 we should think, to the minds of all women not 
 wholly incapable of reflection. I am able to 
 state, that here and there, in the South, even in 
 the cottou slates, there are ladies who feel all 
 the enormity, aud comprehend the immense 
 stupidity of slavery. I have heard them avow 
 their abhorreoee of it. One iu particular, I re- 
 member, ou the borders of South Carolina itself, 
 a mother, glancing covertly at her languid son, 
 and saying in the low tone of despair; 
 
 '■ You cannot tell me anything about slavery^ 
 We women know what it is, if the men do noi." 
 
 But it is the law of nature that llie UK-n aud 
 women of a community sliall be morally equal. 
 If all the women were made, by miracle, per- 
 fectly good, and all the men perfectly bad, in one 
 generation the moi'al equality ,would be restored, 
 the men vastly improved, tlie women reduced to 
 the average of human worth. Consequently, we 
 find the women of the South as much oonupLed 
 
 backs when soldiers were passing by; while one 
 of them would run in to the piano, and thump 
 out the Bonny Blue Flag, with the energy that 
 lovely woman knows how to throw into a per- 
 formance of that kind. One woman, a very fine 
 lady, too, swept away her skirts, on oue occasion, 
 witli so much violence, as to lose her balance, 
 and she fell into the gutter. The two officers 
 whose proximity had excited her ire, approached 
 to offer their assistance. She spurned them from 
 her, saying, that she would rather lie in the gutter 
 than be helped out by Yankees. She afterward 
 related the circumstance to a Uuion officer, and 
 owned that she had in reality felt grateful to the 
 officers for their politeness, and added that 
 Order No. 28 served the women right. The 
 climax of these absurdities was reached when a 
 beast of a woman spat in the faces of two 
 officers, who were walking peacefuUy along the 
 street. 
 
 It was this last event which determined 
 Greneral Butler to take public notice of the con- 
 duct of the women. At first their exhibitions 
 
 by slavery as the men, and not less zealous than i aud affectations of spleen merely amused the 
 the men iu this insolent attempt to rend their objects of them ; who were accustomed to relate 
 country in pieces. In truth, they are moi-e them to their comrades as the jokes of the day. 
 zealous, smce women are naturally more veiie- | And so far, no officers or soldiers had done or 
 meut and enthusiastic than men. The women | said anything in the way of retort. No man iu 
 of New Orleans, too, all had husband-;, sons. New Orleans had been wronged, no woman had 
 
 brothers, loveis or friends, in the Confederate 
 army. To blame the women of a community lor 
 
 been treated with disrespect by the soldiers of the 
 United States. These things were done while 
 
 adhering, with their whole souls, to a cause lor ' General Butler was feeding the poor of the oity 
 which their husbands, brothers, sons aud lovers ' 
 are fighting, would be to arraign the laws of 
 nature. But then there is a choice of methods 
 by which that adherence may be maui/ested. 
 
 When General Butler was passing through 
 Baltimore, on his way to New Orleans, he ob- 
 
 by thousands ; while he was working night and 
 day to start and restore the business of the city ; 
 while he was defending the people against the 
 frauds of great capitalists ; while he was main- 
 taining such order in New Orleans as it had 
 never known before ; while he was maturing 
 
THE WOMAN ORDER. 
 
 87 
 
 measures dcsigued solelv for the benefit of the 
 city ; while he was testifying in every way, by 
 word and deed, his heartfelt desire to exert all 
 the great powers intrusted to him for the good 
 of New Orleans and Louisiana. 
 
 It can not be denied that both ofiScers and 
 men became, at length, very sensitive to these 
 annoyances. Complaints to the general were 
 frequent. Colonels of resimeuts requested to be 
 informed what orders they should give their men 
 on the subject, and the younger staff officers often 
 asked the general to save them from indignities 
 whicii they could neither resent nor endure. 
 "Why, indeed, should he permit his brave and vir- 
 tuous New England soldiers to be insulted by 
 those silly, vulgar creatures, spoiled by contact 
 with slavery ? And how long could he trust the 
 forbearance of the troops ? These questions he 
 had already cousidered, but the extreme difficulty 
 of acting in such an affair with dignity and effect, 
 had given him pause. But when the report of 
 the spitting was brought to him, he determined 
 TO put a stop to such outrages before they pro- 
 voked retaliation. 
 
 It has been said, that the false construction 
 put upon General Order No. 28, by the enemies 
 of the United States, was due to the carelessness 
 with which it was composed. Mr. Seward, in 
 his conversation on the subject with the English 
 charge, " regretted that, in the haste of compo- 
 sition, a piiraseology which could be mistaken or 
 perverted had been used." The secretary of 
 state was never more mistaken. The order was 
 penned with the utmost care and deliberation, 
 and aJl its probable consequences discussed. Tiie 
 problem was, how to put an end to the insulting 
 behavior of the women without beiug obliged to 
 resort to arrests. So far. New Orleans had been 
 kept down by the mere show and presence of 
 tbrce ; it was highly desirable, for reasons of hu- 
 manity as well as policy, that this should con- 
 tinue to be the case. Ifthe order had said: Any 
 woman who insults a Union soldier shall be ar- 
 rested, committed to the calaboose and fined, — 
 there would have been women who would have 
 courted the distinction of arrest, to the great 
 peril of the public tranquillity. If anything at all 
 could have roused the populace to resist the 
 troops, surely it would have been the arrest of a 
 well-dressed woman, for so popular an act as in- 
 sulting a soldier of the United States. 
 
 It was with the intent to accomplish the object 
 without disturbance, that General Butler worded 
 the order as we find it. The order was framed 
 upon the model of one which he had read long 
 ago in an ancient London chronicle. 
 
 " HbAD-QUARTERS, DrPARTMENT of the GtTLF, 
 
 "Nkw Orlkans, May 15, 1862. 
 
 " General Order No. 28 : 
 
 " As the officers and soldiers of the United 
 States liave been subject to repeated insults from 
 the women (calling themselves ladies) of New 
 Orleans, in return for the most scrupulous non- 
 interference and courtesy on our part, it is or- 
 dered that hereafter when any female shall, by 
 word, gesture, or movement, insult or show con- 
 tempt for any officer or soldier of the United 
 St;ttes, she shall be regarded and held liable to 
 b© treated as a woman of the town plying her 
 avocation. By command of 
 
 Major-General Butler. 
 
 " Gbo. C. Strong, A. A. O., Chief of Staff." 
 
 That is, she shall be held liable, according to the 
 law of New Orleans, to be arrested, detained over 
 night in the calaboose, brought before a magis- 
 tr-ate in the morning, and fined five dollars. 
 
 When the order had been written, and was 
 about to be consigned to irrevocable priut, a lead- 
 ing member of the staff" (Major Strong) said to 
 General Butler : 
 
 •' After all, general, is it not possible that some 
 of the troops may misunderstand the order? It 
 would be a great scandal if only onu man should 
 act upon it in the wrong way." 
 
 " Let us, then," replied the general, " have one 
 case of aggression on our side. I shall know how 
 to deal with that case, so that it will never be 
 repeated. So far, all the aggressiim has been 
 against us. Here we are, conquerors in a con- 
 quered city ; we have respected every right, tried 
 every means of conciliation, complied with every 
 reasonable desire ; and yet we can not walk the 
 streets without being outraged and spit upon by 
 green girls. I do not fear the troops ; but if ag- 
 gression must be, let it not be all against ?«." 
 
 General Butler was, of course, perfectly aware, 
 as we are, that if he had expressly commanded 
 his troops to outrage and ravish every woman 
 who insulted them, those men of New England 
 and the West would not have thought of obeying 
 him. If one miscreant among them had at- 
 tempted it, the public opinion of his regiment 
 would have crushed him. Every one who knows 
 the men of that army feels how impossible it was 
 that any of them should practically misinterpret 
 an order of wliich the proper and innocent 
 meaning was so palpable. 
 
 The order was published. Its success was im- 
 mediate and perfect. Not that the women did 
 not still continue, with the ingenKity of the sex, 
 to manifest their repugnance to the troops. They 
 did so. The piano still greeted the passing offi- 
 cer with rebel airs. The fair countenances of 
 the ladies were still averted, and their skirts 
 gently held aside. Still the balconies presented 
 a view of the "back "hair" of beauty. If the 
 dear creatures did not leave the car when an offi- 
 cer entered it, tbey stirred not to give him room 
 to sit down, and would not see his polite offer to 
 hand their ticket to the driver. (No conductors 
 in the street cars of New Orleans.) It was a 
 fashion to affect sickness at the stomach on such 
 occasions ; which led the Delta to remark, that 
 ladies should remember that but for the presence 
 of the Union forces some of the squeamish stom- 
 achs would have nothing in them. But the out- 
 rageous demonstrations ceased. No more insult- 
 ing words were uttered ; and all the affectations 
 of disgust were such as could be easily and 
 properly borne by officers and men. Gradually 
 even these were discontinued. 
 
 I need not add, that in no instance was the or- 
 der misunderstood on the part of the troops. No 
 man in the whole world misunderstood it who 
 was not glad of any pretext for reviling the sa- 
 cred cause for which the United States has been 
 called to contend. So far from causing the 
 women of New Orleans to be wronged or mo- 
 lested, it was that which saved them from the 
 only danger of molestation to wiiich they were 
 exposed. It threw around them the protection 
 of law, not tore it away ; and such was the com- 
 pleteness of its success, that not one arrest unde^ 
 Order No. 28 has ever been made. 
 
THE WOMAN ORDER. 
 
 General Butler was not lon.ij in discovering 
 that the order was to he made the occasion of a 
 prodigious hue and cry jigainst his administra- 
 tion. The puppet mayor of Xew Orleans was 
 the first to lift his little voice against it; which 
 led to important consequences. 
 
 Tt had already become apparent to the gen- 
 eral and to the officers aiding him, that two 
 powers so hostile as the cily government of New 
 Orleans and the commander of the Department 
 of the Gulf could not co-operatf> — could not 
 long exist together. The mayor and common 
 council had violated their compact with the 
 general in every particular. They had agreed 
 to clean the streets, and had not done it. They 
 had engaged to enrol] two hundred and fifty of 
 the property-holders of the town to assist in 
 keeping the peace, that General Butler miglit 
 safely withdraw his troops. The two hundred 
 and fifty proved to be men of tiie "Thug" spe- 
 cies — the hangers-on of the City Hall. The 
 European Brigade was to be retained in service ; 
 the mayor disbanded it. Provisions had been 
 sent out of the starving city to the hungry camp 
 of General Lovell. Confederate notes, which 
 had fallen to thirty cents, were redeemed l)y 
 the city government at par, thus taxing the city 
 one hundred cents to give tliirty to the favorites 
 of the mayor and council ; for the redemption 
 wa8 not public and universal, but special and 
 private. The tone and style of tlie city govern- 
 ment, too, were a perpetual reiteration of the 
 assertion, so dear to the deluded people of the 
 city, that New Orleans had not been conquered 
 — only overcome by " brute force." Nothing 
 but the general's extreme desire to give the 
 arrangement of May 4th so fair a trial that the 
 whole world would hold him guiltless in dissolv- 
 ing it, prevented his seizing upon the govern- 
 ment of the city on the ninth of May. 
 
 On the day on which the order appeared in 
 the newspapers, the mayor sent to General But- 
 ler the following letter, which was written for 
 him by his secretary, Mr. Duncan, formerly of 
 the Delta : 
 
 "State of LfinsrANA, 
 
 "Mavorai.tt of Nkw Oblrans, 
 
 •'May 16, 1862. 
 
 "Major-Q-enpral Benjamin F. Butler, Commnnding: 
 United States Forces: 
 
 "Sir: — Tour General Order, No. 28. of dute 
 15th inst., which reads as follows, is of a char- 
 acter so extraordinary and astonishing that T 
 can not, holdins: tlie office of chief mngistrate of 
 the city, cliargeabie with its peace and dignity, 
 suffer it to be promulgated in our presence 
 without protesting a'^ainst the threat it contains, 
 which has already aroused the passions of our 
 people, and must exasperate them to a degree 
 beyond control. Your officers and soldiers are 
 permitted, by the terms of this order, to place 
 any construction they may please upon the con- 
 duct of our wives and daughters, and, upon 
 such construction, to offer them atrocious insults. 
 The peace of the city and ti)e safety of your offi- 
 cers and soldiers from harm and insult have, I 
 affirm, been successfully secured to an extent 
 enabling them to move through our streets 
 almost unnoticed, according to the understand- 
 tne and agreement entered into between your- 
 self and the city authorities. I did not, how- 
 ever, anticipate a war upon women and children. 
 
 who, so far as T am aware, have only manifested 
 their displeasure at the occupation of their city 
 by those whom they believe to be their enemies, 
 and I will never undertake to be responsible for 
 the peace of New Orleans while sudi an edict, 
 which infuriates our citizens, remains in force. 
 To give a license to the officers and soldiers of 
 your command to commit outrages, such as are 
 indicated in your order, upon defenseless women 
 is, in my judgment, a reproadi to the civilization, 
 not to say to the Christianity, of the age, in 
 whose name I make this protest. I am, sir, 
 your obedient servant, 
 
 " John T. Monkoe, Mayor." 
 
 To this General Butler replied with prompt- 
 n-ess and brevity, and sent his reply by the 
 hands of the provost- marshal : 
 
 " Head-q(tarters, Department of the Gflf, 
 "New Orleans, Jtfay 16, 1862. 
 
 "John T. Monroe, late mayor of the city of 
 New Orleans, is relieved from all responsibility 
 for the peace of the city, and is suspended from 
 the exercise of any official functions, and com- 
 mitted to Fort Jiickson until farther orders. 
 
 B. F. Butler, Major- General Commanding. 
 
 The mayor, however, was indulged with an 
 interview with the commanding general. He 
 remonstrated against the order for his imprison- 
 ment. The general told him, in reply, that if 
 he could no longer control the " aroused pas- 
 sions of the people of New Orleans," it was 
 highly necessary that he should not only be 
 relieved from any further responsibility for the 
 tranquillity of the city, but l>e sent himself to a 
 place of safety ; which Fort Jackson was. The 
 letter, added the general, was an insult which 
 no officer, representing the majesty of the United 
 States in a captured city, ought to submit to. 
 The mayor, whose courage always oozed away 
 in the presence of General Butler, declared that 
 he had had no intention to insult the general: 
 he had only intended to vindicate the honor of 
 the virtuous ladies of New Orleans. 
 
 "No vindication is neces'iary." said General 
 Butler. " because the order does not contemplate 
 or allude to virtuous women." None such, he 
 believed, could have meant to insult his officers 
 or men by word, look, or gesture, and the order 
 was aimed only at those who had. 
 
 Finding the mayor pliant and reasonable, as 
 he always was in the absence of his supporters. 
 General Butler expounded the order to him at 
 great length, and with perfect courtesy. The 
 mavor then declared that he was perfectly satis- 
 fifd, and asked to be allowed to withdraw his 
 offensive letter. General Butler, knowing well 
 the necessity, in all dealings with puppets, of 
 having something to show in writing, wrote the 
 following words at the end of the mayor's letter : 
 
 "General Butler: — This communication 
 having been sent under a mistake of fact, and 
 being improper in language, I desire to apologize 
 for the same, and to '.vithdraw it." 
 
 This the mayor signed, and the general re- 
 lieved him from arrest. The mayor then depart', 
 ea, and the general hoped he had done with 
 Order Nol 28 
 
THE WOMAN ORDER. 
 
 89' 
 
 It was very fur, however, from the iotention 
 of the gentlemen who had ihe mayor of New 
 Orleans in charge, to forego their opportunity of 
 firing the southern heart. In the evening of the 
 same 16th of May, General Butler received the 
 following note : 
 
 "Mayoralty op New Orleans, 
 "City Hall, May Id, 1S62. 
 
 " Major-General BtJTLER : 
 
 " Sir : — Having misunderstood you yesterday 
 in relation to your General Order No. 28, 1 wish 
 to withdraw the indorsement I made on the let- 
 ter addressed to you yesterday. Please deliver 
 the letter to my secretary, Mr. Duucan, who will 
 hand you this note. Your obedient servant, 
 "John T. Monroe." 
 
 General Butler immediately replied in the fol- 
 lowing terms : 
 
 "Hk AD-QUARTERS, DEPARTMENT OF THE GULF, 
 
 "New Orleans, 3iay 16, 1862. 
 "Sir: — There can be, there has been, no 
 room for the misunderstanding of General Order 
 No. 28. 
 
 " No lady will take any notice of a strange 
 gentleman, and a foriiwi of a stranger, in such 
 fonn as to attract attention. Common women do. 
 
 " Therefore, whatever woman, lady or mistress, 
 gentle or simple, who, by gesture, look or word, 
 insults, shows contempt for, thus attracting to 
 herself the notice of my officers or soldiers, will 
 be deemed to act as becomes her vocation of com- 
 mon woman, and will be liable to be treated ac- 
 cordingly. This was most fully explained to you 
 at my office. 
 
 "I shall not, as I have not, abated a single 
 word of that order; it was well considered. If 
 obeyed, it will protect the true and modest wo- 
 man from all possible insult. The others will 
 take care of themselves. 
 
 "You can publish your letter, if you publish 
 this note, and your apology. 
 
 " Respectfully, Benjamin F. Butler, 
 
 ^^ Major- Qeneral Commanding. 
 "John T. Monroe, Mayor of Nexo Orleans.'''' 
 
 To this the mayor replied by sending to the 
 general a copy of his first letter. General Butler 
 summoned him again to head-quarters; he came 
 accompanied by his secretary, Duncan. In the 
 presence of the general his courage failed him 
 again, and he declared that lie did not wish to 
 Bend the oflensive letter if he could publish what 
 the general had said to him yesterday, that Order 
 No. 28 did nut refer to all the ladies of New Or- 
 leans. With even an excess of patience, the gen- 
 eral replied, that to prevent all possibUty of mis- 
 understanding he would put in writing at the 
 bottom of a copy of the order a statement in ac- 
 cordance with the mayor's desires, which he would 
 be at liberty to publish. So he wrote: 
 
 " You may say that this order refers to those 
 women who have shown contempt for, and in- 
 sulted my soldiers, by words, gestures, and move- 
 ments, in their presence. B. F. Butler." 
 
 Duncan asked the insertion of the word " only" 
 after " women.'" The general assented to this 
 also ; when the mayor and his secretary retired, 
 taking the documents with them. Again Gen- 
 eral Butler indulged in the hope that the afiair I Do you sustain the mayor in reiterating the 
 was satisfactorily adjusted. ! letter ?" 
 
 Far from it. The next morning, which was 
 Sunday, the mayor and a large party of his frienda 
 presented themselves at the private parlor of the 
 general. The mayor said that he had come for 
 the purpose of withdrawing his apology. General 
 Butler replied that Sunday was not a businesa 
 day with him, but if the Mayor desired to with- 
 draw his apology, and would place himself, on 
 Monday morning, in the chair in which he had 
 sat when he had signed it, he should have a full 
 opportunity to do so. The general added, that 
 he would be glad to see him the next morning, 
 and as many friends as he chose to bring with 
 him. 
 
 Meanwhile, information had been brought to 
 head-quarters of a conspiracy among the paroled 
 rebel prisoners in New Orleans, to procure arms- 
 and force their way beyond the Uuion lines and. 
 join General Lovell. Six of thism iiad been ar- 
 rested. The conspirators, it appeared, had called 
 themselves the Monroe Guard, after the mayor, 
 from whom they expected substantial aid — had 
 probably received substantial aid already. The 
 general was resolved to make short work with the 
 mayor at their next interview. 
 
 On Monday morning tlte mayor presented him- 
 self at head-quarters, accompanied by his chief of 
 police, a lieutenant of police, his private sect etary, 
 one of the city judges, and several others of his- 
 special backers ; seven or eight persons in all. 
 General Butler did not wait tor the attack of this 
 imposing force, but opened upon them as soon as 
 they were in position. He made a clear and for- 
 cible statement of the many ways in which the 
 city government had failed to observe the com- 
 pact of May 4th. He told them that while he 
 had been employing all the resources of his mind 
 and of his position to keep the poor of the city 
 from starving, tiie whole power and means of the 
 city authorities had been expended in supporting 
 the Confederate cause — by sending provisions to 
 Lovell's camp, by contributing money for the 
 maintenance of Confederate agents in the city, 
 and by placing every obstacle in the way of the 
 purificatioa of the streets. He announced the 
 discovery of the conspiracy among the paroled 
 prisoners, the sentence of six of them to death.;, 
 and discoursed upon the signiticance of the nam- 
 ing the corps after the mayor. All this confiict 
 of authority and moral influence must cease, and 
 cease at once. He had resolved to have no mor& 
 of " this weathercock business." 
 
 After a long interview, he brought the matter 
 to a very simple and direct issue. He saw before 
 him the men who had inspired and upheld the 
 mayor in his unnatural and unwilling contumacy. 
 To each of them he addressed a question, the an- 
 swer to which would ti.v his political position and 
 indicate his liiture course: 
 
 "Judge Kennedy, do you sanction the mayor's 
 letter in its substance and ettect ?" 
 
 Answer: "I sustain no insulting expression 
 ia this lette: The construction which the letter 
 puts upen the order is the construction put upon 
 it in this city generally. If I had been in the 
 mayor's place, I should have claimed a modiiica- 
 tion, or an announcement of its intended con- 
 struction." 
 
 General Butler ; " Do 3-ou not believe the letter 
 insulting? Do you aid and abet the mayor? 
 
■90 
 
 THE WOMAN ORDER. 
 
 Kennedy : " I can not aaswer. I will answer 
 neither yes nor no, for tiie simple reason that it 
 will not cover tbe position I take. I would not 
 in any communication with General Butler, use 
 insulting language myself." 
 
 The question was then proposed to the other 
 gentlemen in turn. 
 
 Chief of Police ; " I do sustain the mayor." 
 
 Lieutenant of Police : " I have not given the 
 letter a thought. I have never read the letter 
 before." 
 
 Mr. Harris : The same answer. 
 
 M. Whann : " I do not sustain or repudiate the 
 letter, as I know nothing about it. 
 
 Mr. Peltigrew : " I sustain the mayor." 
 
 Mr. Duncan confessed to having "assisted in 
 the composition of the letter." 
 
 General Sutler then ordered the committal to 
 Fort Jackson of the late mayor, the chief ofpolice. 
 Judge Kennedy and Mr. Duncan. The others 
 were dismissed. The mayor, finally wished to 
 know if his apology would be considered with- 
 drawn. General Butler assured him that when 
 the letter and the apology were published, the 
 withdrawal of the apology should be distinctly 
 stated. 
 
 The mayor ttos afterward removed to Fort 
 Pickens. The ofl'er was always open to him to 
 take the oath and return home. Some of his 
 friends, it is said, prevailed upon him, at length, 
 to return home upon that hard condition; and 
 General Butler consenting, his wife went to Fort 
 Pickens after him. The officer who accompanied 
 her chanced to hand the mayor a newspaper 
 which contained a positive announcement that 
 France had recognized the Confederacy. The 
 worthy mayor instantly changed his mind, refused 
 to take the oath, and permitted a faithful spouse 
 CO depart without him. 
 
 The mayor being deposed, the executive part 
 •of the city government was at once suspended, 
 and the business of governing New Orleans 
 ■devolved upon the military commandant. Gen- 
 eral G. F. Shepley, of Slaiue. The woman 
 order, however, merely hastened an event which 
 the expiration of tlie mayor's term of office 
 would have effected in a few days; for General 
 Butler had already determined that no man 
 should again be elected to office in New Orleans 
 who had not taken the oath of allegiance to his 
 •country's government. 
 
 General Shepley proceeded with vigor to 
 organize the goverumeut. Colonel French ad- 
 vertised for five hundred policemen. Judicious 
 appointments were made in every department, 
 and the municipal revolution was accomplished 
 without disturbance. Among General Shepley's 
 first orders we notice the following : 
 
 "general orders. 
 
 "Off'.ob Military Commandant of New Orlbans, 
 "CiTV Hall, J/ay 2S, 1S62. 
 
 " Hereafter in the churches in the city of 
 New Orleans, prayers will not be oSered up for 
 the destruction of the Union or constitution of 
 the United States, lor the success of rebel armies, 
 for tiie Confederate States, so called, or any offi- 
 cers of the same, civil or military, in their official 
 capacity. 
 
 "While protection will be afforded to all 
 churches, religious houses, and establislimeuts, 
 •and religious 'services are to be held as in times 
 
 of profound peace,' this protection will not be 
 allowed to be perverted to the upholding of trea- 
 son or advocacy of it in any form. 
 
 " Where thus perverted, it will be withdrawn. 
 "G. F. Shepley, Military Commandant." 
 
 This order was complied with only in the let- 
 ter. Thenceforward, on reaching that part of the 
 service where prayers were accustomed to be 
 offered for Jefferson Davis, the minister would 
 say: "Let us now spend a few moments in 
 silent prayer." 
 
 After suppressing the city government, it 
 seemed to General Butler unjust and unwise to 
 permit that potent instigator and director of trea- 
 son, Mr. Pierre Soule, to remain in the city. It 
 was he who had assisted in the composition of 
 the mayor's insolent letter to Captain Farragut. 
 It was he who had countenanced, perhaps 
 caused, the burning of the cotton. It was he 
 who was the moral support of the contumacy 
 of secession in New Orleans. Upon bim seces- 
 sion chiefly relied to give it voice and effect. 
 General Butler was clearly of opinion that to 
 render New Orleans a dead thing to secession, it 
 was indispensable to send away a man so pow- 
 erful to nourish hostility to the Union. Captain 
 Conant accomplished the arrest with his usual 
 tact, and Mr. Soule, after ample time to arrange 
 his private business, was consigned to Fort 
 Warren, in Boston harbor. General Butler, 
 some time afterward, requested the government 
 to release the prisoner on his parole not to return 
 to New Orleans, nor commit or advise any act 
 hostile to the United States, which was done. 
 
 Few men have had a more varied career than 
 Pierre Soule. A native of France — a Paris 
 lawyer — a Paris journalist — a fugitive to the 
 West Indies — an emigrant to New Orleans — a 
 lawyer there of brilliant position — a senator of 
 tlie United States — a minister to Madrid, where 
 he wounded the French embassador in a duel — 
 a member of the Ostend Cuba-coveting confer- 
 ence — a lawyer again in New Orleans — a Union- 
 ist — a rebel — a prisoner of state. 
 
 Before taking leave of the woman order and 
 its consequences, it is proper to notice the use 
 made of it by the enemies of the United States. 
 The screech which arose from all parts of Seces- 
 sia furnishes another proof that this rebellion, 
 which was begun in falsehood, has been sus- 
 tained by falsehood alone. I will give here one 
 or two of the rebel comments. 
 
 The following "appeal" appeared in most of 
 the southern papers : 
 
 " An Appeal to every Southern Soldier. 
 — We turn to you in mute agony 1 Behold our 
 wrongs! Fathers 1 husbands! brothers! sons! 
 we know these bitter, burning wrongs will be 
 fully avenged — never did southern women ajj- 
 peal in vain for protection from insult! But, 
 for the sake of your sisters throughout the south, 
 with tears we implore you not to surrender 
 your cities, ' in consideration of the defenseless 
 women and children!' Do not leave your 
 women to the mercy of this merciless foe I 
 Would it not have been better for New Orleans 
 to have beeu laid in ruins, and \ve buried up 
 beneath the mass, than that we should be sub- 
 jected to these untold sufferings? Is life so 
 precious a boon that, lor the preservation of it, 
 
THE WOMAN ORDER. 
 
 91 
 
 no sacrifice is too great ? Ah, no 1 ah, no 1 
 Rather let us die with you, oh, our fathers I 
 Rather, like Virginius, plunge your own swords 
 into our breasts, saying, ' This is all we can 
 give our daughters.' 
 
 " The D.A.UGHTERS op New Orleans. 
 
 " New 0RI.EAN8, May 24, 1862."' 
 
 A fair and indignant Georgian wrote to one 
 of the newspapers of Savannah : 
 
 " Editor of the Republican : — Seeing your spir- 
 ited notice in this morning's paper, of the offer 
 of a noble Mississippian to give a reward of 
 $10,000 for the infamous Biiller's head, can you 
 Bot suggest, through your valuable journal, the 
 propriety of every woman in our Confederacy 
 contributing her mite to triple the sum, for a 
 consummation dear to the insulted honor of our 
 countrj'women, one and all ? 
 
 " Respectfully, A Savannah Woman. 
 
 " Savannah, June 10, 1862." 
 
 It pleased the Enghsh friends of the Confed- 
 eracy, to place upon Order No. 28, the same 
 preposterous construction. For them, however, 
 there was this e.xcuse : they had read " Napier's 
 History of the Peninsular "War." They knew 
 how savages in red coats had been wont to con- 
 duct themselves in captured cities, and naturally 
 concluded that patriots in blue would follow 
 their example. But it is difficult to believe in 
 the sincerity of noble lords and members of the 
 house of commons, when they adopted and 
 echoed back the rebel screech. We hesitate to 
 think that men intrusted with the government 
 of a great country can be so easily taken in. 
 
 Punch, too, whose laugh was always humane 
 and just, till the slaveholders of the southern 
 states rose in arms against ail that Englishmen 
 used to hold dear, had his little song on the 
 subject : 
 
 " Haynau's lash toie woman's back. 
 When she riz his dander. 
 Butler, by his edict black, 
 
 Stumps that famed commander. 
 Wreaking upon maid and dame 
 
 Savagery subtler : 
 None but Nena Sahib name 
 Along with General Butler. 
 
 Yankee doodle, doodle doo, 
 
 Yankee doodle dandy ; 
 Butler is a rare Yahoo, 
 As brave as Sepoy Pandy." 
 
 General Butler could not have been quite in- 
 different to vituperation like this — no man could 
 have been. He took no public notice of it at 
 the time, having more important affairs upon 
 his hands ; but among his private letters, there 
 is one which briefly vindicates the order. 
 
 "I am as jealous," he wrote, "of the good 
 opinion of my friends as I am careless of the 
 slanders of my enemies, and your kind expres- 
 sions with regard to Order 28 lead me to say a 
 word to you on the subject. 
 
 " That it could ever have been so miscon- 
 ceived as it has been by some portions of the 
 northern press, is wonderful, and would lead me 
 to exclaim, with the Jew, ' ! Father Abraham, 
 what these Christians are, whose own hard deal- 
 ings teach them to suspect the tlioughts of 
 others 1" 
 
 " What was the state of things to which the 
 woman order appUed? 
 
 " We were two thousand five hundrnd men, 
 in a city seven miles long by two to four wide, 
 of a hundred and fift}' thousand inhabitants, all 
 hostile, bitter, deiiant, explosive ; standing liter- 
 ally on a magazine, a spark only needed for de- 
 struction. The devil had entered the hearts of 
 the women of this town (you know seven of them 
 chose Mary Magdalene for a residence) to stir up 
 strife in every way possible. Every opprobious 
 epithet, every insulting gesture, was made by 
 these be-jeweled, crinolined and laced creatures, 
 calling themselves ladies, toward my soldiers 
 and officers, from the windows of houses and in 
 the streets. How long do you suppose our flesh 
 and blood could have stood this without retort? 
 That would have led to disturbances and riot, 
 from which we must have cleared the streets 
 with artillery — and then a howl tha; we had mur- 
 dered these tine women. I had arrested the 
 men who had hurrahed for Beauregard. Could 
 I arrest the women ? No. What was to be 
 done ? No order could be made save one which 
 would execute itself With anxious care, I 
 thought I bad hit upon this : " Women who 
 insult my soldiers are to be regarded and treated 
 as common women, plying their vocation.' 
 
 "Pray, how do you treat a common woman 
 plying her vocation in the streets? You pass 
 lier by unheeded. She cannot insult you. As 
 a gentleman, you can and will take no notice of 
 her. If she speaks, her words are not oppro- 
 brious. It is only when she becomes a continuous 
 and positive nuisance, that you call a watchman 
 and give her in charge to him. 
 
 " But some of the northern editors seem to 
 think that whenever one meets such a woman, 
 we must stop her, talk with her, insult her, hold 
 dalliance with her, and so from their osvu con- 
 duct they construed my order. 
 
 " The editor of the Boston Courier may so 
 deal with common women, and out of the abun- 
 dance of his heart his mouth may speak. But 
 so do not L 
 
 " Why, these she-adders of New Orleans 
 themselves were at once tamed into propriety oi 
 conduct by the order, and from that day no 
 woman has either insulted or annoyed any live 
 soldier or oSicer, and of a certainly no soldier 
 has insulted any woman. 
 
 " When I passed through Baltimore on the 
 23d or' February last, members of my staff were 
 insulted by the gestures of the ladies (?) there. 
 Not so in New Orleans. * * * 
 
 " I can only say that I would issue the order 
 again under like circumstances." 
 
 Among the women of New Orleans there were 
 some who knew how to maintain, and even 
 assert, their fidelity to the Confederate cause, 
 without forgetting the courtesy due to officers 
 of the United States, who were simply doing 
 tlieir duty. To such General Butler and his 
 staff were as complaisant as their duty permitted. 
 The case of Mrs. Slocomb and her daughter Mrs. 
 Urquhart, may he cited in illustration. These 
 ladies applied for a pass to er^able them to go 
 to their country house, but stated wilh courteous 
 frankness, that they could not lake the oath of 
 allegiance to the United States. At the be- 
 ginning of the war, they said, they had desired 
 the preservation of the Union : but now all their 
 male friends and connections were in the Con- 
 federate army ; one of them had lost a son, the 
 
02 
 
 EXECUTION OF MUMFORD. 
 
 other a brother, in the service ; and the}' were 
 LOW unaUerably devoted to the cause, which 
 they deemed just, noble and holy. General 
 Builer said to them, that he would make pu 
 exception to his rule and grant them the pass, 
 if they would give up their spacious town liouse 
 for the use of the United Stales during their 
 absence, as he required such a house for his 
 head-quarters. Mrs. Slocomb hesitated. With 
 tears in her eyes, she said that her house was 
 endeared to her by a thousand tender associa- 
 tions, and was now dearer to her than ever. 
 She did not see how she could give it up. 
 
 The general said, that he "experienced pe- 
 culiar pleasure in meeting ladies who, while 
 they were enemies to his country, were yet so 
 frank, so truthful and devoted, and remarked 
 that if New Orleaus had been defended by an 
 army of such women as Mrs. Urquhart, he be- 
 lieved the Union army would have had con- 
 siderable trouble in capturing the ciiy. In 
 regard to their house he assured them that, 
 although he had the power to take it, yet with- 
 out their permission it should not be occupied, 
 nor a brick of it be molested, unless indeed, the 
 city was ravaged by yellow fever, in which case 
 he might be obliged to take every house suitable 
 for hospital purposes ; and he added, if I can 
 find any other reason for making you an excep- 
 tion to my rule prohibiting passes to any who 
 refuse to take the oath, I will do it." 
 
 Happily, he found such a reason. A day or 
 two after he wrote to the ladies : " I have the 
 pleasure to inform you, that my necessities, 
 wliich caused the request for permission to use 
 your house during your absence this summer, 
 liave been relieved. I have taken the house of 
 General Twiggs, late of the United States Army, 
 for quarters. Inchned never on slight causes to 
 use the power intrusted to me to grieve even 
 sentiments only entitled to respect from the 
 courage and ladylike propriety of manner in 
 which they were avowed ; it is gratifying to be 
 enabled to yield to the appeal you made for 
 favor and protection by the United States. Yours 
 shall be the soliiar}'' exception to the general 
 rule adopted, that they who ask protection must 
 take upon themselves corresponding obligations 
 or do an equal favor to the government. 1 have 
 an aged mother at home, who, like you, might 
 request the inviolability of hearihstone and roof 
 tree from the presence of a stranger. For her 
 sake you shall have the pass you ask, which is 
 sent herewith. As I did myself the houor to 
 say personally, you may leave the city with no 
 fear that your house will be interfered with by 
 any exercise of military right ; but will be safe 
 under the laws of the Unit^'d States. Trusting 
 that the inexorable logic of events will convict 
 you of wrong toward your country, when all else 
 has tailed, 1 remain," etc. 
 
 Mrs. Slocomb acknowledged the favor : " Per- 
 mit me to return my sincere thanks for tiie 
 special permit to leave, which you have so kindly 
 granted to myself and family, as also for the 
 protection promised to my property. Knowing 
 that we have uo claim for any exception in our 
 favor, this generous act calls loudly upon our 
 grateful hearts, and hereafter while praying 
 earnestly tor the cause we love so much, we 
 shall never forget the liberality v/ith which our 
 request has been granted by one v/hose power 
 
 here reminds us painfully that our enemies are 
 more magnanimous than our citizeiis are brave." 
 Another instance. Mrs. Beauregard, tlie wife 
 of the Confederate general, and her mother, were 
 residing in the mansion of Slidell, the rebel 
 emissary to France, who had lent it to them 
 during his ab.'^ence. This house being seques- 
 tered, Lieutenant Kinsman went to take posses- 
 sion, not knowing by whom it was occupied. 
 Those distinguished and amiable ladies received 
 the officer with dignity and politeness. He 
 reported the fact of their occupation of the house 
 to the commanding general, who immediately 
 ordered that they should be allowed to reside in 
 it undisturbed. There they remained, honored 
 equally by the Union ofiBcers and by the people 
 of the city. 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 EXECUTION OF MUMFORD. 
 
 The crime for which Mumford suffered death 
 has been already related. If in the act of tearing 
 down the flag of his country, he had fallen dead 
 upon the roof of the Mint, from the fire of the 
 howitzers in the main-top of the Peiisacola, no 
 one could have charged aught against those who 
 had the honor of that flag in charge. His offense 
 was two-fold : he insulted the flag of hi.>^ country, 
 and endangered the lives of innocent fellow-citi- 
 zens by drawing the fire of the fleet. His life 
 was justlj- forfeited to the United States and to 
 New Orleans. His life, moreover, was not a val- 
 uable one ; he was one of those who live by prey- 
 ing upon society, not by serving it. He was a 
 professional gambler. Rather a fine looking man, 
 tall, black-bearded; age, forty-two. 
 
 After the occupation of the city by the troops, 
 he still appeared in the streets, bold, reckless and 
 defiant, one of the heroes of the populace. He 
 was seen even in front of the St. Charles hotel, 
 relating his exploit to a circle of admirers, boast- 
 ing of it, daring the Union authorities to molest 
 him. He did this once too. often. He was ar- 
 rested and tried by a military commission, who 
 condemned him to death, and General Butlpr ap- 
 proved the sentence, and ordered its execution. 
 
 During his trial and atler his condemnatioa, he 
 showed neither fear nor contrition ; evidently ex- 
 pected a commutation of his sentence, not believ- 
 ing that General Butler would dare execute it. 
 His Iriends, the Thugs and gamblers of the city, 
 opeul}' defied the general; resolved, in council 
 assembled, not to petition for his pardon ; bound 
 themselves to assassinate Genei'al Butler if Mum- 
 ford were hanged. These things were duly re- 
 ported to the general by his detective police, and 
 were a common topic of conver.sation in the city. 
 It was the almost universal belief that the con- 
 demned man would be brought to the gallows 
 and there reprieved — according to the cruel, 
 blank-cartridge mode of weak governments. 
 
 While the friends of Mumtbrd were thus build- 
 ing up a wall between him and the chance of 
 pardon, the case was further complicated by the 
 arrest and condemnation of the six paroled pris- 
 oners, part of the Monroe Guard, who had con- 
 spired to break away to the rebel camp. Their 
 sentence also, the general approved. 
 
EXECUTION OF MUMFORD. 
 
 93 
 
 Here were seveii men under sentence of death 
 at the same time — seven human lives hanging 
 upon the word of one man. General Butler is 
 not a person of the philanthropical or humanita- 
 rian cast of character; which is compatible with 
 strange hardness of heart toward individuals. 
 Nor is he unaware of the frightful cruelty to so- 
 ciety of pardoning men justly condemned. He is 
 abundantly capable of preferring the good of the 
 many to the convenience of one, and turning a 
 deaf ear to the entreaties of a criminal, when, on 
 the other hand, stands a wronged community ask- 
 ing protection, or an outraged country demanding 
 justice upon its mortal foes. The fluid that 
 courses his veins is blood, not milk and water. 
 Nevertheless, he has the feelings that belong to a 
 human being, and these seven forfeited lives hung 
 heavy upon his heart. 
 
 In the case of Mumford he had no misgivings. 
 He was able to endure the harrowing spectacle 
 of the man's wife and three children falling upon 
 their knees before him, begging the life of husband 
 and father, and yet keep firmly to a just resolve. 
 He was able to resist the tears and entreaties of 
 his own tender-hearted wife, whose judgment he 
 respected, to whose judgment he often deferred. 
 Far more easily was he able to defy and scorn the 
 threatenings of an impious elan of gamblers and 
 ruffians. Mumford must die. That was the de- 
 liberate and changeless fiat of his best judgment. 
 Nor was he easily induced to alter his deter- 
 mination with regard to the six paroled prisoners. 
 The events of the war had constantly deepened 
 in his mind a sense of the general cruelty of par- 
 dons. He could not but think that the LTuiou 
 armies would not have lost a hundred thousand 
 men by desertion, if, from the beginning, the just 
 penalty of death had been inexorably inflicted ; 
 no, nor one thousand ; perhaps not one hundred. 
 He had imbibed a horror of all those loose, ir- 
 resolute, chicken-hearted modes of proceeding, 
 which have cost the country such incalculable 
 suffering and blood. It is instinctive in such a 
 man to know that, in this world, the kindest, as 
 well as the wisest of all things, is the rigid ob- 
 servance of just law, the exact and prompt inflic- 
 tion of just penalty. So, between his sense of 
 what was due to those six men, and his anxious 
 consideration of extenuating circumstances, he 
 lived many distracted days and nights. He could 
 neither eat nor sleep. 
 
 The pressure upon him was intense, as it al- 
 ways is upon men whose word can save lives. 
 Every body pleaded for tliem. His own officers 
 besieged his ears for pardon. The officers of the 
 condemned besought it. Union men of the city im- 
 plored it. And at night, when the world was 
 shut out, there was still a voice to repeat the 
 auguments of the day. The si.x prisoners were 
 poor, simple, ignorant souls. One of them had 
 said, when arraigned before the commission, that 
 he did not understand anything about this pa- 
 roling. 
 
 "ParoHng," said he, "is for officers and gentle- 
 men : we are not gentlemen." 
 
 It is probable that this remark saved the lives 
 of them all, for it suggested the line of argument 
 and the kind of consideration which, probably, 
 had most to do with changing the general's re- 
 solve. " "We are not gentlemen," — an admission 
 which no northern prisoner would be likely to 
 make. At the south those words really have a 
 
 meaning ; the poor people there fed a difference 
 of rank between themselves and the lords of the 
 plantation, and recognize a lower grade of per- 
 sonal obligation. A gentlemen must keep his 
 word ; we poor people may get away if we can. 
 
 The earnest petition of those staunch Unionists 
 Mr. J. A. Rosier and Mr. T. J. Durant had great 
 weight with the general also. 
 
 " Tliese men," wrote they, "are justly liable to 
 the condign punishment which the military law 
 metes out to so grave and heinous an offense. 
 But a powerful government never diminishes its 
 strength by acts of clemency and mercy. No 
 doubt, General, these men were partly driven by 
 want, partly deluded, and have long been so; 
 superior minds have heretofore given ihem false 
 impressions, and they have been acting under 
 such views as have at last brought them to the 
 threshold of the grave. Unknown to us, eveu 
 from report, prior to their trial and condemnation, 
 we see in them only men and brethren who have 
 erreJ and are in danger. General, the event has 
 just shown that these men are unable to resist 
 the force of the government, or elude its vigilance 
 and the fidelity of its officers. ■ They are subdued 
 and powerless. Their case excites our commiser- 
 ation, and that of hundreds of others. We ask you 
 to have mercy upon them." 
 
 To this letter, whicli was received the day 
 before the one named for the execution, General 
 Butler replied : 
 
 " Of the justice which calls for the death of 
 these men I can have no doubt. The mercy it 
 would be to others, in like cases tempted to 
 offend, to have the terrible example of the pun- 
 ishment to which these misguided men are sen- 
 tenced, is the only matter left for discussion. 
 
 " Upon this question you who have suffered 
 for the Union, who have stood by it in evil and 
 in good report — you who have lived and are 
 hereafter to live in this city as your home, when 
 all are gathered again under the flag which has 
 been so foully outraged, and to whose vvrougs 
 these men's lives are forfeit — you who, I have 
 heard, exerted your talents to save the lives of 
 Union men in the hour of their peril, ought to 
 have a determining weight when your opinions 
 have been deliberately formed. You ask for 
 these men's lives. You shall have them. You 
 say that the clemency of the government is best 
 for the cause we all have at heart. Be it so. 
 You are likely to be better informed upon this 
 than I am. I have no wish to do an^-thing but 
 that which wiU show the men of Louisiana how 
 great a good they were tempted to tlirow away 
 when they were led to raise their hands against 
 the constitution and laws of the United States. 
 
 " If this example of mercy is lost upon those 
 in the .same situation, swift justice can overtake 
 others in like manner offending." 
 
 The men were reprieved, and consigned to 
 Ship Island " during the pleasure of the presi- 
 dent of the United States." This was on the 
 foui'th of June. Mumford was to die on the 
 seventh. 
 
 The scaffold was erected in front of the Mint, 
 near the scene of his crime. To the last minute 
 General Butler was earnestly implored to spare 
 him. The venerable Dr. Mercer, a man of 
 eighty honorable years, once the familiar friend 
 and frequent host of Henry Clay, a gentleman 
 of boundless generosity and benevolence, the 
 
94 
 
 GENERAL BUTLER AND THE FOREIGN CONSULS. 
 
 patron of all that redeemed New Orleans, came 
 to head-quarters an hour before the execution, 
 to ask for Mumford's life. 
 
 " Give me this man's life, General," said he, 
 while the tears rolled down his aged cheeks. 
 " It is but a scratch of your pen." 
 
 "True," replied general. 'But a scratch of 
 my pen could burn New Orleans. I could as 
 soon do the one act as the other. I think one 
 would be as wrong as the other." 
 
 In truth, the reprieve of the six had rendered 
 the saving of Mumford impossible. That act of 
 mercy, like all the rest of General Butler's acts 
 in New Orleans, was utterly misinterpreted by 
 the people, who attributed it to weakness and 
 cowardice. It was, and is, the conviction of the 
 best informed officers and Union citizens then in 
 New Orleans, that upon the question of hanging 
 or sparing Mumford depended the final suppres- 
 sion or the continued turbulence of the mob of 
 the city. Mumford hanged, the mob was sub- 
 dued. Mumford spared, the mob remained to 
 be quelled by final grape and canister. There 
 was absolutely needed for the peaceful govern- 
 ment of the city, a certxiinty that General Butler 
 dared hang a rebel. 
 
 Mumford met his doom with the composure 
 •with which bad men usually die. He said that 
 " the offense for which he was condemned was 
 committed under excitement, and he did not 
 consider he was suffering justly. He conjured 
 all who heard him to act justly to all men ; to 
 rear their children properly ; and when they 
 met death they would meet it firmly. He was 
 prepared to die ; and as he had never wronged 
 any one, he hoped to receive mercy." 
 
 An immense concourse beheld the execution. 
 The turbulent spirits of New Orleans drew the 
 proper inferences from the scene. Every one 
 concerned in the administration of justice in the 
 city felt a certain confidence, before unfelt, in 
 their abilit3' to rule the city without violence. 
 Every soldier felt safer; and the friends of the 
 Union had an assurance that, at length, they 
 were really on the stronger side. Order reigned 
 in "Warsaw. 
 
 The name of Mumford, if we may believe 
 Confederate newspapers, was immediately added 
 to the " roll of martyrs to the cause of liberty." 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 GENERAL BUTLER AND THE FOREIGN CONSULS. 
 
 " Whatever else may be said of business in 
 New Orleans," remarked the humorous Delta, 
 "one thing is certain, consuls are lower." 
 
 Consuls were very high indeed during the 
 first few weeks of the occupation of the city. 
 Their position in Now Orleans had been one of 
 first-rate importance during the rebellion ; for it 
 was chiefly through the foreign capitalists of the 
 city that the Confederacy had been supplied 
 with arms and munitions of war, and it had 
 been the congenial office of the consuls to afford 
 them aid and protection in that lucrative 
 business. They forgot that they were only con- 
 suls. They forgot the United States. Often 
 communicating directly with the cabinet minis- 
 ters of their countries, always flattered and 
 
 made much of by the supporters of the rebel- 
 lion, expecting with the most perfect confidence 
 the triumph of secession, representing powers 
 every one of which desired or counted upon its 
 success, they assumed the tone of embassidors; 
 they courted the power which they assumed 
 would finallj'- rule in New Orleaus, and held in 
 contempt or aversion the one to which they 
 were accredited. 
 
 These gentlemen gave General Butler more 
 trouble, caused him piore hard work, than any 
 other class in New Orleans. They opposed 
 every measure of his which could be supposed 
 to bear upon any man of foreign origin. Mr. 
 Se.ward was overrun with their protests, com- 
 plaints and petitions. If the secretary of the 
 treasury approved the commander of the Depart- 
 ment of the Gulf as the cheapest of generals, 
 the secretary of state found him much the most 
 troublesome. The correspondence relating to 
 this single subject would fill two or three 
 volumes as large as this. 
 
 A collision between the foreign consuls and 
 General Butler almost necessarily involved a 
 difference between General Butler and Mr. 
 Seward. The two men are moral antipodes. 
 Mr. Seward has too little. General Butler has 
 etiougli, of the spirit of warfare. Mr. Seward, 
 by the constitution of his mind and the habits 
 of thirty years, is a conciliator, one who shrinks 
 from the final ordeal, who is reluctant to face 
 the last consequences, skillful to postpone, ex- 
 plain away, and " make things pleasant." Gen- 
 eral Butler, on the contrary, rejoices in a clear 
 issue, goes. straight to the point, uses language 
 that bears but one meaning, and "takes the 
 responsibility" as naturally as he takes his 
 breakfast. Mr. Seward so dreaded the approach 
 of the war, that he was more than willing to 
 make concessions which would pass the final, 
 the inevitable conflict over to the next genera- 
 tion. General Butler picked up the glove with 
 a feeling akin to exultation, and adopted war as 
 the business of the country and his own, desir- 
 ing no pause till the controversy Wiis settled 
 absolutely and for ever. Mr. Seward regarded 
 the southern oligarchy as erring fellow-citizens, 
 who could be won back to their allegiance. 
 General Butler regarded them as traitors, utterly 
 incapable of conversion, who could be retidered 
 harmless only by being made powerless. Mr. 
 Seward, as the head of the foreign department, 
 felt that all his duties were subordinate to the 
 one cardinal, central object of his policy, the 
 maintenance of peace with foreign nations while 
 the rebellion showed front. General Butler, 
 always breasting the foremost wave of the rebel- 
 lion, could not be very sensitive to the gentle 
 murmurs of Mr. Seward's reception-room. The 
 men were subject to two opposite, antagonistic 
 magnetisms. General Butler was John Heenan 
 pegging away at Sayers, thinking of nothing 
 but getting in fair blows. Mr. Seward was the 
 distressed bottle-holder who wanted H'^'^an to 
 win, but thought Sayers too good a fellow to be 
 smashed. 
 
 Hence we find that when the foreign ministers 
 brought their complaints, to the department of 
 state, Mr. Seward generally, and at once, took 
 it for granted that General Butler was wrong. 
 He could do no other way, without insincerity. 
 The men are so essentially antagonistic, that no 
 
G-ENERAL BUTLER AND THE FOREIQ-N CONSULS. 
 
 96 
 
 really cbaracteristic act of either could fail to 
 excite in the other an instinctive disapproval. 
 
 Similar remarks applj- to Mr. Reverdy John- 
 son, of Maryland, the eminent and very able 
 lawyer who was sent by Mr. Seward to New 
 Orleans to investigate the consular imbroglio. 
 As a native of a Southern state, it was natural 
 that he should feel a certain degree of sympathy 
 with the suflering people of Louisiana, and 
 be disposed to take a favorable view of their 
 side of a dispute with General Butler. If, in 
 1862, he thought secession a mistake and a 
 crime, in all other particulars he was in accord 
 with bis southern friends. His heart and mind, 
 h"s friends and habits, were southern. In New 
 Orleans he associated almost exclusively with 
 secessionists — who felt, who avowed, who 
 boasted that he was their friend. Granting that 
 he had the most honorable intentions (I am sure 
 he had no other), it was not in human nature 
 that he should judge justly between General 
 Butler and the rebels of New Orleans. Nor can 
 we doubt that he was sent to New Orleans, and 
 knew that he was sent, to comply with the de- 
 mands of foreign powers, if it could be done 
 without concessions too palpably humiliating. 
 
 Here is the point : every one knows the 
 diflerence that may exist between a law case as 
 presented in the law p.'ipers, and the known 
 CictB of the case. A merchant, for example, 
 finds it convenient to " make over" his property 
 
 " " friend. The papers show that he has not 
 '"iar in the world, while the fact is, that he 
 
 iBsesses a quarter of a million. Every one in 
 the court may know the fact ; yet the p§,pers 
 carry the day. A bank may find it advanta^ous 
 to seem to possess no coin. Any lawyer can 
 suggest a mode by which this can be done, and 
 a judge in ordinary times might be obliged to 
 decide in accordance with the documents. What 
 General Butler would have liked was a com- 
 missioner who would have sought out the 
 hidden fiact,- not one who was content with tlie 
 paper case. But Mr. Seward was chiefly con- 
 cerned to keep the peace with foreign powers, to 
 deprive them not merely of all cause of complaint, 
 but of all pretext. Far be it from me to pre- 
 sume to say that he was wrong. " One at a 
 time" is a good rule, when a nation has a war 
 on its hands. His course may have beau jus- 
 tified by necessity. 
 
 It is impossible to detail here all the points of 
 collision between General Butler and the foreign 
 consuls. The more important cases were the 
 following : 
 
 CASE OF THE BRITISH GUARD. 
 
 The British Guard consisted of fifty or sixty 
 Englishmen, old residents of New Orleans, many 
 of them men of large properly and extensive 
 business. On returning to their armory, late in 
 the evening, after the disbanding of the Foreign 
 Legion, they had held a formal meeting, at which 
 it was voted to send their arms, accouterments, 
 and uniforms to the camp of General Beauregard. 
 On learning this, a few days after the occupation 
 of the city. General Butler sent for Captain 
 Burrows, the commander of the company, who 
 confessed the fact. The general then directed 
 him to order his company to leave New Orleans 
 within twenty -four hours ; and declared his in- 
 teutioa to arrest and confine in Fort Jackson 
 
 any who should fail to obey the order. Th» 
 violation of the law of neutralitj had been clear 
 and indefensible. These men had enjoyed for 
 many years the protection of the United States 
 government, under which they acquired wealth 
 and distinction, and then embraced the first 
 opportunity that had offered 1o give material aid 
 to its enemies. Captain Burrows could only 
 object that part of the company had been absent 
 from the meeting and it would be unfair to 
 punish the innocent with tlie guilty. General 
 Butler assented, and ordered those of the com- 
 pany who had not participated in the offense, to 
 appear before him with tlieir arms and uniforms, 
 the rest to obey the previour! order. 
 
 The acting British consul, Mr. George Coppell,. 
 hastened to interpose. He could not deny tha,, 
 the act charged against his countrymen was a 
 violation of the law ; but he said they had done 
 il with " no idea of wrong or harm." He en- 
 larged upon the inconveni(!nce it would be to 
 those iiighly respectable gentlemen to leave the 
 city, where their affairs were extensive and im- 
 portant. In fact, it would not be even " possible" 
 for some of them to leave ; and if General Butler 
 should persist, it would be the duty of the con- 
 sul to solemnly protest against the " verbal 
 order of questionable legality, the enforcement 
 of which would infringe the rights of British 
 subjects residing in New Orleans." 
 
 The general replied by recounting the facts 
 with the exactness of a lawyer. " These people 
 he added, " thought it of consequence that Beau- 
 regard should have sixty more uniforms and 
 rifles. I think it of the same consequence that 
 he should have sixty more of these faithless men, 
 who may fill them if they choose. I intend this 
 order to be strictly enforced. I am content for 
 the present to sufl'er open enemies to rem*iu in 
 the city of their nativity ; but law-defying and 
 treacherous alien enemies shall not. I welcome 
 all neutrals and foreigners who have kept aloof 
 from these troubles which have been brought 
 upon the city, and will, to the extent of my 
 power, protect them and their property. They 
 shall have the same hospitable and just treat- 
 ment tliey have always received at the hands 
 of the United States government. They will 
 see, however, for themselves, that it is for the 
 interest of all to have the unworthy among 
 them rooted out ; because the acts of such 
 bring suspicion upon alL All the facts above 
 set forth can easily be substantiated, and in- 
 deed, are all evasively admitted in your note by 
 the very apology made for them. That apology 
 says, that these men, when they took this action 
 — sent these arms and munitions of war to 
 Beauregard — ' did it with no idea of wrong or 
 harm.' I do not understand this. Can it be 
 that such men, of age to enroll themselves as a 
 miUtary body, did not know that it was wrong 
 to supply the enemies of the United States with 
 arms ? If so, I tliink they should be absent 
 from the city long enough to learn so much inter- 
 national law ; or do you mean to say, knowing 
 their social proclivities, and the lateness of the 
 hour when the vote was taken, therefore they 
 were not responsible ? There is another difii- 
 cuity, however, in those people taking any pro- 
 tection under the Biitish flag. The company 
 received a charter or commission, or some form 
 of rebel authorization from the governor of 
 
96 
 
 GENERAL BUTLER AND THE FOREIGN CONSULS. 
 
 Louisiana, and one of them, wliom I have under 
 arrest, accompanied him to the rebel camp. 
 There is still another difficulty. I am iiaformed, 
 and believe that a majority of them have made 
 declarations of their intentions t© become citizens 
 of tlie United States, and of the supposed Con- 
 federate States, and have taken the proper and 
 improper oaths of allegiance to effect that pur- 
 pose." 
 
 The order was executed. Every member of 
 the company (for none of them could produce his 
 arms or uniform) fled from the •city, except the 
 captain and one other. These two found them- 
 selves prisoners in Port Jackson. Mr. Coppell 
 related the case to Lord Lyons, who laid it before 
 Mr. Seward. The secretary of state admitted the 
 illegality of the act committed by the British 
 Guard; but, in effect, recommended Captain 
 Burrows and his friend to the mercy of the com- 
 manding general, and advised their release. Ac- 
 cordingly, afler several weeks' detention, they 
 were set at liberty. 
 
 General Butler, justly offended at the tone and 
 substance of Mr Coppelfs remonstrance, intimated 
 to that gentleman that, though he signed himself 
 "Her Britannic Majesty's Acting Consul," he had 
 exhibited no proof of his right to that honorable 
 designation. "The respect," said General Butler, 
 ■" which I feel for that government leads me to 
 err, if at all, upon the side of recognition of your 
 •claims, and those of its officers ; but I take leave 
 to call your attention to the fact that you sub- 
 scribed yourself 'Her Britannic Majesty's Acting 
 Consul,' and that I have received no official infor- 
 mation of any right you may have so to act, ex- 
 cept your acts alone, and pardon me if I err in 
 saying, that your acts in that capacity, which 
 liave come to my knowledge, have not been of 
 such character as to induce the belief on my part, 
 that you rightfully represent that noble govern- 
 ment." 
 
 It happened that Mr. Coppell could not produce 
 the necessary documents. As he continued to in- 
 terfere with General Butler's measures, and that 
 too, in the style of a resident unfriendly minister, 
 the general had the pleasure of refusing to recog- 
 nize him, and he remained without official char- 
 acter until he could pr'ooure from Washington the 
 necessary proofs of his appointment. 
 
 Case of Charles Heidsieck. 
 
 This individual, it appears, was the head of the 
 great French house of dealers in Heidsieck cham- 
 pagne. He was a native and citizen of France, 
 but had come to the southern states to look after 
 delinquent creditors, and had resided, for some 
 time, ill Mobile. He entered his name upon the 
 books of ihe Djok Keys and the Natchez, steam- 
 boats permitted by General Butler to convey 
 provisions to New Orleans, as bar-tender; made 
 live trips in that disguise, and brought to and 
 liom Aiobile a very large quantity of letters, 
 several of which, containing treasonable infor- 
 mation, were sent v,,^ Washington by General 
 Jiuilor. As lliedsieck was departing for Fort 
 Jackson, he called on his consul for help. " I 
 have the honor," he wrote, " to ask you to see 
 whiit you have to do for me in this matter, hav- 
 ing come and left this city under a flag of truce." 
 What the consul concluded he had to do for him 
 we shall see in a momeat. After several 
 
 months' imprisonment at Fort Jacksoa and "Port 
 Pickens, he was released by orders from Wabh- 
 ington. He then forwarded to the Government 
 a memorial, in the French manner, asking repa- 
 ration for his detention. This impudent claim 
 from a man who only escaped the ignominious 
 death of a spy by the clemency of the govern- 
 ment, elicited from General Butler an amusing 
 narrative of the case, which the evidence before 
 me at this moment proves to be true in every 
 particular. 
 
 " The facts with regard to Heidsieck may be 
 ^ated in a word. I learned that intelligence was 
 being conveyed to New Orleans and Mobile for 
 the rebels. I believed the ;ity agent to be trust- 
 worthy. There was no cha anel except the em- 
 ployes of the boat, no passengers being allowed. 
 I caused an inquiry to be made, and found 
 Heidsieck on board in disguise, and that he spent 
 all his time, between trips, in this city. Before 
 I had the facts reported to me, he had gone to 
 Mobile with the last trip of the steamer. It may 
 be assumed I was glad to see him, when he re- 
 turned, iu his true character of ' bearer of dis- 
 patches. ' I arrested him as a spy — I confined 
 him as a spy — I should have tried him as a spy, 
 and hanged him upon conviction as a spy, if I 
 had not been interfered with by the government 
 at Washington. 
 
 " He had, when arrested, a canvas wrapper, of 
 the size of a peck measure, firmly bound up with 
 cords, covering letters from the French, Svvis.s, 
 Spanish, Prussian, and Belgian consuls, also a 
 great number ofletters to private persons, mostly 
 rebels, or worse, intermeddling foreigners, con- 
 taining contraband intelligence. A portion of 
 these letters were forwarded to the honorable 
 secretary of state, in December last, by me. To 
 show the utter falsity of Heidsieck's narrative, 
 let me advert to his statement, that he stole 
 away a paper which, he says, ' I recognized as 
 the envelope of my dispatches; the envelope, by 
 the folds, to which the remnant of the seals still 
 adhered, which could alone give to M. De Mejan 
 the correct idea of the bulk of the dispatches.' 
 It will be recollected that it has already been 
 stated by me that the letters were inclosed in a 
 canvas wrapper, tied up with cord, which Heid- 
 sieck, in his memorial, represents me as being 
 engaged for some minutes in ' cutting and break- 
 ing. ' How then could any paper siiovv the size 
 of the package ? I seat Heidsieck to Fort Jack- 
 son, which was, at that time, the only military 
 prison in my department, and where confine- 
 ments were usually made. Immediately after 
 his arrest, the French consul notified me that he 
 had referred the matter to his minister at Wash- 
 ington, and I accordingly sent my dispatch to 
 the secrotaiy of state, and rested in taking meas- 
 ures for the trial until I received instructions 
 from tlie government. 
 
 " A number of French residents of New Or- 
 leans, however, petitioned me as an act of grace 
 to release Heidsieck, and allow him to go to 
 JSurope, to remain during the war. I finally con- 
 sented, and gave orders for his release upon thvit 
 condition, as an act of clemency. For tliis order 
 his friends were very grateful, and so expressed 
 themselves both by letter and in person. This 
 parole was declined by Heidsieck, although 1 
 supposed the appiica '.ion had been made by hi? 
 consent and his pro 3urement. Perhaps, how 
 
GENERAL BUTLER AND THE FOREIGN CONSULS. 
 
 97 
 
 «ver, this refusal may be explained by the fact 
 stated iu his memorial, that the French consul, 
 two days afterward, started for Washingtoa ' on 
 my account.' 
 
 " It will be seen, in all points, Heidsieck 
 •claims that all suspicion should be diverted Irom 
 himself as to his neutrality, because he was act- 
 ing in concert wilh Count Mejan, the French con- 
 sul at New Orleans; but it will not escape recol- 
 lection that M. Mejan's own propriety of conduct 
 and neutrality has, by subsequent revelations, 
 been shown to be worse than doubtful — the re- 
 pository of almost a half million of specie loaned 
 by the Bank of New Orleans to the Confederate 
 government, for the purpose of purchasing army 
 clothing, and receiving a commiasion for his 
 agency. Count Mejan has been, very properly, 
 recalled by his government, and can hardly, by 
 his character, cover the suspected acts of Heid- 
 sieck traveling between rebel cities in the guise 
 of a bar-tender. 
 
 " He now desires reparation for his confine- 
 ment. Let Heidsieck be ordered back into con- 
 finement ; let a court-martial of impartial officers 
 at New Orleans be ordered to try him as a spy, 
 with a competent judge advocate ; and if he is 
 acquitted, I pledge myself to the extent of my 
 private means, to make good to him all he has 
 suffered, provided his government will agree, 
 that if found guilty, he shall be hanged, as he 
 ought to be without any intervention on its part. 
 
 " If Heidsieck had not been taken out of my 
 hands by the action of ray government, I should 
 have ordered him before a court for trial, and I 
 believe he would have suffered for his crimes 
 against the country that had given him the 
 protection of its laws." 
 
 So much for Charles Heidsieck, bar-tender and 
 dealer in champagne. We come now to an 
 affair tJiat made more noise iu the world. 
 
 SEIZURE OP $800,000 IN SILVER. 
 
 To justify the seizure of this mass of coin, it is 
 mot necessary to prove that it constituted part of 
 the cash capital of the Confederate government, 
 or that it was secreted for the purpose of de- 
 frauding the creditors of the Citizens' Bank, from 
 the vaults of which it was so suddenly removed 
 before the occupation of the city. It is only 
 necessary to show that there existed strong 
 grounds of suspicion with regard to it. The 
 silver was not confiscated, it was merely seized 
 and held for adjudication. The rebel govern- 
 ment, at the beginning of the war, had not been 
 content merely to seize and hold the coin in the 
 mint and sub-treasury of the United States; but 
 had appropriated the same to its own purposes. 
 The subjects of that government had not merely 
 postponed the payment of the two or three 
 liuudred millions which they owed northern mer- 
 chauis and manufacturers ; but had first repu- 
 diated the debts, and then proceeded to place it 
 for ever beyond their power to pay them ; to say 
 nothing of the universal confiscation of property 
 in the South which belonged to northern men. 
 This silver, on the contrary, was seized 'and 
 detained, merely that the extremely suspicious 
 circumstances of its concealment might be inves- 
 tigated. 
 
 Let me remark, first, that the mysterious 
 
 morning, from the Citizens' Bank to the Dutch 
 consulate, was condenmed, at the time of the 
 transfer, by the True Delta, a secession paper ; 
 and condemned on grounds siiown, in 1863, 
 io be just. •' If we are correctly informed," said 
 the True Bella of April 26th, '' tlie coin which 
 has taken wings from the Citizens' Bank is trans- 
 ferred to Dutch hands to discharge indebtedness 
 in Holland not yet for some time due, and for 
 which the bank advancing the specie is no more 
 responsible than is any other living institution 
 in this place. Were it otherwise, however, were 
 the debt its own we can not see the propriety 
 at a time like this, to deplete its vaults to antici- 
 pate a debt, or to pay a foreign creditor prefer- 
 entially." It thus appears that the transaction, 
 though imperfectly understood, made upon the 
 honest mind of John Maginnis, editor of the 
 True JJtUa, precisely the same impression that 
 it made upon General Butler. 
 
 A few days after the landing of the troops, a 
 negro informed Lieutenant Kinsman that an 
 immense number of kegs of silver had been 
 taken to the store of a Frenchman named Con- 
 turie, a liquor dealer, and .secreted in a large 
 vault; in testimony whereof the negro produced 
 a Bible in which he had made some hieroglyphic 
 entry of the fact, with a view Io its being com- 
 municated to the Union general when he should 
 arrive. Farther inquiry substantiating tlie ne- 
 gro's story. General Butler sent Captain Shipley 
 of the Thirtieth Massachusetts, with a file of six 
 or eight soldiers, to examine the office of M. 
 Uouturie, who proved to be the consul of the 
 Netherlands. At two in the afternoon of May 
 lOtli, (Japtain Shipley presented himself at the 
 consulute. It appeared to be an insurance office, 
 though the consular flag of the Netherlands was 
 flying over the door. M. Conturie was found, and 
 Captain Shipley, with marked courtesy, informed 
 him of the object of his visit, adding, that he was 
 ordered to prevent the departure of persons or 
 property from the building. M. Conturie, with 
 needless vehemence, and iu a style that savored 
 of the dramatic, said : 
 
 '' I am the consul of the Netherlands. Thia 
 is the office of my consulate. I protest against 
 any such violation of it." 
 
 He solemnly declared, and many times de- 
 clared, that the part of the building occupied by 
 him contained nothing but the property belong- 
 ing or appertaining to the consulate, or to him- 
 self as an individual. He positively refused to 
 allow the vault or office to be searched. After 
 some further conversation Tith Captain Shipley, 
 he wrote a note to the Count Mejan, consul- 
 general of France, which he requested might be 
 sent to that personage, as he wisiied to consult 
 with him. Very naturally ; for the Count Me- 
 jan was more deeply involved iu the secretion 
 of coin than M. Conturie. Captain Shipley 
 promised to send the note to the French consul, 
 provided it was approved at head-quarters. To 
 head-quarters he accordingly repaired, leaving 
 Conturie a prisoner in his consulate. 
 
 The general decided that M. ConLurie's note 
 should not be forwarded to the French consul, 
 whom the affair did in no way concern. Captain 
 Shipley reappeared at the Dutch consulate com- 
 municated liis intention to search the premises, 
 and demanded of M. Conturie the key of the 
 
 transfer of the silver, in the quiet of a Sunday I vault. The consul refused to deliver it. 
 
98 
 
 GENERAL BUTLER AND THE FOREIGN CONSULS. 
 
 " Then I sball be obliged to force the door," 
 said the captain. 
 
 " With regard to tliat, you will do as you 
 please," said Couturie, who again protested 
 against the violation of his office and flag. 
 
 As Captain Shipley had not the means of 
 forcing the vault, he was again compelled to 
 return to head-quarters. As he turned to go, 
 the consul said : 
 
 " Sir, am I to understand that my consular 
 office is taken possession of, and myself am 
 arrested by you; and that, too, by order of 
 Major-General Butler ?" 
 
 "Yes, sir," replied Captain Shipley. 
 
 General Butler, upon receiving the captain's 
 report, sent him back to the consulate, accom- 
 panied bj' Lieutenant Kinsman, of his stafif, an 
 officer peculiarly well fitted for extracting a key 
 from a contumacious consul — a gentleman per- 
 fectly capable of the suaviter in mode, but equally 
 versed in thbfortitcr in re. To the consul, Lieu- 
 tenant Kinsman politely said : 
 
 " Sir, I wish to look into your vault ?" 
 
 Tlie consul replied : •' It contains only my 
 private effects, and tlie property of the con- 
 sulate." 
 
 Lieutenant Kinsman: ''Sir, I wish to look 
 into your vault. Give me the key. ' 
 
 " Mr. Conturie : " I will not." 
 
 Lieutenant Kinsman to officers ; " Search the 
 office. Break open, if need be, the doors of the 
 vault." 
 
 Mr. Conturie, rising; "I, Amedie Conturie, 
 Consul of the Netherlands, protest against any 
 occupation or search of my office ; and this I do 
 in the name of my government. The name of 
 my consulate is over the door, and my flag floats 
 over my head. If I cede, it is to force alone." 
 
 The search began. Conturie then said, it 
 would be of no use to search the office, for the 
 key of the vault was upon his own person. 
 
 Lieutenant Kinsman to officers: "Search this 
 man." 
 
 Captain Shipley and Lieutenant Whitcomb, 
 approached " this man" to obej- the order. 
 
 Lieutenant Kinsman: "Search the fellow 
 thoroughly. Strip him. Take off his coat, his 
 stockings. Search even the soles of his shoes." 
 
 M. Conturie : " You call me fellow 1 That 
 word is never applied to a gentleman, far less to 
 a foreign consul, acting in his consular capacity, 
 as I am now. I ask you to remember that you 
 used that word." 
 
 Lieutenant Kinsman: "Certainly; fellow is 
 the name I applied to you. I don't care, if you 
 were the consul of Jerusalem ; I am going to 
 look into your vault." 
 
 One of the officers took a key from the coat- 
 pocket of the consul, which proved not to be the 
 one required. Conturie then made a slight 
 movement, which plainly said, that the pocket to 
 look into, was a certain one in bis pantaloons. 
 The silent hint was taken. The key was found. 
 The vault was opened ; and, lo ! a cord and a 
 half of kegs of silver coin, marked " Hope & Co." 
 The kegs were one hundred and sixty in number, 
 each containing five thousand Mexican dollars. 
 Many other articles were found in the vault — tin 
 boxes, containing bonds of the cities of New Or- 
 leans and Mobile, the consul's exquatur and 
 other papers belonging to him. Certain dies, 
 bank-plates, and engraving tools o' the Citizens 
 
 I Bank, were also discovered. A subsequent 
 j search brought to light pktes of the Confederate 
 I treasury notes, and some of the paper upon which 
 I the notes were usually printed. Such were the 
 articles which the veracious Conturie declared 
 ! were the property of his consulate and of himself. 
 1 The consul was released early in the evening. 
 The next day, the .silver, three wagon loads, and 
 all the other articles found in the vault, were re- 
 moved to the Mint, and the office was vacated 
 by the troops. The Confederate plates were for- 
 warded to "Washington, where they now are; 
 the rest of the property was held, subject to the 
 disposal of the government. 
 
 M. Conturie immediately drew up a narrative 
 of what had occurred, suppressing his declarations, 
 so emphatic, so oft repeated, that the vault con- 
 tained nothing but his own and consular proper- 
 ty, and complaining bitterly of Lieutenant Kins- 
 man's strong language and stronger measures. 
 This he sent to General Butler, who thus replied : 
 " Your communication of the 10th instant is 
 received. The nature of the property found con- 
 cealed beneath your consular flag — the specie, 
 dies, and plates of the Citizens" Bank of New Or- 
 leans — under a claim that it was private property, 
 which claim is now admitted to be groundless, 
 shows you have merited, so far as I can judge, 
 the treatment you have received, even if a little 
 rough. Having prostituted your flag to a base 
 purpose, you could not hope to have it respected 
 so debased." 
 
 May 12th — Every consul in New Orleans, ex- 
 cept the Mexican, to the number of nineteen, 
 joined in protesting against "the indignity," "the 
 severe ill-usage," and the " imprisonment for 
 several hours," to which the sacred person of M.^ 
 Conturie had been subjected. 
 General Butler replied : 
 '• Messes. : I have the protest which you 
 have thought it proper to make in regard to the 
 action of my officers toward the consul of the 
 Netherlands, which action I approve and sustain. 
 I am grieved that, without investigation of the 
 facts, you, Messrs., should have thought it your 
 duty to take action in the matter. The fact will 
 appear to be, and easily to be demonstrated at 
 the proper time, that the flag of the Netherlands- 
 was made lo cover and conceal property of an in- 
 corporated company of Louisiana, secreted under 
 it from the operation of the laws of the United 
 States. That the supposed fact that the consul 
 had under the flag only the property of Hope & 
 Co., citizens of the Netherlands, is untrue. He 
 had other property which could not by law be 
 his property, or the property of Hope & Co. ; ot 
 this I have abundant proof in my own hands. 
 No person can excel me in the respect which I 
 shall pay to the flags of all nations, and to the 
 consulate authority, even while I do not recog- 
 nize many claims made under them ; but I wish 
 it most distinctly understood that, in order to be 
 respected, tlie consul, his office, and the use of 
 his flag, must each and all be respectable." 
 
 M. Couturie's next step was, of course, to sub- 
 mit the case to Mr. Van Limburg, the minister 
 of the Netherlands at Washington, wlio, in turn, 
 laid it before Mr. Seward, with all the exagger- 
 ations of Conturie's narrative. Mr. Van Lim- 
 burg is a very respectable and learned gentle- 
 men. It is pleasing to notice with what joyful 
 alacrity he embraced the opportunity of writing. 
 
GENERAL BUTLER AND THE FOREIGN CONSULS. 
 
 99 
 
 loug and erudite dispatches, such as has rarely 
 fallen to the lot of a minister of the Netherlands 
 residing at Washington. The ponderous dis- 
 patches with which this worthy gentlemen kept 
 Mr. Seward busyduring the summer of 18G2, are 
 they not attached to the president's message ? 
 from page 625 to page 652. They are there. 
 witli all their Latin quotations considerately trans- 
 lated. '• Jusricia, regnorum fundamentum (jus- 
 tice is the foundation of kingdoms)." To de- 
 scribe these dispatches it is only necessary to say 
 that they are precisely such as Dominie Samson 
 would have written, had he been minister of the 
 Netherlands in the year 1862, at the city of 
 Washington. 
 
 Mr. Seward, in reply to Mr. Van Limburg's 
 first dispatch, said, that he thought the consul 
 had done wrong, but not so wrong as to justify 
 the roughness of Lieutenant Kinsman. " It ap- 
 pears," said the secretary of state, '• beyond dis- 
 pute, that the person of the consul was unneces- 
 sarily and rudely searched ; that certain papers 
 which inconlestably were archives of the consu- 
 late, weva seized and removed, and that they are 
 still withheld from him ; and tllat he was not 
 only denied the privilege of conferring with a 
 friendly colleague, but was addressed in very dis- 
 courteous and disrespectful language. In these 
 proceedings the military agents assumed ftinctions 
 
 ernment with which the United States have lived 
 in amity for so many years." 
 
 Mr. Van Limburg declined joining in the in- 
 vestigation. The United States, he said, must 
 investigate the actions of its servants. For Mm 
 to take part in it, would be to acknowledge that 
 General Butlers conduct was possibly right. 
 Besides, no seals had been placed upon the kegs 
 and boxes, and these contained the very evidence 
 of the consul's innocence. " It is for Major-Gen- 
 eral Butler to prove what he alleges. Ei iucum- 
 bii j)rohaUo qui dicit, non qui negat (the burden 
 of the proof lies upon him who asserts, not upon 
 him who denies), says the Pandects. It is not 
 for me, it is not for our consul, to .prove that he 
 is innocent. Prima facie the money delivered 
 by the ' Citizens' Bank' to the agent of the house 
 of Hope & Co., to be transmitted to that house, 
 or to be deposited with the consul of the Nether- 
 lands, is a legitimate money legitimately trans- 
 ferred. I could not, without having received the 
 orders of the government of the king, participate 
 in any manner in an investigation which would 
 tend to investigate that which I could not put in 
 doubt — the good faith of the agent of the house 
 of Hope & Co., the moral impossibility that that 
 honorable house should lend itself to any culpa- 
 ble underplot, the good faith of the consul of the 
 Netherlands. QuiUbet proesumiter Justus donee 
 
 which belonged exclusively to the department of I probitur contrarium (every one is to be presumed 
 state, acting under the direction of the president, honest until the contrary is proven), saith the 
 Their conduct was a violation of the law of na- ancient universal rule of justice." If any charge 
 tions, and of the comity due from this country to is made against the consul, we will investigate 
 a friendly foreign state. The government disap- that. And if General Butler is guilty of the acta 
 proves of these proceedings, and also the sanction charged bj' Conturie, we expect his — in fact — 
 which was given to them by Major-General But- ! removal. Meantime, what is the status of M. 
 
 ler, and expresses its regret that the misconduct 
 thus censured has occurred." 
 
 This is a curious passage. It appears to say, 
 that only the secretary of state, acting under the 
 authority of the president, has the right to put 
 his hand into a consul's pocket, and take out a 
 key. Lieutenant Kinsman, one day in Washing- 
 ton, asked Mr. Seward what was the next thing 
 to do after Conturie refused to give up the key ? 
 The secretary did not answer the question. It 
 certainly was a puzzler. 
 
 Mr. Seward farther informed Mr. Van Limburg 
 that the president had appointed a mihtary gov- 
 ernor of Louisiana, Greueral Shepley, "who has 
 been instructed to pay duo respect to all consular 
 rights and privileges, and a commissioner will at 
 once proceed to New Orleans to investigate the 
 transaction which has been detailed, and take 
 evidence concerning the title of the specie, and 
 bonds, and other property in question, with a 
 view to a disposition of the same, according to 
 international law and justice. You are invited 
 to designate any proper person to join such com- 
 missioner, and attend his investigations. This 
 government holds itself responsible for the mone}'- 
 and the bonds in question, to deliver them up to 
 the consul, or to Hope «fe Co., if they shall appear 
 to belong to them. The consular commission 
 aud exequatur, together with all the private pa- 
 pers, will be immediately returned to M. Con- 
 turie, and he will be allowed to resume, and, for 
 the present, exercise his official functions. Should 
 the facts, when ascertained, justify a representa- 
 tion to you of misconduct on his part, it will in 
 due time be made, with the confidence that the 
 
 Conturie ? Is he consul, or is he not ? 
 
 Mr. Seward had informed the minister, that M 
 Conturie would be " allowed" to resume bis 
 functions at once, before the aflfair had been in- 
 vestigated. The minister demanded that he 
 should be ^'■invited"' to do so. Mr. Seward re- 
 plied : " I have no objection to your writing to 
 the consul that it is the president's expectation 
 that he will resume and continue in the discharge 
 of his official functions untU there shall be far- 
 ther occasion for him to relinquish them." The 
 minister rejoined : " I regret, sir, not to be able 
 to accept that formula without submitting it to 
 the judgment of the government of the king." 
 The minister more than carried his point; for 
 we find Mr. Seward writing to him soon after, 
 that, '^ sinmltaneoii^ly ivith the appointment of Mr. 
 Johnson as commissioner, Major-General Butler 
 was relieved of his functions as military gover- 
 nor of New Orleans, and Brigadier-General Shep- 
 ley was appointed military governor of that 
 city ; the military authorities were at the same 
 time directed to invite M. Conturie to resume his 
 consular functions." 
 
 True, the appointment of a military governor 
 was a mere diplomatic fiction, which did not in 
 the slightest degree aftect General Butler's posi- 
 tion or power. In the view of the world, how- 
 ever, he was both censured and degraded ; and 
 that too, upon the extravagant, unsupported tes- 
 timony of a foreign consul, whose conduct the 
 secretary of state himself had censured. The 
 public was not informed, as General Butler was 
 informed by a member of the cabinet, that Gen- 
 eral Shepley was selected for tlie militaiy gover- 
 
 subject will receive just consideration by a gov- norship, because he was supposed to be the most 
 
100 
 
 GENERAL BUTLER AND THE FOREIGN CONSULS. 
 
 acceptable ofScer to General Butler, who had al- 
 ready made him the military governor of the city. 
 
 To those who believe that the first duty of a 
 government is to stand by its faithful servants, 
 this mode of " backing" General Butler in his 
 difficult position will not commend itself. Whe- 
 ther General Butler's course had been right or 
 wrong, was a question upon which there could 
 have been two opinions ; and Mr. Reverdy John- 
 Son was sent to New Orleans to ascertain which 
 of those opinions was correct. There could be 
 but one opinion respecting the conduct of the 
 consul of the Netherlands, who had lent the pro- 
 tection of his flag to property designed to sup- 
 port the credit of the armed foes of the power to 
 which he was accredited. I cannot conceive 
 what there was in the position of the Dutch 
 minister, or the power he represented, to justify 
 this unquestioning haste to concede everything 
 which they thought proper to demand. 
 
 The commissioner selected to go to New Or- 
 leans, and investigate the consular imbroglio, 
 arrived early in June, and was ready to begin 
 his inquiries on the tenth. General Butler re- 
 ceived Mr. Johnson with every courtesy, invited 
 him to reside at head-quarters, and did all that 
 in him lay to facilitate his investigations. Mr. 
 Johnson was equally polite, though he dechned the 
 general's invitation with regard to his residence. 
 He spent six weeks in investigating the several 
 cases of collision between General Butler and 
 the consuls. 
 
 It appeared that on the 24th of February, 
 1862, the Citizens' Bank of New Orleans had 
 conceived the idea of suddenly getting rid of a 
 great part of its coin. With regard to the eight 
 hundred thousand dollars deposited in the vault 
 of M. Conturie, the following resolutions were 
 shown to Mr. Johnson on the books of the bank: 
 
 " Whereas, the present rate of exchange on 
 Europe would entail a ruinous loss in this bank 
 for such sums as are due semi-annually in Am- 
 sterdam for the interest on the state bonds. 
 
 '■^Beit therefore resoleved, That the President 
 be and is hereby authorized to make a special 
 deposit of eight hundred thousand dollars ($800,- 
 000) in Mexican dollars in the hands of Messrs. 
 Hope & Co., of Amsterdam, Holland, agents of 
 the bond-holdei-s in Europe, through their au- 
 thorized agent, Edmund J. Forstall, Esq., for the 
 purpose of providing for the interest on said 
 bonds. 
 
 " Be it further resolved, That such portions of 
 tne above sum as may be required from time to 
 time to pay the interest accruing on the state 
 bonds shall be so applied by Messrs. Hope & 
 Co., provided, however, that the bank shall have 
 the option of redeeming an equivalent amount 
 Id coin by approved sterling exchange to the 
 satisfaction of the agents of Messrs. Hope & Co. ; 
 and provided farther, that in the event of the 
 blockade of this port not being raised in time to 
 allow of the shipment of the said coin, then the 
 said Edmund J. Forstall will arrange with 
 Messrs. Hope & Co. for the necessary advances 
 to protect the credit of the state and of the bank 
 until such time as the coin can go forward to 
 liquidate said debt ; but no commission shall be 
 allowed for such shipment of coin or any other 
 expenses, except those actually incurred; and 
 on the resumption of specie payment by this 
 
 bank this trust to cease and the balance of coin 
 to be returned to the bank." 
 
 The papers farther showed, that on the 12th 
 of April, the agent of Messrs. Hope & Co., " with 
 a view to their better security in such times of 
 excitement, deemed it his duty to withdraw the 
 said sum of eight hundred thousand dollars, al- 
 ready marked and prepared for shipment, say, 
 one hundred and sixty kegs, Hope & Co.j con- 
 taining five thousand dollars each, and to place 
 the same under the protection of the consul of 
 the Netherlands, Arnadie Conturie, Esq., for 
 which he held his receipt." 
 
 It also appeared, that two days after the re- 
 moval of this large sum, the bank sold other coin 
 amounting to seven hundred and sixteen thou- 
 sand one hundred and ninety-six dollars, to the 
 French bankers, Messrs. Dupasseur & Co., which 
 they paid for in drafts upon bankers in Paris and 
 Havre. This coin was deposited in the French 
 consulate, where it was seized by General But- 
 ler, and where, for the present, we will leave it. 
 
 Now, what did these strange transactions 
 mean ? The paper case was plain enough, and 
 Mr. Johnson thought it his duty to decide ac- 
 cording to the papers, and give up all the coin, 
 and all the articles found with it, except the 
 plates of the Confederate treasury notea But 
 the decision, though it satisfied the secretary 
 of state, does not even appease the curiosity 
 of a disinterested reader. Surely there was 
 ground for suspicion here. The attempted trans- 
 fer of so large an amount of coin to Europe, from 
 the chief city of the rebel government, at a time 
 when all legitimate commerce had ceased, was 
 certainly a matter demanding the attention of 
 the commanding general. 
 
 Mr. Forstall, the New Orleans agent of Hope 
 & Co., in a letter to that eminent house, written 
 three days atter the seizure of the coin, gives a 
 history of the affair, from which it appears, that 
 the solicitude professed by the bank for the in- 
 terests of Hope & Co., was not shared by the agent 
 of Hope & Co., who strongly advised another dis- 
 position of the silver, and accepted it with reluc- 
 tance and doubt. It also appears that the office 
 claimed by Conturie as tlie consulate of the 
 Netherlands, was nothing but a vault, hired by 
 him for the sole purpose of hiding the cpin. Mr. 
 Forstall's letter farther shows, that the explana- 
 tion of the transfer of the coin, which Mr. John- 
 son read upon the books of the bank, was a 
 fiction. 
 
 I believe this ig all the light I am able to throw 
 upon the transaction. One more fact, however, 
 should be stated. It was not true, as the True 
 Delta intimated, that the Citizens' Bank had no 
 particular interest in sustaining the credit of the 
 state bonds. Those bonds bore the indorsement 
 of the bank, and constituted the basis of its capi- 
 tal. The explanation given by the editor of the 
 True Delta, of the transfer of the coin, may how- 
 ever, be the correct one. The Cilzens' Bank, 
 probably, deemed it more important to have a 
 powerful friend in Europe, than to secure its 
 creditors at home. If this is the true view, then 
 justice and patriotism appear to have required 
 that the silver should have been replaced in the 
 vault of the bank, not restored to the agent of 
 Hope & Co. The money having been consigned 
 to Europe, the bank has smee gone into liqui- 
 dation. 
 
GENERAL BUTLER AND THE FOREIGN CONSULS. 
 
 101 
 
 In the same spirit, Mr. Johnson decided upon 
 the coin deposited witii the French consul by 
 the same bank. Perhaps some light may be 
 thrown upon that mysterious transaction, by the 
 relation of a later affair in which the consul of 
 France was engaged. 
 
 DETECTION AND REMOVAL OF THE FRENCH 
 CONSUL. 
 
 In September, 1862, Mr. Sandford, our minister 
 at Brussels, wrote home that the Confederate 
 agents in Europe were seriously embarrassed by 
 the non-arrival of a large amount of coin from 
 New Orleans. Notes had been renewed; pur- 
 veyors of cloth could not be paid; and Confed- 
 erate affairs generally were at a dead lock. 
 "£ut," he added, "assurances are now given 
 that the money is in the hands of the French con- 
 sul, and would be shortly received." 
 
 A copy of this interesting letter was forwarded 
 to General Butler, with directions to investigate. 
 Greneral Butler has a knack at investigating, and 
 he performed this pleasing duty with an energy, 
 skill, promptitude, and success rarely equaled. 
 His report upon the subject was so irresistibly 
 conclusive, that the French government felt com- 
 pelled to recall a too assiduous, an imprudently 
 feithful servant. I can not do the reader a bet- 
 ter service than by transcribing this report. The 
 supporting documents must necessarily be omit- 
 ted, but to show their nature, I retain General 
 Butler's references to them. 
 
 " Hkad-quakters, Department of the Gulf, 
 " Nbw Orleans, Kov. 13, 1862. 
 " To Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of "War : 
 
 "Sib: — •! received the communication of the 
 war department inclosing a copy of a letter from 
 the state department, directing my attention to 
 the statement made by Mr. Sandford, our minis- 
 ter resident at Brussels, a copy of which I inclose 
 for the better understanding of the present com- 
 munication. In obedience to its directions I set 
 about making inquiries through my secret police, 
 and finding it a matter of very grave import as 
 affecting the relations of the French consul here, 
 I undertook a personal examination of the sub- 
 ject. The facts as substantiated by the docu- 
 mentary and other testimony, hereto appended, 
 are substantially these : 
 
 " The firm of Ed. Gautherin & Co., composed 
 of Ed. Gautherin and Alfred and Jules Lemore, 
 doing business in New Orleans, was also con- 
 cerned in a house at Havre, S. A. Lemore & Co. 
 Jules and Alfred Lemore, the partners in New 
 Orleans, were also partners in that house. 
 Gautherin & Co. were at first employed in buying 
 tobacco for the French government, afterward 
 they were concerned in shipping cotton in joint 
 account. They represent themselves to be agents 
 of Baron Villers, the contractor for French army 
 clothing. 
 
 " On the 29th day of July, 1861, as will ap- 
 pear from the copy of a contract with the Con- 
 federate government, herewith inclosed, and 
 marked X, the original of which is in my posses- 
 sion, Gautherin & Co. agreed to furnish the Confed- 
 erates with a large amount of cloths for uniforms, 
 which are the cloths spoken of in the communi- 
 cation of Mr. Sandford. About the first of April, 
 of this year a cargo of the goods was shipped to 
 Havana, aci from thence to Matamoras, under 
 
 charge of the senior partner of the house of Ed- 
 ward Gautherin & Co., now in Europe. 
 
 " That cloth was smuggled across to Browns- 
 ville, and delivered to Captain Shankey, quarter- 
 master and agent of the Confederate government. 
 The original invoice and receipt are hereto an- 
 nexed, marked E and F. Between the 14th and 
 24th of April, the day the fleet passed the forts, 
 Mr. J. B. D. De Bow, produce loan-agent of the 
 Confederate States, made application to the 
 ' Bank of New Orleans' for a loan of four hun- 
 dred and five thousand dollars in coin without 
 interest, as will appear by the communication 
 hereto annexed, marked C. This proposition 
 was acceded to by the bank, upon a pledge, 
 made by Payne, Huntington & Co., the junior 
 partner of which firm was president of the bank, 
 of cotton to be delivered on the plantations in 
 Louisiana and Mississippi. The contract is here- 
 to annexed, and marked D. 
 . " This transaction was noi entered into in good 
 faith, as is confessed by the testimony of the 
 acting president, Mr. Davis, taken from his own 
 lips, in short hand, a copy of , which is hereto 
 annexed, marked 0. 
 
 " But the transaction was a contrivance by 
 which the specie might be got out of the bank. 
 Specie to this amount was placed in the hands 
 of the French consul with his full knowledge of 
 the intent of the transaction, and a receipt was 
 given by him to hold it in trust for the Bank of 
 New Orleans. At the same time, a pretended 
 sale of the remainder of the specie in bank, 
 amounting to four hundred thousand dollars for 
 sterling, was made by the bank, and that sum 
 was also placed in the hands of the French con- 
 sul.* These two sums, amounting to eight hun- 
 dred thousand dollars, made substantially the 
 whole specie capital of the bank. This is shown 
 by the confession of the only director of the bank 
 who has not run away into the Confederacy, Mr. 
 Harroll, a copy of whose statement is hereto 
 annexed, marked R. 
 
 " Matters stood in this condition at the time 
 the city of New Orleans was taken possession 
 of by us. Upon my assurance to the bank, that 
 if they would return their specie, they should be 
 protected, the pretended sale for sterling ex- 
 change was annulled, and the French consul 
 sent back the money, and the bank received 
 into its vaults four hundred thousand dollars. 
 
 " In regard to the four hundred and five 
 thousand dollars, the French consul became 
 uneasy, and moved upon the bank to get at his 
 receipt given to the Bank of New Orleans, and 
 gave a new receipt, running directly to Gau- 
 therin & Co. 
 
 " At this point of time, I ordered all the specie 
 in the hands of the French consul to be seques- 
 tered and held until affairs could be investigated. 
 
 " Reverdy Johhnson, on commission of the 
 state department, came down here, and without 
 investigation, and without knowing anything of 
 the transactions, and without even inquiring of 
 me about .them, made such representations to 
 the department of state, that I was ordered to 
 release the French consul from his promise not 
 to deliver up any specie held in his hands with- 
 out informing me, which order I obeyed. 
 
 * I need hardly call the reader's attention to the 
 similarity of this " conti'ivance" for getting rid of 
 specie to that employed by the Citizens' Bank. 
 
102 
 
 GENERAL BUTLER AND THE FOREiaN CONSULS. 
 
 " In the mean time, Gaiitherin & Co. had suc- 
 ceeded in delivering their goods to the Con- 
 federate States agents, and called upon the bank 
 to get their money, which iiad been deposited in 
 the hands of the French consul. This delivery 
 had not been completed at Brownsville until 22d 
 June ; and some time in tlie last of July, the 
 bank, through its officers, gave up its receipts, 
 which were destroyed, and took a receipt which 
 was dated back to the 16th of April, directly 
 from Gautherin & Co., so that the French consul's 
 name would not appear in the transaction. 
 
 " These facts are established by the testimony 
 of Mr. Belly, the cashier of the bank, which is 
 written out and signed, and sworn to by him, a 
 copy of which is annexed, marked P. The 
 money was sent on board the Spanish man-of- 
 war Blasco de Garay, which left this port in 
 September last, and has now returned, and has 
 been carried to Havana, and thence shipped to 
 New York. All this has been done with tha 
 knowledge and consent of the consul of France. 
 
 " You will see by the letter of Mr. Sandford 
 the difficulties which the Confederates had of 
 getting more goods, on account of the non-pay- 
 ment of the first bill. Another cargo is now in 
 Havana, not to be delivered, of course, until the 
 first is paid for. By this wrongful, illegal, and 
 inimical interference of the French consul, aided 
 by the Spanish ship-of-war, the money has gone 
 forward, so that the holders of the goods will be 
 ready to ship tlie remainder for the benefit of the 
 Confederate army. A more flagrant violation of 
 international law and national courtesy on the 
 part of a consular agent, can not be imagined. 
 
 " Befoie I proceeded upon the investigation, 
 not knowing the extent to which the French 
 consul was implicated, I called upon him, and 
 after showing him a letter from the commanding 
 general of the army, in wliich I was directed to 
 cultivate the most friendly relations witli him, I 
 read him a letter from our minister at Brussels, 
 and told him I siiould desire his friendly aid in 
 making the investigation, and then asked him if 
 he knew anything of the transaction spoken of 
 in the letter of Mr. Sandford, or if any money 
 had been deposited with him for any such pur- 
 pose. He in the most emphatic mminer asuured 
 me that he knew nothing of any such transaction. 
 He only knew that there was a French house of 
 the name of Gautherin & Co. in New Orleans, 
 and declared that no money had ever been de- 
 posited with him for any such purpose. I then 
 informed him that it would become my duty to 
 arrest and question Alfred and Jules Leraore, 
 the resident partners of the French house. I did 
 so, and they denied all such transaction, or re- 
 fused to answer, lest they should ' criminate them- 
 selves.' But, in the meaniime, I had possessed 
 myself of their books and papers, and found 
 two accounts, translations of which I inclose, 
 marked B A, which show the whole transaction ; 
 and which also show that one Kossuth, a clerk 
 of the French consul, whose name appears in the 
 account, received $528.92 as a fee for keeping 
 the money within the French consulate ; that a 
 douceur was given to Madam Mejan for the purpose 
 of ' carrying out the affair well ;' that a lawyer 
 was paid to deal with the consul in this matter ; 
 and these papers, with the testimony of the 
 president, director and cashier of the bank, put 
 the guilt of Count Mejan beyond question. I 
 
 beg leave to call your attention to this extra- 
 ordinary amount of e.xpenses ($19,939.40). 
 
 " I need not suggest to the department that 
 it is its duty at once and peremptorily to revoke 
 the exequatur of Count Mejan. He has connived 
 at the delivery of army clothing of the Confederate 
 army, since the occupation of New Orleans by 
 the federal forces ; lie has taken away gold from 
 the bank, nearly half a million of its specie to aid 
 the Confederates ; acts which could not have 
 been done without his aid, and that of the 
 Spanish ship-of-war Blasco de Garay. 
 
 " I leave the consul to the goverment at Wash- 
 ington. I will take care sufficiently to punisii 
 the other alien enemies and domestic traitors 
 concerned in thi.s business whom I have here. 
 
 "Upon examination of the parties, I found 
 that a box containing all the papers relating to 
 the transaction, which were not kept with the 
 commercial papers of the house of Gautherin & 
 Co., was deposited with the French Consul. I 
 wrote to him, very politely, to have it delivered 
 to me for the purpose of justice. I have again 
 written him more peremptorily, and he has 
 refused to do so, still concealing the proofs of 
 guilt. If produced, I believe it will show him 
 to be one of the five parties concerned in the 
 illegal traffic mentioned in the account of ex- 
 penses ; and however that may be, he now 
 covers the criminal as he lately concealed the 
 booty, which he, his wife and his clerk so largely 
 shared. 
 
 " T beg leave here to call the attention of the 
 department to these transactions, as showing 
 that I was clearly right when I ordered the 
 specie deposits in the hands of Count Mejan to 
 be sequestered. His flag has been made to 
 cover all manner of illegal and hostile trans- 
 actions, and the booty arising therefrom. I am 
 glad that my action here has been vindicated to 
 the world, and that the government of the 
 United States will be able to demand of the 
 French government a recall of its hostile agent. 
 
 "I have the honor to be, 
 
 " Very respectfully, your ob't serv't, 
 
 "Benj. F. Butler, Major- Gen. Com. 
 
 This it is to "investigate" an affair. I know 
 not which most to admire, the vigor and the tact 
 displayed in procuring tlie evidence, or the clear- 
 ness with which the results of the inquiry are 
 stated. 
 
 General Butler alludes several times to the bill 
 of " charges and expenses" found iu the books 
 of Gautherin & Co. It is an extremely curious 
 document. The following are the items : 
 
 "June 29. By payment to Ed. Gautherin 
 and Jules Lemore to go to Richmond, $481. 
 
 " July 20. By remittance to them at Rich- 
 mond, $450. French consul loan, $50. 
 
 " March 1. Expenses of E. Gautherin k Co. 
 and Jules Lemore for passage from New Or- 
 leans to New York and Havre, $700. 
 
 " May 27. Voyage of Ch. Privelland to Rich- 
 mond and back, $543. Maintain to Richmond, 
 live weeks, $475.50. Expenses of L. Grotairs 
 at Antwerp, $9.98. Consul fees and certificates, 
 $36.20. 
 
 " A-Ugust 10. Present to Madam Mejan, {wife 
 of French Consul), to close the affair well, $153. 
 Colonel Lemat, as a bribe fur tfie affair to start 
 welt, $2,500. V. Pritert, for the bill of Alexander, 
 
GUNEK \L BUTLER AND THE FOREIG-N CONSULS. 
 
 103 
 
 according to t!ie agrecuR'ul of the five interested 
 parties, $5,000. Kossuth (clerk of French con- 
 sul), one-eighth per cent, ol' $405,000, deposited 
 in consulate, $528.20. Payment to Fuelle for 
 getting the receipt, $500. Robert (lawyer), lor 
 proceedings with authorities and consul, f 500. 
 
 "August 3L Ch. Briolland, expenses to 
 Matamoras, $3,790. Jules Lemore, expenses 
 from January 1, to September 1, 1862, $1,089.71. 
 Payment of cabs and transport of nine boxes of 
 gold, $60. Expenses of telegraph and postage, 
 $150. Insurance on gold in consulate, six 
 months, one-half per cent, on $405,000, $2,025. 
 River insurance on Blasco de Garay, one-eighth 
 percent, on $260,000, $312.50. Marine insur- 
 ance, from here to New York, on specie, $585.26. 
 E. Gautherin, expenses paid in sum, $4,058.50. 
 Ferran & Duprerris, Havana, as a memorandum, 
 $4,058.50." 
 
 Total, $19,939.40 1 1 
 
 So much for the French Consul. I cannot 
 resist the impression that the same methods of 
 investigation, applied to other cases, would have 
 yielded results strikingly similar. 
 
 CASE OF KENNEDY & CO. 
 
 Steamboat-hunting was a favorite pastime with 
 the Union soldiers during the fifst weeks of their 
 occupation of the city. The rebels had burned 
 a large number of their steamboats, but many 
 had been hidden iu bayous and swamps supposed 
 to be impenetrable to the unaccustomed Yankee. 
 The men had rare adventures in hunting this 
 valuable game, some of which may hereafter be 
 related. On board one of the steamers found, 
 named the Fox, captured by General McMillan, 
 a mail-bag was discovered, the contents of which 
 brought several of the people of New Orleans 
 into trouble — Messrs. Kennedy & Co., cotton 
 merchants, among the number. 
 
 General Butler briefly relates the case ; " Ken- 
 nedy & Co., were merchants doing business in 
 New Orleans, the members of which firm were 
 citizens of the United States. They shipped 
 cotton (bought at Vicksburg and brought to New 
 Orleans) from a bayou on the coast, whence 
 steamers were accustomed to run the blockade 
 to Havana, in defiance of the law and the pres- 
 ident's proolamation, and under the farther 
 agreement with the Confederate authorities here, 
 that a given per cent, of the value of their cargoes 
 should be returned in arms and munitions of 
 war for the use of the rebels. 
 
 " Without such an agreement no cotton could 
 be shipped from New Orleans, and this was 
 publicly known ; and the fact of knowledge that 
 a permit for the vessel to ship cotton could only 
 be got on such terms was not denied at the 
 hearing. 
 
 " The cotton was sold in Havana, and the net 
 proceeds invested in a draft (first, second, and 
 .third of exchange) dated April 30th, 1862, pay- 
 able to the Loudon agent of the house of Ken- 
 nedy & Co., and the first and second sent forward 
 to London, and the third, with account sales and 
 vouchers, forwarded to the firm here through an 
 illicit mail on board the steamer 'Fox,' likewise 
 engaged in carrying unlawful merchandise and 
 an illicit mail between Havana and the rebel 
 £tatea. 
 
 " The third of exchange and papers were 
 
 captured by the army of the United States, on the 
 10th day of May, on board the ^ Fox,\flagrante 
 delictu, surrounded by the rebel arms and muni- 
 tions, concealed in a bayou leading out of Bara- 
 taria Bay, attempting to land her contraband 
 mails and scarcely less destructive arms and 
 munitions to be sent through the bayous and 
 swamps to the enemy. 
 
 " During all this time, P. H. Kennedy & Co. 
 have not accepted the amnesty prottered by the 
 proclamation of the commanding general, but 
 preferred to remain within its terms rebels ann 
 enemies. 
 
 " Upon this state of facts, the commanding 
 general called upon Kennedy & Co. to pay the 
 amount of the net proceeds of the cotton (the 
 third of exchange of the draft), which, ^ith the 
 documents relating to this unlawful transaction 
 he had captured, as a proper forfeiture to the 
 government under the facts above stated ; which 
 was done." 
 
 General Butler voluntarily submitted this case 
 to the judgment of Mr. Johnson, who decided 
 against the forfeiture, on the following grounds : 
 
 1. That there was no capture of the property 
 or its representative while actually running the 
 blockade. 
 
 2. That there was no personal delection in 
 Kennedy & Co. in the acts done by them, which 
 could render them subject to forfeiture. 
 
 3. That the blockade being raised by the 
 proclamation of the president before the capture 
 of the draft, all delection on account of the trans- 
 action was purged. 
 
 These points he argued precisely as he would 
 have argued them had the rebellion been a legiti- 
 mate war between two foreign nations; quoting 
 such authorities as Yattel, Grotius, Puftendort; 
 and Wheaton, who wrote on international law. 
 General Butler yielded to the decision, and paid 
 back the money ($8,641); but he could not 
 refrain from reviewing Mr. Johnson's argument. 
 Addressing Mr. Johnson himself, he remarked 
 that, "as applied to this transaction, the cita- 
 tions and arguments derived from elementary 
 writers upon the law of nations, are of no value. 
 This is not the case of a resident subject of a 
 foreign state attempting to elude the vigilance 
 of a blockade by a foreign power of a port of a 
 third nation. The rule that the successful run- 
 ning of the blockade, or a subsequent raising of 
 the blockade purges the transaction so far aa 
 punishment lor personal delection is concerned, 
 is too familiar to need citation, at least by a 
 lawyer to a lawyer. It would be desirable to 
 see some citations to show that there was no 
 personal delection in the transaction under con- 
 sideration. 
 
 " A traitorous commercial house directly en- 
 gage in the treasonable work of aiding a rebellion 
 against the government, by entering into a trade, 
 the direct ettect of which is to furnish the rebels 
 with arms and munitions. To do this they inten- 
 tionally violate the revenue laws, the postal 
 laws of their country, as well as the laws pro- 
 hibiting trade with foreign countries from this 
 port, and are caught iu the act, and fined only 
 the amount of the proceeds of their illegal and 
 treasonable transaction. 
 
 " Their lives by every law, were forfeit to the 
 country of their allegiance. 
 
 " The reeresentative of that country takea a 
 
104 
 
 GENERAL BUTLER AND THE FOREIGN CONSULS. 
 
 comparatively small fine from them and a com- 
 loissioner of that same country refunds it because 
 of its impropriety. 
 
 " Grotius, Puti'eudorf, Vattel, and Wheaton 
 will be searched, it is believed, in vain, for a 
 precedent for such action. Why cite interna- 
 tional law to govern a transaction between the 
 rebellious traitor and his own government ? 
 Ai'ound the state of Louisiana the government 
 had placed the impassable barrier of law, cover- 
 ing each and every subject, saying lo him, from 
 that state no cotton should be shipped and no 
 arms imported, and tliere no mails or letters 
 should be delivered. 
 
 " To warn oft' Ibieigner.s, to prevent bad men 
 of our own citizens violating that law, the gov- 
 ernment had placed sliips. Now, whatever may 
 be the law z'elating to the intruding foreigner, 
 can it be said for a moment that the fact that a 
 traitor has successfully eluded the vigilance of 
 the government, that that very success purges 
 the crime, which might never have been ciminal 
 but for that success. 
 
 " The fine will be restored, because stare 
 decisus, but the guilty party ought to be and 
 will be punished. 
 
 " A course of treatment of rebels which should 
 have such results, would not only be 'rose- 
 water,' but diluted ' rose- water. " 
 
 " The other reason given for the decision that 
 the blockade had been raised, is a mistake in 
 point of liict, both in the date and the place of 
 capture. The capture was not made of a vessel 
 running into the port of New Orleans when the 
 blockade was raised, but from one of those 
 lagoons where, in form&r times, Lafitte the pirate 
 carried on a hardly more atrocious business. 
 
 " Something was said at the liearing that this 
 money was intended by Kennedy & Co. for 
 northern creditors. 
 
 "Sending it to England does not seem the 
 best evidence of that intention. 
 
 "But, of course, no such consideration could 
 enter into the decision. I have reviewed this 
 decision at some length, because it seems to me 
 that it oflers a premium for treasonable acts to 
 traitors in the Confederate States. It says, in 
 substance, ' Violate tlie laws of the United 
 States as well as you can, send abroad all the 
 produce of the Confederate States you can, to be 
 converted into arms for the rebellion ; you only 
 take the risk of losing in tramitu ; and as tlie 
 profits are four-fold you can afibrd to do so. 
 But it is solemnly decided that in all this there 
 is no ^pursonal dtlacUoti,'' for which you can or 
 ought to be punislied evon by a fine, and if you 
 are, the fine shall be returned.' " 
 
 Mr. Johnson replied to iliis review in a volu- 
 minous and ably written argumeut, which was 
 nauded to General Butler three hours before its 
 author sailed for the North. There was, there- 
 fore, no opportunity tor reply. The chief poiut 
 of Mr. Johnson's new argumeut was, that there 
 was no evidence tliut Kennedy & Co. had agreed 
 to invest any portion of the proceeds of the 
 cotton iu arms and munitions of war. They 
 denied that they had either engaged to do this, 
 or had done it. This defense, since by Con- 
 federate law no cotton could be exported on 
 any other terms, was equivalent to saying that 
 Kennedy & Co. had been faithless to both gov- 
 
 ernments, and were liable to two actions f(» 
 treason instead of one. 
 
 ENGLISH AND SPANISH MEN-OF-WAR AT NEW 
 ORLEANS. 
 
 The ofiicers and crews of foreign vessels-of- 
 war tliat chanced to visit New Orleans in the 
 summer and autumn of 1862, took pains to show 
 that tliey were in accord with the secession consula 
 and the disloyal citizens. New Orleans was a 
 good place to learn that in iliis great quarrel 
 there are arrayed against the United States the 
 entire baseness, and a great part of the ignorance, 
 of the human race. Every one in the world is 
 against us, who is wiUing to live upon the unre- 
 quited, or upon the ill-requited, labor of others. 
 
 The British ship-of-war Rinaldo was in port 
 during the early days of July. The humor of 
 the officers and crew of this ship may best be 
 shown from the matter-of-fact report of Mr. 
 James Duane, lieutenant of police: — "Having 
 learned on Thursday evening that a large crowd 
 of turbulent citizens was collected on the levee 
 opposite the steamer Rinaldo, and that on board 
 that vessel certain parties were engaged in sing- 
 ing the 'Bonnie Blue Flag,' and crying 'Down with 
 the Stars and Stripes,' and that the crowd were 
 responding b}^ cheers for Jeft'. Davis, the Southern 
 Confederacy, &c. ; and, apprehending a riot, I 
 detailed my entire force, and accompanied them 
 myself to the levee, where I arrived about eight 
 o'clock p. M., and found a crowd of nearly two 
 thousand men, women, and children. From the 
 ship I distinctly heard the singing of the 'Bonnie 
 Blue Flag,' cheers for Jeff. Davis; cries of 
 'Down with the Stars and Stripes,' and 'Up 
 with the Flag of the Single Star.' The response 
 by the crowd was not general, but confined to an 
 occasional voice, and as fast as it occurred I 
 arrested the party so responding. The same con- 
 duct occurred ■ on Frid^ night, to my personal 
 knowledge. 
 
 "From my ofScers, and citizens residing in 
 the neighborhood, I have received information 
 that the same proceedings took place on the Wed- 
 nesday evening preceding the above, and, in ad- 
 dition, that on that evening a secession flag was 
 flying on board the Rinaldo for a short time, and 
 tliat a smaller flag of the Confederacj' was flying 
 from the boats that conveyed visitors to and firom 
 the vessel and the levee. On Saturday evening 
 the same demonstrations were repeated, with the 
 exception of the display of secession flags. And^ 
 furthermore, on the same evening, between eight 
 and nine o'clock, one of my ofiicers saw an offi- 
 cer of the Rinaldo, in uniform, accompanied by 
 a man wlio claimed to belong to that vessel, and 
 a tall negro. The ofiicer was intoxicated, and 
 was singing, the 'Bonnie Blue Flag.' My offi- 
 cer stepped up to him and told him he must not 
 sing that song. The British officer replied that 
 'he would sing what he d:.imn pleased.' They 
 then went on down the levee and got into their 
 ship's boat, and as soon as they were out of the 
 reach of the police ofiicer, called out ' God damn 
 
 the Yankee sons of , one Enghshman can 
 
 whip ten of them,' and again sung the ' Bonnie 
 Blue Flag,' all joining in the song." 
 
 Word was brought to General Butler, on the 
 3d of July, that the captain of the Rinaldo had 
 
GENERAL BUTLER AND THE FOREIGN CONSULS. 
 
 105 
 
 promised his secession friends to hoist the rebel 
 flag OQ his ship on the morning of the fourth. 
 The general, I am told, avowed to a confidential 
 member of his staff, his solemn and deliberate re- 
 solve, if the flag v/as officially di-splayed, to open 
 fire upon the ship with artillery. The hoisting 
 of the flag, he considered, would be more than 
 an insult to the United States ; it would consti- 
 tute the ship a rebel vessel, and, as such, she 
 was to be fired upon, the very instant a Union 
 gun could be brought to bear upon her. The re- 
 port proved to be false. 
 
 Still more outrageous was the conduct of the 
 Spanish man-of-war. It was in a Spanish vessel, 
 as we have seen, that the French consul slapped 
 his $405,000. Other Spanish vessels-of-war caj-- 
 ried away passengers, treasure, plate, papers, 
 which were justly liable to seizure. " The deck 
 oftheBlasco de Garay," wrote General Butler 
 in October, " was literally crowded with passen- 
 gers, selected with so little discrimination, that 
 my detective officers found on board, as a pas- 
 senger, an escaped convict of the penitentiary, 
 who was in full flight from a most brutal murder, 
 with his booty robbed from his victim with him." 
 On other Spanish ships several persons deeply 
 implicated in the rebellion, guilty of hostile acts 
 after the capture of tlie city, eflected their escape 
 to Havana, with large amounts of treasure. 
 Hence the claim of General Butler to search de- 
 parting vessels-of-war, and hence a ream of com- 
 plaints and protests from Spanish officers. 
 
 THE QUBANTINE IMBROGLIO. 
 
 It is not generally known at the North, that, 
 in the worst years, the mortality from yellow 
 fever in New Orleans exceeds that from any 
 epidemic that has ever raged in a civilized com- 
 munity. It is worse than the modern cholera, 
 worse than tlie small-pox before inoculation, 
 worse than the ancient plague. A competent 
 and entirely trustworthy writer gives the facts 
 of the yellow fever season of 1853, the most fa- 
 tal year ever known : 
 
 " Commencing on the 1st of August, with one 
 hundred and six deaths by yellow fever, one 
 hundred and forty- two by all diseases, the num- 
 ber increased daily, until (or the first week, end- 
 ing on the 7 th, they amounted to nine hundred 
 and nine deaths by yellow fever, one thousand 
 one hundred and eighty-six of all diseases. The 
 next week showed a continued increase: one 
 thousand two hundred and eight3r-eight yellow 
 fever, one thousand five hundred and twenty-six 
 of all diseases. This was believed to be the max- 
 imum. There had been nothing to equal it in 
 the history of any previous epidemics ; and no 
 one believed it could be exceeded. But the 
 next week gave a mournful refutation of these 
 predictions and calculations ; for that ever mem- 
 orable week, the total deaths were one thousand 
 five hundred and seventy-five, of yellow fever 
 one thousand three hundred and forty-six. But 
 the next week commenced more gloomilj^ still. 
 The deaths on the 22d of August were two hun- 
 dred andeighty-thiee of all diseases, two hundred 
 and thirty-nine of yellow fever. This proved to 
 be the maximum mortality of the season. From 
 this it began slowly to decrease. The month of 
 August exhibited a grand total of five thousand 
 one hundred and twenty-two deaths by yeUow 
 
 fever, and nearly seven thousand deaths of all 
 disea.ses. Slowly the disease continued to de- 
 crease, only for the want of victims, until on the 
 6th of September (at which time these notes are 
 transcribed), when it reached sixty-five deaths 
 by yellow fever, and ninety-five deaths of all di- 
 .seases. Looking back from this point, we find 
 that the %vhole number of deaths by yellow fever, 
 from its first appearance on the 28tli May, were 
 seven thousand one hundred and eighty-nine — 
 deaths from all diseases nine thousand nine hun- 
 dred and forty-one. But there are three hmi- 
 dred and forty-four deaths the cause of which is 
 not stated in the burial certificates. At least 
 three-fourths of these may be set down to the 
 yellow fever column — which would add two hun- 
 dred and fift}' more, and make the deaths by 
 yellow fever seven thousand four hundred and 
 thirty-nine. 
 
 "But do these figures include all the deaths? 
 Alas I no. Hundreds have been buried of whom 
 no note was taken, no record kept.- Hundreds 
 have died away from the city, in attempting to 
 fly from it. Every steamer up the river con- 
 tributed its share to the hecatombs of victims of 
 tlie pestilence. Nor do these returns include 
 those who have died in the suburbs, in the towns 
 of Algiers and Jefl'erson City, in the villages of 
 Gretna and Carrollton. But even these figures, 
 deficient as they are, need uo additions to swell 
 them into proofs that the most destructive plague 
 of modern times has just wreaked its vengeance 
 upon New Orleans. Estimating the total deaths 
 at eight thousand for three months, we have tea 
 per cent, of the whole population of New Orleans. 
 At this rate it will only require two years and 
 four months to depopulate the city. , 
 
 " But onlj' the unacclimated are liable to the 
 disease, and so we must exclude the old resident 
 acclimated population, which, with slaves, and 
 free colored persons, embrace at least two-thirds 
 of the summer population of New Orleans. This 
 would reduce the number liable to yellow fever 
 below thirty thousand. Of that number one- 
 fourth have died in three mouths. There is 
 scarcely any parallel to this mortality. The 
 great Plague of London, in 1665, destroyed one 
 out of every thirteen and one-third of its popu- 
 lation. That of New Orleans, in 1853, destroyed 
 one out of every ten of its total population, and 
 one out of every four of those susceptible of the 
 disease. This exceeds the mortality in Philadel- 
 phia, in 1798, when it was estimated that one 
 out of every six died."* 
 
 These are terrible figures. The year 1853, 
 was, however, an exceptional year. New Or- 
 leans has often escaped the yellow fever for years 
 in succession. Its visitations were frequent 
 enough to make it an ever present terror during 
 the summer months, and to reduce the sum- 
 mer population of tlie city to a comparatively 
 small number of unacclimated persons. The 
 city had never escaped it in such circumstances 
 as existed in 1862 ; had never escaped it when 
 the fever raged in the neighboring ports of Ha- 
 vana and Nassau ; had never escaped it when 
 the city was filled with persons unaccustomed to 
 the climate. The rebels were, therefo-e, justified 
 in anticipating, with perfect confidence, that the 
 season of 1862 would present the same scenes 
 
 * Harpers Magazine, November, 1853. 
 
106 
 
 GENERAL BUTLER AND THE FOREIGN CONSULS. 
 
 of horror and devastation as those of 1853. 
 ITo language can overstate the terrors of such 
 a visitation. "Funeral processions," says the 
 writer just quoted, " crowded every street. No 
 vehicles could be seen except doctors' cabs and 
 coaches, passing to and from the cemeteries, and 
 hearses, often solitary, taking their way toward 
 those gloomy destinations. The hum of trade 
 was hushed. The levee was a desert. The 
 streets, wont to shine with fashion and beauty, 
 were silent. The tombs — the home of the dead 
 — were the only places where there was life, 
 where crowds assembled, where the incessant 
 rumbling of carriages, the trampling of feet, the 
 murmur of voices, and all the signs of active, 
 stirring hfe could be heard or seen. 
 
 " To reahze the full horror and virulenc eof the 
 pestilence, you must go into the crowded locali- 
 ties of the laboring classes, into those miserable 
 shanties which are the disgrace of the city, where 
 the poor immigrant class cluster together in filth, 
 sleeping a half-dozen in one room, without ven- 
 tilation, and having access to filthy, wet yards, 
 which have never been filled up, and when it 
 rains are converted into green puddles — fit 
 abodes for frogs and sources of poisonous malaria. 
 Here you will find scenes of woe, misery, and 
 death, which will haunt your memory in all time 
 to come. Here you will see the dead and the 
 dying, the sick and the convalescent, in one and 
 the same bed. Here you will see the living babe 
 sucking death from the yellow breast of its dead 
 mother. Here father, mother, and child die in 
 one another's arms. Here you will find whole 
 families swept oS" in a few hours, so that none 
 are left to mourn or to procure the rites of burial. 
 Ofl'ensive odors frequently drew neighbors to such 
 awful spectacles. Corpses would thus proclaim 
 their existence, and enforce the observances due 
 them. What a terri'olo disease! Terrible in its 
 insidious character, in its treachery, in the quiet 
 seipent-like manner in which it gradually winds 
 its folds around its victim, beguiles him by its 
 deceptive wiles ; cheats his judgment and senses, 
 and then consigns him to grim death. Not like 
 the plague, with its red spot, its maddening fever, 
 its wild delirium and stupor — not like the chol- 
 era, in violent spasms and prostrating pains is 
 the approach of the vomito. It assumes the 
 guise of the most ordinary disease which flesh is 
 heir to — a cold, a slight chill, a headache, a 
 slight fever, and, after a while, pains in the back. 
 Surely there is nothing in these ! ' I won't lay 
 by for them,' says the misguided victim ; the 
 poor laborer can not aSbrd to do so. Instead of 
 going to bed, sending for a nurse and doctor, 
 taking a mustard-bath and a cathartic, he re- 
 mains at his post until it is too late. He has 
 reached the crisis of the disease before he is 
 aware of its existence. The chances are thus 
 against him. The fever mounts up rapidly, and 
 the poison pervades his whole system. He 
 tosses and rolls on his bed, and raves in agony. 
 Thus he continues for thirty-six hours. Then 
 the fever breaks, gradually it passes off — ^joy and 
 hope begin to dawn upon him. He is through 
 now. 'Ami not better. Doctor?' 'You are 
 doing well, but must be very quiet.' Doing 
 well 1 How does the learned gentlemen know ? 
 'Can he see into his stomach, and perceive there 
 collecting the dark brown liquid which marks 
 the dissolution that is going on? The fever sud- 
 
 denly returns, but now the paroxysm is more 
 brief Again the patient is quiet, but not so hope- 
 ful as before. He is weak, prostrate, and bloodless, 
 but he has no fever; his pulse is regular, sound, and 
 healthy, and his skin moist. 'He will get well,' 
 says the casual observer. The doctor shakes his 
 head ominously. After a while, drops of blood 
 are seen collecting about his lips. Blood comes 
 from his gums — that is a bad sign, but such 
 cases frequently occur. Soon he has a hiccough. 
 That is worse than the bleeding at the gums : 
 then follows the ejection of a dark brown liquid 
 which he throws up in large quantities; and this 
 in nine hundred and ninety-nine cases out of a 
 thousand is the signal that the doctor's function 
 is at an end, and the undertaker's is to com- 
 mence. In a few hours the coffin will receive 
 its tenant, and mother earth her customary 
 tribute." 
 
 Dr. McCormick, who was in the city during 
 those fearful weeks, has assured me that this 
 picture is not overcharged. 
 
 It was such an evil as this that General But- 
 ler set himself to ward from the city which he 
 had been called to govern and protect. His suc- 
 cess was most remarkable. The yellow lever 
 raged at Nassau, at Havana, and at other neigh- 
 boring ports, but New Orleans escaped. Twen- 
 ty thousand unacclimated persons, strangers, 
 northerners, were in Louisiana, but not one of 
 them had the fever. On the contrary, the men 
 of his command enjoyed an extraordinary ex- 
 emption from all mortal disease. They suffered 
 little from the continuous heat, less hrom violent 
 maladies. 
 
 There was, indeed, one moment of danger, and 
 of great alarm at head-quarters. Dr. McCor- 
 mick, late in the sea.son, when the danger was 
 supposed to be nearly over, came into the Gene- 
 ral's office one morning, and reported that a case 
 of yellow fever of the worst type had been 
 landed in the city. It was even so. The rigor 
 of the quarantine had been once relaxed, and 
 this was the alarming result. The affair was 
 kept as secret as possible. The house in which 
 the man lay was cleared of all inmates save him- 
 self and one acclimated attendant. The block 
 of which the house was part was walled around 
 by sentinels. No living creature was permitted 
 to enter or leave it. In five days the man died 
 Every article in his room was burnt or buried. 
 His attendant was quarantined. The house, the 
 block, the quarter of the city, was fumigated, 
 cleansed, and whitewashed. Every precaution 
 which the skill of the doctors could devise and 
 the authority of the general enforce was em- 
 ployed. No one caught the disease. This 
 single case, brought from Nassau, was all the 
 yellow fever known in New Orleans during the 
 eeason of 1862. 
 
 It is of the highest importance to the future 
 of Louisiana that the means employed by Gen- 
 eral Butler to preserve the health of the city 
 should be known. Sanitary science, as the 
 reader is aware, was a familiar subject with him 
 before he began his military career. His re- 
 searches led him to adopt the theory that the 
 yellow fever is indigenous in no region where 
 there is frost every winter. There is frost every 
 winter in every part of the United States. He, 
 therefore, concluded that the yellow fever is not 
 a disease native to our soil, but is always brought 
 
EFFORTS TOWARD RESTORATION. 
 
 107 
 
 from a tropical port. The gulf coasts generate, 
 it is true, the malaria which serves as a medium 
 for the most calamitous spread of the disease ; 
 tout the deadly poison which issues in the yellow 
 fever is brought from abroad. The magazine is 
 ready, but the foreign spark is indispensable. 
 He relied chiefly, therefore, upon a quarantine ; 
 and this he enforced with such rigorous impar- 
 tiality, that the state department was inundated 
 with complaints, reclamations, and protests, and 
 the ear of the public was assailed with charges 
 of favoritism and corruption. But he never re- 
 laxed his clutch upon the throat of the Missis- 
 sippi. " My orders" he wrote on one occasion, 
 " are imperative and distinct to my health- 
 officers, to subject all vessels coming from in- 
 fected ports to such a quarantine as shall insure 
 safety from disease. Whether one day or one 
 hundred is necessiiry for the purpose, it will be 
 done. It will be done if it is necessary to take 
 the vessel to pieces to do it, so long as the United 
 States has the physical power to enforce it. I 
 have submitted to the judgment of my very 
 competent surgeon at the quarantine the ques- 
 tion of the length of time and the action to be 
 taken to insure safety. I have by no order 
 interfered with his discretion. If he thinks ten 
 days sufficient in a given case, be it so ; if forty 
 in another, be it so ; if one hundred in another, 
 it shall be so." 
 
 And so it was, as the volumes of documents 
 unanswerably show. 
 
 Here, I believe, we may take leave of the 
 consuls for a while. As time wore on, they 
 came to understand the altered conditions of 
 their tenure of office. They learned that there 
 really was in the world such a power as ihe 
 the United States. They changed their opinion, 
 too, of the man who represented that power in 
 New Orleans; and during the latter half of 
 General Butler's administration, his intercourse 
 ■with them was generally of the most friendly 
 and agreeable character. 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 EFFORTS TOWARD RESTORATION. 
 
 To revive the business of New Orleans and 
 cause its stagnant life to flow again in its ordi- 
 nary channels, was among the first endeavors of 
 Oeneral Butler after reducing the city to order 
 and providing for its subsistence. It was neces- 
 sary, at first, to compel the opening of retaU 
 stores, by the threat of a fine of a hundred 
 dollars a day for keeping them closed. Me- 
 chanics refused to work for the United States. 
 Certain repairs upon the light steamers, essential 
 to the supply of the troops, could only be got 
 done by the threat of Fort Jackson. One burly 
 contractor was imprisoned and kept upon bread 
 and water till he consented to undertake a 
 piece of work of urgent necessity. The cabmen 
 and draymen, as we have seen, required to be 
 cajoled or impressed. This state of feeling, 
 however, .soon passed away. It was half affec- 
 tation, half terror — the men only needed such a 
 show of compulsion as would serve them as an 
 excuse to their comrades. The ordinary busi- 
 aeas of the city soon went on as it had before 
 
 the capture. The railroads were set running as 
 ar as the Union lines extended. 
 
 "Will it pay to run it?" the general would 
 ask. 
 
 " Yes." 
 
 " Then go ahead." 
 
 So the people trafficked, and rode, and passed 
 their days as they had been wont to do while 
 under the sway of Mayor Monroe, General 
 Lovell, and Mr. Soule. Perfect order generally 
 prevailed. The general walked and rode about 
 the city with a single attendant, by day and 
 by night. A child could have carried a purse in 
 its hand from Carrollton to Chalmette without 
 risk of molestation. 
 
 The commerce of the city could not be revived 
 before the opening of the port. In one of his 
 earliest dispatches. General Butler advised that 
 measure, as well as a general amnesty for all 
 past political offenses. The planters, however, 
 were distrustful, and feared to place their sugar 
 within reach of the Union authorities. 
 
 To remove their apprehensions, the following 
 general order was issued: 
 
 "New Orlkans, May 4, 1862. 
 " The commanding general of the department 
 having been informed that rebellious, lying and 
 desperate men have represented, and are now 
 representing, to the honest planters and good 
 people of the state of Louisiana, that the United 
 States government, by its forces, have come here 
 to confiscate and destroy their crops of cotton 
 and sugar, it is hereby ordered to be made known, 
 by publication in all the newspapers of this city, 
 that all cargoes of cotton and sugar shall receive 
 the safe conduct of the forces of the United 
 States, and the boats bringing them from beyond 
 the lines of the United States forces, may be 
 allowed to return in safety, after a reasonable 
 delay, if their owners so desire; provided, they 
 bring no passengers except the owners and 
 managers of said boat, and of the property so 
 conveyed, and no other merchandise except 
 provisions, of which such boats are requested to 
 bring a full supply, for the benefit of the poor of 
 this city." 
 
 In anticipation of the opening of the port to 
 northern trade, and in order to convince the 
 holders of produce that New Orleans was already 
 a safe market, the general determined, at once, 
 to commence the purchase and exportation of 
 sugar on government account. What merciiants 
 would call a " brilliant operation" was the result 
 of his endeavors. Lying at tte levee he had a 
 large fleet of transports, which, by the terms of 
 their charters, he was bound to send home in 
 ballast. There is no ballast to be had in New 
 Orleans at any time, and none nearer than the 
 white sand of Ship Island, five days' sail and 
 thirty hours' steam from the city. There was 
 sugar enough on the levee to ballast all the 
 vessels, iit an immense saving to the govern- 
 ment, to say nothing of the profit to be real- 
 ized in the sale of the sugar at the North. 
 He determined to buy enough sugar for the 
 purpose. 
 
 To show the wisdom of this measure, take the 
 case of the steamer Mississippi, hired at the rate 
 of fifteen hundred dollars a day. "She must 
 have," exolaiued the general, " two hundred and 
 
108 
 
 EFFORTS TOWARD RESTORATION. 
 
 fifty tons of ballast. To ?o to Ship Island and 
 have sand brought alongside in small boats, will 
 take at least ten days ; to discharge the same 
 and haul it away, will take four more. Thus, it 
 will cost the government twenty-one thousand 
 dollars lo ballast and discharge the ship with 
 sand, to say nothing of the cost of taking llie 
 sand away, or the average delays of getting it, 
 if it storms at Ship Island. Now, if 1 can get 
 some merchant to ship four hundred hogsheads 
 of sugar in the Mississippi as ballast, which can 
 be received in two days almost at the wharf 
 where she lies, and discharged in two more, the 
 government will save fifteen thousand dollars by 
 the diflference, even if it gets nothing for freight. 
 But, by employing a party to get the ballast, see 
 to its shipment, and take charge of the business, 
 as a ship's broker, and agreeing to let him have 
 all he can get over a given sum — say five dollars 
 per hogshead for his trouble and expenses of 
 lading — the government in the case given will 
 save two thousand dollars more — four hundred 
 hogsheads, at five dollars — say, in all, seventeen 
 thousand dollars." 
 
 It was dilBcult to start the afiair from want 
 of money. The government had no money then 
 in New Orleans, and the general had none. By 
 the pledge of the whole of his private fortune 
 ($150,000), be borrowed of Jacob Barker, the 
 well-known banker, one hundred thousand dol- 
 lars in gold, and with this sum at command, he 
 proceeded to purchase. Merchants were also 
 permitted to send forward sugar as ballast, on 
 paying to the government a moderate freight. 
 The details of this transaction were ably ar- 
 ranged by the general's brother, a shrewd and 
 experienced man of business, who was allowed 
 a commission for his trouble. The affair suc- 
 ceeded to admiration. The ships were all bal- 
 lasted with sugar. The government took the 
 sugar bought by the general's own money, and 
 repaid him the amount expended; the whole 
 advantage of the operation accruing to the 
 United States. The sole result to General But- 
 ler was a great deal of trouble, and, at a later 
 period, a great deal of calumny. The owners 
 of some of the transports conceived the idea 
 that the freight should be paid to them, or at 
 least a part of it. General Butler opposed their 
 claims, and the dispute was protracted through 
 several months. The captains of the vessels, I 
 am told, still rest under the impression that in 
 some mysterious way the general gained an im- 
 mense sum by this export of sugar. Mr. Chase 
 knows better. He, if no one else, was abun- 
 dantly satisfied with the transaction. 
 
 Having touched upon the subject of the 
 calumnies so assiduously circulated with regard 
 to the administration of General Butler in New 
 Orleans, it may, perhaps, be as well to add here 
 the little that remains to be said on that edifying 
 subject. 
 
 First, let me adduce another little operation 
 which has been construed to his disadvantage. 
 I refer to a small quantity of cotton sent home 
 from Ship Island by General Butler, which 
 chanced to arrive a short time before the papers 
 that explained the transaction. 
 
 "This cotton," wrote General Butler to the 
 quartermaster-general, " was captured by the 
 navy on board a small schooner, which it would 
 
 have been unsafe to send to sea. I needed the 
 schooner as a lighter, and took her from the 
 navy. What should be done with the cotton? 
 A transport was going liome empty — it would 
 cost the United States nothing to transport it.. 
 To whom should I send it ? To my quarter- 
 master at Boston ? But I supposed him on the 
 way here. Owing to the delays of the expedi- 
 tion, I found all the quartermaster's men and 
 artisans on the island, whose services were in- 
 dispensable, almost in a state of mutiny for want 
 of pay. There was not a dollar of government 
 funds on the island. I had seventy-five dollars 
 of my own. The sutler had money he would 
 lend on my draft on my private banker. I bor- 
 rowed on such draft abo\it four thousand dollars, 
 quite equal to the value of the cotton as I re- 
 ceived it, and with the money I paid the govern- 
 ment debts to the laborers, so that their wives 
 and children would not starve. In order that 
 my draft, should be paid, I sent the cotton to my 
 correspondent at Boston, with directions to sell 
 it, pay the draft out of the proceeds, and hold 
 the rest, if any, subject to my order; so that, 
 upon the account stated, I might settle with the 
 government. "What was done? The govern- 
 ment seized the cotton without a word of expla- 
 nation to me, kept it until it had depreciated tea 
 per cent., and allowed my draft to be dishonored; 
 and it had to be paid out of the little fund I left 
 at home for the support of my children in my 
 absence." 
 
 Subsequent explanations completely satisfied 
 the government, and the money was refunded. 
 
 As these two transactions were the only ones 
 of a commercial nature in which General Butler 
 engaged while commanding tiie Department of 
 the Gulf, and the only ones. I believe, in which 
 he was ever concerned, the reader now has 
 before him the entire basis of the huge super- 
 structure of calumny raised by the malign per- 
 sistence of rebels and their allies. Both of these 
 transactions were solely designed to aid the 
 work in hand, to remove unexpected obstacles, 
 to anticipate measures which the government 
 must instantly have ordered had it been near the 
 scene of action. 
 
 But he had a brother. It is true, he Tiad a 
 brother. 
 
 When the port was opened in June, the* con- 
 dition of affairs was such that no man in busi- 
 ness, with either capital or credit at command, 
 could fail to make money with almost unex- 
 ampled rapidity; Turpentine in New Orleans 
 was a drug at . three dollars ; in New York, it 
 was in demand at thirty-eight. Sugar in New 
 Orleans was worth three cents a pound ; in New 
 York, six. Flour, in New York, six dollars a 
 barrel ; New Orleans, twenty -four. Dry goods 
 in New York were selling at rates not greatly in 
 advance of prices before the war ; in New Or- 
 leans, every article in the trade was scarce and 
 dear. The rates of exchange were such as to 
 aftbrd an additional profit of fifteen per cent, on 
 all transactions between the two ports. In such 
 a state of aftairs, the most useful class of persons 
 are those whom ignorance and envy stigmatize 
 as speculators. It is tliey who quickly restore 
 the commercial equilibrium, who raise the value 
 of commodities in one port and reduce it in the 
 other, who give New York sug'ar and turpentine 
 
EFFORTS TOWARD RESTORATION. 
 
 109 
 
 whicb are useless in New Orleans, and supply 
 Mew Orleans with the means of procuring com- 
 modities essential to comfort and health. The 
 general's brother was one of the lucky men who 
 chanced to be in business at New Orleans at the 
 critical moment. An able man of business, with 
 an experience of thirty years, with considerable 
 capital and more credit, he engaged in this lucra- 
 tive commerce with all the means and credit he 
 could command. His gains were large; not as 
 large as those of some other men ; but large 
 enough to satisfy a reasonable ambition. He 
 neitlier bad nor needed any advantages which 
 were not enjoyed by other merchants. The 
 anomalous state of things was his sufficient op- 
 poitunity. A merchant of half his talent could 
 not have failed to increase his capital with a ra- 
 pidity altogether unexceptional. Later in the year, 
 came the confiscations of rebel property, with 
 frequent sales at auction of valuable commodi- 
 ties. Of this business, too, he had an ample 
 aliare — just the share his means and talents en- 
 titled him to. No more and no less. 
 
 It is impossible to prove a negative. Any one 
 can make a vague charge of corruptioa but no 
 man can demonstrate it to be false. I can, 
 therefore, only say. with reference to these in- 
 tangible accusations, that I have now spent the 
 greater part of a year surrounded by tlie papers, 
 printed and manuscript, relating to General But- 
 ler's administration of the Department of the 
 ■Gulf; I have become, by repeated perusal, as 
 familiar with tlvose papers as a lawyer does with 
 the documents of his greatest case; I have con- 
 versed almost daily with the gentlemen of stain- 
 less name and lineage who were in the closest 
 intimacy with him during the whole period of 
 his administration, such as the heroic, lamented 
 Strong, beau-ideal of gentleman and soldier, such 
 as Major Bell, another name for uprightness ; I 
 have listened attentively to all who had a tale to 
 tell against General Butler, and have read the 
 articles adverse to him that have appeared in the 
 papers, and tried, in all ways, to get hold of some 
 one charge definite enougli for investigation ; 
 and the result of all this conversation and in- 
 quiry has been to produce in my mind the ut- 
 most possible completeness of conviction that 
 'General Butler's administration was as pure as it 
 was able. Everywhere in his dispatches I find 
 truth and candor — no suppression, no half-truths, 
 nothing designed to convey an impression at 
 variance with the truth. 1 find that men loved 
 him in proportion to their own loyalty and truth. 
 I find his enemies, both there and here, to be 
 enemies of their country and of human rights. 
 All the testimony, including especially that of 
 his foes, points to one conclusion — that he was 
 a wise, humane, and honest ruler of a most per- 
 A'erse generation. 
 
 Corruption there was in New Orleans, as one 
 notorious individual can testify, who found him- 
 self in the peniteutiaiy one day, sentenced to 
 twenty-one years at hard labor for peculating the 
 property of the government. Power was abused 
 in New Orleans, as power always is by whom- 
 soever it is wielded. But it was not abused with 
 the knowledge or consent of the commanding 
 general, nor were the evil-doers shielded by him 
 from the just penalty eith^ ©f crime or of error. 
 His rule in Louisiana was greatly just and greatly 
 
 wise. It was the harsh conflict of two antago- 
 nistic civilizations, both imperfect, one fatally so. 
 It was the sudden setting up of the rule of justice 
 in a community which had almost lost the tra- 
 dition of a just rale. It was a bringing of the 
 inflation, the arrogance, the meanness, and the 
 falsehood engendered by slavery, to the lest of 
 Yankee common sense and Yankee coma.on law. 
 From such a conflict there must needs arise a 
 great outcry. Somebody must be hurt. Every 
 creature that is hurt, cries out in the language 
 natural to it. The natural language of an 
 "original secessionist,"' damaged in a conflict 
 with justice and good sense, and, at the same 
 time, deprived of bowie-knife and pistol, is cal- 
 umny of the man by whom that justice and good 
 sense are brought to bear upon his pretensions. 
 Falsehood is the element in which those un- 
 happy people live, move, and have their being. 
 
 But to resume. In one particular, General 
 Butler's designs with regard to the commerce of 
 New Orleans were baffled. He could not get 
 cotton in any considerable quantity, although it 
 was a constant object of his endeavors. The 
 reason, as given to him by well-informed Louis- 
 ianians, was this: About one-half of the planters 
 had burned their cotton, and these men would 
 not permit their less etithusiastic neighbors to 
 reap the advantage of their prudence. A little 
 cotton was procured from Mobile, by exchanging 
 one bale of cotton for one sack of salt, and a little 
 more was brought from Texas by special arrange- 
 ment. It can not be said, however, that the 
 world's supply of this commodity was much in- 
 creased by the capture of New Orleans. Perhape, 
 two or three thousand bales may have been pro- 
 cured in all. 
 
 The currency of New Orleans was in a condition 
 deplorably chaotic. Omnibus tickets, car tickets, 
 shinplasters and Confederate notes, the last 
 named depreciated seventy per cent by the fall 
 of the cit}', were the chief medium of exchange. 
 The coin had been removed from the vaults of 
 the banks to a place within the Confederate lines, 
 except that part of it which was deposited in the 
 consulates. In compliance with the entreaties 
 of Mr. Soule, and with the obvious necessities of 
 the situation. General Butler had permitted the 
 temporary circulation of Confederate notes ; but 
 as this concession was known to be but tem- 
 porary, it did not materially enhance the value 
 of that spurious currency. The banks had been 
 growing rich upon the traffic in Confederate 
 paper, bought at a discount, paid out at par. 
 When most other investments were unproduc- 
 tive, bank shares had yielded large dividends. 
 Until September, 1861, as many readers remem- 
 ber, the banks of New Orleans had held aloof 
 from the practical support of the Confederacy, 
 had refused to suspend specie payments, and had 
 transacted only a legitimate business. At that 
 time, however, a threat of "harsh measures" 
 from the Richmond government gave to some of 
 the banks the pretext which they coveted for 
 abandoning the honest course, and the rest were 
 compelled to follow the bad example. Thence- 
 forward, business in Louisiana was done in Con- 
 federate notes, and the paper of the banks was 
 little seen in circulation. The consequences of 
 the sudden depreciation of those notes may be 
 readily imagined. As the offer of the city to 
 
IW 
 
 EFFORTS TOWARDS RESTORATION. 
 
 redeem the notes was not ftilfilled, they remained 
 almost the sole medium of exchange in the hands 
 of the people. 
 
 Such a state of things obviously demanded the 
 prompt interference of the commanding general. 
 The series of bold, original and masterly measures 
 by which General Butler, in the course of a few 
 weeks, gave to New Orleans a currency as sound 
 ;ind convenieut as that of New York and Boston, 
 merits the reader's particular attention. 
 
 There was oue redeeming fact in the finaucial 
 condition of the citj^ to serve as a fulcrum to the 
 general's lever. Most of the banks (all of them 
 but three) were solvent and strong. True, their 
 coin was gone, but it was not supposed to be 
 lost. Granting the coin to be safe, the banks 
 were able to redeem their circulation, and safely 
 afford the city the currency it needed. It re- 
 quired all the general's intimate knowledge of 
 banking, and all the force of his will, to bring 
 the banks to perform this duty ; but after a 
 struggle against manifest destiny, they all sub- 
 mitted. 
 
 The banks, I may premise, were anxious re- 
 specting the safety of their coin. After a con- 
 ference with the general on the subject, an im- 
 portant favor was asked him in writing by two 
 gentlemen representing the banking interest. 
 "We understood you to say," wrote these gen- 
 tlemen, May 13th, " that you were disposed to 
 reaffirm the declaration made in your first proc- 
 lamation, that private property of all kinds should 
 be respected. You added that if the treasure 
 ^vithdrawn by the banks should be restored to 
 their vaults, you would not only abstain from 
 interference, but that you would give it safe con- 
 duct, and use all your power individually, as well 
 as of the forces of the United States under 
 your command, for its protection; that the 
 question as to the proper time of the resumption 
 of specie payments should be left entirely to the 
 judgment and discretion of the banks themselves, 
 with the understanding on your part and ours 
 that the coin should be held in good faith for the 
 protection of the bill-holders aud depositors. On 
 their part the banks promised to act with scrupu- 
 lous good faith to carry out their understanding 
 with j'ou ; that is. to restore a sound currency 
 as soon as possible, and to provide for the re- 
 sumption of regular business as soon as the exi- 
 gencies of our trade require it. You are aware 
 that a large portion of the coin of the banks is 
 beyond their control, and that we can only 
 promise to use our best exertions for its return. 
 Should we fail, we will immediately advise you 
 of the fact. In the meau time, we request of 
 you the favor to give us the authority to bring 
 back the treasure within your lines, with the 
 safe conduct of the same from that point to this 
 city." 
 
 The general gave the required permits, but the 
 act was superfluous. 
 
 Memminger, the secretary of the rebel treas- 
 ury, refused to give it up. " The coin of the 
 banks of New Orleans," he wrote, July 6th, 
 " was seized by the government to prevent it 
 falling into the hands of the public enemy. It 
 has been deposited in a place of security, under 
 charge of the government ; and it is not intended 
 to interfere with the rights of properly in the 
 banks farther than to insure its safe custody. 
 They may proceed to conduct their business in 
 
 the Confederate States upon this deposit, just a» 
 though it were in their own vaults." 
 
 The banks then endeavored to get both gov- 
 ernments to consent to their sending the coin to 
 Europe during the war; and General Butler 
 rather favored the scheme, provided a European 
 goverii'iaent would lake it in charge. The plan 
 failed, however, to gain approval ; and the gen- 
 eral consented to permit the banks to do business 
 upon the basis of the absent coin, "just as 
 though it was in their own vaalts." Unless he 
 had done this, his whole scheme of reforming the 
 currency must have failed. 
 
 General Butler's first financial measure was to 
 suppress the Confederate notes. At the begin- 
 ning of the third week of the occupation of the 
 city, the following general order appeared : — 
 
 New Orlkans, May 16, 1862. 
 
 •' I. It is hereby ordered that neither the city 
 of New Orleans, nor the banks thereof, exchange 
 their notes, bills, or obligations for Confederate 
 notes, bills, or bonds, nor issue any bill, note, or 
 obligation payable in Confederate notes. 
 
 "II. On the 27th day of May inst., all circu- 
 lation of, or trade in, Confederate notes and bills 
 will cease within this deparcment ; and all sales 
 or transfers of property made on or after that 
 day, in consideration of such notes or bills, di- 
 rectly or indirectly, will be void, and the property 
 confiscated to the United States, one-fourth 
 thereof to go to the informer." 
 
 Great was the agitation in bank parties on the 
 day this order was promulgated. At once the 
 question arose. Who is to bear the loss, the 
 banks or the public ? The banks had no doubts 
 upon the subject. The newspapers of the next 
 morning contained a long string of short adver- 
 tisements, which agreeably divei'sifled the usual 
 uniformity of the advertising columns. The fol- 
 lowing may serve as specimens : 
 
 " All parties having deposits of Confederate 
 notes with us are hereby notified to withdraw 
 them prior to the 27th inst. Such balances as 
 may not be withdrawn will be considered at the 
 risk of the owners, and held subject to their 
 order." 
 
 " JUDSON & Co., 
 " Corner of Camp and Canal sti-eets." 
 
 "Banking House o? bAiii'i. Smith «fc Co., 
 " Nkw Orleans, May 19, 1862. 
 
 " All persons having deposited Confederate 
 notes in this banking-house are notified to with- 
 draw them before the 27 th inst. Such balances 
 as may not then be withdrawn will be consid- 
 ered at the risk of the owners. 
 
 "Sam'l Smith & Co." 
 
 " Merchants' Bank, 
 "New Orleans, May 19, 1S62. 
 
 "This bank is prepared to pay balances iu 
 Confederate notes, which must be drawn before 
 the 27 th inst. 
 
 "Wm. S. Mount, Cashier." 
 
 The banks, therefore, were resolved to throw 
 the entire mass of the Confederate currency upon 
 the impoverished people. They had introduced 
 that currency, grown rich upon it, received ii at 
 
EFFORTS TOWARD RESTORATION. 
 
 Ill 
 
 pai'; and now, when it was nearly worthless, 
 they designed to escape the entire loss of the de- 
 preciation. Every one outside of the banks was 
 in consternation. The people knew not what to 
 do. If they withdrew their deposits, they would 
 receive sundry pieces of valueless printed paper. 
 If they did not, the deposits were " at their own 
 risk" — a phrase of fearful import at such a time. 
 What rendered the course of the banks the more 
 exasperating was the flict, that a great and 
 wealthy corporation, professing an entire faith in 
 the ultimate triumph of the Confederacy, could 
 afford to hold Confederate paper, while a poor 
 trader in New Orleans would be ruined by the 
 suspension of his little capital. 
 
 The anger of General Butler was kindled. 
 He, the " enemy," was striving night and day to 
 save the people of New Orleans from starvation, 
 and restore the business of the city to life. 
 They, the fellow-citizens of those people, thought 
 only of saving their ill-gotten wealth. In the 
 course of the day upon which the bank adver- 
 tisements appeared, he penned his famous Gen- 
 eral Order, No. 30, which was published in the 
 papers of the following morning : 
 
 " New Oelbans, May 19, 1862. 
 
 " It is represented to the commanding general 
 that great distress, privation, suffering, hunger, 
 and even starvation has been brought upon the 
 people of New Orleans and vicinage by the 
 course taken by the banks and dealers in cur- 
 rency. 
 
 " He has been urged to take measures to pro- 
 vide, as far as may be, for the relief of the citi- 
 zens, so that the loss may fall, in part, at least, 
 on those who have caused and ought to bear it. 
 
 " The general sees with regret that the banks 
 and bankers causelessly suspended specie pay- 
 ments iu September last, in contravention of the 
 laws of the state and of the United States. 
 Having done so, they introduced Confederate 
 notes as currency, wliich they bought at a dis- 
 count, in place of their own bills, receiving {hem 
 on deposit, paying them out for their discounts, 
 and collecting their customers' notes and drafts 
 in them as money, sometimes even against their 
 win, thus giving these notes credit and a wide 
 general circulation, so that they were substituted 
 in the hands of the middling men, the poor and 
 unwary, as currency, io place of that provided 
 by the constitution and laws of the country, or 
 of any valuable equivalent. 
 
 "The banks and bankers now endeavor to 
 take advantage of the re-establishment of the 
 authority of the United States here, to throw 
 the depreciation and loss from this worthless 
 atuff of their creation and fostering upon their 
 creditors, depositors, and bill-holders. 
 
 " They refuse to receive these bills while they 
 pay them over their counters. 
 
 " They require their depositors to take them. 
 
 " They change the obligations of contracts hy 
 stamping their bills, ' redeemable in Confederate 
 notes.' 
 
 " They have invested the savings of labor 
 and the pittance of the widow iu this paper. 
 
 " They sent away or hid their specie, so that 
 the people could have nothing but these notes, 
 which they now depreciate — with which to buy 
 bread. 
 
 "All other property has become nearly valuci 
 
 less from the calamities of this iniquitous and 
 unjust war begun by rebellious guns, turned on 
 the flag of our prosperous and happy eountryr 
 floating over Fort Sumter. Saved from the- 
 general ruin by the system of financiering, bank 
 stocks alone are now selling at great premiums 
 in the market, while the stockholders have re- 
 ceived large dividends. 
 
 " To equalize, as far as may be, this general 
 loss ; to liave it fall, at least in part, where it 
 ought to lie ; to enable the people of this city 
 and vicinage to have a currency which shall at 
 least be a semblance to that which the wisdom 
 of the constitution provides for aU citizens of 
 the United States, it is therefore 
 
 " Ordered: 1. That the several incorporated 
 banks pay out no more Confederate notes to 
 their depositors or creditors, but that all deposits 
 be paid in the bills of the bank, United States 
 treasury notes, gold or silver. 
 
 " II. That all private bankers, receiving de- 
 posits, pay out to their depositors ouly the cur- 
 rent bills of city banks, or United States treasury 
 notes, gold or silver. 
 
 " III. That the savings banks pay to their 
 depositors or creditors only gold, silver, or 
 United States treasury notes, current bills of 
 city banks, or their own bills, to an amount not 
 exceeding one-third of their deposits and of de- 
 nomination not less than one dollar, which they 
 are authorized to issue and for the redemption 
 of which their assets shall be held liable. 
 
 " IV. The incorporated banks are authorized 
 to issue bills of a less denomination than five 
 dollars, but not less than one dollar, anything in 
 their charters to the contrary notwithstanding, 
 and are authorized to receive Confederate notes 
 for any of their bills until the 27th day of May 
 instant. 
 
 " V. That all persons and firms having issued 
 small notes lOr 'shinplasters,' so called, are re- 
 quired to redeem them on presentation at their 
 places of business, between the hours of 9 a. m. 
 and 3 p. m., either in gold, silver, United States 
 treasury notes, or current bills of city banks, 
 under penalty of confiscation of their property 
 and sale thereof, for the purpose of redemption 
 of the notes so issued, or imprisonment for a 
 term of hard labor. 
 
 " VI. Private bankers may issue notes of de- 
 nominations not less than one nor more than ten 
 dollars, to two-thirds of the amount of specie 
 which they show to a commissioner appointed 
 from these head-quarters, in their vaults, actually 
 kept there for the purpose of redemption of such 
 notes." 
 
 So the game of the banks was " blocked." The 
 
 relief afforded to the people by the publication 
 of this order was such, that, as a secessionist 
 remarked to one of the general's staff, it was 
 equivalent to a reinforcement of twenty thousand 
 men to the Union army. Union men in New- 
 Orleans say, that nothing but the continual bad 
 news from General McClellan's army in the pe- 
 ninsula prevented this measure from causing an 
 open and general manifestation of Union feeling 
 among the respectable traders of the city. But 
 the impression could not be removed from 
 the minds of the people, while such intelligence 
 kept coming, that the stay of the army would 
 be but short ; and every man feared to commit 
 
112 
 
 EFFORTS TOWARD RESTORATION. 
 
 himself to a course that would invite the ven- 
 geance of the returning Confederates. 
 
 All the banks submitted, in silence, except 
 one — the Bank of Louisiana. I think I must 
 afford space for tho following curious correspon- 
 dence that passed between that institution and 
 General Butler: 
 
 THE BANK TO GENERAL BUTLER. 
 
 "No. 148 Canal Street, 3Iay 21, 1862. 
 
 " Sir : — The Board of Directors of the Bank 
 of Louisiana held a special meeting this morning, 
 in order to take into consideration your Order 
 No. 30. The meeting was full, with the excep- 
 tion of a single member ; for all were impressed 
 with the gravity of the question about to be sub- 
 mitted. 
 
 " The result of their deliberation was the 
 the adoption of certain resolutions, which I have 
 now the honor to submit to you. 
 
 "At the same time I was instructed to make 
 a few observations in explanation of tiieir course, 
 and especially to disclaim and disavow the justice 
 of any imputation affecting their rectitude, in- 
 tegrity or honor. As a proof of their confidence 
 in their disinterestedness, they invite the most 
 searching examination of all their books, includ- 
 ing the minutes of their proceedings, and of every 
 , act of their administration, even their private 
 accounts with the bank, by any competent per- 
 son whom you may select for that purpose; 
 and they are willing to abide the result, either 
 as ofiBcials or as individuals. 
 
 " In the discharge of their difficult and delicate 
 duties, knowing and feeling that their intentions 
 were pure and upright, they have an abiding 
 confidence of their exculpation from the influence 
 of all sordid or selfish motives. 
 
 "If required, I will wait on you and afiford 
 every explanation in my power. • 
 " I have the honor, &c.. &c., 
 " W. Newton Mercer, President pro tem. 
 
 " Major-General Butler, U. S. A., &c. 
 
 " Note. — Of the capital stock of the bank — 
 28,000 shares — the directors own about one- 
 tenth. To the bank they owe nothing." 
 
 RESOLUTIONS of THE DIRECTORS. 
 
 "Bank op Louisiana, May 21, 1862. 
 
 " As this bank is unable to comply with the 
 conditions, and act under the restrictions imposed 
 upon it by Order No. 30, issued by General 
 Butler, and as imputations have been cast upon 
 the conduct and characters of its directors, 
 
 " Therefm-e, Resolved, unanimously, That Gen- 
 eral Butler be invited to appoint some competent 
 person, in whom he has confidence, to examine 
 thoroughly the condition of this bank since its 
 suspension of specie payments, as well as the 
 action of its directors since the 1st day of Sep- 
 tember last. 
 
 "That the cashier be instructed to give to 
 General Butler's agent, if one be appointed, 
 every facility for such an examination of all its 
 books, papers, vaults, desks and drawers, and to 
 afford him every information touching the ad- 
 ministration of this bank during the period 
 : already mentioned, together with an inspection 
 ■ of the private accounts of the directors. 
 
 " That, in the meantime, till General Butler's 
 final determination be ascertained, the opera- 
 tions of the bank must necessarily be suspended, 
 as it has in its possession none of its own issue 
 and only a very small amount of coin. 
 
 " I certify that the action above mentioned 
 was held this morning by the Bank of Louisiana. 
 " "W". Newton Mercer, President pro tem. 
 
 "New Orleans, May 21, 1862." 
 
 general butlkb to the bank. 
 
 " Head-quarters, Dkpart.vent of the Gulp, 
 " New Orleans, May 22, 1862, 
 
 " "W. Newton Mercer, Esq., President of the 
 
 Bank of Louisiana : 
 
 " Sir : — I have received your communication, 
 covering the unanimous action of the directors 
 of the Bank of Louisiana. To their request, that 
 I would appoint a commission to examine the 
 affairs of the bank, I can not accede. With the 
 mismanagement or the contrary of the bank, I 
 have nothing to do, except so far as either 
 affects the interest of the United States. 
 
 " The assigned reason for the call for this ex- 
 amination, that ' the integrity and good faith of 
 the directors have been impugned,' will not 
 move me, if it refer to General Order No. 30, 
 which speaks of acts and facts, not motives. 
 
 " Your note says, that the directors own but 
 one-tenth of the capital stock of the bank. 
 Without consulting the owners of the other 
 nine-tenths — nearly three millions of dollars — 
 this one-tenth took this immense wealth from 
 its legal place of deposit, and sent it flying over 
 the country in company with fugitive property 
 burners, among the masses of a disorganized, re- 
 treating, and starving army, whence it is more 
 than likely never to return again. Again ; the 
 time it would take to make an investigation, 
 which would show the good management, to say 
 nothing of the purity of motive of such a trans- 
 action, can not be spared by any officer of my 
 command. Ex una disce omnes. 
 
 " The directors of the bank of Louisiana have 
 all seen General Order No. 30, and have acted 
 upon it as a corporation. So your note shows. 
 
 " They will now advise themselves whether 
 they will act in accordance with its requirements 
 upon their corporate and individual peri), and 
 inform me, within six hours after the receipt of 
 this, of their determination. 
 
 " I have the honor to be, respectfully, your 
 obedient servant, 
 
 B. F. Butler." 
 
 the bank to general butler. 
 
 "Bank of Louisiana, 
 " New Orleans, Muy 22, 1862. 
 
 " To Major-General B. F. Butler, 
 
 Commanding Department of the Gulf: — 
 ■"Sir: — I have received your communication 
 of this day in answer to my letter accompanying 
 the proceedings of the directors of this bank. 
 
 "The board of directors were immediately 
 summoned to a special meeting; and as you 
 leave no alternative but compliance with youJ 
 mandate, they will conform to Order No. 30. 
 " Respectfully, your obedient servant, 
 " W. Newton Mercer. Pree't jpro tem." 
 
EFFORTS TOWARD RESTORATION. 
 
 113 
 
 Confederate notes disappeared from circulation. 
 Bank-notes and green-backs look their place. A 
 few weeks later, the omnibus tickets and shin- 
 plasters were replaced by small notes issued by 
 Governor Shepley and the city government. 
 Thus, the currency of the city was completely 
 restored. 
 
 General Butler required from the banks a 
 monthly report of their transactions and their 
 condition. Two of them which he ascertained 
 to be hopelessly insolvent, he ordered to be 
 closed and to go into liquidation. Another, 
 which was weak, he caused to be strengthened. 
 His later intercourse with the officers of the 
 banks was more amicable than at first They 
 were surprised to find that a major-general of 
 volunteers was as much at home in their own 
 province as if he had spent his life in a banking- 
 bouse. 
 
 An anecdote from the Delta will serve to show 
 how the general's order secured the rights of ene- 
 mies as well as friends; 
 
 " Among the rebel prisoners taken the other 
 day was an officer, whom we shall call Captain 
 Johnson. He, before going to the war, had de- 
 posited three hundred dollars in the Bank of 
 Commerce. Upon his return to the city upon 
 parole, he called at the bank to inquire about his 
 funds. After much fumbling, it was admitted 
 that he had deposited the sum named. 
 "'Well,' said he, 'I want it' 
 * * " Thereupon he was reminded that he had 
 made his deposit in Confederate notes. 
 
 "'Very true,' he replied, 'but at that time 
 Confederate notes were current and valuable.' 
 
 '■ ' Oh,' muttered the banker, ' I must give it 
 to you in the currency in which you deposited.' 
 "'But,' said .the captain, 'Confederate notes 
 are worthless now.' 
 
 The banker was firm, and the Captain re- 
 tired. He called the next day and renewed his 
 demand for his money. He was told, as before, 
 that he must take Confederate notes. 
 
 ' ' i suppose I must,' observed the Confederate 
 captain. 
 
 " The banker paused, and then inquired : ' But 
 what can you do with Confederate notes? They 
 are worthless here, and it is against the law to 
 pass them. 
 
 ' ' That's just what I have been telling you,' 
 said the captain ; ' but since you will not give me 
 anything else, I presume I had better take Con- 
 federate notes.' 
 
 " ' Yes, yes. yes, yes,' nervously spluttered 
 the banker ; ' but what can you do with Con- 
 federate notes? 
 
 "'Well,' replied Johnson, 'I will tell you 
 squarely what I will do. I will take them to 
 General Butler and try to get gold for them.' 
 
 " Upon this, the banker counted out three hun- 
 dred dollars in United States treasury notes, and 
 •Captain Jobusou retired.' 
 
 Some stern retributory measures remained to 
 be enforced against the banks of New Orleans. 
 The following general order was issued early in 
 June : 
 
 Nbw Orleans, June 6, 1862. 
 " Any person wno has in his possession, or 
 ■subject to his control, any property of any kind 
 or description whatever, of the so-called Confed- 
 
 erate States, or who has secreted or concealed, 
 or aided in the concealment of such property, 
 who shall not, within three days from the pub- 
 lication of this order, give full information of the 
 same, in writing, at the head-quarters of the mili- 
 tary commandant, in the Custom-House, to the 
 a.ssistant military commandant, Godfrey Weitzel, 
 shall be liable to imprisonment and to have his 
 property confiscated." 
 
 This order, being interpreted, signified (among 
 other things), that whatever sums of money might 
 be standing upon the books of the banks iu tiie 
 name of the rebel government, were now the prop- 
 erty of the United States; which property the 
 banks would please prepare to surrender. The 
 order was promptly obeyed. 
 
 A few days after. General Butler had the 
 pleasure of sending to Mr. Chase the sum of 
 $245,760, the amount of Confederate funds given 
 up by the several banks. "This," remarked the 
 general, " will make a fund upon which those 
 whose property has been confiscated may have 
 claim." 
 
 Another act of justice remained to be done by 
 the banks and other dividend-paying corpora- 
 tions of New Orleans. Witness the following 
 order : 
 
 "New Orlkans, July 9, 1862. 
 " All dividends, interests, coupons, stock-certifi 
 cates, and accruing interest, due any or payable 
 by any incorporated or joint-stock company, ta 
 any citizen of the United Slates; and any notes, 
 dues, claims, and accounts of any such citizen, 
 due from any such company, or any privat* per- 
 son or company within tliis department, which 
 have heretofore been retained under any sup- 
 posed order, authority, act of sequestration, gar- 
 nishee process, or in any way emanating under 
 t!ie supposed Confederate States, or the state of 
 Louisiana, since the fraudulent ordinance of 
 secession, are hereby ordered to be paid and de- 
 livered respectively to the lawful owners thereof 
 or their duly authorized agenls." 
 
 This order restored to many citizens of the 
 northern states a portion of their annual income 
 which they had long ago given up as lost. Nor 
 was this all. The mercantile debts were e.x:- 
 tracted from such of the debtors as had not 
 squandered all their property. The papers be- 
 fore me show that there was an active business 
 done, at this time, in compelling the payment of 
 sums due to northern creditors. The ingenious 
 devices of the repudiators to avoid or postpone 
 the agony of disgorging, were numerous and 
 sometimes successful. The usual issue of the 
 struggle, however, was a short, sharp order from 
 the general: Pay instanter, or be sold up! The 
 individual, I observe, who repudiated a debt 
 of $20,000 to General Anderson, of Fort Sumter 
 celebrity, was one of those upon wiiose property 
 General Butler laid his retributive hand. 
 
 Direct efforts were systematically made, during 
 the whole period of General Butler's rule, to pro- 
 mote Union feeling. Union clubs were en- 
 couraged. "The Union Ladies' Association" for 
 clothing the children of volunteers, lield frequent 
 meetings. The fourth of July was celebrated 
 
lU 
 
 EFFORTS TOWARD RESTORATION. 
 
 with all possiole eclat. There were nuincrous 
 tiag'-raisir/gs. Union meetings were often held, 
 addressed b\- tlie orators both of the army and 
 of the city. The general caused to be cut deep 
 into the granite base of the statue of General 
 Jackson, the motto originally designed to adorn 
 it: 
 
 " The Union' — it Must and Shall be Pre- 
 served." 
 
 Much good was done by these efforts. Seed 
 was sown which might have borne glorious 
 fruit when the success of the Union arms had 
 given the Union men of the city an assurance of 
 safety. 
 
 New Orleans, during the administration of 
 General Butler, possessed, for the first time in its 
 history, a court of justice in whicli it was^wssiife 
 for justice to be done. A code of law which ex- 
 cludes from the witness-box the very class who 
 are the most likely to be the witnesses of crime, 
 and against whom the greatest number of crimes 
 are committed, banishes justice from the land in 
 which it exists. One of Major Bell's first deci- 
 sions in the provost court placed white men and 
 black men upon an equality before the law. A 
 hunker democrat did this glorious thing! A 
 negro was called to the witness-stand. 
 
 "I object," said the counsel for the prisoner; 
 "by the laws of Louisiana a negro can not testify 
 against a white man." 
 
 " lias Louisiana gone out of the Union ?" asked 
 Major Bell, with that imperturbable gravity of 
 his, that veils his keen sense of humor. 
 
 "Yds," said the lawyer. 
 
 ""Well, then," said the judge, "she took her 
 laws with her. Let the Man be Sworn!" 
 
 Immortal words ! From that moment dates 
 the renovation of Louisiana ! 
 
 Again. Henry Dominique, a free man of color, 
 was arrested for not having free papers. The 
 prisoner could only protest that he was a free 
 man. The court decided, that every man must 
 be presumed to be free until the contrary was 
 shown. Dominique was discharged. 
 
 Major Bell's court was among the lions of the 
 town. During a considerable part of General 
 Butler's stay, ho administered all the justice that 
 was done in New Orleans, according to the forms 
 of a court. He decided all cases, from a street 
 broil to questions of constitutional law, from 
 petty larceny to high treason, from matrimonial 
 squabbles to suits for divorce. He would dis- 
 pose of fifteen cases in thirty minutes. An hour 
 was a long trial. He was pestered, at first, with 
 malicious suits, to avenge injuries committed be- 
 fore the capture of the city — a kind of case that 
 sometimes resulted in penalties to both parties ; 
 oftener in a prompt dismissal of both from the 
 court. Suits of the most frivolous character were 
 brought before him. Que morning, two women 
 presented themselves, each to prefer a complaint 
 against the other. 
 
 '• Stand there," said he to one of them. " Stand 
 rhere," to the other. " Now both speak at once, 
 and talk for five minutes." 
 
 Two torrents of vituperation poured from the 
 two mouth.s. The judge kept his eye upon his 
 watch, and at the end of the time, said : 
 
 "Now, both of you go home and behave your- 
 selves." 
 
 The women departed with evident satisfaction , 
 they had relieved their minds. 
 
 Some of the cases demanded au intimate knowl- 
 edge of local law. For example: Major Bell 
 observed a colored woman hanging about his 
 office for several successive days, iu evident dis- 
 tress of mind. He asked her. one day, wliat she 
 wanted. She said that all her goods had been 
 seized by her landlord for rent, though she had 
 paid the rent and had his receipt. It was another 
 tenant of the same house, she said, who was de- 
 linquent, and had moved awa}' in the night, 
 leaving her goods liable to seizure. The land- 
 lord being summoned, admitted the truth of the 
 woman's atovy, and pointed out tlie old statute 
 which gave landlords the right to seize any pro(>- 
 erty iu his house for unpaid rent. Major Bell 
 read this astonishing .statute, and was compelled 
 to admit that the landlord had the law on his side. 
 He remonstrated with him, however, and pointed 
 out the cruel injustice which he had committed 
 in seizing the property of an honest woman. 
 The man was surly, and said that all he wanted 
 was the law. The law gave him the goods and 
 he meant to keep them. Major Bell was posed. 
 He scratched his wise-looking head. Suddenly, 
 he had an idea. 
 
 " Are you a free woman?" he asked the com- 
 plainant. 
 
 "No," said she, "I belong to ." 
 
 " Sir," said the judge to the landlord, '• another 
 statute requires the written consent of the owner 
 before a tenement can be let to a slave. Pro- 
 duce it." 
 
 The man hadlbrgotten this statute. He could 
 not produce the document. 
 
 " Take your choice," said Major Bell ; " either 
 give back the woman's property or pay the 
 fine." 
 
 The man preferred to restore the goods, and 
 the poor washerwoman was saved from ruin. 
 
 "Master," said she, with the eloquence of 
 perfect gratitude, " if you get the yellow fe- 
 ver, send for me, and I'll come and take care of 
 you." 
 
 A government needs a government organ. 
 During the month of May, several of the news- 
 papers of New Orleans were suspended by or- 
 ders from head-quarters. They pubhshed the 
 most- extravagant rumors of federal disasters, 
 and closed their columns against the true intelli- 
 gence. Their comments hovered upon the verge 
 of treason, and, not unfrequeutly, passed beyond 
 the verge. A sudden order to suspend would 
 bring them to a sense of the anomalous situa- 
 tion ; they would promise submission ; and were 
 generally allowed to resume publication in a day 
 or two. 
 
 One of these newspapers, the Delta, noted lor 
 the virulence of its treason, was otherwise 
 treated. The office was seized, and permanently 
 held. Two officers, experienced in the conduct 
 of newspapers. Captain John Clark, of Boston, 
 and Lieutenant-Colonel E. M. Brown, of thf- 
 Eighth Vermont, were detailed to ed't the paper 
 in the interest of the United States. The fifst 
 number of the regenerated Delta appeared on 
 the 24th of May, 1862, and it continued under 
 the same direction until the 8lh of February, 
 1863. It was conducted with very great ability 
 and spirit. Besides the labor of the editors, it 
 had the advantage of occasional contributions- 
 
EFFECT OF THE FAILURE IN VIRGINIA. 
 
 115 
 
 from Major Bell and other officers ; the com- 
 manding general himself frequently giving it the 
 aid of his suggestions. Several ladies of New 
 Orleans contributed. One of them, Mrs. Taylor, 
 who adopted the signature of "Nellie,'' wrote 
 many lively satirical sketches, which greatly 
 amused the readers of the paper, besides calling 
 forth the exertions of other ladies of similar 
 character. In one feature the Delta, differed 
 strikingly frum the ordinary newspapers of the 
 South. Tour true southerner, your " original 
 secessionist," is a very serious peisonage. Yanity 
 of the intenser sort is a serious foible ; proud ig- 
 norance is serious ; cruelty is serious ; one-idea 
 is serious. There is no joke in your true south- 
 erner; and as a consequence, his newspaper is 
 generally a grave and heavy thhig, euhvened 
 only by vituperation and ferocity. The sport- 
 impulse comes of an excess of strength. The 
 man of true humor is so much the master of his 
 subject that he can play with it, as the strong 
 man of the circus plays with cannon-balls. The 
 regenerated Delta was one of the most humor- 
 ous of newspapers. Almost every issue had its 
 good joke, and a great many of its jocular para- 
 graphs wore exceedingly happy hits. 
 
 Allusion has been made to the secession songs 
 and secession sentiments taught to the children 
 of the public schools. The schools were dis- 
 missed for the summer vacation two weeks 
 earlier than usual, and during the interval the 
 school system was reorganized on the model of 
 that of Boston. A bureau of education and a 
 superintendent of public schools were appointed 
 — good Union men all. The old teachers were 
 dismissed, and a corps, true to their country, 
 selected in their stead. School-books tainted 
 with treason and pro-slavery were banished, 
 and were replaced by such as are used in 
 Northern schools — Union song-books not being- 
 forgotten. The new system worked well, and 
 continues to this day to diftuse sound knowledge 
 and correct sentiments among the people of New 
 Orleans. 
 
 Such were some of the measures of the com- 
 manding general, designed to restore Louisiana 
 to a degree of its former prosperity and good 
 teeling. They were as successful as the circum- 
 stances of the time permitted. The levee showed 
 some signs of commercial activity. The money 
 distributed by the army gave life to the retail 
 trade. The poorer classes were won back to a 
 love for the power which protected and sus- 
 tained them. The original secessionists were, 
 are, and will ever be, there and everywhere, the 
 bitter foes of the United States; but, among 
 those who had reluctantly accepted secession 
 because they supposed it inevitable, the general 
 and the Union gained hosts of friends, who re- 
 main to this day, in spite of much discourage- 
 ment, loyal to the government. 
 
 CHAPTER XYIIL 
 
 THE EFFECT IN NEW ORLEANS OF OUE LOSSES 
 IN VIRGINIA. 
 
 The Union army in the Department of the 
 Gulf consisted of about fourteen thousand men, 
 und the disasters in Virginia, which increased a 
 
 hundred-fold the difficulty of holding New Or- 
 leans, forbade the re-enforcement of that army. 
 Ship Island, Fort Jackson, Fort St. Philip, Baton 
 Rouge, ports upon the lakes and elsewhere, re- 
 quired strong garrisons, which reduced the eflec- 
 tive men in and near the city to a number in- 
 adequate to a successful defense of the place 
 against such an uttaok as might be expected. 
 General Butler was perfectly aware that the re- 
 covery of the city was an object which the rebels 
 had distinctly proposeil to themselves. It was 
 the real aim Of all that series of niovomeuts of 
 which the attack upon Baton Rouge, by Breck- 
 inridge, was the most conspicuous. The gen- 
 eral's excellent spy system brought him this in- 
 formation, and most of his own measures were 
 more or less influenced by it. 
 
 One powerful iron-clad ram could have cleared 
 the river in an hour of the Union fleet. That 
 done, the city might have fallen before the well- 
 concerted attack of a force such as the rebels 
 were known to be able to assemble. They could 
 not have held the city long ; but they might 
 have taken it, and held it long enough to do in- 
 finite mischief; or they might have necessitated 
 its destruction. 
 
 The temper of the secessionists in New Orleans 
 was the worst possible. Liais are generally 
 credulous, at least they are easily made to be- 
 lieve lies, though they find it so difficult to re- 
 ceive the truth. The news from Virginia would 
 have sufficed to neutralize, for a time, the gene- 
 ral's best measures, even if it had come without 
 exaggerations. But news from Virginia uni- 
 formly came first through rebel sources by tele- 
 graph, while the truth arrived only after a long 
 sea voyage. To show the eflect of this inflam- 
 matory intelligence, take one incident as related 
 by an officer of General Butlers staff; 
 
 " As a result of this continuous report of na- 
 tional defeats before Richmond, St. Charles 
 street, near the hotel, was yesterday (July 10th) 
 the scene of yiolence and threatening trouble. 
 A young woman dressed in white and of hand- 
 some personal appearance, about 10 o'clock, 
 passed by the hotel, wearing a secession badge. 
 She finally insulted one of our soldiers, and was 
 arrested by a policeman, who attempted to take 
 her to the mayor's office. As a matter of course, 
 there was instantly a scene of confusion, as she 
 had selected the time when she would find the 
 most obnoxious secessionists parading the vi- 
 cinity. Upon reaching the building next to the 
 Bank of New Orleans, she theatrically appealed 
 to the crowd for protection, and the next mo- 
 ment the policeman was knocked down, and a 
 shot was fired out of the store, and. wounded the 
 soldier assisting the civil officer. Thereupon a 
 hundred persons, retuined soldiers of Beaure- 
 gard's army, cried murder, and one of the na- 
 tional officers at the same moment fired at the 
 assassin who wounded the soldier. In the con- 
 fusion the murderers escaped, but the woman, 
 together with some of her most prominent sym- 
 pathizers, were conveyed before General Shepley 
 at the City Hall. Upon being brought into the 
 presence of General Shepley, she commenced the 
 utterance of threats and abuse, and, further, 
 took out of her bosom innumerable bits of paper, 
 on which were written insulting epithets, ad- 
 dressed to the United States authorities, and one 
 by one thrust '■hem into General Shepley's hand. 
 
116 
 
 EFFECT OF THE FAILURE IN VIRGINIA. 
 
 After Bome few questions she was put into a car- 
 riage and conveyed to General Butler's head- 
 quarters, where she was recognized as the mis- 
 tress of a gambler and murderer, now, by Gene- 
 ral Butler's orders, confined at Fort Jackson, 
 but nominally passing as the wife of one John 
 H. Larue." 
 
 There was every reason to believe that this 
 was a concerted scene between the woman and 
 the crowd. General Butler sent for her hus- 
 band, who, on being asked his occupation, re- 
 plied, that he '• played cards for a living." The 
 general disposed of the case thus : 
 
 "John H. Larue, being by his own confession 
 a vagrant, a person without visible means of 
 snjpport, and one who gets his living by playing 
 cards, is committed to the parish prison until 
 farther orders. Anna Larue, his wife, having 
 been found in the public streets, wearing a Con- 
 federate flag upou her person, in order to incite 
 a riot, which act has already resulted in a 
 breach of the peace, and danger to the life of a 
 soldier of the United States, is sent to Ship 
 Island till farther orders. She is to be kept sep- 
 arate and apart from the other women confined 
 •there." 
 
 The hideous events attending the funeral of 
 Lieutenant De Kay, of General Williams's stafl", 
 showed the true quality of the '" original seces- 
 sionists;" showed, at once, their cowardice, their 
 meanness, and their ferocity ; and proved the 
 necessity for those strong measures by which the 
 secessionists of the city were deprived of cheir 
 power to co-operate with their friends beyond the 
 Union lines. 
 
 Lieutenant De Kay, summoned from his 
 studies in Europe by the peril of his country, 
 was on board a gun-boat descending the Missis- 
 sippi, when it was fired into by guerillas. He 
 received twelve buck-shots in his body. He 
 lingered a month in New Orleans, enduring his 
 sufterings with heroic cheerfulness, content to 
 die for his country. He expired en the 27th of 
 June, mourned by the whole army. General 
 Butler was at Baton Rouge on the day of the 
 funeral, and his absence emboldened the baser 
 rebels, who seized the opportunity to insult the 
 funeral cortege with laughter and opprobrious 
 outcries. Women again appeared in the streets 
 wearing Confederate colors. The notorious Mrs. 
 Philips, formerly a member of Mr. Buchanan's 
 boudoir cabinet, banished from Washington as an 
 ally of traitors, saluted the procession with osten- 
 tatious laughter from the balcony of her house. 
 Many other women took pains to exhibit their 
 exultation. A bookseller placed in the window 
 of his store a -skeleton labeled " Chickahominy." 
 Another miscreant exhibited, in a club-room and 
 elsewhere, a cross which he said was made of a 
 Yankee's bone. When the procession arrived at 
 the church, the galleries were found filled with 
 a rabble of fikhy scoundrels, the " dregs of the 
 city," whose demeanor was in keeping with that 
 of their instigators out-of-doors. No minister 
 appeared to conduct the last ceremonies. Dr. 
 Leacock, the pastor of the church, a weak, 
 vacillating man, had promised to officiate, but 
 had been induced to break hia promise by the 
 persuasions of members of his church : and other 
 arrangements for the ceremony had to be hastily 
 made amid the sneers and exultation of the crowd. 
 
 The scenes of that afternoon we-e so profound- 
 
 I ly disgusting, so exasperating to the loug-suffei- 
 I ing troops, that, probably, no other body of meu 
 ! ever assembled in arms would have had the self- 
 ' control to bear them in silence.* They did bear 
 1 them in silence. Not a resentful word, still less 
 1 a resentful act escaped them. It probably oc- 
 curred to most of the troops that General Butler 
 was expected home on the following day ; and 
 to him they knew they could safely commit the 
 vindication of outraged decency. 
 
 The general, meanwhile, had been enjoying a 
 pleasant excursion up the river, and was return- 
 ing well pleased with what he had seen and 
 heard at the capital of the state. 
 
 Mrs. Philips, and the exhibitors of the skeleton 
 and the cross, were brought before him. The 
 manner in which he disposed of their cases can 
 best be shown by presenting three special orders, 
 issued on the day after his retnrn. 
 
 " New Orleans. June 30, 1852. 
 
 " Mrs. Philips, wife of Philip Philips, having 
 been once imprisoned for her traitorous procliv- 
 ities and acts at Washington, and released by 
 the clemency of the government, and having 
 been found training her children to spit upou offi- 
 cers of the United States at New Orleans for which 
 act of one of those children both her husband 
 and herself apologized and were again forgiven, 
 is now found on the balcony of her house during 
 the passage of the funeral procession of Lieuten- 
 ant De Kay, laughing and mocking at his re- 
 mains ; aud, upon being inquired of by the com- 
 manding general if this fact were so, contempt- 
 uously replies, ' I was in good spirits that day.' 
 
 " It is, therefore, ordered. That she be not re- 
 garded and treated as a common woman of 
 whom no officer or soldier is bound to take no- 
 tice, but us an uncommon, bad, and dangerous 
 woman, stirring up strife and inciting to riot. 
 
 " And that, therefore, she be confined at Ship 
 Island, in the state of Mississippi, within proper 
 limits there, till fiarther orders ; aud that she be 
 allowed one female servant and no more it she 
 so choose. That one of the houses for hospital 
 
 * The following, from the pen of Lieutenant (now 
 General) Godfrey Weitzel, appeared in the Delta the 
 next morning. 
 
 ToTiiR Editor OF the Delta. — This afternoon the 
 funeral of De Kay wa.s held. A younpofficer of ifie I'nlted 
 States .iriiiy was burit-d. who, in every respect, was tho 
 peer of any youns man in the South. We who knevy, 
 loved and admired him. He wns fatally wounded a 
 month ago while defendins; a cause in which he took the 
 sword as honotly. with as high tont-d feelings of duty, 
 as any riiiin now fighting for the South. He left his 
 studies in Europe to espouse this cause, because he hon- 
 estly and sinceri-ly believed it to lie his duty. He was 
 woiinded but liow? From behind a bush, witli buck- 
 shot fired from a gun, probably by a man who would 
 not have dared to meet him openly. He lingers a month. 
 Not a woiil of CO uplaint or reproach pa.-SHd his lip. Al- 
 ways happy and cheerful even unto his last moment. 
 We requested yesterday the use of a house of Goil, in 
 which to show to his mortal remains our respect. It is 
 granted, but how? After moving through collections 
 of street cars, crowded with ladies wearing secession 
 bailgi-s, and passively smiling and cheerful crowds stu- 
 diously collected to insidt the dea<l, we arriveil at the 
 house of the Lord. We find it thrown open like a sta- 
 ble, as if by military compulsion. We enter, an<l find 
 the galleries and other i)rominent places occupied by a 
 rabble and negroes — a collection such as never deflleu a 
 church before. 
 
 "Gentlemen and ladles of New Orleans and of the 
 South, there waa no chivalry in this. 
 
 " G. Weitzrl, Lieutenant U. S. Engintert. 
 
 " New Okleans, June 28, 1862. 
 
EFFECT OF THE FAILUEE IN VIRGINIA. 
 
 117 
 
 purposes be assigned her as quarters; and a 
 soldier's ration each day be served out to her, 
 with the means of cooking the same ; and that 
 no verbal or written communication be allowed 
 with her except through this office ; aud that she 
 be kept in close confinement until removed to 
 Ship Island." 
 
 New Okleans, June 30, 1S62. 
 
 "Fidel Keller has been found exhibiting a hu- 
 man skeleton in his book -store window, in a pub- 
 lic place in this city, labelled ' Chickahominy,' in 
 large letters, meaning and intending that the 
 bones should be taken by the populace to be the 
 bones of a United States soldier slain in that 
 battle, in order to bring the authority of the 
 United Slates and our army into contempt, and 
 lor that purpose had stated to the passers-by that 
 the bones were those of a Yankee soldier ; 
 whereas, in truth and fact, they were the bones 
 purchased some weeks before of the Mexican 
 consul, to whom they were pledged by a medical 
 student. 
 
 "/i< is, therefm-e, ordered, That for this descra- 
 tioD of the dead, he be confined at Ship Island 
 for two years at hard labor, and that he be al- 
 lowed to communicate with no person on the 
 island except Mrs. Philips, who has been sent 
 there for a like oflense. Any written message 
 may be sent by him tlirough these head-quarters. 
 
 " Upon this order being read to him, the said 
 Keller requested that so much of it as associated 
 him with ' that woman ' might be recalled, which 
 request was therefore reduced to writing by him 
 as follows : 
 
 " New Orleans, ./nne 30, 1862. 
 " ' Mr. Keller desires that that part of the sen- 
 wbich refers to the communication with Mrs. 
 Philips be stricken out, as he does not wish to 
 have communication with said Mrs. Philips. 
 
 " ' F. Keller. 
 " ' Witness, D. Waters.' 
 
 "Said request seeming to the commanding 
 general reasonable, so much of said order is re- 
 voked, and the remainder will be executed."* 
 
 " New Okleans, Ju7i6 80, 1862. 
 
 " John W. Andrews exhibited a cross, the em- 
 blem of the suffering of our blessed Saviour, 
 fashioned for a personal ornament, which he said 
 was made from the bones of a Yankee soldier, 
 and having shown this too, without rebuke, in 
 the Louisiana Club, which claims to be com- 
 posed of chivalrio gentlemen, 
 
 "/i! is, therefore, ordered, That for this dese- 
 cration of the dead, he be confined at hard labor 
 for two years on the fortifications of Ship Island, 
 aud that he be allowed no verbal or written com- 
 munication to or with any one, except through 
 these head-quarters." 
 
 Mrs. Philips, I may add, was released after 
 several weeks detention. She went to Mobile, 
 
 * The explanation of Keller's curious request ig this : 
 There was another Mrs. Philips in New Orleans, noto- 
 rious as a keeiier of a housK of ill-faine. The prisoner 
 having only heard of this Mrs. Philips, had the decency 
 to desire to l)e kept apart from her, fearing, as he said, 
 the effect upon the feelings of his wife if he should be 
 associated with such a woman. The general was not 
 kware of the cause of his scruples at the time. 
 
 where she received an ovation from the leaders 
 of society, and was the subject of laudatory par- 
 agraphs in the newspapers. She had the grace, 
 however, to deny having intended to insult the 
 remains of Lieutenant De Kay. She said that 
 she really was in high spirits that day, and that 
 her ill-timed merriment was not provoked by 
 the passage of the funeral procession. 
 
 A trifling circumstance, of a ludicrous nature, 
 may serve to show something of the disposition 
 of the people — ;just as we learn the feelings of a 
 family from the prattle of the children. Among 
 a batch of captured letters was found one fcova a 
 certain Edward Wright, a resident of New Or- 
 leans, to a lady in Secessia, full of the most 
 ridiculous lies. He told his correspondent that 
 the Yankee officers were the most craven 
 creatures on earth. One of them, he said, had 
 insulted a lady in the streets, which Wright per- 
 ceiving, he had slapped the officer's face and 
 kicked him, aud then offered to meet him in the 
 field ; but the officer gave some " rigmarole ex- 
 cuse" and declined. For this, he continued, he 
 was taken before Picayune Butler, and came 
 near being sent to Fort Jackson. 
 
 General Butler caused the writer of this epistle 
 to be brouglit before him, when the following 
 conversation occurred between them: 
 
 " What is your name ?" 
 
 " Edward Wright." 
 
 " Have I ever had the pleasure of seeing you 
 before ?" 
 
 " Not that I know of." 
 
 " Have you ever been before an officer of the 
 United States charged with any oflFense?" 
 
 " No, sir." 
 
 " Have you ever had any difficulty or misun- 
 derstanding with an officer of the United States 
 in the streets or elsewhere ?" 
 
 "Never, sir." 
 
 " Have you any complaint to make of the con- 
 duct of any of my officers or men ?" 
 
 "None, sir." 
 
 " Have you ever observed any misconduct od 
 their part, since we arrived in the city ?" 
 
 " Never, sir." 
 
 The general now produced the letter, and 
 handed it to the prisoner. 
 
 "Did you write that letter?" 
 
 " It looks like my handwriting." 
 
 " Did you write the letter ?'' 
 
 "Yes; I wrote it." 
 
 " Is not the slory of your slapping and kicking 
 the officer, an unmitigated and malicious lie, de- 
 signed to bring the army of the United States 
 into contempt ?" 
 
 " Well, sir, it isn't true, I admit." 
 
 The general then dictated a sentence like this, 
 which was written at the bottom of the letter : 
 "I, Edward Wright, acknowledge that this 
 letter is basely and abominably false, and that I 
 wrote it for the purpose of bringing the army of 
 the United States into contempt." 
 
 " Sign that, sir." 
 
 " I won't. I am a British subject, and claim 
 the protection of the British consul." 
 
 " Sign it, sir." 
 
 " General Butler, you may put every ball of 
 that pistol through my brain, but I will never 
 sign that paper." 
 
 "Captain Davis, make out an order to the 
 provost-marshal, to hang this man at daybreak 
 
il8 
 
 EFFECT OF THE FAILURE IN VIRGINIA. 
 
 to-inorrow. In tlie meantime, let him have any 
 piiest he chooses to send for. Gentlemen, I am 
 going to dinner." 
 
 Before the general had reached his quarters, 
 an orderly came running up. 
 
 " General, he has signed." 
 
 " Well, keep him in the guard-house all night, 
 and let him go in the morning." 
 
 A conspiracy' to assassinate general Butler was 
 detected early in June. The proofs were suflBcient 
 to warrant the arrest of four abandoned char- 
 acters. The general, content with the discovery 
 and frustation of the plot, forboi-e to prosecute 
 the men, and agreed to pardon the ringleader 
 on condition of his leaving the city. The general 
 did this in compliance with the entreaties of his 
 aged father, who had fought under General 
 Jackson, in the war of 1812, and had remained 
 true to his country. 
 
 These incidents may suffice to show the dis- 
 position of the secessionists of New Orleans, 
 inflamed by the news from Virginia, increased 
 in number by the partial dissolution of Beaure- 
 gard's army and encouraged to expect an at- 
 tempt to drive the Union army from the soil of 
 Louisiana. 
 
 Hence the justification of those measures, 
 about to be related, which reduced the secession 
 party in New Orleans to a stale of " subjugation," 
 the most complete. Before entering upon those 
 measures, it will be proper to show that not the 
 rebels onlj^ felt the weiglit of General Butler's 
 iron hand. Offenses committed by adherents of 
 the Union against the people of the city, were 
 visited with punishment as prompt and rigorous 
 as any which were perpetrated against the 
 country and the flag. 
 
 It was in connection with the searches for 
 concealed properly of the Confederate govern- 
 ment, under the general order of June 6th, that 
 the tragical events occurred to which I allude, 
 and which were among the most notable of 
 General Butler's administration. No one was 
 allowed to enter a house for the purpose of 
 searching, without a written order from General 
 Butler, General Shepley, or Colonel French. 
 For several days the searches proceeded quietly 
 enough, without exciting remark. But about 
 the middle of June, complaints came pouring 
 into head-quarters of parties entering houses for 
 the ostensible purpose of searching for Confed- 
 erate arms, who carried off valuable private pro- 
 perty, such as money and jewels. The detection 
 of these villains was remarkably prompt. 
 
 On the 12th of June, at noon, a complaint was 
 brought to General Butler of a most audacious 
 and flagrant outrage of this kind. A cab drove 
 up to a house in Toulouse street, from which 
 issued two men, who entered the house and pre- 
 sented to the inmates an order to search for 
 arms, signed, apparently, by General Butler. 
 Two men remained in the cab while the .search 
 proceeded. The two who entered the house, 
 and rummaged its closets and drawers, behaved 
 to the family with great politeness, expressing 
 their regret at having been ordered upon so un- 
 pleasant a duty, and declaring their desire to 
 perform that duty with as little inconvenience to 
 the inmates as possible. Upon retiring, they 
 were so good as to leave a certificate to this 
 effect : 
 
 " J. William Henry, First-Lieutenant of the 
 
 Eighteenth Massachusetts volunteers, has search- 
 ed the premises No. 93 Toulouse street, and 
 find, to the best of my judgment, that all the 
 people who live there are loyal. Please examine 
 no more. '' J. William Henky." 
 
 " After the departure of these urbane and con- 
 siderate gentlemen, the lady of the house found 
 that they had carried with them eighteen hun- 
 dred and eighty dollars, a gold watch, and a 
 breastpin. Another sum of over eight thousand 
 dollars they had overlooked. 
 
 There was but one clue to the discovery of 
 these men. They had ridden to the house in 
 cab No. 50, wliich had remained before the 
 door during the search, and in which the search- 
 ers had departed. The driver of cab No. 50. 
 who was immediately brought before the general, 
 was required to relate the history of his doings 
 during the previous night. In the course of the 
 afternoon, the coffee-house to which he had last 
 conveyed his passengers, was surrounded, and 
 every man in it was brought before the general. 
 There were four of them. General Butler never 
 forgets a face that he has once seen. After 
 looking at the men a moment, he asked one of 
 them : 
 
 " Where have I seen you?" 
 
 " In Boston." 
 
 " Where in Boston ?" 
 
 "In the Municipal Court." 
 
 " For what offense were you tried before that 
 court ?" 
 
 "Burglary." 
 
 " Did you join any regiment?" 
 
 " Yes." 
 
 "Which?" 
 
 " The Thirtieth Massachusetts." 
 
 " Why are you not with your regiment?" 
 
 " I was discharged." 
 
 "What for?" 
 
 " Disease." 
 
 " Well, you ought to be hanged any how, for 
 you have robbed before, and been convicted. 
 
 " Don't do it, general, and I'll tell you all 
 about it." 
 
 "Well, make a clean breast of it, then." 
 
 The man confessed. He said that he was one 
 of an organized gang, who had been entering 
 houses for several nights and plundering. The 
 particular offense committed in Toulouse street 
 was brought home, on the spot, to two others of 
 the arrested men, who confessed their guilt. A 
 considerable part of the stolen money was re- 
 covered and restored. Three more of the gang 
 were arrested by Colonel Stafford's detectives on 
 the following day. General Butler disposed of 
 these flagrant cases by ordering four of the ring- 
 leaders to be executed, and sentencing the others 
 to imprisonment. 
 
 The crime was committed on trhe 1 1th, detected 
 on the 12th, two of the criminals were tried on 
 the 13tli, two more on the 15th, and the whole 
 ordered to be executed on the 16lh. The man 
 whose confossion led to the conviction of the 
 offenders was sentenced to five years' imprison- 
 ment at hard labor. Two or three other less 
 guilty participants were sentenced to six months 
 at Ship Islani with ball and chain. 
 
 Those who observed the mingled nonchalance 
 and severity of General Butler's demtanor during 
 those four days, may naturally have concluded 
 
THE .SHEEP AND THE GOATS. 
 
 119 
 
 that it coat him no great exertion of will to haug 
 these criminals. In reality, it caused liim tlie 
 severest internal conflict of his whole life. During 
 the excitement of ihe detection and trial, there 
 was indeed, no room for any emotion but dis- 
 gust at the crime and exultation at his sueccs.s 
 in discovering the perpetrators. It was far dif- 
 ferent on the Sunday preceding the day of exe- 
 cution, when the men lay at his mercj' in prison, 
 when the wives of two of them came imploring 
 tor mercy, when the distant families of the other 
 two were brought tjo his knowledge, and when 
 the softer hearted of his own military family 
 pleaded for a commutation of the sentence. Mrs. 
 Butler was at the North for the summer. Alone 
 that night, the general paced his room, consider- 
 ing and reconsidering the case. He could not 
 .and a door of escape for these men. He had 
 executed a citizen of New Orleans for an offense 
 against the flag of his country ; lio"w could he 
 pardon a crime committed b}-^ Union men against 
 the citizens of New Orleans, a crime involving 
 several distinct offenses of the deepest dye ? 
 His duty was clear, but he could not sleep. He 
 paced his room till the dawn of day. 
 
 The men were executed in the morning; all 
 but one of them confessing their guilt. To one 
 of the families thus left destitute, the general gave 
 4i sewing-machine, by which they were enabled 
 to earn a subsistence. 
 
 The effect of this prompt and rigorous justice 
 was most salutary upon the minds of both parties 
 In New Orleans ; and its effect would have been 
 as manifest as it was real, but for the disturbing 
 influence of the terrible tidings from Virginia ; 
 in the presence of which the wisdom of an arch- 
 angel would have failed to give confidence to the 
 'oval people of Louisiana, or win to the Union 
 cause any considerable number of the party for 
 eecession. 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 THE SHEEP AND THE GOATS. 
 
 AVe may now proceed to consider the iron- 
 handed measures of the commanding general, 
 which were designed to isolate the secessionists 
 and render them innoxious. 
 
 Crowds were forbidden to assemble, and pub- 
 lic meetings, unless expressly authorized. The 
 police were ordered to disperse all street- 
 gatherings of a greater number of persons than 
 three. 
 
 In the sixth week of the occupation of the 
 city, General Butler began the long series of 
 measures, by which the sheep were separated 
 from the goats ; by which the attitude of everj^ 
 inhabitant of New Orleans toward the govern- 
 ment of the United States was ascertained and 
 recorded. The people might be politically divi- 
 ded thus: Union men; rebels; foreigners friend- 
 ly to the United States ; foreigners sympathizing 
 with the Confederates ; soldiers from Beauregard's 
 army inclined to submission ; soldiers from Beau- 
 regard's army not inclined to submission. These 
 soldiers, who numbered several thou.sands, were 
 required to come forward and define their position, 
 and either take the oath of allegiance, or surrender 
 themselves prisouers of war: in which latter 
 
 case, they would be admitted to parole until 
 regularly exchanged, or if tlioy preferred it, re- 
 main in confinement. In this way, the name 
 standing, residence, and political sympathies of 
 this concourse of men were placed on record, and 
 the general was enabled to know where they 
 were to be found, and what he had to expect 
 from them in time of danger. 
 
 His next step was to decree, that no authority 
 of any kind should be exercised in New Orleans 
 by traitors, and that no favors should be granted 
 to traitors by the United States, except the 
 mere protection from personal violence secured 
 by the police. The following general order was 
 designed to secure these objects : 
 
 "New Okle.vns. June 10, 1862. 
 " General Order No. 41. 
 
 "The constitution and laws of the United 
 States require that all military, civil, judicial, 
 executive and legislative officers of the United 
 States, and of the several states, shall take an 
 oath to support the constitution and laws. If a 
 person desires to serve the United States, or to 
 receive special profit fi-om a protection from the 
 United States, he should take upon himself^ the 
 corresponding obligations. This oath will not 
 be, as it has never been, forced upon any. It is 
 too sacred an obligation, ic j exalted in its 
 tenure, and brings with it too many benefits and 
 privileges, to be profaned by unwilling lip ser- 
 vice. It enables its recipient to say, 'I am an 
 American citizen,' the highest title known, save 
 that of him who can say with St. Paul, 'I was 
 free born,' and have never renounced that free- 
 dom. 
 
 " Judges, justices, sheriffs, attorneys, notaries, 
 and all officers of the law whatever, and all per- 
 sons who have ever been, or who have ever 
 claimed to be, citizens of the United States in 
 this department, who therefore exercise any of- 
 fice, hold any place of trust or calling whatever 
 which calls for the doing of any legal act what- 
 ever, or for the doing of any act, judicial or ad- 
 ministrative, which shall or may affect any other 
 person than the actor, must take and subscribe 
 the following oath : ■ I do solemnly swear (or 
 affirm) that I will bear true faith and ailegianco 
 to the United States of America, and will sup- 
 port the constitution thereofl' All acts, doingn, 
 deeds, instruments, records or certificates, certi- 
 fied or attested by, and transactions done, per- 
 formed, or made by any of the persons above 
 described, from and after the 15 th daj' of June 
 insL, who shall not have taken and subscribed 
 such oath, are void and of no efiect. 
 
 " It having become necessary, in the judgment 
 of the commanding general, as a ' public exi- 
 gency,' to distinguish those who are well dis- 
 posed toward the government of the United 
 States, from those who still hold allegiance to 
 the Confederate States, and ample time having 
 been given to all citizens for reflection upon this 
 subject, and full protection to person and prop- 
 erty of every law-abiding citizen having been 
 afforded, according to the terms of the proclama- 
 tion of May 1st: 
 
 " Be it farilier ordered, That all persons ever 
 heretofore citizens of the United States, asking 
 or receiving any favor, protection, privilege, 
 passport, or to have money paid them, property, 
 or other valuable thing whatever delivered to 
 
120 
 
 THE SHEEP AND THE GOATS. 
 
 them, or any benefit of the power of the United 
 States extended to them, except protection from 
 personal violence, must take and subscribe the 
 oath above specified, before their request can be 
 heard, or any act done iu their favor by any 
 oflBcer of the United States within this depart- 
 ment. And for this purpose all persons shall be 
 deemed to have been citizens of the United 
 States who shall have been residents therein for 
 the space of five years and upward, and if foreign 
 born, shall not have claimed and received a pro- 
 tection of their government, duly signed and re- 
 gistered by the proper officer, more than sixty 
 days previous to the publication of this order. 
 
 " It h&ving come to the knowledge of the 
 commanding general that many persons resident 
 within this department have heretofore been aid- 
 ing rebellion by fiirnishing arms and munitions 
 of war, running the blockade, giving iuformation, 
 conceahng property, and abetting by otlier 
 ways, the so-called Confederate States, in viola- 
 tion of the laws of neutrality imposed upon them 
 by their sovereigtis, as well as the laws of the 
 United States, and that a less number are still so 
 engaged ; it is therefore ordered, that all foreign- 
 ers claiaiing any of the privileges of an Amer- 
 ican citizen, or protection or favor from the 
 government of the United States (except pro- 
 tection from personal violenoe), shall previ- 
 ously take and subscribe an oath .n the form fol- 
 lowing : 
 
 " I, , do solemnly swear, or affirm, 
 
 that so long as my government remains at peace 
 with the United States, I will do no act, or con- 
 sent that any be done, or conceal any that has 
 been or is about to be done, that shall be done, 
 that shall aid or comfort any of the enemies or 
 opposers of the United States whatever. 
 
 "(Signed), 
 
 "Subject of ." 
 
 "At the City Hall, at tiie provost court, 
 at the provost marshal's oflSce, and at the sev- 
 eral police stations, books will be opened, and 
 a proper officer will be present to adminis- 
 ter the proper oaths to any person desiring 
 to take the same, and to witness the subscrip- 
 tion of the same by the party taking it. Such 
 officer will furnish to each person so taking and 
 subscribing, a certificate in form following : 
 
 " Dehartmf.nt (IF the Giri.F, 
 •' New Orleans, 1862. 
 
 " has taken and subscribed the 
 
 oath required by General Order No. 41, for a 
 
 " (Signed), ." 
 
 General orders issued at New Orleans usually 
 produced considerable stir among the parties in- 
 terested; but none of them caused so much ex- 
 citement and such universal alarm as this. If 
 the citizens were astounded, the foreigners were 
 puzzled. No one was obliged to take the 
 oath ; but what would happen to those who did 
 not take it ? The office-holders, however, could 
 entertain no doubts respecting their fate, and all 
 of them who adhered still to the Richmond gov- 
 ernment at once resigned their places. The resi- 
 due of the city government was dissolved, and 
 the military commandant reigned alone over 
 
 New Orleans. One of the city officials, I ob- 
 serve from divers documents, made a parting 
 dive into the city treasury, but he was caught 
 in the act, and compelled to let go his booty. 
 
 Gen. Shepley immmdiately Lssued the following 
 order : 
 
 " So much of the executive power of the city 
 as has heretofore been vested in the mayor, will, 
 for the present, be exercised by the military 
 commandant of New Orleans. 
 
 " A ' bureau of finance' is hereby constituted, 
 composed of a board of three persons, one of 
 whom shall be the chairman of the board, to be 
 appointed by the military commandant, with 
 such clerks as may from time to time be found 
 necessary, and may be appointed by the chair- 
 man of the board, subject to the approval of the 
 military commandant. The duties of said bu- 
 reau shall ]oe the same as those which — under 
 the act approved March 20, 1856, and ander 
 other laws constituting the charter of the said 
 city of New Orleans, and under the ordinances 
 of tlie city now in force — have been attributed 
 to the several committees on finance, fire, police^ 
 jiidiciarj^ claims, education, and health, in the 
 board of aldermen and in the board of assistant 
 aldermen of the common council of New Ot- 
 leans. The offices of said bureau ahaS'be im the 
 City Hall. 
 
 "A ' bureau of streets and landings,' consist- 
 ing of three persons, one of whom shall be chair- 
 man, is hcTeby constituted. The diuties of said 
 bureau shall be the same whidi, under the char- 
 ters, laws and ordinances of the city of New Or- 
 leans, have been appropriated to the several 
 committees on streets and landings, workhouses 
 and prisons, and house of refuge, in the board 
 of aldermen and board of assistant aldermen. 
 The office of said bureau shall be in the City 
 Hall, and the chairman shall appoint, subject to 
 the approval of the military commandant, the 
 necessaiy clerks, whose compensation will be 
 fixed by the bureau, subject to the same ap- 
 proval. 
 
 " The following named persons will constitute 
 the bureau of finance : E. H. Durell, chairman ; 
 D. S. Dewees, Stoddart Howell. 
 
 " The following named persons will constitute 
 the bureau of streets and landings : Julian 
 Neville, chairman ; Edward Ames, Benjamin 
 Campbell. 
 
 " By orden C. F. Shepley, 
 
 "Military Commandant of New Orleans, 
 
 " Approved and ordered. 
 
 " B. P. Butler, 
 
 The consuls, as usual, had something to say 
 to the general upon the new topic. " If General 
 Butler rides up Canal street," said the Delta, 
 " the consuls are sure to come in a body, and 
 ■' protest' that he did not ride- doivn. If he 
 smokes a pipe in the morning, he is sure to have 
 a deputation in the evening, asking why he did 
 not smoke a cigar. It he drinks coffee, they 
 will send some rude messenger with a note ask- 
 ing, in the name of some tottering dynasty, why 
 he did not drink tea." The consuls did not 
 gain much glory in this new contest with the 
 general. He simply changed the form of the 
 oath to that enjoined by the rebel authorities, 
 against which no consul had protested. 
 
 The oath-taking, meanwhile, went vigorously 
 
THE SHEEP AND THE GOAT&. 
 
 121 
 
 ou. On the 7th of August, Colonel French had 
 the pleasure of reporting that the oath prescribed 
 to citizens had been taken by 11,723 persons; 
 the foreign neutrals' oath, by 2,499 persons ; and 
 that 4,933 privates and 211 officers of the Con- 
 federate army had given the required parole. 
 
 This was the more gratifying from the fact, 
 that the social influence of the city was all em- 
 ployed against the taking of the oath. Ladies 
 refused to receive gentlemen who were known 
 to have taken it. Gentlemen were notified to 
 leave their boarding-houses who had thus avowed 
 their attachment to the Union. Books were 
 kept, by noted secessionists, in which the names 
 of such were recorded for future vengeance. 
 Men who were accused of having taken the oath 
 thought it necessary, in some instances, to resent 
 the charge as a calumny." Others who bad re- 
 cently taken it, boasted that they had done so 
 only to secure the temporary advantages attached 
 to the act, and avowed their readiness to take as 
 
 * A perfectly well-informed oflBcer related the follow- 
 ing incidents : 
 
 " Holt's drinkins-saloon was one of the most fashion- 
 able in the city. The proprietor, the son of tlie famous 
 Now York hotel-keeper of that name, kept fast horses, 
 a fashion.ible private residence, and received his income 
 by the hundred dollars a day. In an evil hour secession 
 seized upon the land, and Ilolt was induced to issue 
 shinplasters. His reputation for wealth and business 
 profits made them popular, and inducements were held 
 out for immense issues. Gradually, however, business 
 fell off, and Holt, when General Butler ordered that 
 personal paper money should be redeemed by bank- 
 notes, found it impossible to comply with the procla- 
 mation, and tliis inability was increased by the fact that 
 he had taken the oath of allegiance, and his reirular cus- 
 tomers refused, therefore, to be comforted at his house. 
 The finale was that Holt w.as snld out, and his establish- 
 ment, repainted and restocked, opened un<ler the 
 auspices of one Jolm Hawkins. To sive the place the 
 due amount uf icUit, Captain Clark, of the Delia, know- 
 ing that it was against the law for any one to sell liquor 
 in the city, unless by a person who had taken the oath 
 of allegiance and obtained a license, cause<l it to be pub- 
 lished that at last our citizens were ble.<sed with a 
 'Union drinking-saloon,' and at the same time invited 
 all persons who loved the stars and stripes to patronize 
 this new establishment. 
 
 ■'This flattering notice fell upon John Hawkins as a 
 thunderbolt; he frantically rushed over to the news- 
 paper office and protested that he was a rebel, and that 
 he relied upon his secession friends for patronage ; he 
 declared that he was a ruined man unless something 
 was done to immediately purge his fair fame of any taint 
 of loyalty to liis native land. Captain Clark, who fully 
 appreciated the unfortunate publican's feelings, and 
 with the spirit and liberality of a chivalrous editor, 
 ofi'ered his columns for an e.xplnnaticn, which offer re- 
 tulted in the publication of the following card : 
 
 "Hawkins Housk. 
 
 •* ' To the Editor of the New Orleans Delta : 
 
 " ' The editorial statement in your journal of this morn- 
 ing, to the effect that I have taken the oath of allegiance, 
 is a fabrication. John Hawkins. 
 
 "'New Orleans, July 17, 1S62.' 
 
 "Secessia was delighted; John's friends crowded his 
 precincts all day, and drank to John's health, and at 
 Johu^ expenne. The d.iwn of tlie following morning 
 promised a brilliant future ; but, ulas! Deputy [trovo^t- 
 marshal. Colonel Stafford, whose bnsines.s it is to see 
 that public diinking-honse keepers have taken the oath 
 of allegiance, sent after Mr. Hawkins, and asked him 
 what riffht he had to keep a shop open without license, 
 and farther inquired if John did not know that he could 
 not get a license unless he took oath to he a a:ood citi- 
 zen under the national government. This interference 
 on the part of General jiutler and his subordinates with 
 the unalienable rights of Secessia has. of cour.ie, thrown 
 a new brand of discord into the community, and the 
 fearful catastrophe seems impending, that will compel 
 the habitues of the fa.shionable drinking-saloons to have 
 the slow poison dealt out by loyal citizens." 
 
 many oaths as Picayune Butler thought it neces- 
 sary to impose ; as no faith was to be kept with 
 Yankees. All these things were noted by Gen- 
 eral Butlor, who " bided his time." 
 
 Another of the general's precautionary meas- 
 ures, was the disarming of New Orleans. The 
 city was fall of arms. Nearly every house, of 
 any pretensions, contained some, and nearly 
 every well-dressed man carried a weapon of 
 some kind At first, the geueral had no inten- 
 tion of depriving private persons of their arms, 
 since he had assured the public, in his proclama- 
 tion, that private property should be respected. 
 Under the general order, commanding the dis- 
 cloeare and surrender of Confederate property, a 
 considerable quantity of arms and munitions of 
 war were seized ; but the most virulent of the 
 rebels were still allowed the inestimable privUege 
 of carrying a pocketful of revolvers, and a bowie- 
 knife parallel to the back-bone. The event which 
 led to the universal disarming of the city was 
 this: In August, on the bloody field of Baton 
 Rouge, were found dead and wounded citizens of 
 Baton Rouge, wearing still their usual arms, 
 who, on the very evening before the attack, had 
 mingled familiarly with the officers of the Union 
 army, and who, on the approach of Breckinridge, 
 had hastened to join his troops, and to engage 
 in the conflict. Lieutenant Weitzel reported this 
 significant fact to General Butler, who immediate- 
 ly determined to compel the surrender of every 
 private weapon in New Orleans. The requisite 
 orders were i-ssued ; arms in great quantities 
 were brought in and safely deposited ; for all 
 of which receipts were given. 
 
 The French consul objected, of course. His 
 protest had only the efiect of adding one more lo 
 Geueral Butler's amusing consular letters. 
 
 GENERAL BUTLER TO THE FRENCH CONSUL. 
 " HEAD-QtTARTERR, DrPARTMENT OP THE GULF, 
 
 "New Orleans, August 14, 1862. 
 
 " Sir : Your official note to Lieutenant Weitzel 
 has been forwarded to me. 
 
 "I see no just cause of complaint against the 
 order requiring the arms of private citizens to he 
 given up. It is tiie usual course pursued in 
 cities similarly situated to this, even without any 
 exterior force in the neigliborhood. 
 
 " You will observe that it will not do to trust 
 to mere professions of neutrality. I trust most 
 of your countrymen are in good fdith 7ieutral ; but 
 it is unfortunately true that some of them are 
 not. This causes the good, of necessity, to suffer 
 for the acts of the bad. 
 
 " I lake leave to call your attention to the fact, 
 '.hat the United States forces gave every ininiu- 
 nity to Monsieur Bonnegra.ss, who claimed to 
 be the French consul at Baton Rou^e ; allowed 
 him to keep his arms, and relied upon his neu- 
 trality ; but his son was taken prisoner on the 
 battle-field in arms against us. 
 
 " You will also do me the favor to remember 
 that very few of the French subjects here have 
 taken tiie oath of neutrality, which was offered to, 
 but not required of them, by my Order No. 41, 
 although all the officers of the French Legion 
 had, with j'our knowledge and assent, taken the 
 oath to support the constitution of the Con- 
 federate States. Thus you see 1 have no guar- 
 antee for the good faith of bad men. " I do not 
 
THE CONFISCATION ACT. 
 
 understand how it is that arms are altered in 
 their effectiveness by being ' personal property,' 
 nor do I see how arras which will serve for per- 
 sonal defense (' qui ne peuveut servir que pour 
 leur defense personnelle'), can not be as efifec- 
 tually used for offensive warfare. 
 
 "Of the disquiet of which you say there are 
 signs manifesting themselves among the black 
 population, from a desire to break their bonds, 
 -('certaines dispositions a ronipre les liens qui les 
 attachent a leurs maitres'), 1 have been a not 
 inattentive observer, without wonder, because it 
 would seem natural, when their masters had set 
 them the example of rebellion against constituted 
 authorities, that the negroes, being an imitative 
 race, should do likewise. 
 
 " But surely the representative of the emperor, 
 who does not tolerate slavery in France, does 
 not desire his countrymen to be armed for the 
 purpose of preventing the negroes from breaking 
 their bonds. 
 
 " Let me assure you that the protection of the 
 United States against violence, either by negroes 
 or white men, whether citizens or foreign, will 
 continue to be as perfect as it has been since our 
 advent here ; and far more so, manifesting itself 
 at all moments and everywhere ('tous les in- 
 stants et partout'), than any improvised citizens' 
 organization can be. 
 
 " Whenever the inhabitants of this city will, 
 by a public and united act, show both their loy- 
 alty and neutrality, I shall be glad of their aid 
 to keep the peace, and indeed to restore the city 
 to them. Till that time, however, I must require 
 the arms of all the inhabitants, white and black, 
 to be under my control I have the honor to 
 ■be, your obedient servant, 
 
 Benj. F. Butler, Maj.-Gen. Com. 
 ■"To Count Mejan, French Consul." 
 
 To secure the surrender of arms still secreted, 
 the following stringent general order was issued: 
 
 "New Okleans, August 16, 1862. 
 
 " Ordered, That after Tuesday, 19th inst., 
 there be paid for information leading to the dis- 
 covery of weapons not held under a written per- 
 <mit from the United States authorities, but 
 retained and concealed by the keepers thereof, 
 the sums following : 
 
 For each serviceable gun, musket or rifle. . .$10 
 
 " revolver 7 
 
 " pistol 5 
 
 " sabre or officer's sword 5 
 
 " dirk, dagger, bowie-knife or sword- 
 cane 3 
 
 " Said arms to be confiscated, and the keeper 
 so concealing them to be punished by imprison- 
 ment. 
 
 " The crime being an overt act of rebellion 
 against the authority of the United States, 
 whether by a citizen or an alien, works a for- 
 feiture of the property of the offender, and, there- 
 fore, every slave giving information that shall 
 discover the concealed arms of his or her master, 
 shall be held to be emancipated. 
 
 " II. As the United Stales authorities have 
 disarmed the inhabitants of the parish of Orleans, 
 and as some fearful citizens seem to think it 
 necessary that tliey should have arms to protect 
 themselves from violence, it is ordered, 
 
 " That hereafter, the offenses of robbery by 
 violence or aggravated assault that ought to be 
 repelled by the use of deadly weapons, burglaries, 
 rapes and murders, whether committed by blacks 
 or whites, will be, on conviction, punished by 
 death." 
 
 Union men, known and tried, were permitted 
 to keep their arms. To one or two old soldiers 
 of the war of 1812, the privilege was accorded 
 of retaining the weapons once honorably borne 
 in the service of their country. Many weapons 
 were, doubtless, still secreted ; but, for all pur- 
 poses of co-operation with an attacking force, 
 New Orleans was disarmed. The whole number 
 of surrendered weapons was about six thousand. 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 THE CONFISCATION ACT. 
 
 The act of Congress confiscating the property 
 of rebellious citizens was approved July Hth. 
 
 Before the passage of the act. General Butler 
 had taken the liberty to " sequester" the estates 
 of those two notorious traitors, General Twiggs 
 and John Slidell, both of whom possessed large 
 property in New Orleans. These estates he held 
 for the adjudication of the government, and, in 
 the meantime, selected the spacious mansion of 
 General Twiggs for his own residence and thai 
 of a portion of his staff. Among the papers 
 found in his house were certain letters which 
 tended to show that Twiggs had sought the 
 command in Texas with a view to the betrayal 
 of his trust, a crime only once paralleled in the 
 history of the country. Twiggs fled from New 
 Orleans on the approach of the fleet, conscious 
 that such turpitude as his could not fail to meet 
 its just retribution. He died soon after, but not 
 before he had heard that the flag of his betrayed 
 country floated over his residence as the head- 
 quarters of the army of occupation. 
 
 Three swords, presented to him for his gal- 
 lautr}' in Mexico, one by Congress, one by the 
 state of Georgia, his native state, one by Augusta, 
 his native city, were left behind in the custody 
 of a young lady, and fell into the hands of 
 General Butler. The young lady claimed them 
 as her own. She said that General Twiggs had 
 given them to her on new-year's day, with a box 
 of family silver, alleging as a reason for this 
 strange gift the recent death of a beloved niece 
 to whom he had previously bequeathed them. 
 Three facts were elicitea which induced the 
 general to set aside he: elann. One was, that 
 Twiggs had brought the articles to the young- 
 lady's residence, not on new-year's day, but at 
 the moment of his flight from the city. Another 
 was, that slie had never mentioned so extra- 
 ordinary a present to any member of her family — 
 as appeared on the separate examination of 
 each. Another was, tliat General Twiggs had 
 left with the articles the document following: 
 "I leave my swords to Miss Rovvena Florence, 
 and box of silver. New Orleans, April 25, 1862. 
 D. E. TvviGGS:" which was hastily written in 
 the carriage at the door. 
 
 General Butler yen*'. "ed to disbelieve Miss 
 Rowena Florence, and "ent the swords to the 
 
THE CONFISCATION ACT. 
 
 123 
 
 president of the United States. He suggesled 
 that the one presented by congress, should be 
 given to some officer distinguished in the war ; 
 that the one given by the state of Georgia, should 
 be deposited at the military academy at West 
 Point, with a suitable inscription, as a warning 
 to the cadets ; and that the third should be placed 
 iu the patent office as a memento of the folly of 
 such an "invention" as secession. In forward- 
 ing the swords to congress, the president re- 
 marked, that if either of them were presented to 
 an oflQcer of the army, " General Butler is enti- 
 tled to the first consideration. 
 
 The sword voted by Kentucky to General 
 Zachary Taylor, was rescued by General Builer 
 from disloyal hands in New Orleans. He sent 
 it to the son of the Uite president — Brigadier- 
 General Joseph Taylor of the Union army. 
 
 The confiscation act, it will be remembered, 
 divided rebels into two classes. The property 
 of one class was to be confiscated at once, or as 
 soon as it fell into the possession of the United 
 States ; the property of the other class was to be 
 confiscated after sixty days' warning. The first 
 class consisted of all military and naval officers 
 commanding rebels in arms ; the president, vice- 
 president, judges, members of congress, cabinet 
 ministers, foreign emissaries, and other agents of 
 the Confederate States ; the governors and judges 
 of seceded states ; in short, all who hold office 
 under the Confederate government, or under the 
 government of a seceded state, as well as citizens 
 of loyal states who gave aid and comfort to the 
 rebellion. The second class included the great 
 mass of the privates in the Confederate army and 
 navy, and all unofficial abettors of the rebellion. 
 The property of these last was to be declared 
 confiscated sixty days after the date of the presi- 
 dent's proclamation warning them to lay down 
 their arms and return to their allegiance. As 
 this proclamation was issued on the 25th of July, 
 the days of grace expired on the 23d of September. 
 With this explanation, the reader will under- 
 ttand the object of the following general order, 
 and will be able to imagine its effect upon the 
 secessionists of New Orleans : 
 
 New Orleans, Sept. 13, 1S62. 
 
 " Aa in the course of ten days it may become 
 necessary to distinguish the disloyal from the 
 loyal citizens and honest neutral foreigners re- 
 fiiding iu this department: 
 
 "/i! is ordtred, That each neutral foreigner, 
 resident in this department, shall present himself, 
 with the evidence of his nationality, to the near- 
 est provost-marshal for registration of himself and 
 his family. 
 
 " This registration shall include the following 
 particulars ; 
 
 "The country of birth. 
 
 " The length of time the person has resided 
 •within the United States. 
 
 "The names of his family. 
 
 " The present place of residence, by street, 
 number or other description. 
 
 " The occupation. 
 
 ■' The date of protection or certificate of nation- 
 ality, which shall be indorsed by the passport- 
 clerk, ' registered ' with date of register. 
 
 "All false or simulated claims of foreign alle- 
 giance, by native or naturalized citizens, will be 
 fieverely puuished." 
 
 This premonition of coming retribution called 
 attention anew to the clause of the confiscation 
 act which declared all conveyances of property 
 made after the expiration of the sixty days to be 
 void. Instantly there began such a universal 
 transferring of property as no city had ever be- 
 fore seen. Property was given away ; property 
 was sold for next to nothing ; all the known ex- 
 pedients for getting rid of property were em- 
 ployed ; until it seemed probable that by the 23d 
 of September, not a rebel in New Orleans would 
 be found to possess anything whatever, and the 
 entire wealth of the city would be held by that 
 portion of the people who had taken the oath of 
 allegiance, or by parties at a great distance, and 
 inacces.tible, or by minors and women. General 
 Butler determined to use his autocratic authority 
 to put a stop to these fictitious transfers. The 
 following general order accomplished this pur- 
 pose. 
 
 New Orleans. Sept. 1862. 
 
 " I. All transfers of property, or rights of 
 property, real, mixed, personal or incorporeal, 
 except necessary food, medicine and clothing, 
 either by way of sale, gift, pledge, payment, 
 lease or loan, by an inhabitant of tliis depart- 
 ment, who has not returned to his or her alle- 
 giance, to the United States (having once been a 
 citizen thereof), are forbidden and void, and the 
 person transferring and the person receiving shall 
 be punished by fine or imprisonment, or both. 
 
 " II. All registers of the transfer of certificates 
 of stock or shares in any incorporated or joint-stock 
 company or association, in which any inhabitant 
 of this department, who has not returned to his 
 or her allegiance to the United States (having 
 once been a citizen thereof), has any interest, 
 are forbidden, and the clerk or other officer mak- 
 ing or recording tiie transfer will be held equally 
 guilty with the transferer." 
 
 And more. Some wise men of New Orleans, 
 foreseeing the evil, had long ago reduced them- 
 selves to fictitious beggary. The decisions of Mr. 
 Reverdy Johnson, sustained by the government, 
 had given rise to the impression that papers made 
 out in the forms of law, would be permitted to 
 nullify an act of Congress, as well as .set at 
 naught the decrees of General Butler. Many 
 men' of wealth had acted upon thi.s impre-ssion, 
 " making over " valuable estates to others, for 
 considerations that were ridiculously small. 
 General Butler seized and " sequestered '' some 
 property thus transferred, holding it for the gov- 
 ernment to decide upon the legality of such pro- 
 ceedings. One noted case of this kind he selected 
 as a test, and submitted it to the .secretary of 
 stale. The dispatch in which the particulars 
 were detailed, shall be presented here, for the 
 light it throws upon the state of things in New 
 Orleans and the peculiar difficulties of General 
 Butler's position. * It is fair to (juess that this 
 dispatch had something to do with General But- 
 ler's recall from the Department of the Gulf — a 
 measure which was not suggested by the presi- 
 dent. 
 
 GENERAL BUTLER TO MR. SEWARD. 
 
 " Hkad-quautkrs, Department of the Gulf, 
 " Nkw Oklkan.s, Septemler 19, 1S62. 
 
 " Hon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State; 
 " Sir; — I have the honor to report to you the 
 following facts : 
 
124 
 
 THE CONFISCATION ACT. 
 
 " C. McDonald Fago, a British subject, resi- 
 dent many years in New Orleans, is about to 
 make claim to the property of "Wright & Allen 
 in New Orleans, which has been taken posses- 
 sion of by the United States authorities here un- 
 der the following state of facts : 
 
 "Wright & Allen are cotton-brokers, who 
 claim to have properly outside of New Orleans 
 of two millions of dollars. They are most rabid 
 rebels, and were of those who published a card 
 advising the planters not to send forward their 
 crop of cotton for the purpose of inducmg foreign 
 intervention. 
 
 " Soon after we came to New Orleans, they 
 mortgaged their real estate here, consisting of a 
 house, for $60,000, to planters in the State of 
 Arkansas, and then sold the equity, together 
 with their furniture, for $5,000 to Mr. Fago: 
 paying about four thousand five hundred dollars 
 per annum interest on the property, and to 
 receive nothing. His onlj' payment, however, 
 was by his own note in twelve months, which 
 was sent to their friend, the planter in Arkansas. 
 
 " "Wright & Allen were then openly boasting 
 that they would not take the oath of allegiance 
 to the United States, and were encouraging 
 others to refuse and stand by secession. In 
 order to divest themselv-es of the last vestige of 
 visible property upon which the confiscation act 
 could take effect, having given to the widow of 
 their deceased partner, an Irish woman, a note 
 or notes for three thousand five hundred dollars, 
 they then sell her their plate for that amount, 
 and then have it shipped under another name to 
 Liverpool. 
 
 " A large number of others are following their 
 example ; and, indeed, all the property of New 
 Orleans is changing hands into those of foreign- 
 ers and women, to avoid the consequences of the 
 confiscation act. 
 
 "Believing all this to be deplorable, I have 
 resolved to make this a test case, and have seized 
 this property, and intend to hold it where it is 
 until the matter can be submitted to the courts. 
 
 " Mr. Fago has sent to Washington to have 
 this property given up as a test case. If the 
 course of authority here is interfered with in this 
 case, it will be next to impossible to maintain 
 order in this city. This Mr. Fago has first had 
 a large amount of sugar, belonging to an aid of 
 Governor Moore, given up to him by the deci- 
 sion of Reverdy Johnson. Emboldened by this 
 experiment he proposes to try once more. If 
 successful, I should prefer that the government 
 would get some one else to hold New Orleans 
 instead of myself Indeed, sir, I beg leave to 
 add, that another such commissioner as Mr. 
 Johnson sent to New Orleans would render the 
 city untenable. The town itself got into such a 
 state while Mr. Johnson was liere, that he con- 
 fessed to me that he could ^hardly sleep from 
 nervousness from fear of a rising, and hurried 
 away, hardly completing his work, as soon as he 
 heard Baton Rouge was about to be attacked. 
 
 " The result of his mission here has caused it 
 to be understood that I am not supported by the 
 government ; that I am soon to be relieved ; 
 that all my acts are to be overhauled, and that a 
 rebel may do anything he pleases in the city, as 
 the worst may be a few days' imprisonment, 
 when my successor will come and he will be 
 released. 
 
 " To such an extent has this thing gone, that 
 inmates of the parish prison, sent there for grand 
 larceny, robbery, &c., in humble imitation of th& 
 foreign consuls, have agreed together to send an 
 agent to Washington to ask for a commissioner 
 to investigate charges made by these thieves 
 against the provost-marshal, by whose vigilance 
 they were detected. 
 
 " Alexander the coppersmith, by his cry, 
 'Great is Diana of the Ephesians' ('the institu- 
 tion of slavery is in danger'), did me much harm 
 in Louisiana, from the effects of which I am just 
 recovering; and the only fear I now have is, 
 that if the last accounts are true, Mr. Johnson 
 will have so much more nervous apprehension 
 for his personal safety in Baltimore than he had 
 in New Orleans, that he will want to comeback 
 here, now the yellow fever season is over, as to 
 a place of security.* 
 
 " I have done myself the honor to make thia 
 detail of the case at length to the state depart- 
 ment, so that all the facts are before it upon 
 which I act. The inferences from those facts 
 must, from the nature of testimony, be left to my 
 judgment until the courts can act authoritatively 
 in the matter. 
 
 " Another reason whyl have detailed the fiicts 
 is, that in the reports of Mr. Johnson furnished 
 to the consuls to be read here, every fact is re- 
 pressed which would form a shadow of justifica- 
 tion for my acts, and ex parte affidavits of par- 
 ties accused by me of fraudulent transfers of 
 large amounts of property are the sole basis of 
 the report. 
 
 " True, by that report more than three-quar- 
 ters of a million of specie is placed in the hands 
 of one Forstall, a rebel, a leading member of the 
 'Southern Independent Association,' a league 
 wherein each member bound himself by a horrid 
 and impious oath ' to resist unto death itself all 
 attempts to restore the Union.' A confrere of 
 Pierre Soul4 in the committee of the city which 
 destroyed more than ten millions of property by 
 fire, to prevent its coming into the hands of the 
 United States authorities, when the fleet passed 
 the forts. 
 
 " I beg of you, sir, to consider that I mention 
 the characteristics of this report not in any tone 
 of complaint of the state department. If it is ne- 
 cessary to suppress facts, to impugn the' motives 
 and disown the acts of a commanding ofiicer of 
 the army in the field, or to publish to those 
 plotting the destruction of the republic, that he 
 has had control of public affairs in New Orleans 
 taken from him and transferred to a subordinate, 
 because of the harshness of his administration, as 
 was done in the dispatch to the minister of the 
 Netherlands, even if the fact is not true, 1 bow 
 to the mandate of ' state necessity ' withoni a 
 murmur. I have made larger siicrifice.« than this 
 for my country, and am prepared for still greater, 
 if need be, but I only wish to make tlieui when 
 they will be useful, and therefore have painted 
 the effect of the commission, report, and dis- 
 patch upon a turbulent, rebellious, uneasy, ex- 
 citable, vindictive, brutalized, half ibreitrn popu- 
 lation, maddened by exaggerated reports of the 
 actions of their fellows, the fall of the national 
 capital, the invasion of the North, and excited 
 to insubordination by the double hope, that 
 
 * The rebel aruiy was then ia Maryland. 
 
THE CONFISCATION ACT. 
 
 12.: 
 
 ■ciiLci' by Llie .-jiijcess of the arms of their breth- 
 ren, or tlio interference of the national executive 
 in their behalf, Lhey shall soon be released from 
 the only government which has ever held the 
 city in quiet order, or unplundering peace. 
 Awaiting instructions, 
 
 " I have the honor to be, 
 
 " Toui- obedient servant, 
 
 " Benjamin F. Butler, 
 
 Maj.-Gen. Comd'g. 
 
 This letter clearly marks the point of diver- 
 gence between the two modes of dealing with the 
 rebellion. As the reports of Mr. Johnson and 
 the correspondence of Mr. Seward with Mr. Van 
 Limburgh have been published, it is but fair 
 that this dispatch should be also printed. Whe- 
 ther the confiscation act was a politic or an im- 
 politic measure is a question upon which honest 
 and patriotic men may differ — do differ. But 
 the act having been passed and approved, there 
 can be no doubt that the duty of commanding 
 generals was to give it real effect — not allow the 
 government to be defrauded by the hasty manu- 
 tacture of fictitious legal papers. 
 
 General Butler continued his preparations for 
 enforcing the confiscation act. The day after the 
 expiration of the sixty days' grace, the following 
 general order was issued : 
 
 "New Orleans, Septemher 24, 1862. 
 
 " All persons, male or female, within this de- | 
 partment, of the age of eighteen years and up- 
 ward, who have ever been citizens of the United 
 States, and have not renewed their allegiance | 
 ■before this date to the United States, or who 
 now hold or pretend any allegiance or sympathy 
 with the so-called Confederate States, are ordered 
 to report themselves, on or before the first day 
 of October next, to the nearest provost-marshal, 
 with a descriptive fist of all their property and 
 ■rights of propert}', both real, personal and mixed, 
 made out and signed by themselves respectively, 
 with the same particularity as for taxation. 
 They shall also report their place of residence by 
 number, street, or other proper description, and 
 their occupation, which registry shall be signed 
 by themselves, and each shall receive a certifi- 
 cate from the mar:<hal of registration as claiming 
 to be an enemy of the United States. 
 
 " Any persons, of those described in this order, 
 neglecting so to register themselves, shall be sub- 
 ject to fine, or imprisonment at hard labor, or 
 both, and all his or her propert}' confiscated, by 
 order, as punishment for such neglect. 
 
 " On the first day of October next, every 
 householder shall return to the provosl-marshal 
 nearest him, a list of each inmate in his or her 
 house, of the age of eighteen years or upward, 
 which list shall contain the following par- 
 ticulars : The name, sex, age and occupation of 
 each inmate, whether a registered alien, one 
 who has taken the oath of allegiance to the 
 United States, a registered enemy of the United 
 Stales, or one who has neglected to register him- 
 self or herself, either as an alien, a loyal citizen, 
 •or a registered enemy. All householders neg- 
 lecting to make such returns, or making a false 
 return, shall be punished by fine, or imprison- 
 .meut with hard labor, or both. 
 
 "Each policeman will, within his beat, be 
 
 held responsible that every householder faDing 
 to make such return, within three days from the 
 first of October, is reported to the provost mar- 
 shal ; and five dollars for such neglect, for every 
 day in which it is not reported, will be deducted 
 from such policeman's pay, and he shall be dis- 
 missed. And a like sum for conviction of any 
 householder not making his or her return shall 
 be paid to the policeman reporting such house- 
 holder. 
 
 " Every person who shall, in good faith, renew 
 his or her allegiance to the United States pre- 
 vious to the first day of October next, and shall 
 remain truly loyal, will be recommended to 
 the president for pardon of his or her previous 
 offenses.'' 
 
 This order led to a run on the oath otfices. 
 It was " understood" among the secessionists 
 that an oath given to Yankees for the purpose 
 of retaining property was a mere form of words 
 not binding upon the consciences of the chivalric 
 sons of the South. A very large number of per- 
 sons, it is thought, acted upon this opinion ; for 
 while the offices appointed for receiving the 
 oaths were thronged and surrounded by eager 
 multitudes of oath-takers, the number of •' regis- 
 tered enemies" was less than four thousand. 
 "People," said the Delta, " who take the oath of 
 allegiance, and afterward say, with a sneer, ' it 
 did not go farther than there' (pointing to their 
 throat), should bear in mind that if it is kept in 
 that position, and they conduct themselves ac- 
 cordingly, there is great danger of its choking 
 them some fine morning." 
 
 Before General Butler left the department, 
 sixty thousand of its inhabitants had taken the 
 oath of allegiance to the government of the 
 United States. 
 
 The rebel General Jeft". Thompson, who was 
 in command near the Union lines, contrived to 
 get in a word on this subject : 
 
 "PoNotiATOtJLA., La., September T.Bi'bi, 
 " Sunday, 8 oclock a.m. 
 '• Maj.-Gen. Butler, U. S. A., New Orleans, La : 
 " [Per Underground Telegraph.] 
 " General : — We thank you for General Or- 
 der No. 76. It will answer us for a precedent 
 at New Orleans, St. Louis. Louisville, Baltimore, 
 Washington, each of which we will have in a 
 few days. We were undetermined how to act. 
 Please ' pile it on.' 
 
 " Yours respectfully, 
 
 "Jefferson Thompson, 
 "■ Brig.- Gen. G. S., comd'g Southern Line." 
 
 If the general could regard this epistle as a 
 joke, there were other correspondents whose 
 communications caused him i-eal distress. The 
 venerable and benevolent Dr. Mercer, for ex- 
 ample, a gentleman for whom General Butler, in 
 common with the whole army, entertained the 
 most sincere respect, addressed him upon the 
 subject of General Order No. 76. 
 
 " You have probably inferred, from our vari- 
 ous conversations, that I have not taken an oath 
 of allegiance to the Confederate States, nor have 
 been a member of any society or public body in 
 New Orleans, or elsewhere in the confederacy • 
 and that since your arrival here, I have main 
 
i26 
 
 MORE OF THE IRON HAlSU. 
 
 tained a strict neutrality. In pursuance with 
 your Order No. 76, I will make a faithful return, 
 substantially, if not minutely accurate, of all 
 my ijroperty here, except about ,$3,000, the 
 greater part of which is hi gold, that I have re- 
 served for an einergenc}-. I mention this to you 
 now to avoid misapprehension. Your order re- 
 ferred to exempts only those who have taken 
 the oath of allegiance ; but I can not think j'ou 
 intend to include those in my situation as claim- 
 ing to be 'enemies of the United States.' Such 
 an interpretation is, in my opinion, at variance 
 with the act of congress, as well as with the pro- 
 clamation of President Lincoln." 
 
 General Butler replied: 
 
 " In my judgment, there can be no such thing 
 as neutrality by a citizen of the United States in 
 this contest for the life of the government. As 
 an officer, I cannot recognize such neutrality. 
 " He that is not for us is against us.' 
 
 "All good citizens are called upon to lend 
 their influence to the United States; all that do 
 not do so, are the enemies of the United States ; 
 the line is to be distinctly and broadly drawn. 
 Every citizen must find himself on one side or 
 the other of that line, and can claim no other po- 
 sition than that of a friend or an enemy of the 
 United States. 
 
 " While I am sorry to be obliged to differ from 
 you in your construction of the act of congress 
 and the proclamation of the president, I cannot 
 permit any reservation of property from the list, 
 or exemption of persons fi'om the requirement of 
 Order No. 76. It may be, and, I trust, is quite 
 true, that by no act of yours have you rendered 
 yourself liable to the confiscation of your prop- 
 erty under the act and proclamation ; but that 
 is for the military or other courts (to decide). 
 Tou, however, will advise yourself, with your 
 usual care and caution, what may be the efi'ect, 
 now that you are solemnly called upon to declare 
 yourself in favor of the government, of contu- 
 maciously refusing to renew your allegiance to 
 it, thereby inducing, from your example, others 
 of your fellow-citizens to remain in the same op- 
 position. I am glad to acknowledge your long 
 and upright life as a man, yonv former services 
 as an officer of the government, and the high 
 respect I entertain for your personal character 
 and moral wortii ; but I am deahug with your 
 duty as a citizen of the United States. All 
 these noble qualities, as well as your high social 
 condition, render your example all the more in- 
 fluential and pernicious: and, I grieve to add, 
 in my opinion, more dangerous to the interests 
 of tiie United States, than if, a younger man, 
 you had shouldered your musket and marched 
 to the field in the army of rebellion.'' 
 
 Dr. Mercer was therefore, compelled to choose 
 a position on one side or the other of the " broad 
 line." He did not take the oath of allegiance, 
 but preferred to enroll himself among the regis- 
 tered enemies of his country. After the de- 
 parture of General Butler, he" escaped to New 
 York, where he has siuce resided. 
 
 General Butler proceeded in the work recom- 
 mended by Jeff. Thompson, of "piling it on," 
 taking the material from the " piles" of the 
 friends and comrades of that humorous officer. 
 Another of his raking general orders appeared 
 in October, which sensibly reduced the income 
 of many conspicuous abettors of the rebellion : 
 
 "New Orleans, October 17, ISGlf 
 " All persons holding powers of attorney or 
 letters of authorization from, or who are merolv 
 acting for, or tenants of, or intrusted with any 
 moneys, goods, wares, property or merchandise, 
 real, personal or mixed, of any person now in the 
 service of the so-called Confederate States, or 
 any person not known by such agent, tenant or 
 trustee to be a loyal citizen of the United States, 
 or a bona fide neutral subject of a foreign govern- 
 ment, will retain in their own hand, until farther 
 orders, all such moneys, goods, wares, mer- 
 chandise and property, and make an accurate 
 return of the same to David C. G. Field, Esq^ 
 the financial clerk ofthis department, upon oath, 
 on or before the first day of November aexi. 
 Ever}' such agent, tenant or trustee failing to 
 make true return, or who shall pay over or deliver 
 any such moneys, goods, wares, merchandise and 
 property to, or for the use, directly or indirectly, 
 of any person not known by him to be a loyal 
 citizen of the United States, without an order 
 from these head-quarters, will be held personally 
 responsible for the amount so neglected to be 
 returned, paid over or delivered. All rents due 
 or to become due by tenants of property belong- 
 ing to persons not known to be loyal citizens of 
 the United States, will be paid as they become 
 due, to D. C. G. Field, Esq., financial clerk of the 
 department." 
 
 To complete the reader's knowledge of this 
 subject, it is only necessary to add that, early in 
 December, all registered enemies who desired to 
 leave New Orleans, not to return, were permitted 
 to do so. Several hundreds availed themselves 
 of this perniission, much to the relief of the party 
 for the Union. 
 
 It was these stern and rigorously executed 
 measures which completed the subjugation of the 
 secessionists of New Orleans, and deprived them 
 of all power tc co-operate with treason beyond 
 the Union lines. It was these measures which 
 alone could have prepared the way for the 
 sincere return of Louisiana to the Union, the 
 first requisite to which was tlic supprestsion of 
 the small party which had traitorously taken tlie 
 state out of the Union. To complete the regene- 
 ration of the state, it was necessaiy to foster the 
 self-respect, protect the interests, maintain the 
 rights, and raise in the scale of civilization that 
 vast majority of the people of Louisiana, while 
 and black, bond and free, whose interests and 
 the interests of the United States are identical. 
 This great and difficult work Gei'^ral Butler was 
 permitted only to begin. The backwoodsman 
 was called from his fields when the forests had 
 been cleared, the swamps drained, the noxious 
 creatures driven away, and all the- rough, wild 
 work done. There would have been a harvest 
 in the following year, if the same energetic and 
 fertile mind had continued to wield the resource.^* 
 of the land. 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 MORE OF THE IBON HAITD 
 
 Certaix of the Episcopal clergy of New 
 Orleans felt the rigor of General Butler's rule. 
 The clergy of New Orleans were secession Ist.-;, 
 
MOEE OF THE IRON HAND. 
 
 12T 
 
 of course. Auy Christian minister capable of 
 voluntarily living in the South during the last 
 twent}- years, or any one wlio was permitted to 
 live there, must have been a person prepared to 
 forsake all and follow slavery. This was the 
 condition of their exercising the clerical office in 
 the cotton kingdom, and when the time came 
 they complied with that condition. 
 
 One " eminent divine" of New Orleans, it is 
 said, was heard to remark, that strong as was his 
 belief in special providential dispensations, that 
 faith would receive a severe, perhaps a fatal 
 shock, if the yellow fever did not become epi- 
 demic in New Orleans that summer. 
 
 When the confiscation act was about to be 
 enlbrced. General Butler had a controversy with 
 Dr. Leacock, the Episcopal clergyman who 
 promised to read the burial service over Lieu- 
 tenant De Kay, and broke his promise. This 
 gentleman was of English birth, but had long- 
 resided in New Orleans, and, I believe, had 
 become a citizen of the United States; at least, 
 he expressly disclaimed the protection of British 
 law. Dr. Leacock, it appears, now desired ex- 
 emption from the decrees which tended to 
 separate the friends from the enemies of the 
 Union, and which denied all favor and privileges 
 to those who openly adiiered to the Confederate 
 cause. He claimed to be a friend of the Union — 
 in fact, a Union man. StiU, he was not prepared 
 to take the oatli of allegiance. Now, this 
 man, in November, 1860, had preached a ser- 
 mon in favor of secession, which so exactly 
 chimed in with the feelings of the secessionists, 
 that four editions of it were printed and sold, to 
 the number of 30,000 copies. The sermon was 
 the usual silly tirade against "the abolitionists," 
 " the savage fanatics of the North," the deadly 
 enemies of a noble southern chivalry. It con- 
 tained, also, the regulation paragraphs upon 
 John Brown and his " band of assassins," and 
 the '' infidel preachers" who had " stimulated" 
 them to fall upon a poor, innocent, unsu.spect- 
 ing, persecuted, patient, long-sufiering southern 
 peoplf. The concluding paragraph of this ser- 
 mon was the following : 
 
 '• Now, in justice to myselfj I must be per- 
 mitted to make a remark before 1 close. But a 
 few weeks ago 1 counseled you, from this place, 
 to avoid all precipitate action ; but at the same 
 lime to take determined action — such action 
 only as you thought you could take with the 
 <x)nscious support of reason and religion. I give 
 that counsel still. But I am one of you. 1 leel 
 ;i£ a soutlierner. Southern honor is my honor — 
 southern degradation is my degradation. Let 
 no man mistake my moaning or call my words 
 idle. As a southerner, tlien, I will speak, and 1 
 give it as my firm and uniiesitating behelj that 
 nothing is now left us but secession. 1 do not 
 like tiie word, but it is the only one to express 
 my meaning. "We do not secede — our enemies 
 have seceded. We are on the constitution — our 
 enemies are not on the constitution ; and our 
 language should be, if you will not go with us, 
 we will not go with you. You may form for 
 yourselves a constitution ; but we will administer 
 among ourselves the constitution which our 
 iiithers have left us. This should be our lan- 
 guage and solemn determination. Such action 
 our honor demands ; such action will saye the 
 Union, if anything can. We have yet friends 
 
 left us in the North, but they cannot act for us 
 till we have acted for ourselves ; and it would 
 be as pusillanimous in us to desert our frienda 
 as to cower before our enemies. To advance, is 
 10 secure our rights ; to recede, is to lay our 
 fortunes, our honor, our liberty, under the feet of 
 our enemies. I know that the consequences of 
 such a course, unless guided by discretion, are 
 perilous. But, peril our fortunes, peril our lives, 
 come what will, let us never peril our liberty 
 and our honor. I am willing, at the call of mj- 
 honor and my liberty, to die a freeman ; but I'll 
 never, no never, live a slave ; and the alternative 
 now presented by our enemies is secession or 
 slavery. Let it be liberty or death 1" 
 
 General Butler ventured to adduce this sermon 
 as evidence of its author's enmity to the Union. 
 Dr. Leacock's reply revealed an astounding moral 
 obliquity : 
 
 " I have not the sermon in manuscript to 
 which, in your note of yesterday, you refer. It 
 was taken down during its delivery by a reporter 
 unknown to me, but, being called away from the 
 church before it was concluded, he requested the 
 manuscript, that he might not, as he said, give a 
 wrong report of my views. It was given, but 
 never returned. I send, however, a printed copy of 
 it with this remark; that the last section, which 
 I have circumscribed in pencil, was not delivered 
 from the pulpit, as my whole congregation can 
 testify ; and that the pubhsher was immediately 
 required by me, in the presence of several gen- 
 tlemen, to state this fact, that it might be omitted 
 in any future publication. 
 
 " There is no man that desires more heartily 
 than myself the restoration of this Union, as it 
 was before the present controversy arose. In 
 evidence of this tiact, I send you another sermon, 
 which was delivered a few weeks after the one 
 in print ; and as you will find great difficulty in 
 reading it, I will transcribe the closing paragraph, 
 to which 1 desire to refer you, as expressive of 
 what I felt then, and of what I feel now. 
 
 " ' The destruction of our Union 1 Oh, there 
 is not a spot on the civihzed globe that would 
 not lament the destruction of our Union. The 
 wail with which the lathers in Egypt pierced the 
 air on the death of their first-born, is ready to 
 burst foith from our bosoms if this dire event 
 should happen." 
 
 General Butler, not desu-ing farther correspon- 
 dence with this reverend person, caused Captain 
 Puffer to ask him whether he had published any 
 recantation or disavowal of the secession para- 
 graph of his sermon, or whether any one else had 
 done so for him. He rephed; " I do not know. 
 I only know that I requested the reporter, both 
 in person and by letter, to omit the last para- 
 graph, because I did not give utterance to it." 
 It thus appeared that this Union man had stood 
 by and seen tens of thousands of copies of a ser- 
 mon advising the dismemberment of the Union, 
 and had enjoyed the popularity attached to the 
 utterance of such advice, without deeming it 
 worth while to inform the public that the pas- 
 sage had never been delivered, and did not ex- 
 press his mature opinion. Those who can believe 
 in such Unionism may also be able to believe 
 that the sermon quoted in the doctor's letter was 
 delivered after the pubhshed one, which ever^ 
 man in his congregation must have read. 
 
128 
 
 MORE OF THE IRON HAND. 
 
 A few days after, an event occurred which 
 brought General Butler into such direct collision 
 with the Episcopal clergy, that New Orleans was 
 not considered b^' the general ■ large enough to 
 ■contain both parties in the coutroversy. 
 
 On a Sunday morning, early in October, Major 
 Strong entered the office of the general in plain 
 clothes, and said : 
 
 " I haven't been able to go to church since we 
 came to New Orleans. This morning I am 
 going." 
 
 He crossed the street, and took a front seat in 
 the Episcopal church of Dr. Goodrich, opposite 
 the mansion of General Twiggs. He joined in 
 the exercises with the earnestness which was 
 natural to his devout mind, until the clergyman 
 reached that part of the service where the prayer 
 for the president of the United States occurs. 
 That prayer was omitted, and the minister in- 
 vited the congregation to spend a few moments 
 in silent prayer. The young officer had not 
 previously heard of this Mode of evading, at 
 once, the requirements of the church, and the 
 orders of the commanding general. He rose in 
 his place and said : 
 
 " Stop, sir. It is my duty to bring these ex- 
 ercises to a close. I came here for the purpose, 
 and the sole purpose, of worshiping God; but 
 inasmuch as your minister has seen fit to omit 
 invoking a blessing, as our church service re- 
 quires, upon the president of the United States, 
 I propose to close the services. This house will 
 be shut within ten minutes." 
 
 The clergyman, astounded, began to remon- 
 strate. 
 
 "This is no time for discussion, sir," said the 
 .major. 
 
 The minister was speechless and indignant. 
 The ladies flashed wrath upon the officer, who 
 stood motionless with folded arms. The men 
 scowled at him. The minister soon pronounced 
 the benediction, the congregation dispersed, and 
 Major Strong retired to report the circumstances 
 at head-quarters. 
 
 This brought the matter to. a crisis. General 
 Butler sent for the Episcopal clergymen. Dr. 
 Leacock, Dr. Goodrich, Dr. Fulton, and otiiers, 
 wlio were all accustomed to omit the prayer for 
 the president, and pray in silence for the triumph 
 ot treason. The general patiently and courteous- 
 ly argued the point with ihem at great length, 
 quoting Bible, rubrics and history with his 
 wonted fluency. They replied that, in omitting 
 the prayer, they were only obeying the orders 
 of tiie Right Reverend Major-General Polk, their 
 ecclesiastical superior. The general denied the 
 authority of that military prelate to change the 
 liturgy, and contended that the omission of the 
 prayer, in the peculiar circumstances of the time 
 and place, was an overt act of treason. Obedience 
 to the powers that be, he said, was the poeuhar 
 aim and boast of the Episcopal church;' and no 
 one could doubt that the dominant power in 
 New Orleans was the president of the United 
 States. And even granting that the president 
 was a usurper, that would be only one reason 
 more for praying for him. The Union forces liad 
 uot^ome to New Orleans lor a temporary pur- 
 pose ; they meant to stay. There wm no power 
 on the continent or off the continent that could 
 expel thoin. This praying ibr Davis must stop 
 at some iime; why not now? Besides, the 
 
 clergy of the Episcopal church had taken upon 
 themselves the most solemn vows to obey the 
 canons and rubrics of the church, and their omis- 
 sion of part of the hturgy was of the nature of 
 perjury. 
 
 " But, General," said Dr. Leacock, " your in- 
 sisting upon the taking of the oath of allegiance 
 is causing half of mj' church-members to perjure 
 themselves." 
 
 "Well," replied the general, " if that is the re- 
 sult of }our nine years' preaching ; if your people 
 will commit perjury so freely, the sooner you 
 leave your pulpit the better." 
 
 After further conversation, Dr. Leacock asked : 
 " Well, General, are you going to shut up the 
 churches?" 
 
 " No, sir, I am more likely to shut up the 
 ministers." 
 
 The clergymen showing no disposition to yield, 
 General Butler ended the interview by stating 
 his ultimatum : " Read the prayer for the presi- 
 dent, omit the silent act of devotion, or leave 
 New Orleans prisoners of state for Fort Lafay- 
 ette." 
 
 After consultation with one another and with 
 their people, after endless vacillation on the part 
 of Dr. Leacock, three of the clergymen, Dr. Lea- 
 cock, Dr. Goodrich and Mr. Fulton, decided not 
 to read the prayer for the president. Captain 
 Puffer was detailed to conduct them to New 
 York, and they sailed in the next transport. On 
 the voyage, Captain Puffer informs me. Dr. 
 Goodrich, a benevolent, venerable man. read 
 prayers to the returning troops, and did not omit 
 the prayer for the president. He ministered to 
 the sick and dying, and won the sincere regard 
 of all on board. Three weeks after their arrival, 
 all the state prisoners were released, and tiiey 
 returned to New Orleans. General Banks de- 
 manded the oath of allegiance as a condition of 
 their landing. They decUned the condition, and 
 returned to New York. 
 
 General Strong chanced to meet Dr. Groodrich, 
 one day, at the St. Nicholas Hotel. They looked 
 at each other for a moment in some embarrass- 
 ment, neither knowing what were the feelings of 
 the other. A smile overspread the benevolent 
 countenance of the doctor. General Strong of- 
 fered his hand, which Dr. Goodrich accepted, 
 and the two men laughed heartily at the odd en- 
 counter. 
 
 " You did that well," said the clergyman, 
 " since you had made up your mind to do it ; but 
 why did'nt you come to me privately and give 
 me notice?" 
 
 General Strong explained the circumstances, 
 and they continued' to converse amicably. 
 
 On the Sunday after the departure of the 
 clergymen trom New Orleans, their churches 
 were open as usual, but the exercises were con- 
 ducted by chaplains of the Union army, who read 
 the service without abridgment. Not many of 
 the auditors were of the secessionist persuasion. 
 Church goin^, however, became a more frequent 
 practice among officers and men after this purg- 
 ing of the pulpits, and, consequently, the places 
 of the absent members were not all vacant. 
 
 The pass-office at head-quarters presented the 
 the most di.-tressing illustrations of the iron- 
 handed rule to which Louisiana was necessarily 
 subjected. Within the Union lines there was 
 comparative plenty ; beyond them there was 
 
MORE OP THE IRON HAND. 
 
 12^ 
 
 desolation and want Food, clothing and medi- 
 cines were to be had in New Orleans by all wlio 
 could pay for them; and to such as cnuld not, 
 they were given. Across the lakes, and above 
 the camp of General Phelps, at Carrollton, and 
 in the region lying on the western side of the 
 rivcT, food was scarce in the extreme, clothing 
 was scarcer, and the stock of medicines had long 
 been exhausted. There were parents in the city 
 who had starving children or sick children in 
 the enemy's country, only a few miles distant. 
 There were people in New Orleans whose aged 
 parents, just beyond the lines, were snCfpring for 
 the necessaries of life. There were others whose 
 near relations, people of substance and respect- 
 ability, were going half naked, or were dying for 
 want of medicines. On the other hand, there 
 were hundreds of secessionists in the city, whose 
 constant aim, whose sole employment was, to 
 devise means of smuggling supplies across the 
 lines to the camps of rebel soldiery. 
 
 The pressure, therefore, upon the commanding 
 general for passes to go beyond the Union lines, 
 was great and continuous. There were a hun- 
 dred applications a day. Women came to head- 
 quarters imploring permission to take a little 
 clothing, medicine and food to their perishing 
 children, calling aJl the saints to witness the 
 truth of their story and the honesty of their in- 
 tentions. A large majority of tlie applicants 
 were women, who assailed the tender hearts of 
 the general and his staff with tears, entreaties 
 and protestations. 
 
 During the first week«, General Butler 
 himself heard the applicants, and decided upon 
 their claims. But as this business involved a 
 great deal of questioning, cross-questioning and 
 examination of papers, he was compelled, at 
 length, to establish a member of his staff in an 
 outer office at head-quarters, whose duty it was 
 to sift from the mass of suitors the few wiiose 
 story seemed credible and to warrant the indul- 
 gence of a pass. These were reported to the 
 general, who then decided upon their application. 
 Captain A. F. Puffer, of Boston, was the officer 
 selected for this duty. When he left the city to 
 conduct the three clergymen northward, his 
 place was filled by Lieutenant Frederick Martin, 
 of New York. These young officers held a post 
 which severeh' taxed their patience, their firmness 
 and their sagacity. I might add tlieir iutegritj', 
 also, if the integrity of an honorable soldier 
 could ever be severely tried. " I was so often 
 oflered money for a pass," said Captain Puffer, 
 " that, at last, I ceased to be indignant, and 
 would merely say to the orderly in attendance, 
 as a matter of business, ' Show this woman out.' 
 He was once offered three thousand dollars for 
 a pass, the money to be paid before it was pro- 
 cured. 
 
 From the first, nine in ten of the applications 
 were refused. Every one at head-quarters was 
 aware that the indulgence was almost certain to 
 be abused in some instances; and that the only 
 safe course was to make the lines impassable. 
 But many of the cases were so movingly piteou.'', 
 the agony of the applicants seemed so real and 
 so great, that it was not in human nature to 
 shut the door inexorably upon them. Every 
 possible precaution was taken to prevent the 
 conveyance of contraband articles, or articles in 
 contraband quantities. Every box and pstckage 
 
 was minutely examined; every departing boat 
 was searched. A list was required of everything 
 allowed to be taken, and the applicant pledged 
 his honor that he would take nothing else, nor 
 apply the articles to any but the specified use. 
 
 It soon appeared, however, that nearly every 
 pass that was granted was abused. It soon ap- 
 peared that a secessionist considered it no more 
 dishonorable to lie to a Union officer than Jews 
 once deemed it a sin to lie to a Christian. Here 
 would come a woman, having the appearance 
 and manners of a lady, begging with tears and 
 sobs for permission to convey to her starving 
 children across the lake just one barrel of flour, 
 that they might have at least the means of sus- 
 taining life. She would bring friends and papers 
 in great numbers to testify to the truth of her 
 story. After many days the pass would be 
 granted ; and the detective officer, upon probing 
 the barrel with a probe of extra length, would 
 find a poimd or two of quinine in the middle. 
 A trunk of clothes would be found to have a 
 false bottom stuffed with contraband articles. 
 A barrel of potatoes would serve to hide some 
 thousands of percussion-caps. Letters, too, giving 
 contraband information, were frequently dis- 
 covered concealed in the boats. 
 
 Every detection, of course, increased the 
 stringency of the pns.s-office. In August, the 
 rebels began to seize boats that ventured within 
 their lines, with a view to collect a flotilla for 
 operations against the city. Then, at length, 
 was adopted the inflexible rule, that no passes 
 should be granted. Tlie adoption of the rule, 
 however, did not lessen thenumber of applicants, 
 nor diminisii their importunity. "I was plied," 
 says Captain Puffer. " with every conceivable 
 story of heart-rending woe and misery, which 
 the general, in consequence of the fact that in al- 
 most every instance where he had yielded to 
 such importunities, his confidence had been 
 abused by tiie carrying of supplies and informa- 
 tion to the rebel army, had ordered me invaria- 
 bly to refufje. Ordinarily, I succeeded in steel- 
 ing my heart against these urgent entreaties ; 
 but occasionally some story, peculiarly harrow- 
 ing in its details, seemed to demand a special 
 effort in behalf of the applicant, and I would go 
 to the general, and, in the desperation of my 
 cause exclaim : 
 
 " General, j^ou must see some of these people. 
 I know, if you would only hear their stories, you 
 would give them passes." 
 
 " You are entirely correct, captain," he would 
 reply. " I am sure I should ; and that is pre- 
 cisely why I want you to see them for me." 
 
 " And with this very doubtful satisfaction T 
 would return to my desk, convinced that .sensi- 
 bility iu a man who was allowed no discretion in 
 its exercise, was an entirely useless attribute, 
 and that in future, I would set my face as a flint 
 against every appeal to my feelings."* 
 
 Two incidents of the pass-ofSce, related to me 
 by Lieutenant Martin, will place this matter dis- 
 tinctly before the reader s mind. 
 
 One Mrs. L. haunted the office for three weeks, 
 pleading with tears for her starving children, to 
 whom she wished to convey a little food. She 
 had shown some kindness to Union troops on 
 one occasion, when they were passing her house. 
 
 Atlantic Monthly, July, 1863. 
 
]30 
 
 THE NEGRO QUESTION— FIRST DIPFCULTIES. 
 
 and this was reinembered in her tavor. A pass 
 was given her to go to St. Johns and return. 
 Something led a detective officer to examine her 
 boat with unusual thorouglin«ss. He found 
 that " false liips" had been built out upon her 
 sides, which were filled ■with commodities out- 
 rageously contraband. The woman had deceived 
 every one. fler simulation of a motlier's agony 
 and tears, sustained, too, for three weelcs, was so 
 perfect, that no one could doul^t the reality of 
 her emotions. Yet she was a professional 
 smuggler. 
 
 Some weelvs later, a lady applied to Lieu- 
 tenant Martin for a similar permit. Her chil- 
 dren, too, were starving, almost within sight of 
 their mother ; and, alas ! this was a genuine 
 case. Here children ivere starving. She was a 
 lady in every sense of the word, and she con- 
 vinced the lieutenant of the perfect truth of her 
 story at the first iiiterview. But he could only 
 inform her, that no passes were then issued, and 
 that any application to the genepal on her behalf 
 would be useless. She came every day for a 
 month, always hoping for a relaxation of the 
 rule. At length, the young officer was so deeply 
 moved by her distress, that he promised to dis- 
 obey orders so far as to lay her case before the 
 general, and she might come the next day to 
 learn the result. Slie came. Lieutenant Martin 
 had the anguish of tolling her that her applica- 
 tion was necessarily refused, as her boat was 
 certain to be seized if she cro.?sed the lake. She 
 turned pale as death, and fell senseless to the 
 floor. She was carried to the nearest physician. 
 In half an hour she revived — a raving maniac. 
 She hap never known a gleam of reason to this 
 
 CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 THE NEGRO QTJESTION — FIRST DIFFICULTIES. 
 
 Louisiana has a population of about six hun- 
 dred thousand. Before the war, there was a 
 slight excess of whites over slaves, but when the 
 Union troops landed at New Orleans, tliero was 
 one slave in the state to every white person. 
 Many of the parishes contain twice as manj- 
 slaves as whites ; some, three times as many ; a 
 few, four times as manj'; one has nine hundred 
 white inhabitants to nearly nine thousand slaves. 
 The marching of a Union column into one of 
 those sugar parishes, was like thrusting a walk- 
 ing-stick into an ant-hill — tlie negroes swarrned 
 about tlie troops, every soldier's gun and knap- 
 sack carried by a black man, exulting in the ser- 
 vice. For, in some way, this great multitude of 
 bondmen had derived the impression that part of 
 the errand of these troops was to set them free. 
 
 The population of New Orleans was about one 
 hundred and fifty thousand, of whom eighteen 
 thousand were slaves and ten thousand free 
 colored. The class last named is the result of 
 that universal licentiousness whicli exists, neces- 
 sarily, in every community where the number of 
 slaves is large. Li New Orleans, that licentious- 
 ness was systsmatized, and partook, in some de- 
 gree, of the character of matrimony. The con- 
 nections formed with the quadroons and octo- 
 roons were often permanent enough for the rear- 
 
 ing of large families, some of whom obtained 
 their freedom from the affection of their father- 
 master, and received the education he would 
 have bestowed upon legitimate offspring. The 
 class of free coloi'ed, therefore, includes a con- 
 siderable number of wealthy, instructed, able, 
 and estimable persons. They have been styled 
 by competent observers, the richest class in Now 
 Orleans ; many having inherited large estates, 
 and many carrying on lucrative business. One 
 of them entertained General Butler at a banquet 
 of seven courses, served on silver. 
 
 The secret, darling desire of this class is to 
 rank as human beings in their native city; or, 
 as the giver of the grand banquet expressed it, 
 " No matter where I fight ; I only wish to 
 spend what I have, and fight as long as I can. 
 if only my boy may stand in the street equal to 
 a white boy when the war is over. 
 
 It is difficult for an inhabitant of the North to 
 know how far such men as he were from the 
 likelihood of ever enjoying the equality he craved. 
 There was at the North a general, mild preju- 
 dice against color, before the late riots in New 
 York expelled the last vestige of it from the 
 heart of every decent human being. But, at the 
 South, the prejudice is so complete that the 
 people are not aware of its existence ; they 
 fondle and pet their favorite slaves, and let their 
 children plaj'' with black children as with dogs 
 and cats. The slightest taint of black blood in 
 the superbest man, in the loveliest woman, one 
 all radiant with golden curls and a blonde com- 
 plexion, perfect in manners and abounding in 
 the best fruits of culture, suffices to damn them 
 to an eternal exclusion from the companionship 
 of the people with whom they would naturally 
 associate. The most striking illustration of the 
 intensity of this abhorrence of African blood is 
 the well-known fact, that a white wile in New 
 Orleans is not generally jealous of her liusband's 
 slave mistress; and is frequently capable of con- 
 soling iierself by the reflection that the other 
 family, in the next street, are worth a hundred 
 dollars eacli on tlie day of their birth, and in- 
 crease in value a hundred dollars a year during 
 the first fifteen years of their lives. She does 
 not recognize in the mother of those children a 
 being that could, in any sense of the word, be a 
 rival of a woman in whose veins tfowed no 
 African blood that was discoverable. The slave 
 mistress, also, relieved the sickly white wife of 
 the burden of child-bearing. This is southeriL 
 prejudice against color. The prejudice that pre- 
 vailed at the North, before the recent scenes re- 
 vealed to every one its hellish nature, was bas;^ 
 enough, and was strongest in the basest; but ic 
 was a trivial matter compared with the unc<:>Ti- 
 scious completeness of aversion that is obser\a- 
 ble in the true southerner — the " original seces- 
 sionist." 
 
 There were a great many loose negroes about 
 New Orleans when the troops landed, slaves oi' 
 mastei-s in the rebel army left to shift for them- 
 selves. A still larger number hired their time 
 from their masters, and demonstrated that they 
 couldtiike care of themselves, besides contributing 
 from sixty cents to a dollar and a half a day to 
 the maintenance of another family. 
 
 "These colored girls," said a newicomer one 
 day to a Union officer, " whom I see selling 
 bouquets, nuts, oranges, cakes, candies, and 
 
THE NEGRO QUESTION— FIRST DIFFICULTIES. 
 
 131 
 
 amall wares, on the street corners, must save a 
 great deal of money." 
 
 These people," was the reply, •' are merely 
 the agents of their white uiasteis and mistresses, 
 who grow thek flowers and oranges, make the 
 bouquets, pies and candies, and send their slaves 
 to sell them in the streets. If she is an apple or 
 a violet short, the balance is struck on her back. 
 Many of the people of New Orleans live, and have 
 lived for years, in this way." 
 
 It is obvious to the most unreflecting person, 
 that the negro question at New Orleans could 
 not be disposed of, as at Fortress Monroe, by an 
 epigram. Fortress Monroe was a Union island 
 in a secession sea. The number of slaves in the 
 vicinity was not great ; only nine hundred in all 
 found their way to Freedom Fort; and every 
 laborer who came in was one laborer lost to tlie 
 rebel batteries. The duty of the commanding 
 general was clear the moment the "epigram" 
 occurred to his mind. But, in Louisiana, any 
 considerable disturbance of the relations of labor 
 to capital would have been a revolution far more 
 revolutionary than any merely political change 
 ever was. Suppose, for example, that all slaves 
 coming into a Union camp had been received 
 and maintained, as they were at the fortress. 
 General Butler would have had upon his hands, 
 in a month, in addition to the thirty thousand 
 destitute whites, not less than lift}- thousand 
 blacks, for whom he would have had to provide 
 Ibod, shelter, clothing and employment; while 
 tlie plantations from which the city was supplied 
 with daily food would have lain waste. Tlie 
 Foitress Monroe experience was, evidently, of 
 no avail in dealing with the negro question at 
 New Orleans. 
 
 The mstructions given by General McClellan 
 to General Butler were silent on this most per- 
 plexing subject. General Butler, however, had 
 instructions with regard to it. On leaving Wash- 
 ington he was verbally informed by the president, 
 that the government was not yet prepared to an- 
 nounce a negro policy. They were anxiously 
 considering the subject, and hoped, ere long, to 
 arrive at conclusions. Meanwhile, be must 
 "get along" with the negro question the best 
 way he could; endeavor to avoid raising insolu- 
 ble problems and* sharply defined issues ; and 
 try to manage so that neither abolitionists nor 
 " conservatives" would find in his acts occasion 
 for clamor. This, however, only for a short 
 
 negroes made their appearance — at Fort St. 
 Philip, Fort Jackson, Carrollton, Algiers, Baton 
 Rouge, and elsewhere. 
 
 A new article of war forbade the return of 
 these fugitives to their mastei-s. What was to 
 be done with them? Their labor iu the city 
 was not wanted ; there was a superabundance 
 of white laborers. If they were entertained and 
 encouraged, what was to prevent an overwhelm- 
 ing irruption of blacks into every post ? The 
 whole negro population was In such a ferment, 
 that only a slight misstep on the part of the com- 
 manding general would have sufficed to reduce 
 society to chaos. 
 
 In these circumstances, the wise, the great, 
 the splendid thing to do, was to declare all the 
 slaves in Louisiana free, and put them all upon 
 wages, leaving questions of compensation to 
 loyal masters to be settled afterward. General 
 Butler was capable of writing a general order 
 that would have achieved this sublime revolu- 
 tion with speedy advantage to every white and 
 every black in the state. It was possible, it 
 was feasible. It was, of all conceivable solutions 
 of the problem, the most easy, the most simple, 
 the most expeditious, the least costly, the least 
 dangerous. But even if the general had not 
 been restrained by instructions, this course wa.s 
 excluded even from consideration by the arrival 
 of news, on the 9th of May, that General Hun- 
 ter's proclamation of freedom to the slaves of 
 South Carolina had been revoked by the presi- 
 dent. 
 
 He was, therefore, shut up to this one course : 
 To preserve, for the present, the status in quo, 
 minus as much of the cruelty and wrong of it as 
 it might be in the power of the Union ofScers to 
 prevent. To use Mr. Lincoln's expression, he 
 was obliged "to run the machine as he found 
 it," with such slight and temporary repairs and 
 modifications as could be hastily made. This was 
 the policy adopted. It was never announccn:}, 
 but it was the principle acted upon. 
 
 Hence the negroes were not encouraged to 
 come in to the Union posts. As many as were 
 required for public and private service were em- 
 ployed, each officer being allowed one as a ser- 
 vant. Several were assigned to the hospitals. 
 General Butler himself was served by " General 
 Twiggs's William." After some days had elapsed, 
 negroes were no longer harbored iu the Custom- 
 House, and orders were issued that no more 
 
 time. The moment the administration were pre- ' should be admitted within tlio Union lines, or 
 pared to announce a general policy with regard i into the Union camps. 
 
 to the negroes, all generals commanding depart- 
 ments would be notified, and required to pursue 
 the same system. 
 
 This sounded reasonably enough at Washing- 
 ton. It wore a very different aspect when it 
 had to be applied to the state of things iu 
 Louisiana. 
 
 The difficulty began on the day after the land- 
 ing of the troops, and became every day more 
 ibrmidable. Some negroes came into the St. 
 Charles hotel, penetrated to the quarters of staff- 
 officers, and gave information which proved to 
 be valuable. Great numbers soon flocked into 
 ihe Cuslom-House, pervading the numberless 
 apartments and passages of that extensive edifice, 
 all testifying the most fervent good-will toward 
 the Union troops, all asking to be allowed to serve 
 lucm. Wherever there was a Union post, 
 
 But negroes, as we have seen, were placed on 
 an equality with white men before the law, and 
 allowed to testify against a white man in court. 
 The whipping-houses were quietly abolished, and 
 the jailers notified that no more human beings 
 must be brouglit to the jails to be whipped. 
 One of these jailers ventured to advertise, a few 
 weeks after the capture of the city, that the 
 "law of Louisiana for the correction of slaves 
 would be enforced as heretofore." The attention 
 of the general was called to this announcement, 
 and Colonel Stafford was ordered to inquire into 
 it. It was found that one slave had been brought 
 in and whipped that morning : but there the fell 
 business stopped. Whatever cruelty was com- 
 mitted in New Orleans upon the slaves, was 
 done in secret; no traffic iu torture was al- 
 lowed ; and every slave who asked redress for 
 
132 
 
 THE NEGRO QUESTION— FIRST DIFFICULTIES. 
 
 cruelties inflicted, and could give reasonable 
 proof of the truth of his story, had redress — had 
 it promptly and fully. Major Bell judged such 
 ca>ses as he would have judged similar ones in 
 Boston. General Butler never refused a black 
 man admittance to his presence by day or by 
 night, and never tailed to do him justice when 
 justice was possible. The orders were, that 
 whoever else might be excluded from head- 
 quarters, no negro should ever be. One conse- 
 quence was, that the general had a spy in every 
 house, behind exuxy rebel's chair as he sat at 
 table. Another consequence was, that every 
 slave in New Orleans had, at all times, a protec- 
 tor from cr-.ielty in the commanding general. 
 
 The mere diminution of the slaves' awful rev- 
 enue of torture was an unspeakable boon to 
 them. Those hunkers used to hug the delusion, 
 in the old party contests, that kindness was the 
 rule and cruelty the rare exception, in tlje treat- 
 ment of the slaves. As if despotism coald be 
 sustained by anything but cruelty I Thiy Ibund 
 that cruelty was the rule, and that such excep- 
 tional kindness as is shown to favorite slaves, 
 greatly increases the sum-total of their lifetime's 
 misery. Slavery is all cruelty.- It was much 
 to only lessen the vast, the incalculable, the in- 
 conceivable amount of agony inflicted by the 
 lash alone. Probably one whipping of thirty? 
 nine lashes with the infernal cowhide inflicts 
 more anguish than a respectable Massachusetts 
 hunker has to endure during his whole life. 
 What an instantaneous change of sentiment on 
 present political issues would occur, all over the 
 country, if thirty-nine arguments of that nature 
 were addressed to the devotees of slavery who, 
 whatever may be the metal of their heads, aie 
 not copper-backed. 
 
 Some planters who had not the means of sup- 
 porting their slaves, or of employing them profit- 
 ably, obliged them to go within the Union lines, 
 trusting to reclaim them in better times. Tliis 
 practice was stopped by declaring all such slaves 
 emancipated, and giving them free papers. Sev- 
 eral slaves were also emancipated who had been 
 treated with extreme cruelty by their masters. 
 The " star car" system was abolished. Colored 
 people were formerly allowed to ride only in the 
 street cars that were marked with a black star. 
 Generfd Butler required the admission of decent 
 colored people into all the public vehicles. Some 
 
 * Dr. Wesley Humphrey writes from Corinth, Missis- 
 gippi, May 25, 1868. 
 
 '* I have been selected as the surgeon of the resiment 
 of African descent, now forming liere (not all black l>y 
 any means), and during tlie past week had occasion to 
 examine about seven liundred men in a nude Ktiite, 
 preparatory to their being mustered into the United 
 States service, and I then' saw evidences of abuse and 
 maltreatinent perfectly hoirifying to relate, and must 
 be seen to fully understand the abuse to wliich they 
 have been subjected. I think 1 am siife in siiying that 
 at leont <me-h.<itfo{ that number bore evidence of hav- 
 ing been severely whipped and maltreated in vari- 
 ous ways ; some were stubheil with a knife ; others 
 ((hi>t throutrh the limbs; some pounded with clubs, un- 
 til their bones were broken. One man told me he had 
 received for a triflinir offense two thousand lashes; and, 
 upon examination, 1 found seventy-five scitrs upon his 
 back and limbs, that rose above the skin the size of your 
 finger, saying nothing of the smaller ones. Others had 
 the cords of their legs cut (hamstrings, as they call 
 them), to prevent their running off; and some were 
 shot in resenting such insults. These were witnes.sed 
 by the colonel, J. M. Alexander, lieutenant-colonel, 
 major, Ac, of the regiment." 
 
 of the police regulations with regard to the 
 slaves were still enforced; the rule requiring 
 them to be at iiome by nine o'clock in the even- 
 ing, for example. 
 
 Such were some of the measures by which 
 General Butler strove to " get along" with this 
 hideous anomaly, while the president was feel- 
 ing his way to a general policy, and waiting for 
 the ripening of pul)lic opinion. General Butler, 
 like the president himself, stood between two 
 flres. One set of Unionists in New Orleans 
 kept saying to him, as I read in their letters now 
 before me : 
 
 Return all fugitives to their masters ; show, 
 by word and deed, that your sole object is the 
 restoration of the old state of things ; and Louis- 
 iana will return to the Union " in a month." 
 
 Another party said : " No ; the original seces- 
 sionists are incurable ; destroy their power by 
 abolishing slavery; crush that insolent faction 
 utterly ; and Louisiana will hoist the old flag 
 with enthusiasm." 
 
 He could do neither of these things. An ar- 
 ticle of war forbade the first ; the revocation of 
 General Hunter's proclamation forbade the sec- 
 ond. His struggle, meanwhile, to " get along" 
 with a diEBcully that would not wait for the 
 tardy action of the government, brought him 
 into painful and lamentable collision with Gen- 
 eral Phelps, which resulted in the country's 
 losing the services of that noble soldier. 
 
 General Phelps was in command at Carroll- 
 ton, seven miles above the city, the post of honor 
 in the defensive cordon around New Orleans. " I 
 found myself," he remarks, " in the midst of a 
 slave region, where the institution existed in all 
 its pride and gloom, and where its victims 
 needed no inducement from me to seek the pro- 
 tection of our flag — that flag which now, after a 
 long interval, gleamed once more amid the dark- 
 ling scene, like the effusion of morning light. 
 Fugitives began to throng to our lines in large 
 numbers. Some came loaded with chains and 
 barbarous irons; some bleeding with bird-.shot 
 wounds; many had been deeply scored with 
 la.shes, and all complained of the extinction of 
 their moral rights. They had originally come 
 chiefly from Maryland, Virginia, and North Car- 
 olina, and were generally rel^ious pefsons, who 
 had been accustomed to better treatment than 
 that which they experienced there." 
 
 General Butler was aware of this influx of 
 fugitives ; but, in obedience to the temporary 
 policy enjoined upon him by the government, he 
 took no notice of the fact. The vehement desire of 
 General Phelps wns, not merely to welcome and 
 iiarbor the fugitives, but form them into military 
 companies and drill them into serviceable soldi' rs. 
 He was grieved, therefore, when, on the 12tli of 
 May, General Butler requested him to place his 
 able-bodied negroes under the direction of two 
 planters of the vicinity, tliat they might be em- 
 ployed in closing a break in the levee above 
 Carrollton, which threatened a disastrous imni- 
 dation. " You will see." wrote General Butler, 
 " the need of giving them every aid in your 
 power to save and protect the levee, even to 
 returning their own negroes and adiiimr otliers, 
 if need be, to their tbrce. Tliis is outsi.le of the 
 question of returning negroes. You should send 
 your own soldiers, let alone allowing the mcu 
 
GENERAL BUTLER AND GENERAL PHELPS. 
 
 133 
 
 who are proteeting us all from the Mississippi 
 to have the workmen who are accustomed to 
 this service." 
 
 General Phelps did not "see" the need of 
 sending back his fugitives. A positive order 
 settled the question on the 23d of May : " In 
 view of the disaster which might occur to us, in 
 case a crevasse should occur above our lines, I 
 h^ve concluded to send a force of one hundred 
 laborers, in charge of a guard, to attend to 
 raising and guarding the levee above your lines. 
 You will also place every able-bodied contraband 
 within your camp in charge of Captain Page, tlie 
 officer of this guard, to assist in this work." 
 This was better, thought General Phelps, than 
 consigning the negroes to the custody and direc- 
 tion of their former masters. The order was 
 obeyed, of course. 
 
 Meanwhile, General Butler was besieged with 
 complaints of the harboring of fugitives in Gen- 
 eral Phelps's camp. All the complainants pro- 
 fessed to be Union men; some of them were 
 such ; and most of them were the producers of 
 vegetables for the New Orleans market. Besides, 
 the harboring of the negroes involved the neces- 
 sity of their maintenance, and invited the entire 
 negro population to fly to the refuge of Union 
 posts. It seemed to General Butler necessary 
 to check the irruption before it became unman- 
 ageable. The following order was therefore 
 issued : 
 
 New Orleans, May 28, 1862. 
 
 " General : — You will cause all unemployed 
 persons, black and white, to be excluded Irom 
 your lines. 
 
 " You will not permit either black or white 
 persons to pass your lines, not officers and sol- 
 diers or belonging to the navy of the United 
 States, without a pass from these head-quarters, 
 except they are brought in under guard as cap- 
 lured persons, with information, and those to be 
 examined and detained as prisoners of war, if 
 they have been in arms against the United 
 States, or dismissed and sent away at once, as 
 the case may be. This does not apply to boats 
 passing up the river witliout landing within the 
 lines. 
 
 " Provision dealers and marketraen are to be 
 allowed to pass in with provisions and their 
 wares, but not to remain over night. 
 
 " Persons having had tiieir permanent resi- 
 dence within your hues befoie the occupation of 
 our troops, are not to be considered unemployed 
 persons. 
 
 ■' Your officers have reported a large number 
 of servants. Every officer so reported empfoying 
 servants will have the allowance for servants 
 deducted from his pay-roll. 
 
 "Respectfully, your ob't serv't., 
 
 "B. F. Butler." 
 
 "Brig.-Gen. Phelps, Com. Camp Parapet. 
 
 General Phelps was struck with horror at 
 Ibis command. The fugitives, however, were 
 removed to a point just above the lines, where 
 they found partial shelter, and lived on the 
 bounty of the soldiers, who generously shared 
 with them their rations. An event occurred on 
 the 12th of June which brought on the crisis. 
 On the morning of that day the negroes num- 
 bered seventy-live ; but, within the next twenty- 
 four hours, the number was doubled. 
 
 "The first installment," reported Major Peck' 
 the officer of the day, "were sent by a man 
 named La Blanche, from the other side of tho 
 river, on the night of the 13th, he giving them 
 their choice, according to their statement, of 
 leaving before sundown, or receiving fifty lashes 
 each. Many of them desire to return to iheir 
 master, but are prevented by fear of harsh treat- 
 ment. They are of all ages and physical condi- 
 tions — a number of infants in arms, many young 
 children, robust men and women, and a large 
 number of lame, old, and infirm of both sexes. 
 The rest of them came in singly and in small 
 parties from various points up the river within 
 a hundred miles. They brought with them 
 boxes, bedding and luggage of all sorts, which 
 lie strewn upon the levee and the open spaces 
 around the picket. The women and children, 
 and some feeble ones who needed shelter, were 
 permitted to occupy a deserted house just out- 
 side the lines. They are quite destitute of pro- 
 visions, many having eaten nothing for days, 
 except what our soldiers have given them from 
 their own rations. In accordance with orders 
 already issued, the guard was instructed to 
 permit none of them to enter the lines. As each 
 ' officer of the day' will be called upon succes- 
 sively to deal with the matter, I take the liberty 
 to suggest whether some farther regulation in 
 reference to these unfortunate persons is not ne- 
 cessary to enable him to do his duty intelligently, 
 as well as for the very apparent additional rea- 
 sons, that the congregation of such large num- 
 bers in our immediate vicinity affords invitmg 
 opportunity for mischief to ourselves, and also, 
 that uDless supplied with the means of sustaining 
 life by the benevolence of the mihtary author- 
 ities, or of the citizens (which is scarcely sup- 
 posable), ihey must shortly be reduced to 
 suffering and starvation, in the very sight of the 
 overflowing store-houses of the government." 
 
 General Phelps could endure this state of 
 things no longer. He now wrote a paper on the 
 subject for the president's own eye, whicli is one 
 of the most pathetic, eloquent, and convincing 
 pieces of composition which the war has pro- 
 duced ; a paper which anticipated, by many 
 months, both the policy of the government, and 
 the march of public opinion. Public opinion has 
 now come up to it. The policy of tiJe govern- 
 ment is now the policy recommended by it. 
 
 The government, however, being then reluc- 
 tant to adopt General Phelps's radical system, 
 and General Butler being but the servant of 
 the government, the affair ended in General 
 Phelps's resignation. 
 
 The resignation was accepted by the govern- 
 ment. He received notification of the tact on 
 the 8th of September, and immediately prepared 
 to return to his farm in Vermont. All of his 
 command loved him, from the drummer-boys to 
 the colonels, whether they approved or disap- 
 proved his course on the negro question. He 
 was such a commandei' as soldiers love ; firm, 
 gentle, courteous ; gentlest and most courteous 
 to the lowliest ; with a vein of quaint humor 
 that relieved the severity of military rule, and 
 supplied the camp-gossips with anecdotes. His 
 officers gathered about him, before his departure, 
 to say farewell. He was touched with the com- 
 pliment, for he had been acciistomed, for twenty 
 years, to live among his comrades in a lonely 
 
lai: 
 
 GENERAL BUTLER AND THE NEGROES. 
 
 minority of one : respected, it is true, and be- 
 loved, but beloved rather as a noble lunatic than 
 as a wise and noble man. 
 
 "Gentlemen," said he, in his fine, simple man- 
 ner, " I wish, earnestly, that I were able to re- 
 ply to you — that I had been gifted with the 
 faculty or practiced iii tlie habit of public speak- 
 ing — so that I might make some fitting answer 
 to the kind words which you have addressed to 
 uae; so that I might express my gratitude for 
 the feelings which prompt you to come here. 
 This is the greatest compUmeut I ever received 
 in my life. Indeed, this is the only compliment 
 of the kind I ever received. Lieutenant-Colonel 
 Lall traced out to you, in more flattering colors 
 than the subject deserved, my military career, 
 and you observed that it has almost all been on 
 the frontier, or at small military posts, where I 
 would naturally not come in contact with large 
 social gatherings, so that I have never been ex- 
 posed, eveu had I deserved it, to receive com- 
 pliments like this which you offer me. There- 
 fore it is that I now wish, for the first time, that 
 I possessed the gift of utterance ; and I assure 
 you that I desire it solely because I am ex- 
 tremely grateful for this expression of your re- 
 gard. 
 
 " So far as the motives which prompted me to 
 the step which I have taken are concerned, I do 
 not see any reason to regret it. My heart tells 
 me that, under the circumstances, I did right in 
 resigning my commission. But I do regret ex- 
 ceedingly that its first consequence will be to 
 separate me from your society. I am truly sorrj' 
 to part with you. I was greatly struck — I was 
 most favorably impressed — with your appear- 
 ance, and bearing, and expression, when you 
 arrived to re-enforce me at Ship Island. I v.-as 
 touched when I thought I saw in your looks 
 that you felt your true position ; that you realized 
 that you had left your business and homes to 
 fight in an extraordinarily just and holy war; 
 that your souls were full of the motives which 
 ought to move men who enter into a conflict for 
 country and liberty. As I watched our division 
 review there, I was more than ever impressed 
 with this appearauce of moral nobleness. I had 
 seen armies before, but never such an army as 
 that ; never an army which knew it had come out 
 to fight for the highest principles of right, for the 
 good of humanity, and for nothing else. 
 
 "And here, in Louisiana, I have seen you 
 growing up to be true soldiers. You have borne, 
 worthily, sickness and exposure. You have 
 carried your comrades every day to the grave, 
 and yet you have not beeu discouraged, but 
 have been patient, and cheerful, and a.-^siduous 
 in your duties. As I have watched this, I have 
 learned to value and esteem you: and, there- 
 fore, I am all the more grateful for the good- will 
 which you show me. 
 
 " Yet, I must not believe that this kind feeling 
 has been aroused solely by what 1 am personally. 
 It must come chiefly from the fact that you look 
 upon me as in some measure the exponent of a 
 great and just cause. It is because you sympa- 
 thize more or less with me in my hatred of 
 slavery. Perhaps some of you are not yet of my 
 opinion. Perhaps the past has still a strong 
 hold upon your sentiments. But I firmly be- 
 lieve — ^yes, I have a happy confidence — that, 
 befare another year is finished, your hearts will 
 
 all be where mine is on this question. And let 
 me tell j'ou that this faith is no small consolation 
 for the trial of leaving you. 
 
 " And now, with earnest wishes for your wel- 
 fare, and aspirations for the success of the great 
 cause for which you are here, I bid you good- 
 by." 
 
 When, at length, the government had arrived 
 at a negro policy, and was arming slaves, the 
 president offered General Phelps a major-gen- 
 eral's commission. He replied, it is said, tliat 
 he would willingly accept the commission if it 
 were dated back to the day of his resignation, so 
 as to carry with it an approval of his course at 
 Camp Parapet. This was declined, and General 
 Phelps remains in retirement. I suppose the 
 president felt that an indorsement of General 
 Phelps's conduct would imply a censure of Gen- 
 eral Butler, whose conduct every candid person, 
 I think, must admit, was just, forbearing, mag- 
 nanimous. 
 
 We can not but regret that General Phelps 
 could not have sympathized in some degree with 
 the painful necessities of General Butler's posi- 
 tion, and endeavored for a while to "get along" 
 with the negro diflBculty at Camp Parapet, as 
 General Butler was striving to do at New Orleans. 
 We should remember, however, that General 
 Phelps had been waiting and longing for twenty- 
 five years, and he could not foresee, that, in six 
 months more, the government would be as eager 
 as himself in arming the slaves against their 
 oppressors. 
 
 CHAPTER XXIIL 
 
 GENER.4.L BUTLER ARMS THE FREE COLORED MBN, 
 AND FUfDS WORK FOR THE FUGITIVE SLAVES. 
 
 General Phelps might have seen the dawn 
 of a brighter day, even before his departure. 
 General Butler himself could wait no longer for 
 the tardy action of the government. Denied re- 
 enforcements from the North, he had determined 
 to " call on Africa" to assist him in defending 
 New Orleans from threatened attack. The 
 spirited assault upon Baton Rouge on the fifth 
 of Augast, though it was so gallantly repulsed 
 by Geneial Williams and his command, was a 
 warning not to be disregarded. A.11 the summer 
 General Butler had been asking for re-enforce- 
 ments, pointing to the growing strength of 
 Vicksburg, the rising batteries at the new rebel 
 post of Port Hudson, the inviting condition ot 
 Mobile, the menacing camps near New Orleans, 
 the virulence of tlie secessionists ia the city. 
 The uniform answer from the war department 
 was: We cannot spare you one man ; we will 
 send you men when we have them to send. 
 You must hold New Orleans by all means and 
 at all hazard.-?. 
 
 So tlie General called on Africa. Not upon 
 the slaves, but upon the free colored men of the 
 city, whom General Jackson had enrolled in 
 1814, and Governor Moore in 1861. He sent 
 for sevei-al of the most influential of this class, 
 and conversed freely with them upon his project. 
 He asked them wiiy they had accepted service 
 under the Confcdeiale government, which was 
 set up for the distinctly avowed purpose of' 
 
GENERAL BUTLER AND THE NEGROES. 
 
 135 
 
 rjolding in eternal slavery ilieir brethren and 
 kindred. They answered that they had nol 
 dared to refuse; that they had hoped by serving 
 the Confederates, to advance a little nearer to 
 equality withwliites; that they longed to throw 
 the weight of their class into the scale of the 
 Union, and only asked an opportunity to show 
 their devotion to the cause with wliicli their own 
 dearest hopes were identified. The general took 
 them at their word. The proper orders weie 
 issued. Enlistment offices were opened. Colored 
 men were commissioned. Of the first colored 
 regiment, all the field officers were white men, 
 and all the line officers colored. Of the second, 
 the colonel and lieutenant-colonel alone were 
 wliite men, a-nd all the rest colored. For the 
 third, the officers were selected without the 
 slightest regard to color ; the best men that 
 olfered were taken, white or yellow. The two 
 batteries of artillery were officered wholly by 
 white men, for the simple reason that no colored 
 men acquainted with artillery presented them- 
 selves as candidates for the commissions. 
 
 The free colored men of New Orleans flew to 
 arms. One of the regiments of a thousand men 
 was completed in fourteen days. In a very few 
 weeks. General Butler had his three regiments 
 of infantry and two batteries of artillery en- 
 rolled, equipped, officered, drilled and ready for 
 service. Better soldiers never shouldered arm.<5. 
 They were zealous, attentive, obedient, and in- 
 telligent. No men in the Union army had such 
 a stake in the contest as they. Few understood 
 it as well as they. The best blood in the South 
 flowed in their veins, and a great deal of it ; for 
 ■'the darkest of them," said General Butler, 
 " were about of the complexion of the late Mr. 
 "Webster." At Port Hudson, in the summer of 
 1863, the.se fine regiments, though shamefully 
 despoiled of the colored officers to whom General 
 Butler gave commissions, demonstrated to the 
 whole army that witnessed their exploits, and to 
 t,he whole country that read of them, their right 
 to rank with the soldiers of the Union as brothers 
 in arms. 
 
 This bold measure of General Butler — bold 
 in 1862 — was not achieved without opposition. 
 Public opinion, in New Orleans, was thus divided 
 in regard to arming the free colored men : nearly 
 every Union man in the city favored it ; every 
 secessionist opposed it. Many of the Union 
 ufficers had not yet traveled liir enough away 
 from old hunkerism to approve the measure, but 
 a large minority of them warmly seconded their 
 general. There was but one breach of the peace 
 ill the city in coniieni.'n with the colored troops. 
 A party of them were stoned by some low 
 Frenchmen, who, it appears, received, at the 
 liands of the assailed soldiers, prompt and con- 
 dign punishment. Need I say, that the French 
 consul complained to General Butler? The 
 general .set the consul right as to the facts of the 
 case, and, at the same time, asked him '• to warn 
 his countrymen against the prejudices they may 
 have imbibed, the same as were lately mine, 
 against my colored soldiers, because tlieir race 
 is of the same hue and blood as those of your 
 celebrated compatriot and author, Alexander 
 Dumas, who, 1 believe, is treated with the utmost 
 respect in Paris." In tact, a majority of these 
 colored soldiers are whiter men than Dumas. 
 
 In November, the colored regiments were 
 
 employed in the field, in an expedition 'ii>on the 
 western bank of the river. They wer-? not eu- 
 gaged in actual conflict with the enemy, but their 
 conduct, on all occasions, was most exemplary 
 and soldier-like. Their presence in a legion 
 where there were ten slaves to one white man, 
 was thought by General Weitzel to tend to pro- 
 voke an insurrection. He was in so much dread 
 of such an event, that he asked Genei'al Butler 
 to relieve him of the command. 
 
 General Butler, while continuing General 
 Weitzel in his position, contrived to gratify him 
 by placing the colored troops under another offi- 
 cer, one who believed in them. General Weit- 
 zel, in acknowledging this complaisance, re- 
 marked that if the colored troops, in action, 
 proved only half as trustworthy a^ General But- 
 ler thought them, the rebellion would most cer- 
 tainly be crushed. 
 
 General Weitzel has since had an opportunity of 
 witnessing the conduct of colored troops in battle. 
 If he was not convinced by General Butler's rea- 
 soning, he must have been convinced by what he 
 saw of the conduct of these very colored regiments 
 at Port Hudson, where he himself gave such a 
 glorious example of prudence and gallantry, I 
 may add, that the country owes the promotion 
 of this accomplished officer from the rank of lieu- 
 tenant of engineers to that of brigadier-general 
 of volunteers, to the discernment of General But- 
 ler, who twice urged it on the war department. 
 The heroic Strong was another of General But- 
 ler's recommendations to the same rank. Few 
 men would have ventured to ask such sudden 
 advancement for officers not thirty-two years of 
 age. Fort Wagner and Port Hudson justified 
 their almost unprecedented promotion. 
 
 As the season advanced, the negro question 
 did not diminish in difficulty. The number of 
 fugitives constantly increased, until, in the city 
 alone, there were ten thousand, many of whom 
 were women and children, and all of whom were 
 dependent upon the government for support. 
 There were great numbers at Fort Jackson, Fort 
 St. Philip and Camp Parapet. Many plantations 
 had been abandoned by their owners, and the 
 negroes remained in their huts idle and destitute. 
 The conquests of General Weitzel greatly added 
 to the number of abandoned and confiscated 
 plantations, and set free thousands of slaves. 
 From the starving country bordering on the 
 lakes whole families of whites were continually 
 commg to the city, sometimes bringing their 
 slaves with them, sometimes leaving them be- 
 hind to wander ofl' to the nearest post. Society, 
 as General Phelps had remarked, seemed on the 
 point of dissolution, and General Butler saw be- 
 fore him a prospect of having a countless host of 
 white and black looking to him for their daily 
 bread. 
 
 He determined, in October, to take the re- 
 sponsibility of working the abandoned pl.inta- 
 tions on behalf of the United States, their right- 
 ful owner, and of employing upon them his 
 fugitive and emancipated slaves at fair wages. 
 Tlie first of his special orders relating to this 
 matter has an historical interest and value : 
 
 " New Orleans, October 20, 186S. 
 
 "Special Ordkr, No. 441. 
 
 "It appearing to the commanding general, 
 that the sugar plantations of Brown & McMan 
 
136 
 
 GEJTERAL BUTLER AND THE NEGROES. 
 
 nus have been abandoned by tlieir late owners, 
 who are in the rebellion, .ire now running to 
 waste, and the valuable crops will be lost, as 
 well to the late owners as to tlie United States, 
 if they are not wrought; nnd as large numbers 
 of negroes have come and are coming witiiin the 
 lines of the army, who need employment, it is 
 ordered : 
 
 " That Charles A. Weed, Esq., take charge of 
 such plantations, and such others as may be 
 abandoned along the river, between the city and 
 Fort Jackson, and gather and make these crops 
 for the benefit of the United States, keeping an 
 exact and accurate account of the expenses of 
 such. 
 
 " That Mr. Weed's requisition for labor be an- 
 swered by the several commanders of camps for 
 labor; or, in the scarcity of contrabands, that 
 Mr. Weed may employ white laborers at one 
 dollar each per day, or each ten hours' labor. 
 
 "That for any stores or necessaries for such 
 work the quartermaster's or commissary's depart- 
 ment will answer Mr. Weed's approved requisi- 
 tions. 
 
 " That said Weed shall be paid such rate of 
 compeEsation as may be agreed on ; and that all 
 receipts of whatever nature fi'om such plantations, 
 be accurately accounted for by him; and that 
 for this purpose Mr. Weed shall be considered 
 in the military service of the United Stales. 
 " By command of Major-General Bui'LER. 
 "George C. Strong, A. A. G." 
 
 But this was not all. Among the papers re- 
 lating to the negroes of Louisiana, there is a doc- 
 ument still more interesting. It contains the 
 plan devised by the commanding general for en- 
 abling the loyal planters to give a trial to the 
 system of free labor : 
 
 New Orleans, La., Ocio&er IS, 1862. 
 
 " Memorandum of an agreement, entered into 
 between the planters, loynl citizens of the 
 United States, in the parishes of ' St. Bernard ' 
 and 'Plaquemines,' in the slate of Louisiana, and 
 the civil and military authorities of the United 
 States in said state. 
 
 " Whereas, many of the persons held to ser- 
 vice and labor have left their masters and claim- 
 ants, and have come to the city of New Orleans, 
 and to the camps of the army of the gulf, and are 
 claiming to be emancipated and free; 
 
 " And whereas, these men and women are in 
 a destitute condition ; 
 
 "And whereas, it is clearly the duty, by law, 
 as well as in humanity, of tlie United States to 
 provide tliem with food and clothing, and to em- 
 ploy them in some useful occupation ; 
 
 " And whereas, it is necessary that the crop 
 of cane and cereals now growing and approacii- 
 ing maturity in said parishes shall be preserved, 
 and the levees repaired and strengthened against 
 floods; 
 
 "And whereas, the planters claim that the.se 
 persons are siill held to service and labor, and 
 of right ought to labor for their masters, and that 
 the ruin of their crops and pUintations will hap- 
 pen if deprived of such services; 
 
 " And whereas, these conflicting rights and 
 claims can not immediately be determined by any 
 tribunals now existing in the state of Louisiana. 
 
 " In order, therefore, to preserve the rights of 
 
 all parties, as well those of the planters as of the* 
 persons claimed as held to service and labor, and 
 claiming their freedom, and those of the United 
 Stales; and to preserve the crops and property 
 of loyal citizens of the United States ; and to 
 provide protitalile employment at the rate of 
 compensation fixed by act of congress for those 
 persons who have come within the lines of the 
 army of the United States, 
 
 " It is agreed and determined, that the United 
 States will employ all the per.sons heretofore held 
 to labor on the several plauiations in the parishes 
 of St. Bernard and Plaquemines belonging to 
 loyal citizens as they have heretofore been em- 
 ployed, and as nearly as may be under the 
 charge of the loyal phinters and overseers of said 
 parishes and other necessary direction. 
 
 " The United States will authorize or provide 
 suitable guards and patrols to preserve order and 
 prevent crime in the said parishes. 
 
 " The planters shall pay for the services of 
 each able-bodied male person ten (10) dollars 
 per month, three (3) of which may be expended 
 lor necessary clothing; and for each woman 
 
 ( — ) dollars ; and for each child above the 
 
 age often (10) years, and under the age of six- 
 teen (16) years, the sum of ( — ) dollars; 
 
 all the persons above "the age of sixteen years 
 being considered as men and women for the pur- 
 pose of labor. 
 
 " Planters .shall furnish suitable and proper 
 food for each of these laborers, and take care of 
 them, and furnish proper medicines in ease of 
 sickness. 
 
 " The planters shall also suitably provide for 
 all the persons incapacitated by sickness or age 
 from labor, l)earing the relation of parent, cliild 
 or wife, of the laborer so laboring for him. 
 
 " Ten hours a day shall be a day's labor ; and 
 any extra hours during which the laborer may 
 be called by the necessities of the occasion to 
 work, shall be returned as so much toward 
 another day's labor. Twenty-six days, of ten 
 hours each, shall make a month's labor. It shall 
 be the duty "f the overseer to keep a true and 
 exact account of the time of labor of each per- 
 son, and any wrong or inaccuracy therein, shall 
 forfeit a month's pay to tiie person so wronged. 
 
 " No cruel or corporal punishment shall b© 
 inflicted by any one upon the person 'so labo- 
 ring, or upon his or her relatives; but any in- 
 suboidination or refusal to perform suitable labor, 
 or other crime or oft'ense, shall be at onee re- 
 ported to the provost-marshal for the district, and 
 punishment suitable for tlie oft'ense shall be in- 
 flicted under his orders, preferably impiisonment 
 in darkness on bread and water. 
 
 "This agreement to continue at the pleasure 
 of tYie United States. 
 
 " If any planter of the parishes of St. Bernard 
 or Plaquemines refuses to enter into this agree- 
 ment or remains a disloj'al citizen, tlie per.sons 
 claimed to be held to service hv him may hire 
 themselves to any loyal planter, or tlie United 
 Stales may elect to carry on his plantation by 
 their own agents, and other persons than tiios© 
 thus claimed may be hired by any planter at his 
 election. 
 
 "It is expressly understood and agreed that 
 this arrangement shall not be h*;ld to ail'ect . 
 after its termination, the legal rights of eiiner 
 master or slave \ bw that the question of free 
 
GENERAL BUTLER AND THE NEGROES. 
 
 137 
 
 dom or slavery is to be determined by considera- 
 tions wholly outside of the provisions of this 
 contract, provided always, that the abase by any 
 master or overseer of any persons laboring under 
 the provisions of this coulract, shall, after trial 
 and adjudication by the military or other courts, 
 emancipate the person so abused." 
 
 And, now, what were the results of the ex- 
 periment ? We have explicit information on this 
 poir t. 
 
 Among tho.se who heard of the startling inno- 
 vation, none listened to the tale with deeper in- 
 terest than the president of the United States. 
 Mr. Chase read to him one of General Butler's 
 private letters upon the subject, and the presi- 
 dent then wrote a note to the general, asking 
 detailed information. The president was also 
 curious to Itnow something respecting the elec- 
 tion of members of congress in Louisiana, then 
 about to take place. General Butler replied in a 
 letter, which tlie citizens of free Louisiana will 
 consider historically important. 
 
 " Our experiment," wrote the general, No- 
 vember 28th, 1862, "in attempting the cultiva- 
 tion of sugar by free labor, I am happy to report, 
 is succeeding admirably. I am informed by the 
 government agent who has charge, that upon one 
 of the plantations, where sugar is being made 
 by the negroes who had escaped therefrom into 
 our lines, and have been sent back under wages, 
 that with the same negroes and the same ma- 
 chinery, by free labor, a hogshead and a half 
 more of sugar has been made in a day tiian was 
 ever before made in the same time on the planta- 
 tion under slave labor. 
 
 " Your friend, Colonel Shaffer, has had put up, 
 to be forwarded to you, a barrel of the first sugar 
 ever made by free black labor in Louisiana ; and 
 the fact that it will have no flavor of the degrading 
 whip, will not, I know, render it less sweet to 
 your taste. The planters seem to have been 
 struck with a sort of judicial blindness, and some 
 of them so deluded have abandoned their crops 
 rather than work them with free labor. I 
 offered them, as a basis, a contract, a copy of 
 which is inclosed for your information. It was 
 rejected by many of them, because they would 
 not relinquish the right to use the whip, although 
 I have provided a punishment for the refractory, 
 by means of the provost-marshal, as you will 
 see — imprisonment in darkness, on bread and 
 water. I did not feel that I had a right, by the 
 military power of tlie Unitfd States, to send 
 back to be scourged, at the will of their former 
 and, in some cases, infuriated masters, those 
 black men who had fled to me for protection ; 
 while [ had no doubt of my right to employ them 
 under the charge of whomsoever I might choose, 
 to work for the benefit of themselves and the 
 government. I have, therefore, caused the ne- 
 groes to be informed that they should have the 
 same rights as to freedom, if so the law was, on 
 the plantation as if they were in camp ; and 
 they liave, in a great majority of instnnces, gone 
 willingly to work, and work with a will. They 
 were, at first, a little averse to going back, lest 
 they should lose some rights which would come 
 to them iu camp ; but, upon our assurances, are 
 quite content. 
 
 "I think this scheme can be carried out with- 
 out loss to the government, and I hope with 
 
 profit enough to enable us to support, for six 
 months longer, the starving whites and blacks- 
 here, — a somewhat herculean task. 
 
 " We are feeding now daily, in the city of 
 New Orleans, more than thirty-two thousand 
 whites, seventeen thousand of whom are British- 
 born subjects, and mostly claiming British pro- 
 tection; and only about two thousand of whom, 
 are American citizens, the rest being of the sev- 
 eral nationalities who are represented here fromi 
 all parts of the globe. 
 
 " Besides these, we have some ten thousand 
 negroes to feed, besides those at work on the- 
 plantations, principally women and children. 
 All this has, thus far, been done without any 
 draft upon the treasury, although how much 
 longer we can go on, is a problem of whicii I 
 am now anxiously seeking the solution. * * * 
 
 " The operations of General Weitzel, in the 
 Lafourche country, the richest sugar planting 
 part of Louisiana, have opened to us a very large- 
 number of slaves, all of whom, under the act, 
 are free ; and large crops of sugar, as well those 
 already made, as those in process of being made. 
 * * * All this portion of tiie country are- 
 rapidly returning to their allegiance, and the 
 elections are being organized for Wednesday 
 next, and I doubt not a large vote will be> 
 thrown. 
 
 " I bound Dr. Cotman not to be one of the- 
 candidates iu the field. He had voluntarily 
 signed the ordinance of secession as one of the 
 convention which passed it, and had sat lor his. 
 portrait in the cartoon which was intended to- 
 render those signers immortal, and which was 
 published and exhibited here in imitation of the 
 picture of our signers of the declaration of inde- 
 pendence; and as the doctor liad never, by any 
 public act, testified his abnegation of that act of 
 signing, I thought it would be best tlial the 
 government should not be put to the scandal of 
 having a person so situated elected, although 
 the doctor may be a good Union man now. So^ 
 I very strongly advised him against the candi- 
 dature. It looked too much like Aaron Burr's- 
 atterapt to run for a seat in parliament, al'ier he 
 went to England to avoid his complication in 
 the Mexican affairs and his combat with Hamil-^ 
 ton. It is but fair to say that Doctor Cotuian, 
 after some urging, concluded to withdraw his 
 name from the canva.ss. Two unconditional 
 Union men will be elected. I fear, however, 
 we shall lose Mr. Bouhgny. He was imprudent 
 enough to run for the office of justice of peace 
 under the secessionists, and akhough I believe 
 him always to have been a good Union man, 
 and to have sought that office for personal 
 reasons only, yet that fact tells against him. 
 However, Mr. Flanders will be elected in his 
 district, and a more reliable or better Union 
 man can not be found. 
 
 "But to return to our negroes. I find this 
 difficulty in prospect : Many of the planters 
 here, while professing loyalty, and I doiibt not 
 feeling it, if the 'institution' can be spared to 
 them, have agreed together not to make any 
 provision this autumn for another crop of sugar 
 next season, hoping thereby to throw upon us 
 this winter an immense number of black.s, with- 
 out employment and without any means of sup- 
 port for the future ; the planters themselves liv- 
 ing upon what they made from this crop. Thus^ 
 
138 
 
 GENERAL BUTLER AND THE NEGROES. 
 
 no provision being made for the crop either of 
 corn, potatoes, or cereals, the government Will 
 be obliged to come to their terms for the future 
 ■employment of the negroes, or to be at enormous 
 expenses to support them. 
 
 " We shall have to meet this as best we may. 
 Of course, we are not responsible for what may 
 be done outside of our lines, but here I shall 
 make what provision I can for the future, as 
 •well for the cereal and root crop as the cane. 
 We .shall endeavor to get a stock of cane laid 
 down on all the plantations worked by govern- 
 ment, and to preserve seed corn and potatoes to 
 meet this contingency. 
 
 " I shall send out my third regiment of Native 
 <juards (colored), and set them to work preserv- 
 ing the cane and roots for a crop next year. 
 
 " It can not be supposed that this great 
 <;hange in a social and political system can be 
 made without a shock ; and I am only surprised 
 that the possibility opens up to me that it can 
 be made at all. Certain it is, and I speak the 
 almost universal sentiment and opinion of my 
 officers, that slavery is doomed! I have no 
 doubt of it ; aud with every prejudice and early 
 teaching against the result to which my mind 
 has beeu irresistibly brought by my experience 
 here, I am now convinced: 
 
 " 1st. That labor can be done in this state by 
 Tvhites, and more economically than by blacks 
 and slaves. 
 
 " 2d. That black labor can be as well gov- 
 erned, used, and made as profitable in a state of 
 freedom as in slavery. 
 
 " 3d. That while it would have been better 
 could this emancipation of the slaves be gradual, 
 jet it is quite feasible, even under this great 
 change, as a governmental proposition, to organ- 
 ize, control, aud work the negro vvith profit and 
 safety to the white ; but this can be best done 
 under military supervision." 
 
 " Slavery is doomed I" So says General Rose- 
 crans, also. So says the reticent and modest 
 General Grant. So says, I believe, every officer 
 who has served in the heart of a slave state. 
 We shall see, in a moment, by what means the 
 true nature of slavery was brought iiome to the 
 mind of General Butler, so that he not only fore- 
 saw, but exulted in the downfall of the insti- 
 tution. 
 
 The perfect behavior of the black men in their 
 new character of free laborers has been often re- 
 marked. A whole book full of testimony on this 
 point could he adduced. If it be objected that 
 General Butler had too short i\\\ experience of 
 his sy.stem to be able to judge its results, we 
 can point to the testimony of men now in Louis- 
 iana, who have observed the working of the fiee- 
 labor system for more than a year. One highly 
 intelligent gentleman has receutlj^ written from 
 New Orleans: 
 
 " No one has properly noticed how well the 
 slaves in the South have maintaiued their diffi- 
 cult position. From the commencement up to 
 this time they have in no instance called upon 
 their heads the indignation of their masters by 
 uny impudent expres.sion or untimely outbreak. 
 Whenever our forces have afforded them an op- 
 portunity to break their bonds, they have done 
 it promptly and efficiently ; but they have, with 
 rare prudence, not involved themselves in diffi- 
 culties which would be fruitless of substantial 
 
 good to their interests. This conduct on their 
 part, it seems to me, exhibits a large amount of 
 intellectual ability ; for they have had the intel- 
 ligence, while thoroughly understanding the na- 
 ture of the revolution going on around them, of 
 heartily sympathizing with the enemy; yet they 
 have been secretive enough to keep their real 
 opinions in their own hearts until the proper 
 time came to give them utterance I know of 
 no people who, under th« circumstances, could 
 have acted better or wiser.'"'^ 
 
 The pre.sident's proclamation of freedom, which 
 took effect January 1st, 1863, suggested to Gen- 
 eral Butler's fertile genius a measure which, it 
 is greatly to be deplored, he had not time to 
 carry out before his sudden recall. The proc- 
 lamation, it will be remembered, exempted from 
 emancipation certain parishes of Louisiana, which 
 were already in the possession of the United 
 States. It was weU known to General Butler 
 that a large proportion of the slaves in those 
 parishes belonged to foreign-born " neutrals," 
 whose sympathy with seces.sion had given him 
 so much trouble. It occurred to him to inquire 
 whether, by French law, those Frenchmen could 
 hold slaves in a foreign countiy. Consulting 
 with a French jurist on the subject, he received 
 from him a statement respecting the law of the 
 French empire, which showed that no French 
 citizen can lawfully hold slaves in any part of 
 the world. 
 
 English law forbade the owning of slaves by 
 British subjects, under heavy penalties. The 
 confiscation act emancipated the slaves of reljel.s. 
 So that, while the proclamation of January 1st 
 appeared to retain in servitude eighty-seven 
 thousand slaves in Louisiana, General Butler 
 deemed it feasible, by enforcing the laws of 
 France and England, and by the complete exe- 
 cution of the confiscation act. to give freedom to 
 nearly the whole number of these eighty-seven 
 thousand slaves. Probably not more tlian seven 
 thousand of the eighty-seven thousand were the 
 properly of loyal citizens. The rest were free 
 by the laws of Prance, England, or the United 
 States. While he was considering the best 
 means of bringing these laws to bear in '• ex- 
 tending the area of freedom," the coming of his 
 successor was announced by rebel telegraph, 
 straight from the recesses of the French legation 
 at the cit}' of Washington. I should add, that 
 the British consul, Mr. Coppell, who now ap- 
 peared to be on friendly terms with the com- 
 manding general, entered warmly into the half- 
 formed scheme. 
 
 I shall take leave of this subject by relating 
 several anecdotes illustrative of the practicjil 
 working of slavery in Louisiana, and of the man- 
 ner in which the system presented itself there to 
 the hunker mind. Most of these stories I had 
 the pleasure of hearing General Butler himself 
 relate. 
 
 CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 REPEESEKTATIVB NEGRO ANECDOTES. 
 
 SPBOIMEN OF THE PROVOST COURT SLAVE CASES. 
 
 John Montamal, a free man of color, married 
 a colored womau, who was a slave. Both were 
 
 New York Times, October, 186a 
 
REPKESENTATIVE NEGRO ANECDOTES. 
 
 138 
 
 light mulattoes. From tlie savings of a small 
 business, he bought lii.s wife for six hundred 
 dollars, so that he stood to her in the relation 
 of proprietor as well as husband, and his chil- 
 dren were his slaves. Their only suiTiving child, 
 when the Union troops arrived, was an intelli- 
 gent girl eleven years old, who had been sent 
 to school and had been received into the Catholic 
 church. The father falling into misfortune owing 
 to the troubled times, in an evil hour mortgaged 
 his daughter to his creditors, trusting to be able 
 to redeem her in time to prevent her from being 
 sold. The continuance of the war frustrated his 
 plans ; the mortgage was foreclosed ; the child 
 was sold at auction by the sherifl'. In this sad 
 extremity, he came before the provost court, and 
 iisked the restoration of his daughter. The case 
 was ably argued by counsel. Colonel Kinsman, 
 who was then filling the place of provost judge, 
 decided that the girl was free, and gave ber 
 k-:jick to her parents. This decision was mani- 
 festly contrary to the laws of Louisiana, which 
 would have doomed the girl to slavery. But 
 Colonel Kinsman agreed witli his predecessor, 
 Major Bell, that when Louisiana went out of the 
 Union she took, her black laws with her. 
 
 This is the mere outline of the story, which, 
 fully related, would furnish the material lor an 
 Uncle Tom novel. Readers can understand it 
 who have imagination enough to apply the 
 situation to a lavorite child, sister, niece, or ward 
 of their own. 
 
 8PUC1MEN LETTER FROM A SLAVE TO THE COM- 
 MANDING GENERAL. 
 
 •' Nkw Orlrans, June IBtli-, 1862. 
 "(jENERAL Butler — Dear Sir: — 
 
 " I am reputed the natural son of one Thomas 
 Tliornhill. an aristocratic cotton merchant of this 
 city, an officer in the rebel army, lecently killed 
 ;n one of the battles in Virginia. 
 
 ■' My mother, my sister and myself are claimed 
 as slaves by George Hawthorne, of this city, who 
 has been a soldier in the rebel ai'my from its 
 lirst organization, and is now in that army near 
 Richmond. Our wages are used for his benefit. 
 
 " He has given a power of attorney to one J. 
 A. Banorres, his mistress in this city, to sell, hire, 
 or dispose of us at her pleasure. We were not 
 slaves for life, but to serve his lifetime by the 
 ■jvill of his mother. 
 
 " Will your honor save us from perpetual 
 davery ? 
 
 " Respectfully, 
 
 " Your humble servant, 
 
 " ViRGINIUS ThORNHILL." 
 
 Oases of this kind were uniformly investigated. 
 If the slave established his legal- right to feedom, 
 fee was declared free. 
 
 GENERAL BUTLER ON THE FUGITIVE SLAVE 
 QU^ESTION. 
 
 Visitor. — " General, I wish you would give 
 me an order to search tor my negro." 
 
 •' Have you lost your horse?" 
 
 " No, sir." 
 
 " Have you lost your mule ?" 
 
 " No, sir." 
 ■ " Well, sir, if you had lost your horse or your 
 Joule, would you come and ask me to neglect my 
 
 duty to the government, for the purpose of as- 
 sisting you to catch them?" 
 
 " or course not." 
 
 " Then why should you expect me to employ 
 myself iu hunting after any other article of your 
 property ?" [Exit Visitor. 
 
 convict's CHILDREN. 
 
 In the state prison at Baton Rouge were 
 found several children born in prison of female 
 colored convicts. By the laws of Louisiana, 
 these children were the property of the state, 
 doomed to be sold as slaves to the highest 
 bidder. Tiie new superintendent, Moses Bates, 
 applied to the general for orders with regard to 
 them. "I certainlj' can not sanction," wrote 
 General Butler, "any laws of the state of Loui- 
 siana, which enslaved any children of female 
 convicts, born in the Slate prison. Their place 
 of birth is certainly not their fault. You are, 
 therefore, to take such care of tiiem as would be 
 done with other destitute children. If these 
 children were born of female convict slaves, 
 possibly the master might have some claim, but 
 I do not see how the state can have any." 
 
 AN ANECDOTE WHICH THE LATE RIOTERS AND 
 THEIR FRIENDS WILL REGARD AS A GOOD 
 JOKE. 
 
 General Butler had a dandy regiment in New 
 Orleans — one a little nicer in uniform and per- 
 sonal habits than any other; and so ably com- 
 manded, that it had not lost a man by disease 
 since leaving New England. One day the colo- 
 nel of thLs fine regiment came to head-quarters, 
 wearing the expression of a man who had some- 
 thing exceedingly pleasant to communicate. 
 It was just before the fourth of July. 
 
 "General," said he, ''two young ladies have 
 been to me — beautiful girls — who say they have 
 made a set of colors for the regiment, which they 
 wish to present on the fourth of July." 
 
 " But is their father willing ?" a.sked the gen- 
 eral, well knowing what it must cost two young 
 ladies of New Orleans, at that early time, to 
 range themselves so conspicuously on the side of 
 the Union. 
 
 '• Oh, yes," replied the colonel ; " their father 
 gave them the money, and will attend at the 
 ceremony. But have you any objection ?" 
 
 "Not the least, if their father is willing." 
 
 "Will you ride out and review the regiment 
 on the occasion ?" 
 
 '' With pleasure." 
 
 So, in the cool twilight of the evening of the 
 fourth, the general, iu his best uniform, with 
 chapeau and feathers, worn then for the first 
 time in New Orleans, reviewed the regiment, 
 amid a concourse of spectators. One of the 
 young ladies made a pretty presentation, to 
 which the gallant colonel handsomely replied. 
 The general made a brief address. It was a 
 gay and joyful scene ; everything passed ofif 
 with the highest eclat, and was chronicled with 
 all the due editorial flourish in the Delta. 
 
 Two days after, the young ladies addressed a 
 note to the regiment, of which the following is 
 a copy : 
 
 " New Orlkans, July 5, 1862- 
 
 " Gentlemen : — We congratulate and thank 
 you all for the manner in which you have received 
 
140 
 
 REPRESENTATIVE NEGRO ANECDOTES. 
 
 our flag. "We did not expect such a reception. 
 We offered the flag to you as a gifl; from our 
 hearts, as a reward to your noble conduct. Be 
 assured, gentlemen, that that day will be 
 always present in our minds, and that we will 
 never forget that we gave it to the bravest of 
 the brave ; but if ever danger threatens your 
 heads, rally under that bnnner, call again your 
 courage to defend it, as you have promised, and 
 remember that those from whom you received 
 it will help you by their prayers to win the 
 palms of victory and triumph over your enemies. 
 
 " We tender our thanks to General Butler for 
 lending his presence to the occasion, and for his 
 courtesies to us. May he continue his noble 
 work, and ere long may we behold the Union 
 victorious over his foes and reunited throughout 
 our great and glorious country. Very respect- 
 fully." 
 
 A few days later, an officer of the regiment 
 came into the office of tiie commanding general, 
 his countenance not clad in smiles. He looked 
 like a man who had seen a ghost^ or like one 
 who had suddenly heard of some entirely crush- 
 ing calamity. 
 
 " General," he gasped, " we have been sold. 
 
 They WERE NEGROES I" 
 
 "What! Those lovely blondes, with blue 
 eyes, and light hair ? Impossible!" 
 
 " General, it's as true as there's a heaven above 
 us. The whole town is laughing at us." 
 
 " Well," said the general, " there's no harm 
 done. Say nothing about it. I suppose we 
 must keep it out of the papers, and hush it up 
 as well as we can." 
 
 They did not quite succeed in keeping it out 
 of the papers, for one of the " foreign neutrals " 
 of the city sent an account of the affair to the 
 Courier des Etals Unis, in New York, with the 
 inevitable French decorations. 
 
 Comment suppressed. 
 
 THE STORY OF JEFF, NOW A LOWELL BARBER. 
 
 A young lawyer of New Orleans came one day 
 to head-quarters with a petition. 
 
 " General," said he, "you have a favorite body- 
 servant of mine, a mulatto man, named Jetf. 
 One of your surgeons has him at the hospital. 
 I am used to the fellow — he is a great favorite — 
 had him ten years — can't do witliout him. Let 
 me have him, and I will give you another man 
 as good for your purpose as he is." 
 
 The general referred him to Surgeon Smith, 
 who had the mnn. If the surgeon was willing, 
 and Jefl' was willing, the general had no objection. 
 With a note to this effect from the general to the 
 surgeon, the lawyer departed. 
 
 Soon after, surgeon Smith came hurrying to 
 head-quarters with a very different version of 
 the story. Jeff", he said, was no body-servant, 
 but a barber, who had hired his time from his 
 master at forty dollars a mouth. " He shaved 
 me in his 'shop whfu we landed," added the 
 doctor. Every one in New Orleans knows him 
 as a b.irber here, established for many years. 
 His master only wants his forty dollars a month." 
 
 These facts being established. General But- 
 iCr expressed himself upon the subject to the 
 owner of this barber, in what Mr. Dickens styles 
 "the English language," Jeff" remained at the 
 hospital 
 
 A few days after, word was brought to the 
 general, that Jeff, bearing free papers as a ser- 
 vant of the United States, had been seized in the 
 streets, had been overpowered after a desperate 
 fight, thrust into a carriage, and driven off" to 
 Foster's slave pen. 
 
 '■ Bring Foster here." 
 
 Foster was brought. He said that Jeft' lad 
 remained at his pen only for an hour, and had 
 then been carried oft" he knew not where. The 
 general notified him thiit the business of slave- 
 pen keeping was obsolete in New Orleans, and 
 warned him against attempting to continue it. 
 The detective force was ordered to produce Jeff 
 at their very earliest convenience. No trace of 
 him, however, could be discovered that day, nor 
 during the nigiit. 
 
 The next morning, the captain of a gun-boat, 
 stationed below the citj', reported that a man 
 had swam off to his vessel at daybreak, in irons, 
 calling himself Jeff", who said that he had been 
 kidnapped in New Orleans, and taken to a plan- 
 tation, where a blacksmith had ironed him, and 
 he had been chained in a garret all night, frott» 
 which he had escaped by the aid of a file. 
 Jeff" himself soon an-ived, and related bis adven- 
 tures. It was his master, he said, who had 
 seized, carried off, and chained him. 
 
 For this offense the master was tried and sen- 
 tenced to two years in the parish prisou. 
 
 After these events, Jeff was made much of by 
 the officei-s of the hospital ; was trusted, at length, 
 with the keys of the store-closets; which trust 
 he variously abused, often getting drunk upon 
 the hospital liquors. Hence, after many refor- 
 mations and relapses, Jeff found himself an in- 
 mate of the same parish prison in which Ws rasis- 
 ter was confined. 
 
 It now occurred to the legal mind of the mas- 
 ter that Jeff, being a prisoner, could no longer 
 be considered under the protection or in the ser- 
 vice of the United States. He ventured, there- 
 fore, to sell his barber. When Jeff's term of im- 
 prisonment had expired, the general received 
 information that he had vanished again, and 
 could nowhere be found. He sent for the master: 
 
 " Take your choice," said the general : " Pro- 
 duce Jeff, or live on bread and water till you do." 
 
 Bread and water did not agree with the lux- 
 urious constitution of a man accustomed to live 
 upon the wages of a barber. Finding himself 
 growing thin upon that austere diet, he soon 
 gave the information desired, and Jeff was again 
 restored to freedom. The purchaser was con- 
 demned to thirty days' imprisonment for buying 
 a free man. 
 
 Jeff, being then removed from temptation, be- 
 haved so well that General Butler took him into 
 his own service ; in which he was at the time of 
 the general's return home. Knowing well what 
 would befall Jeff if he were left to the tender 
 mercies of his master, he brought him to the 
 North, where he is established in liis old occupa- 
 tion. 
 
 CURIOUS ENTRY. 
 
 The patriotic ex-hunkers who edited the loyal 
 Df.Ua, upon looking over the old books of the 
 concern, found this entry in one of them : 
 
 "Whipping Wade, two dollars." Wade was 
 the respectable porter of the establishment. 
 
EEPRESENTATIVE NEGRO ANECDOTES. 
 
 141 
 
 A COLORED SOLDIER IN TROUBLE. 
 
 Soon after the colored regiments bad beeu 
 raised, a provost officer, who augured the worst 
 results from the armiag of negroes, came to head- 
 quarters with a story that was strongly confir- 
 matory of his forebodings. One of the negro sol- 
 diers, he said, had killed his former master with 
 a bayonet. 
 
 " I'm afraid it will never do, general," said he, 
 "this arming of the blacks. I have always said 
 80, and here is the proof of it." 
 
 Soon after came a long letter from the British 
 consul, detailing the case; Mr. Montgomery, the 
 wounded man, being a British subject. '' It ap- 
 pears," wrote Mr. Coppei, " that the colored man, 
 John Andrew, a dark mulatto, twenty-two years 
 of age, formerly owned by Mrs. Montgomery, 
 was in the city on Saturday and Sunday last 
 on furlough ; that he called twice at Mr. Mont- 
 gomery's house ; that when there the second 
 time, Montgomery saw him, and told him not to 
 come there again ; whereupon, Andrew drew the 
 bayonet at his side, rushed upon Mr. Montgom- 
 ery, and stabbed him in the left breast, at the 
 same time using abusive and obscene language, 
 and threatening that if Montgomery approached 
 him he would kill him. Fortunately, the wound 
 is not a serious one, and, soon after the occur- 
 rence, Mr. Montgomery was able to take steps 
 to have Andrew arrested. Colonel French kindly 
 allowed an officer to accompany Mr. Montgomery 
 to the Opelousas railroad statiou this morning, 
 but he was unable to find Andrew in the crowd. 
 Unable to give definite information of the com- 
 pany or regiment to whicli John Andrew belongs, 
 beyond that already stated, and that on the 13th 
 ult. he dated an insulting letter to Mrs. Mont- 
 gomery from Lafourche Crossing, I feel convinced 
 that you will deem the crime one that will call 
 forth such exertions as will lead to his speedy 
 arrest and punishment." 
 
 The case looked black enough for poor John 
 Andrew. Alas ! for him, if such a complaint 
 had been entered against him in the good old 
 ■days when a dark mulatto had no rights which 
 an Englishman of any complexion was bound to 
 respect. 
 
 John Andrew was summoned to head-quar- 
 ters. He came, accompanied by his captain, 
 who gave him the highest character. Such had 
 been the excellent conduct of the man since he 
 had enlisted, and such was his capacity and in- 
 itelligence, that though he could not read, he had 
 been made a corporal. Mr. Montgomery was 
 present, and told his story. Mr. Coppell was 
 Uiere to support his countryman. 
 
 "Now, Andrew," said the general, "state 
 exactly what occurred. Tell me the truth, and 
 all the truth." 
 
 '■ I will, general," said he. " I went to the 
 camp and joined the regiment. When I had 
 been away two weeks, I came back to see my 
 agister, who is cook in master's house. I saw 
 master as I passed, sitting at the front door. As 
 1 was talking with my sister at the back gate, I 
 heard the front door slam, and thinking master 
 was coming, and not wishing to get my sister 
 into trouble, I walked away. 1 heard him 
 •calling me, but I kept on, as though [ had not 
 heard him. I walked on," said Andrew with 
 flashing eyes, and the mien of a prince, " be- 
 
 cause no man has a right to stop a United States 
 soldier, except his officer. ' Stop, or I'll blow 
 3-our brains out,' said master. I turned, and 
 saw that he had a revolver aimed at me. I 
 drew my bayonet, and made one pass at him. 
 He then turned and went into the house, and I 
 walked away." 
 
 This was Andrew's story. 
 
 "Now, Mr. Montgomery," said the general, 
 " tell us precisely what part of the man's story is 
 not true." 
 
 "Well," said he, "I was sitting at my front 
 door, reading the paper, and heard Andrew talk- 
 ing to my cook. I took a pistol to drive him 
 away." 
 
 " But why take a pistol, and why drive him 
 away ?" asked the general. " As a British sub- 
 ject you can hold no slave." 
 
 "I did not want him there," said this lying 
 coward, "talking with my cook. He had sent 
 my wife an insulting letter." 
 
 " What was the letter? Produce it." 
 
 The letter, which Andrew had got one of his 
 comrades to write for him, proved to be one of 
 the most friendly and respectful character. It 
 began thus : " Dear Mistress : I take ray pen in 
 hand to let you know that I am well, and hope 
 you are the same. I was sorry to part from 
 you," etc., etc. There was not a word in it 
 whicli was not respectful or affectionate. 
 
 Witnesses of the affray confirmed the truth of 
 Andrew's story. 
 
 " My judgment is," said the general to the 
 consul, " that Andrew served him right. I see 
 nothing to blame in his conduct, except that he 
 did not strike hard enough ; and if your friend 
 wishes anything more done in connection with 
 this case, we'll try him on a charge of assault 
 with intent to kill." 
 
 Montgomery expressed no desire for farther 
 proceedings, and the case was dismissed. An- 
 drew returned to his regiment in triumph. 
 
 ANECDOTE SHOWING THE GOOD DISPOSITION OP 
 THE EMANCIPATED NEGROES, AND THE PERFECT 
 SAFETY OF IMMEDIATE ABOLITION. 
 
 Major Strong received from an officer com- 
 manding an expedition, the following letter early 
 in November. 
 
 "In still farther confirmation of what I wrote 
 you, in my dispatch this morning, relative to 
 servile insurrection, I have the honor to inform 
 you, that, on the plantation of Mr. David Pugh, 
 a short distance above here, the negroes, who 
 had returned under the terms fixed upon by 
 Major-Geueral Butler, without provocation or 
 cause of any kind, refused this morning, to work, 
 and assaulted the overseer and Mr. Pugh) in- 
 juring them severely ; also a gentleman who 
 came to the assistance of Mr. Pugh. Upon the 
 plantation, also, of Mr. W. J. Miner, on the Ter- 
 rebonne road, about sixteen miles from here, an 
 outbreak has already occurred, and the entire 
 community thereabout are in hourly expectation 
 and terror of a general rising." 
 
 Investigation ensued, which established the 
 facts that follow : 
 
 Senator Pugh's negroes, when the Union 
 troops possessed the Lafourche country, were 
 among those who came pouring into the Union 
 camp, and who had returned to their work 
 
142 
 
 REPRESENTATIVE NEGRO ANECDOTES. 
 
 under a promise of protection in all theii- rights, 
 and a fair sliare of the proceeds of their labor. 
 One morning, when the negroes were assembled 
 as usual, to go to the field, one of them left the 
 line and ran toward his cabin. 
 
 " Come back," shouted the overseer, in the 
 old, brutal tone of command. 
 
 " I'm only going after ray coat," said the man. 
 
 lie went to his cabin, got bis coat, and re- 
 joined the gang before it started. 
 • The next morning, when the negroes were 
 again drawn up, before going to their work, 
 Pugh himself came on the ground, when the 
 overseer said to him, pointing out the negro : 
 
 "There's the damned rascal who was impu- 
 dent to me yesterday morning." 
 
 Pugh, forgetting that old things had passed 
 away in Lafourche, began to belabor the negro 
 over the head with his walking stick. The ne- 
 gro, who had a better memory, resisted, and de- 
 fended himself. The overseer came to the assist- 
 ance of his employer. The other negroes joined 
 in the fray, and, in a very few seconds, the two 
 white men found themselves flat on the ground, 
 each held down by half a dozen stout negroes. 
 
 What any other gang of laboring men, except 
 negroes, would have done next in such circum- 
 stances, we all know ; the savpge Pugh and his 
 lying overseer would have received the punish- 
 ment due to their insolence and brutality. These 
 negroes, unmoved by the memory of a thousand 
 wroug.s, carefnlly bound the two prostrate men, 
 hand and foot ; made two litters ; placed them 
 gently upon the litters; and, conveying them in 
 silence to the nearest Union camp, laid them 
 down before the tent of the commanding officer, 
 and waited patiently there, cap in hand, to relate 
 the occurrences which justified their novel pro- 
 ceedings. The most rigorous examination of 
 both parties only proved that the negroes had 
 told their storj^ witli religious exactness. The 
 general justified and applauded the course they 
 liad taken, and gave them the protection needed 
 in the circumstances. 
 
 Forbearance less meritorious than that shown 
 by these poor negroes has been styled sublime, 
 and no one has questioned the propriety of the 
 epithet. 
 
 THE KIND OF MAN THAT COULD ONCE BE 
 ELECTED A JUDGE IN NEW ORLEANS. 
 
 John G. Cocks is his name — Cocks, John G. 
 He is the individual, to whom allusion has before 
 been made in these pages, whose property Gen- 
 eral Butler seized in behalf of Major Anderson. 
 At the beginning of the rebellion this Cocks, 
 Jttdge Cocks, published in the New Orleans 
 Picayune an impudent letter to Major Anderson. 
 
 A PROPOSITION TO MAJOR ANDERSON. 
 
 "New Oiu.BANS, May 16, 1861. 
 " Major RoBT. Anderson, 
 
 " Late of Fort Sumter, S. G. : 
 " Sir : — You hold my three notes for .$4,500 
 each, with about $1,000 accumulated interest, 
 all due in the month of March, 1862, which 
 notes were given in part payment of twenty- 
 nine negroes, purchased of you in March, 1860. 
 As I consider fair play a jewel, I take this 
 method to notify you that I will not pay these 
 
 notes ; but as I neither seek nor vf'ish an advan- 
 tage, I desire that you return me the notes and 
 the money paid you. and the negroes shall be 
 subject to your order, which you will find much 
 Improved by kind treatment since they came 
 into my possession. 
 
 " I feel justified in giving you, and the public, 
 this notice, as I do not consider it fair piny that 
 I should be held to paj' for the very property 
 you so opportunely dispossessed yourself of^ and 
 now seek to destroy both their value and useful- 
 ness to me. I ask no more than to cancel the 
 sale, restore to you your property, and let each 
 assume his original position ; then your present 
 efforts may be considered less selfish, because ar 
 your expense, and not mine. 
 
 "John G. Cocks." 
 
 General Butler, in pursuance of his system of 
 redressing the wrongs of Union men, seized the 
 large estates of Judge Cocks, and held them tor 
 the future liquidation of Major Anderson's claim. 
 Cocks justly thinking that New Orleans, under 
 the rule of General Butler, was no fit place for 
 him to reside in, vanished soon after into the 
 congenial shades of Secessia. 
 
 A few days after his departure, a young wo- 
 man sought an interview with Mrs. Butler, to 
 whom many women came at that time, to relate 
 their wrongs. So many women, indeed, re- 
 .sorted to her for that purpose, that at length it 
 was found necessary to close thai door to the 
 commanding general's attention. The young 
 woman who came to her on this occasion was a 
 perfect blonde, her hair of a light shade of brown, 
 her eyes " a clear, honest gray," her complexion 
 remarkably pure and delicate, her bearing modest 
 and refined, her language that of an educated 
 woman. It has been often remarked that the 
 women of the South, who have been made thf- 
 victims of a master's brutal lust, escape moral 
 contamination. Their souls remain chaste. This 
 woman, so fair to look upon, so engaging in her 
 demeanor, so refined in her address, was a slave, 
 the slave of Judge Cocks. She told her incredi- 
 ble story — incredible until superabundant tes- 
 timony compelled the most incredulous to be- 
 lieve. 
 
 She said that Judge Cocks was her fajher a< 
 well as her master. At. an early age she had 
 been sent to school at New York, the school of 
 the Mechanics' Institute, in Broadway. When 
 she was fifteen years of age, her father came to 
 New York, took her from school to liis hotel 
 and compelled her to live with him as his 
 mistress. She became the mother of a child, 
 of whom her master was father and grand- 
 father. 
 
 " I am now twenty-one," said she, " and I am 
 the mother of a boy five years old, who is my 
 father's son." 
 
 Cocks took her home with him to New Or- 
 leans, where he continued to live with hor for 
 awhile; then ordered her to marry a favorite 
 protege. She refused. He had her horsewhipped 
 in the streets, and continued a systematic tor- 
 ture till she consented. When she had been 
 married for some time, the protege (a man so 
 nearly white, that he was employed as chief 
 clerk in a wholesale house) discovered tie shame 
 less cheat that had been put upon him, and 
 aband >ned his wife. Then the master took he" 
 
REPRESENTATIVE NEGRO ANECDOTES. 
 
 14c 
 
 again lo his incestuous bed, and gave her a deed 
 of manumission, which he afterward took from 
 her and destroyed. 
 
 " And now," she added, " he has gone oft" and 
 left me and my children without any means of 
 support." 
 
 Mrs. Butler, amazed and confounded at this 
 tale of horror, procured her an interview with 
 the general, to whom the story wa.'* repeated. 
 
 to bring the torturer and bis victim to head- 
 quarters the next morning. 
 
 The sergeant hurried back and rescued the 
 girl from tiie lash. 
 
 About nine the same evening, the sergeant 
 came again to head-quarters, breathless, report- 
 ing that they were torturing the girl again, as 
 the most heai t-rending shrieks were heard com- 
 ing from an upper room in the house. General 
 
 He spoke kindly to her, but told her frankly that ■ Butler ordered him to arrest all the inmates of 
 
 he could not believe her story 
 
 "It is too much," said he, "to beheve on the 
 testimony of one witness. Does any one else 
 know of these things?" 
 
 "Yes," she replied; "everybody in New 
 Orleans knows them." 
 
 "I will have the case investigated," said the 
 general " Come again in three days." 
 
 ■ General Shipley undertook the investigation. 
 
 ■ He found that the woman's story was as true as 
 it was notorious. The facts were completely 
 substantiated. General Butler gave her her 
 freedom, and assigned her an allowance from her 
 father's estate ; and, some time after, Captain 
 Puffer, during his short tenure of power as 
 deputy provost-marshal, gave her one of the 
 best of her father's houses to live in, by let- 
 ting apartmeut»s in which she added to her in- 
 come. 
 
 It is now a j^ear since the outhne of this story 
 was first published to the world, but no attempt 
 has been made, from any quarter, to controvert 
 any part of it. 
 
 STOET OF AN OLD GENTLEMAN WHO THOUGHT A 
 MAN COULD DO WHAT HE LECED WITH HIS 
 OWN SERVANT. 
 
 A heutenant searched a certain house in New 
 Orleans, in which Confederate arms were re- 
 ported to be concealed. Arms and tents were 
 Ibund stowed in the garret, which were removed 
 to that grand repository of contraband articles, 
 the Custom-House. A gentleman of venerable 
 aspect, with long white hair and a form bent 
 with premature old age, was the occupant of 
 the house from which the arms and tents M'ere 
 taken. 
 
 In the twilight of an evening soon after the 
 search, the most fearful screams were heard 
 proceeding from the yard of the house, as if a 
 human being was suffering there the utmost that 
 a mortal can endure of agony. A sentinel, who 
 was pacing his beat near by, ran into the yard, 
 where he beheld a hideous spectacle. A young 
 mulatto girl was stretched upon the ground on 
 her face, her feet tied to a stake, her hands held 
 by a black man, her back uncovered, from neck 
 to heels. The venerable old gentleman with 
 the flowing white hair was seated in an arm- 
 chair by the side of the girl, at a distance con- 
 venient for his purpose. He held in his hand 
 a powerful horse-whip, with which he was lash- 
 ing the delicate and sensitive flesh of the young- 
 girl. Her bock was covered with blood. Every 
 stroke of the infernal instrument of torture lore 
 up her flesh in long dark ridges. The soldier, 
 aghast at the sight, rushed to the guard-house, 
 and reported what he had seen to his sergeant, 
 and the sergeant ran to head-quartere and told 
 the general. General Butler sent him flying 
 bacik to stop the old miscreant, and ordered him j 
 
 the house, and keep them in the guard -house all 
 night, and bring them before him in the morning. 
 On returning to the house, the sergeant found 
 that the second outcry was caused by washing 
 the lacerated back of the poor girl with strong 
 brine. They do this at the South on the pretense 
 that it causes the wounds of the lash to heal 
 more quickly and with less pain. The real object 
 is to make them heal without such scars as 
 would lessen the value of the slave at the auctioa 
 block. It is said reaUy to have that eflect ; and 
 the operation has the farther charm of being 
 more exquisitely painful than the punishment 
 itself; since the flooding of the back with brine 
 revives the dull sensitiveness of the nerves, 
 calls back the dead agony to life, renews, in one 
 instant, the anguish of each several stroke, and 
 I that anguish intensified. The whole extent of 
 j the sufferer's back is one biting, burning, pierc- 
 I iug, maddening pain. 
 
 In the morning, the hoary wretch and his 
 tortured slave were brought to the general's 
 oflBce. The upper part of her dress was opetied. 
 It was a hideous and horrible sight. 
 
 " What have you to say, sir?" said General 
 Butler to the old man. 
 
 He said the girl had given information respect- 
 ing the arms and tents in his garret, and she 
 was going to run away. 
 
 "It is false, sir," said the general, "so far as 
 the information is concerned. We had our in- 
 formation from another source. What was the 
 cause of the second outcry ?" 
 
 The old man said he did not know. The 
 general asked the girl. She said it was master 
 washing her with brine. 
 
 " Is this so ?" asked the general. 
 " Yes." 
 
 " You damned old rascal I What could tempt 
 you to treat a human being so ?" 
 
 " She is my servant, and I suppose I may do 
 what I like with her. I washed her to relieve 
 her from pain." 
 
 " To relieve her ? 
 
 you to fort Jackson." 
 
 •' General, I am a 
 
 my health is infirm. 
 
 " I can't help that. 
 
 Well, sir, I shall commit 
 
 native of South Carolina ; 
 
 It will kill me." 
 And see that you behave 
 well, or you shall have precisely the same pun- 
 ishment that you have given this poor girl, and 
 to relieve your pain, you shall be washed down 
 with brine." 
 
 The old native of South Carolina went to Fort 
 Jackson, where, I am happy to be able to state, 
 he died in a month. General Butler gave the 
 girl her freedom, and assigned her a sum of 
 money sufficient to set her up in some little busi 
 ness, such as colored girls carry on in New Or 
 leans. 
 
 A " RESPECTABLE MERCHANT" AND HIS SLAVa 
 DAUGHTER. 
 
 One Sunday morning, while General Butler waa 
 
144 
 
 REPRESENTATIVE NEGRO ANECDOTES. 
 
 ■eeated at the breakfast table, Major Strong, a j grant injustice ; but on tbis occasi )n he was too 
 gentleraan who was not given to undue emotion, deeply afifected to obtain relief in tho usual way 
 rushed into the room, pale with rage and horror. | " His whole air was one of dejection, almost 
 
 ' Genera, he exclaimed, "there is the mo.n j Hstlessness; his indignation too intense, and his 
 damnable thing out here ! ange,. too stern, to find expression even in his 
 
 Ihe general followed him to the office. There j countenance, 
 he found the staft' assembled, standing round a 
 
 woman, gazing upon her with flashing eyes, 
 their countenances betraying mingled pity and 
 fury. The servants of the house were crowding 
 about the doors of the room. The woman who 
 was the object of so much attention, was nearly 
 "white, aged about twenty-seven. Her face 
 showed, at the liist glance, that she was one of 
 those unfortunate creatures whom some savages 
 i'egard with a kind of religious awe, and whom 
 civilized beings are accustomed to consider pe- 
 culiarly entitled to tenderness and forbearance. 
 She was simple-mined. Not absolutely an idiot, 
 but imbecile, vacant, half silly. 
 
 " Look here. General," said Major Strong, as 
 tie opened the dress of this poor creature. 
 
 Her back was cut to pieces with the infernal 
 cowhide. It was all black and red — red where 
 the infernal instrument of torture had broken the 
 skin, black where it had not. To convey an 
 idea of its appearance, General Strong used to 
 ■say that it resembled a very rare beefsteak, with 
 the black marks of the gridiron across it. 
 
 No one oversaw General Butler so profoundly 
 moved as he was while gazing upon tliis pitiable 
 spectacle. 
 
 "Who did this?" he asked the girl. 
 "Master," she replied. 
 " Who is your master ?" 
 " Mr. Landry." 
 
 Landry was a respectable merchant living 
 near head-quarters, not unknown to the members 
 of the staff. 
 
 " What did he do it for?" asked the general. 
 " I went out after the clothes Irom the wash," 
 said she, "and I .'stayed out late. When I 
 came home, master licked me and said he 
 would teach me to run away." 
 
 " Orderly, go to Landry's house and bring 
 him before me." 
 
 In a few minutes, Landry entered the office — 
 a spare, tall, gentleniauliko poison of fifty-five. 
 
 " Mr. Landry," said the general, " ihis is in- 
 famous. The girl is evidently simple. It is 
 the awfulest spectacle I ever beheld in my life." 
 At this moment Major Strong whispered in 
 the general's ear a piece of information which 
 caused him to compare the faces cf the master 
 and the slave. The resemblance between thein 
 was striking. 
 
 " Is this woman your daughter f " asked the 
 general. 
 
 " There are reports to that effect," .said Landry. 
 The insolent nouchalence of the man, as he 
 replied to tlie last question, so inflamed the mge 
 of all who witnessed it, that it needed but a wink 
 from the general to set a dozen infuriated men 
 at his throat. The general merely said, 
 " 1 am answered, sir." 
 
 Tlie general, for once, seemed deprived of his 
 power to judjic with promptness. He remained 
 for some time," says an eye-wituess, " apparently 
 lost in abstraction. I shall never forget the sin- 
 gular expression on his face. 
 
 '"I had b(-ea accustomed to see him in a storm 
 of passion at any instance of oppresaioa or fiu- 
 
 " Never have I seen that peculiar look but on 
 three or four occasions similar to the one I am 
 narrating, when I knew he was pondering upon 
 the baleful curse that had cast its withering 
 blight upon all around, until the manhood and 
 humanity were crushed out of the people, and 
 outrages such as the above were looked upon 
 with complacency, and the perpetrators treated 
 as respected and worthy citizens, — and that he 
 was realizing the great truth, that, however man 
 might endeavor to guide this war to the advan- 
 tage of a favorite idea or sagacious policy, the 
 Almighty was directing it surely and steadily for 
 the purification of our country from this greatest 
 of national .oins. 
 
 " After sitting in the mood which I have de- 
 scribed, the general again tv.rned to the prisoner, 
 and said, in a quiet, subdue-d tone of voice : 
 
 " ' Mr. Landry, I dare not trust myself to de- 
 cide to-day what punishment would be meet for 
 your offense, for I am in that state of mind that 
 I fear I might exceed the strict demands of jus- 
 tice. I shall, therefore, place you under guard 
 for the present) until I conclude upon your sen- 
 tence.' "* 
 
 The next morning, came troops of Landry's 
 friends to tell the general what an honorable, 
 what a " high-toned," what an amiable gentle- 
 man Mr. Landry wa.s, and how highly he was 
 respected by all who knew him. They said that 
 he had had his lo.sses ; the war had half ruined 
 him ; his friends had observed that he had been 
 irriidble of late, poor man; and no doubt, he had 
 struck his daughter harder than he had intended. 
 His wife and his other children came to plead for 
 him. A. legal gentleman appeared, also, to do 
 what was possible for him in the way of argu- 
 ment. 
 
 Gen-jral Butler decided the case thus: Landry 
 should give his daughter her freedom, and settle 
 upon her a thousand dollars. 
 
 Being in mortal terror of Fort Jackson, he 
 gladly complied with these terms. The poor 
 gill went forth that day a fiee woman! and a 
 trustee was appointed :o administer her little 
 fortune and see that no farther harm befell her. 
 
 It was a light penalty for such a crime. I 
 could almost wish the general had treated the 
 case d la Wellington — rung for three poles and 
 a rope, and had the wretcii hanged, that Sunday 
 morning, in the nearest public square. God and 
 man would have applauded the deed, and there 
 would have been no more woman-whipping in 
 New Orleans while the f!;ig of the United States 
 floated over the Custom-House. 
 
 I close this chapter of iiorrors. Each of these 
 anecdotes illustrates one phase of the accunsed 
 thing, and all of them tend to show what has 
 been already remarked, that die worst conse- 
 q4ieiices of slavery fall upon tlio white race. It 
 is better to be murdered th;iii to be a murderer. 
 It is better to be the victim of cruelty than to be 
 capable of inflicuiig it. Mr.s. Kerable judges 
 
 ♦ AUo'vUc M^nthli/, July, 1863. 
 
[REPRESENTATIVE NEGRO ANECDOTES. 
 
 145 
 
 rightly, when she says, in her recent noble and 
 well-timed work, that it were far preferable to be 
 a slave upon a Georgian rice pl;intation than 
 to be the lord of one, with all that weight of 
 crime upoa the soul whicii slavery necetisii&ies, 
 and to become so completely depraved as to be 
 able to contemplate so much suffering and 
 iniquity with stolid indifference. 
 
 These scenes sank deeply into the hunker 
 mind. General Butler, as he himself remarks, is 
 not a man of the cast of character which we call 
 humanitarian. A person of very great executive 
 force never is, for nature does not bestow all her 
 good gifts upon any individual. To his own 
 circle ol friends he would be more than generous ; 
 he makes their cause hie own ; he is faithful to 
 them unto death, and after death. He was not 
 satisfied to get for Major Strong a commission as 
 brigadier-general, nor satisfied to come two 
 hundred miles to attend his funeral ; but he took 
 care of liis fame also, writing with his own hand 
 the historj' of his career for the press, and cor- 
 recting errors and supplying omissions in the 
 eulogies penned by others. Still, he is not, in 
 the modern sense of the term, a " philanthrop- 
 ist." He loves men more than he loves man. 
 But a woman's bleeding back, the manlers brutal 
 insen.sibililj', the absolute destruction in the 
 character of slave-owners of all that redeems 
 human nature, such as sense of truth, pity for 
 the helpless, regard for the sanctities of domestic 
 life ; the tlighty inferiority of their minds, their 
 stupid improvidence, their incinable wrong- 
 headeduess and wrong-hearteduess, their childish 
 vanity and shameful ignorance, their boastful 
 emptiness and contempt for all people and na- 
 tions more enlightened than themselves ; these 
 things appealed to him, these things he markeil 
 and inwardly digested. Impatient as he had 
 previously been at the slow progress of the war, 
 he now became more reconciled to it, because he 
 saw that every mouth of its continuance made 
 the doom of slavery more certain and more 
 speedy. He was now perfectly aware tlwt the 
 United States could never realize General 
 Washington's modest aspiration, that it might 
 become " a respectable nation," much less a 
 great and glorious one, nor even a nation homo- 
 geneous enough to be truly powerful, until sla- 
 very had ceased to e.xist in every part of it. 
 
 Those who lived on intimate relations with 
 the general, remarked his growing abhorrence of 
 slavery. During the tirst weeks of the occupa- 
 tion of the city, he was occasionally capable, in 
 the hurry of indorsing a peck of letters, of spell- 
 ing negro with two g's. Not so in the later 
 months. Not so when he had seen the torn and 
 bleeding and blackened backs of fair and dflicate 
 women. Not so when he had reviewed his 
 noble colored regiments. Not so when he had 
 learned that the negroes of the South were 
 among the heaven-destined means of restoring 
 the integrity, the power, and the splendor of his 
 country. Not so when he had learned how the 
 oppression of the negroes had e.xlinguished in 
 the white race almost every trait of character 
 which redeems and sanctities human nature. 
 
 " God Almighty himself is doing it," he would 
 say, when talking on this subject. " No man's 
 hand can stay it. It is no other than the om- 
 iiipoi.o.it God who has taken thus mode of destroy- 
 ing sla/ery. "We are but the instruments in his 
 10 
 
 hands. We could not prevent it if we would. 
 And let us strive as we might, the judicial blind- 
 ness of the rebels would do the work of God 
 without our aid, and in spite of all our endeavors 
 against it." 
 AmenI 
 
 CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 MILITARY OPERATIONS. 
 
 General McClellan's orders to the com- 
 mander of the department of the gulf directed 
 him, first,, and before all other objects, to hold 
 New Orleans. To that everything was to be 
 sacrificed. Next, he was to seize and hold all 
 the approaches to the city, above and below, on 
 the east and on the west, wliich included tiie seiz- 
 ure ot all the railroads and railroad property in the 
 vicinity. He was farther directed to co-operate 
 with the navy in an attack upon Mobile, and, if 
 possible, to threaten Pensacola and Galveston. 
 General McClellan added that it was the design 
 of the government to send re-enfbrcenients suf- 
 ficient for the accomplishment of all these pur- 
 poses, as well as more detailed instructions. 
 Circumstances prevented the sending of re-en- 
 forcements, as we have seen. Nor were partic- 
 ular orders respecting military movements for- 
 warded, except that the attack upon Mobile 
 should be postponed until the completion of 
 some of the monitors. Whatever General Butler 
 accomplished in his department was done by the 
 force he brought with him, and the regiments 
 which he raised in New Orleans. 
 
 All the objects of the expedition named in the 
 orders of the commander-in-chief were accom- 
 plished except two. One of these was the re- 
 duction of Mobile, which was countermanded. 
 The other was the opening of the Mississippi, 
 above Baton Rouge, which was attempted, but 
 found impossible without a very large increase 
 of force. Let us dispose of that matter first. 
 
 ATTEMPT TO OPEN THE MISSISSIPPI. 
 
 The troops were no sooner posted around the 
 city than General Butler began to prepare an 
 expedition to ascend the river, to occupy Baton 
 Rouge, and reconnoiter Vicksburg, which waa 
 then looming up as the most formidable obstacle 
 which the enemy had yet interposed to the free 
 navigation of the Mississippi. Fort Hudson had 
 not ihen been fortified. Later in the year Gen- 
 eral Butler had the pain and mortification of see- 
 ing the batteries of Port Hudson rising and 
 strengthening daily, he powerless to prevent it. 
 He gave early warning respecting this new po- 
 sition to the government. Two monitors and 
 five thousand men, he said, could take the place 
 in October, 1862, which a whole tieet and a 
 large army might not be able to reduce six 
 months later. The requisite force could not be 
 sent ni time, and it cost many thousand of pre- 
 cious lives to invest it ia the summer of 1863. 
 The peninsular losses paralyzed the powers of 
 the government at the points most remote from 
 the scene of those tremendous disasters, and no- 
 where was their baleful influence more manifest 
 than in the southwest. 
 
146 
 
 MILITARY OPERATIONS. 
 
 To procure river steamboats tor transporting 
 the troops was the first difficulty. The rebels 
 had wisely burned all the steamboats at the 
 levee of the cit}-. except one or two small ones. 
 It was known, however, that many boats had 
 been hidden away in the bayous of ihe Del- 
 ta ; and hence the steamboat hunting- to which 
 allusion has betbre been made. Parties of 
 troops went peering and floundering through 
 the wooded swamps of the adjacent country in 
 search of these hidden vessels. The gun-boats 
 of the navy cruised for the same purpose along 
 the borders of the lakes, and pushed up the tor- 
 tuous streams that empty into them. Several 
 steamers were obtained in this way, which the 
 unwilling or timid mechanics of New Orleans 
 were compelled to repair. 
 
 General Williams and his brigade, convoyed 
 by a naval force under Captain Parragut, went 
 up the river to Baton Rouge, of which they took 
 peaceable possession. Captain Farragut, General 
 Williams and General Weitzel surveyed the bluffs 
 upon which Yicksburg stands. They found the 
 town too high to be reached by guns fired from 
 the river, and too poweifully garrisoned and for- 
 tified to be carried by assault with less than ten 
 thousand men. Army and navy were, there- 
 fore, obliged to confess, that with the forces then 
 in the department, Yicksburg was an obstacle 
 in the way of the free navigation of the river 
 which could not be overcome. 
 
 This opinion being communicated to General 
 Butler, he devoted the spare hours of a week to 
 the study of the position. Maps, plans, measure- 
 ments, natives of the town, engineer officers, and 
 even works on geology were dul}' examined. 
 The conception of the celeljrated cut-off was the 
 result of his inquiries and cogitations. It was a 
 truly ingenious and most plausible scheme. 
 Such a canal cut across almost any other bend 
 of the river would have answered the purpose 
 intended. But nature bad concealed under the 
 soft surface of that particular piece of land, a bed 
 of tough clay, which baffled the project of di- 
 verting the course of the river. It happened, 
 also, that the force of the stream at that point 
 tends to the opposite shore, and could not be 
 persuaded to co-operate efl'ectually with the la- 
 bors of the canal-cutters. Consequently the 
 Father of Waters kept to his ancient bed, and 
 Yicksburg remained a river town. For a long 
 time General Butler lived in hopes of sending 
 Yicksburg a few miles into the interior, and 
 opening the Mississippi to commerce ; but na- 
 ture had taken her precautions, and he could 
 not prevail. 
 
 GOVERNING THE TROOPS. 
 
 When the yellow fever season was approach- 
 ing, the alarm among the officers of the army 
 was sucji, that it amounted at times to some- 
 thing like panic. The general was overwhelmed 
 with requests for leaves of absence ; and when it 
 was found that these were only granted in ex- 
 treme cases, tlie resigning fever broke out and 
 raged with dangerous violence. The manner in 
 which the general met this new difficulty, which 
 threatened to deprive him of indispensable offi- 
 cers, was characteristic and effectual. Take one 
 scene as a specimen of those which were daily 
 enacted at head-quarters during the month of 
 Jun* 
 
 Enter, a bluff rosy lieutenant, the picture of 
 robust health, bearing in his hand a doctor's cer- 
 tificate, which declared that the lieutenant could 
 not live thirty days longer in such a climate as 
 that of Louisiana. The general looked at the 
 man in some amazement. 
 
 " You see, General," said the lieutenant, '• that 
 the surgeon of my regiment says, I can't live 
 thirty days in New Orleans." 
 
 " Do you tliiuk so ?" asked the general, look- 
 ing him steadily in the face. 
 
 " Well, General," replied the officer, with a 
 manifest abatement of confidence in his cause, 
 " I shouldn't wonder if the surgeon is right." 
 
 '•I propose to try the experunent," said the 
 general, "/think you'll live. But if I should 
 prove wrong, I'll ask the surgeon's pardon. If 
 he is wrong, he shall apologize to me." 
 
 The officer laughed and retired. He enjoyed 
 perfect health all the summer; with the ad- 
 ditional felicity of much bantering on his un- 
 successful attempt to deprive the department of 
 a lieutenant. 
 
 With regard to the resignations. General But- 
 ler, at once, took the ground, that to resign 
 in such circumstances was precisely as in- 
 famous as to resign in presence of the enemy. 
 The yellow fever was the enemy, and the only 
 enemy that was really formidable to the troops 
 stationed in and around the city. Nevertheless, 
 a few resignations were promptly accepted; buC 
 so accepted as to serve as a warning to other 
 officers not to avail themselves of that mode of 
 escape. On the letter of a surgeon, who resigned 
 for the alleged reason that his private aS'airs de- 
 manded his presence at home, the following 
 words were written by the general : 
 
 "This application will be forwarded to the 
 secretary of war, with this indorsement: ' A sur- 
 geon who would make his private and domestic 
 affairs an excuse for leaving his regiment, and 
 exposing his fellow-citizens to the want of 
 medical attendance at this season of the year — 
 knowing that his place could not be supplied for 
 months — deserves to be cashiered for cowardice 
 or neglect of duty. — B. F. B.' " 
 
 This indorsement was inserted in the Delta,' 
 forthwith. There were not many resignations 
 afterward — none of surgeons. I notice, how- 
 ever, a few more of those terrible "indorse- 
 ments." Here is another, which was written on 
 the letter of an officer, who assigned as a reason 
 for resigning, that he was "incompetent." 
 
 "This officer has now been nine months in 
 the service. If, in this time, he has just learned' 
 his incompetency, there must be something 
 wrong in his mental or moral capacity. I be- 
 lieve the latter, and, therefore, he is dismissed 
 the service, subject to the approval of the presi- 
 dent. If incompetent, he has done the United. 
 States no service, but much harm, and is entitled, 
 to no pay." 
 
 Another: 
 
 " Any officer who makes ' business aflairs' a< 
 reason for quitting the service at this juncture, 
 has dishonored himself, and should be dishonora- 
 bly discharged, as is done in the case of Cap- 
 tain ." 
 
 Another : 
 
 " Captain 's resignation is accepted, but> 
 
 he is dishonorably discharged from the service. 
 If his medical certificate is true, that he has been 
 
MILITARY OPERATIONS. 
 
 147 
 
 suffering for five years uader the disease because 
 of which he now leaves the service, without its 
 yielding to medical skill, it was both immoral 
 and dishonorable to have taken the commission. 
 
 There are indorsements of another character 
 upon some of the applications for leave of ab- 
 sence ; as witness this, upon the back of an ap- 
 plication for a short leave from Lieutenant-Colonel 
 Keith, of the Twenty-first Indiana. 
 
 " Granted. Colonel Keith's services to the 
 government have been most valuable. His gal- 
 lantry and courage are honorably mentioned." 
 
 General Butler's care of the health of the 
 troops during the hot season was assiduous and 
 wisely directed. Familiar with sanitary science, 
 he was able to give explicit and effectual orders 
 on the subject, as well as sound advice to the 
 surgeons. The men were required to wear their 
 woolen clothes during the summer; to bathe 
 frequently; to avoid sleeping in the open air; 
 to keep their camps religiously clean ; to abstain 
 from stimulating food and drink ; to avoid need- 
 less fatigue and exposure to the sun. 
 
 Observe the four orders that follow, particu- 
 larly the last paragraph of the second : 
 
 " New Orleans, June S, 186'2. 
 
 " I. The laundresses of companies are not per- 
 mitted to come into the quarters of the men. 
 They must be kept in their own quarters, and 
 the clothing sent to them and sent for. 
 
 " II. Any ofBcer who permits a woman, black 
 or white, not his wife, in his quarters, or the 
 quarters of his company, will be dismissed the 
 service. " 
 
 "New Oeleans, SepUmher 19, 1862. 
 
 " I. It having been made to appear to the 
 commanding general, that upon marches and 
 expeditions, soldiers of the United States arm,y 
 have entered houses, and taken therefrom pri- 
 vate property, and appropriated the same to their 
 own use; 
 
 " It is therefore ordered, that a copy of Gen- 
 eral Order No. 107, current series, from the war 
 department, be distributed to every commis- 
 sioned oEBcer of this command, and that the 
 same be read, together with this order, to each 
 company in this department three several times 
 at different company roll-calls. 
 
 " II. It is farther ordered, that all complaints 
 that private property has been taken from peace- 
 able citizens, in contravention of said General 
 Order No. 107, be submitted to aboard of sur- 
 vey, and that the amount of damage determined 
 shall be deducted from the pay of the officers com- 
 manding the troops committing the outrage — in 
 proportion to their roMk." 
 
 " New Orleans, November 11, 1862. 
 
 " I. Any commissioned officer who is found 
 drinking intoxicating liquors in any public drink- 
 ing-place or other public house within this de- 
 partment, will be recommended to th^ president 
 lor dismissal from the service. 
 
 " II. All police-officers are ordered to report 
 in writing to these head-quarters all instances 
 of the violation of this order, which may come 
 under their notice." 
 
 "New Okleans, Juli/ 8, 1862. 
 ** The acting sutler of the Twenty-sixth regi- 
 
 ment of Massachusetts volunteers will be sent 
 home by the first boat as a steerage passenger 
 to New York; in the mean time, to be kept in 
 close confinement. 
 
 "He has been engaged in selling liquors to 
 the soldiers, and speculating upon the flour be- 
 longing to the United States. 
 
 •' The provost-marshal will see to the execution 
 of this order. 
 
 " By order of Major-Greneral Butler, 
 
 " R. S. Davies, Captain and A. A. A. G.^' 
 
 Another special order may be quoted in this 
 connection: "First-Lieutenant T. L. Ljmch, 
 quarter-master of Third regiment of Native 
 Guards (colored) is hereby reduced to his former 
 position as private in the Fifteenth Maine volun- 
 teers, for drunkenness in the streets, and in a pub- 
 lic dance-house. Quarter-master Sergeant Henry 
 C. Wright, Ninth Connecticut Volunteers, is here- 
 by appointed first-lieutenant of the Third Native 
 Guards, vice Lynch, reduced to the ranks." 
 
 Discipline thus administered produces but one 
 result. " The demeanor of our soldiers in New 
 Orleans," remarks one disinterested observer, 
 " entitles them to the highest encomiums. A 
 more quiet, orderly, respectable set of private 
 soldiers no army ever contained. Instances of 
 rowdyism and intoxication are extremely rare, 
 and those few which do occur are promptly and 
 severely punished by deprivation of pay and im- 
 prisonment. Most of the troops here are of New 
 England origin, and certainly they do credit to 
 the land of their birth." Nor can we be sur- 
 prised to read in the Delta, that after one pay day, 
 three hundred thousand dollars were sent home 
 in small packages, besides a very large sum 
 under the allotment system. 
 
 The general himself noticed the behavior of 
 the troops in the special order of .June 14th : 
 
 "Soldiers! Your behavior in New Orleans 
 has been admirable! "Withstanding the temp- 
 tations of a great city, to present such discipline 
 and efficiency is the highest exibition of .soldierly 
 qualities. You have done more than win a 
 a great battle ; you have conquered yourselves. 
 You have convinced the people of New Orleans 
 that you are worthy of the flag j'^ou bear in tri- 
 umph I He is more of a coward who yields to 
 his own weakness, than he who surrenders to 
 an enemy! Go on, as you have begun, true to 
 your New England training and her religious 
 influences, showing the men and women of the 
 South that where our bayonets are, there are 
 peace, quiet, liberty, safety, and order under the 
 law !" 
 
 The devotion of officers and men to a general 
 who took their part so well against all enemies, 
 was remarkable. Many affecting proofs of this 
 devotion could be adduced, but the grownng bulk 
 of my manuscript warns me to omit details that 
 are not essential. I will transcribe one para- 
 graph from a letter wi-itten by a father upon 
 hearing that his son, a fine young officer, had 
 fallen at his post : 
 
 " Now that all is over, let me say that Henry 
 loved you. General ; not with the selfish attach- 
 ment of the recipient and expectant of favors, 
 but with the devotion that one manly heart feels 
 for another. He would have died for you, as he 
 would for me or for his mother. I am nothing 
 worth now, if I ever was; but, to the end of my 
 
148 
 
 MILITARY OPERATIONS. 
 
 days, few or many, and sorrowful they must be, 
 I shall remember your kindness to my poor boy 
 with the deepest gratitude." 
 
 GENERAL SUTLER'S MODE OF DEALING WITH 
 GUERILLAS. 
 
 Before noticing the important military events 
 of the campaiffn, we should consider one of the 
 commanding general's negative merits. He did 
 not conquer more country than he could hold. 
 The reason of this caution in an oEBcer so enter- 
 prising and so prolific of ideas!, was stated by 
 himself in an early dispatch sent to the war de- 
 partment. 
 
 " In the present temper of the country here," 
 wrote Gen. Butler, June 1st, "it is cruel to take 
 possession of any point unless we continue to 
 hold it with an armed force ; because, when we 
 take possession of any place those well disposed 
 will show us kindness and good wishes: the 
 moment we leave, a few rufidans come in and 
 maltreat every person who has not scowled at 
 the Yankees. Therefore it is, that I have been 
 very chary of possessing myself of various small 
 points which could easily be taken. * * * * 
 What I would recommend is, that I be allowed 
 to raise here, or have sent me, a force large 
 enough to hold, by armed occupation, every 
 place of the slightest importance, with a sup- 
 porting force that could not be overcome, and 
 the country made to pay the expense of such occu- 
 pation. A. few months under that regime would 
 reduce the people to order, and assure the Union 
 men that they are not to be given up to rapine 
 and murder in a few days by the retirement of 
 our troops. In their present frame of mind, un- 
 der the pressure of the orders of Gen. Lovell and 
 the Confederate government — to burn all the 
 cotton and sugar — such burning will take place 
 in advance of my march, wherever I may move, 
 entailing great destruction of property upon its 
 innocent owners, who, wiih tears m their eyes, 
 have entreated me not to advance into certain 
 sections of the country lest their property should 
 be burned I 
 
 "As an instance of recklessness of troops in 
 arms, tiike the following : The river has been 
 unusually high, and a crevasse opened at certain 
 points would do an immensity of damage. A 
 party of forty rebels surprised the train on the 
 Opelousas railroad, ran down to within thirteen 
 miles of the city on the opposite side of the river, 
 and there deliberately cut the levee in six differ- 
 ent places. If their design had been carried out, 
 they would have drowned out every plantation 
 between New Orleans and Fort Jackson, seven- 
 ty miles, but not injured the United States; all 
 this was done, because tlie planters were sup- 
 posed to favor us. Prompt measures were taken 
 by me lo prt-vent the injury before it became ir- 
 reparable, which proved succes.sful." 
 
 For these reasons, the active operations of the 
 army wore confiut'd, at. first, to sudden incursions 
 into the enemy's country, either for the purpose 
 of rescuing Union men, who were threatened by 
 their neighbors witii destruction, or of breaking 
 up camps and roving gangs of guerillas. The 
 guerillas were numerous, enterprising, and wholly 
 devoid of every kind of scruple. They made 
 war precisely in the spir.t and in the manner of 
 the baud of murderers who recently butchered 
 
 the unresisting business men of Lawrence. At 
 that time, too, an act of congress restaained the 
 commanders of departments from retaliation upon 
 these miscreants. " It is useless," wrote General 
 Butler, " to tell me to try them, send the re- 
 cord to Washington, and then to shoot them if 
 the record is approved. Events travel altogether 
 too rapidly for that. In the meantime, they 
 hang every Union man they catch, and by their 
 proclamations, they threaten to hang every man 
 who has my pass. All this, while they are 
 prating in the papers, and by the message of 
 Davis, about carrying on a civilized warfare." 
 
 The first dash into the inhabited country was 
 made by Colonel Kinsman, who went fifty miles 
 or more up the Opelousas railroad, to bring away 
 the families of some Union men who had fled to 
 the city, asking protection. He crossed the 
 river to Algiers, and took possession of the dep6t 
 and cars. He inquired of the bystanders where 
 the engineers were to be found. " There goes 
 one," a man replied. Colonel Kinsman hailed 
 him, and he approached. A conversation ensued, 
 which showed .something of the quality of the 
 more demonstrated secesh. Indeed, I allude to 
 Colonel Kinsman's excursion, only for the pur- 
 of introducing this model of a secessionist engin- 
 eer to the admiration of his conntrymen. 
 
 " Are you an engineer ?" asked Colonel Kins- 
 man. 
 
 " Yes." 
 
 " Do you run on this road ?" 
 
 "Yes." 
 
 " How long have you been on this road ?" 
 
 " Six years." 
 
 " I want you to run a train of cars for me?" 
 
 " I won't run a train for any damned Yankee." 
 
 " Yes you will," 
 
 "No I won't." 
 
 " You will, and without the slightest accident, 
 too." 
 
 " I'll die first." 
 
 " Precisely. You have stated the exact al- 
 ternative. The first thing that goes wrong, 
 you're a dead man. So march along with us." 
 
 The man obeyed. Upon getting out of bear- 
 ing of his townsmen, he appeared more pliant, 
 and ihe conversation was resumed. 
 
 " What is your name ?" 
 
 " Pierce." 
 
 " Pierce ? why that is a Yankee name. Where 
 were you born?" 
 
 ''In Boston." 
 
 " Are you married ?" 
 
 " Yes." 
 
 " Where was your wife born?" 
 
 " At East Cambridge." 
 
 " How long have you been in the South ?" 
 
 " About six years." 
 
 " And you are the man who would'nt run a 
 train for a damned Yankee ! You are, indeed, 
 a danmed Yankee. Go home, and see thaf you 
 are promptly on hand to-morrow morning." 
 
 He was promptly on hand in the morning, ready 
 to run the train for his condemned countrymen. 
 But as competent engineers were found among the 
 troops, it was thought best not to risk the suc- 
 cess of the expedition by trusting the renegade, 
 and the objects of the party were accomplished 
 without his aid. The train ran through the 
 Lafourche district, the garden of Louisiana, the 
 inhabitants of whicn Colonel Kinsman found to 
 
MILITAKi OPERATIONS. 
 
 149 
 
 be fierce, uueoiuprotnising foes of the United 
 States. At the city of Lafourche he met the 
 leading men of the distiict, face to face at the 
 court-house. 
 
 " We are united as one man against you," 
 said the spokesman of the party. 
 
 " I care not," responded Colonel Kinsman, 
 " how united you are, or against what you are 
 united ; I have only this to saj- to you, that if 
 one more Union man is harmed in Lafourche, 
 the town will be burned to the last shed." 
 
 They could not disguise their astonishment at 
 the spectacle of a hundred Union troops pene- 
 trating a region so populous with enemies. It 
 was something they had not in the least ex- 
 pected. They were destined, however, to become 
 extremely familiar with the dingy blue of the 
 federal uniform. 
 
 The case of this Yankee engineer was very far 
 from being the only instance of the kind. As a 
 rule, the loudest secessionists in Louisiana were 
 people of northern birth and education. Several 
 of the female teachers in the pubhc schools in 
 New Orleans, who were among the most zealous 
 in teaching their pujiils to chant the songs of 
 Secessia, and to insult the soldiers of the Union 
 in the streets, were found to be natives of New 
 England. The fact shows how exquisitely 
 adapted the system of slavery is to evoke the 
 latent baseness of the weak, the vain, and the 
 unregenerate. It is, also, another proof that 
 renegades ai'e necessarily more zealous than the 
 hereditary adherents of a bad cause. 
 
 The dash of Colonel John C. Keith, of the 
 Twenty-first Indiana, into the same Lafourche, 
 was a most brilliant little affair. He gave a 
 lesson to guerillas which Lafourche will never 
 forget. He gave a lesson to guerilla hunters 
 which, when it is universallj- taken, will soon ex- 
 tinguish the last of those savages. 
 
 In the course of the famous hunt after the 
 steamer Fox, bj' Colonel M'Millan, a party of 
 four sick soldiers had been sent back through 
 the Lafourche country. A gang of guerillas, 
 inhabitants of the district, la}^ in ambush near 
 the road, fired into the wagon in which the sick 
 men laj', killed two of them and wounded two. 
 The bodies of the murdered men were stripped, 
 then kicked and clubbed until thej' had lost 
 almost all resemblance to human bodies, and 
 finally, thrown by some negroes into a hole two 
 feet deep, dug in the verj' public square of the 
 town of Houma. The mound of earth heaped 
 over them was conspicuous to all residents and 
 travelers. One of the wounded men, after 
 almost incredible adventures, escaped. The other 
 was thrown into a filthy calaboose at Ilouma, 
 with a negro convict. 
 
 General Butler sent Colonel Keith, with four 
 companies of his regiment, and two pieces of 
 Massachusetts artillery, to convey to the people 
 of Houma his sense of the moral quality of their 
 acts. He ordered Colouel Keith to use his best 
 endeavors to arrest the perpetrators; to hang 
 them if found ; to arrest the abettors of the butch- 
 ery ; and to confiscate or destroj^ the property of 
 every man who, in au}' way, before or after the 
 deed, nad been a participator in the crime. 
 
 Colonel Keith was the very man for this duty. 
 Seldom, m the annals of warfare, do we find an 
 account of a piece of work better done. On 
 arriving In the vicinity of the town, he arrested 
 
 every man that could be found. Having reached 
 Houma, he discovered that most of the inhabi- 
 tants had fled ; but all the men that remained he 
 seized and securely held. He compelled the 
 leading residents of the place to provide suitable 
 coffins for the murdered soldiers, to disinter them 
 with their own hands, to place them in the coffins, 
 and to dig graves for them in the principal church- 
 yard. The bodies were then borne to the Catholic 
 church, where Lieutenant Rose read over them 
 the burial service, in the presence of the whole 
 command. They were buried with the usual 
 salute, and suitable inscriptions were placed 
 over their graves. 
 
 This pious duty being performed. Colonel 
 Keith demanded of his prisoners a complete list 
 of the names of the men who had participated 
 in the ambush and abused the bodies of the two 
 soldiers. 
 
 They refused. He then gave them formal, 
 written notice, that, unless within the next 
 forty-eight hours the names were disclosed, he 
 would burn and utterly destroy the town of 
 Houma, lay waste all the plantations in the 
 viciuit}', and confiscate all the movable property 
 to the United States. 
 
 The prisoners being left to their reflections, 
 soon came to tenns. They sent for Colouel Keith, 
 gave up the names of the murderers, and fur- 
 nished information as to the direction of their 
 flight. Then ensued, for several days and nights, 
 such a scouring of the country for the fugitives, 
 as Lafourche had never known before. They 
 were traced from plantation to plantation, from 
 the open country to the forest, through the forest 
 to the bayou. The pursuers found the planters 
 haughty and defiant. Several of them boasted 
 that they had harbored the fugitives and helped 
 them to escape, and refused to reveal the direc- 
 tion they had taken. There were five of these 
 gentlemen. Colonel Keith swiftly doomed them 
 to the penalty of participators after the fact. 
 Tlieir houses, barns, shops and stables were 
 burned ; their horses, mules and cattle driven 
 away; their persons seized and conveyed to New 
 Orleans. 
 
 The ringleaders of the ambush contrived to 
 elude the pursuit ; but several of the less guilty 
 participants were arrested. Before leaving 
 Houma, Colonel Keith caused the jail into which 
 the wounded soldier had been thrown, to be 
 leveled to the ground by battering-rams. He 
 hoisted the fiag of the United States upon the 
 court-house, and announced to the assembled 
 people that its removal would be the signal of 
 his return to buru the town. He made a requi- 
 sition upon the authorities for a sum of money 
 to defray part of the expenses of the expedition. 
 Finally, he heaped burning coals upon the sore 
 heads of the residents of Houma by distributing 
 among the sufi'ering poor of the town a consider- 
 able quantity of provisions, and leaving behind 
 him for their benefit a drove of confiscated cattle. 
 
 That is General Butler's idea of guerilla hunt- 
 ing. The highest praise that can be bestowed 
 upon Colonel Keith's conduct was that vouch- 
 safed by a rebel critic, who remarked that Keitk 
 was little better than Butler himself The 
 reader now knows one of the reasons why 
 Colonel Keith's application for leave of absence 
 was so agreeably indorsed by his chief. 
 
 The command of the lakes gave the Union 
 
150 
 
 MILITAEY OPERATIONS. 
 
 forces an advantage over the guerillas which was 
 frequently used with effect. There was a trou- 
 blesome crew of guerillas near Manchac Pass, at 
 the beginning of June, who plundered the neigh- 
 boring plantations. Colonel Kimball, of the 
 Twelfth Maine, landed four companies of his 
 regiment in the vicinity, and pounced upon the 
 position, driving out the rebel troops and captur- 
 ing all their camp equipage, artillery, and colors, 
 as well as a general officer, with his valise full 
 of Confederate recruiting money. 
 
 NEW ORLEANS THREATENED. 
 
 The attention of the commanding general, in 
 July, was drawn to more important afi'airs than 
 these. Rebel troops were concentrating at va- 
 rious points in menacing proximity to Baton 
 Rouge and New Orleans. Breckinridge, the 
 general's sometime political chietj now appeared 
 in the field as his principal military adversary. 
 The rebel ram Arkansas was reported by Cap- 
 tain Porter to be " above water," and capable of 
 doing mischief. The spies of the general con- 
 tinually reported movements of rebel troops, and 
 everything betokened that the project of expel- 
 ling the " ruthless invaders" was about to be at- 
 tempted. The preliminary stroke was to fall 
 upon Baton Rouge, which was to be assailed by 
 Breckinridge on land, and by the ram Arkansas 
 from the river. The attack was made on the 
 5th of August. The country well remembers 
 how gallantly it was repulsed in one of the best 
 contested actions of the war, and how the ram 
 Arkansas ran aground, and was shot to pieces 
 and blown up by the Union gun-boats. I need 
 not detail the story of that memorable day ; but 
 there were some circumstances attending the 
 battle not generally known, which may be pro- 
 fitably noted by military men. 
 
 The papers before me show how extremely 
 difiScult it is for commanding generals to procure 
 information trustworthy enough to base opera- 
 tions upon. Both generals were deceived on 
 this occasion. General Butler, though no man 
 ever had a better spy system than he, or paid 
 more liberally for intelligence, was misled by his 
 spies into supposing that the attack had been 
 deferred ; and he wrote to General Williams to 
 that etfect, only two days before the battle, ex- 
 horting him, however, not to relax his vigilance. 
 General Breckinridge, on the contrary, was de- 
 ceived by intelligence that was perfectly ti-ue. 
 The secessionists of Baton Rouge, who mingled 
 daily with the Union troops, told Breckinridge, 
 and told him truly, that more than one-half of 
 the troops were on the sick-list. They told him, 
 and it was a fact, that one regiment, si.x hundred 
 strong, only nmstered one hundred and fifty on 
 dress parade, and that other regiments were in 
 a similar condition. But they did not tell him 
 that those patriotic troops, debilitated by the 
 summer heats, and too sick to appear on the 
 parade-ground, were well enough to figiit a bat- 
 tle for their country. They did not tell him that 
 that very regiment, which could only muster a 
 hundred and fifty men at dress parade, would 
 turn out more than five hundred on the day of 
 battle. He expected to meet skeleton regiments 
 of skeleton soldiers: he met regiments with full 
 rank.s, stanch and steady. His friends told him 
 where the sick regiments were to be posted, and 
 he directed his main attack against that part of 
 
 the field. It is said that the reason why he 
 threw away his sword, in a paroxysm of disgust, 
 was not the loss of the battle, but a conviction 
 that he had been deceived and betrayed by the 
 people of Baton Rouge. His sword was found 
 on the field with his name engraved on the hilt. 
 
 The death of General Williams, on this bloody 
 day, was a grievous loss to the department and 
 the country. He was not a popular officer, ex- 
 cept in the hour of danger. The rigor of his 
 discipline would not have lessened the good-will 
 of his command toward him, for soldiers love a 
 strict disciplinarian. Soldiers, indeed, will never 
 long love an officer who is not inflexible in his 
 administration of military law. But the manner 
 of this heroic man was sometimes ungracious ; 
 and, perhaps, he allowed his keen sense of the 
 defects of the volunteer system to be too mani- 
 fest. But on the day of battle only his great 
 qualities were remembered, and every soldier 
 felt that what General Williams ordered to be 
 done was, infallibly, the movement which the 
 moment required. Toward the close of the en- 
 gagement, he came up to a regiment which had 
 lost every field officer, and a large number of 
 the company officers. 
 
 " We have no officers, General," said some of 
 the men. 
 
 ''Forward! my brave Indianians," he cried: 
 " I will lead 3'ou myself." 
 
 At that instant, a ball pierced his breast, and 
 ho fell never to rise again. 
 
 The manner in which General Butler com- 
 memorated the conduct of his victorious troops 
 merits the attention of readers. A general order 
 was dedicated to the memoiy of General Wil- 
 liams: 
 
 "New Orlbass, Auguxt 7, 1862. 
 
 " The commanding general announces to the 
 army of the gulf the sad event of the death of 
 Brigadier-General Thomas Williams, command- 
 ing Second brigade, in camp at Baton Rouge. 
 
 " The victorious achievement — the repulse of 
 the division of Major- General Breckinridge, by 
 the troops led on by General Williams, and the 
 destruction of the mail-clad Arkansas, by Cap- 
 tain Porter, of the navy — is made sorrowful by 
 the fall of our brave, gallant and successful fel- 
 low-soldier. 
 
 " General Williams graduated at West Poinr 
 in 1837 ; at once joined the Fourth artillery in 
 Florida, where he served with distinction ; was 
 thrice breveted for gallant and meritorious ser- 
 vices in Mexico, as a member of General Scott'.^ 
 staff. His life was that of a soldier devoted tn 
 his country's service. His country mourns in 
 sympathy with his wife and children, now thai 
 country's care and precious charge. 
 
 " We, his companions in arms, who had 
 learned to love him, weep the true ^riend, tha 
 gallant gentleman, the brave soldier, the accom- 
 plished officer, the pure patriot and victorioas 
 liero, and the devoted Christian. All, and more, 
 went out when Williams died. By a singular 
 felicity, the manner of his death illustrated each 
 of these generous qualities. 
 
 " The chivalric American gentleman, he gave 
 up the vantage of the cover of the houses of the 
 city — forming his lines in the open field — lest 
 the women and children of his enemies should 
 be hurt -. the fi-ht ! 
 
MILITARY OPERATIONS. 
 
 151 
 
 ■" A good general, he made his disposil ions 
 and prepared for battle at the break of day, when 
 he met his foe ! 
 
 " A brave soldier, he received his death-shot 
 leading his men I 
 
 " A patriot hero, he was fighting the battle of 
 his country, and died as went up the cheer of 
 victory 1 
 
 " A Christian, he sleeps in the hope of a bles- 
 sed Redeemer ! 
 
 " His virtues we cannot exceed — his example 
 we may emulate ; and, mourning his death, we 
 pray, ■'may our last end be like his.' 
 
 "The customary tribute. of mourning will be 
 worn by the officei-s in the department." 
 
 The funeral was celebrated in New Orleans, 
 with all the pomp and solemnity which the re- 
 sources of the department permitted. General 
 Butler noticed, as he passed the British con- 
 sulate, that the flag of the consulate was not 
 lowered as the procession moved by. He sent 
 to know why the customary tribute of respect 
 had been omitted. Mr. Coppell explained the 
 omission satisfactorily ; he was absent from his 
 office, and was not aware that the funeral was 
 to take place that day. 
 
 Another general order was issued a day or 
 two after the funeral, which gave a characteristic 
 aummary of the fight. 
 
 " New Orleaks, August 9, 1862. 
 " Soldiers of the Army of the Gulf: 
 
 " Your successes have heretofore been sub- 
 stantially bloodless. 
 
 "Taking and holding the most important 
 strategic and commercial positions with the aid 
 of the gallant navy, by the wisdom of your 
 combinations and the moral power of your arms, 
 it has been left for the last few days to baptize 
 you in blood. 
 
 "The Spanish conqueror of Mexico won im- 
 perishable renown by landing in that country 
 and burning his transport ships, to cut off" all 
 hope of retreat. You, more wise and economi- 
 cal, but with equal providence against retreat, 
 sent youi'S home. 
 
 " Organized to operate on the sea-coast, you 
 advanced your outposts to Baton Rouge, the 
 <^pital of the state of Louisiana, more than two 
 hundred and fifty miles into the interior. 
 
 " Attacked there by a division of our rebel 
 enemies, under command of a major-general re- 
 creant to loyal Kentucky, whom some of us 
 would have honored before his apostasy, of 
 <*oubly superior numbers, you have repulsed in 
 the open field his myrmidons, who took advan- 
 tage of your sickness, from the malaria of the 
 marshes of Vicksburg, to make a cowardly 
 attack. 
 
 " The iferigade at Baton Rouj^ had routed the 
 enemy, 
 
 " He has lost three brigadier-generals, killed, 
 wounded and prisoners ; many colonels and 
 fleld officers. He has more than a thousand 
 killed and wounded. 
 
 '' You have captured three pieces of artillery, 
 six caissons, two stand of colors, and a large 
 number of prisoners. 
 
 " You have buried his dead on the field of 
 battle, and are caring for his wounded. You 
 have convinced him that you are never so sick 
 
 as not to fight your enemy if he desires the 
 contest. 
 
 " You have shown him that if he can not take 
 an outpost after weeks of preparation, what 
 would be his fate with the main body. If your 
 genera! should say he was proud of you, it 
 would only be to praise himself; but he will 
 say, he is proud to be one of you. 
 
 " In this battle, the northeast and the north- 
 west mingled their blood on the field — as they 
 had long ago joined their hearts — in the support 
 of the Union. 
 
 " Michigan stood by Maine, Massachussetts 
 supported Indiana, "Wisconsin aided Vermont, 
 while Connecticut, represented by the sous of 
 the ever green shamrock, fought as tlieir fathers 
 did at the Boyne Water. 
 
 " While we mourn the loss of many brave 
 comrades, we, who were absent, envy them the 
 privilege of dying upon the battle-field for our 
 country, under the starry folds of her victorious 
 flag. 
 
 " The colors and guidons of the several corps 
 engaged in the contest will have inscribed on 
 them — ' Baton Rouge.' 
 
 " To complete the victory, the iron-clad 
 steamer Arkansas, the last naval hope of the re- 
 bellion, hardly awaited the gallant attack of the 
 Essex, but followed the example of her sisters, 
 the Merrimac, the Manassas, and the Louisiana, 
 by her own destruction." 
 
 The repulse at Baton Rouge changed the plans 
 of the rebel leaders ; but did not induce them to 
 give up their main design. General Butler him- 
 self had no fear for the safety of New Orleans. 
 He fully expected an attack, however, and dis- 
 posed his forces to meet it, even withdrawing 
 the troops from Baton Rouge, and leaving it to 
 the custody of the gun-boats. But the Confede- 
 rate leaders, before the month of September was 
 ended, abandoned their scheme. The Union 
 army in New Orleans had been recruited by 
 white and colored troops, and at whatever point 
 the enemy "felt" the Union lines, tliey found 
 them unyielding to the touch. 
 
 MORE OP THE GUERILLA WARFARE. 
 
 The absurd guerilla warfare, however, was 
 never intermitted. I call it absurd, because 
 while it was fomented by the Confederate gov- 
 ernment, and encouraged by its non-combatant 
 partisans, it was more destructive of rebel pro- 
 perty than injurious to the United States. It is 
 melancholy to read the reports of officers who 
 commanded parties sent against the bandits who 
 were ravaging Louisiana. Major F. H. Peck, of 
 the Twelfth Connecticut, who spent a week in 
 the early part of August, in guerilla hunting on 
 the shores of Lake Pontchartrain, found every- 
 where the traces of indiscriminate plunder and 
 destruction. 
 
 Ascending the Pearl river, he says, " We 
 f )und the people in great destitution, and beset 
 by plunderers on every side." Again, at Pass 
 Christian : " We found the place deserted by 
 nearly all its population, who, as from other 
 towns we visited, are daily flying by boat-loads 
 to avoid impressment into the Confederate ser- 
 vice. They are destitute of the necessaries of 
 life." " At Shields's Bow, outrages too gross fbr 
 
152 
 
 MILITARY OPERATIONS. 
 
 description have been recently perpetrated by 
 truerillas, who find apologists among the most 
 prominent citizens of the place." " At Louis- 
 burgh all the docks and buildings were burned 
 by a party of guerillas two weelis since. It will 
 cost many thousand dollars to rebuild them." 
 " Madisonville was deserted, and nearly every 
 public and private building closed." " In many 
 places flour had not been seen for months." 
 " "We met large numbers flying to the protection 
 of the federal armv, and at each place visited by 
 us, without e-xception, we were besought by 
 men and women for passage to New Orleans. 
 At several places we were asked to leave troops 
 for protection against their professed friends." 
 " Authorized and commissioned as the guerillas 
 are, they are actuated by no motive but plunder; 
 they fight only from ambuscade, and war indis- 
 criminately upon friend and foe." 
 
 So it was in Spain, wlien the Spanish people 
 asked Marshal Soult for protection against their 
 own guerillas. Mexico tells the same story. So 
 it is now in Tennessee, Kentucky, Missouri, and 
 Virginia. The world will never know what the 
 people of the South have suffered, and are suffer- 
 ing, from bandits bearing the authorization of 
 the rebel government, and carrying the ugly flag 
 of organized treason. 
 
 Through this starving land streamed inces- 
 santly droves of cattle from Texas for the rebel 
 armies. There is one ferry upon the Mississippi 
 over which, it is computed, two hundred thou- 
 sand Texan cattle were carried during the first 
 eighteen months of the war. A few days after 
 Major Peck's return, Colonel S. Thomas, of the 
 Eighth Vermont dashed nortliward, with a force 
 of cavalry and artillery, and captured a drove of 
 fifteen hundred cattle from Texas, and brought 
 them all safely within tlie Union lines. 
 
 One of these raids into the enemy's country 
 I will relate with a little more detail. It was 
 the most daring little enterprise of the campaign, 
 and well illustrated the splendid valor of the 
 ofiScer who commanded it, the late General George 
 C. Strong. I little thought, when I heard him 
 tell the story in his gay and sprigiitly manner, a 
 few days before his departure for Charleston, 
 that before the tale could get into print, his eyes 
 would be closed for ever. He died as he wished 
 to die, and as he meant to die. " I shall not 
 die by disease," he said to a friend, who spoke 
 to him upon his health, aboiat the time of tliis 
 exploit in Louisiana. In war, the more valuable 
 a life is, the more likely it is to be lost, and 
 never was a life more lavishly risked tliau his. 
 
 General Jelf. Thompson, who commanded the 
 rebel (brces near the shores of Lake Pontchar- 
 train, is an officer of a humorous turn of mind. 
 He had written som.e saucy notes to General 
 Butler, during the summer, one of which has 
 been given in a previous chapter. He was, also, 
 the animating spirit of the warfare which de- 
 vastated the country in the vicinity ot'his camp, 
 and commanded part of the forces designed to 
 invest New Orleans. Major Strong learned from 
 the Union spies that the liead-quarters of tliis 
 merry cliieftain were at llie village of Poneha- 
 toula, where he had but two companies of in- 
 fantry, and no caunon, the main camp being 
 nine miles to tiie north of it. At Poucliatoula, 
 also, were depots of supplies, a post-office, and a 
 telegraph-office, the sudden seizure of which 
 
 might disclose valuable information. The viH- 
 lage was six miles from the Tangipalio river, a 
 navigable stream. Major Strong conceived the 
 project of ascending this river in a steamboat, 
 landing a force soon after miduiglit,^ surprising 
 the village at daybreak, capturing the general, 
 tlie letters and the dispatches-, diestroying the 
 supplies, and beating a hasty retreat to the 
 steamer before the alarm could reach, the main 
 body of the enemy. 
 
 At four in the afternoon of September ]!3y 
 three companies of the Twelfth Maine, under 
 Captain Thornton, Captain Farcington^ and Cap- 
 tain Winter, and one comjpany of the Twenty- 
 sixth Massachu3ett.s,. under Captain Pickering, 
 embarked on board the Ceres. At eleven in 
 the evening the steamer readied the moutii of 
 the Tangipaho, and grounded on the fear. When,, 
 after a severe struggle, this obstacle had been 
 overcome, the boat pusiied up. the narrow, wind- 
 ing river four miles ; wiien it was one o'clock — 
 loo late for the contemplated surprise. Major 
 Strong determined to wait till the next night, 
 and returned to the mouth of the river. To pre- 
 vent the sending of intelligence to the enemy, 
 he directed Lieutenant Martin toi collect and 
 bring in every small boat on tiie Tangipaho. 
 
 Lieutenant Martin, a very young officer, fresh, 
 from a comfortable home in New York, who had 
 volunteered to serve as aid to the commander of 
 the party, had a view of the horrors of war in 
 performing this duty, which he will never for- 
 get, if he should live to be a lieutenanl-generaJ. 
 The shores of the river, in the dim light of the 
 morning, presented to his view nothing but deso- 
 lation. Many of the houses were deserted, and 
 every garden and field lay waste. Gaunt, yel- 
 low, silent figures stood looking at the passiug 
 boat, images of despair. The people there had 
 been small farmers, market-gardeners, fishermen, 
 and shell-diggers; all of them being absolutely 
 dependent upon the market of New Orleans, 
 from which they had been cut off for four months. 
 Roving bauds of guerillas and the march of 
 regiments had robbed them of the last pig, the 
 last chicken, the last egg, and even of their half- 
 grown vegetables. In all that region there was 
 nothing to eat but corn on tiie cob, and of that 
 only a few pecks in each house. Lieutenant 
 Martin was hailed from one of the houses': 
 
 "There's a child dyin^' here. For God's sak» 
 send a doctor asiiore to save it !" 
 
 Tlie nature of the dutj' he was upon forbade 
 delay ; but, as he was returning, an hour later, 
 with liis fleet of boats, he stopped at the house. 
 The corpse of a girl, ten years old, wasted to a 
 skeletou, lay upon a bed in the cabin. Wasted 
 as she was, it was evident that she had been a 
 pretty, refined-looking girl. 
 
 " Of what did slie die?" 
 
 •' We had nothing to give her but corn and 
 fre.sh fish. We had no medicine. She could 
 not eat what we had. She starved for want of 
 proper food. That's what siie died of." 
 
 It was an awful scene — the white skeleton 
 upon the bed; the sullen, hungry, despairing 
 family, standing silently around ; the bare, 
 comfortless room; the utter devastation with- 
 out. 
 
 The young officer was obliged to tell them 
 that he must have their boat. 
 
 '• If you do," said one of them, "we shall all 
 
MILITARY OPERATIONS. 
 
 15S 
 
 starve, for we live on fish, and without a boat 
 we can get no fish." 
 
 The boat had to be taken, but it was returned 
 within twenty-four hours; and, in the mean 
 time, Lieutenant Martin sent them a week's 
 provisions. Tliey seemed reheved when he left 
 them, fearing to be "compromised" by his 
 pre.'^ence. On slijj^hter grounds than the chance 
 visit of a Union oflBcer, the guerillas had burned 
 houses and heaped every kind of outrage upon 
 the heads of helple-s and unoffending people. 
 Terror evidently possessed every mind. One 
 man on the Tatigipaho, of whom some slight 
 service was requested, replied to Major Strong : 
 
 " I'll do it, if you will agree to take me away 
 with you. If you leave me here, I'm a dead 
 man before your steamboat is out of sight." 
 
 The Ceres could not ascend the river to the 
 point proposed. Major Strong then steamed to 
 Manchac bridge, the terminus of a railroad that 
 led to Ponchatoula, ten miles distant. He had 
 resolved, rather than return to New Orleans de- 
 feated, to marcli along this railroad, and fall upon 
 the place iu open day. With two companies 
 only, those of Captain Thornton and Captain 
 Harrington, numbering one hundred and twelve 
 men, he started soon after sunrise. It was one 
 of the hottest days of a Louisiana summer, with- 
 out a breath of wind to temper the blistering 
 rays of the sun. The path lay through a wooded 
 swamp, and the railroad being laid upon trestle- 
 work, the march was difficult and laborious in 
 the extreme. Tiiose huge lumbermen of Maine 
 sank under the blazing iieat. Four were sun- 
 struck. Many fell tlirough the trestles, and had 
 to be hoisted out of the swamp by their comrades. 
 They saw but one human being on the way. 
 As they were sweltering slowly and silently 
 along, tlie grinning face of a negro emerged from 
 the bushes in the swamp. He waved his old 
 hat above his head, and shouted, 
 
 " Hurrah 1 I always said the Yankees would 
 come — and here you is!" 
 
 They were more than four hours in marching 
 the ten miles. About eleven o'clock they began 
 to see signs of the village. Anotlier negro here 
 darted from behind a cur tliat was standing on 
 the track : 
 
 " Don't go no furder, master," said he to the 
 major, " they've got cannon — they'll kill you all 
 shore." 
 
 The party pushed on. They soon descried a 
 locomotive slowly backing toward the village, 
 the engineer striving to get up steam. A dozen 
 muskets were tired at him. He did not fall, but 
 continued to recede with increasing velocity, and 
 backed through the village, and beyond the vil- 
 lage toward Camp Moore, screaming the alarm. 
 There was no time to be lost. Major Strong 
 ranged a file of men across the railroad, to hide 
 the smallness of his force, while he formed his 
 troops. They advanced at the double-quick, 
 which soon became a full run, and so rushed in- 
 to the village. The negro was right — the enemy 
 had cannon. A blast of canister greeted the 
 panting troops, and laid Captain Thornton low, 
 with three balls in his body and tour more 
 through his clothes. Most of this canister, how- 
 over, went crashing through a house in which 
 many women had taken refuge, who came 
 screaming into the street, and ran wildly about 
 between the two hostile bodies. Major Strong 
 
 halted his men, and made new dispositions with 
 admirable coolness. One company he moved to- 
 the right, the other to the left; and both, from 
 partial cover or from advantageous ground, 
 poured a steady fire into- the ranks of the foe. 
 For a few minutes the action was exceedingly 
 sharp. Of Major Strong's 112 men. 33 were 
 killed or wounded. Twice the enemy fled and ral- 
 lied. But, within fifteen minutes from the mo- 
 ment when the Union column entered the place, 
 the rebel force, three hundred in number and six 
 pieces of artillery, abandoned, the village in hope- 
 less confusion. 
 
 But the bird had flown. Jeft'. Thompson had 
 left the evening before. His sword, his spurs,, 
 liis bridle, his papers, were seized. Tliese only 
 — not his clothing and personal effects. The 
 post-ofSce and telegraph-office were searched. 
 A large quantity of old U. S. postage stamps,, 
 and a considerable number of letters and dis- 
 patches were found and brought away. Twenty 
 car loads of supplies were burnt. The telegraph- 
 instruments were broken to pieces. 
 
 As there were some thousands of rebel troops- 
 within nine miles of Ponchatoula, and a locomo- 
 tive had carried the alarm thither. Major Strong 
 was compelled to deny himself the pleasure of a 
 long stay in the village. The weary tramp on 
 the trestle-work was resumed. Several of the 
 severely wounded were left behind — Captains 
 Thornton among them. The gallant Captain 
 was exchanged a few days after; he recovered 
 from his wounds, and returned to his regiment. 
 Before the troops had gone two miles from the- 
 village, down came a train of platform cars, with 
 a howitzer upon each of them and men to work 
 it. But Major Strong, who had anticipated a 
 movement of that nature, had removed some raila 
 from the track, and caused them to be carried 
 along with the troops. The howitzer.s, therefore, 
 played upon the slowly retiring column from a 
 distance which rendered their fire ineflectual. 
 
 It was terrible, that march back to the steam- 
 boat. The men were exhaiisted to the degree 
 that they begged and implored to be left behind. 
 One young officer, deaf to the word of command 
 and to the voice of entreaty. Major Strong could 
 only rouse from the last stupor of fatigue by vio- 
 lently kicking him as he lay across the track. 
 Nothing saved the command fiom destruction, 
 but a drenching shower, which put new life into 
 them all, and enabled them to drag their weary 
 limbs to the boat before dark. 
 
 General Butler characterized this incursion as- 
 "one of the most daring and successful exploits 
 of the war, equal in dash, spirit, and cool cour- 
 age, to anything attempted on either side. Ma- 
 jor Strong and his officers and men deserve great 
 credit. It may have been a little too daring, 
 perhaps rash, but that has not been an epidemic 
 fault with our officers." 
 
 No man wlio went with this expedition was 
 surprised at the promotion of Major Strong to tho 
 rank of brigadier-general ; still less at his splen- 
 did heroism in Charleston harbor. He was ex- 
 pressly formed to lead a forlorn hope upon an 
 enterprise that was only one remove from tho 
 impossible. Like Winthrop, and so many oihei' 
 gallant spirits, he had given his life to his 
 country long before the moment when the gifd 
 was accepted. 
 
154 
 
 MILITARY OPERATIONS. 
 
 CONQUEST OF LAFOURCHE. 
 
 When the enemy had ceased to threaten New 
 Orleans and its outposts, General Butler deemed 
 it prudent to extend the area of conquest by re- 
 annexing the Lafourche district to the United 
 Statea A brigade of infantry, with the requisite 
 artillery, and a body of cavalry, under an able 
 and enterprising officer, Captain Perkins, was 
 placed under the command of General Weitzel 
 for this purpose. General Weitzel penetrated 
 this wealthy and populous region in the last 
 week of October. A series of rapid marches, 
 one spirited action, and a number of minor com- 
 bats, placed him in complete and permanent 
 possession of the country in four days. 
 
 It was here that the negro question presented 
 itself so appallingly to the mind of the com- 
 mander of the invading force. "What shall I 
 ■do about the negroes ?" he wrote to head-quar- 
 ters, October 29th. " You can form no idea of 
 the vicinity of my camp, nor can you form au 
 idea of the appearance of my brigade as it mar- 
 ched down the bayou. My train was larger 
 than an army train for 25,000 men. Every sol- 
 dier had a negro marching in the flanks, carrying 
 Jhis knapsack. Plantation carts, filled with negro 
 women and children, with their efifects ; and of 
 ■course compelled to pillage for their subsistence, 
 as I have no rations to issue to them. I have a 
 great many more negroes in my camp now than 
 I have whites. * * These negroes are a per- 
 fect nuisance." 
 
 And the next morning a party of General 
 Weitzei's troops captured four hundred wagon 
 loads of negroes, which the enemy were attempt- 
 ing to carry with them in their retreat. There 
 were in the whole district about 6,000 slaves, all 
 of whom were in a ferment, and for the moment 
 useless ; especially in the neighborhood whence 
 almost the whole white population had fled. 
 
 For several days it could be truly said of La- 
 fourche that chaos had come again. But Gen- 
 eral Butler's abandoned plantation system was 
 soon in operation, and restored the community 
 to a tolerable degree of order and safely. The 
 standing cane was gathered ; the sugar-mills 
 were set going ; the negroe.s were merrily work- 
 ing at ten dollars a mouth ; and the United 
 States were reaping some of the advantage of 
 their labor. A considerable number of the ne- 
 groes, freed by the confiscation act, found the 
 way into their regiments of " Native Guards," a 
 procedure that was not pleasing in the sight of 
 General Weitzel. 
 
 By the conquest of Lafourche, an immense 
 amount of properly liable to confiscation fell into 
 the hands of the commanding general. The people 
 who remained on the plantations made haste to en- 
 deavor to save their property b}' making fictitious 
 transfers. Some of the officers of the invading force, 
 finding large quantities of sugar lying about loose, 
 which the owners were only too glad to sell at any 
 price, caught the fever of speculation, and bought 
 sugar to the extent of their means. General 
 Butler visited the principal camp of occupation, 
 and soon learned what was going on. Feeling 
 that the whole army was in danger of demoral- 
 ization if this spec\ilalion in sugar, and in com- 
 modities more portable, was allowed to continue, 
 he delerramed to apply a sweeping remedy. He 
 d'jvised a scheme, which not only^slopped this 
 
 irregular speculation, but poured the whole of 
 the proceeds of the forfeited property into the 
 public treasury. He sequestered the entire dis- 
 trict, and all that it contained, subject to the 
 final adjudication of a commission of officers. 
 
 For six weeks the commissioners were em- 
 ployed in applying the confiscation act to the 
 property in Lafourche, in establishing the loose 
 negroes upon the abandoned lands, and in re- 
 storing to Union men their temporarily seques- 
 tered estates. 
 
 The chief labor of the commission devolved 
 upon Colonel Kinsman, as his associates had al- 
 ready their hands full of occupation. When the 
 people came crowding about him professing loy- 
 alty to the Union, he reminded them that he 
 had had the pleasure of visiting Lafourche in 
 the month of May, when he had been informed 
 that the inhabitants of Lafourche were united as 
 one man against tlie United States. He gave 
 them to understand that the taking of the oath of 
 allegiance, at the last moment, by men who had 
 given a thousand proofs of their complicity with 
 treason, was not enough to secure their property 
 from confiscation. The strict observance of this 
 rule added, in the course of time, about a million 
 dollars to the revenue of the United States, and 
 deprived a large number of rebels of the means 
 of doing harm. Colonel Kinsman Lad a most 
 difficult duty to perform ; one that tasked equally 
 his sagacity and his firmness ; and one that he 
 shrank from undertaking. He acquitted himself 
 well. Ho executed the order and the law with 
 care and fidelity, and won the approval of all 
 disinterested persons who had the means of 
 judging his conduct. Some of the military spec- 
 ulators in sugaa* grumbled at the rigor of de- 
 cisions which deprived them of anticipated gain, 
 and all the victims of the confiscation act ab- 
 horred the ofiicer who executed it. But the 
 friends of the Union observed with admiration 
 his tact and patience in investigating, and the im- 
 partial justice of his awards. A corrupt man in 
 his situation could have made a fortune with ab- 
 solute security against detection. He forebore 
 even to buy a hogshead of confiscated sugar, 
 which he would have liked to send as a present 
 to his New England home, lest he should give a 
 pretext for the tongue of slander. 
 
 Every dollar's worth of confiscated property 
 was sold at New Orleans at public auction, of 
 which previous notice was publicly given. No 
 man had the slightest advantage over another 
 in purchasing, and the entire proceeds of the 
 sales were paid into the public treasury. 
 
 Every secessionist in Louisiana will tell you 
 to-day, that this pure and faithful officer retired 
 from Lafourche a millionaire. They will also as- 
 sure you that the rest of the proceeds of the con- 
 fiscated property were divided between General 
 Butler and his brother. They really believe that 
 the general sent at least two millions away for 
 investment during the eight months of his ad- 
 ministration. 
 
 Such were the principal military operations in 
 the department of the gulf If they were less 
 splendid than those of other fields, if they were 
 not all that the circumstances invited and re- 
 quired, it can be truly said that they were all 
 that the force at the disposal of the commanding 
 general permitted. What could be prudently 
 attempted was handsomely done. In Novem- 
 
ROUTINE OF A DAY IN NEW ORLEANS. 
 
 155 
 
 ber General Butler, if he had dared to leave 
 New Orleans inadequately defended for ten days, 
 would have nipped Port Hudson in the bud. 
 He dared not, with the force at his command, 
 risk the tempting enterprise. And when, after 
 months of waiting and beseeching- for re-enforce- 
 ments, re-enforcements arrived, they came pro- 
 vided with a major-general. 
 
 Much of the success of General Butler in his 
 department was owing to the fact that he con- 
 trived, in spite of opposing influences in Massa- 
 chusetts, to take with him many officers of his 
 own selection — men whom he understood, and 
 who were peculiarly adapted to render him 
 efficient service. Several of these officers served 
 long without commission and without pay. 
 They were afterward commissioned by a stroke 
 of General Butler's legal legerdemain. They were 
 appointed to positions on the stafl" of some other 
 major-general, not of Massachusetts, and then 
 "assigned" to the staff of General Butler. 
 
 The general, however, was most ably assisted 
 by the officers of his command, generally. 
 
 CHAPTER XXVI. 
 
 ROUTINE OF A DAY IN NEW ORLEANS. 
 
 A Major-General commanding, aa modern 
 warfare is conducted, is in danger of becoming 
 the slave of the desk. He carries a sword in 
 obedience to custom, but the instrument that he 
 is most familiar with is that one, which, ' emi- 
 nent tragedians' saj-, is mightier than the sword. 
 The quantity of writing required for the business 
 of a division stationed in a quiet district is very 
 great. But in such a department as that of the 
 Gulf in 1862, a general must manage well, or he 
 will find himself reduced to the condition of the 
 ' sole editor and proprietor' of a daily newspaper. 
 His life will resolve itself into a vain straggle to 
 keep down his pile of unanswered letters. Gen- 
 eral Butler employed seven clerks at head- 
 quarters; he had, also, the assistance of the 
 younger members of his staff; but, with all this 
 force of writers to assist him, he wrote or dic- 
 tated more hours in the twenty-four than pro- 
 fessional writers usually do. 
 
 Let us see how the day went in New Orleans. 
 
 From eight to nine in the morning. General 
 Butler usually received ladies at his residence, 
 who desired to avoid the publicity of the office 
 at the Custom-House, or who had communica- 
 tions to make of a coufideiitial nature. At nine, 
 he went, in some state, to his public office. On 
 his appearance at the front door, the guard, 
 drawn up before the house, saluted, and the 
 general entered his carriage, two orderlies being 
 mounted on the box. The same ceremonial was 
 observed when he entered the Custom-House. 
 The six mounted orderlies, employed in con- 
 veying messages and orders, wore drawn up 
 before the principal entrance, and saluted the 
 general. On his way to his own apartment, ho 
 had to pass through the court-rooin in which 
 Major Bell was dispensing justice to the people 
 of New Orleans. The major remarked the good 
 effect it had upon the spectators to see the 
 commander of the department remove his cap, 
 as he entered the court-room, and bow to the 
 
 presiding judge. On reaching his office, the 
 general would find from one hundred to two 
 hundred people, in and around the adjoining 
 rooms, waiting to see him. 
 
 The office was a large room, furnished with 
 little more than a long table and a few chairs. 
 In one corner, behind the table, sat unobserved, 
 a short-hand reporter, who, at a signal from the 
 general, would take down the examination of an 
 applicant or an informer. The general began busi- 
 ness by placing his pistol upon the table, within 
 easy reach. After the detection of two or three 
 plots to assassinate him, one of the aids caused a 
 little shelf to be made under the table for the 
 pistol, while another pistol, unloaded, lay upon 
 the table, which any gentleman, dispo.sed to 
 attempt the game of assassination, was at liberty 
 to snatch. 
 
 That single loaded pistol, carried in a pocket 
 or laid upon a shelfj was General Butler's sole 
 precaution against assassination in a community 
 of whom a majority would have treated his mur- 
 derer as a patriotic hero, and rewarded him with 
 honor and with wealth. But that precaution 
 sufficed. Chance gave him the reputation of 
 being a dead shot, and every man who observed 
 his movements could nifer that his handling of 
 his pistol would be quick and dexterous. He 
 was riding along one day, with a namerous 
 retinue, where some orange trees, loaded with 
 fruit, hung over a wall. As he rode by he took 
 out his pistol, and aiming it at a twig which sus- 
 tained three fine oranges, severed the twig and 
 brought the game rolling on the round. It was 
 a chance shot, which, probably, he could not 
 not have equaled in ten trials. But it answered 
 the purpose of giving the impression that he was 
 the best shot in New Orleans. Yet, it was sur- 
 prising that no one attempted his assassination. 
 He went everywhere with one attendant, or 
 with none. His apparent carelessness was a 
 daily invitation to the assassin. 
 
 Another member of the staff, of a mischievous 
 turn, had exercised his talents in printing, in 
 largo letters, the following scntenc«_ legible to all 
 visitors, on the wall of the room : 
 
 "TUERE IS NO DIFFERENCE BETWEEN A HE 
 AND A SHE ADDER IN THEIR VENOM." 
 
 Mrs. Philips, and other ladies of a similar dis- 
 position, would glare at the legend indignantly, 
 as though this simple statement of a fact in 
 natural history had some special reference to 
 them. 
 
 There was another little contrivance, which I 
 believe was an achievement of tiie general's own 
 genius. Some of his Creole visitors, and some 
 of the Israelitish money-changers wlio came to 
 him, were adicted to the u.se of garlic — a fact 
 which did not render a close confidential inter- 
 view with them so desirable as a conference from 
 a point more remote. Consequently, the chair 
 provided for tiie use of such persons was tied by 
 the leg to the leg of the table, so that it could 
 not be drawn very near the one occupied by the 
 general. The anxious petitioner, not observing 
 the cord, was likely to open the conference by 
 throwing the chair over. Others, who succeeded 
 in seating themselves without this embarrassing 
 catastropiie, found all their attempts to edge up 
 confidentially to the general's ear unavailing. 
 This invention saved the general from the fumea 
 
156 
 
 ROUTINE OF A DAY IN NEW ORLEANS. 
 
 of garlic, and compelled the visitor to speak i 
 loud enough for the reporter to hear him. 
 
 The general being seated in his chair behind 
 the table, with his artillery in position, lieads of 
 departments were first admitted, such as the 
 medical director and the chief of police. Their 
 reports having been received and acted upon, the 
 chiefs of the Relief Commission and the Labor 
 Commission entered and reported. Next to 
 them such persons as consuls and bank directors. 
 The first hour of the morning was usually con- 
 sumed in conference with these and other im- 
 portant ofBcial individuals. Then the public 
 were admitted, tliirty at a time, who stood in a 
 semi-circle before the table. The general would 
 begin at one end of the line, and ask: 
 
 " What do you want ?" 
 
 They wanted everything that creature ever 
 wanted : a pass to go beyond the lines ; an 
 order on the relief committee for food ; protection 
 against a hard landlord ; a permit to search for a 
 slave; aid to recover a debt; the arbitration of 
 a dispute ; payment of a claim against the gov- 
 ernment ; the restoration of forfeited property ; 
 the suppression of a nuisance ; employment in 
 the public offices ; a gift of money ; information 
 on points of law; protection against a cruel 
 master. Others came to give information, or to 
 wreak an inexpensive revenge by denouncing 
 a private foe as a public enemy. The general 
 devoted an average of twenty seconds to the 
 consideration of each. A few, short, sharp, inci- 
 sive questions, and then the decision, clear as 
 yes or no could make it. And the decision once 
 pronounced, there was not another syllal^le to 
 be said. Every one got at least an answer, 
 and the answer was generally riglit. Under the 
 fire of General Butler's cross-questioning, the 
 subterfuges and evasions of the unskillful rebels 
 melted rapidly away, and the truth stood out 
 clear and unmistakable. Sometimes when a 
 man had been detected in a falsehood, he would 
 try again. 
 
 " Well, General, I own it was a lie, but now I 
 am going to tell tiie truth." 
 
 It happened, not unfrequently, that the gen- 
 eral would overturn, by an adroit question or 
 two, the second version of the tale, and the man 
 would essay a third time, calling all the saints 
 to witness that now, at last, the pure truth 
 should be told, and then immediately coin a new 
 series of falsehoods, to be instantly detected by 
 the general. Scenes of this kind occurred so 
 often, tliat it became a by-word at head-quarters : 
 " Now I am going to tell you the truth." 
 
 At eleven o'clock, the door being closed to 
 miscellaneous applicants, the letters of the day 
 were placed upon the table opened, to the num- 
 ber of eighty or a hundred. The general read 
 over each, and disposed of most of them by 
 Avriting a word or two on the back, "yes." " no," 
 "gran'^ed," "refused ;" in accordance with which 
 the answer was prepared by clerk or secretary. 
 Others were reserved for consideration or for 
 answer by the general's own liand. Military 
 business was next iu order, which brought him 
 to the hungry hour of one. After luncheon, 
 the writing of reports and letters occupied the 
 time till half-past four. Then home to dinner. 
 From half-past five till dark, the general was on 
 horseback, reviewing a regiment here, visiting 
 mi outpost there, thus uniting duty with recrea- 
 
 tion. Then home to his private office, where 
 he wrote or dictated letters till ten. The last 
 tired scribe being then dismissed, the general 
 retired to the onlj' apartment into which no^ 
 visitor ever entered, where,^ at a little desk in a 
 corner, he wrote the papers and dis[)atches- 
 which were of most importance, or which were 
 designed only for the eye of the person ad- 
 dressed. 
 
 Even this constant devotion to the business 
 of his position could not prevent an accumula- 
 tion of unanswered letters. Frequently he was- 
 obliged to ply the pen all day Sunday, in order 
 to reduce the mountain of papers, and begin the 
 week with a clear conscience and a clean table.. 
 The business, however, was all done. No letter 
 but received its due attention. Letters from home- 
 asking information respecting soldiers who bad 
 suddenly ceased to write to their friends were 
 invariably answered, and the fullest accounts 
 given which could be procured. A decent ap- 
 plication for an autograph was not neglected •, 
 for the general kept a supply of the article on 
 hand, ready folded, enveloped, and stamped. 
 
 " Why not ?" he said one day to Major Strong, 
 who laughed at this business-like proceeding. 
 " If I can gratify* a person, by writing my name, 
 why should not I do it ? At the same time, 
 why should not I do it with the least trouble to 
 myself?" 
 
 Thus the days passed. A trip up the river to 
 Baton Rouge, or down the river to the forts, a 
 ride to Carrollton, or a brigade review, varied 
 the uniformity of the general's life. But most 
 of his days were employed in the manner just 
 de.scribed. " For hours," writes one, " he sits 
 and patiently listens to complaints, and suggests 
 punishments or redress. Returning to his hotel, 
 lie partiikes of a simple meal, retires to his room, 
 to be again besieged by crowds of officers and 
 orderlies, charged with reports, or waiting orders. 
 Late at night, I have seen tlio gas gleaming 
 from his room (the door open by the necessity 
 of getting some air in this suffocating climate), 
 and the general buried in the labor of his exten- 
 sive military correspondence." 
 
 It was not General Butler's office alone 
 which was besieged by crowds of anxious people. 
 Colonel French, General Shepley, Col. Stafford, 
 Dr. McCormick, were only less busy than he, in 
 answering the arguments, and supplying the 
 wants of the people. 
 
 The general life of the city had resumed some- 
 thing of its wonted careless gayety and business 
 bustle. The morning markets of New Orleans 
 were bright once more with red bandannas, and 
 noisy with the many-tongued chatter of the 
 huckster.'^ — Creole, French, German, Spanish, 
 and English. "I suppose," remarks a spirited 
 writer,* '• that nowhere since the dispersion of 
 the builders of Babel, could Lie heard such poly- 
 glot vociferations as proceed from the sidewalk 
 peddlers in the French market at New Orleans. 
 On one side, the gesticulative Gaul rolls his r's 
 with absolutely canine emphasis in the utterance 
 of iiis native language, or gallicizes the English 
 appellation of the most popular of vegetables 
 into 'pa-ta-ta — si' or informs you that the price 
 of a bird or fish is ' two bit ! two bit — ^you no 
 
 * Mr. Thomas Butler Gunn, tho au. 
 of the New Yorh Tribune. 
 
 I deat 
 
RECALL. 
 
 157 
 
 like him, you no hab hitnl' On another, the 
 German vociferates with as liarmonious an effect 
 as might be produced by the simuhaneous shalv- 
 ing up of pebbles in a quart pot, and the fihog 
 of a hand-saw ; while on a third and fourth, the 
 Creole, Sicilian, and Dego rival each other in 
 vocal discord. Fancy all this, and throw in any 
 amount of obstreperous, broad-mouthed, gleeful 
 negro laughter, and you have some approxima- 
 tion toward the sounds audible at the time and 
 locality I have undertaken to describe." 
 
 The far-fiimed rotunda of the St. Charles hotel 
 again resounded with the noise of mullitudinous 
 conversation ; but its lofty dome echoed not 
 back the sound of the auctioneer's hammer, that 
 doomed the pampered house-slave to the horrors 
 of a Red River plantation, or consigned a beauti- 
 ful quadroon to the arms of a lucky gambler. 
 The levee still looked bare and deserted to those 
 who had known it it in former years ; but there 
 was some life there. A few vessels were loading 
 or discharging. The ferry-boats were plying on 
 the river. The scream of the steam-whistle was 
 heard, and steamboats were " up" for Carrollton, 
 Baton Rouge, or Fort Jackson. In the stream 
 lay at anchor a few representatives of the im- 
 mortal fleet, the arrival of which, in the last 
 days of April, ushered in a new era of the his- 
 tory of Louisiana. 
 
 CHAPTER XXVII. 
 
 Thkre had been rumors all the summer that 
 General Butler was about to be recalled from 
 the Department of the Gulf. In August, he 
 alluded to these rumors in one of his letters to 
 General Halleck, and said, that if the govern- 
 ment meant to remove him, it was only lair for 
 his successor to come at once, and take part of 
 the yellow fever season. General Halleck re- 
 plied, September 14, that these rumors were 
 "' without foundation." Mr. Stanton had written 
 approvingly of his course. Mr. Chase and Mr. 
 Blair expressed very cordial approval of it. The 
 president, in October, wrote to the general in a 
 friendly and confideutial manner. Jt was only 
 the secretary of state who appeared to dread 
 that total suppression of the enemies of the 
 United States in Louisiana, which it was Gene- 
 ral Butler's aim to effect. But it was not sup- 
 posed that his policy would carry him so far as 
 to deprive his country of the services of the man 
 who, wherever he had been employed, had 
 shown so much ability, and who had just 
 achieved the ablest and the noblest piece of im- 
 promptu statesmanship the modern wwld has 
 seen. 
 
 General Butler was going on in the usual 
 tenor of his way. His favorite scheme, as the 
 winter drew near, was the rooting of the custom- 
 house, the citadel of New Orleans. The gov- 
 ernment had expended millions upon that edifice, 
 and its marble walls had been completed, but it 
 stood exposed to the weather, and was rapidly 
 depreciating. The estimates of competent en- 
 ,giueer officers showed that it eould be covered 
 for about forty thousand dollars witli a roof of 
 wood, which would last thirty or forty years, 
 
 save the costly structure from decay, and render 
 the upper stories inhabitable. He procured part 
 of the necessary timber by seizing a large quan- 
 tity which was the property of those notorious 
 ' foreign neutrals,' Gautheriuand Co., and which, 
 he was prepared to show, had been bought by 
 the Confederate government. In executing the 
 work, he intended to employ a large number of 
 the men who were daily fed by the bounty of 
 the government. The operation was about to 
 be begun, when the order for his recall arrived. 
 It would have been done in three months from 
 the revenues of the department. The Custom- 
 House is still without a roof 
 
 Another project engaged his attention toward 
 the close of the year. He received information 
 that a speculative firm in Havana had imported 
 from Europe a large quantity of arms, which they 
 hoped to sell to the Confederate government. 
 He sent an officer to Havana to examine these 
 arms, procure samples, and endeavor to get the 
 reftisal of them for three months, so as to gain 
 time for the war department to effect the pur- 
 chase of the arms for the United States. Captain 
 Hill, the officer employed on this errand, had 
 obtained a refusal of the arms for several weeks, 
 when the change of commanders took place, and 
 the affair was dropped. Captain Hill reports, 
 that no citizen of the United States, supposed to 
 have a public commission, was safe at that time 
 in Havana. He was subjected to every kind of 
 annoyance, and was warned by friendly Cubans 
 not to be in the streets alone after dark. The 
 town swarmed with rebel emissaries and rebel 
 sympathizers, affording another proof that, in 
 this quarrel, we are alone against the benighted 
 men, and classes of men, who are interested in 
 retarding the progress of civilization. The day 
 after the departure of Captain Hill from New 
 Orleans, the report was current in the city that 
 he had been sent by General Butler to the 
 North, with two millions in gold, the spoils of 
 Lafourche, to deposit in some place of safety 
 against the coming day of wrath. He carried, in 
 fact, just two thoneaud dollars in gold, to defray 
 his expenses in Havana. 
 
 New Orleans elected two members of congress 
 iu December, Mi-. Benjamin F. Flanders, and Mr. 
 Michael Hahn, both uncondiiiomd Union men. 
 Mr. Flanders received 2,370 votes out of 2,543 ; 
 Mr. Hahn received 2,581, which was a majority 
 of 144 over all competitors. The canvass v/as 
 spirited, and no restriction was placed upon the 
 voting, except to exclude all who had not taken 
 the oath of allegiance. At this election, the 
 number of Union votes exceeded, by one thou- 
 sand, the wliole number of votes cast in the city 
 for secession. 
 
 It could be truly said in December, that there 
 was in New Orleans, after seven months of 
 General Butler's government, a numerous party 
 for the Union, probably a majority of the whole 
 number of voters. The men uf wealth were se- 
 cessionists, almost to a man. The gamblers and 
 ruffians were on the same side. The lowest 
 class of whites exhibited the same impious an- 
 tipathy to the negroes, and the same leaning to- 
 ward their oppressor:?, that we observe in the 
 corresponding class in two or three northern 
 cities. But, among the respectable michauics 
 and smaller traders, there was a great host who 
 were either committed to the side of the Union, 
 
158 
 
 EEC ALL. 
 
 or were only deterred from committing them- 
 selves bj' a fear that, after all, the city was 
 destined to fall again under the dominion of tiie 
 Confederates. The Union meetings were at- 
 tended by enthusiastic crowds, and tlie elo- 
 quence of a Doming, a Durant, a Hamilton, was 
 greeted with the same applause that it elicits at 
 the North. When General Butler appeared in 
 public he was greeted with cheers not less 
 hearty nor less unanimous than he has since been 
 accustomed to receive nearer home. Late in 
 November he made a public visit to the theater. 
 When he entered the house the audience rose 
 and gave him clieer upon cheer, just as in New 
 York or Boston. 
 
 The Union party, too, was a growing power. 
 Union men now felt that they were on the side 
 of the strongest. They knew that no man could 
 be anything or effect anything, or enjoy anything 
 in Louisiana, who was not on the side of his 
 country. For Union men there were offices, 
 employments, privileges, favors, honors, every- 
 thing which a government can bestow. For 
 rebels there was mere protection against per- 
 sonal violence — mere toleration of their presence ; 
 and that only so long as they remaiued perfectly 
 submissive and quiescent. It has been truly 
 remarked, that of the three powers of a com- 
 munity — the government, the rich and the mul- 
 titude — any two can always overcome the third. 
 In New Orleans the government and the mul- 
 titude were forming daily a closer union ; and 
 the wealthy faction, who had ruined the state, 
 were becoming daily more isolated and more 
 powerless. 
 
 Meanwhile, the general was urging upon the 
 war department the necessity of a larger force, 
 that he might employ the cool season in reducing 
 Port Hudson and extending the area of conquest 
 in other directions. He entreated his old friend 
 Senator Wilson to use liis influence at the war 
 department in his behalf The senator's reply 
 is curious, when we consider that at the time of 
 the interview which it records General Butler's 
 successor in the Department of the Gulf had 
 appointed twenty-three days. " Your note," said 
 Senator Wilson, " was placed in my hand to-day 
 (December 2,) and I at once called upon the 
 secretary of war, and pressed the importance of 
 increasing your force. He agreed with me and 
 promised to do what be could to aid you. He 
 expressed his confidence in you and his approval 
 of your vigor and ability. This was gratifying 
 to me, but I should have been more pleased to 
 have had him order an addition to your force, so 
 that you might have a larger field of action. I 
 will press the matter all I can." 
 
 Early in December it became well known in 
 New Orleans that the government was preparing, 
 in the ports of the North, one of those imposing 
 expeditions of wliich so many have sailed on 
 mysterious errands during the war. Texas was 
 supposed to be its object. Texas, I believe, ivas 
 its ultimate object. 
 
 In the absence of official information, and 
 supposing his own services approved by the 
 government. General Butler was left to infer that 
 General Banks was to hold an independent com- 
 mand in the department of the Gulf. He feared 
 a conflict of authority. Nor could he regard 
 with complacency the coming of another major- 
 general to reap the laurels of the field, while he 
 
 himself; after having done the painful and odiou:^ 
 part of the work, was left still to battle only 
 with the sullen, unarmed secessionists of New 
 Orleans. Not to embarrass the government, he 
 wrote to the president an unofficial letter on the 
 subject. 
 
 " I see by the papers," he writes, November 
 29th, " that General Banks is about being sent 
 into this department with troops, upon an inde- 
 pendent expedition and command. This seems 
 to imply a want of confidence in the command 
 of this department, perhaps deserved, but still 
 painful In my judgment, it will be prejudicial 
 to the public service to attempt any expedition 
 into Texas without making New Orleans a base 
 of supplies and co-operation. To do tMs there 
 must be one head and one deparment. 
 
 " I do not propose to argue the question here ; 
 still farther is it from my purpose to suggest even 
 that there may not be a better head than the 
 one now in the department. I beg leave to 
 call your attention, that since I came into the 
 field, the day after your first proclamation, I 
 have ever been in the frontier line of the rebellion 
 — Annapolis, when Washington was threatened : 
 Relay House, when Harper's Ferry was being 
 evacuated; Baltimore, Fort Monroe, Newport 
 News, Hatteras, Ship Island, and New Orleans. 
 It is not for me to say with what meed of success. 
 But I have a right to say that I have lived at 
 this station exposed, at once, to the pestilence 
 and the assassin, for eight months, awaiting re- 
 enforcements which the government could not 
 give until now. And now they are to be given 
 to another. I have never complained. I do not 
 now complain. I have done as well as I could, 
 everythiug which the government asked me to 
 do. I have eaten that which was set before me, 
 asking no questions. 
 
 "It is safe for any person to come to New 
 Orleans and stay. It has been demonstrated 
 that the quarantine can keep away the fever. 
 The assassins are overawed or punished. 
 
 " Why, then, am I left here when another i* 
 sent into the field in this department ? If it is 
 because of my disqualification for the service, in 
 which I have as long an experience as any 
 general in the United States army now in the 
 service (being the senior in rank,) 1 pray you 
 say so ; and so far from being even aggrieved, 
 I will return to my home, consoled by the 
 reflection, that I have at least done my duty as 
 far as endeavor and application go. I am only 
 desirous of not being kept where I am not 
 needed or desired, and I will relieve the admin- 
 istration of all embarrassment. Pray do me tht- 
 favor to reflect that I am not asking for the com- 
 mand of any other person; but, simply, that 
 unless the government service require it, that 
 my own, which, I have a right to say, has uoc 
 been the least successful of the war, shall not be 
 taken from me in such a manner as to leave rne 
 all the burden without any of the results. 
 
 " Permit me also to say, that toward General 
 Banks, who is selected to be the leader of the 
 Texas Expedition, I have none but the kindest 
 feelings, he having been my personal friend for 
 years, and still being so. 
 
 " Writing about my personal aSairs, which 1 
 have never done before, I hardly know how to 
 express myself; but what I mean is this : If 
 the commander-in-chief find me incompetent (uu- 
 
RECALL. 
 
 159 
 
 faithful I know he cannot,) let me be removed, 
 and be allowed to meet the issue before him and 
 my country ; but, as I never do anything by 
 iudirectioa myself, all I ask of the president, as 
 a just man, is that the same course may be taken 
 toward me. 
 
 "Allow me to repeat again, sir, what I have 
 before said — although the deiermiuatiou may 
 cause my recall — jjut the department which in- 
 cludes Louisiana and Texas under one head, and 
 it will be best for tlie service. I pray you, sir, 
 not to misunderstand me. I have given up 
 something for my country, and cau give up 
 more. And this command is a small matter in 
 comparison, in my mind, to my own self-respect, 
 or to the good of the service. 
 
 " I do not seek to embarrass the government 
 by any action of mine, or in regard to myself. 
 I'ar from it. I could even take myself away 
 rather than do anything which woulfl weaken, 
 by one ounce, the strength with which the ad- 
 ministration should strangle this rebellion." 
 
 It was too late. When this letter was written, 
 the fate of the writer had been decided for 
 twenty days. The answer to it came by rebel tel- 
 egraph to the outlaying camps of the enemy, and 
 was brought in by the Union spies ten days, or 
 more, before General Banks himself knew his 
 destination. It came in the Ibrm of a positive 
 statement that General Banks w'as coming to 
 New Orleans to supersede General Butler. The 
 higher cii'cles of secessionists were so certain of 
 the fact that bets were made, in the principal 
 club of the cit3', of a hundred dollars to ten, that 
 General Butler would be recalled before the 
 eud of the year. It now appears, that the 
 French Government w^as first notified of the 
 intended change. The news, probably, came 
 direct, either from the state department or from 
 the French legation. From whatever source it 
 was derived, the rebels knew it before it had 
 been whispered about Washington. Jefierson 
 Davis knew it before General Banks, though 
 Davis was at Jackson, in Mississippi, and Gen- 
 eral Banks was at Washington^ 
 
 General Butler submitted to the inevitable 
 stroke with the best possible grace. He had 
 had practice in submission. Had he not been 
 recalled from Baltimore for doing his duty too 
 well ? Had he not been recalled from Fortress 
 Monroe at the moment it had become possible 
 to reap the fruit of his most able and arduous 
 labors ? 
 
 He gave General Banks a cordial and brilliant 
 reception. At Fort Jackson, the arriving gene- 
 ral, much to his surprise, was saluted by the 
 number of guns whicii, by regulation, announce 
 the presence of the commander of the depart- 
 ment. At the levee of New Orleaus, General 
 Butler provided carriages, escort, and a saluting 
 battery, and detailed members of his staff to su- 
 perintend the arrangements for the honorable en- 
 tertainment of his successor. General Banks 
 arrived on Sunday evening, December 14, and 
 immediately drove to General Butler's residence, 
 where he was received with every honor. He 
 had a Uttle billet to deliver, which explained the 
 object of his presence in Louisiana with a brevi- 
 ty more than Bomaa ; 
 
 " War Department, Adj't.-Gesbrai.'s Ofpicb, 
 '■ Washington, November 9, 1S62. 
 
 " General Order No. 184:. 
 
 " By direction of the president of the United 
 Stales, Major-General Banks is assigned to the 
 command of the Department of the Gulf) includ- 
 ing the state of Texas. 
 
 Bv order of the secretary of war, 
 "E. D. Thomas, 
 Assistant Adjutant- General, 
 "H. W. Halleck, General-in- Ghi^.^' 
 
 On Tuesday, the sixteenth, the two generals- 
 met at head-quarters, where General Butler for- 
 mally surrendered the command of the depart- 
 ment. Each general introduced his staff to the 
 stafl' of the other. General Butler pronounced 
 an eulogium upon the character and career of his 
 successor, and ordered his staff to extend to him 
 and to his officers every facility in their power 
 for acquiring the requisite information relating to 
 the department. The Delta, in chronichng the 
 interview, bestowed due commendation upon the 
 retiring general, but commended General Banks 
 to the people and to the army with equal warmth. 
 The Delta of the same day, published the last 
 general order of the retiring commander: 
 
 '• Head-quartkrs, Department of thb Gulf, 
 " New Orleans, December 15, 1862. 
 
 Gexeral Order No. 106. 
 
 '• Soldiers of the Army of the Gulf: 
 
 " Relieved from farther duties in this Depart- 
 ment by direction of the president, under date of 
 November 9, 1862, I take leave of you by this 
 final order, it being impossible to visit your scat- 
 tered outposts, covering hundreds of miles of the 
 frontier of a larger territory than some of the 
 kingdoms of Europe. 
 
 " I greet you, my brave comrades, aud say 
 farewell I 
 
 '' This word, endeared as you are by a com- 
 munity of privations, hardships, dangers, victo- 
 ries, successes, military aud civil, is the only sor- 
 rowful thought I have. 
 
 "You have deserved well of your country. 
 Without a murmur you sustained an encampment 
 on a sand bar, so desolate that banishment to it, 
 with every care aud comfort possible, has been 
 the most dreaded punishment inflicted upon your 
 bitterest and most insulting enemies. 
 
 " You had so little transportation, that but a 
 handful could advance to compel submission by 
 the queen city of the rebellion, whilst others 
 waded breast-deep in the marshes which surround 
 St. Philip, and forced the surrender of a fort 
 deemed impregnable to land attack by the most 
 skillful engineers of your country and her 
 enemy. 
 
 "At your occupation, order, law, quiet, and 
 peace sprang to this city, filled with the 
 bravos of all nations, where, for a score of years, 
 during the profoundest peace, human lile was 
 scarcely safe at noonday. 
 
 "By your disciphne you illustrated the best 
 traits of the American soldier, and enchained the 
 admiration of those that came to scofl". 
 
 " Landing with a mihtary chest containing but 
 seveuty-five dollars, from the hoards of a rebel 
 government you have given to your country's 
 treasury nearly a half million of dollars, and so 
 suppUed yourselves with the needs of .vour ser- 
 
160 
 
 SECALL. 
 
 vice that your expeditiou has cost your govera- 
 ment less by four-fifths than any other. 
 
 " You have fed the starving poor, the wives 
 and children of your enemies, so converting ene- 
 mies into friends, tliat they have sent their repre- 
 sentatives to your congress, by a vote greater 
 than your entire numbers, from districts in which, 
 when you entered, you were tauntingly told that 
 there was ' no one to raise your flag.' 
 
 " By your practical philanthropy you have 
 won the confideuce of the 'oppressed race ' and 
 the slave. Hailing you as deliverers, they are 
 ready to aid you as willing servants, faithful la- 
 borers, or using the tactics taught them by your 
 enemies, to fight with you in the field. 
 
 " By steady attention to the laws of health, 
 you have stayed the pestilence, and, humble in- 
 struments in the hands of God, you have demon- 
 strated the necessity that His creatures should 
 obey His laws, and, reaping His blessing in this 
 most unhealthy climate, you have preserved your 
 ranks fuller than those of any other battalions of 
 the same length of service. 
 
 " You have met double numbers of the enemy, 
 and defeated him iu the open field ; but I need 
 not farther enlarge upon this topic. You were 
 sent here to do that. 
 
 "I commend you to your commander. You 
 are worthy of his love. 
 
 "Farewell, my comrades I again farewell! 
 " Benj. F. Butler, 
 " Major- General Commanding.''^ 
 
 The general immediately prepared for his de- 
 parture. As he had received no directions as to 
 his future course, he presumed that the place for 
 Jiim to retha to was his own home at Lowell. 
 " Having received no further orders," he wrote 
 to the president, " either to report to the com- 
 miinder-in-chief, or otherwise, I have taken the 
 Jiberty to suppose that I was permitted to return 
 ■home, my services being no longer needed here. 
 I have given Major-General Banks all the infor- 
 mation in my power, and more than he has asked, 
 in relation to the affairs of this department." 
 
 The general's farewell order to his troops called 
 forth many pleasing proofs of the strength of 
 their attachment to a commander who, on alloc- 
 •casions, had made their cause his own. Among 
 the letters of those last days I find one which, I 
 'trust, may be printed without impropriety j 
 
 "Lakbport, December, ib, 1863. 
 " Major-General B. F. Butler : 
 
 Sir: — Last summer you had occasion to re- 
 primand an officer for an unintentional neglect 
 •ot duty. Your manner and your words sunk 
 deep into his memory; and he always wished 
 some opportunity might present itself when he 
 ■could evidence by his actions his full appreciation 
 ■of your delicate reproval. I am that officer; 
 and, in part, the wished for opportunity came 
 when I was ordered here. I have tried to do 
 my duty, and feel that I have done it, because 
 my general, fur whose command I raised my 
 company, who never forgets to censure or to re- 
 ward, has not reproved ma 
 
 " For your kindness to the soldiers you will 
 -ever be held in loving remembrance : your .past 
 iservices will be remembered by the country, and 
 ibe rewarded. 
 
 "Now that you are to leave us, there can be 
 
 no want of delicacy in my thus expressing my 
 feelings. I say, good fortune attend you. (Sood- 
 by, General ; God bless you I 
 
 "I remain, with great regard, yours ever to 
 command, " John F. Appleton, 
 
 " Capt. Comd'g at Lakeport." 
 
 On the twenty-third, there was a public leave- 
 taking, when a great number of officers and citi 
 zens gathered round the general to bid him fare- 
 well. For two hours, a continuous procession 
 of his friends passed by where he stood, and 
 shook him by the hand. General Banks and 
 his officers were among them. Admiral Far- 
 ragut was there, with many officers of the 
 fleet. 
 
 It seemed good to the general to say a word 
 of farewell to the people of New Orleans. Amid 
 the hurry^nd bustle of his departure, he found 
 time to produce a Farewell Address, so grand 
 in its truth, wisdom, and simplicity, that it must 
 ever be regarded as one of the noblest utterances 
 of the time, or of any time : 
 
 FAREWELL ADDRESS. 
 
 " Citizen's of New Orleans: — It may not be 
 inappropriate, as it is not inopportune in occasion, 
 that there should be addressed to you a few 
 words at parting, by one whose name is to 
 be hereafter indissolubly connected with your 
 city. 
 
 " I shall speak in no bitterness, because I am 
 not conscious of a single personal animosity. 
 Commanding the Army of the Gulf, I found you 
 captured, but not surrendered; conquered, but 
 not orderly; relieved from the presence of an 
 army, but incapable of taking care of yourselves. 
 I restored order, punished crime, opened com- 
 merce, brought provisions to your starving 
 people, reformed your currency, and gave you 
 quiet protection, such as you had not enjoyed 
 for many years. 
 
 " While doing this, my soldiers were subjected 
 to obloquy, reproach, and insult. 
 
 " And now, speaking to you, who know the 
 truth, I here declare that whoever has quietly 
 remained about his business, afifording neither 
 aid nor comfort to the enemies of the United 
 States, has never been interfered with by the 
 soldiers of the United States. 
 
 " The men who had assumed to govern you 
 and to defend your city in arms having fled, 
 some of your women flouted at the presence of 
 those who came to protect them. By a simple 
 order (No. 28) I called upon every soldier of 
 this army to treat the women of New Orleans as 
 gentlemen should deal with the sex, with such 
 effect that I now call upon the just-minded 
 ladies of New Orleans to say whether they have 
 ever enjoyed .so complete protection and calm 
 quiet for themselves and their families as since 
 the advent of tlie United States troops. 
 
 " The enemies of my country, unrepentant and 
 implacable, I have treated with merited severity. 
 I liold that rebellion is treason, and that treason 
 persisted in is death, and any punishment short 
 of that due a traitor gives so much clear gain to 
 him from the clemency of the government. 
 Upon this thesis have I administered the authori- 
 ty of the United States, because of which I a'B 
 
RECALL. 
 
 161 
 
 not unconscious of complaint. I do not feel that 
 I have erred in too much harshness, for that 
 harshness has ever been exhibited to disloyal 
 enemies to my countiy, and not to loyal friends. 
 To be sure, I might liave regaled you with the 
 amenities of British civilization, and yet been 
 within the supposed rules of civilized warfere. 
 You miglit have lieen smoked to death in cav- 
 erns, as were the Covenanters of Scotland by the 
 command of a gejieral of tlie royal house of 
 England ; or roasted, lil^e the inhabitants of 
 Algiers during the French campaign ; your wives 
 and dnighters might have been given over to 
 the ravisher, as were the unfortunate dames of 
 Spain in the Peninsular war; or you might have 
 been scalped and tomahawked as our mothers 
 were at Wyoming by the savage allies of Great 
 Britain in our own Revolution; your property 
 could have been turned over to indiscriminate 
 ' loot,' like the palace of the Emperor of China; 
 works of art which adorned your buildings might 
 have been sent away, like the paintings of the 
 Vatican ; your sons might have been blown 
 from the moiiths of cannon, like the Sepoys at 
 Delhi ; and yet all this would have been within 
 t.he rules of civilized warfare as practiced by 
 the most polished and the most hypocritical 
 r.ations of Europe. For such acts the records 
 ■of the doingi of some of the inhabitants of your 
 city toward the friends of the Union, before 
 my coming, were a sufficient provocative and 
 justification. 
 
 " But I have not so condiicted. On the con- 
 trary, the worst punishment inflicted, except for 
 ■criminal acts punishable by every law, has been 
 banishment with labor to a barren island, where 
 I encamped my own soldiers before marching 
 'here. 
 
 " It is true, I have levied upon the wealthy 
 rebels, and paid out nearly half a million of dol- 
 lars to feed 40,000 of the starving poor of all 
 ■nations assembled here, made so by this war. 
 
 "I saw that this rebellion was a war of the 
 aristocrats against the middling men — of the 
 rich against the poor ; a war cff the land-owner 
 against the laborer ; that it was a struggle for 
 the retention of power in the hands of the few 
 against the many; and I found no conclusion to 
 it, save in the subjugation of the few and the 
 disinthrallment of the many. I, therefore, felt 
 no hesitation in taking the substance of the 
 wealthy, who had caused the war, to feed the 
 innocent poor, who had suffered by the war. 
 And I shall now leave you with the proud con- 
 sciousness that I carry with me the blessings of 
 the humble and loyal, under the roof of the 
 'Cottage and in the cabin of the slave, and so am 
 •quite content to incur the sneers of the salon, or 
 the curses of the rich. 
 
 " I found you trembling at the terrors of ser- 
 vile insurrection. All danger of this I have 
 prevented by so treating the slave that he had 
 no cause to rebel. 
 
 "I found the dungeon, the chain, and the lash 
 your only means of enforcing obedii-nce in your 
 servants. I leave them peaceful, laborious, con- 
 trolled by the laws of kindness and justice. 
 
 " I have demonstrated that the pestilence can 
 be kept from your borders. 
 
 " I have added a million of dollars to your 
 wealth in the form of new land from the batture 
 •of the Mississippi. 
 
 " I have cleansed and improved your streets, 
 canals, and public squares, and opened new 
 avenues to unoccupied land. 
 
 " I have given you freedom of elections greater 
 than ou have ever enjoyed before. 
 
 " I have caused justice to be administered so 
 impartially that your own advocates have unani- 
 mously complimented the judges of my appoint- 
 ment.*' 
 
 " You have seen, therefore, the benefit of the 
 laws and ju.sticeof the government against which 
 you have /ebellod. 
 
 "Why, then, will you not all return to your 
 allegiance to that government, — not with lip- 
 service, but with the heart? 
 
 " I conjure you, if you desire ever to see re- 
 newed prosperity, giving business to your streets 
 and wharves — if you hope to see your city be- 
 come again the mart of the western world, fed 
 by its rivers for more than three thousand miles, 
 draining the commerce of a country greater than 
 the mind of man hath ever conceived — return to 
 your allegiance. 
 
 " If j'ou desire to leave to your children the 
 inheritance you received from your fathers — a 
 stable constitutional government ; if you desire 
 that they should in the future be a portion of the 
 greatest empire the sun ever shone upon — re- 
 turn to your allegiance. 
 
 " There is but one thing that stands in the 
 way. 
 
 " There is but one thing that at this hour 
 stands between you and the government — and 
 that is slavery. 
 
 " The institution, cursed of God, which has 
 taken its last refuge here, in His providence will 
 be rooted out as the tares from the wheat, al- 
 though the wheat be torn up with it. 
 
 " I have given much thought to this subject. 
 
 " I came among you, by teachings, by habit of 
 mind, by political position, bj' social affinity, in- 
 clined to sustain 3'onr domestic laws, if by possi- 
 bility they might be with safety to the Union. 
 
 " Months of experience and of observation 
 have forced the conviction that the existence of 
 slavery is incompatible with the safety eithSr of 
 yourselves or of the Union. As the system has 
 gradually grown to its present huge dimensions, 
 it were best if it could be gradually removed; 
 but it is better, far better, that it should be taken 
 out at once, than that it should longer vitiate the 
 social, political and family relations of your 
 country. I am speaking with no philanthropic 
 views as regards the slave, but simply of the 
 effect of slavery on the master. See for your- 
 selves. 
 
 " Look around you and say whether this sad- 
 dening, deadening iiflueuce has not all but de- 
 stroyed the very framework of your sociel3^ 
 
 '' I am speakinir the farewell words of one 
 who has shown his devotion to his couv.try at 
 the peril of his life and f)itiine, who in these 
 words can have neither hope nor interest, savo 
 the good of those whom he addresses; and let 
 me here repeat, with all the solemnity of an ap- 
 peal to Heaven to bear me witness, that such 
 are the views forced upon me by experience. 
 
 * ITpon the retirement of Major Bell from the bench 
 of the provost couru the lawyer .'ind others who had 
 attended it presenteil to the major a valuable eaiie, »c- 
 comiianyinsc the sift wi;li expressions of esteem and 
 gratitude, tar more precious than any gift could be. 
 
162 
 
 RECALL. 
 
 " Come, then, lo the uncoudilional support of 
 the government. Take into your own hands your 
 own institutions ; remodel tlicm according to the 
 laws of nations and of God, and thus attain that 
 great prosperity assured to you by geographical 
 position, only a portion of which was heretofore 
 yours." 
 
 " Benjamin F. Butler. 
 "New Orleans, Dec. 24:th, 1862." 
 
 Where is there a nobler piece than this? 
 Where one more exactly true? Where one 
 more irrefragably wise ? Happy the land which, 
 at a crisis of public danger, can summon from 
 the walks of private life a man capable, first, of 
 doing these things, and then of recording them 
 in a strain of such severe and grand simplicity. 
 So Caesar might have written, when Cajsar was 
 a patriot. So Napoleon, had Napoleon been a 
 citizen of a free country. But they did not. 
 Tiie situation was unique, and the piece stands 
 alone, above and beyond all the writings of the 
 great soldiers of the world. 
 
 Perhaps I may be pardoned for mentioning 
 the eflect which its perusal produced upon one 
 individual, the reader's most humble and most 
 devoted servant and scribe. He had been for 
 three years absorbed in writing, or preparing to 
 write, a complete biography of the greatest of 
 all Yankees, Benjamin Franklin. Upon reading 
 this farewell address, he was drawn irresistibly 
 to the conclusion that he must discontinue that 
 fascinating employment for a time, and endeavor 
 to inform his tellow-citizens how it had come to 
 pass, that a hunker democrat, the Breckinridge 
 candidate for the governorship of Massachusetts, 
 a voter for Jeflerson Davis in the Charleston con- 
 vention, had become capable, in the course of 
 two years, of writing General Butler's farewell 
 address to the people of New Orleans. 
 
 Anotlier review of General Butler's administra- 
 tion has seen the light. It was written by 
 Jefferson Davis, who was so considerate as to 
 defer its publication until he had every reason to 
 suppose that the general was on his way home. 
 It was, in fact, published in Richmond the day 
 before General Butler lelt New Orleans, so that 
 he never saw it until his arrival at New York. 
 As every one of the short sentences in General 
 Butler's address is the simplest statement of a 
 fact, so each of the paragraphs of Jefferson 
 D:tvis's proclamation which relates to General 
 Butler's conduct is the distinct utterance of a 
 lie. 
 
 A. PROCLAMATION 
 
 BY THE PRESIDENT OP THE CONFEDERATE 
 
 STATES. 
 
 ***** 
 
 " Now, therefore, I, Jefferson Davis, President 
 of the Conf derate States of America, and in 
 their name, do pronounce and declare the said 
 Benjamin F. Butler lo be a felon, deserving of 
 capital punisinneiit. I do order that he shall no 
 lonjicr be considered or treated simply as a pub- 
 lic ennniv of the Confederate States of America, 
 but iis an outlaw and conmon enemy of man- 
 kintl. and that, in the event of his capture,' tiie 
 ollicer in command of the capturing force do 
 cuse him to be immediately executed by hang- 
 ing. 
 
 " And I do f;\rther order that no commissionecl 
 officer of the United States, taken capiive, shall 
 be released on parole, before exchanged, until 
 the said Butler shall have met with due punish- 
 ment for his crimes. 
 
 "And wherea.s, the hostilities waged against 
 this Confederacy by the forces of the United 
 States, under the command of said Benjamin F. 
 Butler, have borne no resemblance to such war- 
 fare as is alone permissible by the rules of inter- 
 national law or the usages of civilization, but 
 have been characierized by repeated atrocities 
 and outrages, among the large number of which 
 the following may be cited as examples; 
 
 •'Peaceful and aged citizens, unresisting cap- 
 tives and non-combatants, have been confined at 
 hard labor, with haid chains attached to their 
 limbs, and are still so held, in dungeons and for- 
 tresses. 
 
 " Others have been submitted to a like de- 
 grading punishment for selling medicines to the 
 sick soldiers of tiie Confederacy. 
 
 " The soldiers of the United States have been 
 invited and encouraged in general orders to in- 
 sult and outrage the wives, the mothers, and the 
 sisters of our citizens. 
 
 " Helpless women have been torn from their 
 homes, and subjected to solitary confinement, 
 some in fortresses and prisons, and one especially 
 on an island of barren sand, under a tropical 
 sun; have been fed with loathsome rations that 
 have been condemned as unfit for soldiers, and 
 have been exposed to the vilest insults. 
 
 " Prisoners of war, who surrendered to the 
 naval forces of the United States, on agreement 
 that tliey should be released on parole, hare 
 been seized and kept in close confinement. 
 
 " Repeated pretexts have been sought or in- 
 vented for plundering the inhabitants of a cap- 
 tured city, by fines levied and collected under 
 threats of imprisoning recusants at hard labor 
 with ball and chain. The entire population of 
 New Orleans have been forced to elect betweea 
 starvation by the confiscation of all their prop- 
 erty and taking an oath against conscience to 
 bear allegiance to the invader of their country. 
 
 " Egress from the city has been refused to 
 those whose fortitude withstood the test, and 
 even to lone and aged women, and lo helpless 
 children; and, after being ejected from their 
 homes and robbed of their property, they have 
 been left to starve in the streets or subsist on 
 charity. 
 
 " The slaves have been driven from the planta- 
 tions in the neighborhood of New Orleans until 
 their owners would consent to share their crops 
 with the commanding general, his brother, An- 
 drew J. Butler, and oilier officers ; and when 
 such con.sent had been extorted, the slaves have 
 been restored to the plantations, and there com- 
 pelled to work under the bayonets of the guards 
 of United Stales soldiers. Where that partner- 
 ship was refused, armed expeditions have been 
 sent to the plantations to rob them of everything 
 that was susceptible of removal. 
 
 " And even slaves, too aged or infirm for 
 work, have, in spite of their entreaties, been 
 forced from the homes provided by their owners, 
 and driven to wander helpless on the highway. 
 
 "By a recent General Order No. 91, tiie entire 
 property in that part of Louisiana west of the 
 Mississippi river has been sequestrated for contis- 
 
RECALL. 
 
 163 
 
 cation, and oflScers have been assigned to duty, 
 with orders to gather up and collect the personal 
 property, and turn over to the proper officers, 
 upon their receipts, such of said property as raaj' 
 be required for the use of the United States 
 army ; to collect together all the other personal 
 property and bring the same to New Orleans, 
 and cause it to be sold at public auction to the 
 highest bidders — an order which, if executed, 
 condemns to punishment, by starvation, at least 
 a quarter of a million of human beings, of all 
 ages, sexes, and conditions, and of which the 
 execution, although forbidden to military officers 
 by the orders of President Lincoln, is in accord- 
 ance with the confiscation law of our' enemies, 
 which he has effijcted to be enforced through the 
 agency of civil officials. 
 
 " And, finally, the African slaves have not 
 only been incited to insurrection by every license 
 and encouragement, but numbers of them have 
 actually been armed for a servile war — a war in 
 its nature far exceeding the horrors and most 
 merciless atrocities o( savages. 
 
 "And wliereas, the officers under command of 
 the said Butler have been, in many instances, ac- 
 tive and zealous agents in the commission of 
 these crimes, and no instance is known of the 
 refusal of any one of them to participate in the 
 outrages above narrated: 
 
 "And whereas, the President of the United 
 States has, by public and official declarations, 
 signified not only his approval of the effort to 
 excite servile war within the Confederacy, but 
 his intention to give aid and encouragement 
 thereto, if these independent states shall continue 
 to refuse submission to a foreign power after the 
 1st day of January next, and has thus made 
 known that all appeal to the law of nations, the 
 dictates of reason, and the instincts of humanity 
 would be addressed in vain to our enemies, and 
 that they can bo deterred from the commission 
 of ttiese crimes only by the terrors of just retri- 
 bution ; 
 
 " Now, therefore, I, Jefferson Davis, president 
 of the Confederate States of America, and acting 
 by their authority, appealing to the Divine Judge 
 la attestation that their conduct is not guided 
 by the passion of revenge, but that they reluc- 
 tantly yield to the solemn duty of redressing, by 
 necessary severity, crimes of which their citizens 
 are the victims, do issue this my proclamation, 
 and, by virtue of mj' authority as commander-in- 
 chief of the armies of the Confederate States, do 
 order — 
 
 '^ First — ^That all commissioned officers in the 
 command of said Benjamin F. Butler be declared 
 not entitled to be considered as soldiers engaged 
 in honorable warfare, but as robbers and crimi- 
 nals, deserving death ; and that they and eacli 
 of them be, whenever captured, reserved for 
 execution. 
 
 " Second — That the private soldiers and non- 
 commissioned officers in the army of said Butler 
 be considered as only the instruments used lor 
 the commission of crimes perpetrated by his 
 orders, and not as free agent^s ; that tliej'^, there- 
 fore, be treated when captured as prisoners of 
 war, with kindness and humanity, and be sent 
 home on the usual parole that tliey will in no 
 mauuer aid or serve the United States in any 
 capacity during the continuance of this war, 
 unless duly exchanged. 
 
 " Third — That all negro slaves captured in 
 arms be at once delivered over to the executive 
 authorities of the respective states to which they 
 belong, to be dealt with according to the law of 
 said states. 
 
 " Fourth — That the like orders be issued in all 
 cases with respect to the commissioned officers 
 of the United States when found serving in com- 
 pany with said slaves in insurrection against 
 Che authorities of the different states of this 
 Confederacy. 
 
 " In testimony whereof, I have signed these 
 presents, and caused the seal of the Confederate 
 States of America to be affixed thereto, at the 
 city of Richmond, on the 23d day of December, 
 in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hun- 
 dred and sixty-two. 
 
 " Jeffeeson DAVia 
 " By the President, 
 
 " J. P. Benjamik, Secretary of State." 
 
 All unconscious of this fulmination, General 
 Butler engaged passage in an unarmed trans- 
 port. On the morning of his departure, Decem- 
 ber 24tli, the levee was crowded with a concourse 
 of people extremely different in their demeanor 
 and their feelings from the angry and tumultu- 
 ous throng which howled defiance at him when 
 he landed on the first of May. He spent his 
 last hour with Admiral Farragut on board the 
 flag-ship Hartford, endeared to both of them by 
 glorious recollections. "Admiral Farragut is 
 one of the men I love," the general frequently 
 remarks. He had given the admiral a salute 
 when the news came of his promotion to his 
 present nobly-won rank in the naval service, 
 and the admiral, in acknowledging the honor 
 done him, had promised to return the compli- 
 ment, with "interest," on the first opportunity. 
 So, amid the thunder of the Hartford's great 
 guns, mingling with that of a battery on shore, 
 and the cheers of a great crowd of soldiers and 
 citizens, the general and his family waved fare- 
 well to New Orleans. 
 
 On the voyage home, he passed within six 
 hours sail ot the Alabama — a fact which derives 
 some interest from such paragraphs as the fol- 
 lowing : 
 
 " Ten Thousand Dollars Reward 1-$10,000 1 
 — President Davis having proclaimed Benjamin 
 F. Butler, of Massachusetts, to be a felon, deserv- 
 ing of capital punishment, for the deliberate 
 murder of Wm. B. Mumford, a citizen of the 
 Conlederate States at New Orleans ; and having 
 ordered tliat the said Benjamm F. Butler be con- 
 sidered or treated as an outlaw and common 
 enemy of mankind, and tlial, in the event of his 
 capture, the officer in command of the capturing 
 force do cause him to be immediately executed 
 by hanging, the undersigned hereby offers a re- 
 ward ot ten thousand dollars ($10,000) for the 
 capture and delivery of the said Benjamin F. 
 Butler, dead or alive, to any proper Confederate 
 authority. 
 
 " Richard Yeadon. 
 
 " Charleston, S. C, January 1." 
 
 " A daughter of South Carolina writes to the 
 Charleston Gowier from Darlington District : 
 
 " ' I propose to spin the thread to make the 
 cord to execute the order of our noble president 
 
164 
 
 AT HOME. 
 
 Davis, when old Butler is caught, and my 
 daughter asks that she may be allowed to ad- 
 just it around his neck.' " 
 
 After the departure of General Butler from 
 New Orleans, his successor gave a fair trial to tlie 
 poUcy of conciliation. Its failure was immediate, 
 complete, and undeniable. ''These southern 
 people," remarks an English writer who went 
 to New Orleans with General Banks, "with 
 their oriental civilization and institution, cherish 
 something of the eastern impression that kind- 
 ness and conciliation imply weakness, originating 
 in a fear of inflicting punishment. Tliey hated 
 Butler and feared him; now the more foolish 
 sort hope for a certain amount of impunity to 
 the treason yet latent among them." General 
 Banks was obliged to abandon the attempt to 
 win the enemies of his country by soft words 
 and lenient measures. The testimony of notori- 
 ous and unquestionable liicts has shown the 
 country, that, in so far as General Banks has 
 adopted the policy of his predecessor, his admin- 
 istration of the Department of the Gulf has been 
 successful, and that, in so far as he lias essen- 
 tially departed from that policy, his administra- 
 tion has been a failure. I had collected a great 
 deal of evidence on this point, but as every 
 witness tells tiie same story, and the facts are 
 familiar to most of us, I will not increase the 
 magnitude of this too portly volume by detailing 
 it. The Iron Hand, and that alone, till slavery 
 is everywhere abolished, will keep down the 
 insolent and remorseless faction who have 
 brought such woful and wide-spread ruin upon 
 the southern states. Slavery dead, the bitter- 
 ness of that faction is as harmless as a cooing 
 dove. Jeflersou Davis, representing /ree Missis- 
 sippi, would be innoxious in the iSenate itselii 
 To kill slavery is to extract the poison from tiie 
 fangs of all those deadly foes of tlieir country 
 and their kind. Till that is done, there is no 
 safety but in the iron rule. 
 
 CHAPTER XXVin. 
 
 AT HOME. 
 
 And why was he recalled from the Depart- 
 ment of the Gulf? It was natural that the 
 general himself should teel some curiosity 
 upon this subject. His curiosity has not been 
 gratified. 
 
 Upon reaching New York, he found a letter 
 from the president, requisimg his presence at 
 Washington. He was received by ail tne nn.'in 
 bers of the government with tiie cordiality and 
 consideration due to his eminent services, lie 
 asked the president the reason of his recall, and 
 the president referred huu to the secretary oi 
 state and the secretary of war, who, he said, .lau 
 recommended the measure. The general tlitn 
 turned to Mr. Stanton. Mr. Stanton ruphcd, 
 that the reason was one which did not imply, 
 on the part of the government, any want oi 
 confidence in his honor as a man, or in his ability 
 as a commander. 
 
 " Well," said the general, " you have now told 
 me what I was rtot recalled lor. 1 now ask you 
 to tell me what I was recalled lor." 
 
 " You and I," answered Mr. Stanton, laughing, 
 "are both lawyers, and it is of no use your 
 filing a bill of discovery upon me, for I shan't 
 tell you." 
 
 And that is all the explanation which the gov- 
 ernment has vouchsafed to him. "We are justi- 
 fied, however, in concluding, that he was re- 
 called lor the purpose of conciliating the French 
 government, which had expressed disapproval 
 of his course toward the " foreign neutrals " of 
 Louisiana. 
 
 General Butler's claim to be the senior major- 
 general chanced to become a subject of conver- 
 sation at the White House on this occasion. 
 Without having bestowed much thought on the 
 matter, he had innocently taken it for granted 
 that a major-general, who had won his rank and 
 received his commission several weeks before 
 any other major-general had been appointed, 
 must necessarily be the senior major-general. 
 " The president," as he afterward remarked in 
 the formal statement of his claim, requested by 
 the secretary of war, " has power to do many 
 things; but it has been said that even ' an act of 
 parliament could not make one's uncle his aunt.' 
 How then can the president make a junior offi- 
 cer a senior officer in the same grade ? I grant 
 that the president can put the junior in command 
 of the senior, but it took an act of congress to 
 enable the president to do that. But there is no 
 act of congress which has or can settle seniority 
 of rank otherwise than the almanac, taking note 
 of the lapse of time, has settled it." 
 
 The president said that he knew nothing about 
 the duties of the several commissions. 
 
 "lonly know," said he, "that I gave you 
 your commission the first of anybody." 
 
 The board of officers, to whom the question 
 was referred, decided that the president was not 
 bound by the almanac in dating commissions, 
 and could make a junior senior if he pleased. 
 Uonsequeutly, General McClellan, General Fre- 
 mont, General Dix, and General Banks, all of 
 whom were appointed many weeks alter General 
 Butler, take rank before him. This is a small 
 matter, hardly worth mentioning. It is merely 
 one instance more of the systematic snubbing 
 with which one of the very few men of first-rate 
 executive ability in the public service has been 
 rewarded. 
 
 lu conversing with the president upon Uie ne- 
 gro question, tlie general said that if it was con- 
 sidered necessary to abolitiouize the whole army, 
 It was only necessary to give each corps a turn 
 ol service in tiie extreme south, where as Gene- 
 ral Phelps remarked, the institution exists "in 
 all Us aud pride gloom." 
 
 It is woi tliy of note, that the only members 
 of the diplomatic corps at Washington, who 
 called upon the general, were the Russian min- 
 ister, aud the representative of the free city of 
 Bieiiieu. The friends and the toes of the United 
 Stat.s, also the "neutral" powers, appear to 
 iiuve an instinctive perception of the fact, that 
 ueueral Builer is the Union Cause incarnate. 
 
 The people, 1 need not say, gave the returning 
 general a receptiou that left no doubt iu his mind 
 ttiat las labors in the southwest were understood 
 and appreciated by his fellow-citizens. BaJli- 
 uiuie, Washington, New York, Boston, Lowell, 
 Pliiladelpiha, Harrisburg, and i'ortlaud, have 
 each received him with every circumstance 
 
AT HOME. 
 
 16S 
 
 which could enhance the dignity or the eclat of 
 an honorable welcome. 
 
 Or, to use the language of the Richmond Ex- 
 aminer : 
 
 "After inflicting innumerable tortures upon 
 an innocent and unarmed people ; after outrag- 
 ing the sensibilities of civilized humauitj^ by his 
 brutal treatment of women and children ; after 
 placing bayonets in the liands of slaves ; after 
 peculation the most prodigious, and lies the most 
 infamous, he returns, reeiiing with crime, to his 
 own people, and they receive him with acclama- 
 tions of joy in a manner that befits him and be- 
 comes themselves. Nothing is out of keeping ; his 
 whole career and its rewards are strictly artistic 
 in conception and in execution. He was a thief. 
 A sword that he had stolen from a woman — the 
 niece of the brave Twiggs — was presented to 
 him as a reward of valor. He had violated the 
 laws of God and man. The law-makers of the 
 United States voted him thanks, and the preach- 
 ers of the Yankee gospel of iDlood came to him 
 and worshiped him. He had broken into the 
 safes and strong boxes of merchants. The New 
 York Chamber of Commerce gave him a dinner. 
 He had insulted women. Things in female at- 
 tire lavished harlot smiles upon him. He was a 
 murderer, and a nation of assassins have deified 
 him. He is at this time the representative man 
 of a people lost to all shame, to all humanity, all 
 honor, all virtue, all manhood. Cowards by na- 
 ture, thieves upon principle, and assassins at 
 heart, it would be marvelous, indeed, if the 
 people of the North refused to render homage to 
 Benjamin Butler — the beastliest, bloodiest pol- 
 troon and pickpocket the world ever saw. " 
 
 Or, to borrow the words of the New York 
 World : 
 
 " The warm applause with which he was 
 greeted by a great public assembly in this 
 Christian city, is a phenomenon as shocking to a 
 cultivated moral sense as the mode of propagat- 
 ing religion in ages when the I'ack and the stake 
 were approved means of grace. This discredit- 
 able ajsplause is a new testimony to the barbar- 
 izing eifects of civil war. It exemplifies the 
 rude logic of violent i^assions, which, assuming 
 a sacred end for its premises, infers that any 
 means are justifiable for its attainment." 
 
 Or we might quote the comments of the Lon- 
 don Times, since there is the most perfect accord 
 on this subject between rebels, peace democrats 
 and foreign neutrals. 
 
 Perhaps, hovvever, the reader may incline to 
 the opinion of the hundred merchants of New 
 York, as expressed in their letter inviting the 
 general to a public dinner : 
 
 "They share with you the conviction that 
 there is.no middle or neutral ground between 
 loyalty and treason ; that traitors against the 
 government forfeit all rights of protection and of 
 property ; that those who persist in armed re- 
 bellion, or aid it less openly but not less effect- 
 ively, must "be put down and kept down by the 
 .strong hand of power and by the use of all right- 
 ful means, and that so far as may be, the sutt'er- 
 ings of the poor and misguided, caused by the 
 rebellion, should be visited upon the authors of 
 their calamities. We have seen, with approba- 
 tion, that in applying these principles, amidst 
 the peculiar difhculties and embarrassments inci- 
 dent to your administration in your recent com- 
 
 mand, you have had the sagacity to devise, the 
 will to execute, and the courage to enforce the 
 measures which they demanded, and we rejoice 
 at the success which has vindicated the wisdom 
 and the justice of your official course. In thus 
 congratulating j-ou upon these results, we be- 
 lieve that we express the feeling of all those who 
 most earnestly desire the speedy restoration of 
 the Union in its full integrity and power?" 
 
 The public dinner was declined. "I too well 
 know," replied the general, " the revulsion of 
 feeling with which the soldier in the field, oc- 
 cupying the trenches, pacing the sentinel's weary 
 path in the blazing heat, or watching from his 
 cold bivouac the stars shut out by the drenching 
 cloud, hears of feasting and merry-making at 
 home by those who ought to bear his hardships 
 with him, and the bitterness with which he 
 speaks of those who, thus engaged, are wearing 
 his uniform. Upon the scorching sand, and 
 under the brain-trying sun of the gulf coast, I 
 have too much shared that feeling to add one 
 pang, how&ver slight, to the discomfort which my 
 fellow-soldiers sufi'er, doing the duties of the 
 camp and field, by my own act, while separated 
 momentarily from them by the exigencies of the 
 public service." 
 
 Not the less did the city of New York respond 
 to the sentiments of the merchants' letter. The 
 scene at the Academy of Music, on the evening 
 of the 2d of April, 1863, when General Butler 
 advanced to the front of the stage, will never be 
 forgotten by the youngest person who witnessed 
 it. The house was crowded to the remotest 
 standing-place of the amphitheater. The im- 
 mense stage was filled with the citizens of whom 
 New York is proudest. When the general ap- 
 peared, the audience sprang to their feet, and 
 gave, not three cheers, nor three times three and 
 one cheer more, but a unanimous, long-sustained 
 roar of cheers, with a universal waving of hats 
 and handkerchiefs. Several minutes elapsed 
 before silence was restored. General Butler 
 spoke for two hours, interrupted at every other 
 sentence with enthusiastic applause. At Boston, 
 in old Faneuil Hall, he could not escape from 
 the crowd till he had shaken three thousand 
 hands. 
 
 Since the return of General Butler to the 
 North, he has, on all occasions, public and pri- 
 vate, given to the administration a most hearty 
 and unwavering support. 
 
 " The present government," he said, in lis 
 speech of April 2d, at New York, "' was not the 
 government of my choice. I did not vote *br it, 
 nor for anj^ part of it ; but it is the government 
 of my country ; it is the only oi'gan by which I 
 can exert the force of the country to protect its 
 integrity ; and as long as I believe that govern- 
 ment to be honestly administered, I will throw 
 a mantle over any mistakes that I think it has 
 made, and support it heartily, with hand and 
 purse, so help me God ! I have no loyalty to 
 any man or men. My loyalty is to the govern- 
 ment ; and it makes no difference to me who the 
 people have chosen to administer the govern- 
 ment. So long as the choice has been constitu- 
 tionally made, and the persons so chosen hold 
 their places and powers, I am a traitor and a 
 false man if I falter in my support. This is what 
 I understand to be loyalty to a government." 
 Perhaps a few sentences and paragraphs from 
 
166 
 
 AT HOME. 
 
 General Butler'3 recent speeches may be in place 
 here, to indicate his present opinions upon the 
 momentous ■ issues upon which tiie people are 
 called, from time to time, to express their judg- 
 ment. 
 
 " I think I may say that the principal mem- 
 bers of my staff, and the prominent officers of 
 my regiments, without any exception, went out 
 to New Orleans hunker democrats of tlie hunker- 
 est sort ; for it was but natural that I should 
 draw around me those whose views were simi- 
 lar to my own ; and every individual of the 
 number has come to precisely the same belief on 
 the question of slavery, as I put forth in my fare- 
 well address to the people of New Orleans. 
 This change came about from seeing what all of 
 them saw, da^ by day. In this war the entire 
 property of the South is against us, because 
 almost the entire property of the South is bound 
 up in that institution. This is a well-known 
 fact, probably ; but I did not become fully aware 
 of it until I had spent some time in New Orleans. 
 The South has $163,000,000 of taxable property 
 in slaves, and $163,000,000 in all other kinds of 
 property. And this was the cause why the 
 merchants of New Orleans had not remained 
 loyal. They found themselves ruined — all their 
 property being loaned upon planters' notes, and 
 mortgages upon plantations and slaves, all of 
 which property is now worthless. Again I 
 learned, what I did not know before, that this is 
 not a rebellion against us, but simply a rebellion 
 ta perpetuate power in the hands of a few slave- 
 holders. At first I did not believe that slavery 
 was the cause of the rebellion, but attributed it 
 to Davis, Slidell, and others, who had brought it 
 about to make political triumphs by which to 
 regain their former ascendency. The rebellion 
 is against the humble and poorer classes ; and 
 there were in the South large numbers of secret 
 societies dealing in cabalistic signs, organized (or 
 the purpose of perpetuating the power of the 
 rich over the poor. It was feared that these 
 common people would come into power, and that 
 three or lour hundred thousand men could not 
 hold out against eight millions. The first move- 
 ment of these men was to make land the basis 
 of political power, and that was not enough, for 
 land could not be owned by many persons. 
 TLfcn they annexed land to slaves, and divided 
 the property into movable and immovable. 
 
 " I am not generally accused of being a hu- 
 manitarian — at least, not by my southern friends. 
 When I saw the utter demoralization of the 
 people, resulting from slavery, ii struck me that 
 it was an institution which should be thrust out 
 of the Union. I had, on reading Mrs. Stowe's 
 book — Uncle Tom's Cabin — believed it to be an 
 overdrawn, highly- wrought picture of southern 
 life ; but I have seen with my own eyes, and 
 heard with my own ears, many things which go 
 beyond her book, as much as her book does be- 
 3'ond an ordinary school-girl's novel. 
 
 * * * * * 
 
 " Yes, no right-minded man could be sent to 
 New Orleans without returning an unconditional 
 anti-slavery man, even though the roof of the 
 houses were not taken off, and the full extent 
 of the corruption exposed. 
 
 "The war can only be successfully prosecuted 
 by the destruction of slavery, which was made 
 the corner-stone of the confederac3^ This is the 
 second time in the history of the world that a 
 rebellion of propertj^-liolders against the lower 
 classes and against the government was ever 
 carried on. The Hungarian rebellion was one of 
 that kind, and that failed, as must every rebel- 
 lion of men of property against government and 
 against the rights of the many. One of the 
 greatest arguments which I can find against 
 slavery is the demoralizing influences it exerts 
 upon the lower white classes, who were brought 
 into secession by the hundred because they 
 ignorantly supposed that great wrong was to be 
 done tliem by the Lincoln government, as they 
 termed it, if the North succeeded. Therefore, if 
 you meet an old hunker democrat, and send him 
 for sixty days to New Orleans, and he comes 
 back a hunker still, he is merely incorrigible. 
 There is one thing about the president's edict of 
 emancipation to which I would call attention. 
 In Louisiana he had excepted from freedom 
 about eighty-seven thousand slaves. These 
 comprise all the negroes held in the Lafourche 
 district, who have been emancipated already for 
 some time under the law which frees slaves 
 taken in rebellious territory by our armies. 
 Others of these negroes had been freed by the 
 proclamation of September, which declared all 
 slaves to be free whose owners should be in 
 arms on the first of January. The slaves of 
 Frenchmen were free because the Code Civile 
 expressly prohibits a Frenchman from hold- 
 ing slaves, and, by the 7th and 8th Victoria, 
 evL'ry Englishman holding slaves subjects him- 
 self to a penalty of $500 for each. Now, take 
 the negroes of secessionists, Frenchmen and 
 Eiiglislimen out of the eighty-seven thousand, 
 and the number is reduced to an infinitesimal 
 portion of those excepted. This fact came to my 
 knowledge from having required every inhabi- 
 tant in the city to register his natiouality. After 
 all these names had ihirly been registered, I ex- 
 plained these laws to the English and French 
 consuls, and thus replied to demands which 
 had been made by English and French residenta 
 of Louisiana upon the government for slaves 
 alleged to have been seized."* 
 
 THE WAR DEBT. 
 
 " A question has been a thousand times asked 
 mo since I arrived home, how is this great war 
 debt to be paid? That speaks to the material 
 interests. How can we ever be able to pay this 
 war debt? Who can pay it? Who shall pay 
 it ? Shall we tax the coming generations ? 
 Shall we overtax ourselves ? For one — and I 
 speak as a citizen to citizens — I think I can see 
 clearly a way in which this great expense can 
 bo paid by those who ought to pay it, and be 
 borne by those who ought to bear it. Let us 
 bring the South into subjection to the Union. 
 We have offered them equality. If they choose 
 it, let them have it. But, at all events, they 
 must come under the power of the Union. And 
 when once this war is closed by that subjuga- 
 tion, if you please, if necessary, then the in- 
 
 1S63 
 
 Speech at Fifth Avenue Hotel, New York, Jan. 8, 
 
AT HOAIE. 
 
 167 
 
 •creased productions. of the great staples of the 
 South, cotton and tobacco — with which we 
 ought, and can, and shall supply the world — this 
 increased production, by the immigration of 
 wliite men into the South, where labor shall be 
 honorable ixs it is here, will pay the debt. "With 
 the millions of hogsheads of tlie one, and the 
 millions of bales of the other, and with a proper 
 internal tax, which shall be paid by England 
 and France, who have largely caused this mis- 
 chief, tills debt will be paid. Without stopping 
 to be didactic or to discuss principles here, let 
 •us examine this matter for a moment. They are 
 willing to pay fifty and sixty cents a pound for 
 <!otton ; the past has demonstrated that even by 
 tlie uneconomic;d use of slave labor, it can be 
 piofita'dy raised — ay, profitably beyond all con- 
 •ception of agricultural profit here — at ten cents 
 a pound. A simple impost often cents a pound, 
 which will increase it to twenty cents only, will 
 pay the interest of a war debt double what it is 
 to-day. And that cotton can be more profitably 
 raised under free labor than under slave labor, 
 no man who has examined the subject doubts. 
 By the imposition of this tax those men who 
 fitted out the Alabama and sent her forth to 
 prey upon our commerce, will be compelled by 
 the laws of trade and the laws of nations to pay 
 for tho mischief they have done. So that when 
 we look around in this country, which has just 
 begun to put forth her strength, beaiuse no 
 •country has ever come to her full strength until 
 •her institutions have proved themselves strong 
 ■enough to govern the country against the will, 
 •even the voluntary will of the people — wiien 
 this government, which has now demonstrated 
 itself to be the strongest government in the 
 world, puts forth her strength as to men, and 
 when this country of ours, richer and more 
 abundant in its harvests and in its productions 
 than any other country on earth, puts forth her 
 riches, we have a strength in men, we liave an 
 amount in money, to battle the world for liberty, 
 and for the freedom to do, in the borders of tlie 
 United States and on the continent of America, 
 that which God, when he sent us fortii as a mis- 
 sionary nation, intended we should do. So, 
 allow me to return your words of congratulation 
 and your words of welcome, with words of good 
 cheer. Be of good cheer I God gave us tliis 
 continent to civilize and to free, as an example 
 to the nations of the earth ; and if He has struck 
 us in His wrath, because we have halted in our 
 work, let us begin again and go on, not doubt- 
 ing that we shall have His blessing to the end. 
 Be, therefore, I say, of good cheer; there can 
 be no doubt of this issue. We feel the struggle ; 
 we feel what it costs to carry on this war. Go 
 ■with me to Louisiana — go with me to the South, j 
 and you shall see what it costs our enemies to 
 .carry on this war; and you will have no doubt, 
 as I have none, of the result of this unhappy 
 strife, out of which the nation shall come stronger, 
 better, purified, North and South — better than 
 «ver before."* 
 
 NO DANGER FROM THE ARMY. 
 
 " There never has been any division of sen- 
 timent in the army itself They have always 
 
 ■* Speech at Boston, Jan. 13, 1863. 
 
 been for the Union unconditionallj", for the gov- 
 ernment and the laws at any and all times. 
 And who are this army ? Are they men differ- 
 ent from us? Not at all. I see some here that 
 have come back from the army, and are now 
 waiting to recover their lieaUh to go back and 
 join that army. Are they to be any different 
 on the banks of the Potomac, or in the marshes 
 of Louisiana, or struggling with the turbid cur- 
 rent of the Mississippi than thoyare here? Are 
 our sons, our brothers, to have different thoughts 
 and different feelings from us, simply because to- 
 day they wear blue and to-morrow they wear 
 black, or to-day they wear black and to-morrow 
 they wear blue ? Not at all. They are from 
 us, they are of us, they are with us. The same 
 love of liberty, ay, and you will \ ardon me for 
 saying it, a little more love for the Union, have 
 caused them to go out than has actuated tliose 
 who have stayed behind. The same desire to 
 see the constitution restored has sent them out 
 that animates us ; the same love of good govern- 
 ment, the same faith in this great experiment of 
 freedom and free government that actuates us 
 actuates them, and there need be no trouble, ft 
 seems to me, in the mind of any man upon the 
 question of what is the anuy to do. There need 
 be no fears. 1 have seen men, too, good, virtu- 
 ous, candid, upright, patriotic men, who seem 
 to feel this great increase of the army to be 
 somewhat dangerous to our liberties. Is the 
 aimy to take away their own liberties ? is the 
 army to destroy their own country ? is the army 
 to do anything that patriotic men won't do? 
 Oh, no; they answer with universal accord upon 
 that subject. Then where is the danger men 
 See ? Why, in the olden time, at the head of 
 large armies, some ambitious man, some ambi- 
 tious military leader, gets the control of the 
 ai my and destroys the liberty of the country ; 
 but the ditSculty is, the examples of the nations 
 of the whole world are by no means analogies 
 for this. No general of the old world ever com- 
 manded such an army ; no general of the old 
 world ever had such a country ; no general of 
 the old world ever had sucli a government to 
 fight for, to fight with, to fight under, or will 
 have ever and for ever ; and no general of the 
 old world, no general thus far on the face of the 
 earth ever was in a country, where, by elevating 
 his countrj' first, last, and all the time, he might 
 more surely elevate himself But we do not de- 
 pend upon either the patriotism, or the ability, 
 or the prudence, or the courage of any one man ; 
 we depend upon the courage, the patriotism, 
 and the intelligence of this half million of men 
 in the army who know that tho place to regulate 
 government affairs is in the ballot-box, and who, 
 as long as they can get matters regulated, and 
 can have lair play through the ballot-box, will 
 go home*'aiid be much more ready to use the 
 ballot-box than the cartridge-box. 
 
 " Therefore, I say to you, sir, let no man have 
 fear on this subject. There are no better friends 
 of free institutions, there are no more intelligent, 
 no truer men and citizens at home and in peace 
 than in the army of tlie United States."* 
 
 RECONSTRUCTION, 
 " I am not for the Union as it was. I have 
 " Sjjeecli at Boston, April, 1863. 
 
168 
 
 AT HOME. 
 
 the honor to say, as a democrat, and an Andrew 
 Jackson democrat, I am not for the Union to be 
 again as it was. Understand me, I was for the 
 Union as it was, because I saw, or thoughc I 
 saw, the troubles in the future whicli have burst 
 upon us; but having undergone those troubles, 
 having spent all this blood and this treasure, I 
 do not mean to go back again and be cheek to 
 jowl, as I was before with South Carohna, if I 
 can help it. Mark me now ; let no man misun- 
 derstand me; and I repeat, lest I may be mis- 
 understood (for there are none so ditBcult to 
 understand as those that don't want to) — mark 
 me again, I say, I do not mean to give up a 
 single inch of the soil of South Carolina. If I 
 had been living at that time, and had the position, 
 the will, and the ability, I would have dealt 
 with South Carolina as Jackson did, and kept 
 her in the Union at all hazards ; but now she 
 has gone out, and I will take care that when she 
 comes in again she will come in better beliaved ; 
 that she shall no longer be the fire-brand of the 
 Union, ay, that she shall enjoy what her people 
 never yet enjoyed, the blessings of a republican 
 form of government. And, therefore, in that 
 view I am not for the reconstruction of the 
 Union as it was. I have spent treasure and 
 blood enough upon it, in conjunction with my 
 fellow-citizens, to make it a little better, and I 
 think we can have a better Union. It was good 
 enough if it had been let alone. The old house 
 was good enough for me, but the South pulled 
 it down, and I propose, when we build it up, to 
 build it up with all the modern improvements. 
 Another one of the logical sequences, it seems 
 to me, that follow inexorably, and is not to be 
 shunned, from the proposition that we are deal- 
 ing with alien enemies, wiiat is our duty with 
 regard to the confiscation of their property ? 
 And that would seem to me to be very easy of 
 settlement under the constitution, and without 
 any discussion, if my first proposition is right. 
 Hasn't it been held from the beginning of the 
 world down to this daj^, from the time the 
 Israelites took possession of tlie land of Canaan, 
 which they got from alien enemies, hasn't it been 
 held that the whole of the property, of those 
 alien enemies belongs to the conqueror, and that 
 it has been at his mercy and his clemency wliat 
 should be done with it? And for one, I would 
 take it and give it to the loyal man, who was 
 loyal from the heart, at the South, enough to 
 make him as well off as he was before, and I would 
 take the balance of it and distribute it among the 
 volunteer soldiers who have gone forth in the 
 service of their country ; and so far as I know 
 them, if we should settle South Carolina with 
 them, iu the course of a lew j'ears I should be 
 quite willing to leceive her back into the Union."* 
 
 ARMlNa THE XEGROES. 
 
 "If these men are alien enemies, is there any 
 objection that you know of, and if so state it, to 
 our arming one portion of that foreign country 
 against the other, while they are fighting us? 
 Suppo.se we were at war with England, who 
 liere would get up in New York and sa}^ we 
 must not arm the Irish, lest they should '.art 
 some Englishman ? Well, at onetime .^oc very 
 far gone, all those Englishmen wf.e our grand- 
 Speech at New York, April 2, 1S63. 
 
 fathers' brothers. Either they or we erred ; buB 
 we are now separate nations, arising out of the 
 contest. So again I .say, if you will look carefuUy- 
 you will see that there can be no objection for 
 another reason. There is no law, either of war 
 or of international law, or law of governmental 
 action that I know of, which prevents a country 
 arming any portion of its citizens or its subjects 
 for the defense of that portion, or of any other, 
 and they become (if they do not take part with 
 those rebels) simpl}' our citizens, residing upon 
 our territory, which at the present hour is usurped 
 bj' our enemies. At this moment, and in the 
 waning hour, I do not propose to discuss, more 
 than to hint at these various subjects. But 
 there is one question that I have been so ofien< 
 asked, that I want to make ati answer to, once 
 for all, and when I have answered it to every- 
 body, nobody will ask me again, and that is this 
 (and most frequently am I asked that question 
 by my old democratic friends) : ■ Why, General- 
 Butler, what is your experience? Will the 
 negroes fight ? To that I have to answer, that 
 upon that subject I have no personal experience^ 
 I left the Department of the Gulf before they 
 were fairly brought into action; but they did 
 fight under Jackson at Chalmette. More than 
 that, I will bring in some other man to answer 
 that question. Let Napoleon III. answer it, 
 who has hired them to do what the veterans of 
 the Crimea can not do — to whip the Mexicans. I 
 will answer it in another form. Let the veterans 
 of Napoleon the First, under his brother-in-law, 
 Le Clerc, who wore whipped out of St. Domingo- 
 by them, tell whether they will fight or nob. 
 I will ask you to remember it in another fornb 
 still. What has been the demoralizing effect 
 upon them as a race by their contact with the 
 white man, I know not; but I cannot forget 
 that they and their fathers would net have beeoi 
 slaves except ihey were captives of war in their 
 own countries, iu hand to hand fights am(mg the 
 several chiefs, and were sold into slavery because 
 they were captives in war. Thoj^ would fighfi 
 at some time, and if you want to know anymore 
 about it, I can only advise you to try them."* 
 
 THE QUESTION BEFORE US. 
 
 " No Union man. wants to abrogate the old 
 constitution. It is good' enough. The only 
 question is, ho-w caa we take back an abscond- 
 ing member of the fii'ra under the old articles of 
 agreement."! 
 
 CHAPTER XXIX. 
 
 SOMMARY. 
 
 The speciality of General Butler is this: He- 
 is a great achiever. He is the victorious kind of 
 man. He is that combination of qualities and 
 powers which is most potent in bringing things 
 to pass. LTpon reviewing his life, we find that 
 he has been signally successful in the under- 
 takings which have seriously tasked his powers. 
 
 A good example of his ready adaptation of 
 means to ends, has just been related to me by 
 
 * Speecliat New York, April, 1863. 
 
 t Speech .It YiarxUhnvg, Heptemher 1863. 
 
SUMMART. 
 
 169< 
 
 one of his legal friends. A wealthy corporation 
 in New England refused to pay for a bridge, on 
 the ground that the contractor had been a few 
 days behind the stipulated time in completing it. 
 General Butler was retained on behalf of the con- 
 tractor. Aware that he really had no case, 
 though the delay in finishing the bridge was 
 abundantly excusable, he brought the cause to 
 the bar of public opinion. In other words, he 
 told the story to every man and group of men 
 whom chance threw in bis way. He caused 
 endless paragraphs upon the subject to be in- 
 serted in the newspapers. The bridge was just- 
 ly commended as a most admirable piece of 
 work, and remarks were appended upon the soul- 
 lessness of a corporation, which could avail itself 
 of the letter of a contract to deprive a fellow- 
 citizen of the reward of his labors. In a word, 
 he enlisted the feelings and the judgment of the 
 whole community on the side of the contractor, 
 and thus shamed the corporation into a compro- 
 mise. You may call this, if you please, an illegiti- 
 mate mode of proceeding for a learned advocate. 
 It remains true, nevertheless, that the plan 
 adopted answered the end proposed, and that 
 the end proposed was justice. 
 
 It may be profitable to inquire what is the 
 secret of General Butler's success. 
 
 Brains. That is a great part of the secret. 
 This man has understood the matter. He has 
 been able to grasp the situation at all times, and 
 to know what the situation required at all times. 
 From the hour when he shook hands with Jef- 
 ferson Davis, in December, 1860, to the present 
 moment, he has never been groping in the dark, 
 or feeling his way to a policy. And his opinion, 
 generally scouted at the moment, has always 
 been justified by the progress of events. He 
 was right in getting Massachusetts ready to 
 march. He took the right road to Washington. 
 He was right in regarding Fortress Monroe as 
 the base against Richmond. The flash of in- 
 spiration which pronounced the negroes contra- 
 band of war, was right. Each step in the pro- 
 gress of his mind upon the negro question was 
 right at the time and in the circumstances. 
 That single suggestion of a board to decide upon 
 the fitness of officers, was worth all he has re- 
 ceived from the government. His order, making 
 officers pay for the pillage committed by their 
 men, was another masterly stroke. Better still, 
 perhaps, it would be to make the whole regiment 
 responsible — privates as well as officers. At 
 New Orleans, he was magnificently right, both 
 in theory and in practice. Every day brought 
 forth some new proof of the fertility of his mind 
 — of his genius for governing. That policy of 
 isolating, crippling, and destroying the malig- 
 nants, and of raising in the scale of being the 
 laboring multitude, white, black, or yellow, is the 
 only policy which can ever make the country 
 A. NATION, homogeneous, united, powerful and 
 free. No man has, no man can, point out 
 another path to permanent reconstruction. To 
 dethrone the false king. Minority, and to crown 
 in his stead the true king. Majority — that was 
 the scheme attempted in Louisiana. But one 
 thing is wanting to its complete success — the 
 total abolition of slavery, which constitutes the 
 power of the ruling faction, and keeps in hea- 
 thenish bondage every poor man iu the South, 
 whatever his color. 
 
 General Butler, on tlie other hand, is nO' 
 dreamer or theorizer. Dreamers and theorizers 
 are good and helpful ; but he is not one of 
 them. His forte is to devise expedients, to 
 meet a new state of things, or to effect a special 
 purpose. He is singularly happy in framing a 
 measure, on the spur of the moment, which pre- 
 cisely answers the end proposed, and works 
 good in many directions not specially contem- 
 plated. His plan for feeding the poor of New 
 Orleans, for example, besides effecting the main 
 purpose of saving thousands from starvation, 
 brought home to the authors of their ruin a part 
 of the ill-consequences of their conduct, and 
 chimed in with his general policy of suppressing 
 one class and raising another. 
 
 Brains are the great secret. He is endowed 
 with a large, healthy, active, instructed, ex- 
 perienced brain — Heaven's best gift, and the 
 medium through which all other good gifts are 
 given. 
 
 Courage, wiU, firmness, nerve— call it what 
 you will — General Butler has it. He has not 
 been called to face the leaden rain and iron hail 
 of battle ; but he has exhibited on every occf>- 
 sion the courage which the occasion required. 
 He has shown a singular insensibility to the 
 phantoms which play so important a part in war. 
 He has shown the courage to go forward and 
 meet the imaginary danger, as well as the real. 
 He has the courage of opinion — so rare in a re- 
 public where public men all want the favor of 
 the many. He dares accept the remote con- 
 sequences of a policy. He dares to take the 
 responsibility. He dares to incur obloquy. He 
 dares to tell the truth, and all the truth. I ven- 
 ture to declare, that in the many thousand pageS' 
 of his writings as an officer of the government, 
 there is not one intentional misstatement or un- 
 fair suppression. Falsehood is the natural re- 
 sort of timidity. A brave man does not lie, and. 
 need not. 
 
 Honesty. "With opportunities of irregular 
 gain, such as no other man has had since th& 
 days of Warren Hastings, his hands are spotless. 
 He could have made a safe half million by a 
 wink ; and, if he had done so, he would have 
 come home with a peculiar and marked reputa- 
 tion for integrity; because then he would have 
 had an interest to create such a reputation, and. 
 could not have indulged the noble carelessness- 
 with regard to his good name which is the 
 privilege of a man strong in conscious rectitude. 
 The fact that so able a man is accused of 
 corruption, is itself a kind of proof of his 
 honesty. 
 
 Humor. The happy word is part of the art 
 of governing. There is apt to be a fund of humor 
 in good victorious men, which enables them to 
 get the laugh of mankind on their side. Would 
 Lord Palmerston ever have been premier of Eng- 
 land without his jokes, or Mr. Lincoln president 
 of the United Slates unless he had first over- 
 spread acres of prairie mass-meetings with a 
 grin ? The point, humor and vivacity of Gene- 
 ral Butler's utterances have been an element of 
 his success in the service of his country. 
 
 Faith. " Aft;er our return to the North," says 
 one of the general's staff, " an ex-mayor of Chi- 
 cago was introduced to the general at the St. 
 Nicholas Hotel in New York. It was just at a 
 time when our cause looked very gloomy. The 
 
t70 
 
 SUMMAEY. 
 
 mayor was evidently much depressed by the in- 
 dications of national misfortune, and in a tone of 
 great despondency asked the general — 
 
 " ' Do you believe we shall ever get through 
 this war successfully ? 
 
 " ' Yes, sir,' the general answered, very de- 
 cidedly. 
 
 " ' Well, but how ?' asked the mayor. 
 
 " ' God knows, I don't ; but I know He does, 
 80 I am satisfied)' the general replied.* I have 
 often heard him reply thus to anxious questioners. 
 
 " ' We ought to ma/rch through,' he once said ; 
 'but we shan't; I'm afraid we shall only tumble 
 through. No matter ; we shall get through some- 
 how.' " 
 
 Humanity. The papers relating to our gene- 
 ral's mihtary career teem with evidence that he 
 is a kind, considerate man. He governed his 
 soldiers strictly, but always so as to promote 
 their best interests. He was lenient and forgiv- 
 ing toward offenses of inadvertence, or such 33 
 betrayed only a weakness or infirmity of nature. 
 He was generous to the poor. He was solicitous 
 to bestow honor where it was due. He was in- 
 .genious in devising ways of procuring promotion 
 to deserving officers. He sympathized with the 
 anxiety of parents for their sons in the army, 
 and assuaged many a bleeding heart by the kind 
 though tfulness with which ill news was broken 
 to them. 
 
 Courtesy. The etiquette of his position was 
 most punctiliously observed; not more so to- 
 ward admirals and general officers than boy lieu- 
 tenants and private soldiers. To the enemies of 
 his country he could be a roaring lion or a 
 growling bear. The men of his command and 
 and the loyal citizens of his department enjoyed 
 the .satisfaction of knowing that their general 
 was a gentleman. No littleness toward other 
 commanders ; only gratitude and admiration for 
 the Farraguts, the Grants, the Rosecranses, the 
 Meades, and all the other heroes of the war. 
 
 AUantio Monthly, July, 1363. 
 
 Consideration, too, for the many able and well- 
 intentioned men who have been less successful. 
 
 Patriotism. No man should be praised for 
 loving his country, any more than for loving his 
 mother. If the country is lost, we are all lost. 
 If the country is disgraced, we all hang our 
 heads in shame. To love one's country is a part 
 of our natural and proper self-love. But if there 
 is one man who has gone along more entirely 
 than he with his country in this great struggle 
 to preserve its life; if there is one man who has 
 taken the great cause more deeply to heart, or 
 striven with a purer aim to do his part in the 
 mighty and holy work, he must, indeed, be the 
 very model of a pure and burning patriot. Let 
 none of us, however, claim for himself or for an- 
 other any pre-eminence in patriotism. In this 
 alone we are all agreed, that if it takes as long 
 to restore the country as it took the Spaniards to 
 expel the Moors from Spain (800 years), the 
 work is to be done. If the treasury is bankrupt, 
 no matter, it is to be done. If we have to make 
 twenty truces, still it is to be dona If we pause, 
 it will be only to renew the strife as soon as we 
 have taken breath. 
 
 Brains without courage may be a delusion and 
 a snare. To have courage without brains is to 
 be a human bull-dog. Brains and valor without 
 experience in human affairs, without knowledge 
 of the world and mankind, will often lead a man 
 far astray. Brains, valor and experience united, 
 still require the honest heart, the lofty aim. And 
 even all these are ineffective in times like these, 
 unless there is also an enormous capacity for la- 
 bor. But when a man presents himself to view 
 who possesses a fertile genius, courage, know- 
 ledge, experience, patriotism and honesty, with 
 a soundness of bodily constitution that gives him 
 the complete use of all his powers, a country 
 must be rich indeed in able men, if it can afford, 
 at a time of public danger, to dispense with his 
 services. The country will not dispense with 
 them willingly. 
 
APPENDICES. 
 
 I. 
 
 THE ALSTON AND REED DUEL. 
 
 A gentleman obliges me with some additional 
 particulars of this bloody affair, and corrects 
 some errors in my narrative of it : 
 
 "I arrived in Tallahassee," he writes, "the 
 day after the duel, and found it to be the only 
 topic of conversation. I was well acquainted 
 with Reed's second (Capt. J. B. Guion, U. S. A., 
 a Mississippian), and heard all the particulars of 
 the duel from him. These you have given with 
 great accuracy, until near the close there comes 
 an error. Reed was uninjured, as you say, and 
 he then took a quiet, deliberate aim at Alston, 
 and fired at the word " fire" — as cool a murder 
 as ever was committed. It was justified by his 
 friends, on the ground that the terms of the duel 
 were such that one of them had to be killed be- 
 fore they left the ground, and that it would have 
 been very silly in Reed to give Alston a second 
 chance. The second act of the drama occurred 
 a week or two after, for Willis Alston was in 
 Texas, and came thence after hearing of his bro- 
 ther's death. I was taking tea at the hotel in 
 Tallahassee ; the room was crowded, and while 
 all were eating we were startled by a pistol 
 shot, and a ball went just over my head, and 
 lodged in the wall ; it was followed by a second 
 shot, and a general rush of the company look 
 place. This is what had happened: Alston was 
 sitting at the table near the door, when Reed 
 entered and was passing up. Alston stood up 
 and called Reed by name, and, as he turned, 
 fired and ran aioay. Reed drew his pistol, fol- 
 lowed him to the door, and fired without hitting, 
 when Alston immediately ran back at him and 
 with a ioivie knife ripped him entirely open. I saw 
 Reed's wound myself, and how he ever survived 
 it is a wonder. Alston, supposing he had killed 
 Reed, cleared out and went back to Texas. 
 Reed recovered, and it was some luonths alter- 
 wards that Alston came back to complete liis 
 work. He was as cowardl}' as he was rulRanly, 
 and did not dare to face Reed in a street light. 
 He was in a store in the main street of Tallahas- 
 see when Reed passed by, and, stepping to the 
 door, he fired the contents of a double-barrelled 
 gun into Reed's back. He was arrested and 
 confined in jail to save him from being '■ lynched" 
 for public opinion was at that time on Reed's 
 side, and probably the people did not so much 
 mind the killing as the manner ; thej' did not 
 like the shooting in the back, it wasn't a fair 
 fight. He escaped from prison, dressed in his 
 mother's clothes, and got oft' to Toxaa, where he 
 was killed as you describe. 
 
 "I was in and about Tallahassee all the time 
 which embraced these events, and knew the de- 
 
 tails very perfectly at the time. Many o) them 
 I have forgotten, but such as I have here ^iven 
 you are correct" 
 
 II. 
 
 Order issued by General Butler at Fortress Monroe 
 relative to the Negroes in the Department of 
 Virginia and North Carolina. 
 
 Head Quarters 18th Armt Corps, 
 Department of Virginia and North Carolina, 
 Fort Monroe, Va., December b, 1863. 
 
 GENERAL ORDERS NO. 46. 
 
 The recruitment of colored troops has become 
 the settled purpose of the Government. It is 
 therefore the duty of every officer and soldier to 
 aid in carying out that purpose, by every proper 
 means, irrespective of personal predilection. To 
 do this effectually, the former condition of the 
 blacks, their change of relation, the new rights 
 acquired by them, the new obligations imposed 
 upon them, the dutyof tlie government to them, 
 the great stake they have in the war, and the 
 claims their ignorance, and the helplessness 
 of their women and children, make upon each of 
 us, who hold a higher grade in social and political 
 life, must all be carefully considered. 
 
 It will also be taken into account that the 
 colored soldiers have none of the machinery of 
 " state aid" for the support of their families while 
 fighting their battles, so liberally provided for the 
 white soldiers, nor the generous bounties given 
 by tlie state and national governments in the 
 loyal states — although this last is far more than 
 compensated to the black man by the great 
 boon awarded to him, the result of the war — 
 Freedom for himself .^nd his race forever I 
 
 To deal with these several aspects of this 
 subject, so that as few of the negroes as possible 
 shall become chargeable either upon the bounty 
 of government or the charities of the benevolent, 
 and at the same time to do justice to those who 
 shall enlist, to encourage enlistment, and to 
 cause all capable of working to employ them- 
 selves for their support, and tiiat of their families, 
 either in arms or other service, and that the 
 rights of negroes and the government may both 
 be protected, it is ordered : 
 
 I. In this department, after the first day of 
 December, instant, and until otherwise ordered, 
 every able bodied colored man who shall enlist 
 and be mustered into the service of the United 
 States for three years or during the war, shall be 
 paid as bounty, to supply his immediate wants, 
 the sum of ten (10) dollars. And it shall be the 
 duty of each mustering officer to return to these 
 head-quarters duplicate rolls of recruits so en- 
 listed and mustered into tlie service, on the 10th, 
 
172 
 
 APPENDICES. 
 
 20th and last da.ys of each month, so that the 
 bounty may be promptly paid and accounted for. 
 
 II. To the family of each colored soldier so 
 enlisted and mustered, so long: as he shall remain 
 in the service and behave well, shall be furnished 
 suitable subsistence, under the direction of the su- 
 perintendents of negro atlairs, or their assistants ; 
 and each soldier shall be furnished with a cer- 
 tificate of subsistence for his family, as soon as 
 be is mustered; and any soldier deserting, or 
 wlioee pay and allowances are forfeited by court- 
 martial, shall be reported by his captain to the 
 superintendent of the district where his family 
 lives, and the subsistence may be stopped — 
 provided that such subsistence shall be continued 
 for at least si.t months to the family of any 
 colored soldier who shall die in the service by 
 disease, wounds or battle. 
 
 III. Kvery enlisted colored man shall have 
 the same \iuiform, clothing, arms, equipments, 
 camp equipage, rations, medical and hospital 
 treatment as are furnished to the United States 
 soldiers of a like arm of the service, unless, upon 
 request, some modification thereof shall be 
 granted from these head-quarters. 
 
 lY. The pay of the colored soldiers shall be 
 ten (10) dollars per n)onth — three of which may 
 be retained for clothing. But the non-commis- 
 sioned officers, whether colored or white, shall 
 have the same addition to their pay as other non- 
 commissioned officers. It is, however, hoped 
 and believed by the commanding general, that 
 Congres.s, as an act of justice, will increase the 
 pay of the colored troops to a uniform rate with 
 other troops of the United States. He can see 
 no reason why a colored soldier should be asked 
 to fight upon leas pay than any other. The 
 colored man fills an equal space in ranks while 
 he lives, and an equal grave when he falls. 
 
 V. It appears by returns from the several 
 recruiting officers that enlistments are discour- 
 aged, and the government is competing against 
 itseli; because of the payment of sums larger 
 than the pay of the colored soldiers to tlie 
 colored employees in the several staff depart- 
 ments, and that, too, while the charities of the 
 government and individuals are supporting the 
 families of the laborer. It is further ordered : 
 That no officer or other person on behalf of the 
 government, or to be paid by the government, on 
 land in this department, shall employ or hire 
 any colored man lor a gieater rate of wages 
 than ten dollars per month, or the pay of a 
 colored soldier and rations, or fitieen dollars per 
 mouth without rations, except that mechanics 
 and skilled laborers may be employed at other 
 rates — regard being had, however, to the pay of 
 the soldier in fixing such rates. 
 
 VI. The best use duiing the war for an able- 
 bodied colored man, as well for liimself and the 
 country, is lo be a soldier; it is therefore further 
 ordered : That no colored man, between the 
 ages of eighteen and forty-five, who can pass the 
 surgeon's examination for a soldier, shall be 
 employed on land by any person iti behalf of the 
 government — (mechanics and skilled laborers 
 alone e.vcepled.) And it shall bo the duty of 
 each officer or other person employing colored 
 labor in this departn)eut to bo paid by or on 
 behalf of the government, to cause each laborer 
 to be examined by the surgeons detailed to ex- 
 amine colored recruits, who shall furnish ^''e 
 
 laborer with a certificate of disability or ability, 
 as the case may be, and after the first day of 
 January next, no emplojmicnt rolls of colored 
 laborers will be certified or passed at these head- 
 quarters wherein this order has not been com- 
 ph'ed y/'nh, and which are not vouched for by such 
 certificate of disabilitj'- of the emplovees. And 
 whenever hereafter a colored employee of the 
 government shall not be paid wilhiti sixty days- 
 after his wages shall become due and payable, 
 the officer or other person having the funds to 
 make such payment, shall be dismissed the 
 service, subject to the approval of tiie president. 
 
 VII. Promptness of paj-ment of labor, and the 
 facilities furnished by the government and the 
 benevolent, will enable colored laborers in the 
 service of the government to be supported from^ 
 the proceeds of their labor: TJierefore no sub- 
 sistence will be furni.'thed to the families of those 
 employed by the government at labor, but the 
 Superintendent of Negro Affairs may issue sub- 
 sistence to those so employed, and charge the- 
 araount against their wages, and furnish the 
 officer in charge of payment of such laborers 
 with the amounts so issued, on the first day of 
 each month, or be himself chargeable with the 
 amount so issued. 
 
 VIII. Political freedom rightly defined i» 
 liberty to work, and to be protected in the full 
 enjoyment of the fruits of labor; and no one 
 with ability to work should enjoy the fruits of 
 another's labor: TJierefore, no subsi.'stence wilJ 
 be permitted to any negro or his family, with 
 whom he lives, who is able to work aud does 
 not work. It is, therefore, the duty of the Su- 
 perintendent of Negro Affairs to furnish employ- 
 ment to all the negroes able to labor, and see 
 that their families are supplied with the neces- 
 saries of life. Any negro that refuses to work 
 when able, and neglects his family, will be 
 arrested aud reported to these bead-quarters, to 
 be sent to labor on the fortifications, where he 
 will be made to work. No negro will be required 
 to labor on the Sabbath, unless upon the most 
 urgent necessity. 
 
 iX. The commanding general is informed that 
 officers and soldiers in the department have, by 
 impressment and force, compelled the labor of 
 negroes, sometimes for private use, ^nd often 
 wit! tout any imperative necessity. 
 
 Negroes have riiihts so long as they fulfill their 
 duties : Therefore it is ordered, that no officer or 
 soldier shall impress or force to labor for any 
 private purpose whatever, any negro ; and negro 
 labor shall not be impressed or forced for any 
 public purpose, unless under orders from these 
 head-quarters, or because of imperative military 
 necessity, and where the labor of white citizens 
 would be compelled, if present. And any 
 orders of any officer compelling any labor by 
 negroes or white citizens shall be forthwith re- 
 ported to these head-quarters, and the reasons 
 which called for the necessity for such order, be 
 fully set forth. 
 
 In case of a necessity compelling negro or 
 white labor for the purpose of building fortifica- 
 tions, bridges, roads, or aiding transportation or 
 other military purpose, it shall be the duty of the 
 superintendent of negroes in that district, lo 
 cause employment rolls to be made of those so 
 compelled to labor, and to present said rolls, as 
 soon as the necessity ceases, to the assistant 
 
APPENDICES. 
 
 173 
 
 ■quartermaster of the district, that the laborers 
 may be paid ; and the superintendent shall see 
 xhat those thai labor shall have proper sub- 
 sistence, and may draw from the Commissary of 
 Subsistence rations therefor. Any oflBcer offend- 
 ing willfully against the provisions of this order, 
 will be dismissed the service, subject to the ap- 
 proval of the President. 
 
 And no negro shall be. impressed into military 
 service of the United States, except under orders 
 from these head -quarters — by a draft, wliich shall 
 equally apply to the white and colored citizen. 
 
 X. The theory upon which negroes are re- 
 ceived into the Union lines, and employed, 
 either as laborers or soldiers, is that every negro 
 able to work who leaves the rebel lines, dimin- 
 ishes by so much the producing power of the 
 rebellion to supply itself with food and labor ne- 
 cessary to be done outside of military operations, 
 •to sustain its armies ; and the United States 
 thereby gains either a soldier or a producer. 
 "Women and children are received, because it 
 would be manifestly iniquitous and unjust to 
 take the husband and father and leave the wife 
 and child to ill-treatment and starvation. Wo- 
 men and children are also received when unac- 
 companied by the husband and father, because 
 the negro has the domestic affections in as strong 
 a degree as the white man, and however far 
 South his master may drive him, he will sooner 
 or later return to his family. 
 
 Therefore it is ordered : That every officer and 
 soldier of this command shall aid by every means 
 in his power, the coming of all colored people 
 within the Union lines: that all officers com- 
 manding expeditions and raids shall bring in 
 with them all the negroes possible, aftbrding 
 them transportation, aid, protection and en- 
 couragement. Any officer bringing or admitting 
 negroes within his lines shall forthwith report 
 the same to the Superintendent of Negro Affairs 
 -within his district, so that they may be cared for 
 and protected, enlisted, or set to work. Any 
 officer, soldier or citizen who shall dissuade, 
 hinder, prevent, or endeavor to hinder or pre- 
 vent any negro from coming within the Union 
 lines; or shall dissuade, hinder, prevent, or en- 
 deavor to prevent or hinder any negro from en- 
 listing ; or who shall insult, abuse, ridicule or 
 interfere with, for the purpose of casting ridicule 
 or contempt upon colored troops, or individual 
 soldiers, because they are colored, shall be 
 deemed to be, and held liable under the several 
 acts of Congress applicable to this subject, ajKi 
 be punished with military severity for obstruct- 
 ing recruiting. 
 
 XI. In consideration of the ignorance and 
 helplessness of the negroes, arising from the 
 condition in which they have been heretofore 
 held, it becomes necessary that the government 
 should exercise more and peculiar care and pro- 
 tection over them than over its white citizens, 
 accustomed to self-control and self-support, so 
 that their sustenance may be assured, their 
 rights respected, their helplessness protected, 
 and their wrongs redressed ; and that there be 
 one system of management of negro afiairs. 
 
 It is ordered, That Lieutenant-Colonel J. Burn- 
 ham Kinsman, A. D. C, be detailed at these 
 head-quarters, as General Supenintendeiit of 
 Negro Affairs in this department, to whom al' 
 «-eport8 and communications relatiDg thereto, 
 
 required to be sent to these head-quarters, shall 
 be addressed. He shall have a general superin- 
 tendence over all the colored people of this de- 
 partment ; and all other Superintendents of 
 Negro Affairs shall report to Lieutenant-Colonel 
 Kinsman, who is acting for the commanding- 
 general in this behalf 
 
 All the territory of Virginia south of the James 
 River, shall be under the superintendence of 
 Captain Orlando Brown, assistant quartermaster. 
 All the territory north of James River shall be 
 under the superintendence of Captain Charles B. 
 Wilder, assistant quartermaster. The district of 
 North Carolina shall be under the superinten- 
 dence of the Reverend Horace James, chaplain. 
 
 Each superintendent shall have the power to 
 .select and appoint such assistant superintendents 
 for such sub-districts in his district as may be 
 necessary, to be approved by the commanding 
 general ; such appointments to be confirmed by 
 the commanding general. 
 
 The pay of such assistant, if a civilian, shall in 
 no case exceed the pay of a first class clerk in 
 the quartermaster's department. 
 
 It shall be the duty of each superintendent, 
 under the direction of the general superintendent, 
 to take care of the colored inhabitants of his dis- 
 trict, not slaves, under the actual control of a 
 loyal master in his district ; (and in all questions 
 arising as to freedom or slavery of any colored 
 person, the presumption shall be that the man, 
 woman or child is free or has claimed protection 
 of the military authorities of the United States, 
 which entitles the claimant to freedom;) to cause 
 an accurate census to be taken of colored in- 
 habitants in' his district, and their employments; 
 to cause all to be provided with necessary 
 shelter, clothing, food and medicines. To see 
 that all able to work shall have some employ- 
 ment, and that such employment shall be indus- 
 triously pursued ; to see that in all contracts for 
 labor or other things made by the negroes with 
 white persons, the negro is not defrauded, and 
 to annul all contracts madeby the negro which 
 are unconscionable and injurious, and that such 
 contracts as are fulfilled by the negro shall be 
 paid ; to take charge of all lands and all prop- 
 erty allotted, turned over, or given to the use of 
 the negroes, whether by government or by 
 charity ; to keep accurate accounts of the same, 
 and of all expenditure ; to audit all accounts of 
 the negroes against government, and to have all 
 proper allowances made as well to the negro as 
 the government ; and to have all claims put in 
 train for payment by the government ; to keep 
 accurate accounts of all expenses of the negro to 
 the government, and of his earnings for the gov- 
 ernment ; to see that the negroes who have 
 wrought on land furnished by the government 
 on shares, shall have their just portion, and to 
 aid in disposing of the same for the best good of 
 the negro and government ; and to make quar- 
 terly returns and exhibits of all accounts of mat- 
 ters committed to them ; and to hold ail mou -yg 
 arising from the surplus earnings of the negro 
 over the expenditures by the United States, tor 
 the use and benefit of the negroes, under orders 
 from these head-quarters. 
 
 XII. It appearmg to the commanding general 
 
 that some of the labor done by the negroes in this 
 
 jspartment remains unpaid — some tor the space 
 
 6f more than two years, ■although contracts were 
 
174 
 
 APPENDICES. 
 
 duly made by the proper officers of the govern- 
 rrient for the paymeat thereof — whereby the faith 
 of the negro ia the justice of the government is 
 impaired, and the trust in its protection is 
 weakened, it in ordered, that each superintendent 
 shall be a commissioner, to audit all such ac- 
 counts, procure evidence of their validity, make 
 out accurate p;iy-rolls, and return the same, so 
 that they may be presented for adjustment to the 
 proper departments. Provided, however, that 
 no sale of any such claim against the govern- 
 ment shall be valid, and no payment shall be 
 made of any such claim, except in hand to the 
 person actually earning it — if he is within this 
 department — or to his legal representative, if the 
 person earning it be deceased. 
 
 XIII. Religious, benevolent and humane per- 
 sons have come into this department for the 
 charitable purpose of giving to the negroes secu- 
 lar and religious instructions; and this, too, 
 without any adequate pay or material reward. 
 li is, therefore, ordered, that every officer and 
 soldier shall treat all such persons with the ut- 
 most respect; shall aid them by all proper 
 means, in their laudable avocations ; and that 
 transportation be furnished them, whenever it 
 may be necessary in pursuit of their business. 
 
 XIV. As it is necessary to preserve uniformity 
 of system, and that information shall be had 
 as to the needs and the supplies for the negro ; 
 and as certain authorizations are had to raise 
 troops in the Department, a practice has grown 
 up of corresponding directly with the War and 
 other Departtnents of the Government, to the 
 manifest injury of the service. — It is, therefort, 
 
 ordered, that all correspondence in relation to 
 the raising or recruitment of colored troops, and 
 relating to the care and control of the negroe,^ 
 in this Department, with any official organized 
 body or society, or any Department or Bureau 
 of the Government, must be transmitted through 
 these Head Quarters, as by regulation all other 
 Military' correspondence is required to be done. 
 
 XV. Courts Martial and Courts of Inquiry in 
 relation to all offenses committed by, or against 
 any of the colored troops, or any person in the 
 service of the United States connected with the 
 care, or serving with the colored troops, shall 
 have a majority of its members composed of 
 members in command of colored troops, when 
 such can be detailed without manifest injury to 
 the service. 
 
 All ofiTenses by citizens against the negroes, or 
 by the negroes against citizens — except of a high 
 and aggravated nature — shall be heard and tried 
 before the Provost Court. 
 
 XVI. This order shall be published, and fur- 
 nished to each regiment and detached post within 
 the Department — a copy for every commanding 
 officer thereof, — ^and every commander of a com- 
 pany, or detachment less than a company, shall 
 cause the same to be read once, at least, to his 
 company or detachment ; and this order shall be 
 printed for the information of the citizens, once, 
 at least, in each newspaper published in the De- 
 partment. By command of 
 
 Major-General BtTTLRa. 
 R. S. Davis, Jfo/or and AssH Ad^t Gen,