(lass, 1 7 "13 Rook >Cp'S rHSONIAN DETOSIT » SMITHSONIAN 'CK^^T^^iL^.^^e^^ '^/^^', r7^ Z ^^7^1.7 /Ti.'r i^ ^i-z^ti^9-<-^ ^"^ y ^/C'^r r^ U^t^^t^ A^ >^>2.^^_V^--_^ f^ i^n^ I % ^^.. .*'' yO"^ IM iyJIBwnri tltlaf. IIISTOEY OF EAST BOSTON; BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES EARLY PROPRIETORS, AN APPENDIX. ^ ■ ■ BY' ''-^ WILLIAM 11. SUMNER, A.M. EESIDEN'T MEMBER OF THE MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. AXD OF THE NEW ENGLAND HISTORIC-GENEALOGICAL SOCIETT, AND CORRESPONDING MEMBER OF THE HISTORICAL SOCIETIES OF NEW YORK AND WISCONSIN. BOSTON: J . E . T I L T N AND COMPANY, 161 WASUIXGTON STREET. 1858. Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1858, by WILLIAM H. SUMNER, In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of tlie District of Massachusetts. CAMBRIDGE : ALLEN AND F A K X 11 A M , PRINTERS. r Tt E F A C E . The motives which influence the author to give to tlie pub- lic a History of East Boston are twofold : first, his desire to make a permanent record of the transactions which have made Noddle's Island a populous part of the city of Boston, and added so largely to the present and prospective wealth and capital of the metropolis of New England ; and, secondly, his wish to perpetuate the names and lives of its early owners, most of whom were men eminently deserving that notice and that place in our colonial history which but few of them have hitherto received. As to the former, his personal acquaintance with the whole course of plans and results for the last half century is sufficiently described in the Introductory Letter im- mediately preceding the body of this work. For the latter, he has spared no pains to gather from printed works, colonial records, and the voluminous family papers in his possession, accounts which may be relied upon as authentic ; he especially refers to Samuel Maverick, Samuel Shrimpton, and John Yea- mans, of whom though only the first has been yet recognized even in the local names of streets, squares, churches, o\ schools in East Boston, yet all will be found not only deserving re- membrance for their intimate connection with the Island, but also for their services in various public capacities which they honored. The author is especially gi-atified in being able to present likenesses of various persons referred to in this work, from orig- inal portraits in his own possession. One of these, the portrait of Governor Gage, was sent to him for the very purpose by iv PREFACE. Admiral Sir William Hall Gage, the third son of the Gover- nor, now living at the age of eighty-one. Various gentlemen have aided the author materially by furnishing facts bearing upon his subject. Most of these have been mentioned in their immediate connection. He offers to them his cordial thanks, and also to others whose assistance has been of a more general character. Among the latter he may mention T. Russell Jenks, S. S. Lewis, Wm. Fettyplace, Albert Bowker, Guy C. Haynes, tl. P. Farnham, Wm. B. Trask, Major J. W. Barton, Col. Thomas Aspinwall, Capt* Wra. C. Barstow, S. G. Drake, W. W. Greenough, Charles Stoddard, Geo. Darracott, and Col. Sylvanus Thayer, all of Bos- ton or vicinity ; Rev. Messrs. Allen Gannett of Lynnfield, and James Fitton, W. H. Cudworth, S. J. Evans, Jas. N. Sykes, and Luman Boyden, of East Boston ; John Avery of Lowell ; James W. Gerardj Augustus Maverick, and N. B. Mountfort, of New York ; and Lord Gage and Admiral Sir W. H. Gage of England. The assistance of Mr. Samuel Burnham, of Jamaica Plain, has also been of material service in the author's labors. The writer regrets that an attack of illness just previous to the final preparation of the copy for the press, entirely pre- vented that personal superintendence which would have reme- died some imperfections which may appear. No pains, how- ever, have been spared to obviate the difficulties from this source. That the defects thus arising are far less than would otherwise have existed, is owing to the accurate care of his neighbor, Rev. Alonzo H. Quint, of Jamaica Plain, for whose services in superintending the publication the author feels himself emi- nently indebted. It is believed, at least, that every statement is reliable, and that the facts worthy of being perpetuated are herein presented to the public. WILLIAM IIYSLOP SUMNER. Jamaica Plain, July, 18.38. TABLE OF CONTENTS. PAGES INTRODUCTORY LETTER 1-3G HISTORY 37-712 CHAPTER I. THE EARLY CONDITION, NAME, AND OWNER- SHIP OF noddle's island 39-55 CHAPTER IL SAMUEL MAVERICK, GRANTEE OF NODDLe'S ISLAND ; HIS ANCESTRY 5G-6S CHAPTER III. SAMUEL maverick; HIS PERSONAL HISTORY 63-97 CHAPTER IV. SAMUEL MAVERICK ; HIS ECCLESIASTICAL TROUBLES 98-11-4 CHAPTER V. noddle's ISLAND A PLACE OF REFUGE TO THE BAPTISTS 115-12fi CHAPTER VI. SAMUEL MAVERICK, ROYAL COMMISSIONER . 127-160 CHAPTER VII. THE MAVERICK FAMILY .... 161-177 CHAPTER VIII. THE OWNERSHIP TRACED FROM SAMUEL MAVERICK TO SAMUEL SHRIMPTON .... 178-186 CHAPTER IX. SAMUEL SHRIMPTON; HIS PERSONAL AND POLITICAL HISTORY 187-219 CHAPTER X. THE TITLE OF THE ISLAND IN THE SHRIMP- TON AND YEAMANS FAMILIES 220-258 CHAPTER XI. BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES .... 259-313 CHAPTER XII. LEASES OF THE ISLAND ; THE WILLIAMS FAMILY 314-339 CHAPTER XIII. MILITARY OPERATIONS ON noddle's ISLAND 340— 42U VI CONTENTS. CHAPTER XIV. THE PLANS FOK IMPROVEMENT WHICH RESl'LTED IX THE I'ORMATIOX OF THE EAST BOSTOX COMl'ANY 421-448 CHAPTER XV. THE EAST BOSTOX COMPANY CHAPTER XVI. PUBLIC IMPROVEMENTS CHAPTER XVII. CHURCHES AND SCHOOLS . CHAPTER XVIII. INDUSTRIAL OPERATIONS . APPENDIX A. PROPOSAL FOR BRIDGE AND ROAD IN 1796 . B. CHRONOLOGICAL MEMORANDA OF GRANTS, DISCOVERIES PATENTS, AND SETTLEMENTS .... C. DEED. SAMUEL MAVERICK TO ROGER GARD D. PAPERS RELATING TO THE SUGAR COLONIES . E. OPINION OF JOHN ADAMS OX THE AVILL OF SHUTE SHRIMPTON YEAMANS F. GOVERNOR STRONG's COURSE IN THE WAR OF 1812 G. THE EAST BOSTON COMPANY' H. EXTRACT FROM REPORT UPON ARTESIAN AVELL . I. PAPERS RELATING TO TREES .1. MISCELLANEOUS STATISTICS INDEX 449-547 548-642 643-669 670-712 713-764 715 715-719 719-721 721-730 731-732 732-743 743-753 754-756 756-758 758-764 765-801 ILLUSTRATIONS. Autographs: — William H. Sumner (opposite the title-page). Pagb Samuel Maverick 69 Ferdinando Gorges ......... 75 Richard Bellingham 124; Thomas Broughton 182 Samuel Shrimpton, opposite 187 Peter Sergeant 200 Edmund Andros 205 Edward Randoljih 207 Simon Bradstreet 214 Hezekiah Usher 220 Samuel Shute 232 John Yeamans, opposite 239 Gov. Increase Sumner, opposite . . . . . . .259 William llyslop 274 Increase Sumner 291 David Hyslop 307 Gov. Thomas Gage, ojiposite 360 Maps : — Noddle's Island in 1801, opposite 1 East Boston, in 1858, opposite 712 Pedigrees: — Roberts 222 Stoddard, opposite 226 Yeamans 231 Shute 234 Shrimpton ........... 254 Sumner, opposite ... 291 viii ILLUSTRATIONS. rdRTKAITS : — William II. Sumner (opposite tlic title-page). Samiu'l Shiimpton 187 ISIrs. Klizahfth Shrimpton 220 Simeon Stoddard 225 David Stoddard 237 John Yeamans 239 Siiiitc S. Yeamans 249 (lov. Increase Sumner ......... 259 Airs. Elizabeth Sumner 300 Henry IIowcU Williams 323 Gov. Thomas Gage 360 Views : — Chureh of St. Edburg, Bicester 280 Monument to Gov. Sumner ....... 298 First House built in East Boston 460 Sturtcvant House, opposite 515 Church of tlie Holy lledeemer, opposite 657 I — K oh, 'go \i\ I Mnrsh rulicd If iifl Island marsh n possession of by the British forces from the ships in the harbor, to atl'ord them shelter and an eligible position for conniiandiiii^ the town. The few trees that were left after Boston and Charlestown had exercised their rights to cut wood upon the Island, were destroyed at an (\arly period of the revolutionary war, and the Island was so entirely denuded, that not a tree upon the hills or in the orchards was left standing. This accounts for the bare appearance of the Island at the time when the writer, with the proprietors before named, made their annual visits, though the trees in the gardens, and the willows for the shade of the cattle, which were of |K>st-revolutionary growth, were, from the rich- ness of the soil, of very respectable size. A few of these ancient willows are now to be seen. The interesting fact of the conflagration of those houses was communicated to the writer by John Marston, Esq., who saw them burn, as he was- crossing the ferry on his way to Master INIoody's school at Byfield. His letter, and the estimates of the value of the build- ings burnt, will be inserted in an appropriate place. In partial compensation for this destruction of private prop- erty was the gift of the barracks at Cambridge, after the army quitted it, by General Washington, to Mr. Williams (who 1 think was a quartermaster-sergeant in the army), for the dam- age he, as tenant, had received. The barracks were removed to the Island, and part of them used for a house, which Mr. Wil- liams erected over the old cellar, to be used as tenements for his workmen, and for barns and sheds for the sheep and cattle, at the westerly slope of Camp hill. There was a well in the large sheep enclosure thus made, which is on lot 90, on which, after its purchase by Mr. Sargeant, the Cunard House was erected, on Webster street. On the middle farm in section 3 there was a pond, a part of which was to be seen in the " pub- lic garden," so-called, though now no more. This is where the numerous cattle came to drink by day, and the wild ducks to lodge by night, and in the canes in the low grounds about it, thousands of bob-o-links aflbrded fine sport for the flock shooters. THE FERRY. H Westerly of this pond, on the southerly slope of Eagle hill, was some of the earliest ground, rendered rich and warm by its southerly aspect, and the oyster and clam shells which the plough threw up to view. Here Mr. Williams enclosed about ten acres, for a sheepfold in winter, and for early turnips in the spring. These vegetables were not only the earliest, but the purest and sweetest, brought into the Boston market. This proves practically, that the warmth of sheep manure and the ammonia of their urine, so destructive to all worms and insects, rendered to that intelligent farmer the best product of any vegetable that could have been planted upon that soil. The writer of this, when engaged in the sheep speculation, folded, on his farm in Dorchester, a small flock of merinos, and, sowing a few rods of the ground with turnips, reaped (as the reader may do if he will) a practical benefit from the knowledge thus acquired. His bed of turnips looked so promising in the spring as to call the attention of the neighboring marketers, to one of whom he sold the bed for twenty dollars, the latter realizing a profit of thirty dollars upon the purchase. But to return to the narrative. The party, well pleased with their day's excursion, were accompanied by Mr. Williams to the ferry-boat, which was lying at the wharf (the tide having risen sufficiently) to receive them. They landed at the Win- nisimet ferry-ways, whence they had embarked, and found their horses already put to their carriages by Mr. Fenno, who knew the usual time of their arrival. These ferry-ways, lying at the foot of Hanover street, are what were called " the town ways ; " for the ancient ferry before alluded to, called in the grant, " the ferry from Boston to Winnisimet, Noddle's Island, and the ships," was, in other words, a grant to the ferryman who pro- vided the boats of the exclusive right to take toll for transport- ing passengers from the town landing to either of the places or objects named. The ships, in the early settlement of Boston and Charlestown, usually anchored in the channel between the ship-houses in the navy yard and Noddle's Island, and not much out of the line of the boats to Winnisimet, whence com- menced the road to Salem and the settlements about that place. It will be perceived by this recital, that the grant was for a ferry to Noddle's Island as well as to Winnisimet, and 12 INTRODUCTORY LETTER. that the passengers to one jilace liad the same right to be trans- ported to the other. Hence it was sometimes called Noddle's Island ferry, although more commonly Winnisimet, from the greater number of passengers to the latter place. After the recent settlement at Chelsea by the Winnisimet Company, it employed large ferry-boats, propelled by steam, instead of the two-masted sail boats which they had bought. They discon- tinued the landing of passengers at Noddle's Island, which had now been purchased by the East Boston Company after Mr. Thomas Williams ceased to use it ; but this was not until the East Boston Company had obtained from the city the franchise of a ferry at a morcK-'onvenient place to East Boston, and had set up their boats and established the ferry from Lewis' wharf, on the Boston side. The tenants of the Island had also a pre- scriptive right to land their own boats, to carry cattle over and back, and here was the place of landing their milk cans for their Boston customers. They did not use the ferry merely in their passage to Boston ; but they also used that part of it which lies between Noddle's Island and Winnisimet, in going to the Chelsea farm of four hundred acres, which was near the Chelsea meeting-house, and, belonging to the same proprietors, was usually leased to the same person who hired the Island. The passages between the Island and both the termini of the ferry were then frequent and necessary. Although it interfered with their right, to land passengers on the ferry-ways, the proprietors, receiving no notice of the sale, made no serious objection to the grant by the city, for a few thousand dollars, of the town landing in Boston, to the Win- nisimet Company, who, with their purchase of the farm owned by the Williams family at Chelsea, bought also the ferry and the boats, of which their father, INIr. H. II. Williams, died the sole proprietor, he having grown rich by his position as tenant of Noddle's Island for the very unusual period of nearly forty years. Some time before his death he became purchaser of Uovcrnor Bellingham's very valuable and very extensive farm in Chelsea, at the ferry landing, and removed his family thither, leaving his son, Mr. Thomas Williams, his successor as tenant of the Island. This amiable gentleman, active, judi- cious, and enterprising, and his wife, who was the late Secre- IMPROVEMENTS. 13 tary Avery's daughter, will long be remembered by all who knew them. He succeeded his father and had the sole man- agement of the Island Farm, and seemed to be as much inter- ested in it as if it was his own. Having often heard the writer confidentially express his intent (whenever he could accomplish it) so to connect the Island with the city as to make it a part of it, he in his turn consulted him about the sale of his father's farm in Chelsea to the Winnisimet Com- pany at the price which that company offered for it, appre- hending, as he said, that it might be considered by the writer as an interference with. his plans of improvement on the Island. No objection on that score being offered, but the building of a town, as it were, hehiml Noddle's Island, which lies much nearer to the city, being considered rather advantageous to the Island than otherwise, Mr. Williams accepted, in behalf of the heirs of his father, the offer for their estate at Chelsea, and thus opened the door to the improvements which the enterprising Winnisimet Company projected and put into execution. Mr. Williams's tenancy on the Island did not terminate until a year or two after it was purchased by the East Boston Com- pany, whose varied improvements so much interfered with any occupation as a farm that he relinquished it; but his leaving the Island was so much to the regret of the new proprietors, that they offered him the privilege of selecting a house lot of an acre, if he would erect a house and continue his residence. This he declined, probably not anticipating the prospective value of the acre which he might have selected. He certainly did not anticipate the amount of money that would be expended on the Island, nor the extended and liberal plans that were thus early projected for its improvement through the laying out of wide streets, squares, and a public garden, together with the liberal grant of four acres to the city for public buildings. For when the surveyor was laying out the street, afterwards called Sumner street, and was paying no regard to the additional expense of making the streets straight through the deep creek and marsh to Camp hill, Mr. Williams observed, that it would be better to lay that part of it out in a circular direction on the beach which connected that hill with the Island, and kindly remarked, that if the company were 2 14 IXTRODUCTOKY LETTER. going to lay out their streets in that extravagant manner, he hoped the writer would not be concerned with them. When told that the latter approved of laying the streets out wide and straight, with the view of the future elegance of the settlement, regardlesis of the first expense, he observed, " W/ii/, Genera/ Sumner, I always thought you fcneic something- till noic ;" but holding up his hands with the expression of surprise, he added, '• if vou go on in that manner, your project may succeed, but the proprietors will be ruined." It was thus that the writer's impressions of the value of the Island and its capacity for improvement were obtained in the days of his boyhood and youth. As by the rolling on of years he was progressing to man's estate, on the llth of August, 1796, his grandfather, William Hvslop. died, by which event his two children, David Ilyslop and Elizabeth Sumner, became possessed of their part of the estate. Three years afterw'^ard, on the 7th of June, 1799, Gov- ernor Sumner died. His son, then nineteen years of age, becoming attorney for his mother, who was then administratrix, it became necessary for him to make more frequent visits to the Island, which had now become an interesting subject of con- versation. The sinking of the ways at Edmund Hart's ship- yard, at the north end, upon which the frigate Constitution was built (the launch of which he saw in the year 1798, after two most mortifying attempts to get her off), had made it evident that the ground at that part of the town was not firm enough to be used for the government purposes, and Noddle's Island, from its having been approbated as a suitable place for a navy- yard by the British naval otiicers who had visited the harbor before the Revolution, was now looked upon by the public as the most suitable place for that purpose. The expression of Admiral Montague was often quoted in support of this opinion, he having told Mr. Williams, when he was surveying the har- bor, that " the devil had got into the government when they fixed the navy-yard at Halifax ; God Almighty made Noddle's Island on purpose for a dock-yard." The United States government, intending an increase of the navy, apjwinted a commissioner, Mr. Humphrey, the naval constructor at Philadelphia, who built the frigate Ujiited Slates, XAYY-YARD. 15 to view the ground in Boston harbor, and select the most suita- ble place for a governmental establishment. He looked at several positions ; but the two which were thought most favorably of were Noddle's Island and Charlestown. He was attended in his examination of the latter place by Doctor Put- nam, who had early secured for it the influence of Judge Tudor, who had been a law student of President Adams, and was now his particular friend. The wTiter, with Mr. Williams, attended Mr. Humphrey's examination of Noddle's Island : and not a doubt remained in their or the public mind, from his open dec- laration in favor of that place, that he would so report, and that the dock-yard would be established there. "What was our surprise when we heard, soon afterwards, that he had reported in favor of Charlestown I 1 have since seen iNIr. Humphrey's reports in the navy department, and made extracts from them ; these papers are not now to be found ; but it is recoUected, that, comparing the two sites, he observed that "the most suitable place on Noddle's Island for a navy-yard is said by the tenant to contain seventy-seven acres of upland and marsh. This presents a north-west and west exposure, which is a very cold one, and the ground is uneven. For this (which, it may be observed, included all the front towards the town on the harbor), the owners," he says, " demand 025,000."' He then observes, that Charlestown is the most suitable place in the port of Boston for a building yard, and ought to be purchased by the government for that purpose. The cost of the place in Charlestown would be — For Harris's seven acres 812,000 " Stearns's tliree " .iOO " Broad's two " 150 " " nine " 3.000 Additional for two acres more for altering the road to get more room where the ships will be built 3,000 Making, for twenty-three acres Sl9,'2oO Mr. Humphrey observes that Boston is secure from an enemy, and remarks upon the facility with which it can be fortified, and that the largest body of militia can be collected there in the shortest space of time of any in the country. 16 INTRODUCTORY LETTER. Mr. Humphrey exhibited various tables, by which his report was accompaiiied, aiul after deciding the location in favor of Charlestown, he enlarged upon the advantages which Noddle's Island possesses. He says that across the river, at high-water, in an easterly course fi-oni Leach's wharf to Noddle's Island, the deepest water, live and a half fathoms, is on the Boston side of the middle ground, and on the otiier side of the middle ground, called the Muscle shoal, it is four and a half fathoms ; that, two hundred feet from the Island, there are fourteen feet of water, and that the soundings are all on hard bottom. He then says that a place may be made for docking timber between Noddle's Island, Camp hill, and Wood island. These favorable remarks upon Noddle's Island seemed to be added after his decision was made in favor of Charlestown, to show his candor ; but, he took care not to mention several facts that would upset the conclusion to which he came. For instance, he says that at Charlestown and Noddle's Island there are long flats, without remarking a fact which his survey disclosed, that the channel at the nearest point at Noddle's Island was but eighteen rods from the upland and against the deepest water in the harbor, and that, south of that point, where the navy-yard would proba- bly have been established, the flats run out but forty rods to hardbollom; whereas, at Charlestown, the flats run out sixty- seven rods, and have a crusty bottom, unfit for sustaining the heavy stone walls of a dry dock. The reader will perceive the inaccuracy of this report by noticing that he says the front on Noddle's Island would be north and north-west, whereas it is south-west and south, while Charlestown faces easterly ; and numerous other facts may be observed, which show a pre- determination, for some reason or other, to decide in favor of Charlestown, as the sequel will show. Having been deputed by the proprietors to goto Philadelphia to sell the Jersey lands bequeathed to them by the same will of Shute Shrimpton Yeamans by which they held the Island, and being there on that business, I received a letter from Joseph Russell, Esq., advising me that difliculties had arisen in establishing the dock-yard in Charlestown, and communi- cating his desire that I should go to Washington (where the president was making prei)arations for the flrst meeting of NAVY-YARD. 17 congress at that place) to effect its establishment at Noddle's Island. Mr. Russell observed that this was also the wish of the chief proprietor, David S. Greenough, Esq., whom he had consulted. With that object in view, I made a visit to Mr. Humphrey the evening before he left Philadelphia. In that interview he admitted to me, that when he parted from Mr. Wil- liams and myself at Boston, he stated to us that he preferred Noddle's Island to Charlestown, at every point from which he contemplated it, and that he should report accordingly. I begged to observe, that his report in favor of Charlestown took us all by surprise after he had declared openly that Noddle's Island was the fittest place for the establishment of a navy- yard in every respect in which he could view it. He said that it was all true ; but that, when he was making up his report, a grand objection to Noddle's Island occurred to him, which was the turning point, and that was its exposure to the west and north-west winds. He illustrated the importance of this objec- tion by stating it as a fact in relation to the frigate United States, which he built at Philadelphia with a like exposure, that one side of the ship was rotten before she was launched. I had not seen his report at that time, and did not know the mistake he had made in the points of compass of the place proposed on the Island, north and north-west for south-west and south. But I observed to him, that the Island's exposure was the best in the harbor, and that he had mistaken the sea-coast climate of Boston for. the inland climate of Philadelphia; that north-east was our wet wind, while in Philadelphia it was soyth-east. He replied that if it was so, his report was made upon a mistaken principle. He further observed that he had been summoned to Washington, where, I told him, I was going. He begged me, if I got there first, to tell the president that his report in favor of Charlestown was made under a mis- take as to the climate. He said that he could not ask for a recommittal of his own report, he was ashamed to do so ; but that if I would get the report recommitted to him before the president acted upon it, he would make the correction. I considered time now so important that I took passage from Philadelphia in a stage which travelled all night, by which means I gained one day's ride, and arrived at Washington the 2* ly INTKODL'CTOHY LKTTKIl. second afternoon. I went iininotluilely to the White House, of wliieli Mr. Adams, his son Thomas IJ., and his secretary, Mr. Shaw, were the sole oeeupanls. They were surprised to see me, and, in answer to the president's inquiry what I came for, I told him the object of my visit, and stated to him the error that Mr. llumj)hrey had made, and that he had authorized me to make that fact known, and that he was now on his way and wonld arrive in Washin_<;ton to-morrow. The ])resident replied, •' you are a day too late, my friend ; I decided yesterday, and the secretary is now making out a commission to Doctor Put- nam to make the purchase at Charlestown of the Harris and other lands, which have been selected as the most suitable place for the pur|)ose." I immediately called upon the secretary of the navy, and after stating a few facts, which made some impression, I desired him, if the government had not come to an absolute determination, to defer making up a final judg- ment until Mr. Humphrey should arrive. He observed that the government had met with great dilTieulty in obtaining the land at Charlestown, had had a law of congress passed on pur- pose, had made several bargains, and the land which could not be |)urehased had been set off by appraisement; that the land which the government had taken for that purpose they could not sell, and that the moneys appropriated for the purpose of a navy-yard were all expended, etc. ; " therefore," said he, " if Noddle's Island should })rove the best place, it would be impos- sible to alter its establishment at Charlestown." In my letter to Mr. (Ireenough giving an account of my mission, I said that " 1 have only to regret, and this I did regret very much, that I did not have an opportunity of confirming the prejudices of the secretary in favor of Noddle's Island, which, he confessed to me, were very strong. I am sure, had I been here in the outset, I should have confirmed his waverings, and established his prejudices in favor of that place." Thus cndi'd the exertion to establish the navy-yard at Nod- dle's Island, the want of which, though considered a great mis- fortune at the time, has resulted to the great benefit of the proprietors in the improvements which have since taken place, and which could not have been made if the navy-yard had been established there. VISIT TO WASHINGTON. 19 In this connection it ought to be remarked, that some years after the navy-yard was built at Charlestown, Amos Binney^ Esquire, the navy agent at Boston, applied to Mr. Greenough, the chief proprietor, to purchase Smith's hill for the govern- ment. Mr. Greenough indignantly replied, that he would not sell it now for a quarter of a dollar a foot, and that gave a quietus to all applications for the sale of it to the government. Wha't the motives of the government were in attempting to purchase a part of Noddle's Island, after the navy-yard w^s built at Charlestown, was not developed. It is only a matter of conjecture, that, after trying the experiment, they were disap- pointed in their location, and attempted to remedy it by pur- chasing the place which, they now saw, had superior advan- tages to that they had selected. Having mentioned my early visit to the city of Washington, as it was then called and now is, in the first year of the present century, before congress had met there, I cannot omit inci- dentally remarking upon the aspect the city then presented. Besides the capitol and the president's house, one and a half miles distant from it, each of which made a magnificent appear- ance, there were but few other Ipuildings that were fit for the inhabitants of the future capita/ of this great country. These were placed upon such land^ b^,,,the different proprietors, as they thought would soonesty^fee to^he greatest value. Some thought that the city would be built around the capitol ; and this, from the number of houses' which were on Capitol hill, it might be presumed was the prevailing opinion. Others thought that the president's hou^e would be the centre of the city loca- tion, and they built oh the westejdy end of Pennsylvania ave- nue. The six buildings, and a few other houses, were erected between the president's house and Georgetown. Here Gen- eral Wilkinson lived ; while the great projector, Greenleaf, exhausted all his means in building up Greenleaf s point, upon the Potomac, which he thought was the most favorable position for the -future navigation of the city. When I afterwards saw the place, in 1808, the dilapidated appearance of the uninhab- ited houses, which had been erected upon a false supposition, showed that Greenleaf s point was the most mistaken position for speculation which could have been chosen, excepting per- 20 INTRODUCTORY LETTER. haps that of the great building in the pastures north of Penn- sylvania avenue, which was erected by Mr. Blodget for a hotel. xVli ])arts of the city iiad an unobstructed view of this building, which had in its pediment front the large capitals, HOTEL. This drew forth from the witty Mr. Law, brother of Lord Ellenborough, and who then resided in Washington, the Latin acrostic, " Hoc Omnium Turpissime Est Long-e.''^ I lodged at Stell's boarding-house, near the capitol ; and as there were no hacks at that time, when I went to the presi- dent's to dine, the day after my arrival, I had to walk a mile and a half to his house, through Pennsylvania avenue, which, though laid out 150 feet wide, had no side-walk, except before Brown's hotel, one third of the way down, where there was a little settlement of a few houses. In the tortuous cart-paths, uninterrupted but by the banks of clay thrown out from the cellars to make bricks for the numerous buildings which were contemplated, the mud was ankle deep. After dinner, at the president's, where Doctor Putnam was, the president gave for a toast, " The navy-yard at Charlestown." This pleased the doctor, and convinced me that the location of it there, was a settled affair. In the edge of the evening, Mr. Shaw served as our guide in a call upon Mrs. Helen and the Misses Johnson, the sisters of my chum, Thomas Johnson, at Harvard College. They were the daughters of Thomas Johnson, formerly the American con- sul at London. One of these ladies was married to the presi- dent's son, John Quincy Adams, who was then in Europe, as American minister at the Hague. From thence, by starlight, Mr. Shaw led us across the fields to Mrs. General Wilkinson's party. The general lived in one of the six buildings; and, long before we reached the house, we heard the enlivening strains of a military band, with which his company was entertained. Our party consisted of INIr. Ralph B. Forbes, Mr. Sturgis of Connecticut, Mr. Thomas B. Adams, Thomas B. Johnson, and myself. Upon opening the door, we saw by the light of the entry lamp how muddy our shoes were. They were altogether unfit to walk upon a earjx't, or be seen in a lady's drawing- room ; we were going to witiidraw, as none of us had an invita- tion save Mr. Shaw, but he insisted upon it that we should not WASHINGTON CITY. 21 do so before he had presented us to Mrs. Wilkinson, assuring us that we should be relieved from our embarrassment when we saw the boots of every gentleman in the room as iijuddy as ours. We were received by the general and his lady with the most distinguished attention. He, with his accustomed polite- ness, seating the strangers respectively by the side of Mrs. Wilkinson, Miss Wheeler of Norfolk (afterwards Mrs. Com- modore Decatur), Miss Chase (daughter of the judge of the supreme court), and Miss Carroll of Carrollton. To this latter lady, Robert Goodloe Harper, a leading member of congress from the district 96, in South Carolina, had been paying his addresses at Annapolis. These had been rejected a few days before ; but were most artfully and successfully renewed that evening. On our return, we were less embarrassed for want of light, as, for the whole length of Pennsylvania avenue, our ])ath was illuminated by brickkilns. My stay was short in Wash- ington, passing but one Sunday there, and worshipping in a small building under the Capitol hill, and hearing a missionary who derived his support there from an Engltfeh society for propagating the gospel among the heathen ! Another occur- rence which took place in this city wilderness, where almost every other house was a tavern or boarding-house, and where the roads were so difficult of passage, was that Mr. Dexter's (the secretary of war) new carriage was overset by a waggon, and the arm of his little daughter was bruised so as to take up his attention just at the moment he saw his office, to which he had recently removed his papers from Philadelphia, on fire. This was a circumstance which was made a plausible ground for a charge that it was done purposely, it being alleged that the administration was unwilling that their deeds should be submitted to their JefFersonian opponents, who were shortly coming into power. Like a thousand other- calumnious charges which the virulence of party spirit generated, this was soon cleared up. There had been no fire in Mr. Dexter's room for a month. It was found that the part of a double house which he had hired for his office was separated from the other part, in which a family resided, by a wall of the width of a brick of four inches only; the fire originated in the dwelling, and broke out so suddenly that the widow, who had just closed the eyes of 22 INTRODrCTOUY LKTTER. her has])aii(l, was oblii^cd to fly from her habitation, and the dead man was carried out of the house, now involved in flames. It is seldom that so many eireumstances concur to render a scene so distressing; but they conclusively show that the fire was not set by design in the house in which it broke out, but was entirely accidental. The object of my visit to "Washington having been defeated, I returned home. Soon after, in March, 1801, the JeflTersonian administration came into power. The head of it gratified the public clamor against the navy by an order for the sale of the public ships, substituting gunboats for harbor defence in their stead. These seemed to aftbrd to the public convincing proof, that, in the then existing state of public sentiment, no appro- priation would be made by congress for building a dock-yard at Charlestown, the whole democratic party being opposed to a navy. This sentiment was so general that the subject of a navy -yard in the harbor of Boston, which had so long been desired, was no longer a topic of conversation. Some years Refore this, perhaps in 1795 or 1796, the building of a turnpike over the marshes to Salem had been agitated, as appears by a communication in the Mercury, dated May 30, 1796 (Appendix A) ; but it was too expensive an undertak- ing to be suddenly adopted, and it was not until about tiiis time that surveys of the route were made. These were done under the supervision of a committee of the petitioners, of which Moses Brown, Esquire, of Beverly, was chairman. As it was for some years in contemplation before leave of the legis- lature could be obtained, the change of the national administra- tion took jilacc, and " gunboat Jefferson," as he was sarcas- tically called, succeeded John Adams, who had made such ruinous expenditures in building mammoth frigates. The gun- boat system for a while received the public favor. The decla- ration of the friends of the new administration, not only of this section of the country, but constituting a majority in congress ; the debates in that body, and the official reports of the public functionaries fully showed, that in their opinion the support of a navy was not the policy of this country, and indicated that approprialions for it would here;ifter be very limited. I thought I would avail myself of this current of opinion, IMPROVEMENTS. 23 although not according with it ; and after several personal inter- views with the road committee, whose favorable ear I obtained, at their request I addressed a letter to their chairman, embody- ing my arguments at shorthand, and pointing out the advan- tages of laying out their turnpike-road across Noddle's Island, and building a bridge from Smith's head to the north battery in Boston. However strange it may seem at this day, when the wharf frontage in Boston is all occupied, yet there are many living who can remember that half a century ago the wharves in Bos- ton above the north end ferry-ways, and those in Charlestown, were seldom visited, except by wood and lumber vessels, to which a draw in a bridge would be no greater obstruction than the bridge to Charlestown did to the same class of vessels which had to pass through it. Even the number of vessels at that time lying at the wharves in Charlestown and in Boston above the proposed bridge was less than that at the south end wharves above the Free bridge to South Boston, when the act authorizing its construction was passed in 1827. No copy of my letter was kept. It was not even recollected to have been written until the oaginal was recently shown and handed to the writer of it by Mr. Brown's son, Charles Brown, Esq., of this city, who found it among his father's papers. Its perusal will show that at that early date, even before the writer of it was twenty-one years old, he had formed a project of con- necting the Island more intimately with Boston than it then was. The objections to the place proposed for the bridge were thought to be no greater than those against Charlestown bridge when that was built, and. the road committee so seriously enter- tained the proposition, that a survey of the route across the Island and a plan of it were made by William Taylor, Esq. This plan, which was given to George Peabody, Esq. when the railroad to Salem was petitioned for, fell into the hands of the surveyors, and is not now to be found.^ By this plan it is seen that the distance from Sajem to Boston is nearly half a mile less than the route by Moreton's point in Charlestown. ^ Fortunately I have recently received from the civil engineer of the East Boston Company, Mr. Noble, a copy of the plan above referred to; and an enjrravinn; of it faces this letter. 24 IXTHUDUC'KJUY I.ETTEK. But, in oonsorinoiico of the adiiiiiiistratioii chniiging its views and giving an order for proeeeding witii the work, originally contemplated, of building a doek-yard at Charlestown, my projeet had to be abandoned. For altliough a bridge aeross the channel from the kland to the north battery would have formed but little obstruction to the class of vessels which then would have had to pass through its draw, yet it would have formed so serious an obstacle to the passage of ships of war to the navy-yard above it, that the projected route over the Island was given up, uiul the original one by Moreton's point sub- stituted. For several years no new or striking event occurred respect- ing the Island. David S. Greenough, Esq. directed the repairs and received and collected the rents, accounting with his cousin, Mrs. Sumner, or with her son as her attorney, for her proportion of the income, and with IVlr. Hyslop for his. And happy were they in having a friend of such sagacity and incorrujitiblc integrity to take charge of their interests, which he did gratuitously. The gross rent of the Island at this time was one thousand dollars, and after deducting the tenant's charges for rei)airs, which often amounted to a third part of the rent, the balance was divided among the three proprietors according to their interests. Mrs. Sumner died intestate, December 28th, 1810, and for myself, and as attorney and guardian to my sisters Mehitable and Filiza, I had the sole care both of my father's and mother's property until the 13th of May, 1815, when a division of her estate and that of her husband, of which she had been endowed, was made by the estimate and appraisal of three of the best judges of real estate in Boston, — William Brown, Uriah Cot- ting, and Ebenezer Francis, Esquires. After the appointment of these gentlemen, I requested them to eslimate the estates at their true cash value and submit their appraisement to me, when I would look it over and make such remarks upon their estimate of each article (whether it was too high or too low in my judgment) as occurred to me, and would request them, — after having given due consideration to the remarks, which, as an interested party, I should make, and DIVISION OF ESTATE. 25 altering their report or not according to their judgment upon a revision of their appraisement, — to divide the same into three parcels of equal value, marking them one, two, three, and then to draw these numbers by lot against the names of each heir, and thus make the division among them ; and this was so done. These gentlemen appraised the Maiden wood-lots and Chel- sea farm of 392 acres at $12,600, and Noddle's Island of 660 acres, as they called it, at $22,200. My remarks upon that appraisement were, that each of these two estates, in my opin- ion, was appraised too low, particularly the latter, as 1 should be willing to take it myself at even ten per cent, more than that. Upon a revision, they appraised them both higher, rais- ing the latter from $22,200 to $25,000. As I had set my heart upon this Island ever since I came of age, I would have been willing to have taken it at that, or even a greater, sum ; but as my sisters relied upon me to do them justice as well as myself, I did not see how an unobjectionable division could be made otherwise than by lot. To this mode of division there could be no objection now or hereafter; and it would obviate those feelings of jealousy which are often indulged by females, and frequently not without cause, against their male coheirs. As I had it always in contemplation, if the Island should become mine, by the application of my other means, to make it the object of my speculation, I was greatly disappointed when that portion fell to the lot of my youngest sister; not that I was unwilling to do for her as I would for myself, but that my power as attorney and trustee would not allow me to apply her personal funds to speculative improvements. I kept my eye upon the object, however, in hopes that some oppor- tunity would present itself by which it might be accomplished. In some preceding part of this relation, I have mentioned the fact, that the elder Mr. Greenough declined answering defi- nitely the inquiry of Mr. Binney, the navy agent of the United States, what he would take for a part of Noddle's Island, (he wanted Smith's hill,) by saying indignantly, that no man could buy it under a quarter of a dollar a foot. Some years afterwards, I think it was in 1824 or 1825, in a conversation with his son, the late Col. D. S. Greenough, I 3 26 INTRODUCTORY LETTER. mentioned to him, that boih Mrs. Crrard and myself thoiifrht it was a great pity that his father had not availed himself of the opportunity of making a grand sale to the government of the United States, as he might have done upon Mr. Binney's applieation, and thereby have converted unproductive real estate into cash, which the government of the United States always paid for their purchases. He answered that he con- curred with me in opinit)!!, but that the old gentleman was fixed, and nothimi: would move him. I remarked that I was sorry, for that my sister's third j^art of the Island would lie idle, as it had done for years, unless the great proprietors could agree uj)on some plan for its more profitable improvement. " Never mind," said Colonel Greenough, " the time will come when you and I will have something more to do with it. When that happens, I will agree with you upon some plan of operation to bring it forward into public notice." There was no movement nor proposition for improving the property other than as a farm until the period alluded to, which was nearly ten years after the division of my mother's estate. Meanwhile my sister Eliza, who had become the sole owner of my mother's interest in the Island, was married to 'James W. Gerard, Esq., of New York. This event took place in October, 1820 ; but, by their marriage settlement, the charge of my sister's property was continued in my hands as trustee. Her necessary expenses, from an increasing family, were gi-eater from year to year, which seemed to me to be a reason why some steps should be taken to render her property more pro- ductive. Accordingly I suggested to Colonel Greenough, who was the only son and prospective heir of his father, that as he would not dispose of the Island to any stranger, but preferred to keep it solely for his (the son's) account, perhaps his father would let him commence operations for making it more valua- ble than it was. I told him if he would obtain his father's consent, I would endeavor to get my sister's, and make a com- pany of it, as we could then sell out what portion of it we pleased to part with, and turn it into productive property. He said he would consult his father about it. I addressed Mr. and Mrs. Gerard fully on the subject, and received their reply on the 23d of February, 1825, and 8th of March following. They ISOLITARY BOARD. 27 consented to a sale of half of her interest at the rate of $50,000 for the whole Island, but declined to spend any money upon it or to be connected with any company. The next year, in August, 1826, old Mr. Greenough died, and left all his estate, under certain restrictions, to the management of his son. In October of that year I married my first wife, Mrs. Perry, a daughter of the Honorable James De Wolf of Rhode Island. Soon afterward I went to Washington, having before my mar- riage been appointed a member of the military board, which was to consist of both army and militia officers, who were to convene at Washington for the purpose of devising a militia system, and a system of exercises and manoeuvres of the cav- alry and light-infantry and riflemen of the United States. Of this board Major-General Winfield Scott was president, and Major-General Thomas Cadvvallader of the Pennsylvania militia, Brigadier-General William H. Sumner, Adjutant-Gen- eral of Massachusetts, Beverly Daniel, Adjutant-General of North Carolina, Lieutenant-Colonel (afterwards Brigadier-Gen- eral) Abraham Eustis, 4th artillery United States, Lieutenant- Colonel Zachary Taylor, 1st regiment United States infantry (since president of the United States), Lieutqpant-Colonel E. Cutler, 3d infantry, U. S., and Major Charles Nourse, U. S. A., were members. The board was in session several weeks. Ever mindful of my project regarding Noddle's Island, which I thought might now soon be commenced, I availed myself of the opportunity which my sojourn in Washington afforded me of examining the records of the navy department, to ascertain from the surveys what information they would furnish, and the depth of water between the city and the Island. This was found to be five fathoms, one fathom deeper than any other part of the channel. In this report, among other more important matters, Mr. Humphrey remarks, that " Noddle's Island presents a west and north-west exposure, which is a very cold one." His son, who was then the first clerk in the bureau of construction of the navy department, very readily furnished such papers as he could find connected with the report of his father. This was unaccompanied by plans, and was otherwise by no means as complete as the modern reports from the different bureaus of the government. 2S IXTnODlTTOUY I.KTTKR. Those papers havo before been referred to in the historical part of this rehition, and there is now no occasion fnrtlier to remark upon them. Some time after mv return 1 opened the subject again to my sister and to Colonel CJreenough. In my conference with the colonel, as well as in my letter to my sister, the capacity of the Island for city improvement was again enlarged upon and fur- ther developed, in case it could be connected with the main land by a briilge, and have a ferry established direct from the city. The plan then was to run the ferry, from the north bat- tery to Smith's head, directly across the narrowest part of the channel. My sister's answer, dated 28th February, 1828, is before lue. In this she said, that she did not dare to put the whole of her interest into corporate stock, even if a company should be formed, and that she wished every thing to be kept " sa/c, safe" as regarded the little property left her. In my interview with Colonel Greenough above referred to, I reminded him of my conversation with him years before, when his father was living ; and asked him if he was now ready to discuss the manner in which these improvements should be cominpnced. He replied (much to my surprise) that he believed he should let every thing lie as it was. He said his father thought it a valuable property to him, and he himself did not know of any estate he possessed which was so safe and valuable to leave to his own children. It is needless to say that after this no further effort to com- bine the interests of the proprietors for speculative improvement was made. Every thing went on in the old way ; the third part of the rents of the Noddle's Island farm being credited to Mrs. Gerard. Every door of improvement seemed now to be closed, and tlie building of a new city a vain imagination. Not exactly so, however, for the project of a railroad to Salem was soon talked of, which threw a gleam of light upon the subject, and which would etVect the long sought for project of connecting the Island with the city by a ferry, if it should take that course, without any eflTort on the part of the proprietors, or agreement or concert between them, and which they would receive the benefit of, as it seemed, in spite of themselves. At that time PROPOSED RAILROAD. 29 we had but little experience in railroads, and it was doubtful if subscribers could be found for the stock, even if the charter could be obtained. The expense of building the road on the Lynn marshes, and the bridges over their numeroas creeks, and ferry-boats between the Island and Boston, it was thought, would make it too costly to yield an income to the proprietors, and there was but little spirit among interested persons to lead them to invest their money in so doubtful a project. Accord- ingly, the first object was to have a reconnoissance of the route, that some approximate estimate of the cost could be made ; and the next, to get the stock taken up. For if that could not be effected, there could be no use in petitioning for leave to build the road. At that time, in July, 1831, I was deeply interested in behalf of two gentlemen, Messrs. Perkins and Talmadge, of New York, who were large su?jscribers to the stock of the Boston and Providence Railroad, which had been surveyed, and was so favorably thought of, it was difficult to get any stock in it. I told them that I did not wish to undervalue their railroad, but that I had a project in contemplation which was worth two of it. They wished to know what it was. I told them if they would get into a carriage with me I would show them. We drove down to the north battery, then called Leach's wharf, and I pointed out the route which the railroad to Salem would take if it went over Noddle's Island, which, as Smith's hill loomed up, seemed to us within the distance of a rifle shot. I told them that the route over the Island had been surveyed thirty years before for a turnpike-road, and that the distance to Salem would be within a few rods of half a mile less than any other that could be taken ; but that we intended to have a survey made for this distinct object, by which we could better judge of its practicability and cost. They viewed the subject in a favorable light, but said that they had their hands full then, and we parted. But how uncertain are human events and the vicissitudes of life I Two years had hardly elapsed since the date of Mrs. Gerard's letter declining to join any company for improving the property, when Colonel Greenough was seized with an apo- plectic fit, which, on the 6th of August, 1830, suddenly termi- 3* 30 INTRODUCTORY LETTKR. nated his earthly career, lie k'ft a widow and six children ; but as one of them died soon after the father, there were but five to divide the inheritance with his widow. William D. Sohier, Esq., of Boston, who was Colonel Green- ough's classmate and intimate friend, was appointed the attor- ney of the widow, who administered upon her husband's estate. Her brother, James C. Doaiie, Esq., of Cohasset, assisted her in collecting the rents and taking charge of the Island and other real property which fell to her and her children, to whom she had been appointed guardian, the oldest, David S., then being but fourteen years of age. Mr. Doanc was a member of the general court from Cohas- set for the year 1831, and, meeting him one day in the Stafe house, the question was put to him what his sister designed to do with Noddle's Island. He answered that her attorney, Mr. Sohier, had advised her to sell it, thinking that the interests of the minor children would be promoted by so doing; for there was too much property lying dead without any adequate inter- est for minors to hold. Mr. Greenough's estimate of the net annual income of the Island for twenty years was but $702.71. Mr. Doane also said, that the friends of the administratrix and guardian had advised her to apply to the court for leave to sell, and that they were going to do so. I told him at once if that was their dt-tcnni nation, that I would buy it ; that it had always been the object of my desire ; and by making a purchase I could unite their interests, if I owned it, with my sister's and uncle's, and thus accomplish something that might be of mutual advantage, which it was not in the power of any one else to do. It was further said by the applicant, that he had not the means to do this unless they would give him time and accommodation for the payment of so large a sun^ as it would probably ])e estimated at. To this, Mr. Doane thought, there would be no objec'tion, on security. " What does your sister ask for it ? " said I. " She has no leave of court to sell," he replied, "and therefore cannot enter into any contract; but if she saw a prospect of making a good bargain for the heirs, I think she would be willing to apply for it." At an after inter- view, Mr. Doane thought if she could get one hundred dollars an acre for it, marsh and all, she would be induced to enter into NEGOTIATIONS. 31 a negotiation. " Now, if you want it," said he, " as we have discussed the subject, I think I might venture to sell it at that price," and on the 21st of December, 1831, he sent me the fol- lowing note : — December 21, 1831. Dear Sir, — A few minutes only were allowed me to con- sult my friend, Mr. Sohier, owing to his indisposition. The result is not to vary from the proposition which has been made. If, therefore, a purchaser can be found for Colonel Greenough's part of Noddle's Island at one hundred dollars an acre for upland and marsh, I will engage, in behalf of the heirs, to con- vey their interest in the same. Very respectfully yours, James C. Doane. To this it was replied, that although Mr. Doane was Mrs. Greenough's brother and confidential friend, his j)romise of sale, even if the terms were acceded to, would not be obliga- tory. " Besides," said I, " your sister will want to confer with her legal adviser, Mr. Sohier, respecting the terms and condi- tions, before she makes any definite offer. Will you be kind enough to ask her to do so, and to name her price and terms in writing, and give me the offer of it?" He did so; and her friends, having further reflected on it for two or three weeks, and probably considering that a purchaser of an undivided half of a farm of 660 acres, as (excluding the mill-pond) they then reckoned at, was not often to be found, advised the following letter to be sent : — Eoxbury, January 12, 1832. General William H. Sumner: Sir, — I will dispose of the interest which the late Colonel Greenough had in Noddle's Island, and now belonging to his heirs, for $32,500, payable one fifth part upon delivery of the deed, the remainder secured by mortgage or otherwise to my satisfaction, payable at some distant day, paying interest at five per cent. — Provided the necessary power to sell can be obtained. — Reserving to myself the right to avail myself of 32 INTRODUCTORY LETTER. the first satisfactory ofl'cr to that elTcct made mo, and to with- draw this iij)on six days' notice. Makia F. Greenough. This oiler \vas accepted unhesitatingly ; and, on the 2''3th, a memorandum in writing was signed by the parties, specifying the terms of sale more particularly, as mutually agreed upon. The terms, other than those specified, it was said, should be made easy, and no money demanded under six months. Every inducement to purchase was kindly held out; but, now, when the great object of so many years' exertion was apparently obtained, obstacles to its accomplishment, which had always existed, but the weight of which was not forcibly felt until now, presented themselves. No time was to be lost in getting assist- ance towards enabling the contractor to fulfil his undertaking. His own pecuniary resources were limited ; and his experience in former speculations taught him, that ruin, instead of fortune, would attend every project without ample means to carry it through. Early in the present century, about the time the South Bos- ton (then called Dorchester point) purchase was made, and a petition for a bridge from South street was presented, he was employed by the Roxbury canal corporation to oppose it. The plan, if ellected, he saw, would enhance greatly the property of the projectors, although he was not willing to enter into a pro- ject individually which he was employed to oppose profession- ally. But, from this the spirit of specukition seized hmi, and he became a purchaser of one twentieth part of Paulus Hook, in New Jersey, opposite to New York, at a very advantageous price, with the intention to do, what has since been accom- plished, — build a city there. But the hard times of the embargo and war pressed so heavily upon the project, that he was obliged to sell out, and was glad in doing so to gvt his money back. The same elfect attended another speculation in Boston, in which he was the proprietor of sixty shares from the beginning to the end. This was the project of John Peck, to whom he acted as attorney, and for whom he drew the act of incorpora- tion called the Boston Mill Corporation, for filling up the mill- PROJECTS. 33 pond lands in Boston, then consisting of about forty acres, and whom he assisted in procuring the releases of the trespassing abutters. Wealthy men, such as John Welles, H. G. Otis, William Payne, Ebenezer Francis, Robert G. Shaw, Benjamin Bussey, and others, became the purchasers of shares, and had a paramount interest in the company. To them the assess- ments, which came heavily upon smaller proprietors, were light. The same effect was produced, though not in an oppressive degree, in the Lamb's Dam farm, of seventeen acres, on Boston neck, of which he was the owner of one eighth part. This property was purchased in 1806, by a company consisting of George Cabot, Christopher Gore, William Payne, J. P. Davis, and myself, in the expectation that Suffolk street, which then ran through it, would be at once continued by the town of Roxbury to the main street, near Roxbury meeting-house. The petition for this was objected to so strenuously by Rox- bury street, that it neither took place at that time, nor has it since ; so that the expected rise on the land, which would have been consequent upon turning the travel through that street, did not take effect, and two of the wisest men in the land and their associates had to wait many years for the rise of the land from general causes for a profit, their capital lying dead all the time. These instances convinced him, that men of money as well as of influence were needed for his direct support in so large a purchase as Noddle's Island. It was necessary also, that the advantages which the Island presented for speculation should be convincingly urged to such as were applied to, before they could be expected to engage in it. If means could be furnished, the only uncertainty about the fulfilment of the bargain arose from the guardians getting leave of the court to sell. There seemed to be little doubt, how- ever, but that would be readily obtained, as the measure was adopted by the advice of judicious men, of high standing in the community, on the ground that the minors could not improve it themselves otherwise than as a farm, as it had been, and by a sale they would be in receipt of three or four times the amount of income which their portion of it as a farm would yield. The general court was in session at the time, and it was seen, that, to accomplish the projector's design of connecting the 34 INTllODUCTORY LKTTER. Island with Boston by a ferry, its power would be needed, and no time was to be lost; especially as, if a petition for a railroad to Salem should be presented, a direction should be given it over the Island, which, it could be shown, was both the nearest and best. This route, it is known to you, was finally adopted ; and the railroad was laid out over the Island, although it has been altered since, much- to its cost. Persons of pecun- iary means and credit, who, it was supposed, would hav(i influ- ence both with the petitioners in procuring the railroad across the Island and with the legislature, were selected, to whom to broach the subject. The Honorable Stephen White, a gentle- man of fortune and influence, who had 'recently moved from Salem to Boston, and was a member of the senate from Suffolk, and Francis J. Oliver, Esq., the president of the American Insur- ance Office in Boston, and a gentleman of high standing and credit among the merchants, were the persons to whom the pro- ject was opened. After they were satisfied, from Mr. Doane's note of December 21st, 1831, and lAIrs. Greenough's of January 12, 1832, that the premises were obtainable by the projector for a price which he nanit'd, and which seemed to them reasonable, they communi- cated to him their wish that he would name the proportion of his purchase which he would part with, and the terms on which they would be let in to the speculation. The answer was that they migiit take not exceeding one half; and the terms were, that each one should be responsible for his own proportion, but that the said White and Oliver should advance all the money which Sumner should need for his part of the purchase-money and improvements until one year after the railroad to Salem should be constructed and opened for public travel, if the same should be so constructed and opened within the period of three years, and, if not then open, in four years at furthest, and should pay him twenty per cent., or one fifth part of the profits which their investment should yield them. If any additional proprietor's interest should be purchased, it should be held by the parties on the same terms. These were agreed to, and the outlines of an agreement to that effect were entered into on the 26th of Jan- uary, 1832, even before leave was obtained by the guardian to sell. The purchase was completed on the 21st day of February THE INTERESTS UNITED. 35 following ; and on that day, by tripartite indenture, the parties further covenanted and agreed how they would hold the prop- erty ; that they would endeavor to obtain the location of a rail- road over the Island, and to have a ferry established between the Island and Boston, and an act of incorporation to hold the estate as personal property ; and, in case such an act could not be procured, that they would convey the same to trustees, and manage it by a board of directors, etc. It was thus that these two gentlemen, Stephen White in two sixths, and Francis J. Oliver in one sixth, became associated with the projector in his purchase of one half of the Island, he retaining three sixths for himself. To make the title certain, an act of the general court. was passed, on the 18th day of April, 1833, confirming the sale. There were many preliminary points to be 'settled before the mortgage and notes could be given, and these were not adjusted until the month of June following; but the mortgage and notes bore date on the 21st of February preceding. They were signed by all the three parties, and six notes at five per cent, interest were given, one to the widow for $6,500 payable in six months, and five others, each for the sum of $5,200, interest annually, payable on the days when each child should arrive at age, the last of which would be on the 21st of February, 1852. The leading object of the parties now was to buy out, or obtain the control of, the remaining half of the Island. But it was long before a union of the interests of all the proprietors could be effected ; but, by perseverance and a spirit of mutual accommodation, this w^as finally accomplished. Mrs. Gerard sold her two-sixth part for $32,500, under restrictions as to assessments, etc., one half in cash, and one half in stock of the company to be formed, and Mrs. Hyslop (then Mrs. Hayden) sold her one-sixth part for $15,000. Although it took time to reconcile these parties to a sale of their interests, we were never- theless left unembarrassed in our operations, for no objections were made to our course of procedure. Thus the whole Island came into the possession of the gen- tlemen who founded and put in operation the East Boston Company, to which organization are to be directly traced all 36 INTllODUCTOUY LKTTKIl. those imjirovemt'iits which huvo united to make Noddle's Island an important part of the metropolis of New England. As this letter is only introductory to a detailed account of the Island history, it is neither necessary nor proper that it should anticipate to any extent the particulars which are to be recorded in the succeeding pages. It has only been my object to allude, in a familiar way, to my own recollections of the Island, and of n)en and circumstances connected with it, rcserv- inir the results of investi":ution and historical narrations for the body of the work. Hoping that these personal reminiscences have sutTiciently excited your interest to induce you to turn the leaf and read the full history of Noddle's Island, I am, my Dear Sir, your friend and servant, W. H. Sumner. n I S T E Y. HISTORY. CHAPTER I. THE EAELY CONDITION, NAME, AND OWNERSHIP OF NODDLE'S ISLAND. Noddle's Island is situated at the confluence of Charles and Mystic rivers, the united currents of which separate it from the city of Boston by a distance of one third of a mile. Its settle- ment dates back to the earliest accounts of Massachusetts bay, and its history includes many interesting incidents both of a local and general character. In investigating the circumstances connected with the settle- ment and subsequent history of this Island, it has been found expedient to examine the records of the discoveries and settle- ments upon our extended sea-coast, in one of the most impor- tant harbors of which it is situated, and the early charters of the Plymouth and Massachusetts colonies. While upon this subject, the author addressed some questions to a valued friend and statistician,! who, in addition to the points particularly per- tinent to the Island history, furnished him with a condensed and complete chronological account of all the early discoveries and charters. This paper will be found so useful, its accuracy it is^ believed, only being equalled by its conciseness, that the author feels that he would be derelict in his duty to the public if he omitted any part of it. It is therefore inserted entire in the Appendix.2 ^ T. Russell Jenks, Esq. * Appendix B. 40 HISTORY. Many persons recollect the Island as it was before it was conveyed to the East Boston Company ; recollect the old farni-honse and surrounding barns, the little wiiarf, the bridge which connected Camp hill with the rest of the Island, and the various appurtenances which naturally belonged to a well-kept farm. In the care of this farm, Mr. Williams, the tenant, was at one time assisted by John Fenno, a well-remembered citizen, who subsequently kept a grocery on the Boston side of the Winnisimet ferry, and brought up a large and respectable family; several of the sons are now among the most useful and active citizens of Chelsea. Mr. Fenno, and afterward Mr. John King, who is now living at an advanced age, brought milk from the Island to Boston to supply the north end people. The Island was then a noted pasturage ground. A gentleman^ who has many recollections of those early times, in speaking of this milk business, says, "when, in consequence of a storm or a dense fog, the boat was delayed, we boys were sent down with our pitchers to get the milk for breakfast ; and many a scramble I had to be first, which sometimes ended in losing both pitcher and milk." Mr. Fenno married and moved to Boston, and Mr. King succeeded him as a milkman, and upon whom the northern part of Boston depended for their supply. One foggy morning he rowed across the channel with his load of milk ; but the fog was so thick, resembling that of London, that it was two hours before he reached the Boston side. About nine o'clock he got into his boat and started for home. The fog had become so dense that he could not see a boat's length ahead ; still he had been across so frequently that he felt sure that he could row straight to the Island. He pulled away with a good will, and rowed double the time necessary to take him home, but no Island appeared. A little alarmed, he kept on rowing, and wondered that he did not come to land. At last he heard the city bells ring for one o'clock ! He began to be really frightened ; and he afterward said that he verily thought the Island had sunk; for he knciv he had rowed over the spot where it ong-ht to be ! Bewildered, and growing more * Mr. Geo. Darracott. REMINISCENCES. 41 and more alarmed as the hours of the afternoon passed away, he continued rowing, becoming more anxious and rowing the harder as night approached. At last the boat hit something, which on examination proved to be the pier of a bridge. He pulled along by hand from pier to pier until he reached the land, and then getting out of his boat he went ashore, and found himself at the end of the old South Boston bridge. He had been rowing from nine in the morning' until six at night, and after this nine hours' work had made a distance of two miles. Among the agi-icultural implements, Mr. Williams had a large screw-press for bundling hay compactly, then the only one, so far as is known, in the country. The greater part of the hay cut there was screwed, and sold for other ports, south and north; much of it was exchanged for wood with the wood- coasters of Maine ; the eastern part of that district being then a new country, the wood-cutters and lumber-men did not cut enough hay for their own use, but were obliged to carry it from Boston, in order to keep their cattle in the woods. Now the case is reversed, and ship and car-loads of bundled hay are sent from Maine to Boston and ports further south, even to Mobile and New Orleans.^ The Island, ever after its discovery, was a favorite pasturage ground ; and during the summer months firie herds of cattle, flocks of sheep, and scores of horses, could be seen feeding along the green valleys and up the hill-sides. It was a great treat for the boys to assist in transporting the horses from Bos- ton to the pastures on the Island. They enjoyed the trouble of getting them aboard the boats, and assisted in rowing across the channel, and as the boats struck the beach, the boys would leap upon the backs of the horses, jump them overboard, and swim them ashore, regardless of the salt water bath or the tem- * A remarkable instance of change in the direction of certain branches of trade is to be seen in the leather business. Until within comparatively a few years, Roxbury was a great tannery for the country, and leather was sent from Boston and the vicinity to the south ; to Baltimore and other southern cities. Now, Baltimore has become the great receptacle of the leather, which is shipped from that port to the shoe manufactories of Massachusetts. 4* 42 HISTORY. porary danger. Other islands in the harbor were used for pas- tures, but Noddle's Island was perhaps more extensively than the otiiers, on account of its proximity to the city and the establishment of a ferry. For a long course of years, these islands wi're a source of great convenience and profit in this way, and especially about the time of the Revolutionary war, they were well stocked with all kinds of domestic animals, which were brought from the surrounding country. These horses and cattle were the cause of many difficulties between the Americans and British, and at one time gave rise to a severe engagement on Noddle's Island, as will be fully shown in another place. Noddle's Island was a favorite fishing ground for men, boys, and family parties; and in the quiet days of summer and autumn, along the pebbly beach, could be seen the patient fishermen, throwing their lines into the restless waters which rolled at their feet, and pulling out the incautious fish, while a little way from shore, in small boats, which rose and fell with every wave, the more expert ones would haul in the small cod, tom-cod, and flounders.^ When enough had been caught to supply the wants of the party, all would go ashore, kindle a fire on the beach, and, in primitive style, fry their fish, or make an old-fashioned chowder, and, with a few extras brought from the other side of the 'channel, enjoy their repast with a zeal to be envied by modern epicures. Boats without cuddies, and some- times larger ones, which went below for fish of greater weight, on their return landed upon the Island, and, kindling their fires, cooked thi; lisli wiiich they had brought with them. It was no unusual thing to see as many as eight or ten fires at a time ' At that time the tautog, now abundant, was not known in Boston liarbor, although they were caught in great numbers south of Cape Cod. Josej)h Bar- rell, Esq., who resided at Cobble hill, in Charlestown, sent his sloop round to the back of the cape, filled the well of the vessel with tautog, and bringing them home, ])ut them iu the water at the end of his wharf From that time this favorite fish has been a frecpicnter of the harbor, and is caught from the bridges. Mr. Barrcll formerly lived in an elegant house in Summer street, but becoming tired of his limited acres, and a part of his garden having been cut ofi'to open Franklin street, he bought Cobble hill, (the site of the Insane Hos- 2>ital,) and erected a mausiou-house upon it, which he occupied as his home. 1620-2.] ROBERT GORGES. 43 along the shore, and the parties engaged in various ways, — some in looking at their lines in the water with all a fisher- man's patience and anxiety, others wandering up and down the beach, gathering sticks for the fire, or enjoying the prospect and the invigorating breezes, while still others were bending over the little fires, tending the fish which they were frying, or watching the kettle, which, suspended from crotched sticks, hung its sooty sides into the blaze. The Island then presented a good picture of early times, early habits, and of the men of former days. But the beach fire has gone out, and the forge and furnace take its place ; the steam-ferry plies where once the little milk canoe made its uncertain trips ; immense ships and steamboats come to their wharves, where once the horses swam ashore ; the pasture ground is covered by warehouses and private dwellings ; the steam-engine supersedes the hay-press ; and, in truth, " old things are passed away, and behold, all things are become new." And of the ancient frequenter of the Island it can be truly said — " New streets invade the country ; and be stravs, Lost in strange paths, still seeking, and in vain. For ancient landmarks, or the lonely lane, Where oft he played at Crusoe when a boy." By patent, dated Nov. 3, 1620, King James the I. gave to the " Council of Plymouth " a grant of lands, " lying between forty and forty-eight degrees north latitude, and in length by all this breadth throughout the main land, from sea to sea." A settlement was commenced by the " Plymouth Com- pany," at Plymouth, on the 22d of Dec, 1620 ; and on the 13th of Dec, 1622, the Council of Plymouth, from whom the company derived their rights, gave to Robert Gorges, youngest son of Ferdinando Gorges (who had expended <£20,000 in fruitless attempts to make settlements), and his heirs, " all that part of the main land in New England, commonly called and known by the name of the Massachusetts, or by whatever name or names whatsoever called, with all coasts and shores along the sea, for ten English miles, in a straight line, towards the north-east (accounting 1,760 yards to the mile), and thirty- 44 HISTORY. [1C28-9. one English miles, after the same rate, into the main land, through all the breadth aforesaid ; together ivith all the islands so li/ing- ivithin three miles of any part of the said land." (-'apt. Robert Gorges was employed by the Council of Ply- mouth, in 1623, as lieutenant-general, " to restrain interlopers and regulate all allairs." He acted under this commission but a few years, having died in 1628 without issue, when the land descended to John Gorges, his eldest brother. In January, 1628-1629, Jt)hn (not his brother Robert, as is stated in a note to the London edition of Hutchinson's History of Massachu- setts, 1765, page 6) conveyed to Sir William Brereton, of Handforth, in the county of Chester, baronet, and his heirs, a part thereof, namely, — "All the land in breadth lying from the east side of Charles river to the easterly part of the cape called Nahant, and all the lands lying in length twenty miles north-east into the main land, from the mouth of the said Charles river, lying also in length twenty miles east into the main land from the said Cape Nahant. Also tivo islands lying next unto the shore between Nahant and Charles river, the bigger called ' Brereton,'' and the lesser ' Susanna.^ " Thus it appears that Noddle's Island, whose history it is the particular object of these pages to illustrate, the larger of the two, was first called Brereton, after the grantee. And as Sir "William had a daughter Susannah, the other was probably named in honor of her. This latter, laid down on the old maps as Hog island, afterwards received the name of Belle trie from Joseph Russell, the owner of it, at the close of the last century. After his death it was purchased by the late John Breed, Esq., of Charlcstown, a bachelor, who lived upon it in a large one- story stone house, of great length, built by himself. His brother in England is the present proprietor ; and it is now some- times called Breed'' s island. It appears from the Massachusetts archives, that " Sir Wil- liam l^rereton sent over several families and servants, who pos- sessed and improved large tracts of the lands granted to him, and made several leases," but it is not known that he ever came to this country. Probably he did not, as his grant was not recognized by the company or government ; and, as will here- after appear, he was a man of authority and of great note at 1629.] THE NAME. 45 home. The largest of these islands took its name, indeed, from him ; but then it often happens that an estate is called by the name of a tenant in possession, rather than that of a proprietor, especially if the latter is a non-resident. Such has since been the case with this Island ; for, owing to the fact that Henry Howell Williams and his son Thomas occupied it as lessees for seventy years, it almost lost its proper name, and was often called Williams's Island.^ But the name by which the Island has been familiarly known, from the earliest knowledge of it to the present time, has been Noddle's Island. Conjecture has heretofore been busy to ascertain how the Island acquired its singular name, and after all the examination which has been made, the question is still unsettled. The solu- tion of the mystery, however, seems to be connected with the fact, that at the time the first mention of the Island is made under that name there was a person in the colony of the name of William Noddle^ and there can be little doubt that the Island takes its name from him. He was a man of character, being made a freeman, as we learn by the Colony Records, in 1631. The grant of the Island by the general court (1st April, 1633) to Samuel Maverick, it will be observed, was made to him, not under the name of Brereton's or Maverick's Island, as it prob- ably would have been had Maverick been the first occupant, or had the renowned Sir William Brereton's claim been respected, but by that of NoddWs Island. Now it is not a violent pre- sumption, that the person from whom it took its name was this same William Noddle, and that he was probably a settler upon the Island previous to the grant to Maverick. That the Island bore this name prior to the grant to Mave- rick is evident. Johnson, in his Wonder-working Providence, speaks of Maverick as being at Noddle's Island in 1629 ; and Governor Winthrop mentions in his Journal under date of December 24, 1630, that " three of the Governour's Servants, coming in a shallop from Mistick, were driven by the wind upon Noddle'' s Island, and forced to stay there all that night without fire or food." This renders it certain that the Island, * See Snow's History of Boston, p. 115. 46 HISTORY. [1629. when spoken of, was commonly called by that title. We iicar of no other person in the colony of that name, unless in the mention made in Winthrop's Journal in June, 1632, that " one Noddle, an honest man of Salem, carrying wood in a canoe in the South river, was overturned and drowned." But this may have been, and doubtless was, the same individual, and he prob- ably was a bachelor, as his name, so far as we know, has been extinct in Massachusetts ever since the upsetting of that canoe. If it be incpiired, " How did William Noddle get to this country at so early a period ? " we answer : — It may have been tliat he was one of the persons sent over by Sir William Brereton as one of his settlers, or that he came over in one of the fishing shallops which cruised along the coast soon after the settlement of Plymouth. Several of these vessels had arrived and made fishing establishments at Piscataqua (Portsmouth and Dover), Cape Ann, and Naumkeag (Salem). At INIerry mount, in Braintree, was the colony of Morton. Settlements also were early made in Winnisimet and Charlestown (in the former place, according to Hutchinson, about the year 1626).^ These vessels were more numerous than is generally supposed ; for we are informed, that as early as 1622 there were thirty-five of them on the coast of New England. Noddle may have come over with some of these parties, and been left at the Island which now bears his name ; or he may have gone there from some of these fishing settlements ; for there are historical proofs that there were removals from place to place ever, at this early period. For instance, we have an account of the jour- neying of David Thompson, some years before the arrival of Winthrop, from Piscataqua to the island in Boston harbor that bears his name, and from thence to Plymouth; and also an excursion to this Island, by Miles Standish, the year after his arrival at Plymouth. That Noddle's Island had been inhabited some time before ' Johnson (in hia "Wonder-Working Providence," chap. 17), says: "The planters in Massachusetts bay at this time [1629] were William Blackstone at Shawmut (Boston), Thomas Walford at IMishawum (Charlestown), Samuel Maverick at Noddle's Island (East Boston), and David Thompson at Thomp- son's island, near Dorchester, llow or when they came there is not known." 1629.] SIR WILLIAM BRERETON. 47 the arrival of Governor Winthrop is presumed from the fact, that some of the passengers in the ship Mary and John, who wished to proceed from Nantasket, where they were put on shore, May 30, 1630, by Captain Squeb, to Charles river, where they were bound, obtained a boat of some who had staid in the country, at Noddle's Island and Charlestown, for trade with the natives. This must have been quite a large boat, as the party consisted of ten persons, who went to explore, and who took their goods with them in the boat. They also carried with them " an old planter," as they called him, who " had staid in the country and could speak something of the Indian language." From the fact that he is called an " old planter," and that he had acquired such a knowledge of the language as to make himself understood by the Indians, we infer that he must have been one of the settlers before spoken of at Noddle's Island or at Charlestown.^ From the above-mentioned facts the inference seems to be justifiable, that the name which superseded the one given to this Island by Sir William Brereton was derived from "William Noddle, a probable early resident upon it. He seems to have been the Robinson Crusoe of the Island without his " man Friday," and to have cruised about in his little canoe until he found a watery grave. No regard seems to have been given to the grant of the Ply- mouth Company to Robert Gorges, or to the title of Sir Wil- liam Brereton, who held under him, while at the same time great respect was paid to the latter person as a man. Leases were made under this grant, and families were sent over ; and Sir William himself was only prevented from coming by the breaking out of the civil wars, in which he distinguished him- self upon the popular side. As no compromise could be made with him, his claim and its litigation were bequeathed to pos- * On their way, the boat stopped at Charlestown, where they ate boiled bass at an Englishman's house, but had no bread to eat with it. They sent the old planter to the Indians, and he persuaded them to keep at a distance that night. The next morning the Indians appeared, and in a friendly manner sent some of their number holding out a bass, and our people sent a man with a bisquet ; and so they exchanged, not only then but often afterward, " a bisqiiet for a hass." 48 HISTORY. [1G29-30. terity. His son-in-law, Edward Lentliall, Esq., of tl)o Inner Tenii)lc (who married Susannah, for whom the "lesser island" was named), in 1G91 claimed the lands in the right of his wife, but the claim was disowned by the committee of the council.^ Hutchinson observes that the grant of the Council of Plymouth to Captain Robert Gorges was loose and uncertain, and no use was ever made of it.^ That his grant to Sir William Brereton also was directly disowned by the Massachusetts Company, the following record shows: — " 10//t February^ 1629-30. Motion was made on behalf of Sir William Brewerton (Brereton), who, by virtue of a late patent, pretends right and title to some part of the land within the company's privileges and plantation in New England ; yet, nevertheless, he intends not to contest with the company, but desires that a proportionable quantity of land might be allotted unto him for the accommodation of his people and servants, now to be sent over. Which request, the court taking into due consideration, do not think fit to enter in any particular capitu- lation with him therein, nor to set out any allotment of land for hira, more than sLx hundred acres he is to have by virtue of his adventure in the joint-stock, nor to acknowledge any thing due unto him as of right, by virtue of his said patent, nor to give any consideration in case he should relinquish his pretended right, but they are well content he should join with them in the prosecution of this business, according to their charter, and do promise, in the meaii time, that such servants as he shall send over to inhabit upon the plantation, shall receive all courteous respect, and be accommodated with land and what else shall be necessary, as other the servants of the company. Which answer was delivered unto those that were sent from him ; and the court desired also that Capt. Waller and Mr. Eaton would signify the company's afVection and due respect unto him, he having written to them about this business." ^ Capt. Robert Gorges, tlie brother of John, the grantor, and ' Barry's Hist. Mass. Vol. I. p. 1C9. » Hist, Mass. V,i\y, Vol. I. pp. 5 and 6. • Massachusetts Kccortls, Vol. I. pp. 68, 69. 1623.] LIEUTENANT-GENERALS. 49 the son of Sir Ferdinando, was a man of some eminence in that early period of the colonial history, if we may judge by his title ; for he was employed by the council in 1623, as lieuten- ant-general, to "restrain interlopers and regulate all affairs." He was the first person who bore that title in this country. We have no recollection of this title having been conferred on any person from that time until it was given to General Washing- ton, as commander-in-chief of the armies of the United States, in the quasi war with France in 1798 ; nor from that time until, by a late vote of congress (in 1855), the complimentary title of Brevet Lieut.-General was conferred upon Major- General Win- field Scott, the general in chief of the armies of the United States, for his gallant and distinguished conduct in the war with INIexico, as exhibited in the victories which he gained over the enemy. Thus we see, that, in the course of upwards of two centuries, there have been but three persons who have held that high military rank. The powers of the two latter officers, however, as commanders of the armies, were in wide contrast with those of the former, whose limited power as lieutenant- general was the very humble one of " restraining interlopers, and regulating all affairs I" Notwithstanding his high commission, and the extraordinary authority given by it, as his grant was not confirmed, he sacrificed his distinguished rank to interest, left the colony, and never returned to resume the duties of his office in restraining interlopers ; and it is not known who after- ward wore his epaulettes, or upon whom his responsible duties descended, or whether interlopers were ever afterward molested by so high a functionary. Not so with Sir William Brereton, the first grantee of Noddle's Island, and the major-general of Cheshire, Staffordshire, and Lancashire. Although he had so large a grant in this country, he never left England; for he valued his rank and military fame more than he did his exten- sive possessions in the new world, and his military honors at home were greater by far than any he could hope for here. His wonderful exploits are recorded in a valuable work, printed in London in 1647, and very rare in this country, written by John Vicars, and called " England's Worthies under ivhom all the Civil and Bloudy Warres since Anno 1642 to Anno 1647 are related^ As Sir William has a particular claim upon our 5 50 HISTORY. [1C42. attention, being so early and intimately connected with the Island, it is proper (hat some of hid valiant deeds should here be noticed ; and lor this reason, and as a matter of curiosity to the reader, we (piote from the old book just mentioned. Here we fmd recorded in ijuaint language, that — " This most valiant and successefull Patriot of his country was blessed by God with many memorable and famous Vic- tories over his Countrie's enemies, as first in the yeare 1642, In notably beating that Arch, Malignant enemy of those parts, Sir Thomas Aslon, neerc NiunpUvich, utterly routing all his forces, taking about 100 of his souldiers prisoners, wdth many horse and Amies, and making Sir Vincent Corbel fly in a panick feare for his life. " 2. Ilee beat him againe most soundly at Middlewich^ where he took prisoners. Sir Edward 31oscIt/, Colonel EUis, divers Lieutenant-Colonells and Majors, 11 Captaines, most of all his field Officers, about GOO souldiers, 2 peeces of Ordnance, many Arms, all his bag and baggage, his Army wholly routed, and Middkwilcli firmely possessed by this noble and victorious Com- mander. "3. He also 'obtained a most famous Victory over the Earle of Northampton, who was slain in the fight, and divers other Commanders and Officers slain and taken prisoners. " 4. He also bravely beat the E. of Darby at Slochion heath ; And Sir Vincent Corbet also a second time at Draighton in Shropshire, and took from him many prisoners, horse and Armes. "5. And in the yeere 1643, he took Wolverhampton, and Whitchurch in Shropshire, by a terrible storme, Stafford Town and Castle also, and Eccleshall Castle, with all the Ordnance, Armes, and Ammunition in them, and much other rich prize and booty. " 6. He bravely beat the cowardly L. Capell at Lapping-ton, and at Leig-hbridg-e, where he put him twice to retreat and rout, slew many of his men, and forced him to fly into Shreivs- bury for shelter ; he also took Ilult bridge by storm, a strong Garrison of the enemies; with his taking o( Wrexham, in Wales, Ilawarden Castle, and Gusanna house, a strong Garrison of the enemies in Wales. 1643.] BRERETON'S VICTORIES. 51 " 7. He won a most famous Victory of the Lord Capell and the Lord Byron at Namptimch Siege ; and Sir Thomas Aston also, where he routed all Byron's Irish forces, took Major-Gen- erall Gibson, Sir Francis Butler, and divers other eminent com- manders prisoners, together with 2000 common souldiers, and bloody Irish women, 6 peeces of Ordnance, above 20 carriages, all their bag and baggage, and where were slain in the fight about 300 of the enemies, and Byron himselfe forced to fly into Chester. " 8. He also beat the enemy sorely at Welshepoole in Mont- g-omeryshire, together with Sir Marmaduike Langdale at Mal- passe in Cheshire, in August, 1644, where he slew and took many eminent Commanders and Officers, and brought them prisoners to Namptioich. " 9. At Tarvin also he most magnanimously beat the enemy; and slew Col. Marrovj, a most pestilent Atheistical Royalist ; and drove the enemy also out of Worrall Island, and settled firmly many Garrisons in those parts. " 10. This most renowned Commander obtained a most glo- rious Victory over his enemies at Montgomery Castle, at the relieving of noble Sir Thomas Middletons forces besieged therein, where he put the enemy, being then very strong, to a totall rout and flight, took prisoners Major-Gen. Sir Thomas Tildsley, Major-Gen. Broughton, Lievtenant Col. Bronghton, Major Williams, 19 Captaines, 23 Knights and Gentlemen, 83 Cornets and Ensignes, 57 Sergeants, 61 Corporals, 11 Drums, 5 Trumpets, 1480 common souldiers ; slew two Lievtenant- Colonels, 7 Captaines, with many other Officers, 500 common souldiers, and took their Armes and Ammunition, bag and bag- gage. " 11. Hee also took the Town and Castle of Leverpoole, with all the Ordnance, Arms, and Ammunition therein ; and had singular good successe in preventing a dangerous designe of Prince Rupert and Prince Maurice to have passed their forces through Cheshire into Lancashire, against our Brethren of Scot- land in the north. " 12. Hee also took the brave and strong Town and Castle of Shrewsbury, with all the Ordnance, Armes, and Ammunition therein, with very many riches, prisoners, and prizes. 52 HISTORY. [1C45. " 13, Hoe also routed the King's forces at Denhig-h, in Anno 1645, and tooke 400 of the enemies prisoners, about 600 horse, and many of the enemies slain in the fight. " 14. He also took the strong Castle of Bceston with all the Ordnance, Armes, and Ammunition therein ; and also took the strong and considerable Town and Castle of Westchester, by composition or treaty, with all the Ordnance, Armes, and Amnuuiition therein, which were very many, and much other rich prize. " 15. He also took the Town of Leichfield, and obtained a most glorious Victory over the Lord Ashley, the last and greatest prop of the Kings party at Sloio in the Wouhis, where he routed the said Sir Jacob Ashley s whole Army, took the Lord Ashley himselfc prisoner, with divers other eminent Com- manders, about 1800 common souldiers, with all their Armes, Ammunition, bag and baggage. " 16. After this hee took Titbury Castle, with all the Ord- nance, Armes, and Ammunition therein ; together with Dudley Castle also (a most strong and almost impregnable Castle, in the yeere 1646) with all the Ordnance, Armes, and Ammuni- tion therein also. " 17. And at last after a long Siege his valiant and Victo- rious forces took Leichfields strong close, where hee took pris- oners 7 Colonels, 6 Commissioners of Array, 2 Lievtenant- Colonels, 8 Majors, 32 Captaines, 15 Lievtenants, 8 Cornets, 9 Ensigns, 21 Esquires and Gentlemen of quality, 700 common souldiers, and all the Armes and Ammunition therein ; And thus was a Speciall instrument of ending Victoriously those our unhappy and unholy Civill Wars." Sir William was indeed a valiant knight; and perhaps it was fortunate that he did not come to this country and settle on that " bigger island " which for a little time bore his name; for Winthrop and Standish, and their companions, would hardly have dared to have come into the vicinity of this renowned sol- dier in the " Bloudy Warres," through fear that, ditrerences of opinion arising, tiiey might be as " notably beaten " and " utterly routed " as " that arch malignant enemy. Sir Thomas Aston." This " bigger island," which tlie famous Sir William named 1628-9.] GAME. 53 for himself in 1628-9, was in the following year called Noddle's Island by Governor Winthrop, from its former probable occu- pant. It is also noted by that name on the 5th of July, 1631, in an enumeration of the islands in Boston harbor in the public records of Massachusetts. It was then ordered " that all the Ilelands within the Lym- itts of this pattent, viz : Conant's Ileland, Noddle's Ileland, Thompson's Ileland, together with all other Ilelands within the lymits of our pattent, shall be appropriated to public benefits and uses, & to remaine in the power of the Governor & Assist- ants (for the time being), to be lett and disposed of by them to helpe towards publique charges, & that no p'son whatso- ever shall make any use or benefitt of any of the said Ilelands by putting on Cattle, felling wood, raising slate, &c., without leave from the Governor & Assistants for the time being." ^ At this early period the Island was frequented by waterfowl, pigeons, and other edible birds, and on this account proved so attractive to the hunters that it was very soon found necessary to pass a law to protect the game which flocked thither in great numbers. This law or order, which may be interesting to sportsmen, was passed on the 3d of April, 1622, to the effect " that noe person whatsoever shall shoote att fowle upon Pullen poynte or Noddles Ileland, but that the said places shall be reserved for John Perkins to take fowle with netts.''^^ What a privilege ! None such is granted in these days. "Whether the ducks or plover which two centuries afterward frequented the Island in great numbers were at that time so plenty as to be caught with nets, we are left in doubt, except from the terms of the statute. Be that as it may, the writer of this, a half cen- tury since, in a violent north-east storm, has known that kind of plover called dough-birds, from their superlative fatness, light upon the Island in such large flocks and in such a wearied condition, that it seemed as difficult for them to fly as it is for seals to run ; and Mr. Williams related to him, that in attempt- ing to rise on the wing they were chased by the men and boys and knocked down with clubs! None are now to be seen where once they were so abundant, and even the market offers * Mass. Records, Vol. I. p. 89. * Ibid. p. 94. 5* 54 HISTORY. [1C32. but fi'W at fifty cent? apiece! It was remarked by him, that they Hew by Boston in the month of August, and if the August storm passed and these birds were not seen upon the Island, but very few of tliem would be seen in the market that year. Often, as they flew over the Island in flocks, they were shot, and were sometimes so fat that their breasts would break open as they fell upon the ground. It is, however, more probable, that the fowl which Mr. Perkins had the exclusive privilege of catching with nets were the wild pigeons, which frequent the first clearings in the woods, rather than ducks or plover, which require no statute to prohibit their being caught in that man- ner. It however does not appear on the grant what considera- tion was paid for it, nor why Mr. Perkins should have had this exclusive privilege. But as the public always like a quid pro quo for all benefits received, it is not improbable that he was a progenitor of the same family which in our day have so dis- tinguished themselves by their munificent liberality to our chari- table public institutions. If so, the grant may be easily ac- counted for, as the grantors would have rested in security of getting a consideration in a full tithe of the earnings of his industry. Mr. Perkins, however, enjoyed this privilege but a short time, as the Island was soon afterward granted to Mr. Maverick for a special consideration, without any reservation of this right. It appears that from the time of Mr. Perkins's grant down to the extensive improvements within the knowledge of the pres- ent generation, the Island has been a great resort for birds. This is shown in an anecdote in the journal of the Williams family, which, as illustrative of this fact, is here inserted, although it anticipates the chronological arrangement. Says the journal, under date of the 2d of September, 1795: " Tom (Williams) went out with his gun, and returned at one with si.c dozen birds, with the assistance of Harry (Williams), who met him at the farm. He would not stay to dine, but took a new recruit of powilcr, and set off again. They returned at five, with l/ircc dozen more." ^ ' The writer liorc ackiiowlodgos Iiis prcat indebtedness to tlio ]>()Iiteness of Johu Avery, Esq., ol" Lowell, lor permissiou to examine, and make lice use of, 1G33.] ACKNOWLEDGMENTS. 55 Prior to 1633, the accounts of Noddle's Island are very meagre, but with that year commences a series of events which constitutes an uninterrupted narration, abounding in historical interest. the manuscript Family Journal of the Williams Family, a narrative of daily occurrences on Noddle's Island beginning with the year 1793, now in the possession of Mr. Avery. From this valuable document much interesting matter has been obtained, which will be found scattered through the book. The volumes, which are large folio, thick and closely written, contain a full family history, facts, dates, incidents, memoranda of persons, places, and things on the Island and in the city. The narrative is full, going into every detail, and possesses great interest to the antiquary. The writer's access to these books is one of those fortuitous circumstances which seldom occur, and which he duly appreciates. The journal was continued after the family removed to Chelsea. CHAPTER II. SAMUEL MAVERICK, GRANTEE OF NODDLE'S ISLAND; HIS ANCESTRY. Ox the 1st of April, 1633, the record states, that — " Noddle's Island is granted to Mr. Sanmuel Maverick, to enjoy to him and his heirs for ever, yielding and paying yearly at the General Court to the governor for the time being, either a fat wether, a fat hog, or 405. in money, and shall give leave to Boston and Charlestown to fetch wood continually, as their need requires from the southern part of the said Island." ^ On the 7th of December, 1G3G, the jurisdiction of the Island was laid to Boston, and on the 13th of May, 1640, it was declared " that the flats round about Nodles Hand do belong to Nodles Band to the ordinary lowe water marke."^ The name of Maverick has been associated with the colonial history from its earliest dates, and especially with the history of Noddle's Island, the first grant of which, by the general court, was to Samuel Maverick^ who had occupied it for several years previous. There were a number of persons in New England by the name of Maverick as early as 1630 ; and the names of the Rev. John Maverick, Samuel, Elias, Moses, and Antipas have come down to posterity. From circumstances hereafter to be named, it seems probable that they were all connected by family ties, although it is sometimes dilFicult to trace the pre- cise relationship. The early history of the family is involved in much obscurity, which is the more to be laiuented as some of its members bore a conspicuous part in the alVairs of the * Mass. Records, Vol. I. p. 101. " Ibid. p. 291. 1630.] REV. JOHN MAVERICK. 57 colony.^ The direct narrative of this book has particular refer- ence to Samuel, the first grantee of Noddle's Island ; but it has been thought proper to introduce all the information rela- tive to those of the name which a diligent search and patient investigation could afford. The fact that no previous attempt has been made to present a connected account of this family or of any of its members has induced the waiter to make a thorough search among the early records of the colony ; and as the result of his labors, while many points remain unsettled, and some errors may have crept in through the well-known difficulties attending a search into old records, he is able to present a more connected and fuller history of the Mavericks than has before been published. As many disputed points are thus settled, and others are fairly stated, and some important facts recorded, it is hoped that the general reader will find much to interest, and the antiquarian some dates and items which will gratify his taste for the ancient and honorable. The most prominent of any of the name was Samuel Mave- rick, the owner and first white inhabitant of Noddle's Island, a stanch Episcopalian and a firm royalist. Around him as a centre, we find others of the name among the first settlers in Massachusetts Bay ; and from these, probably, have originated the few families which have borne the name throughout the country. It is impossible, with one exception, to ascertain when these different Mavericks emigrated from England. This exception is the Rev. John Maverick, of Dorchester. Before going particularly into the life of Samuel Maverick, a few facts W'ill be given, w^iich have been collected concerning his father, " the godly Mr. Maverick," who was one of the original pastors of the first church in Dorchester. The Rev. John IMaverick was a minister of the established church, who resided about forty miles from Exeter, in Eng- ' There was a Radford Maverick, vicar of Islington, England, in 1G03, and R. jNIaverick, rector of Trusham, between 1586 and 1616 (Mass. Hist. Coll.) ; but it does not appear whether those of the name in this country were of this connection. 58 HISTORY. [1C30. land,^ and, judging from tlu" scattered aecdiints which have come down to us, he was a godly man, a beloved pastor, and a safe and trustful guide in temporal and spiritual things. The first mention made of him is at the time ^he ])ious people assembled in the New Hospital, Plymouth, England, and were formed into a Congregational church. This was early in the year 1630 ; a year in which " it pleased God of his rich grace to transport over into the bay of the Massachusetts divers honor- able personages, and many worthy Christians." ^ Preparations wpre then being made for a large emigration to New England, or more particularly to the Massachusetts col- ony, and Winllirop's fleet was getting in readiness as speedily as possible. Having decided to leave their native country for an unknown wilderness, or, more truly, compelled to leave, or else yield their freedom to worship God how and when they pleased, the preliminary arrangements were prosecuted with an earnestness of purpose and a religious feeling which made manifest their motives of action. The day of this meeting at the hospital was an important one to those who were incurring the frown of the government by thus assembling. A decisive step was then taken, which was to affect the whole future course of their lives, and, with the reverence peculiar to those days and too rare in these latter times, they looked to their spiritual lead- ers for direction in all things. A devout and earnest spirit characterized that meeting. Mr. White, an indefatigable pro- moter of the colony and a man eminent in his profession, preached in the forenoon. In the afternoon, the Rev. John "Warham, a celebrated divine of Exeter, and Rev. John Mav- erick, who lived about forty miles from him, were chosen and ordained by the church as their clerical officers. The fact that Mr. White was present and cooperated with the others is good evidence that the two ministers then chosen were well qualified, and adapted for the important station they were to fill. They had both been ministers of the established church in England, and had, therefore, been ordained by some bishop, as none * Wintlirop's Journal, Vol. I. *28, note ; Felt's Ecrl. Hist. p. 12S, 129, etc. ; Youn;»'s Clironicles, p. 34 7, n. ; New England Memorial, p. Ill, uotc. * New England Memorial, p. 107, etc. 1630.] MR. MAVERICK'S CHURCH. 59 other in those days were allowed to preach ; nor, indeed, were separate congregations allowed until the civil war commenced, in 1642. Such was the rigor of government at that time, that Mr. Maverick and Mr. Warham would not have been allowed to form a Congregational church at Plymouth, were it not that those who thus associated were preparing to emigrate to New England, and were nearly ready to sail thither.^ Cotton Mather includes Mr. Maverick in his " First Classis " of ministers, which " classis," he says, " shall be of such as were in the actual exercise of their ministry when they left England, and were the Instruments of bringing the Gospel into this Wilder- ness, and of settling Churches here according to the Order of the Gospel." ^ It is, of course, not probable that Mr. Maverick would have been spoken of as in the actual service of his office, unless he had been a clergyman, (and of the church, of course), previous to the meeting at Plymouth. Besides, he is at that time spoken of as " the godly Mr. Maverick," as if he was well known, which would not be probable if he had been a private citizen. Prince, in speaking of the " eminent and noted min- isters " who came over in Winthrop's fleet, mentions " Mr. John Maverick, and Mr. John Warham, who had been ministers in the west country. These were the first who came to set up Christian churches in this heathen wilderness, and to lay the foundation of this renowned colony." ^ It appears, from differ- ent authorities, that he was older than Mr. Warham, and in one place we find him mentioned as the '■'■good old Mr. Mave7'ick." * This point will have its weight upon another page. The meeting at the hospital was a judicious step, fitted to preserve union, and secure their civil and religious liberty ; and the uniting themselves in a church previous to their embarka- tion gave a character and system, and definite purpose, to the enterprise, which would be of great use to the members when they should arrive in the new world. It is a fact worthy of note, that these were the first emigrants to this country known * Prince's Annals, pp. 3G9, 370. * ^Mather's Magnalia. ' Prince's Annals, p. 281. Also Bradford's Hist. Mass, p. 23. * New England Memorial, p. 111. GO IIISTOUY. [1G29. to have proparod themselves in this manner with full eeclcsias- tical privileges prior to leaving Kngland. They came to this country as an organized church, and immediately on arrival they were ready to act as such, and thus had many advantages which were to be obtained only from concerted action. The meeting at the hospital, and other attending circum- stances, are thus recorded in the quaint old style : — " In ye year 1629, Divers (iodly Persons in Devonsiiin*, Som- ersetshire, Dorcetshire, (Sc other places, proposed a R(!mt)ue to N. England, among whom were two Famous Ministers, viz. Mr. Joiix MAVKHiriv (who I suj^jiose was somewhat advanced in Age), &c Mr. John Wareham (I suppose a younger man), then a preacher in the City of Exon, or Exeter, in ye County of Devon. These good People met together at Plymouth, a Sea-port Town in ye sd County of Devon, in order to ship themselves & families for New England ; & because they designed to liue together, after they should arriue here, they met together in the New Hospital in Plymouth and associated into Churcii Fellowship and chose ye sd Mr. Maverick 6c Mr. Wareham to be their Ministers & officers; the Revd. Mr. John White of Dorchester in Dorcet (who was an active Instrument to promote ye Settlement of New England, 6c I think a means of procuring ye Charter) being present, & preaching ye forepart of ye Day, & in ye latter part of ye Day they performed ye work aforesaid." 1 Roger Clap, in his Memoirs, gives the same account, together with some personal matters. He says : " I never so much as heard of New England until I heard of many godly persons that were going there, and that Mr. Warham was to go also. I then wrote to my father, who lived about twelve miles off, to entreat his leave to go to New England; who was so much displeased at first that he wrote me no answer, but told my brethren that I should not go. Having no answer, I went and made my reiiucst to him; and Cod so inclined his heart that he never said me nay. For now God sent the rev- erend Mr. Maverick, who lived forty miles oil", a man I never * Blake's Annals of Dorchester, 7-10; Gen. & Hist Register, Vol. V. p. 389, etc. 1630.] THE MARY AND JOHN. 61 saw before. He, having heard of me, came to my father's house ; and my father agreed that I should be with him, and come under his care; which I did accordingly. So God brought me out of Plymouth the 20th of March, in the year 1629-30, and landed mc in health at Nantasket, on the oOth of May, 1630, I being then about the age of twenty-one years. Blessed be God, that brought me here ! " " It was God that sent Mr. Maverick, that pious minister, to me, who was unknown to him, to seek me out that I might come hither." " There came many godly families in that ship. We were of passengers many in number, (besides seamen,) of good rank. Two of our magistrates came with us, viz., Mr. Rossiter and Mr. Ludlow. These godly people resolved to live together ; and therefore, as they had made choice of those two reverend servants of God, Mr. John Warham and Mr. John Maverick, to be their ministers, so they kept a solemn day of fasting in the New Hospital in Plymouth, in England, spending it in preaching and praying ; where that worthy man of God, Mr. John White, of Dorchester, in Dorset, was present, and preached unto us the word of God in the fore part of the day; and in the latter part of the day, as the people did solemnly make choice of and call those godly ministers to be their officers, so also the reverend Mr. Warham and Mr. Maverick did accept thereof, and expressed the same. So we came, by the good hand of the Lord, through the deeps comfortably, having preaching or expounding of the word of God every day for ten weeks together by our ministers." ^ The company set sail from Plymouth on the 20th of March, 1629-30, in " that great ship of four hundred tons," the Mary and John. The vessel was indeed a floating Bethel. Religious services were held daily, and the pious passengers seemed impressed with the duties and responsibilities they were soon to meet. The ship, under the command of " one Captain Squeb, arrived at Nantasket (now Hull) ye 30th of May, 1630. They had agreed with Capt. Squeb to bring them into Charles River, but he was false to his bargain, and turned them ashore at Nantasket and their Goods, leaving them in a forlorn wilder- ' Young's Chronicles, pp. 346-348 ; Prince's Annals, p. 369. 6 62 HISTORY. [1630. ness. They got a Boat of some that had staid in ye Country, (I suppose for Trade, for there were sonic on Noddle's Island and at Charlestown that staid in ye Country for Trade with ye Natives,) and witii their goods rowed (as I suppose) up to ye INIouth of Charles River, it being about 3 Leagues. They went up tlie River until it grew narrow and shallow. Intending there to set down, it being about ye place where Watertown now is. They had not stayed here but a few days but ye Rest of their company had found out a neck of land joyning to a place called by ye Indians Mattapan (Dorchester), so they set- tied at Mattapan. " They began their Settlement here at Mattapan ye beginning of June, as I suppose, or thereabout, A. D. 1G30, and changed ye name into Dorchester. Why they called it Dorchester I have never heard, but there was some of Dorcet Shire, and some of the town of Dorchester that settled here." ^ This Captain Squeb appears to have treated his passengers in a most shabby manner. Instead of bringing them up Charles river, according to his engagement, he landed the sea-worn wanderers with their goods upon Nantasket Point, and there left them " to shift for themselves in a forlorn place in this wil- derness." Says Roger Clap, " Capt. Squeb turned ashore us and our goods, like a merciless man ; but God, even our mer- ciful God, took pity on us," etc. On the next day after their arrival they obtained a boat from some of the old planters, and having laden her with goods and manned her with some able men well armed, they went up towards Charlestown to see whether the company could be accommodated there, while others went to explore the adjacent country for a location.^ At Charlestown the boatmen found " some wigwams, some few Enii;lish^ with an old jihinter who can speak Indian, and one house. ^^ ^ Continuing their course up the river, they landed their goods at Watertown. As evening came on, they were greatly alarmed on learning that a body of three hundred ' Gen. and Hist. Keg. Vol. V. p. 300 ; Blake's Annals of Dorcliostcr, pp. 7-10. » FelfsEcd. Hist. p. 134. ' The " one house " was probably the one at Charlestown, " wherein lived Thomas Wallbrd, a smith." 1630.] MATTAPAN. 63 Indians had encamped " hard by." Fortunately for them, the " old planter " had accompanied the party ; for, going to the Indians, he persuaded them to leave, and the explorers were left unmolested.! This incident shows that this " old planter " must have resided here some time, as he had evidently learned the language of the Indians, and was sufficiently in their con- fidence and acquaintance to exert an influence over them. The devout Clap says, with a thankful heart, that God " caused many Indians (some hundreds) to be ruled by the advice of one man, not to come near us. Alas, had they come upon us, how soon might they have destroyed us ! I think we were not above ten in number. But God caused the Indians to help us with fish at very cheap rates." ^ A friendly intercourse was imme- diately established between the Indians and the English, com- mencing with that most ancient form of hospitality, the offering of food. In this instance the Indians made the first advances. A shelter was erected here for their goods, but they did not remain long, for their companions found a neck of land suitable to keep cattle on, and this party was ordered to join them. " So we remove to Mattapan, begin the town, name it Dorchester, and here the natives also are kind to us." ^ The Mary and John was the first of the large fleet of ships, seventeen in number, which an-ived in New England in 1630, having one hundred and forty persons on board.* They landed * Prince's Annals, p. 277 ; Snow's Hist. Boston, p. 25; Young's Chronicles, p. 349. * Young's Chronicles, p. 350. ' Prince's Annals, 278. '' List of ships which arrived in New England In 1630 : — 1. Lion. 2. Mary and John. 3. Arbella. 4. Jewel. 5. Ambrose. 6. Talbot. 7. ]Ma}-flower. 8. Whale. 9. Hopewell. 10. William and Francis. 11. Trial. 12. Charles. 13. Success. 14. Gift. 15. Another. 16. Handmaid. 1 7. Another sent out by a private merchant. See Prince's Annals; Young's Chronicles, p. 311, etc. 64 HISTORY. [1G30. at Nantaskct on the 30th of May. On the 1 1th of June, the admiral of the New England ilect arrived in Salem. In the vessel which bore this distinction came Winthrop and Isaac Johnson as passengers. Soon after their arrival, a party set out from Salem to find a suitable place for settlement, and in their excursion met with the party from the Mary and John. Says Winthrop, " As we came home (from Charlestown to Salem) we came by Nantaskott, and sent for Capt. Sqnib ashore (he had brought the west country people, viz. Mr. Ludlow, Mr. Rossiter, Mr. Maverick, etc., to the bay, who were set down at ]yjattapan), and ended a difTerence between him and the passen- gers ; whereupon he sent his boat to his ship (the Mary and John) and at our parting gave us five pieces." ^ The cause of this difTerence was, without doubt, the ill treatment of the pas- sengers as before stated. For his base conduct Captain Squeb was afterward obliged to pay damages.^ Having decided to settle at Mattapan, afterward Dorchester, they move thither " by the Lord's day," which they hallow with praise to him for his protection, and other appropriate acts of worship. Mr. Maverick and Mr. Warham, immediately on their arrival, put their already organized church into operation, the same day that church-fellowship was commenced at Water- town.'^ The church at Watertown had not then been organ- ized ; that at Dorchester emigrated as an organized body, thus conclusively establishing its priority. The remainder of the week is spent by the Dorchester emi- grants in " setting up cottages, booths, and tents " to protect their families, and on the following Sabbath they renew their vows of Christian faithfulness by partaking of the sacrament. Thus prepared with an harmonious organization, godly and honored ministers, and in the full enjoyment of those free relig- ious })rivilegcs for wiiich they had sacrificed so much, they commence the experiment of colonial life. A common interest pervades the company ; the ends in view, whether prineij)al or » Winthrop's Journal, Vol. I. p. *2S. " Five pieces " — a salute of five guns. * Trumbull's Hist. Conn<"(tiiut, Vol. I. p. 8. ' New England Memorial, p. 110. 1631.] ESCAPE. 65 subordinate, have a common demand on their united efforts; and a deep religions feeling controls all their actions and pur- poses, calls into exercise their best affections and powers, and insures the security of their highest welfare. In this manner did the Dorchester settlement commence, a fine example of a firm purpose and determined energy controlled and exercised by religious principle. Mr. Maverick took the freeman's oath on the 18th of May, 1631, having made application on the 19th of October preced- ing,^ and appears to have been active in his duties as a pastor and citizen, and an instance is on record of his successful ser- vices as peacemaker. Prince states, that, " by the mediation of the reverend Mr. Maverick, Warham, and Wilson, governor Winthrop and deputy-governor Dudley are now happily reconciled." ^ An instance is recorded, by Winthrop,^ of the "wonderful working of a kind providence," in the preservation of the life of the Rev. Mr. Maverick and the meeting-house at Dorchester of which he had charge, and which contained the military stores. From his ignorance as a magazine keeper, and not having any apprehension of danger, he incautiously attempted to dry some wet gunpowder in a pan over the fire ! The powder ignited from the heat of the pan, and, communicating with " a small barrel of two or three pounds," which was kept in the meeting- house as the only place of safety, exploded. The explosion, instead of blowing up the house and all its contents, as might have been expected, and thus have left the settlement unpro- tected from a savage foe, " only blackened the thatch of the house a little, and singed the parson'' s clothes J' How very fortunate for the " parson," that it turned out only a " flash in the pan," instead of destroying the meeting-house and putting a sudden end to his earthly ministrations! This was the first meeting-house built in Dorchester, and was erected on Allen's Plain for the first associated church in England which came to this country as such, under the charge * Farmer's Register, p. 346 - Prince's Annals, p. 355. * Ibid. p. 401. ' Wiuthrop's Journal, Vol. I. *72. 6* 66 mSTORY. [1635. of the Revs. Mr. Maverick and Warliam. It was built of logs, in 1631, was about twelve feet in height, and was surrounded with palisades. In addition to its more appropriate uses, it was the place of deposit ft)r military stores, and the place of refuge in case of alarm from the savages.^ It is not to be wondered at that the old divine should have claimed the meet- ing-house, c?/?« ;?m'//r,g-io, as a magazine keeper; for to whom could the key of the fortress which contained the military stores be committed by the church with more propriety than to the guardian of tiieir souls? But, how'cver well versed he may have been in spiritual warfare, it is evident, from this attempt to dry powder over a fire, that he was not worldly wise in the use of carnal weapons. This hairbreadth escape of Mr. Maverick is justly reckoned among the many instances of that " wonder- working providence " of which those godly people, in their emigration to the new world, had so large experience. Before 1635, strange as it may seem, complaints were made in some towns that " the people were straitened for want of room." At Dorchester and Newton, particularly, were these complaints heard, and the ultimate result was the settlement of Connecticut.^ Without doubt, other reasons, and those more powerful, urged this migration. Bradford, in speaking of this removal to Windsor, says that they " hereing of y" fame of Conightecute river, had a hankering mind after it." ^ Glowing descriptions had reached them of the beautiful valley of the Connecticut, and the country had been commended to them as " a fine place for habitation and trade." ^ In the early part of May, 1635, a party from Dorchester made an overland journey to the " New Hesperia," and settled at Windsor, where they were located when Sir Richard Saltonstall's bark arrived.* The company established themselves near the Plymouth trad- ' Blake's Annals of Dorchester. * Barry's Hist. Mass. Vol. I. p. 215. ' Bradfuril's Hist riiinoth I'laiit'n, p. 338. * Barry's Hist. Mass. Vol. I. p. 218. " Hubbard suggests that jcalomty had something to do witli this ronioval ; for ' two such eminent stars, such as were Mr. Cotton and Mr. Hooker, both of the first magnitude, though of diOerent influence, could not well continue in one and the same orb.' " 1635.] REMOVAL. 67 ing house, of which Gov. Bradford complained, regarding them as infringing upon the rights of others who had prior possession and purchase of the Indians, and the Dutch sent to Holland for commission to deal with the new-comers.^ " The greatest differances fell betweene those of Dorchester plantation and them hear; for they set their minde on that place, which they had not only purchased of y" Indians, but where they had builte ; intending only (if they could not remove them) that they should have but a smale moyety left to y** house, as to a single family ; whose doings and proceedings were conceived to be very injurious, to attempt not only to intrude themselves into y'' rights and possessions of others, but in effect to thrust them out at all." ^ These troubles about the right to the soil and the different settlements were of a serious nature, but were adjusted after a time, although " the unkindnes was not so soone forgotten." ^ This company consisted of about one hun- dred men, with women and children, mostly from Dorchester. Still cherishing the principles which brought them from their native land, they were actuated mainly with the wish to spread the blessings of the religion they professed. And as they pur- sued their weary journey of fourteen days, they were constant in their worship of God, in whom they trusted for protection. The dark old forests echoed the psalms and hymns with which they lightened their steps, and as the voice of prayer and praise ascended to heaven, the Indians were attracted by the strange and impressive sight, and "looked on with silent admiration."'* This removal of the Dorchester people was very disagreeable to their ministers ; but as the greater part of the church went, the pastors decided to go also;^ and Mr. Warham joined them in September, 1636, leaving his colleague, Mr. Maverick, who intended to do the same in the following spring.^ But death > Winthrop, I. p. *166. ' Bradford's Hist. Plimotli Plant, p. 338. ' Ibid. Bradford gives a pretty full account of these difficulties, and the learned editor, in his notes, refers to other authorities. — Winthrop, I. *181. * Felt's Eccl. Hist. p. 222. » Vol. IX. Mass. Hist. Coll. p. 148. • Felt's Eccl. Hist. p. 249; Young's Chronicles, p. 480, note; Bradford, p. 36; Barry, I. 219. 68 HISTORY. [1C3C-7. prcvcntod him from Iravinij^ the place of his first ministrations in the new world: he died on the 3d of February, 1636-7, being about sixty years of age. Winthroj), in mentioning his death, calls him "a man of a very humble sj)irit, and faithful in furthering the work of the Lord here, both in the churches and civil state ;"^ a compliment as high and honorable as it is truth- ful and well deserved. He probably died in Boston, and was buried in the first burying-ground in Dorchester.^ Nothing has come down to jiosterity which shows him other than a good citizen, a devoted pastor, a prudent, and at the same time firm and fearless, " defender of the faith," and a sincere Christian ; uniting the (jualilies of citizen, pastor, and patriot in a happy manner. It is greatly to be regretted, that the records of the lives of some of the first settlers are so meagre in their details ; still, this very paucity makes us the better study and appreciate the few particulars which have been preserved. Especially in regard to all of the name of Maverick, the strange lack of material from which to make a connected account of the family is to be regretted when we consider the important part which some of the name have borne in the colonial history. > WIntlirop, I. *181. » Mass. Hist. Coll. Vol. I. 98 ; Vol. IX. 1 70. CHAPTER III. SAMUEL MAVERICK; HIS PERSONAL HISTORY. Samuel Maverick, of Noddle's Island, was a son of the Rev. John Maverick, of Dorchester, and was born in England about the year 1602, as appears from a deposition given by him on the 8th of December, 1665. Being the son of a clergyman, he undoubtedly received a good education (as is evinced by his public letters), and thus was well fitted to fill the various impor- tant positions which he occupied. As the time of his birth is of considerable importance in settling some disputed points, the deposition is inserted here entire : — " Samuel Mauerick aged 63 yeares or thereabouts, deposeth that sometime last yeare, having some speech w**^ Samuell Ben- net Sen' of Lynne, as to a match intended betweene his son Sam* Benett Jun'^ & a dau. of Capt. Wm. Hargrave of Horsey doune Mariner. The s'* Bennet sen"" did promise that if his Sonne should marry w*^ s*^ Hargraues dau. he would make over to him the house he now Hues in with barnes stables, lands &c. belonging to s*^ farme & <£80 of stock, w* this prouisoe that s'* Bennet Jun"^ should yearly pay his father during his life .£20. if he needed it or demanded it and to the best of my remem- brance he wrote so much to Capt. Hargraue. He also tyed his Sonne not to alienate the premises w^'^out his consent dureing his life. Thus much he testificth and further saith not. Boston Dec' 7"' 1665 Taken upon oath the S'^ Dec. 1665 Before Thomas Clarke, Commiss. [John Gilford Aged 40 yeares, testifies to the same affair.] " ^ ' Suffolk Deeds, Lib. 4, fol. 328. 70 IIISTOIIY. [1C02. According to this dcpositioi), therefore, he was born about the year 1602, and must have been comparatively a young man when he first came to this country. The questions have arisen, whether Samuel Maverick of Noddle's Island was the son of the Rev. John Maverick, and whether he was the royal commissioner. These questions can be correctly answered, and proof will be presented to show that Samuel Maverick of Noddle's Island was the son of Rev. John Maverick, and was the royal commissioner. Upon these dis- puted points, numerous authors have made the essential mis- take of stating that the son of Samuel Maverick, the original grantee of Noddle's Island, was the royal commissioner ; and even Mr. Savage, who is usually so correct in his facts and dates, and is so excellent an authority upon historical m.atters, indorses the same errors when he says : " In the Chronological Observations, p. 252, appended to his (Josselyn's) Voyages, he (Samuel Maverick) is strangely confounded as the father of Samuel Maverick, Esq., the royal commissioner in 1G64, with the Rev. John Maverick, minister of Dorchester;" and at the close of the note Mr. Savage adds, " He died March 10th, 1664."! The learned editor of Winthrop's Journal, in this short sen- tence, has fallen into both of the errors alluded to in the quota- tions above given, and ^the additional one of placing the death of the commissioner in 1664. He evidently supposes that the son of Samuel Maverick of Noddle's Island was the royal commissioner, and that the first grantee of the Island was not the son of the Dorchester divine. In tracing the history of Samuel Maverick in chronological order, it will be proper here to consider only the question as to his parentage, leaving to a more appropriate spot the discussion of his identity with the royal commissioner. That he was the son of tlie Rev. John is made perfectly clear by Josselyn, who says:- "1630. The Tenth of .Inly, John Winthrop Esc] ; and the Assistants arrived in New England, with the Patent for the Massachu- setts, they landed on the North side of the Charles River, with ' Winthrop's Journal, Vol. I. *27, note. » Mass. llisL Coll. 3cl Series, Vol. UI. p. 377. 1630.] MAVERICK'S PARENTAGE. 71 him went over Thomas Dudley, Isaac Johnson, Esquires; Mr. John Wilson, Mr. George Phillips, Mr. Maverick., {the Father of 3Ir. Samuel 3Iaverich, one of his Majestie^s Commissioners) Mr. Warham Ministers." There can be no doubt that the " Mr. Maverich" here spoken of is the Rev. John. It will be remembered, that the Rev. Mr. Warham came in the same vessel with the Rev. Mr. Maverick, * .... and that both were ministers, with which Josselyn's account agrees. Most, if not all, of the other persons mentioned by Josselyn, came over in other ships of the fleet, of which the Mary and John was the pioneer, and brought the Dorchester ministers. Roger Clap's nan-ative, from which quotations have been made on previous pages, corroborates this view of the subject ; as also does the reliable " Annals of Dorchester," reprinted by the Dorchester Antiquarian and Historical Society in 1846, from the original manuscript of the author, James Blake, who died in 1750. The accuracy and veracity of Mr. Blake are proverbial, and " this work was for many years the principal authority for all the early accounts published of the town of Dorchester." The ages of the two men also favor this view, if any thing was necessary in addition to the positive assertion of Josselyn, who was his contemporary, and probably spoke from personal knowledge. Rev. Mr. Maverick was advaticcd in life when he came to this country, as he died, in 1636, at about the age of sixty ;i consequently, he was born about 1576. Samuel Maverick was born, as we have seen, about 1602, or when the Rev. John was twenty-six years of age. These figures, therefore, bear strong evidence on the question ; and, indeed, there is no room for reasonable doubt on the subject. In addition to this, the fact that all of the name of whom we have any knowledge should settle so near to each other in the vicinity of Boston is strong presumptive evidence that they were connected by family ties. Samuel Maverick came to New England some years before his father; but the precise date cannot be ascertained. It is evident that he was in the country, and doubtless located on ' Winthrop, I. *181. 72 HISTORY. [1623. Noddle's Island, before the arrival of Winthrop in 1G30, for Winlhrop made his house a stopping-place on the 17th of June, 1630, on his excursion from Salem " to the Mattachusetts " ^ (meaning the country lying around the inner bay, Boston har- bor), the same excursion on which he met the party from the Mary and John. Savage thinks that he came in 1628 or 1629,^ and Drake also places his name on the list of those who were here as early as 1629.^ Importance enough has not been attached to the adventurers who came to Massachusetts Bay before the arrival of Winthrop. They are far more numer- ous than wc have been accustomed to suppose. The fishing vessels along the coast were very many, and isolated settlements were commenced in diflferent places. As early as 1626, we find mention made of planters at Winnisimet, who probably removed from some of the other plantations ; ^ and perhaps were of the Gorges comjuxny. The conjecture that several of the scattered settlers in and about Boston Harbor came over with Robert Gorges is a reasonable one. They lived gener- ally within Gorges' Patent, whose intended colony was Epis- copalian, and Maverick, Blaekstone, Walford, and Thomp- son were of this faith.^ That Samuel Maverick was at Nod- dle's Island in 1629 is evident from Johnson, who says, the planters in Massachusetts Bay at this time (1629) were Wil- liam Blaekstone, at Shawmut (Boston), Thomas Walford, at Misliawum (Charlestown), Samuel 3Iavcrick, at Noddle's Islatid, and David Thompson, at Thompson's island (near Dorchester).^ ' Winthrop, I. » 27. • IMil. note. Oliver's Puritan Commonwealth, p. 419, says that "the arri- val of Winthrop found Samuel Maverick, a clergyman of the Church of Eng- land, already settled on a nourishing plantation at Noddle's Island." This call- ing Samuel Maverick " a clen/i/inan, &c.," is only one of the many unaccount- able errors in that remarkable book. The writer could only have ma Hist. Mass. Bay, Vol. I. p. 115, ' Mass. Records, I. 79, ' Ibid, 87. 1630.] THE FREEMAN'S OATH. 77 This precaution, which at a first glance might appear rigid and bigoted, upon investigation vindicates itself by every con- sideration of safety and justice, and as a measure necessary to self-preservation. Then follow upon the records, " the names of such as tooke the oath of freeman," the first list of freemen to be found in the records. Samuel Maverick's name is not among them, and he was not admitted until about a year and a half afterward, as before stated, when he w^as allowed to take the freeman's oath, although not a member of any church " within the lymitts," and known as a strong Episcopalian. It is more than probable, that any doubts which might have been entertained by the Puritans as to the propriety of admit- ting a churchman were in the end overcome by the well- known characteristics of the man, his intimate business rela- tions with the governor at that time, and his prominence in the colony as an active promoter of the general cause, and eminent by his generous hospitalities. An article on ecclesiastical his- tory in the Historical Collections says on this point : " Mr. Maverick, who had fixed his tent on Noddle's Island, and pos- sessed considerable property when the banks of Charles river were settled by our fathers, had been declared a freeman, though an Episcopalian, which shows they were less rigid when they first came over than they were afterward." ^ Josselyn mentions that Winthrop and his company went first to Noddle's Island ; and this is, doubtless, one of the many instances where Maverick exercised his public hospitalities in entertaining the new-comers, weary with the long and tedious voyage, at his fortified house. Says the quaint old writer : — "The Twelfth of July (June?) Anno Dom. 1630. John Winthrop, Esq ; and the assistants, arrived with the Patent for the Massachusetts^ the passage of the people that came along with him in ten Vessels came to 95000 pound ; the Swine, Goats, Sheep, Neat, Horses, cost to transport 12000 pound, beside the price they cost them ; getting food for the people till they could clear the ground of wood amounted to 45000 ^ Mass. Hist. Coll. Vol. IX. pp. 47, 48. n * 78 HISTORY. [1G30. pound; Nails, Glass, and other Iron work for their meeting and dwelling-houses 13000 j)onnd ; Arms, Powder, Bullet, and Mateh, together with their Artillery 22000 jwund ; the whole sum amounts unto One hundred ninety two thousand pound. They set down first upon Noddles-Island, and afterward, they began to build upon the main."^ Immediately following the above quotation is a sentence which curiously illustrates the rigor and watchfulness with which our ancestors commenced their civil and social system; and, in the particular instance given, it is by no means certain but that such a system might be adopted with good eflect in our own day. The passage is this : — " In 1637, there were not many houses in the Town of Bos- ton, amongst which were two houses of entertainment called Ordinaries, into which, if a stranger went, he was presently followed by one appointed to that Ollice, who would thrust himself into his company uninvited, and if he called for more drink than the Ofliccr thought in his judgement he could soberly bear away, he would presently countermand it, and appoint the proportion, beyond which, he could not get one drop." The " Observations," after speaking of the landing of " Win- throp" and his associates in July, 1630, says: "The Eagle was called the Arabella^' in honor of the Ladij Arabella, wife to Isaac Johnson Esq ; they set down first upon Noddle's Island, the Lady Arabella abode at Salern^^ Maverick was engaged in commerce at an early date, and identified himself with the efibrts to promote the success of the colony. Although opposed in religious sentiment, he joined with Governor Winthrop and Governor Thomas Dudley in trading expeditions, a circumstance which shows that he pos- sessed the confidence of the new settlers, and that he was a man of enterprise and energy in the colony. It is more than * Josselyn's Account of Two Voyages to New England, p. 172, or Mass. Hist. Coll. Vol. III. 3d Series, p. 32G. * See an interesting note in Drake's Hist. Boston, p. 70, on this name Ara- bella. » Mass. Uist. Coll. Vol. III. 3d Scries, p. 371. 1630.] TRADE. 79 probable, that, from his previous residence in the country, he had an acquaintance with the coast and with the difTerent set- tlements, and for this reason was a valuable aid to Winthrop and his company. He was a man of much importance in those days of small things ; and was associated with the pri- mates of the colony, not in the civil rule, but in affairs of a commercial character. In Thomas Dudley's letter^ to the Countess of Lincoln, it is stated: "About the end of October, this year 1630, I ioyned with the Governour & Mr. Mavericke in sendinge out our pin- nace to the jNarragansetts to trade for to supply our wants, but after the pynace had doubled Cape Codd, she putt into the next harbour shee found, and there meetinge with Indians who showed their willingness to Truck, shee made her voyage their and brought vs 100 bushells of corne at about 4 s. a bushell which helped vs somewhat. From the coast where they traded they saw a very large island,^ 4 leagues to the east which the Indians comended as a fruitefull place full of good vines and free from sharpe frosts, haueing one only entrance into it, by a navigable river inhabitted by a few Indians, which for a trifle would leaue the Island, if the English would sett them vppon the maine, but the pynace haueing noe direction for discovery, returned without sayling to it, which in 2 hours they might haue done. Vppon this coast they found store of vines full of grapes dead ripe, the season beeing past whether wee purpose to send the next yeare sooner, to make some small quantitie of wine if God enable vs, the vines growinge thinne with vs & wee not haueing yett any leasure to plant vineyards." On the 14th of March, 1632, " the bark Warwick (undoubtedly named in honor of the Earl or Countess of Warwick, firm friends of the colony), arrives at Nantasket, and the 19th at Winesemet, having been at Piscataquack and Salem to sell corn which she ^ Force's Historical Tracts, Vol. II. ; Young's Chronicles, p. 301 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. VIII. 6. Prince says (Annals, 323), " 1630, Octr. The Gov. D. Gov. and ]\Ir. (Samuel) Maverick join in sending out our Pinace to the Narragan- setts to trade for corn to supply our wants." * Prince, in his Chronology, p. 323, says: "This is no doubt the island of Aquethneck, after called Rhode Island." 80 HISTORY. [1635. brought from Virginia.'' And again wc find that in " 1632, April 9. The Bark, Warwick and Mr (S) Maverick's Pin- nace, go out, bound to \'irginia, no doubt for corn." In 1635, Maverick went to Virginia to purchase corn, stock, etc., and remained there nearly a year, during which time Moses Maverick paid rent for Noddle's Island, having charge of it for Samuel while absent. Winthrop, in a letter to his son,^ says : " It hath been earnestly pressed to have her [the Blessing] go to Virginia for Mr. Maverick and his corn ; but I have no heart to it at this season, being so perilous both to the vessel (for worms) and especially the persons. I will never have any that belong to me come there if I can avoid it ; but Mr. Mayhew hath taken order the Rebecca shall go, if she can be met with." And afterwards, in his Journal,^ he says : " Samuel Mav- erick, who had been in Virginia near twelve months, now returned with two pinnaces and brought some fourteen heifers, and about eighty goats (having lost above twenty goats by the way). One of his pinnaces was about forty tons, of cedar, built at Barbathes, and brought to Virginia by Cap* Powell, who there dying, she was sold for a small matter. There died in Virginia (by his relation) this last year above eighteen hun- dred, and corn was there at twenty shillings the bushel, the most of the people having lived a great time of nothing but purslain etc. It is very strange, what was related by him and many others, that, above sixty miles up James River, they dig nowhere but they find the ground full of oyster shells, and fishes' bones etc. ; yea, he affirmed that he saw the bone of a whale taken out of the earth (where they digged for a well) eighteen feet deep." A letter is on record, which illustrates the confidence placed in him in business matters. The following is " A Copie of a Letter sent by Captaine William Jackson to Mr Samuel Mavericke," viz. : — " Sir, — I would intreate yo" that if I should not come for New ' Appendix to "Winthrop's Journal, p. 4G5. " Aug. 3d, 1G3G, Vol. I. p. *191. 1635.] TRADE. SI England that yo" would be pleased to demand of M"^ Richard Parsons the smnme of one hundred and sixty pounds sterling w"' a fourth part of what Voyage he hath made if he haue not giuen Account to my Atturneys at Providence & a fourth part of a certaine Frigot called the John ; And likewise there is one Captaine Growt, and Captaine Breame and Mr. John Win- shawe w*'^ hath promised to be heare the next Spring w*''^ is indebted vnto me the summe of two hundred pounds sterling ^ych jg Iq |3g payed in New England, & likewise I left a smale Vessel at Providence w'^'^ is to send her goods to New England if it please God she do take any purchase I am to haue sixe Eights for the Vessel & Vittailing : And likewi^ I left at S* Christophers w*^ my Atturney betwixt fourty and fifty thousand weight of Tobacco w'^^ he did promise to bring or send to yo^ in New England w'^'i if he do I would intreate yo^ to receiue for my Vsc; either in Whole or in part as he can get it into his hands. " My Atturney in S' Christopher is Captaine William Eppes; & my Atturneyes at Providence is M^' Fountaine & Mr. Evenn JNIorgan the Secretary w*=^ if M"^ Parsons do take any purchase and do come from thence yo" may demand the Covenants w^'^ is betwixt him & me for the fourth part of what I haue w'^ him : And likewise one M'' Steward is master of the other smale Ves- sel w^^ is called the Boune Voyage w'='^ is to bring or send such goods as she shall take to New England ; and there to give an account of what shall belong vnto mee. " Likewise I have sent yo« Mr. Parsons bond, and Captaine Growte, Captain Breames and Mr. Winshawes Bond, and a Bond of one Captaine Powels w<=^ if he come for New England w*'^ a Voyage I would intreate yo" to demand the money of him, but if he should come and haue made no Voyage I would that yo" should not demand it of him ; so wishing yo" good health I take my leave and Rest. " You"^ loveing frend This 20th of 7 ber WiLLIAM JaCKSON." 1640.1 Suffolk Deeds, Vol. I. p. 30. 82 HISTORY. [1G45. Maverick also had busiiK*i?s transactions with the noted La Tour, as ajDpears from an " Indenture of a fraight""* made 14 Jan. 1G45, betweenc Charles of St. Steven Knight sen^'' dc la Tour of the one- part & Samuel Maverick for & in behalfe of the Right Worp Sir David Kirke, Knight one of the Lords Proprietors of New foundland ^ Governo'" thereof of the other part Witnesseth that the s*^ Sam' Maverick in behalf of s'^ Kirke hath let vnto frtMghi vnto the said Mosieur la Tour a eertaine Vcssell called the Planter burden 35 tumis of thereabout, for a voyage in her to be made vppon the coast of Lacadie betweene the Capes of Sable & Britton & for the time of 3 months &c. [the vessell .to be properly furnished & s*^ La Tour to pay s*^ Maverick for s"^ Kirk ^ half of all the furs &. Merchandise he shall get by trade w''* the Indians 6cc] 'Divers Gents & Merch*'' my frends on consideration of my present poore dis- tressed condition haue been pleased for my support to furnish mee w'** a quantity of goods to trade w*** the Indians (in this my intended voyage in the Planter) [amounting to ab' .£500 sterling] — engaging to pay sd Maverick in furs &c to that amt 6 days after his return. 19 Jan 1645. " Chevalier De La Tour." i A passage in the Massachusetts Records has given rise to some discussion as to the character of the " Mr. Maverick" therein referred to. The passage is as follows : — " It is ordered that M"^ Shepheard, and Robte Coles shalbe flfyncd 5 mks a peece & Edward Gibbons xx* for abuseing them- selves disorderly with drinkeing to much stronge drinke aboard the Frendshipp & att M' Mauacke his howse at Winettsemt." ^ Were there nothing else by which to judge of the character of either Elias or Samuel Maverick, this passage, taken alone, would have an unfavorable bearing; although the strictness of the laws at that time, and the severe punishments inflicted for small crimes, are well known. On examination it ajipears that a part of the cargo of the Friendship was, " 2. hoggsheads meathcglin, drawne out in tcooden Jlackets, bid when these Jlackets > Suffolk Deeds, Vol. I. p. 75. » Mass. Rcconls, Vol. I. p. 90. 1631.] MAVERICK OF WINNISIMET. 83 came to he received there icas left but 6 gallons of if 2 hogsheads, it being dnmke vp under if name of leackage and so lost,''^ ^ and in another place the crew is spoken of as a " most ivicked and drunken criieP ^ The probability is that the liquor was drunk on board the Friendship, and thence they went to Mr. Mave- rick's house. But that drunkenness was countenanced by either Elias or Samuel is contrary to all our knowledge of their ! respective characters. And still further, these men so fined were subsequently discharged.^ There is another record, which reads as follows : — « 3d May 1631. It is ordered that Thomas Chubb shal be freed from the service of Mr. Sam^' Mauacke & shall become serv't to Will°^ Gayllerd of Dorchester," etc.^ Efforts have been made, in some directions, to impeach the character of Mr. Mave- rick from this record, which is only special pleading. If this Chubb had been bound to Mr. Maverick, of course he could not change his master without authority, and this record is no evi- dence that the change w^as on account of any misdemeanor of his old master. In the year 1632, when the colony was alarmed by reports of piracy committed by one Dixy Bull, a man of note on the coast, the governor and council determined to send an armed vessel with twenty men to join others at Piscataqua, and this united party was to go in search of the pirate. Samuel Maverick's " pinnace " was selected for the purpose, and it made a cruise of several weeks, but without success. In the bills for this expedition, we find the following : " Paid by a bill from Mr. Samuel Maverick, being husband and merchant of the pin- nace for a months wages to Elias Maverick £2 Paid for victuals on his account £2. 5s. Lieut. Mason for his service in the pinnace ,£10." etc.^ When the name " Mr. Maverick of Winnisimmet " has been mentioned, it has sometimes been difficult to determine whether ^ Bradford's Plimoth Plantation, p. 269. - Ibid. 201. ^ Mass. Records, Vol. I. p. 243. * Mass. Records, Vol. I. p. 86. * Drake's History of Boston, p. 148 and note. \i^ 84 HISTORY. [1633. Elias or Samuel was meant. In Winthrop's Jom-nal we find the following : " 1633 Doc. 5. John Sagamore died of the small- pox and almost all his people ; (above thirty buried by 3Ir. Blaverick of Winesemett in one day) " and " when their own people forsook them, the English came daily and ministered to them : and yet few, only two families took any infection by it. Among others, Mr Maverick of Winesemett is worthy of a per- petual remembrance. Hhnself, his wife and servants went daily to them, ministered to their necessities, and buried their dead, and took home many of their children. So did other of their neighbors." ^ It has been generally supposed by writers, among whom are Savage, Drake, Felt, and others, that this referred to Samuel Maverick ; but there are many circumstances which go to show that this act of Christian kindness was by another of the name, Elias, probably a brother of Samuel. At this remote day, and in the lack of positive records, it is impos- sible to determine the question. All that is known on either side will be given, and the intelligent reader can draw such a conclusion as seems most satisfactory to his own mind. In Winthrop's narrative, one point is worthy of notice. He twice specifies on this point " Mr. Maverick of Winnesiiiwiei" as if to distinguish him from Mr. Maverick of Noddle's Island, and in speaking of the latter, he invariably calls him simply " Mr. Maverick," without giving him any location ; but in this case he gives the location, and the most natural conclusion is that it was done to distinguish two men. Samuel Maverick at that time was well known as the proprietor of Noddle's Island, it having been granted to him on the 1st of April, 1633 ; and, since all the authorities agree in placing him on Noddle's Island from 1628 or 1629, so on through a long course of years, it would appear to have been generally understood that that was his place of residence. It will be noticed also, that the Indians were not assisted until the December following; the April in which the Island was granted to Samuel Maverick. The Island, according to the best authorities, seems to have ' Winthrop's Journal *119, 120, note; Drake's Hist. Boston, p. 16-1; Felt's Eccl. Hist. p. 1 73. 1G35.] MAVERICK'S RESIDENCE. 85 been his established home before the arrival of Winthrop, and here he had fortified himself with his fort, and " four murther- ers," arrangements which pertain to a permanent, and not a temporary, habitation. Nor would he have protected himself at Winnifiimet by building a fort and mounting the guns at Nod- dle's Island; nor after building his fort there, and after he "had fixed his tent " ^ there, and acquired a " flourishing plantation," ^ would he be likely to leave for another place. Johnson locates him at Noddle's Island in 1629 ; Farmer also at the same time. Drake, and there is no better authority, says that Mave- rick's settlement on Noddle's Island was commenced a year be- fore Conant's arrival, and that it was never abandoned. Prince states that he "lives" on the Island, in 1630, where " he had built a small fort." Edward Johnson, one of Winthrop's com- pany in 1630, speaks of him as then living on the Island, and mentions his fortifications,^ and the records of the court, and the histories which have come down to us, all unite in fixing his residence there, and speak of it as a well understood fact. The two principal reasons, probably, which have led to the supposition, that Samuel Maverick was of Winnisimet, are that he was the most prominent man of the name and occupies a more conspicuous place in the colonial history, and that the ferry to Winnisimet was granted to him. But it should be remembered, that the ferry was not granted until the 3d of September, 1634, almost a year after the sickness of the Indians. According to the Records, 1634, Sept. 3 : " The fFerry att Wynysemet is graunted to M"^ Sam^ Maaucke, to enioy to him & his heires & assignes foreuer," ^ etc. He did not hold it long, however, for on the 27th of February, 1634-5, ]Mr. Maverick and John Blackleach sold to Richard Bellingham " a messuage called Winnisimmet," etc., and " also his interest in the ferry." ^ It is evident from this and from other records, that Samuel Maverick owned land at Winnisimet, and he probably desired the ferry as a mean of intercourse between the different por- tions of his estate. He owned a large tract of land on the ' Mass. Hist. Coll. IX. 47, 48. * Puritan Commonwealth, p. 419. ' Mass. Hist. Coll. Yol. XH. p. 86. * Mass. Records, Vol. I. p. 126. * Suffolk Deeds, I. 15. 8 SG IIISTOllY. [1C3J. Chelsea shore. For instance, we fiiitl that al)out the year 1642 he sold land there to William Stitson, the father-in-law of Elias Maverickc. The record states, that — " \V™ Stitson of Charlestown, yeoman, sell to Elias Mavcr- icke of Wenesimit w'in the precincts of Boston, all y' parcel of Land at Winesimit w'^'' upward of 20 yeares I have quietly possessed by purchase from Mr. Sam' Maverick, 70 acres or thereabouts.! (8:2: 1GG2) W^' Stitson Elizabeth X Stitson." Still, this ownership of land at Winnisimet does not neces- sarily prove that he lived there, and indeed nothing is more imj)robable than that he should erect a strongly fortified resi- dence, occupy it for years just previous to this sickness of the Indians, then move to Winnisimet, and in a short time go back to the Island, at which place we find him not long afterward. Another reason to show that the Maverick in question was not Samuel is, that, on the 4th of March, 16^4-5, » Mr. Maverick" was ordered to remove to Boston, and not to give entertain- ment to strangers, etc. This, unquestionably, refers to Samuel, who was so noted for his hospitality, and his hospitality is always mentioned in connection with Noddle'' s Island. Reasons like these give plausibility to the idea that it was not Samuel Maverick who was so kind to the Indians, although such acts would be in accordance with the benevolence of his character; while, from the reasons which follow, it is not improbable that the man in question was Elias. Elias Maverick was born in 1604, and was admitted to the church in Charlestown on the 9th of February, 1632-3;- but there is no positive evidence, which we have yet been able to find, which shows that he resided there. Granting that he resided at Winnisimet, the church at Charlestown was the nearest one he could join, and the ferry between Winnisimet and Charlestown being already established, there was regular communication between the two places.^ In the town records > Suffolk Deeds, Lib. IV, fol. 40. • Budington's Hist. 1st Cb. in Cbarlcstown. » Mass. Records, I. 87. 1C33.] MAVERICK OF WINNISDIET. 87 of Boston^ is recorded the marriage of Abigail, "Daughter of Ellias Maverickc of Winnesimet," 4th of June, 1655. His name does not appear on the list of those who were inhabitants of Charlestown in 1030 ;2 it does not appear among possessors of land there in 1638, nor in town deeds from 1638 to 1665. This would indicate that he did not reside in Charlestown. His name is not found there as a resident, nor as a landholder, only as an active church-member. His locality in 1633 cannot yet be ascertained. Some one had been at Winnisimet for a number of years, but who, the records do not state. It may have been Elias Maverick ; this is supposition ; still it may be so. On May 2d, 1657, we find " Ellias Maverick of Winnisimmet," planter, buying land on Hog island,^ and again in 1662 (2d month, 8th day),^ " Elias Maverick of Winnisimmet," bought land in Win- nisimet of William Stitson (his father-in-law). Winnisimet was ordered to "belonge to Boston" on the 3d of September, 1634.^ Children of Elias Maverick born subse- quent to this date are found on the early records of Boston ; still, this of itself would not be enough to substantiate the point, as sometimes in those early records, names were inserted of those belonging in other towns.^ But taken in connection with all the circumstances, it seems to favor the idea that Elias was living at Winnisimet, especially when we are certain that he never resided within the limits of the city proper. That Elias made Winnisimet his home is made certain, still further, from his will, dated there, and which commences, " Elias Mave- rick senior of Winnasimmett." It will be given entire on another page. There is a record which states that Anne Her- ris became the wife of Elias Maverick of Charlestown ; still, this does not of necessity prove that Charlestown was his resi- dence. Of course, there were no records kept at Winnisimet, and Elias was well known as a prominent member of the church in Charlestown, and married a Charlestown woman. ^ Gen. Register, Vol. I. New Series, p. 203. - Biulington's Hist. p. 179. 3 Suffolk Deeds, Lib. 3, fol. 20. * Ibid. 4, 40. ' Mass. Records, Vol. I. p. 125. * Gen. Register, Vol. IV. p. 2G8. 88 HISTORY. [1C33. From all that has been stated, a natural conclusion is that Elias Maverick is the one who is " worthy of perj)etual remem- brance" for his kindness to the poor Indians. The substance of the reason is this: that Samuel Maverick lived at Noddle's Island, and there is no positive evidence that he ever lived any- where else within many years of the date in question (1633) ; Winthrop distinguishes between the two men, in locating one while he never locates Samuel, he being a man so generally known in the colony. Elias Maverick lived for many years at Wiimisimet, and died there. He was a member of the church in Charlcstown in 1G32, and for the remainder of his life, so far as is known, but he was not a real estate owner there, nor is his name on the town deeds between 1G38 and IG60. The church at Charlestown was the nearest one to Winnisimct, and a ferry made communication between the two places. The births of his children are recorded in Boston, and Winnisimct was "laid to Boston" before these births occurred. Except as a matter of curiosity, and for the sake of settling a disputed point, this question has no particular importance. The kindness performed was creditable in the highest degree to the doer, whether Samuel or Elias, and is in accordance with the character of both of the men. If it was Elias, it shows that Christian kindness was exemplified in his character, to a remarkable degree, especially when we consider the nature of that loathsome disease, and especially before vaccination was known. If it was Samuel, it shows the same Christian kindness and humanity, only in a higher degree ; for although he was an Episcopalian, and as such was debarred from hold- ing ollice, and in adhering to his faith was ojiposing the wishes of the colonists, yet he united with them in the noble work of benevolence, subjecting the minor differences of sect to the universal principles of Christianity. Before closing this point, it should be stated, that, although in the jirinted text of his admirable history of Boston, Mr. Drake speaks of Samuel Maverick as the one who buried the Indians, yet in the Index, subse(]uently printed, he honors Elias with this distinction, and, in a note to the writer, he says : " On referring to my History, p. 164 (corrected copy), I find I have written against Samuel Maverick ^ Elias V having come 1 634-8.] HOSPITALITY. 89 to the conclusion (after I had printed), that the ' Mr. Maverick' was Elias, and not SamiieV^ Mr. Drake, from his thorough research, is probably as well qualified to judge on this point as any man living. Of course, a single date, locating Elias or Samuel in the year 1633, would decide the question; and it is possible that such a date may yet be found, although the most patient research has as yet failed of so doing. With the destruction of the records at the burning of Charles- town in 1776 perished the records of the Maverick family ;i and this accounts for much of the difficulty in settling doubtful points. In March, 1634, it was agreed by the general court that " noe wood shalbe felled at any of the islands nor elsewhere, vntill they bee lotted out, but att Muddy Ryver, Dorchester Necke or Noddles Island ; y* all y** wood as yet left vpon y^ Necke of land towards Roxburie, shall bee gathered vp and layd or heaped in pyles " before the seventh day of April next. In the month previous to this regulation by the general court, the Town of Boston had passed the following order ^r — " Y^ all the inhabitants shall plant eyther upon such ground as is alreadie broken up or enclosed in the neck,^ or else upon the ground at Noddles Island from ]Mr. Maverick's grant, and that every able man fitt to plant shall have allowed him two acres to plant on, & for able youth one acre, to be allotted out by Mr. Hutchinson, Mr. Cogan, JMr. Sampford, & Wm. Cheese- borough, & Mr. Brenton or any three of them." The hospitality of Maverick's mansion seems to have been generally acknowledged. Josselyn, who made a voyage to this country in 1638, in the " Neiv Suppli/, alias the Nicholas of London," has given an interesting narrative.* He arrived " before Boston," after a pas- sage across the Atlantic of about seventy days, July 3d, 1638, ^ On the authority of N. B. Mountfort, Esq., of New York City, a descendant of Maverick. - Town Records, Vol. I. p. 2. ^ Meaning the whole of the peninsula. * Mass. Hist. Coll. Vol. III. 3d Ser. p. 220, 22C. 90 HISTORY. [less. and after staying aboard a week, on the tenth of .Inly he "went ashore upon Nochlle's Ishmd to I\lr. Sanincl Maveric;k (for his passage), the only hospitable man in all the country, giving entertainment to all comers i,'rfl//6"." "Having refreshed him- self for a day or two upon Noddle's Island," he crossed to Bos- ton, "which icas then a village of not above twenty or thirty houses ; and presenting his respects to Mr. Whilhro/fe the Gov- ernor, and to Mr. Cotton the Teacher of Boston church, to whom he delivered from Mr. Francis Qnarles, the poet, the translation of the 16, 25, 51, 88, 113, and 137 psalms into English Meeter, for his approbation, being civilly treated by all I had occasion to converse with, I returned in the Evening to my lodging. " The Twelfth day of July after I had taken my leave of Mr. Blai'crick, and some other (lentlemen I took Boat for the Eastern parts of the Countrie," etc. Upon his return, he says, " The Thirtieth day of September I went ashore upon Noddles- Island, where when I was come to Mr. Mavcriclcs he would not let me go aboard no more, until the ship was ready to set sail." 1 These extracts from Josselyn show in the plaiiw?st manner the character and reputation which Mr. Maverick had secured as a hospitable and generous man, and wherever his name is mentioned by writers of that time, this description is universally sustained. Samuel Maverick was one of the earliest (if not the ear- liest) of slaveholders in Massachusetts. A Captain William Pierce, who was a prominent person in the early years of the colony, carried to the West Indies, in 1G37, some captive Pequods to sell for slaves. On his return from the Tortugas, 26th Feb., 1638, he had as a part of his cargo a number of negroes. These appear to have been purchased by Samuel Maverick and others. " This is the first notice," says Felt in his Annals of Salem, " that we have of this disfranchised class." ^ At no period in the history of Massachusetts does it appear that slavery was viewed with favor by the peojile at large, while on the contrary it was repugnant to the feelings of " IMiiss. Hist. Coll. Vol. III. 3d Scr. p. 231. • Felt's Anuals of Salem, Vol. I. p. 411. 1C39.] SLAA^ERY. 91 the Puritans, and was looked upon with abhorrence. Yet, now and then two or three negroes at a time were brought from Bar- badoes and other British colonics and sold for about twenty pounds apiece, and as late as 1678 there were more than a hundred slaves in the Massachusetts colony. So that this cruise of Pierce's, and this purchase by Maverick and others, were not solitary instances, which make them to our enlightened views sinners above all others, but composed part of a series of similar cases, which, at that time, were looked upon in a far different light from the views which are at the present day entertained. It is doubtless in reference to these same slaves, that Mr. Josselyn relates an incident, which at this day cannot be justi- fied, but which truth in a historical narrative demands to be recorded : — " 1639. The 2d of October, about 9 of the clock in the morning, Mr. Maverick's negro woman came to my chamber window, and in her own country's language and tune sang very loud and shrill ; going out to her, she used a great deal of respect towards me, and willingly would have expressed her grief in English ; but I apprehended it by her countenance and deportment, whereupon I repaired to my host, to learn of him the cause, and resolved to entreat him in her behalf, for that I understood before that she had been a queen in her own coun- try, and observed a very humble and dutiful garb used toward her by another negro who was her maid. Mr. Maverick was desirous to have a breed of negroes, and therefore seeing she would not yield by persuasions to company with a negro young man he had in his house, he commanded him, nill'd he, nill'd she, to go to bed to her, which was no sooner done but she kicked him out again. This she took in high disdain beyond her slavery, and this was the cause of her grief." ^ It must be reu. mbered, that this was more than two hundred years ago, and that public sentiment then was not aroused to the moral and social evils of slavery, and the whole subject was looked upon in an entirely different light from what it now is ; and while we with our present feelings and belief do justly > Mass. Hist. Coll. Vol. HI. 3d Series, p. 231. 92 HISTORY. [1639. condemn such conduct as is here referred to, altliough it then was, and now is, a common practice in shivc countries, we shall do well to ask ourselves whether parallel instances are not numerous in our day, in the West Indies and in our own coun- try, and to consider that these latter cases, committed in the full flood of moral, intellectual, and religious light of the nineteenth century, are beyond comparison more blameworthy than similar occurrences two hundred years ago. Josselyn ^ also speaks very feelingly of an incident of a dif- ferent nature, that occurred to himself. " The same day" (Oct. 2d, 1639), he says, "in the afternoon, I walked into the woods on the back side of the house, and happening into a fine broad walk (which was a sledg-way), I wandered till I chanced to spye a fruit, as I thought, like a pine-apple plated with scales ; it was as big as the crown of a woman's hat. I made bold to step unto it, with an intent to have gathered it ; no sooner had I toucht it but hundreds of Wasps were about me ; at last I cleared myself from them, being stung only by one on the upper lip. Glad I was that I scaped so well ; but by that time I was come into the house, my lip was sweil'd so extreamly, that they hardly knew me but by my garments." Johnson cites Henry Gardner, who speaks of Maverick as the " most hospitable man for entertainment of people of all sorts." 2 He doubtless extended his hospitalities to persons who sympathized with him in religious sentiment, and who, of course, were obnoxious to the government on that account. At this time the colonial authorities were exceedingly apprehen- sive of efforts to establish Episcopacy here. They had left England for the purpose of enjoying their own views, and were determined that that form of religion from which they had willingly and at great sacrifice exiled themselves should not follow them. While this state of mind, and the corresponding actions, under the circumstances were necessary for their self- ' It is a curious fact, that (•2Cth June, 1G30) Mr. Jo?sclyn was visited by some neighboring gentlemen, who, " amongst variety of discourse," told hira of a " se&serpent or Snake, that lay quoiled up like a Cable upon a Rock at Cape Ann," considered by the Indians dangerous if molested. * Young's Chronicles, p. 322, note. 1C34-5.] EnSCOPACY. 93 preservation, and thus were justifiable on that gi'ound, still the effects in individual cases were often unhappy, and, at this lapse of time, appear harsh and unjust. In England there was a concerted plan to uproot Puritanism and establish Episcopacy. Laud, and other commissioners for this country, issued orders that none should leave the realm for New England without certificates of having taken the oath of supremacy and alle- giance, and of being conformists to the discipline of the national church.^ The court party felt that some decisive action must be taken, or else the Puritan colonists would get beyond their control. In furtherance of the plan, the Plymouth council agreed to surrender their charter to the crown, provided they could distribute their territory among members of their own body, and in the presence of his majesty they drew lots for the twelve royal provinces into which the territory had been divided. Thus the plan was in progress to establish the supremacy of the king and the authority of the bishops. Says Winthrop : " It appeared likewise, by a copy of a peti- tion sent over to us, that they had divided all this country of New England, viz., between St. Croix in the east, and that of Lord Baltimore, called Maryland, into twelve provinces, dis- posed to twelve in England, who should send each ten men to attend the general governour coming over ; but the project took not effect. The Lord frustrated their design." ^ This is not the place to go into the details of this contest between the colonists and the church royalists. With increas- ing apprehension that a new governor would be brought to their shores, forcibly dissolve it, and carry out the proposed plan, the general court passed an order that no person should visit any ship without leave from some assistants until she had been anchored twenty-four hours at Nantasket, or some other harbor, nor then unless it was evident that she was manned with friends. A beacon was ordered to be set up on Sentry hill, a watchman was stationed there, and a board of w^ar was appointed to meet the emergency in case of a sudden invasion. This board was authorized to make every preparation for ^ Felt's Eccl. Hist. p. 203. - Wiutlirop's Journal, Vol. I. *1C1. J 94 HISTORY. [1635 defence ; to confine persons suspected of treasonable purposes against the commonwealth ; fines were imposed, oaths of fidelity required, and every possible measure taken to protect themselves from the impending evil. This brief statement is made to explain the following order of the general court in relation to Samuel Maverick, on the 4th of March, 1G34-5, in the midst of these exciting times. It was ordered that he should, "before the last of December nexte, remove his habitation for himselfe and his family to Boston, and in the mean tyme shall not give entertainment to any strangers for a longer tyme than one night without leave from some Assistant, and all this to be done under the penalty of £100." 1 As he was an Episcopalian, and noted for hospital- ity to " all new-comers," he was doubtless put under these restrictions from fear lest he might have visitors for the pur- pose of promoting the introduction of the appointed govern- ment of New England.^ This injunction was not of long dura- tion, however, as it was countermanded in the September ses- sion. Felt says, " The suspicion against Samuel Maverick, as a staunch Episcopalian, having lessened, the injunction for his removal to Boston is repealed." ^ There is but little doubt that the authorities were j'eal ous or suspicious of Mr. Maverick, as indeed they were of all who held views contrary to their own ; and it is probable that the severe treatment he received at their hands influenced his sub- sequent conduct. He does not come under the head of the " pilgrim fathers." He was an Episcopalian and a royalist, evidently a good liver, a whole-souled, jovial Englishman, gen- erous and kind, but not sympathizing with the Puritans in their peculiarities. Probably of a firm disposition, and not inclined to be subservient to the dictation of others, he natu- rally came in conflict with the more rigid rules of his neighbors. Possessing these traits of character, he was not a favorite with the colonial government, and, in turn, in* iiad no great respect ' Mass. Records, Vol. I. p. 140. * Felt's Ecfl. Hist. N. E. p. 208. In this valuable work a brief but good account of this controversy can be found. ' Mass. Records, Vol I. p. 159; Felt's Eccl. Hist. p. 227. 1639.] GOVERNOR VANE. 95 for it, especially as he found it vacillating in its actions in most important matters relating to the welfare of the colony. And still he was always found ready to unite with the colo- nists, and do his full share in any public undertaking. At the time of the exciting controversies between the Legal- ists and Antinomians so-called, the differences grew so great that they tended fast to a separation, and to the breaking up of social intercourse. Governor Winthrop, in July, 1637, invited the late governor, Henry Vane, to accompany the Lord Ley at dinner at his house. But Vane not only refused to come (alleging by letter that his conscience withheld him), but also at the same hour he went over to Noddle's Island to dine with Mr. Maverick, and took Lord Ley with him.^ This incident shows that Maverick continued his hospitalities, and was on familiar terms with the chief men of the colony. Vane was " a true friend to New England, and a man of noble and generous mind."^ Winthrop was his rival, and per- haps did not treat him so well as he probably wished he had done some years after. Vane filled the office of governor with general satisfaction, but was left out of office by a manoeuvre of the minority. He bore this in silence, his conduct was that of a high-minded and good citizen ; and when he left the coun- try, the people, who regretted his departure, showed him every attention in their power.^ Mr. Maverick's hospitality and humane disposition some- times brought him into trouble and expense. He may not always have been prudent or particular enough in the objects of his charity; but at this lapse of time it is impossible to decide upon the merits of individual cases, especially when the records, of necessity, give only the bare facts without those attending circumstances, which, if known, might palliate seem- ing crime. In 1041, one Thomas Owen and the wife of a William Hale had been imprisoned under the charge of illicit conduct. In ^ Winthrop's Journal, Vol. I. *232 ; Felt's Eccl. Hist. p. 309. * AVinthrop's Journal, Vol. II. p. 304. * Drake's Review of Winthrop, p. 18. 9G HISTORY. [1G37. sonic way Hioy found mrans 1o (>sca))o from custody, and it was ascertained that I\Ir. Maverick had admitted them to his house. It does not appear why he liarbored them. He may have allowed them refuge as any other humane person would have done, seeing them in great distress ; or there may have been peculiar circumstances connected with the case, which do not appear upon the records, and which justified some such course of action. However this may have been, he was fined one hundred pounds for this act; but it was afterward abated to twenty pounds. Mr. Maverick was not alone in this transac- tion, as we find six or eight individuals fined for the same olVencc ; and this fact leads to the inference that the proceed- ings against Owen were considered as unjust by not a few of the community, and that Mr. Maverick exercised the kindness for which he was so celebrated, in his usual independent maii- /ner, without reference to the authorities.^ His hospitable dis- position subjected him to numerous fines, which, however, were frequently remitted ; indeed, he seems generally to have been at war with the government. Says the editor of Winthrop's Journal : " The character of Maverick induces me to believe that he supposed the parties innocent, which probably in (luenced Winthrop and the majority to a mitigation of the |)enalty My oj)inion of Maverick's conduct, reported in the text, gains confirmation from the impli- cation of many others in the escape of the offenders-''^ There are many instances recorded where Maverick was intrusted with public matters, even before his appointment as royal commissioner, and these instances only show that he pos- sessed the confidence of the colonial government, and that they were willing to avail themselves of his services, although they did not allow him to hold any office. Such items, illustrative of his character and standing, may be introduced. " On the 6"* of June, 1637, Robert Anderson, for his con- tempt was fined £50, and sent to prison till he shall give satisfac- tion." " Mr. Samuel Mavericke," on the same day, " was injoined > Drake's Hist. Boston, p. 250 ; Mass. Records, Vol. 1. p. 335, Vol. II. p. 32; Ibi.l. p. 54. ' Wiutlirop's Journal, Vol. II. *51, note. 1637.] KEPUTATION. 97 to keep in his hands of the goods of said Anderson to the value of £50 starling for his fine & to deliver him the rest of his goods." 1 In another instance he is directed to bring in his accounts for "publique busines" in which he had been employed ;2 again, he is one of the referees in adjusting the differences between "Charles Townc & Newe Towne;"^ and, again, he with another individual is appointed to purchase clothing in England for a Wm. Bunnell, which expense the general court is to make good to them.'^ In 1639, being bound in XIO for the appearing of James Meadcalfe, forfeited his recognizance, and in December of the same year paid in £5 of it.^ In 1640, among numerous grants of land by the town of Boston, Samuel Maverick and Thomas Fowle had 600 acres each, the greatest quantity allotted tp any individuals. Mave- rick also had an additional grant of 400 acres of land in Brain- tree, by the town of Boston, " which was assigned unto Edward Bendall by said Maverick in 1643." ^ Maverick owned, or had claim upon property, in Boston, for we find on record a mortgage to him from Robert Nash, butcher in Charlestown, on a tenement upon the hill near the dwelling- house of " the Reverend Teacher, Mr. John Cotton, in Boston, formerly in the tenure of Lieut. Thomas Savage." The paper is dated on the 24th Sept., 1642, and discharged on the 29th August, 1648.'' In 1651 he is mentioned as one of the execu- tors of the will of John Mills, of Boston. Without going into further detail to prove the assertion, it may be safely stated, that, so far as the records bear testimony to Maverick's position in society, he appears to have deserved, and to have received, the confidence and respect of those with whom he was associated, both in public and in private life./ But, as already intimated, his religious views involved him in difficulties with the government of Massachusetts. A more particular narrative of these troubles forms the subject of another chapter. ^ Mass. Records, Vol. I. p. 199. ^ Wid. p. 149. ' Ibid. p. 101. * Ibid. Vol. n. p. 149. ' Ibid. Vol. I. p. 149. « Boston Town Records, p. 67. ^ Suffolk Reg. Vol. I. fol. 35. 9 CHAPTER IV. SAMUEL MAVERICK; HIS ECCLESIASTICAL TROUBLES. In the Massachusetts colony there were from the commence- ment, individuals who held views, in both civil and ecclesias- tical matters, contrary to the opinions and practices of the colo- nial authorities ; as these became more numerous, and came to include in their number men of character and distinction, they were not backward in making complaints of such laws and enactments as they considered arbitrary and exclusive. The rigid laws of the colony, and in particular the law restricting to church-members the right to hold office, naturally gave great dissatisfaction to those who, by holding a different religious belief from their Puritan neighbors, were thus debarred from any influ- ence or position in the government; and a desire for. and a determination to obtain, religious toleration, was rapidly gain- ing ground. Indeed, as early as 1645, the subject of equal civil and religious rigiits and privileges to all citizens was extensively agitated, books in defence of toleration were circulated, and the exertions to obtain the desired end became so prominent that the authorities began to be alarmed. The movements of the disafiected were for a time carefully concealed under the guise of enlarging the liberties of the people, but the design could not long remain secret. The struggle commenced in Plymouth by a proposition for a " full and free tolerance of religion to all men that would preserve the civil peace and submit unto gov- ernment ; " and there was no limitation or exception against any sect whatever. Turks, Jews, Papists, Arians, Socinians, Nicolaitans, Familists, indeed people of every belief, were to 1646.] EFFORTS FOR TOLERATION. 99 have equal rights and privileges.^ It is not strange that such a proposition alarmed the Puritans, and was considered dangerous. The magistrates accordingly combined to defeat the move- ment, and the scene of action was removed to Massachusetts. Prominent among those in the Massachusetts colony who were opposed to the prevailing principles of ecclesiastical policy, and the practices under them, was Samuel Maverick. The fact that his Episcopacy entirely excluded him from office was not calculated to conciliate his feelings towards the author- ities, or bring about a change in his opinions. On the contrary, he, and others who were under the same disabilities, the longer they were made in this way to suffer, were the more determined in their views, and commenced a course of proceedings for the advancement of religious freedom by far the most formi- dable which had yet been witnessed in New England. In this movement, personal motives may have been mingled with others of a more general character, but the main object in view was a worthy one. It was, however, unfortunately urged at a wrong time and in a wrong manner to accomplish much good. For the authorities were then peculiarly suspicious of any new movement, and were vigilant to preserve the purity of the churches, and to suppress all innovation upon the established laws and usages. The efforts to obtain equal civil and relig- ious rights and pri\vU^ges may be said to have first taken a definite form in 1646. Says Hutchinson, " A great disturbance was caused in the colony this year by a number of persons of figure, but of different sentiments, both as to civil and ecclesias- tical government, from the people in general." The principal persons connected with the controversy were William Vassall, a prominent member of the church in Scituate, a town in the Plymouth colony contiguous to Hingham in the Massachu- setts colony. Dr. Robert Child, a young physician from Padua, and Samuel Maverick. Vassall, who had much influence in \^ the Massachusetts and Plymouth colonies, prepared a scheme for petitions to be presented to the courts of both colonies by the non-freemen ; and if these petitions were refused, the plan was to apply to parliament, pretending they were subjected to * Barry's Hist. Mass. Vol. I. p. 338. 100 HISTORY. [IGIG. an arbitrary power and extrajudicial proceedings. The first two of the Massachusetts petitioners were Samuel Maverick and Robert Cliild.i In accordance with Vassall's scheme, a " Remonstrance and humble petition" was addressed (1646) to the general court, signed by Robert Child, Samuel Maverick, Thomas Fowle, Thomas Burton, David Yale, John Smith, and John Dand. They complained, 1st, tliat the fundamental laws of England were not acknowledged by the colony as the basis of their gov- ernment, according to patent; 2d, that the civil privileges enjoyed by the freemen of the jurisdiction were denied to such as were not members of the churches, and did not take an oath of fidelity devised by the authority here, although they were freeborn Englishmen of sober lives and conversation ; 3d, that they were debarred from Christian privileges, such as the Lord's supper for themselves, and baptism for their children, because they were not members of the particular churches here, although of good character, and members of the Church of England. They therefore prayed that civil liberty might be forthwith granted to all who were truly English ; and that all members of the Church of England or Scotland, not scan- dalous, might be admitted to the privileges of the churches of New England ; or, if these civil and religious liberties were refused, that they might be freed from the heavy taxes imposed upon them, and from the impresses made of them, or their chil- dren or servants, in time of war; if they failed of redress there, they should be under the necessity of making application to England, to the honorable houses of parliament, who they hoped would take their sad condition into consideration, pro- vide able ministers for them, New England having none such to spare, or else transport them to some other place, their estates being wasted, where they may live like Christians. But if their prayer should be granted, they hoped to see the then contemned ordinances of God highly prized; the gospel, then dark, break forth as the sun ; Christian charity, then frozen, wax warm ; jealousy of arbitrary government banished ; strife and contention abated ; and all business in church and * Ilutcliinson's Hist. Mass. Vol. I. p. 145. 1646.] REMONSTRANCE. 101 state, which for many years had gone backward, successfully thriving, &c. The substance of the remonstrance is thus given in the Massachusetts archives : — " 1. They discerne not a clear settled forme of gov^ment according to y® fundan**^ laws of England, which seemeth strange &c. " 2. No body of lawes to enioy lives liberties, goods accord- ing to y** rights of English subiects from whence arise Jeal- ousies of introducing arbitrary govnmnt, w*'^ is detestable to o' English nation, & to all good men, fro™, whence is feare of illegall commitmts taxes customes uniustifiable p''zes, undue fines & unconceivable dang'^s, by a negative, or destuctive vote unduly placed, or not well regulated of a non conformity of all things they enioy, & of undue oathes subject to exposition according to y® will of y® giver. " 3. W^'fore they desire y® establishing of y^ fundam*all lawes of England to w*=^ we are obliged by o' charter, & oathes of allegiance fro"" w'^'^ if wee swerve y® be a pow"^ setled to "call us to account according to y lawes of England. " 4. Slav^'y & bondage, upon y™, & y' posterity intoUerable by y™ who ought to love, & respect y"" as brethren, for not bearing office, or haveing votes, w'^fore y^y desire equall liberty w^'^out imposing oathes, or covenants, on y"^ unwarranted by y^ patent nor agreeing with y^ oath of allegiance, & y® place stiled a free state, rath' y*^ a Colony, or corporation of Eng- land or at least, y' y'"^ bodies may not be imprest nor y"^ goods taken away least they ignorant of y^ witness of y® warr may be forced upon y"^ destructions, & y* all taxes & impositions may be taken away, yt so they me be Strang's in all things ; other- wise they are in a worse case y° y^ Indians. " 5. yt none be banished, unles they breake y* known lawes of England deserving such punishm*, & yt those yt come may settle without two ma*"^'^ hands. " 6. They desire lib'ty for y« memb'^ of y® Church of Eng- land to enioy all ordinances w*^^ us, or els to grant liberty to settle y™ selves in a church way according to Engl : and Scot- land, w*=^ if not granted they will petition y« Parliam'. 9* 102 HISTORY. [1646. " 7. These thinges amended all o"" calamities are like to cease, & all things p'"sper. Robt Child Thomas Fowle Thorn Burton David Yale John Smith Samu: Maverick." John Dand ^ It is evident that this petition was intended for an extensive circulation, as copies were rapidly spread into the adjoining governments of Plymouth, Connecticut, and New Haven, and even in the Dutch Plantations, Virginia, and the Bermudas; and it seems to have been well understood that it was expected to reach English ears, and that it was to be forwarded to par- liament. The petition gave great offence to the court and to the people generally ; and in reply a declaration was ))ublished by order of the court, in which the charges were freely exam- ined and the government vindicated. The petitioners were required to attend court, and, on so doing, urged their right of petitioning; to which it was replied, that they were not accused of petitioning, but of using' contemptuous and seditious expres- sions in their remonstrance, and they were ordered to appear before the court. In the mean time there was much agitation in the community, and the civil authorities applied to the elders for their opinions respecting the bearing of the laws of England upon the government here. It perhaps was fortunate that at this time the government in England was in too unsettled a condition to attempt to settle affairs in the colony.^ In November (4th) the court came together by adjournment, and the case of Dr. Child and others was taken up. Two of the petitioners, Fowle, who was preparing to sail for England, and Smith of Rhode Island, then in town, were required to find sureties for their appearance to answer. In the end they were all fined in proportion to their supposed demerits. Winthrop says : " The court proceeded to consider of their censure, and agreed, that the doctor^ (in regard he had no cause to com- plain, and yet was a leader to the rest, and had carried himself ' (1G4C.) Vol. 106, pp. 5, 6. * Drake's Hist. Boston, p. 295. ' Doctor Child. 1646.] FINES AND APPEAL. 103 proudly, etc., in the court) should be fined fifty pounds, Mr. Smith (being also a stranger) forty pounds, Mr. Maverick (because he had not yet appealed) ten pounds, and the other four, thirty pounds each." He adds, that, being called again before the court and admonished, " they were offered also, if they would ingenuously acknowledge their miscarriage, etc., it should be freely remitted. But they remaining obstinate, the court declared their sentence, as is before expressed." ^ This exorbitant imposition excites both surprise and indig- nation, wholly opposed, as it was, to every principle of a free and enlightened government, and bearing with severity upon some of the most prominent and useful men of the colony. One of the petitioners was at that time associated with Winthrop as one of the selectmen of Boston, and Maverick, another one, had that very year shown his interest in the welfare of the colony by advancing a large part of the outlay required in fortifying Castle island, in which the town of Boston had engaged to save him harmless to a certain extent.^ This harsh legislation can only be viewed as one of the arbitrary proceedings which were too frequent in the early days of the colony. It should be remarked, that the court was not unanimous in its sentence. Mr. Bellingham, Mr. Saltonstall, and Mr. Brad- street dissented, and desired that their dissent should be en- tered upon the records, — a course of action which reflects much credit upon them. Two or three of the deputies also dissented. The petitioners then claimed the right to appeal to the commissioners for plantations, in England ; but this was not allowed. Yet they appealed to parliament, and Dr. Child, with others, prepared in all haste to go to England to prosecute the appeal. The court, judging it dangerous to allow these men to proceed to England under these circumstances, and, under the pretence of detaining Child on account of his fine, deter- mined to seize him, and to take away and destroy whatever papers any of them might have, calculated to expose the pro- ceedings here ; and, as if to aggravate this intended outrage as much as possible, it was " agreed to defer it till the Doctor had * Wintlirop's Journal, Vol. II. pp. *291-2 and note. ' Ibid., note. 104 HISTORY. [1G46. been on shij^board." But the plan being discovered, they say, " we sent the ollicers presently to fetch the Doctor, and to search his study and Band's, both at one instant, which was done accordingly." Nothing obnoxious was found in the doc- tor's possession, but with Mr. Dand were found various objec- tionable documents, among which were two petitions to par- liament setting forth the experience of the petitioners in the court in Boston, and suggesting remedies ; also a paper con- sisting of some twenty questions respecting the validity of the patent of the colony ; whether certain acts were not treason, and whether the courts had a right to prevent the establishment of churches according to the reformed English Church, and other inquiries of a similar nature. Beside this search, so clearly unworthy of the authorities, there were other aggravating circumstances connected with the proceedings against Child, Dand, and Smith; and, to make the measure of punishment and disappointment full, they were held in durance until the ships had sailed. Vassall and Fowle sailed for England early in November, 1646. Felt says : " The night before they intended to embark, order is given that search be made for their papers. At Band's resi- dence some are found, which Smith, being with him, catches up to secure from exposure. When the officer seized them, the latter said ' he hoped, ere long, to do as much to the governor's closet and to him, as he did for them.' Among them is the petition of non-freemen, with twenty-five signers, most of them young men and strangers, which prays for liberty of conscience and a general governor ; and also another, of the remonstrants to parliament. In the last document, prayer is made for * churches according to the reformation of England,' and for the removal of several customs here, which the petitioners call grievances. " Child, Smith, and Band arc committed to the custody of the marshal till the vessels bound to sea shall have sailed. This was on account of the new matter which appeared from their papers. On giving sufficient bail, the first was allowed to be confined to his house. The other two were kept in the house of the prison keeper. A young man, Thomas Joy, who had circulated the petition for the non-freemen, and otherwise 1646.] VOYAGE OF FOWLE AND VASSALL. 105 busied himself against the authorities, was put in irons for several days, when he confessed that he had done wrong, and was therefore released." ^ The measures against Child were probably thus severe from the fact that, as Winthrop says, "the writings were of his hand." By this phrase is undoubtedly meant that he drafted the petitions, for although Vassall was without doubt the prime mover in the controversy, he was not, to our knowledge, a man of public education, although his wealth and position in society gave him an extensive influence in the colonies. Child, who lived in the adjoining town of Hingham, was a talented man, and educated at Padua, that celebrated seat of learning. Even Winthrop, who was his bitterest opposer, calls him " a man of quality, a gentleman, and a scholar," and he of all the peti- tioners seems to have been the most likely to have been selected to draft the different papers ; indeed, they bear internal evidence of a discriminating and educated mind. As Mr. Drake, the author of the admirable history of Boston, has given a well condensed account of Fowle's and Vassall's voyage, so far as this particular matter is concerned we repeat it in his language. He says : " They went in a ship named the Supply. About the time of her sailing, Mr. Cotton preached a Thursday lecture sermon, with special reference to persons going over in her with written complaints against the late transactions in Boston. Some belonging to the ship, or going in her, were his hearers at the lecture, and he warned them against the bearers of such communications ; that any such papers would prove a Jonas to the voyage ; and recommended, if a storm did arise, that certain trunks should be searched for a Jonas. A storm did arise, and a certain female on board, who had heard Mr. Cotton's late ser- mon, ran about the ship in much consternation, insisting that if any passenger had a Jonas, it should be produced, and the ship delivered of it. She gave Mr. Vassall a call at midnight. He asked her why she came to him ? ' Because,' she said, ' it was thought he had some writings against the people of God.' He 1 Eccl. Hist. N. E. p. 592. 106 HISTORY. [1C4C. told hor he had only a petition to parliament, merely praying that they might enjoy the liberty of English subjects ; and surely that could be no Jonas. She next paid Mr. Fowle a visit, in ' like distracted manner.' He told her he had only a copy of the petition, which himself and others had presented to the court at Boston. This he produced and read to her, and then said, that if she and others judged that that was the cause of the storm, they might have it, and do what they would with it. She took the paper to her companions, who, after a consul- tation, decided that it should be cast overboard. But it is remarked, that though it was thus ceremoniously committed to the waves, there was no immediate cessation of the tempest ; nor did it prevent another, which seemed to have doomed them all to certain destruction near Scilly, fourteen days after. " Notwithstanding those and other storms during the voyage, and notwithstanding the real Jonas continued in the ship, and was ' cast up at London ' in safety, as were all the ship's com- pany ; yet it was reported that they owed their safety to the destruction of the petition to parliament, when, as Major Child says, it was only a copy of a petition to their own court at Bos- ton ; still the petition to parliament, with a copy of that thrown overboard, and other writings of that nature, were still in the ship, and safely delivered at London, as before mentioned." ^ The petitioners may not have been all of the best temper, nor in all respects of the best intentions ; but the treatment they received was singularly unjust. A number of years sub- sequent to this, Mary Hooke, a daughter of Maverick, in a peti- tion to Governor Andros, refers to the severe treatment which her father received. This petition, which is an important one in many respects, is as follows ^ : — "Feby 13th, 1G87 — " To His Excellency S"" Edmund Andros Knight Capt" Gen- erall and Govcrno'' in Chiefe in 6c over his Majesties Territory and Dominion of New England &c. " The Humble Petition of Mary, the wife of Francis Hooke, * Drake's Ilist. Boston, p. 208. » Mass. Arcliivcs, Vol. 128, p. 45; N. E. Hist. & Gen. Reg. Vol. VHI. p. 334. 1648.] MARY HOOKE'S PETITION. 107 of the Towne of Kittery in the Provynce of Mayne, Daughter and Heiresse of Samuel Mavericke, deceased, " Sheweth unto yo^ Excellency " That Your Peticoners said Father the ad Samuell Maverick was in the yeare of our Lord God 1648 an inhabitant and owner of a place called Noddle's Island in New England, now in the possession of Corronell Shrimpton, at which tyme, he y"" Peticon"^^ s^ father with some others drew upp a Peticon w*^ an intent to p^'sent it to the late Maj*y King Charles the first of ever blessed memory, in which Peticon they requested severall liberties which they did not then enjoy, and amongst other things for the baptizeing of their Children. But by some means or other the said Peticon was discovered by the Massathusetts Government and the Peticon'^ imprisoned for a long season, and att length all fined, amongst which yo' Peticon*^ s*^ Father was fined the full summe of Two Hundred and Fifty pounds sterli ng ; ^ Which sume he resolveing not to pay, and fearing the s*^ Island would be seized to make payment of itt, he made a deede of Gift of the s*^ Island to his Eldest sonne, not w*^ any designe to deliver the s*^ Deede to him, but onely to p'^vent the seizure of itt. But yo"^ Peticon"^^ s^ Eldest Brother heareing of itt, by a Crafty Wile contrary to his Father's Knowledge gott the s^ deede into his custody. But whether he sold it, or how he disposed of itt yo' Peticon"^ canot sett forth, soe that yo"^ Peticon" s*^ Father in his life tyme. And yo"" Peticon'^ since his decease hath been debarred of their just right, and partly by the Massathusetts Government continuing soe long. And yo'' Peti- con" Father being one of the Kings Comiss" sent with Collon^ Niccolls Gen S-^ Rob' Carr & Collon^^ Cartwright to settle the affaires in New York & New England but were interrupted at Boston w''^ sound of Trumpett. " Wherefor yo"" Peticon'^ humbly desires yo'" Excellency to take the p'misses into consideration and to graunt her some reliefe therein And yo"" Peticon'' as in duty bound shall ever pray &c Mary Hooke."^ * She makes a mistake ; the fine was £150. ' Mary Ilooke married, first, John Palsgrave on the 8th of the 12th month, 108 HISTORY. [1647. The petitioners of 1646, two of whom wont to England with tlicir a])|)ral in November of tliat year, had declared their inten- tion of appealing to parliament. This is probably the one to which Mary Hooke refers, although, from the ambiguous man- ner in which her statement is worded, it might seem the petition to which she refers was sent in 1648. But as Charles I. had at that time lost his throne, she undoubtedly had reference to the petition of 1646, and the words, " at which time" may mean that the petition was sent when Maverick was owner of Nod- dle's Island. In March, 1647, the assistants arraigned Samuel Maverick and William Clark for their active exertions in obtaining signa- tures to the non-freemen's petition, which it was intended to present to the Earl of Warwick and the other commissioners, wdio had the control of affairs in the North American colonies. Clark was a member of the Salem church. Both Maverick and Clark were bound over to the general court, Smith and Dand having given security for the payment of their fines. Relative to the first petition, they were bailed to appear at the same tribunal. Child declined to give similar bonds, and was therefore committed to prison. The reason for such particu- 1655, and after bis decease, on the 20th of September, 1660, Francis liooke. •' Francis Hooke is first introduced to us as a pious man and preacher of the gospel. He selected his place of abode at Winter-harbor, in Saco, where men- tion is made of him in IGGO. Inflexibly attached as he was to the interests of Gorges, in belief that his right was well-founded, he was appointed a justice, both under Archdale in 16G3-4, and by the king's commissioners in 1665. For a period his acceptance of these offices, in connection with his political senti- ments, might have rendered him unpopular among the partisans of Massachu- setts; yet so entirely had he regained the public esteem in 1G80 as to be appointed first county treasurer under President Danforth's administration, and a member of the council during the whole period of his presidency. He seems to have had the singular good fortune of a very few public men, that is, to be popular with all parties. For, in 1692 and 3, he was a member of the prov- incc council under the charter of "William and Mary, a judge of probate two years, and also a judge upon the bench of the common pleas. He removed to Kittery before the commencement of the second Indian war, where he died in January, 1695. In a word, such was Francis Ilooke, that no other of that age in the province was so public spirited and highly useful, none better beloved." — Appendix, Williavison's Jlisl. Maine, j). 679. \j 1647.] BIPRISONMENT. 109 larity, as Winthrop observes, was that " the cause was of so great concernment as the very life and foundation of our gov- ernment." ^ " On the 26th of May, at the general election, an effort was made by the favorers of the principles advocated by Child and others to choose a governor and magistrates who would sus- tain their cause. The attempt was unsuccessful, no one of their candidates being elected save Robert Bridges, belonging to Lynn, for an assistant." ^ On account of the insecurity of the Boston jail, the court in June gave instructions, that if all the prisoners of Dr. Child's company be released except one or two, these should be put in irons, unless they paid the charge for two watchmen.^ It was ordered, in October, that Dand, one of the remon- strants, should be set at liberty on condition of tendering a suitable acknowledgment, and giving sufficient security for the payment of fifty pounds.* If by " all the prisoners of Dr. Child's company " is meant all who signed the remonstrance to parliament, then Maverick was at one time imprisoned for an offence like that his daughter names ; and that this was the case is evident from a clause alluding to his imprisonment in one of the petitions pre- sented by Maverick to the court, which is given on a sub- sequent page. On the 26th of May, 1647, the court agreed upon the sen- tence against the petitioners, and it is thus recorded : — ^ " The Courte having taken into serious consideracon the crimes chardged on Doc* Rob* Child, Mr John Smith, M'' Thomas Burton, M"" John Dand & M'' Samuell Mauericke, & whereof they have binn found guilty vpon full evidence by the former judgement of this Courte, have agreed upon y® sentence here ensewing respectively decreed to each of them, £ s. d. Doctor Child, two hundred pounds, & imprisonment vntill it be payed or security given for it 200 00 00 ^ Felt's Eccl. Hist. N. E., p. 594. - Ibid. 596. ' Ibid. 598. * Ibid. G02. 5 j^jass. Records, Vol. III. p. 113. 10 110 HISTORY. [164 7. £ s. (1. ^Ir .fohn Smith, one hundred pounds, & imprisonment as be- fore 100 00 00 M"" John Dand, two hundred pounds & imprisonment as be- fore 200 00 00 Mr Tho : Burton, one hundred pounds & imprisonment as before 100 00 00 M'^ Sam: Mauericke,ffor Jiis offence in being pty to if conspir- acy one hundred pounds, ^' imprisonment as hefoi-e . . 100 00 00 M'^ Sam. Mauericke, ffor his offence in breaking his oath, §• iti appealing ag"^^ y' intent of his oath of a freeman, ffifty pounds Sf- imprisonynent as before 050 00 00 Jacob Barney, contradicens to y" sentence of yo Courte." Maverick did not quietly submit to this heavy tax, but earnestly addressed the court on the subject. The following petition is copied from the archives: — ^ " I Samuell Mavericke humbly request that whereas at a Co'te held in May & June 1G47 there was layd to my charge conspiracy and periury, for w*''^ I was fined 150X, no witnes appearing either viva voce or by writinge, but was refered to the records for sufficient testimony to convince me, \\^^ records I could not obtaine in thirteen weekes, in the space of one month after sentence I yielded myself prisonner according to the order of Co^'te, & after my abode there 12 dayes paid the fines, & so was discharged, w*''* time haveing gotten coppies of the records, and finding nothing materiall against me, whereby I may, (as I conceive) be rendered guilty, so as to deserve so great a fine, or to lye under so great disparagment upon record. " I therefore humbly desire this hono'"ed Courte, that my fines may be repaid, and my Credit repaid, by recording my inno- cency, if such testimony do not further appeare, as may render me guilty. " Samuell Mauericke." 8 (3) 1C49 Another petition, for the remission of his fines, etc., entitled " M'' Mauericke's 2nd petition," was presented on the 16th of May, same year, and is thus recorded.^ ^ Lib. 38, B. 228. » Mass. Records, Vol. III. pp. 166, 167. 1647.] PETITIONS. HI " To the honnored Generall Courte, now assembled in Boston. " May it please you : " Whereas I have been formerly chardged w*^ conspiracy & perjury, w*^^ to my vnderstanding, hath not binn sufficyently pvd agt me, tho the Courte, vpon the evidences brought against me, sentenced and fined me 150 £, & having searched the records cannot yett see sufficyent evidence to prove the chardges against me, W^^ mooved me to petition this honnored Courte for a review of my cawse ; yett T desire the Courte to vnderstand me, so as if I accoumpted myself altogether free of error, but have cawse rather to suspect and judge myself and accons then your justice and p'ceedings ; and being confident and experimentally assured of yo'^ clemency to others in the like kind, I am bold rather to crave yo'^ mercy in the favorable remit- tance of my fines then to stand either to justify myself or p'ceed- ings, w'^'^ as they have (contrary to my intencons) prooved p'ju- dicyall and very offensive, so it hath binn, is, and willbe, my griefe and trouble. I shall not trouble you w*'^ arguments respecting myself and family, though the burden lyes heavy in that respect ; the only motive lies in yo"" owne breasts, yo"^ wonted charity, w'^'^ will render you to the world mercifull, and refresh and fully satisfy yo"^ humble petitioner, who doth remaine Your humble servant " Samuel Mauericke." To this petition the deputies consented in full, " w'^ refer- ence to the consent of our honno'"ed Magis*^" But the magis- trates refused their consent, and the petitioner failed in his request. We find yet another petitione, in these words : — " To the right worpp" the Gouerno'^ Deputie Gouerno'" and Assistants togeather w**^ the hono'*^ Deputies now Assembled in the Generall Court at Boston — " The Humble Petition of Samuell Mavericke sheweth that Whereas yo' Petition"^ did in or about November last p'^ferr a peticon to this honored Court ; wherein hee desired yo" would graunt him a review of his Tryall, the reparacon of his Creditt, and remittm* of fines imposed on him for the reasons therein 112 HISTORY. [1C50. Declared as more fully cloth api)earc by the sayd Peticon, a Coppy whereof hee doth heercw"' p'^sent vnto you but receiving noe Answer. " Hee doth Humbly request yo" to take the sayd Peticon into yo' serious Consideracon being ready to make his Purgation on Oath if desired, and willing if any Evidence appeare suffi- tient to Render him Guiltie (and hee not able a])parently to Contradict it) freely to Submit vnto the Sentence ; his Request being, (as hee supposeth) reasonable, hee doubts not of yo' fauorable Answer w"^'^ will farther Obleidgc him Euer to Remaine Yo"" Humble Servant." Mr. Maverick's persevering efforts were, at last, partially successful; for on the 19th of June, 1650, — " In answer to the petition of Mr. Samuel IMaucricke for the remittingc or mitigation of a fine of one hundred & fiftie pounds formerly layd vppon him, it is ordred, that the petition"' shall haue the one halfe of the foresd fine abated, p Curiam." ^ Mr. Maverick, a few years later, had these proceedings of the government in full remembrance, and doubtless enjoyed the exercise of the power given him over those who had, but a short time before, judged his actions so severely ; and it is only another instance of the vicissitudes of life, when the accused becomes the accuser, the law-breaker the lawgiver. On this whole subject, Drake justly observes : " It may appear strange that Mr. Maverick should submit to so many indignities as from time to time it has been seen that he did ; a man that Boston could not do loWiont. He was a gentleman of wealth and great liberality. A few pages back, 291, we have seen how much the town was indebted to him for help to rebuild the fort on Castle island. He may have looked upon these and other proceedings against him as petty annoyances, to which it was best quietly to submit, not wishing to set an example of opposition to the government, or, having a large property at stake, he might not wish to jeopardize it." ^ Says another writer: "He was compelled to contribute to the sup- ^j port of the elders, but, wilh his family, was excluded from all ' Mass. Records, Vol. III. p. 200. ' Drake's Hist Boston, p. 296 1662.] REFLECTIONS. ]^ 113 participation in the solemn ordinances of religion." ^ When considering the peculiar circumstances under which he was placed, and the evident fact that his position as a man of wealth, liberality, hospitality, public spirit, enterprise, and rank in society, demanded at least equal rights and privileges, it must be admitted that he exercised exemplary patience. It is sad to contemplate such acts of oppression as have been briefly noticed, whatever the provocation might be that called them forth. The government appears to have been for a long period in constant fear of attempts, both here and in the mother country, to establish Episcopacy, to which their own independ- ence would be brought into subjection ; and that fear was doubtless the chief incentive in all their harsh and oppressive acts towards members of the Church of England contending for their rights. But a significant clause in the letter of Charles II. (28th June, 1662) to the Massachusetts Colony, illustrates that the spirit of intolerance was not confined to New England, nor to any particular sect of Christians. " We cannot be under- stood hereby to direct, or wish, that any indulgence should be granted to those persons commonly called Quakers, whose prin- ciples being inconsistent with any kind of government, we have found it necessary, by the advice of Parliament here, to make a sharp law against them, and are well contented that you do the like there." 2 In the spu-it of toleration and mildness our ancestors were far in advance of the mother country ; and it would be well for those who delight in dwelling on the confessed severity and rigidness of the early settlers, and their spirit of intolera- tion to all w^ho differed from them, to compare, with reference to this point, Old England and New England at that time. Such a comparison will show that our honored ancestors, although to our present ideas harsh and bigotedly illiberal, still were many years ahead of the times in which they lived. It was natural that they should be jealous of any innovation in their religious worship. They had left their own country on account of the persecutions of the church, and, with singular self-sacrifice, had crossed the ocean and founded a settlement ' Puritan Commonwealth, p. 419. * Danforth Papers. 10* 114 HISTORY. [1650 • to enjoy their own forms of worship and their own ideas of government; and when they saw the attempt made to establish here the very system from which they had fled, they resisted, and resorted to measures which we cannot approve ; bat yet tliey were much milder measures, and more in accordance with the opinions of the present day, than were pursued under the same circumstances in England. It is by no means certain but that, with all our boasted liberality of sentiment, we should act in the same manner if placed in a similar situation ; and our judgment of others should always be regulated by the time and the peculiar circumstances which surround the subject. Situated as we now are in the full enjoyment of the funda- mental principles which our forefathers established, it is difficult for us to appreciate their peculiar situation, or to realize the difliculties they had to encounter and overcome. Their tenacity of opinion and jealousy of intrusion led to a too intense expres- sion of their ardor in the cause they had espoused, and for the establishment of which they had planted their feet on these western shores. Smarting with their recent sufferings from intolerance at home, they could not brook the thought that they were to be followed over the waters by the same spirit. They pursued a course of measures perhaps impolitic and severe, and upon which we look back with regret. But, while we condemn, let us not forget the extraordinary circumstances in which they were placed, and let us give our judgment upon an honest investigation and just appreciation of all the pecu- liarities of the case. CHAPTER V. NODDLE'S ISLAND A PLACE OF KEFUGE TO THE BAPTISTS. Similar in character to the Episcopalian troubles in the Mas- sachusetts colony were the Baptist difficulties, which lasted for a period of twenty years, and involved both church and state in an unhappy controversy. In the direct order of time, the sale of Noddle's Island by Maverick came between these two religious controversies, but they are so closely connected in character it is thought best to present them in juxtaposition, even at the sacrifice of strict chronological order. Suffice it then in this place to say, that, during the protracted contest in which the persecuted Baptists took refuge on Noddle's Island, the Island was not in Mave- rick's possession, nor was he connected with it in any manner. With him circumstances had vastly altered. He had sold his Island home, and, as a royal commissioner, was in the exercise of authority over those who so recently had apparently taken delight in using with severity their brief authority over him. Persisting in their harsh treatment of all who differed from what might with propriety be called the Established Church of the colony (for such it was in spirit), the authorities, in oppo- sition to the well-known wishes of the crown, and in spite qf the presence of the royal commissioners, who had power over them in these matters, afflicted the Baptists with the same rigorous treatment with which they had treated Maverick and his Episcopalian friends. Resisting the authority of the com- missioners, the colonial government determined, at all hazards, to preserve its favorite form of religious worship untainted with any heresies, and this persecution of the Baptists well illus- trates this point, and is pertinent to the narrative. As Noddle's Island was long the residence of Maverick, the 116 mSTORY. [1CG5. zealous Episcopalian and royalist, whose efforts to obtain relig- ious toleration and civil rights brought him only fines and imprisonment,' so also it was, after it passed out of his posses- sion, tlie refuge of the First Baptist Church of Boston, while under the interdict of the provincial government. " I give," said Henry Shrimpton, the father of Colonel Shrimpton, a subsequent owner of Noddle's Island, in his will, dated July 17th, 1666, " ten pounds to the society of Christians that doth meet at Noddle's Island, of whom is Gould & Osborne & the rest, as a token of my love." That this was also a token of his liberal and catholic spirit, and of his inditTer- ence as to official prejudice, the facts relating to this society will show. This was not only the " First Baptist Church of Boston" (a name it still bears), but for nearly forty years comprised almost all the Baptist interests in the colony. Formed in Charlestown 28, 3, (May) 166o, by Thomas Gould, Thomas Osborne, Ed- ward Drinker, and John George, who were then baptized, and Richard Girdall, William Turner, Robert Lambert, Mary Girdall, and Mary Newell, who had been Baptists in England, the organization was preceded by ten years of ecclesiastical troubles, and followed by ten more of legal oppression. Gould and Osborne had been members of the First Church in Charlestown ; but, " it having been a long time," says Gould, " a scruple to me about infant baptism, God was pleased at last to make it clear to me by the rule of the gospel that children were not capable nor fit subjects for such an ordinance." This was in 1655 ; and the omission at that time to present his child for baptism, introduced those troubles which issued in the fqrmation of a Baptist church. He was cited to appear before the Charlestown church, and he did so; and at several meetings the jDropriety of infant baptism was discussed at length. The discussions resulted, as such disputations generally do, in con- vincing neither party. No church action, however, was had until he adopted the practice of leaving the church during the performance of this rite. Upon this and other manifestations of his dislike, as he himself says, he was " dealt with " for " unrev- ercnt carriage." The proceedings ran through two years, in the course of which he was laid "under admonition." From that 1G65.] THE BAPTISTS. 117 time he ceased to attend the meeting at Charlestown. A short time elapsed, and he was summoned to answer for so doing. His reply that " he had not rent from the church, for they had put him away," was not considered valid ; and, in June, 1658, after conference between himself and the church, in which he justified his long absence upon the ground that their suspen- sion of him had deprived him of membership, he was " admon- ished for breaking away from the church in the way of schism, never having used any means to convince the church of any irregular proceeding, but continuing peremptorily and contu- maciously to justify his schism." No further notice was taken of him, although he still con- tinued absent for more than five years ; nor until he had begun to hold meetings upon the Sabbath in his own house. Upon this new offence, he received, in February, 1664, a second "admonition" for "schism," and for refusing to make any explanations regarding " a private meeting kept at his house on the Lord's day." At the same time, Osborne, who in the preceding November had been "admonished" together with his wife, the former for " anabaptism," the latter, not only for that, but also for what the church styled " Quakerism," received a second censure. The object of the church in this proceeding being still unat- tained, and, in addition to the former reasons, it appearing that these persons had formed themselves into a church, they were summoned to meet the Charlestown church to account for their withdrawal. They refused to appear; a further delay was had, a second summons being in the mean time issued, which met with the same result. After still a third notifica- tion, on the 30th of July, 1665, Gould, Osborne, and Mrs. Osborne were, for " withdrawing from the church and neglect- ing to hear the church," formally excommunicated. Had these persons been subjected to no more violent pro- ceedings than these of the Charlestown church, they would have had slight cause to complain. That their principles were in several respects irreconcilable with those of their former church ; that the manner in which their opinions were ex- pressed was far from conciliatory and respectful ; that the pro- ceedings against them were neither hurried nor unlawful ; and 118 HISTORY. [1665. that their treatment of the church's authority was certainly not according to usage, is clearly evident. In the cases of Gonlcl and Osborne, the final action was taken for long withdrawal from public worship, and refusal to meet the charges against them ; Osborne complaining that they " gave no liberty to several brethren to j)rophesye," and " that they limited the min- istry to learned men." In the case of Osborne's wife, action was taken for " her notorious neglect of the jniblic worship of God, denying our churches to be true churches, and also the church's power over her;" in that of John Farnum, one of the first members, — having been early a member of the Dorchester church, and afterwards of the Second Church in Boston, — it was " for renouncing communion with the church, holding familiarity with excommunicated persons, slanders against several holy and worthy men," and in persisting to refuse com- munion with the church except upon the preposterous condi- tions that " they must set up the ordinance of prophecy ; promise to baptize no more infants ; all be baptized (i. e. rebaptized) themselves; put away their present teacher (Rev. Mr. Mayo) from his office." As they denied the Puritan churches to be churches, and " did not consider that any but practical believers who had been baptized upon a profession of faith (thus excluding the great bulk of church-members) could be visible members of the church of Christ," ^ it is diflScult to see how the churches could have taken any different action. Indeed, soon after, the Baptist church itself excommunicated Farnum for the same offence of withdrawing from worship and refusing to hear the church, as we shall see. But when the state brought its force to bear against these few conscientious and powerless men and women, the subject takes a different aspect ; for, although their conduct was in many respects unjus- tifiable, neglect would have rendered harmless those whom force exalted into martyrs. For the first ten years this church appears to have held its meetings mostly at Noddle's Island. In August following its formation, their j)lacc of meeting was not publicly known ; for the constable of Charlestown was directed to use his endeavors ' Hist First Bap. Church, Boston, 1853. 16G6-74.] WORSHIP AT NODDLE'S ISLAND. 119 to discover it. But in the next April (1666) they plead in court that they steadly attended public worship; which open statement, with the legacy in the will of Henry Shrimpton, July 17, 1666, already quoted, makes it evident that their place of gathering was then well known; though when these meet- ings were first held there, and at just what time Gould moved there (which were apparently coincident), it is impossible to tell; yet it seems evident that it was as early as the summer of 1665. Drake says : ^ " The date of the first Baptist church in Boston is reckoned fi-om the time of Mr. Gould's removal to Noddle's Island, ascertained to be in the year 1668. From this date the one hundred and fiftieth anniversary was celebrated in 1818." This is an error, as various circumstances go to show that Gould resided at the Island two or three years previous to 1668. In 1668 the church had increased to eighteen members ; and for some years, as appears from their correspondence, they were known as the " Church of Jesus Christ worshipping at Noddle's Island in New England." Samuel Hubbard of Newport, R. I., so addi-essed them in Nov. 1671. In Nov., 1670, Drinker, in a letter to Clarke and his church at Newport, says, " Warrants are in two Marshal's hands for brother Gould, but he is not yet taken because he lives in Noddle's Island, and they wish to take him at town." And again, " we keep a meeting at Noddle'' s Island every first day, and the Lord is adding some souls to us still, and is enlightening some others. The priests are much enraged." 2 Under date of 1674, Capt. John Hull, in his MS. Diary, writes, " This sumer the Anabaptists if ivere loont to meet at Noddle^s Island met at Boston on y^ Lords Day. One Mr. Symond Lind letteth one of them an house which was formerly Mr. Rucks." At this time half a dozen of these brethren were living at Woburn, among whom were Elder John Russell, Senr., who held meetings with them on the Sabbath, when they could not go to the Island. As, besides having " set up the ordinance of prophesies," which thereby allowed all members to take part in their meetings, they had several elders, it is not probable that > Hist. Boston, p. 378. ' Backus, Hist. Bap. L 398. 120 HISTORY. [16G8. these meetings were tliscontiiincd at that time, although Gould was in prison. Drinker is styled " Reverend," and Isaac Hill, the first person admitted after the organization, is included among their ministers. But Gould, while he lived, was •regarded as their pastor, and his residence at Noddle's Island, until the erection of a church at Boston twelve years after- ward, was their house of worship. " Little is known of him," says the brief history of the churcli already quoted, " more than that he sullered much from the bigotry of his opponents, and was founder of the ehurcii which included almost the whole of the Baptist interests in the colony of Massachusetts for more than forty years." The laws, whose severity Gould and his associates were made to feel for the ensuing ten years, w^ere by no means new enactments, nor did all of them have special reference to the Baptists. Such was the first in point of time, passed in 1635, which forbade citizens from " meeting upon the Lord's day " under a penalty of imprisonment and a fine not exceeding five shillings for each offence, to be imposed by any two assistants ; and which was reenacted with more fulness in 1646. Such also was the law of March 3d, 1635, which rendered illegal the formation of a new church without the consent of " the magis- trates, and the elders of the greater part of the churches ; " a law intended for those of the established faith, and considered necessary in a country so thinly settled as to render a multi- plying of churches not only troublesome as to harmony, but burdensome as to support, and which bore with especial sever- ity on those who not only subdivided, but renounced the fellowship of, the churches which they abandoned. The law, however, which was intended directly for such cases, was passed 13th Nov., 1644, against the Anabaptists ; that, after recaj)itu- lating the troubles which had arisen from these people in other commonwealths as they "who have held the baptizing of infants unlawful, have usually iield otiier errors," and mentions that " divers of this kind" had appeared in Massachusetts who denied the ordinance of magistracy and the lawfulness of mak- ing war, declares that all persons who should offend in the specified particulars shall be banished. It is fair, however, to notice the statement of the general court, two years after, that 16G5.] THE BAPTISTS ADMONISHED. 121 those who differed merely in judgment in point of baptism and live peaceably amongst ns " were not to be molested ; to which the venerable Increase Mather, in 1681, adds his unim- peachable testimony, that he had never known " those that scruple Infant Baptism to be molested merely on the account of their opinion ; " and he bases the propriety of the banishment of such as created trouble upon the fact that they themselves had, at great labor and sacrifice, transported themselves and their families into a " Wilderness that so they might be a pecul- iar People by themselves," and appeals to their opponents " to do as they would be done by, and deal with us as they would have us to deal with them were they in our case and we in theirs." There was a law enacted on the 4th Nov., 1646, against any person who should go about to destroy or disturb the order of the churches by open renouncing their church state or their ministry, or other ordinance, upon various specified " pretences," for which the penalty was 4:0s. per month, " so long as he con- tinue in his obstinacy." Under all these enactments were the Baptists prosecuted. In less than three months after the church was gathered, 20th Aug., 1665, the constable of Charlestown was directed to dis- cover the place of meeting of Gould and his associates, and in case of failure to report their names and places of abode to some magistrate.^ In consequence, perhaps, of the latter direc- tion, Gould, Turner, Osborne, and George were summoned in September before the court of assistants held at Boston, and " legally convicted of a schismatical opposition to the churches of Christ here settled, and of profaning the holy appointment of Christ, and in special, the sacraments of baptism and the Lord's Supper, by administering the same to persons under censure of an offended church among us, and presuming, as a covert of their irreligious and pernicious practices, to declare themselves to be a church of Christ." ^ No penalty was inflicted at this time beyond an admonition to desist from their meetings and irre- ligious practices ; but in October, on their own acknowledged disregard of this advice and their expressed determination to ^ Backus, Hist. Bap. I. 371. ^ j^j^ss. Records, Vol. LY. Part 2, p. 2D0. 11 122 HISTORY. [lCCC-8. persist, ihey were disfrancliiscd, and made liable, upon convic- tion before any magistrate, to be imprisoned during thd pleas- ure of the general court. In April following (166G) they were "presented" in the county court at Cambridge, " for absenting themselves from the j)ublic worship.'' Tiiey replied, referring to their meeting at Noddlc''s Island, that they constantly attended such worship. The court decided that that was not a lawful assembly; and Gould and Osborne were fmed X4 each, and required, in bonds of X20 each, to appear at the next court of assistants ; refusing to obey the decision in cither respect, they weYe committed to prison. At the ensuing session the court of assistants confirmed the sentence of imprisonment until the fines were paid; and in September the general court, after a full review of the case, sus- tained the decision. As the convicted men were soon after at liberty, it is probable that they complied with the arbitrary sentence. At the same time the general court reafhrined its order of October, 1665, in relation to the " said schismatical assembly." " Thus they went on from time to time," says Backus, " till the com't of assistants met at Boston 3d March, 1668, when on an appeal of Gould from a judgment of the county court at Charlestown, the jury decided in his favor. The decision was not satisfactory to the court, and the jury were sent out again with instructions to return a special verdict. They did so ; the decision of the lower court was confirmed ; judgment was entered ; the appellant refused to pay the imposed fine, and again was committed to prison.^ Such peculiar arguments failing to convince these men of their errors, the governor and council determined to allow a public discussion on the points at issue. The 14th of April was the day selected ; the jjlace was " the meeting-house at Boston ;" the question, " whether it be justifiable by the word of God, for these persons and their company to depart from the communion of the churches, and to set up an assembly here in > Backus, 1.373-375. 16C8.] DEBATE. 123 the way of anabaptism, and whether such a practice is to be allowed by the government of this jurisdiction ? " There was a great concourse on the day appointed. Gould, Farnum, Osborne, and others were present, and with them sev- eral members of Mr. Clarke's church at Newport, sent to assist their brethren in debate. On the other side, several of the min- isters were requested to assemble with the governor and council. An elaborate debate, doubtless as convincing on both sides as such debates usually are, was had and closed ; and, in May, the Baptists were summoned to declare its effect. Their views and resolutions were still unchanged ; and from the apprehension of various dangers to the commonwealth set forth in the sentence, the court ordered their banishment on and after the 20th July next following ; and Gould, to whose prison life the public debate had been only an episode, was released to enable him to obey the mandate of the authorities. They did not submit to the decision ; and within a fortnight after the specified time they were again in prison. On the 14th of October they addressed a petition to the government, stating their conscientiousness in their peculiar views, but asserting their " innocence touching the government, both in Civil & Church affairs," and begging to be set at liberty. Their petition was also sustained by a paper numerously signed by persons in Boston and Charlestown ; but so far from aiding in the desired object, the latter paper, although respect- ful and proper in tone as well as creditable to the signers, gave such offence to the general court that several of its promoters were fined, and others severely censured. The petition itself had no favorable results. Farnum, as we judge from a court order of 7th November, 1668, submitted to the authorities, and was released. Gould and Turner, more resolute, were still undaunted, and remained in prison. In March, 1669, it is worthy of notice that they were released upon their parole, for three days, to visit their families and also " to apply themselves to any that are able and orthodox for their further concernment." How they chose to interpret this is probably seen in the fact, that on Sunday the 7th of that month a service was held at Gould's house on Noddle's Island, for attending which, Drinker was committed to 124 HISTORY. [1CG9, 1679. prison, where he lay until the ensuing May. Doubtless Gould and Turner were returned to prison. But tidings of these matters had reached England and excited sympathy. Letters of remonstrance from the Independents came to the colonial government, as to their treatment of the Baptists. Thirteen ministers in London, among whom were Goodwin, Nye, and Owen, wrote to Governor Bellingham, 20th March, 1669, with urgent requests that these proceedings might cease. Others more privately attempted the same thing, declar- ing the peace and mutual afl'ection which existed between such classes in England. It is not known what effect that produced, though it may be on this account that the imprisoned were set at liberty. But that the temper of the government was unchanged is evident ; for on the 30th of November, Turner was again in prison, and warrants were out for Gould, who consulted his safety by remaining at Noddle's Island, whither the constables did not go. And in May, 1672, the law of 1644, prescribing banishment to such as should openly condemn infant baptism, was reenacted. On the 7th of December, 1672, Governor Bellingham, always hostile and rigorous towards the 'J\^'f' 'Sti^-^^^ou-ux, Baptists, died. A large part of the people, though disagreeing with their peculiar views, had always disapproved of the treatment of the government; and when, in May, 1673, John Leverett succeeded to the office of governor, his well-known sentiments in'favor of milder treatment found no obstacle to their exercise. For six years the Baptists had peace. Enjoying their own views, they worshipped umolested, and they still continued to meet at Gould's house on Noddleh Island, at least so long as he lived. It was in the midst of this quiet, in October, 1675, that Gould died. After years of ecclesiastical and legal trouble, he had the happiness to leave the church which he had founded, at rest. So prosperous had they been, that the question of a second church was mooted, but for the time deferred. On the 16th March, 1679, Governor Leverett died. He was succeeded l)y Bradford. Under his administration the tribu- nals again took cognizance of the Baptists. Several persons 1679.] THE BAPTISTS HAVE REST. 125 were tried and fined, and others admonished. Still, they pro- ceeded to carry out a plan now conceived, that of erecting a house of worship in Boston, taking care, however, that nothing should be known of its contemplated use until it was finished. They met in it for the first time on the 15th of February, 1679. In May the leaders were summoned before the courts ; and to meet this case, and perhaps others, a new law was passed, forbidding the erection or use of any house of worship without permission of the authorities ; uny meeting-house, after three meetings, to be forfeited to the county. To save their property, they refrained from meeting in it until information of a royal edict, granting liberty of conscience to all Protestants, was received. They then met in it again, notwithstanding the royal order ; the doors were nailed up by the order of the court, 8th March, 1680, and a notice posted forbidding all meetings within it. Its owners then met in the yard in front, but a week or two after forced the house open. They entered it, and continued there undisturbed until the 11th of June following, when they were summoned to answer for violating the statute of 15th February, 1679. Squire, Drinker, Russell, and some others, appeared. After a hearing, they were released from fines, but were still forbidden to meet as a society, or to use for public worship the house they had built; to which effect the governor admonished them in open court. But this admonition was the last exercise of power : with it their trials from church and state authorities ended ; and, after twenty years of vexa- tious persecution, the Baptists had rest. At the very time the Baptists were suffering their persecu- tions, Maverick (who had sold his interest in the Island) was laboring, as one of the royal commissioners, to secure religious freedom to all, under instructions from the crown, in which, however well the object of establishing Episcopacy may have been disguised, it was well declared to be "very scandalous that any man should be debarred y® exercise of his religion, according to y® laws & custome of England by those who by y^ indulgence granted have liberty left to be of what profess" in religion they please ; in a word, persons of good & honest con- versation who have lived long there may enjoy all the privi- 11 125 HISTORY. [1C79. ledges ccclesiasticall cV (in the colonies) civill w'"'^ arc due to them, and w*^^ arc enjoyed by oth""^ as to choose an be chosen into places of government 6c the like ; and that differences in opinion doe not lessen their charity to each other since charity is a fundamental in all relimon." CHAPTER VI. SAMUEL MAVERICK, EOYAL COMMISSIONER. It has been seen in Chapter IV., that Maverick's Episcopacy) 'nC- and his efforts to obtain equal civil and religious rights . and ' privileges for people of every religious belief, subjected him to the constant displeasure of the colonial government, under which he suffered persecution and hardship. Under these cir- cumstances it is not strange that he should have become disaf- fected, and should have harbored considerable ill feeling toward the colony. Certainly, the treatment he received w^as not calculated to make him friendly in his feelings towards, or intercourse with, his provincial neighbors, or strenuous in his exertions to advance those measures of theirs which were so contrary to his own ideas of justice. Indeed, his subsequent life shows that he persisted in his loyalty to Episcopalianism and the king, and that he had not so far conquered the author of evil but that, contrary to the advice in the old hymn, he "let his angry passions rise;" and, upon a change in the home government, exerted himself most strenuously to maintain his position, and acquire authority and power over those w^ho had ill-treated him. This partook more of w^eak human nature than of Christian forbearance ; but Maverick's disposition w^as not such as to induce him to submit to indignity. With this end in view, upon the restoration of Charles II. he went to England to complain to the king, and was t^vo or three years in soliciting that commissioners might be appointed, who should visit New England with authority to settle all diffi- culties.i His efforts were successful ; and on the 23d of April, > Hutchinson's Hist. Mass. Vol. I. 250. 128 HISTORY. [1CC2. 166J, Cliarlos 11. appointed four commissioners, of whom Sam- uel Maverick was one, to whom extraordinary powers were given to reduce " the Dutch at the Manhadoes," to visit the New England colonies, and hear and determine all matters of complaint, settle eonflic-ting ([uestions which had arisen con- cerning the charters, and, indeed, to adjust all diflicultics, and effect the peace of the country .^ The colony of IMassachusctts never was in high favor with the mother country; for from the first its leading men, and in fact the colonists generally, had shown a distasteful regard for their rights, and a calm decision in maintaining them. Upon the overthrow of the protectorate of Cromwell, the ene- mies of Massachusetts gained ground rapidly in England ; the principal men of the colony trembled at the restoration, and had continual fears of being deprived of their privileges ; and these were not groundless. The ear of the king was soon obtained by the Quakers, and perhaps other enemies of New England, and he sent a re(|uirement to the colonial government to answer the complaints in England. To this end Mr. Brad- street and Mr. Norton were sent to represent the colony as loyal and obedient! a colony which had justified every circum- stance in the course of Cromwell, and publicly praised the piety and justice of the court which had brought Charles I. to the scafiold.^ On the return of these agents. King Charles sent his oft quoted letter of 28th June, 1662.^ In this letter is a clause, which shows the position which the government intended to assume, and from that time did take, relative to Episcopacy. Maverick could already see the dawn of a brighter day for his * Tlic subject of the commission is a very broad one, and covers many important points, and it would rcfpiire a volume to set it forth in a proper manner. In this narrative there is only room to present the leading facts in such a manner as to give a general idea of the sul)ject Voluminous docu- ments are to be found in the Mass. Records, N. Y. Cob Hist, Ilutcliinson's Collections, and Hist of ]Mass., etc. The writer has also had the opportunity, by the kindness of G. II. Snelling, Esq., of examining the " Danforth Papers ;" an old MS. of great value, relating exclusively to the diflkulties between the colonial authorities and the royal commissioners. » Drake's Hist Boston, p. 359. ' Mass. Records, Vol. IV. par. 2, pp. 58, 1G0-1C2, etc.; Danforth Papers. 1662.] THE LETTER OF KING CHARLES. 129 religious opinions ; and the colonial authorities could easily perceive how their harsh treatment of him and others who differed from the Puritan mode of worship was soon to bring about its own retribution. Says Charles in this letter : " Since the principall end & foundation of that charter was & is the freedome & liberty of conscience, w^ee doe hereby charge &c require that that freedome & liberty be duely admitted & allowed, so that such as desire to vse the Booke of Comon Prayer, & performe their devo- tions in that manner as is established here, be not debarred the exercise thereof, or vndergo any prejudice or disadvantage thereby, they vsing their liberty w'^'^out disturbanc to others, & that all persons of good & honest Hues & conuersations be admitted to the sacrement of the Lord's supper, according to the Booke of Comon Prayer & their children to baptisme." No explanation is necessary to show how this clause would controvert the views and actions of the colony, or how impor- tant it would have been in its general character if it had been carried out. They had retained their charter up to this time, although it had been more than once demanded ; but should they now be required to deliver it up, they would not be able to resist the power which would be brought to bear upon them. It is doubtless true that the charter did not grant to the colo- nists all the privileges which they exercised ; but they had enjoyed these so long with the tacit acquiescence of the govern- ment, that they considered themselves entitled to their free exercise. It is not improbable that the unpleasant state of feeling exist- ing between the mother country and the Massachusetts colony had inlluence with the crown in listening to the solicitations of Maverick. His representations of the state of affairs in Massa- chusetts were supported by others who were unfriendly to the colony. A letter from Capt. Thomas Breedon to " My Lords and Gentlemen " is on record, which gives to the government any thing but a favorable account. Says Breedon : " The dis- tinction of freemen and non-freemen, members & non-members, is as famous as Cavalers & Roundheads was in England;" ..." they look on themselves as a free state," some " say they will dye before they loose their liberties and priviledges ; by 130 HISTORY. [1CC4. wliicli it may appcaro how diiricult it is to reconcile monarchy and independency ; . . . there should be a speedy course taken for setling and establisliing this country in due obedience & subjection to His Maj"*^^" etc. In the spring of 1G64, intelligence came to this country that several ships were soon to arrive from England, and with them persons of distinction. By order of the court the charter was put in the charge of four of their number for safe-keeping, and a day of fasting and jirayer was appointed to be observed throughout the jurisdiction.^ The ships sailed from Portsmouth, England, having on board four hundred and fifty men, and four commissioners of oyer and terminer,^ who were appointed to visit the colonies and hear and determine all matters of complaint. This com- mission consisted of Col. Richard Nichols (the commander of the expedition). Sir Robert Carr, George Cartwright^ and Samuel Maverick^ any two or three of them constituting a quorum. Col. Nichols being always one. The king's com- mission, after setting forth the reasons for this appointment, says : — " Know yee therefore, that wee reposing special trust and confidence in the fidelity, wisdome, and circumspection of our trusty and well-beloved Colonel Richard Nichols, Sir Robert Carre, Knt., George Cartwright, Esq., and Samuel Maverick, Esq., of our special grace, certain knowledge, and mere motion, have made, ordained, constituted and appointed, and by these presents do make, ordain, constitute and appoint the 3aid Colonel Richard Nichols, Sir Robert Carre, George CartwTight, and Samuel Maverick, our Commissioners, and do hereby give and grant unto them, or any three or two of them, or of the survivors of them, of whom wee will the said Colonel Richard Nichols during his life, shall be ahvaies one,'* and upon equal " Hutchinson, Vc.]. I. p. 2:10. * Wasliburn (.Iinlicl.il History, p. 35) thus specifics thorn. ' Goodrich's Hist. United States, p. 50, erroneously calls him Richard Mave- rick. * This provision is thus alluded to in a letter from Cartwright to the secre- tary of state. " Since all the plantations both of Dutch and Swedes upon the 1G64.] THE COMMISSION. 131 division of opinion to have the casting and decisive voice, in our name to visit all and every of the said colonies aforesaid, and also full power and authority to hear and receive, and to examine and determine, all complaints and appeales in all causes and matters, as well military as criminal and civil, and to proceed in all things for the providing for and settling the peace and security of the said country, according to their good and sound discretions, and to such instructions as they or the survivors of them shall have, or shall from time (to) time receive from us in that behalfe ; and from time to time, as they shall find expedient, to certify us or our privy counsel, of their actings and proceedings, touching the premises," etc.^ This commission bore date of the 25th of April, 1664, the sixteenth year of the reign of Charles II., that is, the sixteenth year from the execution of his father, Charles I., but only the fourth year after the restoration ; the protectorate of Cromwell was made of no account in the royal reckoning. It was pre- ceded by a letter from Charles II. bearing date 23d of April, two days previous to the date of the commission to the governor and council of Massachusetts, stating some of the objects of the commission, and speaking of the commissioners as " per- sons of known affection to our service and of long experience ;" of this, the colonists had no doubt I In the instructions by which the royal commissioners were to be guided, the king commands them to give assurance to the governor and council of his tenderness, care, and affection for the inhabitants of the colony ; and of his confident expecta- tion that by the representations of that nature they should make, the evil designs of disaffected ones would be discouraged, and the loyalty and affection of his subjects, in turn, would be secured. They were then to open the matter of " reducing the South River -were reduced under the obedience of his Majestie In October last, IMr. Mavericke and my selfe have had nothing to doe but to observe His Majesties commands in visiting the English Colonies; but we have not had power to doe anything ; for together he and I cannot act without a third man, though each of us, single, may act with Colonel Nicolls; but he is detained at New York," etc. • Hutchinson's Hist. Mass. Vol. I. p. 535 ; N. Y. Col. Hist. Vol. III. p. 64. 132 HISTORY. [16G4. Dutch in or near I^ong Island, or anywhere within the limits" of the kinj^'s dominions, to entire obedience to his government. The general reasons assigned for this were, that besides afford- ing refuge to all sorts of evil-doers, the Dutch made it their business to oppress their neighbors, and by unlawful and foul means to engross all tlu; trade to themselves. This being done, the commissioners were next to desire them, after their own custom, constitnlion, and form, as soon as it could be done, to call a general council and assembly, to whom also these matters should be oi)encd. They were to inform themselves of the state and condition of the neighboring " Kings and Princes or the other Natives adjoining," and to inquire what treaties or contracts had been made with them ; how they had been observed on the part of the king's subjects ; and, for the credit of Christianity, to redress any wrongs that might have been committed. They were also to ascertain what progress had been made in founding any college or schools for the education of youth, and the conversion of the infidels ; and what success had attended endeavors of that kind. These things being accomplished, they were directed to " take a view of our letter of the 28th June, 1662, and examine how all those particulars therein enjoined by us, and which ought by their charter to be observed, have been or are put in practice, as, that persons take the oath of allegiance, that all process, and the administration of justice, be performed in our name ; that such as desire to use the Book of Common Prayer, be permitted so to do without inctirring any penalty, reproach or disadvantage in his interest, it being very scandalous that any man should be debarred the exercise of his religion, according to the laws and customs of England, by those who by the indulgence granted have liberty left to be of what profession in religion they please ; in a word, that persons of good and honest conversation, who have lived long there, may enjoy all the privileges, ecclesiastical and civil, which are due to them, and which are enjoyed by others, as to choose and be chosen into places of government and the like ; and that difierences in opinion do not lessen their charity to each other, since charity is a fundamental in all religion." ^ » Colonial HistN. Y. Vol. ID. p. 54. 1664.] INSTRUCTIONS. 133 This would be a great victory for Mr. Maverick to achieve over the colonists who had so persecuted him on account of his religious opinions, and was well calculated to gratify his ill feeling towards the Puritan government of the province. The commissioners were to ascertain whether any persons standing attainted in parliament of high treason, referring par- ticularly to those who sat in judgment on Charles I., were entertained and sheltered in the colony ; and, if such should be found, to have them apprehended and sent to England ; and finally, they were to inform themselves of the whole frame and condition of the government, both civil and ecclesiastical, and of its administration.^ The instructions to them, of the same date, as commissioners to Connecticut, embrace, generally, the same matters, with some additional ones, that need not be repeated. The private instructions to the commissioners, which were " to be considered and communicated only betweene them- selves," are very significant as showing the designs of the home government. These instructions commence as follows: — " Though the maine end and drift of yo"^ employm* is to informe yourselves and us of the true and whole state of those severall Colonies and by insinuateing by all kind and dextrous carriage into the good opinion of ye principall persons there, that soe you may (after a full observation of the humour and interest both of those in governm* and those of the best quality out of governm*, and generally, of the people themselves) lead and dispose them to desire to renew their charters and to make such alterations as will appeare necessary for their owne benefit : — Yet^ you may informe all men that a great end of your designe is the possession of Long Island and reduceing that people," etc. They were " to use great dilligence together in the careful and exact perusall of the first and second charter ; " and it was "wished that y« severall Governours should hold their places three or five yeares, and that before the midle of the last yeare three names should be sent over and presented to us, that one of them might be chosen by us for the next Governor," etc. ^ Mass. Hist. Coll. 3d Series, 7, p. 127. 12 X34 HISTORY. [16G4. They were to be particularly careful not to excite suspicion in the minds of the colonists that any change was intended in forms of religious worship, and that they might not give "any umbrage or jealousy," they were advised to frequent the churches and to be present at their devotion, " though wee doe suj)pose and thinko it very fitt that you carry with you some learned and discreet Chaplaine, orthodox in his judgement and practice, who in your owne familyes will rcade the Booke of Common Prayer »k/ performe your devotion according to y*" forme established in the Church of England, excepting only in wearing the surplesse, which haveing never bin seen in those countryes, may conveniently be forborne att this tyme," etc. They were to " proceed very warily," and not " to appeare solicitous to make any change in the matters of Religion." They were directed to employ all the art they possessed to lead the colonists to desire the renewal and alteration of their charters. Two points were named as specially desirable to be gained. The first was, the consent of the colonists that the governor be nominated or approved by the king. The second, that the militia be put under an officer nominated or recom- mended by him also. To this was added, " and it may be if they consider their charter they will not find that they have, in truth, the disposal of their own militia as they imagine." And the wish was expressed, that the general assembly might be so wrought upon that Colonel Nichols might be chosen by them governor, and Colonel Cartwright, another of the commissioners, major-general.^ The commissioners also were intrusted with a letter from the kingr to the governor and council of Massachusetts.^ This recital of the object and duties of this commission has been made, because Maverick, whose character, as the first pro- prietor of Noddle's Island, it is one object of these pages to illustrate, was one of the commissioners, and in some of the matters alluded to, he had, years before, taken a deej) interest and borne an active part. In further illustration of his charac- ter and position, extracts will be given from some letters of his which are extant. ' Col. Hist. N. Y. Vol. HI. p. CO, etc. » Ibid. pp. 51-64. 1664.] ARRIVAL OF THE CO^miSSIONERS. 135 The ships containing the troops and the commissioners be- came separated in a fog when near the end of the voyage, and those having on board Colonel Nichols and George Cartwright arrived at Boston on the 23d of July (1664), while the vessels conveying Sir Robert Carr and Mr. Maverick arrived at Piscataqua, now Portsmouth, N. H., on the 20th of the same month. Maverick's zeal in the objects of his mission did not allow him any delay, and he immediately began the exercise of his newly obtained authority. On the very day of his arrival he writes to Thomas Breedon, at Boston, as follows : — "Pascataway, July 20, 1664. " Capt. Breedon, " It hath pleased God (after a tedious voyage of near ten weeks time), that two of our ships arrived here this after noon at Pascataway where we hourly expect our other two. The Guiney commanded by Capt. Hyde we lost this day se'night, and Capt. Hill with the Elyas on Sunday last ; " It happened, that as we were ready to come in, there went out from hence a Pinck, taken as a prize by a ship of Jamaica, but by authority from the Governor of the Massachusetts, the prize was as I understood seized upon and those that first took her, secured as prisoners by Capt. Oliver, and carried for Bos- ton. I shall desire you to repair to the Governor and Council, and advise them to take care how they dispose of such things as may be out of their bounds, and not fit for them to take cognisance of, his Majesty's Commissioners being at length come into these parts (of whom you know me to be one). I cannot now tell you the time and place, I long to see you at, our stay here being only for a little water and our other ships, which if they come not in time, we must go to our appointed port in Long Island, from whence you shall be sure to hear further from Sr. your very loving friend " Samuel Mavericke." ^ Mr. Maverick sent, at the same time, a letter to Mr. Jordan, > Colonial Hist. N. Y. Vol. IH. p. 65. 13G HISTORY. [1664. announcing his arrival and liis desire to sec him the first oppor- tunity, and also one to Major-General Denison to the same eflect. The next day he wrote a letter to the Hon. William Coventry, which closes thus : — " S"", I iiave more then hopes, all things in these parts will prove very sucessfull for His Majty^ & His Royall Hignesses service <5c interest of which, I have already received great tes- tymonyes, for their continuall prosperity and happiness, My prayers and utmost endeavours shall never bee wantinge *' I shall not presume to give you further trouble at this time but to subscribe S"" your most humble servant " Samuel Mavericke.''^ In their private instructions *the commissioners were allowed to go first, either to Long Island, on account of the troops they carried, or to New England, at discretion, — and they came to Boston. If their authority was above that of the governor and council in the matter of the prizes, it must doubtless have been derived from the general grant in their commission, which has been already given, to visit all the colonies, with "full power and authority to hear and receive, and to examine and deter- mine all complaints and appeals in all cases and matters as well military as criminal and civil, and proceed in all things for the providing for and settling the peace and security of the said country, according to their good and sound discretion." On the 23d of July, Commissioners Carr and Maverick wrote from Piscataqua to Mr. John Rickbcll, of their intention to " suddenly bee in Long Island, and desiring him to make all convenient haste to his habitation on the Island, and to acquaint those on the way thither who were well aflfected towards the Commission and his Majesty s service that they had arrived." Soon after his arrival, Maverick was found claiming relig- ious privileges as aforetime. James and Mary Oliver, in a manuscript to which we shall again refer, testify as follows : " This we can and do well remember further, Mr. Maverick said > Colonial Hist. N. Y. Vol. HI. p. 66. 1C64.] ADDRESS TO THE KING. 137 we should begin about 8 o'clock in the morning on the Lord's day, and end about 10, and they would come in then and end about 12. And we begin at 1 and end at 2 o'clock, and they would continue till about 4. I well remember words spoken by Mr. Maverick divers times to this purpose." This appears to be an arrangement in regard to public worship ; and if Mave- rick spoke authoritatively, as the taking of an affidavit would seem to indicate, he claimed something more than was his right, however discourteous the refusal of a request of that kind might be considered. Nicolls, Cartwright, and Maverick commissioned Sir Robert Carr to reduce the Dutch on Delaware Bay, and commanding " all officers at sea and land, and all soldgers " to obey him. The state papers show that Carr executed his commission in an acceptable manner. The colonial government did not wait for the action of the commissioners ; on the 19th October, 1664, it sent, through John Endicott, governor, a long address to the king, setting forth their many troubles and grievances, and requesting that the commissioners might be recalled, although, according to their own confession, they had " yet had but a litle tast of the words or acting of these gentlemen." ^ This address could not have been bolder had the colony been an independent state, and the general court was given to understand that the request was highly offensive to the king. The Honorable Robert Boyle, a firm friend of the colony, in a letter to Mr. Endicott, frankly discountenanced the address, and particularly the request for the recall of the commissioners, and said that the principal friends of the colony in England regretted the action of the general court.^ The truth was that the colony had determined to resist the commission. The authority of the commissioners was absolutely denied; violent controversies took place between them and the colonial government, the result of which was, that the attempt to estab- lish their jurisdiction as a court of justice was defeated, and they were never recognized as such in Massachusetts, although ' Mass. Records, Vol. IV. Part 2, pp. 129-133. t " Danforth Papers; Drake's History of Boston, p. 377. 12* 138 HISTORY. [1664. they partially succeeded in the exercise of their powers in some of the noi^hborini^ colonics.^ They met with less opposition in the Plyiuouth and Rhode Island colonies tiian in Connecticut and Massachusetts. Of the latter, the commissioners in their report say : " The Colony of y*" Massachusetts was the last and hardlyest persvaded to use His Ma""^^* name in their forms of Justice," and the "refractoriness of this colony" is always represented as far greater than of the others. Indeed, in one letter to the governor and council of Massachusetts, the com- missioners say : " The other Colonies have set you so many good examples^ even that of Road Hand, one whom you have so long despised and disowned, and now lately derided for their submission to His Ma'^^ The dangerousness of those wayes you are in, hath extorted thus much from us at the present for caution."- Lord Chancellor Clarendon, in a letter to Nicolls, says : " I know not what to say to the demeanour of the Massachusetts Colony, only that I am very glad that the other Colonies behave themselves so dutifully, for which they will receive thanks from the King; and what sense his Ma*'*^ hath of the behaviour of those of Boston you will find by the inclosed . . . the original to be sent to those of Boston . . . and if they do not give obedience to it, wee shall give them cause to repent it. For his Ma"® will not be sett downe by the affronts which he hath received." ^ The colonial authorities were so suspicious of the commissioners, that they opposed them at every step. Col. Nichols, however, by his discreet conduct, gained the esteem of the people, but Carr and Cartwright are represented unfit for their duties.* Maverick's presence was very disagree- able to the colonists, especially as he was clothed with author- ity ; for doubtless they anticipated a retaliation of their visita- tions uj)on him ; and in the letter to the king of the 19th Oct., 1664, they speak of him in particular as being an enemy to them ; and manifest a fear that the commission will be char- acterized by acts of private revenge. » Washburn's Judicial Hist. p. 36 ; Hutchinson's Hist Mass. Vol. I. pp. 229- 255. « Col. Hist. N. y. Vol. HI. p. 100. » Ibi.l. 116. * Hutchinson's Hist. Mass. Vol. I. p. 250. ' 1664-5.] CORRESPONDENCE. 139 It was suspected that the commissioners intended to put the country to great expense, and abridge their greatest privileges, liberty of conscience, etc. ; and such being the state of feeling, officers possessed of the most honest intentions relative to the colonies would meet with great difficulties, and their mission prove a failure. Cartwright, in a letter to Nicolls, dated 25th of Jan., 1664-5, alludes to this state of public feeling. "... the country is made to believe that we have put them to .£300 charge already, and that we intend to exact 12d. for every acre of land, and .£3,000 a year besides, and to abridge them of their greatest priviledges, liberty of their consciences, and many such ; wch Mr. Maverick heard of amongst his friends, in every place where he hath been in this jurisdiction." In this letter he urges Nicolls to go with them to Rhode Island, and after they had determined the questions there, they would go to the " Eastern parts to determine the limits of those patents." ^ Mr. Maverick refers to the public sentiment in a letter written from Boston to Col. Nichols, in the February following his arrival. In this letter he says : " I perceive you have heard some false reports. Col. Cartwright hath written at large to you, in which we all concur. He hath been too retired ; I hope I have not been over sociable. I spent three weeks in several of the chief- est towns of the government, and I am deceived if in that journey I did not undeceive both magistrates, ministers, and other considerable persons." ^ In this letter he coincides with the wish of Cartwright that Nicolls would go to Rhode Island ; indeed, Cartwright said, " Mr. Maverick and myselfe are both of the opinion that this will be the best way for the doing of that w^b we are entrusted with," etc. Says Maverick in this letter, " We intend, God willinge, to be at Road Island about the first of March, & shall much desire yo"" psence," etc. " Be pleased to refer to the Coil's letters." A subsequent letter from Maverick to Nicolls (dated 5th March, '64-5) speaks of arriving at Rhode Island and commenc- ing business, and repeats what he had said in his previous note to the same individual. " I have used my utmost endeavour in ' Col. Hist. N. Y. Vol. III. p. 84. « Ibid. p. 88. 140 HISTORY. [1CC4-5. the JNlassachiisctts govern* to undeceive y* deceived and to j^pare tliein for y" election," etc. His ellbrts to undeceive the peopK' did not succeed to any great extent, however, for the Massachnsetts colony, in their long and plain address to the king, prayed him to "put a stop to these proceedings," and in speaking of the comruissioners, represented one of them (Mr. Maverick) " as our knowne and professed enemy." The gen- eral court was not backward in its expression of dislike to him. In one place ^ the record speaks of " some words & carraiges, that were distastefull to the people, fell from some of them, & in particular from Mr. Samucll Mauericke on his first arrival! in Piscataque Riuei^ menacing the constable of Portsmouth while he was in the execution of his office.'^ The colonists thought they observed in him a great animosity, which, they supposed, arose from his deep rooted jirejudicc against the church discipline ; and that this prejudice called forth the jnoroseness of his natural temper, which manifested itself in harsh expressions, and occasioned some to look upon him as a professed enemy. " For they observed he was never willing to accept of any common courtesy from any of the inhabitants, as if he had had some special antipathy against them all in gen- eral ; but the contrary is known by some that had occasion of more free converse with him, to whom he always discovered much civility in his behavior. But when he had received any disgust from any ruder sort of the people, as he occasionally passed up and down the country, it is not unlikely that he might highly resent the same, and could not refrain from an open discovery thereof upon other occasions ; which certainly, without prejudice be it spoken, did his majesty no little dis- service as to the matters then before them."^ When the conduct of the commissioners and the state of feeling among the people became known to the home govern- ment. Clarendon, then the Lord Chancellor, in INIarch, sent over an answer to the address of the colony, in which he gave the petitioners plainly to understand that their address would not meet with the royal favor ; and at the same time sent a letter ^ Massachusetts Records, Vol. IV. Part 2, p. 1C8. ' llist. N. E. p. 579. 16G4.] CLARENDON'S LETTER. 141 to Maverick. In this letter, after expressing his disapjDoint- ment at the conduct of Sir Robert Carr, and his great confi- dence in Colonel Nichols, he continues : — " Worcester House, 5 March, 1664. " I find by an address we have lately received from Boston, that the Governor and Council there are not at all pleased with your Commission, and that they will needs believe all their privileges are to be destroyed ; but I suppose they are better informed since, and that the answer they have received from the King to their address, will dispose them to a better temper, and that the discretion and wisdom of the Commissioners will make them see how much they are mistaken in their apprehen- sions. I must tell you they seem most offended and troubled that you, whom they look upon as their enemy, should have any authority over them ; but I am very confident the knowl- edge of their prejudice towards you, will make you much the more careful and watchful in your carriage, that they may have no just exception against any thing you do, and that they plainly discerne that you are quite another man in a public trust than what they took you to be as a neighbor, and that you have wiped out of your memory all impressions which ill treatment heretofore might have made in you. For if you should revenge any old discourtesies, at the King's charge, and as his Commissioner should do any thing upon the memory of past injuries, the King would take it very ill, and do himself justice accordingly. But I am confident I have not been so much mistaken in the observation I could make of your nature and disposition, that you can be liable to any of these reproaches, — however, the advertisement I am sure can do you no harm, and proceeds from much kindness. " Remember me very kindly to Colonel Cartwright, and I am very glad your success hath been so good in the other Prou- inces. I hope that of the Massachusetts will not deserve a worse report. I wish you all happiness, and am " Good Mr. Maverick, " Your affectionate serv't, " Clarendon." ^ ' Colonial Hist. N. Y. Vol. HL p. 92. 142 HISTORY. [1665. The siij)position of Clarciicloii, that, through better informa- tion, the wisdom and di.seretion of the commissioners, and the answer of the king to the address from Boston, the governor and council might have become of a " l)cttcr temper," did not prove correct. Nor were all the commissioners the most dis- creet and conciliating. Carr's conduct, as appears from Claren- don's letter above, was such as to disappoint and offend the government. Cartwright also is represented as totally unfit for the business they came upon. Hutchinson says that he and Carr, " by their violent proceedings, rendered themselves odious;" and jNIaverick seems to have been not altogether the most peaceably inclined, as appears by his letter from Ports- mouth, before his arrival, interfering with the government, which he had been instructed to carefully avoid. There is a manuscript paper in the Massachusetts archives, purporting to be an affidavit of Captain James Oliver and his wife, in which they state that Maverick, being at their house "some time about January" of that year (1(365), and, " speak- ing about divers things and persons in the country said, we should know that tliey [the commissioners] were the men we were to obey.". The captain then told him that he supposed he was commanded one thing by the governors, from whom he had received his commission, and another by them; and asked him which he should obey. Maverick replied that he " might obey them [the governors] till after election, but no longer." He " further said we were both rebels and traitors for minting money and printing, which was treason for the country to do." In another manuscript, also in the archives, which is the testi- mony of three other individuals, Maverick is represented as complaining of the claims of the colonists, and saying that they included the territory of thirteen patents under their own. The general court being at last compelled, by the direct ques- tions of the commissioners, to abandon the equivocal |)osition they had been holding, and openly aimounce their intentions, on the 24th of March, 1665, " with sound of trumpet in the Market Place in Boston below the Court House, and at the Dock head, and at the cross-way by Capt. Breedons " published a "Declaration," setting forth their views and position relative to the commissioners. In this, the court " Declare to all the 1665.] THE CONTEST. 143 people of this Colony, that in the observance of our duty to God and His Ma"'' and the trust committed to us by His Ma"*'^ good subjects in this Colony, wee cannot consent unto or g-ive our approbation of the proceedings of the aforesaid Gentlemen (referring to the commissioners), neither can it consist with our allegiance that we owe to His Ma''® to countenance any that shall in so high a manner go cross unto His Ma*'*^^ direct charge or shall be their abettors or consent thereunto." ^ To this paper the commissioners made a short and severe reply, informing the court that they should " not loose more of their labours upon them, but referr it to his Maj"®* wisdom, who is of power enough to make himself obedyed in all his dominions." ^ The contest between the commissioners and the colonial government was warm ; both parties were earnest and persist- ent, and many letters passed between them ; and at the same time the commissioners kept the lord chancellor fully informed of the difficulties under which they labored. The correspond- ence shows the determination on either side to maintain their respective positions, and it is probable that personal animosity added to the difficulties of amicably adjusting the points in dispute. The position taken by the governor and council of Massachusetts, and as resolutely maintained by them, called forth from the officers of the crown strong accusations accom- panied with threats, and it is not uncharitable to indulge the thought that Maverick felt some pleasure in having the right to address his former persecutors, as he deemed them, with author- ity and severity. In one letter to the governor and council, the following significant language is used, with much more of a similar character : " Striveing to grasp too much, may make you hold but a little. 'Tis possible that the charter which you so much idolize may be forfeited, and it may probably be sup- posed that it hath been many ways forfeited ; untill you have cleared yourselves of those many injustices, oppressions, vio- lences, and bloud for which you are complained against, to which complaints you have refused to answer ; or untill you have His Ma*'*'* pardon, which can neither be obteined by nor bee efi'ectuall to those who deny the King's supremacy." In » Col. Hist. N. Y. Vol. HI. p. 95. ^ Ibid. 96. 144 HISTORY. [ICCC. this letter the governor and council are accused of using bad grammar in tlunr last letter; and it was asserted that they had " palpably (and we feare wilfully) misconstrued too many of His Ma""" gracious letters." ^ With all his zeal, Maverick was not without discretion. Hutchinson relates that in a dispute with one Mason, a con- stable, in lioston, in 1G66, after another constable had been beaten when attempting to arrest him : " Sir Robert Carr said it was he that beat him, and tiiat he would do it again. Mason replied, tiiat he thought his majesty's commissioners would not have beaten his majesty's officers, and that it was well for them that he was not the constable that found them there, for he would have carried them before authority. Sir Robert asked, if he dare meddle with the king's commission- ers? Yes, says Mason, and if the king himself had been there, I would have carried him away ; upon w^hich Maverick cried out, treason ! thou shalt be hanged within a twelvemonth. Sir Robert Carr spake to Sir Thomas Temple and some others of the company, to take notice of what had passed ; and the next day Maverick sent a note to Mr. Bellingham, the governor, charging Mason with high treason for the words spoken, and requiring the governor to secure him. The governor appointed a time for Maverick to come to his house and to give bond to prosecute the constable himself, at the next court of assistants; but Maverick, instead of appearing, thought proper only to send another note, promising to appear against the constable and charge him home, and therefore required that his person should be secured. The governor now thought it advisable to cause Mason to recognize, as principal, in five hundred pounds, with two sufficient sureties in two hundred and fifty each, for his appearance ; but the day before the court, Maverick sent another note to the governor, desiring to withdraw his charge, being ' satisfied that although the words were rash and incon- siderate, yet there was no premeditated design in Mason to offer any injury to the king or his government.' The governor returned for answer, ' that the aftair was of too high a nature for him to interpose in, Mason being bound over to answer.' » Col. Hist N. Y. Vol. m. p. 99. 1GC5.] RErORT OF THE COMMISSIONERS. 145 Upon his appearance a bill was laid before the grand-jury, wherein he was charged with maliciously and treasonably uttering the treasonable words mentioned. According to the liberty taken by grand juries at that day, they only found 'that the words charged were spoken;' and Mason being brought upon trial and the words fully proved, the court of assistants suspended judgment, and referred the cause to the next general court, where it was resolved, that although the words were rash, insolent, and highly offensive, yet, as his accusers and witnesses all cleared him from any oyej±-act, or evil intended against the king, the court did not s^e cause to adjudge him a capital offender, but sentenced him to be admonished in a solemn man- ner by the governor." ^ " However trivial this anecdote may appear," continues Hutchinson, "yet there are circumstances which throw some light upon the character of the commis- sioners, as well as that of the governor and the judiciary and ministerial powers of the government at that time." The commissioners' report concerning Massachusetts gives to the government a very severe account of the resistance of that colony to the officers of the crown ; mentions in considera- ble detail the various causes of dissatisfaction with the condi- tion of civil, judicial, and religious affairs in that colony, and states, that, svith the few who remain loyal subjects of the king, it is "as it was with the King's party in Cromwell's time." The closing sentence of the report is : " Their way of govern- ment is Commonwealth-like ; their way of worship is rude and called Congregational ; they are zealous in it, for they persecute all other formes." The whole report is too long to be trans- ferred to these pages ; the reader who desires to see it in full is referred to the Colonial Hist. N. Y. Vol. HI. pp. 110- 113. Of the numerous attempts of the commissioners in issuing civil and military orders in other colonies, in some of which they succeeded, as in Maine and Rhode Island, we need not speak ; our narrative has more particular reference to their labors, and the results of their labors, in Massachusetts. * Hutchinson's Hist. Mass. Vol. I. pp. 254, 255. 13 146 HISTORY. [1665. The commissioners were at last recalled, having been defeated in almost every measure they attemj^tcd. Perhaps thoy did as well as any men would have done under similar circumstan- ces ; but the ministry was ignorant of the state of the colo- nies, and the commission was undoubtedly a stretch of power, infringing in some respecis upon the rights granted in the charter ; wherefore the colonists considered themselves justified in resisting its authority. They had remarkable powers granted to them, extending over very many and important points of dispute, and they made a great many new ones ; and they were determined to exercise all thg authority which their com- mission and instructions would allow. On the other hand, the colonies, especially Massachusetts, supposing the commis- sioners were exercising more power than was conferred upon them, and with good reason suspicious of the ministry, opposed these officers at every step, and, in fact, thwarted all their undertakings. The correspondence between the colonial au- thorities and the commissioners, and between each of these parties and the home government, is voluminous. The ]Massa- chusetts colony ])rcsented and urged its own case with signal ability and shrewdness, showing itself ostensibly the most loyal of provinces, when in fact it was in real rebellion, defeating the royal officers in their every eflbrt, and at the same time pretend- ing to do this in the name of the king I At this very time they addressed the king, assuring him of their loyalty, and making him valuable presents to appease his displeasure at their ti-eat- ment of his officers ; one present which they sent was a ship load of masts, of which the king was in need, and which he " most graciously acknowledged." But it was not until after the commissioners had found out to their satisfaction that they could do nothing that they obtained from the general court a statement of its true position. As might naturally be supposed, the recall of the commission- ers, which was in 1665, was a cause of rejoicing to Ihc colonists, and they doubtless took pleasure in supposing, however erro- neously, that it was a virtual yielding of the contest. Nichols, writing from Fort James, in New York, to Secretary Arlington, concerning incursions of the French from Canada, says: "I have turned one third of the country militia into horse and 1G66.] THE ROYAL APPROVAL. 147 dragoons ; the like is done in Conecticot Colony, but the gran- dees of Boston are too proud to be dealt with, saying that his Majesty is well satisfied with their loyalty, and hath recalled both his Commission, and disgraced his Commissioners." There is no evidence that such was the case, and the statement simply shows the state of feeling in the colony. The king appears to have been satisfied with the general conduct of the commissioners, and particularly with Maverick, whom he re- tained in service and to whom he made a valuable present, and recalled them only when it was evident that nothing more could then be accomplished. Touching this point Maverick remarks, in a letter to Arlington, " In the afore mentioned signification (of August (5th, 1666), his Ma"® declared that he was well pleased with the acting of his Commissioners, and expressly commanded that noe alteration should be made in what they had done." " After all," says a discerning writer, who has lately had this subject under consideration, " it is difficult to see how any com- missioners, upon such an errand, could have given satisfaction. For a moment's consideration is sufficient to convince any one that the difficulty w^as not so much in the commissioners as in the undertaking. The king, of course, knew nothing about New England aflfairs, except from interested parties, and hence, when he gave these commissioners authority to come here and take the government out of the hands of the people, he acted with the same kind of inconsistency which ruined his father. ...... The fathers of Boston had cause, not long after, to speak of ' a remarkable providence,' by which much expected mischief was averted from their heads. The commissioners had collected all the unfavorable circumstances they could against the country, intending, on their return to England, to use their information to the prejudice of New England. All the papers collected for this purpose were in the keeping of Cartwright, who, on his passage to England, fell into the hands of the Dutch, who stripped him of every thing, even the papers in question, and he never could recover them." ^ ^ Drake's Hist. Bost. pp. 372, 373. 148 HISTORY. [1666. Maverick's duties under the ministry did not wholly cease with the recall of the commission ; for the king's confidence in him was so great that he was selected from all the other com- missioners to continue his labors in the royal service. This cir- cumstance suggests the inference that his services had been very acceptable to those under whom he acted. The king and ministry were highly displeased with the treatment the coiiiinis- sioners had received, and were not inclined to sufler the indig- nity to pass unnoticed. More than all, it seemed necessary to take some decided measures to suppress the groiving feeling^ of independence and of rights of self-government, which were becom- ing so very prominent in the Massachnsetts colony. Charles II. doubtless remembered the "ill concealed joy " of this refractory colony at the fate of his father, and felt no small desire to assert triumphantly his own authority. This will serve to intro- duce the following statement in the record : " It being ]Hit to the question whither the Council mentioned in the paper given into the magis*s by Mr. Samuel Mauerick be meant of this Generall Court according to our sence the Court resolved it on y® affirmative."^ And again (p. 315): "The Court hauing pervsed the paper presented to the magistrates by M'' Samuel Mauericke, now in Court, judge that some meete answer be given therevnto by this Court, & to that end haue chosen and appointed the honored Dept. Gove', Capt. Gookin, Maj'' Gen. Leueret, Capt. Waldern, Capt. Johnson, Mr. Humphrey Davie, & Mr. Peter Tilton as a committee who are hereby desired to drawe vp what they shall judge meete to be donne in the case by way of answer thereto, making their returne thereof to this Court." The " paper " presented by Maverick was " a signification from his Majesty requiring the Council of this Colony to send five able and meete persons to make answer for refusing the jurisdiction of his Commissioners last year, whereof Mr. Rich- ard Bellingham and Mr. Hawthorne to be two of them, whom he requires on their allegiance to come by the first o})portu- ' Mass. Records, Vol. IV. Tart 2, p. 311. 1666.] SESSION OF THE GENERAL COURT. 149 nity." 1 The record appropriately calls this a " weighty matter," and it must have been peculiarly disagreeable to the court to have had it brought before them by their old acquaintance, Maverick, of any thing but " blessed memory." A special session of the court was called by the governor on \he 11th of September, 1666, and the " elders " (ministers) were invited to be present, and " affoord their advice," The forenoon of the 12th was spent in prayer, and on the 13th they proceeded to business. A long debate ensued, in which Bellingham, Bradstreet, Dudley, Willoughby (deputy-gover- nor), Hawthorne, Stoughton, Winthrop, Sir Thomas Temple, and others participated. Some favored the request upon the ground that the king, as such, should be obeyed ; that " right may not be denied because it may be abused ; " that " the king can do no wrong because he acts according to law," etc. ; while, on the other hand, it was maintained that " we must as well consider God's displeasure as the king's ; the interests of our- selves and God's things, as his Majesty's prerogative, — for our liberties are of concernment, and to be regarded as to their preservation, for if the king may send for me now, and another to-morrow, we are a miserable people." ^ There had been many who from the first had held to the opinion that the commis- sioners should be received, and their authority acknowledged and submitted to; and when the "signification" of the king was presented to the general court, petitions in favor thereof were sent in from numerous towns. These petitioners were censured by the court for intermeddling,^ and a different course decided upon. An answer to the "signification" was returned by the colonial government, which shrewdly evaded as much as pos- sible the real and well-known intent of the troublesome paper presented to them by Maverick, by throwing a doubt over its genuineness, thus giving to it a secondary importance, and while expressing their loyalty and humility still persisted in their ' Danforth Papers, whicli contain a full and interesting account of this special session of the general court. Hutchinson's Hist. Mass., Vol. I. p. 25S, * Danforth Papers. * Ibid. ; Mass. Records, Vol. IV., Part 2, p. 317 ; Hutchinson's Hist. Coll. 13* 150 HISTORY. [1C66. independent course, and refused to obey the direction ! And in the answer, they cannot resist the temptation to cast an impli- cation upon their old " enemy," as will be seen in the follow- ing extract: — " Wee may not omitt to acquaint your hono's that a writing was deliuered to the Governor & Majest rates, by Mr. Samuol Mauerick, the 6"* Se|)t. w"'out direction or scale, which ho saith is a copie of a signification from his majestic, of his pleasure concerning this colony of Massachusets, the certeinty whereof seems not to be so clearc vnto us as former expresses from his majesty haue usually been.^ Wee haue in all humillity given our reasons why wee could not submitt to the commissioners & their mandates the last yeare, w'=^ wee understand lye before his majesty, to the substance whereof wee have not to add, & therefore cannot expect that the ablest persons among us could be in a capacity to declare our cause more fully," etc. Immediately following the passage of this letter in the gen- eral court, a vote was passed to make a valuable present of masts to the king, and to raise one thousand pounds to defray the expenses. Of course, this could be looked upon only iji the light of a peace-oflfering. The court well knew that the refusal to grant his request would naturally incur his displeasure, and it also well knew that kings, like other human beings, were susceptible of impression in this disinterested manner, and that at this particular time he was really in need of this very kind of timber for his royal navy. Maverick alludes to this present in a letter given on an advance page. In this manner did the colonists maintain their position until the long continued and steadily increasing troubles found a full development in the overthrow of Andros. The course of action pursued by the colonial authorities throughout the con- troversy with the commissioners evinces an ability which excites our admiration, and the principles there maintained so firmly gained strength from year to year, until at last they resulted in a separation of the colonies from the mother coun- try. ' There was not imich real ilou1)t as to the autlienticity of this paper, or of its importance, as it was pn-senteil on the Gth of Sept., and the court assembled on the llth of the same month to act upon it. 1666-9.] MAVERICK TO NICHOLS. 151 The recall of the commission did not oblige its members to return to England, and we find that Maverick remained in the country. In a letter to Col. Nicholls, under date of April 13, 1666, Lord Clarendon writes : " Though his Majesty thinks fit to recall his commissioners, who have in truth done all they ought to do, at least as much as they are suffered to do, yet it is not his purpose to recall any body whose business or inclina- tion makes it convenient for them to reside there ; and 1 hear Mr. Maverick resolves to stay in those parts." ^ Hutchinson says that Maverick " was in the colony (of Mas- sachusetts) again in 1667 with a message from Col. Nichols, which is the last account given of him."^ But notwithstand- ing this remark, there are letters from Maverick, at New York, to Col. Nichols, then in England, as late as 1669. In one of them he says: — " I have lately written to you by way of Boston and Vir- ginia, giving you an account briefly how things stand in the northern parts, as how those of the Massachusetts have un- ranckled all that was done in the Province of Maine ; although His Majesty expressly commanded that nothing should be altered until his pleasure were further known. They have further proceeded in committing Major Phillips and others to prison for receiving commissions from the commissioners to be Justices of the Peace and Military officers. They have given out that if they could take any of those that signed those com- missions they would punish them severely ; so that as the case stands at present it will not be safe for me to go thither. Not long since they sent a party of horse to demand tribute of the Naragansett Sachems, but they paid them not, telling them that they would pay King Charles and none else. " Now give me leave to acquaint you a little how things go here at Yorke. Trials have been made several times this spring for cod fish, with very good success ; a small ketch sent out by the governor hath found several good fishing banks ; amongst the rest one not above 2 or 3 leagues from Sandy Hook, on which in a few hours 4 men took 11 or 12 hundred of excellent good Codd the last time they were out ; and most of the ves- » Col. Hist N. Y. Vol. ni. p. 116. * Hutchinson's Hist Vol. I. p. 250. 152 HISTORY. [1669. sels that go to and from Virginia take good quantities. That vessel is to go from New found Ijaiid to get fisliermen, lines, hooks, and otiier neeessaries for lisiiing: I doubt not but this Coast will afford fish in abundance. " On the East end of Long Island there were 12 or 13 whales taken before the end of March, and what since we hear not ; here are daily some seen in the very harbor, sometimes within Nutt Island. Out of the Pinnace the other week they struck two, but lost both, the iron broke in one, the other broke the warp. The Governor hath encouraged some to follow this design. Two shallops made for it, but as yet we do not hear of any they have gotten. " The Govemour with some partners is building a ship of 120 tuns by Thomas Hall's house ; she is well onward, and may be finished in August; another of CO or 70 tuns is building at Gravesend The Old House is pulling down which proves so exceedingly defective above what could be imagined, that I think it must down to the bottom, and will prove a tedious and chargeable piece of work."' Again, on the 5th of July, 1669, he writes : — " By Letters lately received from Boston I am informed how exceedingly they boast of the gracious letters they have received from His Majesty and of his kind acceptance of the Masts they sent him, as also of the provisions they sent to the Fleet at Barbados. I am sure you know that the masts and provision were paid for by a rate made and levied on all the inhabitants, of which eight parts in ten are His Majesty's loyal subjects, and would voluntarily have done twice as much had those which were sent for been gone for England. That loyal party, which groans under the burthen of the Massachusetts govern- ment, now despair of relief, as by frequent letters from all parts I am informed. " Those in the Province of Mayne since they seized on their records and taken them again under their government, are in exceeding bondage, and most earnestly desire you to endeavor to purchase their freedom. " How they have lately acted in the King's Province yon ' Colonial Ilist N. Y. Vol. ILL p. 182. 1GG9.] MAVERICK TO NICHOLS. 153 will see by a letter I lately received from INIr. Gorton which I send herein enclosed. "It grieves me exceedingly to see His Majesty's loyal sub- jects and my ancient friends enslaved, as now they are ; my whole aim was (in expending so much time and money) only to have procured for them some freedom ; but now they are left in a far worse condition than we found them. I doubt not but they have by way of Boston, petitioned to His Majesty and craved your assistance, and I in their behalf humbly beg it of you." In the same letter he further writes : " I hope in the midst of multiplicity of business you will not forget what I have desired you to do for me. I assure you since I came over in this employ I never received or got, directly or indirectly to the value of sixpence, one horse excepted, which Mr. Winthrop pre- sented me with amongst the rest. And what I had by his Majesty's order, I have spent as much since I came over, and four hundred pounds besides in England in prosecution of this design. I leave it to you, not doubting of your care for me. If any course be taken for reducement of the Massachusetts, I hope you will not leave me out, as one (though unworthy) that may be employed in that design." ^ This last clause shows that Maverick longed for another opportunity to gratify his feelings of revenge by exercising authority over his former oppressors. On the 15th of October (1669) following, he again writes to Nichols: " May it please you to take notice that yours of the 12th July I received, for which I humbly thank you, as also for the favor you have been pleased to show me in procuring for me from His Royal Highness the gift of the house in the Broadway. I beseech you when you see a fit opportunity pre- sent my most humble service to His Royal Highness with many thanks for that his favor towards me, and I assure you it will be a great rejoicing to me if (yet before I die) I may be any ways serviceable to His Majesty or His Royal Highness in these parts, or anywhere else. " You were pleased to inform me that you have made some progress tending to the relief of our poor friends in N. England 1 Col. Hist. N. Y. Vol. HI. p. 183. 154 HISTORY. [1667. but cannot yet bring it to issue so much desired by yourself and them. In tiicir bi'half I humbly beseech you to proceed in it, and am very sorry that Col. Cartwrite eaimot be with you to assist in it. I have sent copies of some part of your letter to keep up what may be their drooping sj)irits for the present, the sad complaints which frequently come from them to me I shall not trouble you with repeating now. You know well in what bondage they live, and it grieves me to the heart to consider that they should be now in a far worse condition than we found them in." ^ This is the last we hear of Maverick ; and the preceding extracts from his letters show pretty clearly what were his feelings towards the government of Massachusetts. IMorton says of him : " About that time [1667] it was thought, by such as were judicious, that through the instigation of the said Maverick (whose spirit was full of malignity against the coun- try), our both civil and religious liberties were much endan- gered ; and the rather for that, probably, there would have been a concurrence of divers ill-afTected in the land, had not the Lord prevented." Investigation has failed to ascertain when, or at what time, Maverick died; but in the absence of any positive information, the most natural supposition is, that, after the recall of the com- mission, he took up his residence in the city of New York in the house presented to him by the Duke of York for his fidelity to the king, and there died. This gift of a house, and the fact that his numerous letters, from which extracts have been taken, are dated in New York, render it altogether j:)robabIe that he made that city his home. The location of the house cannot now be ascertained. Maverick, in the letter above quoted, speaks of it as situated " in the Broadicay; " a thorough investi- gation fails to fix the spot with any greater definiteness. Under the early laws of New York, deeds were not recorded in the county in which the land lay, and many deeds were left with the secretary of state at Albany. A careful examination of the existing records in that city has resulted in finding one » Col. Hist. N. y. Vol. III. p. 185. 1676.] HOUSE IN THE BROADWAY. I55 deed, which is valuable as proving the assertion, that a house was presented to Maverick ; and it also shows that the gift was made through the chief executive of the State. This deed^ is dated on the 15th May, 1676, and is from John Laurence, of the city of New York, merchant, and Matthias Nicolls, of the same place, reciting that " Samuel Maverick, one of his Majesty's commissioners of New England, by virtue of a patent from Colonel Samuel Lovelace, then Governor, stood pos- sessed of a certain house and lott of ground on the Broadway of this city, which came to their (the grantors) hands by the trust reposed in them by the last will of Samuel Maverick, deceased, for the use of Mary his daughter, the wife of Francis Hook in the colony of the Massachusetts which house and lott by her approbation was exposed to public vendue and bought by the Deacons of this city, who sold it to William Vander Shusen of this city, to whom the trustees (Laurence and NichoUs) convey the said lot in the Broadway without any other description." It seems surprising that writers and editors of our New Eng- land history should have fallen into the error of supposing that Samuel Maverick the son, who died in 1664, was the royal commissioner sent over that same year ; and this notwithstand- ing Hutchinson had said, " Maverick seems to have been ap- pointed only to increase the number and to be subservient to the others. He had lived in the colony from its beginning. He was always in opposition to the authority. Upon the restora- tion, he went home to complain to the king, was two or three years in soliciting that commissioners might be appointed ; at length, the measures against the Dutch at New York being agreed upon, the conduct of that affair, and this extraordinary power were committed to the same persons. He was in the colony again in 1667, with a message from Colonel Nichols, which is the last account given of him." ^ Hutchinson certainly has underrated his importance, as the whole history of Maverick shows. ' Book of Deeds (at Albany), Vol. I. p. 133. ' Hutchinson's Hist. Mass. Yol. I. p. 250. / 156 mSTORY. [1667 With all due deference to that excellent historian, who is generally so accurate in his statements and sound in his conclu- sions, he ajipears to have wholly misaj)prehended Maverick's position on this commission, and to have singularly underrated his influence and importance. The history of the whole matter most conclusively shows, that among the commissioiiers Mave- rick was second to none save Nicolls ; it was by //»5 persever- ing efforts that the commission was originally appointed, and on the very day he landed he commenced his correspondence, and from that time he was foremost in carrying out the |)lans of the government, travelling from place to place, even in ad- vance of some of his fellow-otricers, \\Titing numerous letters to Lord Chancellor Clarendon, Secretary Arlington, and his brother commissioners, all of them evincing the influence and energy he carried into his office, and, indeed, it is easy to see his si)irit pervading many a public document and private letter. The documentary evidence contained in the State Papers of New York (Colonial Hist. Vol. III.), the Massachusetts Records, the Danforth Papers, and various histories of that time, from which copious extracts have been made, show that Maverick had his full share of power, and exercised it ; and he certainly occupies much space in the published correspondence, and his letters compare well with the other state papers in the same volumes. Nicolls himself, although the head of the commission, sought the advice of Maverick ; in a letter to Governor Win- throp he says : " Y'rs of the sixt of May 1667 in answer +o a letter from Sir R. Carr, Mr. S. Mavericke and myselfe baring date the 20th of 9''" 1666 hath remained in my hands in hopes that I might have heard from Mr. Maverick ivhose advice I have soug-Iit in the matler but not yet attained" ^ The uneasiness of the colony in regard to the commission, and the striking cir- cumstance, that, in their address to the king, Maverick should be singled out from the rest and spoken of as an " enemy," conclu- sively show that his position was by no means an unimportant one. It is most probable, tiiat the colony had more real cause of anxiety from Maverick than from any of the other gentle- » Colonial Hist. N. Y. Vol. III. p. 158. 1664.] MAVERICK AND THE COMMISSION. 157 men, and the recollection of the treatment he had received from their hands augmented their fears, and doubtless increased his animosity. The year before his appointment as commissioner, on repre- sentations made by one Captain Scott to " His Majesty's Council for Foreign Plantations," of the practices of the Dutch, it was " ordered, that the said Capt. Scott, and Mr. Maverick, and Mr. Baxter do draw up a brief narration of and touching these particulars following : (viz) 1st of the title of his Majesty to the premises ; 2dly of the Dutch Intrusion ; 8dly of their deportment since and management of that possession, and of their strength trade and government there, and 4thly and lastly, of the means to make them acknowledge and submit to his Majesty's government, or by force to compel them thereunto or expulse them. And to bring in such their draught on paper to this Council, on this day seavenight, that this Council may humbly make report to his Majesty touching the whole matter as they shall see cause, and in the interim, the members thereof to be summoned." ^ This shows what the council for planta- tions thought of Maverick's capacity ; and that there is no probability of his having been appointed a commissioner the following year " only to increase the number and to be subser- vient to the others." No ; he could have been no mere make- weight in the commission. The " Council for Foreign Planta- tions " would not have intrusted so important a matter as this concerning the Dutch, with instructions to report within one week to incapable persons. We have seen that he was the | first cause of the commission appointed in 1664, that it was! appointed in answer to his solicitations ; and, so far from being I subservient to the others, he was evidently foremost, on his arrival, in interfering with the doings of the colonial govern- ment.; In truth, although nothing in particular is known of him before the coming of Winthrop and his company, he must have been a man of superior intellect and force, since, despite all opposition, he finally rose to so high a place of distinction and confidence under the crown. 1 Col. Hist. N. y. Vol. III. p. 46 ; Brodhead's History of New York. 14 158 HISTORY. [1G47. By tlic quotations before made from Hutchinson, it would seem to be indicated clearly enough tliat the elder Maverick was meant. But there has been a (juestion as to tiie identity of the commissioner with the elder Samuel Maverick, the grantee of Noddle's Island. By a note in the second edition of Winthrop's Journal, given on page 70, it would appear that the learned editor supposed Samuel, the royal commissioner, to be a son of Samuel of Noddle's Island. The petition of Mary Ilooke, wiiich has been given in full on page'107, and which had not been ))ub- lished at the time the note referred to was written, enables us to settle the question beyond dispute ; to assert with certainty that Samuel Maverick of Noddle'' s Island was the royal commis- sioner. The circumstances which called out this petition were these. Tlie notorious Edmund Andros (called humane (!) by the candid author of the Puritan Commonwealth, p. 357), who was appointed governor in 1686, declared that the colonists had forfeited their charter, and thus had forfeited their possessions under it, and that the landholders were tenants at will. His object was to grant new titles, for which he could receive such fees as he chose to demand. In sending out his famous writs of intrusion to swindle the landholders out of all he could wrest from them, he disturbed the owners of Noddle's Island. Upon this, Mary, wife of Francis Hooke, Esq., of Kittery, Maine, appealed to Governor Andros, stating that her father, Samuel Maverick, was owner of Noddle's Island in 1648, and that when a commissioner with Nichols, Carr, and Carticright, he was inter- rupted with sound of trumpet, etc. It is an old proverb, " It is a wise child that knoics its oicn father ;^^ but Mary Hooke's tes- timony that her father, Samuel Maverick, owner of Noddle's Island, was also the royal commissioner, will not be ques- tioned ; for she asserted what she personally knew, and she would have been " strangely confounded " if her statement had been doubted. In her petition she says : " That your Peticoners said Father the said Samncll Maverick was in the ycare of our Lord God in 1648 an inhabitant and Owner of a place called Noddles Island in New Eng-land, noiu in the possession of Corro- nell Shrimpton, at which tyme y' P" s'' father with some others drew up a Peticon ?/;''' an intent to P'scnt it to the late Maf King- 1664-5.] MAVERICK THE COMMISSIONER. 159 Charles the first" etc.; and again, "yo'' Peticon" Father being- one of the Kings Comiss"^ sent w^^ Collon^^ Niccolls Gen" Sir Robt Carr Sf CoUon" Cartivright," etc. This petition shows conclusively that the petitioner's father, Samuel Maverick, the original grantee of Noddle's Island, was the royal commis- sioner. But on this point the evidence is cumulative. The extract from the deed from Lawrence and Nicolls, given on page 155, also proves that Mary Hooke was the daughter of Maverick the commissioner, and that, under her father's will, she owned the house presented to him for his faithful services to the king. And still further, Samuel Maverick the son, who has so often been mistaken for the commissioner, died on the 10th March, 1664, and, therefore, during the years when the com- missioners were fulfilling their duties, was in no position to hold any earthly office, although he was the occupant of an earthly position. The date of his death has been mistaken as being the time of his father's decease ; and thus, ex necessi- tate rei, the son was called the commissioner. That it was the son who died in 1664 is evident from various sources. For instance, in the Massachusetts Records (Vol. IV. Part 2, p. 145) is the appointment of " meete persons " to examine con- cerning " y® estate of the late Samuel Maverick Junior." This is under date of the 3d of May, 1665.^ * The error of confounding father and son, of mistaking the death of the son for that of the father, and supposing that the commissioner was the son of the original grantee of Noddle's Island, is repeated in several historical works. Among the books which have come under my observation in which these mis- takes are made are Eliot's Biographical Dictionary, p. 317, note; Farmer's Register of First Settlers in New England, p. 192; Hutchinson's Hist. Mass. in a note by the Editor; Williamson's Hist. Maine, Vol. I. p. 491, note; (the note referred to says that Maverick the commissioner married the daughter of the Rev. John Wheelwright; but as Samuel the son married this lady, the mis- take of the historian is evident) ; Savage's Ed. Winthrop's Journal, Vol. I. p. 32, note ; AVashburn's Judicial Hist. Mass. p. 36 ; Folsom's Hist, of Saco and Bid- deford, p. 139; Greenough's Hist. King's Chapel, p. 10; Mass. Hist. Coll. Vol. IV. 3d Series, p. 194, note; Ohver's Puritan Commonwealth, p. 436; Dear- born's Boston Notions, p. 55 ; and, it is probable, in many other works which have not come under the writer's notice, and in nearly all of the above instances, the date of the death of the son is given as that of the father. But the petition of Mary Hooke, and the death of Samuel Maverick, Jr., in 1664, settle the question beyond dispute. 160 HISTORY. [1665. As commissioner, Maverick appears to have been ready and in haste to exercise all tlie extra authority and power over the government and colonists of INIassachnsetts given in the instructions. Nor was this altogether unnatural. From the settlement of the colony to the time of his return to England, he had been often in conflict with its government, in part, at least, through persecution and the civil disabilities he was made to suffer. Deprived for a time of rights as a citizen, because of his religious opinions; perhaps never enjoying office, though evidently capable, on the same account; and smarting under the memory of fmes and imprisonment when living in the colony as a subject, it is not strange that he should have shown himself disposed to be somewhat arbitrary and tyrannical, when invested with such power, over the same government by which he had been so despoiled and oppressed. And yet he was by no means, in his nature, a hard and unfeeling man. As we have seen, Johnson, while he speaks of him as " an enemy to the reformation in hand, being strong for the lordly prelatical power," at the same time says, " he was a man of a very loving and courteous behavior, very ready to entertain strangers." Hubbard gives him credit for "much civility in his behavior" towards such as had "free converse with him." And Josselyn said, in 1638, that he was "the only hospitable man in all the' country, giving entertainment to all comers gratis.^^ During the early years of his residence in the colony, upon Noddle's Island, he was distinguished for his hospitality, j)ublic spirit, and hearty cooperation in efforts for the welfare of the province ; and if, in subsequent years, he manifested feelings different from these, they can only be considered as the natural result of the harsh treatment he had received. Like all men, he had his faults ; but they were so small in comparison with his traits of character as a man, citizen, and public officer, that, in sj)ite of all opposition, he rose to stations of high impor- tance, enjoyed the confidence of his sovereign, and identified himself with the efforts to establish religious freedom in the colony. CHAPTER VII, THE MAVERICK FAMILY. But little is known of the descendants of the Mavericks. "With the destruction of the town records at the burning of Charlestown on the 17th of June, 1775, were lost the only means of making a full genealogical account.^ The most com- plete narrative which the writer has been able to make, from every accessible source, is as follows : — Samuel Maverick had a wife named Amias when he made a conveyance of " the messuage called Winesemet," in 1634 ; he must have been married several years before, as his son Nathaniel, in 1650, joined with him in the sale of Noddle's Island. Their children were Nathaniel, Mary, and Samuel. Mary, daughter of Samuel Maverick, married John Pals- grave, 8th February, 1655 (Gov. John Endicott officiating), and afterward, 20th September, 1660, Francis Hooke, a prominent citizen of Kittery, Maine. She is the Mary Hooke who pre- sented the petition given on page 107. Samuel, son of Samuel Maverick, married Rebecca, daughter of the Rev. John Wheelwright, in 1660, and died at Boston, on the 10th March, 1664. Very many writers have erroneously given this date as that of his father's death, and thus were com- pelled to call the son the royal commissioner. The children of ^ From Judge N. B. Monntfort, of New York City, the author learns that his mother, wlio was a lineal descendant of the Mavericks, saw the spire of Christ Church in Boston lighted up as if on fire, and supjjosed such to be the case until it proved to be the reflection of the fire in Charlestown kindled by the British to cover their assault upon the redoubt ; in that fire the records of the family were destroyed. 14* 1()2 HISTORY. [1G04-1C81. Suimicl and Rebecca were Mary, bi)iii on the 'Jtl October, 1G61 ; Hunnali, born 'I'-id October, 1()(>3. The widow of Samuel Maverick, Jr., married William Bradbury, on the 12th March, 1G71--3. It is noticeal)le that there were three Samuel Mavericks liv- ing at the same time; namely, Samuel, grantee of Noddle's Island and commissioner, Samuel his son, and Samuel the son of Moses of Marblehead. The following information has been collected relative to others of the name : — Elias Maverick^ of whom something has already been said, was jirobably a brother of Samuel. He was born in 1604, came to this country at an early age, and was one of the first members of the church in Charlestown, being admitted on the 9th of Fi'bruary, 1632-8, and made a freeman in 1633. The records show that he was an active member, taking a promi- nent part in the various church proceedings. The date of his immigration is not known, but it is not improbable that he and Samuel, Moses and Antipas, came at, or near, the same time. Elias w^as a member of the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company in 1654 ; and the last half of his life, if not the very first years of his residence in this country, he lived at Winni- simet. His will, containing many names and dates, is full of valu- able matter to the antitpiarian and genealogist, and hence may with propriety be given in full. It is as follows: — " Elias Maverick senior of Winnasimmett within the Town- ship of Boston, aged, do make this my last will. I give unto my wife Anna all my Estate both in Land houses and mov- ables during her life, if she remain a widow, otherwise one third during life, p'"vided she freely consent to those terms I shall hereafter express. " 1 give to my son Elias o acres of Land as an addition to the Land &: house that 1 formerly gave him, as also that out- house that I built not far to the westward of his house, to him his wife and children forever, p''vided there be at all times \ an acre of land left in common about tlie spring that is above his 1G81.] ELTAS MAVERICK'S WILL. 163 house \v"' a convenient high way thereunto for watering of cattle. "I give to my son Peter £d starling after my wives decease. " I give to my son Paul ]Mavericke 25 acres of Land next unto my son Elias w*"'^ I give him in present possession by deed of Gift to him his wife and Children ])''vided that his Father in law Liev* John Smith, (whose daughter Jemimah he married) will give as a portion to his said son-in-law w*** his daughter one halfe of that some of money that the s*^ Land shal be prized at by indifferent men chosen on either side, w''^ if he refuses to doe, then he shall injoy it after his mothers decease. " I give to my grandson Jotham Maverick son of my son John 15 acres of Land adjoyning on the west side of my son Pauls Land, after his grandmothers decease to him and his heires forever, with this p^'viso that he shall have liberty to sell or alienate the same if he see good unto any one or more of his Uncles before mentioned but to no other man or men. " 1 give to my grandson James Mavericke son of my son Peter 15 acres of Land next unto my Grand son Jothain, with the same p'^viso given to his cousen Jotham. " Be it knowne that my intent in the division of the afores'i p^cels of Land is that each of my sons and grandsons shall have such a p^'jjortion of Marish Land as is answerable to their quantity of upland that falls to their share — As for my dwel- ling house, outhouses. Orchard, Cornefield and so much Land adjoyning next the Creeke as will make up 40 acres w"^ the Orchard 6c come field & meadow proportionable, I give to my 5 daughters, either to be sould or let to each of them an equall p'"portion. " But if my sons Elias and Paul, whome I make joint Exectators of this my will, pay unto each of their sisters viz., Abigail Clarke, Sarah Walton, Mary Way, Ruth Smith, & Rebecca Thomas £50 apiece takeing in the moveables and a quantity of Marish w*^*^ I have at Hogg Hand of 20 acres of Land and upward for to help pay these Legacies, then the said houseing and Land shall be theirs to enjoy, and also they shall pay unto each of my Grand Children and great grand children 5s apiece. " Whereas I am bound by obligation unto my Father in law 1G4 HISTORY. [1681. William Stitsoii to ko<^p liim IG Slicop yearly with their in- crease till towards winter vSc then to be left to the same number during his life, that my two sons Elias (^ Paul my Executors shall make good this engagement after their mothers decease & not before. " As for my servant Jonas Holmes I give the remainder of his time unto my dear wife if she live so long or else to my Execu- tors. And having forgotten to express Ruth Johnson my grand- daughter that now liveth with me, I leave it with her grand- mother to do as she pleascth. My Father in law Deacon William Stitson, Aron Way senior & William Ireland senior to be overseers. The land was measured to be 120 acres if it fall short or exceed my will is that each dividend be p''portion- ably abated or enlarged. " 13, Oct. 1681. Elias Mavericke. " William Ireland sen"" Willia"' Ireland jun'' John Barnard, John Scntre W'" Ireland sen"" W'" Ireland jun'' and John Sentcr deposed 6 Nov. 1681. " Will exhibited for probate by Elias Maverick and Paul Maverick 6 Nov. 1681." i Elias Maverick married Anne Harris, whose mother married, as a second husband, Deacon William Stitson of Charlestown. Her mother, when she married Deacon Stitson, was the widow Elizabeth Harris, who, as Mrs. Harris, had children John, Thomas, William, Daniel, and Anne. Deacon Stitson, in his will (12tli Ai)ril, 1688), mentions Anne Maverick among the children of his first wife Mrs. Harris, and as the relict widow of Elias Maverick.2 Elias Maverick died on the 8th of September, 1684, aged eighty years, and was ])uried in the ancient burial-ground at Cliarlestown, where, a few years since, his gravestone and tlie inscription upon it might have been seen. It is to be lamented that the stone has been removed. The children of J-ilias Maverick and Anne his wife were,accord- ing to the Charlestown church records, John, born -id of Feb- > Siillolk Dcf.ls, \o]. VI. p. 4 70. ' (It'll. lU'g. Vi)l. II. pp. l'»2, 21.S. 1635-1G87.] ELIAS MAVERICK'S FAMILY GENEALOGY. 165 ruary, 1635-6; Abigail (Clarke), bom 10th of August, 1637; Elizabeth, born 2nd of June, 1639 ; Sarah (Walton), born 20th of February, 1640-1 ; Elias, born 17th of March, 1643 ; Paul, born 10th of June, 1657 ; and, according to his will, Peter, Mary (Way), Ruth (Smith), and Rebecca (Thomas), (he speaks of " 5 daughters in his will " ) ; also James, who is found recorded as a son of Elias in an inventory of the estate of James Maverick, " Proved 31st Oct. 1671, by Elias Mavericke to be a true inventory of his late son." ^ This is probably the one who was a member of the Ancient and Honerable Artillery Com- pany in 1658.2 Of these children John,^ son of Elias, had a wife Jane , and another wife, Katharine Skipper, whom he married 9:2: 1656. She is mentioned as the widow of John, 27th April, 1680 (IX. 4.) ; children, John, born 18th April, 1653 ; Dorothy, born 23d January, 1654 ; Jotham, who married Mary, widow of John Williams.* Abigail, daughter of Elias, married Matthew Clarke 4: 4: 1655.5 Elizabeth, daughter of Elias, married John Johnson 15th October, 1656 ; had a daughter Ruth. Sarah, daughter of Elias, married Walton. Elias, son of Elias, married Margaret Sherwood 10th (8th mo) 1669 (admitted to the church 8th August, 1675), and prob- ably a second wife Sarah.^ The children of Elias and Mar- garet were Elias, born 4th Nov. 1670 ; Margaret and Elizabeth, baptized 22 (6) 1675 ; Abigail, baptized 24 (7) 1676 ; Samuel, baptized 14 (6) 1687.7 ' Probate Records, YU. p. 158. " Hist. An. and Hon. Art. Co. p. 1C8. ' Inventory of John's estate 27th April, 1680. * Inventory of Jotham's estate taken in June, 1753. About seventy volumes of books are enumerated, thirty bound books in octavo, nine pictures, etc. Bk. 48, p. 65. ^ Hist, and Gen. Reg. Vol. I. New Series, p. 203. « Probate Records, VIH. 127, XIV. 35. ^ John Pratt, innholder, to be guardian unto his brother-in-law Samuel Mavericke, son of Elias Mavericke, of Boston, ship-wright, dec'd (being a minor about nine years of age), 19th April, 1697, (XI. 275). 166 HISTORY. [IG 75-1 750. Til the CuMicalogical Register, Vol. HI. j). IfiO, it is stated that Abigail Maverick of Bo.ston, daughter of a clergyman who left England in the time of the persecution, married a William Tully, etc. There is probably some mistake in this statement, as an examination of the dates will show. Had she been the daughter of the Rev. John Maverick, the only clergyman of the name in this country of whom w'c liave any account, she must have been at least sixty or seventy years old when the first of her ten children was liorn I for the Rev. John died in 1G3G, and her first child was ])orn in 1702. Tiie Abigail referred to in the Register is probably the daughter of Elias above mentioned ; she was born in September, 1675, baptized 24 (7) 1G7G, and died on the 9th of December, 1750. A daughter of Elias married a John Pratt, an innholder of Boston.^ Paul, son of Elias, married " Jemimah," daughter of Lieut. John Smith; had a son John, baptized 14 (G) 1687, then aged one year; Moses, baptized 11 (7) 1681; Jotham, baptized 28 (8) 1683. Peter, son of Elias, married Martha, daughter of Robert Bradford,^ and had children; a son James. In Sufi'olk Deeds mention is made of Hester, wife of Benja- min Whitney. She certifies to the birth of her two children by a former husband, James Maverick of Winnisimet; Martha Maverick, born 17th April, 1G93; James Maverick, born 2nd October, 1699. This James Maverick, husband of Hester (who subsequently married Benjamin Whitney, 7th August, 1705), was undoubtedly the son of Peter, and thus grandson of Elias Maverick of Winnisimet. In 1729, Benjamin and Hester (Maverick) Whitney convey estate in Boston, formerly of James M., to her children James and Martha, wife of Thomas Bellows of Southboro.'^ Mary, daughter of Elias, married Way. * Letters of administration pranteil to John Pratt of Boston, innholder, on the estate of liis fatlier-in-law, Klias Mavcrickc, Sen'r, kite of IJoston, ship- ■wriglit, de<;'d, 2d Nov. lGf)6, (XI. 227). ' IX. 29. For many of these items the writer is indebted to T. B. Wyman, Jr., who has faithfully examined the Charlcstown llecords. ' Gen. Reg. Vol. I. New Series, p. 225. 1634-1686.] MOSES MAVERICK. 167 Ruth, daughter of Elias, married Smith. Rebecca, daughter of Elias, married Thomas. Moses Maverick lived at Marblehead, with Isaac Allerton, whose daughter Sarah he afterward married ; he was engaged in the fishing business in 1634,^ in which year he was made a freeman (3d September).^ In May of the next year, Mr. Aller- ton conveyed to his son-in-law Moses, all his " houses, buildings, and stages that hee hath att Marble Head, to enjoy to him & his heires for euer." ^ He was born about 1610, and became a member of the church in Salem on the 12th of June, 1637. During the absence of Samuel Maverick to Virginia, Moses paid to the governor AOs. rent for Noddle's Island, 7th June, 1636.* He may have hired the Island during the absence of his (probable) brother, or Samuel may have engaged him as a brother or relative to hold it during his southern excursion. After this, Moses con- tinued to reside at Marblehead, and was licensed to sell wine there in 1638, as appears by the Court Records, 6, 7mo. 1638 : " Moses Maverick is permitted to sell a tun of wine at Marble Head, and not to exceede f his yeare." ^ His first wife, Sarah Allerton, died before 1656, when he was married, 22, Smo. 1656, by John Endicott, governor, to Eunice, widow of Thomas Roberts. His name appears as one of the petitioners against imposts in 1668.^ By his first wife he had children Rebecca, baptized 7th Aug. 1639, married Hawkes ; Mary, baptized 14th Feb. 1640-1, died 20th Feb. 1655-6; Abigail, baptized 12th Jan. 1644-5; Elizabeth, baptized 3d Dec. 1646, who died before Sept. 1649 ; Samuel, baptized 19th Dec. 1647; Elizabeth, baptized 30th Sept. 1649 ; Remember, baptized 12th Sept. 1652 ; and perhaps others. The father, jNIoses Maverick, died 28th June, 1686, aged 76 years. In the settlement of his estate, in November of that year, are mentioned, — daughter Mary, wife of Archi- bald Ferguson, died in 1698, (probably a daughter by his 1 Felt's Annals of Salem, Vol. I. p. 206. " Gen. Reg. Vol. III. p. 93. 8 Mass. Records, Vol. I. p. 147. * Ibid. Vol. I. p. 176. * Mass. Records, Vol. I. p. 237. « Gen. Reg. Vol. IX. p. 82. 168 mSTORY. [1C37-1G52. second \vilV) ; Sarali, only survivint,' danglitcr, and wife of Jolm Norman ; IMoscs Hawks, only son of eldest danghtir Rebecca; "William Ilnfj^hes and Thomas Jackson, married to Elizabeth and Priseilla (irafton, daugliiers of danghter Elizabeth Grafton, deceased; the children of daughter Abigail Ward, deceased; and tiie children of daughter Remember Woodman, deceased.^ Anlipas Maverick is recorded as " belonging to y" He of Shoals," in Oetol)er, 1647; 2 in 1652 we find him at Kittery, Maine, appearing before the commissioners, and submitting to the government of Massachusetts.'^ This circumstance gives plausibility to the conjecture that the dilVerent individuals by the name of Maverick were of the same family, for we know that Mary Hooke, the daughter of Samuel Maverick, lived in Kittery. Antipas married , and had a daughter Abigail, who was married to Edward Oilman, of Exeter.^ All the known circumstances connected with the births, lives, business relations, and residences of Samuel, Elias, Moses, and Antipas, lead to the conclusion that they were brothers. An Abigail Maverick was admitted to the church in Charles- town, 18th 12mo. 1637-8.^ She may have been a sister of Samuel, Elias, etc. At least, it is evident that she could not have been Abigail, daughter of Elias, as the latter was born 10th Aug. 1637. » Gen. Reg. Vol. VIII. p. 270. « Mass. Rcconls, Vol. II. p. lOy. » Gen. lU-jr. Vol. III. p. 193. * Edward Gilman, who married Abigail Maverick, was called "IMward Gil- man, 3d," being the son of Edward, Jr., and the grandson of that Edward who came from England to Ilingham in 1638, removed to Ipswich at an early date, and to E.vetcr in 1C.j2, where he spent the remainder of his days ; the first Edward was the progenitor of the eminent family of the name, among whom ■were the late Governor John T. Gilman and Hon. Nicholas (iilman. Edward, third, -was born about lG-18, married 20th Dec. 1G74 ; his will was dated 2d June, lGf>0, and proved Tith April, 1G92; he owned lands in Kittery; his chil- dren were Edward, born 2Uth Oct. 1G75 ; Antipas, born 2d Feb. 1677 ; Mave- rick, born 11th April, 1681 ; Abigail, who married Capt. Jonathan Thing; Catherine, who married Nathaniel Ladd ; and Elizabeth. Descendants still remain in New Hampshire. ' Budington's History of First Church in Charlestowu. 1733.] JOHN MAVERICK. 169 The name of Maverick has become extinct in New England, although descendants still remain ; in New York, however, numerous persons perpetuate it.^ It is highly probable that Samuel, the royal commissioner, removed his residence to New York after the Duke of York had presented him with a house ; ^ and subsequent to the siege of Boston, a branch of the Maverick family removed thence to New York. These remov- als account for the existence of the name in that city. Prior to the revolutionary war, John Maverick, an importer of lignum-vitse and other hard woods, resided in Boston, in Middle street (now Hanover), on the original site of the Han- cock school-house.^ His shop, called the " Cabinet and Chest of Drawers," is mentioned in Middle street in 1733. Here he sold also " choice good silver and gold lace, silver buttons, thread, and cloths." He was a man of considerable property, owned slaves, and kept a carriage ; he died before the war commenced, leaving children, — Nancy, Jemima, Sally, Mary, Jotham, and Samuel. Of these children, Nancy became the wife of Nathaniel Phil- lips, who kept an apothecary shop in Orange (now "Washing- ton) street, at the corner of Bennet street. The children of Dr. Phillips were Elizabeth Phillips, who married the late John Parker, Esq., and was mother of Peter Parker (who married a daughter of Dr. Reed, of Charleston, S. C), of the late John Parker, Jr. (who married Annie Sargeant and died childless), of Charles Parker (who married Miss Vandenburg, of Troy, N. Y.), of the late George Parker, of New York (who married, first, Annie Moore, of Charleston, S. C, secondly, Harriet Boardman, adopted daughter of William Boardman, of Han- * For many of those facts relative to the descendants of the Maverick family in New York and Boston, the writer is indebted to Napoleon B. Mountfort, Esq. of New York, late judge of the police court in that city. He is a lineal descendant of the family. The writer would also acknowledge his indebted- ness to Augustus Maverick, of the New York Daily Times, for facts and dates. * New York Col. Hist. Vol. IH. p. 185. * The school is now removed to a better location ; but the old house still stands, and is now used for primary schools and a ward room. — Hist. Boston, p. 219. 15 170 HISTORY. [1773. cock street, Boston), and of VAi/.w Parker (afterwards Mrs. "Wil- liam Sliiininiii) ; James Pliillips, who married Annie, daughter of the late Riehard i). Tueker ; Polly Phillips and Nancy Pliil- lips, who married respectively the late brothers William and Joseph Lovering, of Boston ; Sarah Phillips, who died unmar- ried ; Samuel Phillips, a painter, who also kept a paint shop in Washington street, above Boylston, and had a son John, who was a painter, and a member of the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company; Nathaniel Phillips and William Phillips, merchants in iNIerchants' Row. Jemima, the second daughter of John Maverick, was married to a Captain White, a king's officer, a tory during the revolu- tionary war; "but was otherwise," says Judge Mountfort, "a highly respectable gentleman I " lie had a son, named Ben- jamin, who was employed at a large salary in the office of W. Winship ; he had also another son and two daughters. Cap- tain White, with his family, resided in Essex street, opposite the old " Glass House," under the large elm trees, and there they died. Sally, the third daughter of John Maverick, married Judge Stoddard, of Chelmsford. Mary, the fourth daughter of John Maverick, married John Gyles, importer of fancy goods, who died of camp fever con- tracted from the barracks of the British troops, who were at the time quartered near his place of residence, shortly prior to Bos- ton being declared by General Gage to be in a state of siege. By this marriage, Mary had five daughters and two sons, viz. : Mary, wife of Howard, dealer in cabinet ware ; Ann, wife of Adam Knox, a sea-captain ; Elizabeth, who married Levi Lane, a merchant on Long wharf; Sarah, who married Joseph Mountfort, a sea-captain (who was lieutenant in the navy under the brave Commodore Manley, and was with him in several naval engagements with the British vessels during the revolutionary war),i ^jjj Mercy, the youngest daughter, who also married a sea-captain named Richard Roberts. ' He was one of the party -which, disguised as Indians, destroyed the tea in Boston harbor, and assisted in tlie tarring and feathering of Malcohii, wlio informed of tlie persons engaged in that celebrated feat. Malcohn was tarred and feathered, placed astride a rail, and surrounded by a crowd bearing 1770.] BOSTON MASSACRE. 171 The sons of John Maverick, Jotham and Samuel, were mer- chants in Boston, and highly respected. There may have been other sons, whose names have not come down to us. The widow of one of these sons of John Maverick was the mother of the Samuel Maverick who was shot in State street in the Boston massacre, on the 5th of March, 1770.^ Snow, in his History of Boston, in giving an account of the massacre, says, that among others, Samuel Maverick, whose mother lived in Union street, received a mortal wound, of which he died the next morning ; and Loring, in his Hundred Boston Orators, says, " Samuel, a son of widow Mary Maverick, a promising youth of seventeen years, an apprentice to Mr. Greenwood, a joiner, was wounded by a ball that entered his abdomen and escaped through his back, and his remains were removed from his mother's house on the day of interment." The particulars of this massacre, and numerous depositions respecting it, are given in the " Short Narrative," etc., just referred to ; and as the principal facts are familiar to all readers of history, they need not be repeated. The death of young Maverick, however, comes within the proper limits of our book. At the trial of the soldiers, one of the witnesses testified that he saw Maverick about two hours before his death, and asked him concerning the affair. Maverick answered that he " went up the lane, and as he got to the corner, he heard a gun ; he did not retire back but went to the town-house ; as he was going along he was shot." In answer to the inquiry where he was when wounded, he replied that he was " betwixt Royal Exchange lane and the town-house, going up towards the town-house." ^ As, in addition to the published authorities above given, the torches. As the procession moved on, it stopped at the corner of every street, and the poor tale-bearer was made to cry out, " Here comes old Malcolm the informer ; " which if he refused to do, his tormentors threatened to apply their blazing torches to his combustible exterior, and thus he was quickly compelled to announce his own inflimous character, habit, and position. Mountfort was in the receipt of a pension at the time of his death. * Short Narrative of the Horrid Massacre. Boston, 1770. ' Trial of William Wemms, etc. (soldiers), for the murder of Crispus At- tacks, Samuel Gray, Samuel Maverick, etc., page 96. 172 HISTORY. [1770. writer has it in his power to present from an authentic source some particulars of this massacre, so caHed, which have never been printed, he will be allowed to enter more into details re- garding this matter. INIr. Joseph Mountfort, previously alluded to, was with Mave- rick at the time he was shot. He, with Samuel Maverick, Peter C. Brooks, Samuel and Thomas Carey, were playing marbles in the house of Mr. Carey, at the head of Gardner's wharf, near Cross street, at the time the bells rang the alarm, and were thereby attracted to State street before the British troops fired. Here they observed that a tumult had arisen between some men and boys and the soldiers. Angry words were being exchanged, and missiles of various kinds were thrown. Some one threw pieces of ice, when the soldiers, exasperated by the boldness and taunts of their rebel oppo- nents, discharged their guns at the crowd. Young Maverick cried out to his relative Mountfort, "Joe! I am shot I " and ran down Exchange street, then called Royal Exchange lane, to Dock square, where he fell to the ground, and was conveyed to his mother's house. Pie died the next morning. At that time the widow Maverick kept a genteel boarding-house in Union street, at the corner of Salt lane. It is not a little singular, that Mr. Mountfort's name does not appear among the witnesses examined at the trial. The printed report (of which the writer has a copy, as well as copies of the other pamphlets printed at the time) is very full, and the other accounts are quite minute; but the particulars above given are not contained in them. Yet, there can be no doubt as to the authenticity of Mr. Mountfort's narrative. The writer has it from his son. Judge Napoleon B. Mountfort, of New Y^ork, who is well informed on the subject. The funeral of Maverick and the others who were killed upon the 5th took place on the following Thursday (the 8th). An immense assembly was in attendance, most of the shops were closed, and the bells were tolled in the city, in Roxbnry, and in Charlestown. The four hearses met in King street, upon the spot where the tragedy took place ; thence the procession, six deep, proceeded through the main street, followed by a long 1774.] PETER RUSIITON MAVERICK. 173 train of carriages. The bodies were deposited in one grave " in the middle burying-ground." The following patriotic verses were circulated on the occasion : — • " Well fated shades ! let no unmanly tear From Pity's eye distain your honored bier ; Lost to their view, surviving friends may mourn, Yet o'er thy pile shall flames celestial burn ; Long as in freedom's cause the wise contend, Dear to your country shall your fame extend ; While to the world the lettered stone shall tell, How Caldwell, Attucks, Gray, and Maverick fell." Joseph Mountfort had five sons and three daughters, namely, Napoleon B.^ (from whom the above description of the mas- sacre, and many other items, are derived) ; Captain George M., who died many years ago ; John, Lieut-Colonel U. S. Art., who was wounded in the battle at Little York, Canada, under command of Gen. Zebulon Pike, and distinguished himself at the battle of Plattsburg, as well as in several other actions during the war of 1812, and who died about two years ago; Charles, who died about two years since ; George, U. S. Con- sul at the Island of Candia (at Canea, the town) ; Sarah, Eliza- beth, and Rhoda ; these three daughters now reside in Boston. There was a Pete?' Rusliton Maverick^ an Englishman and an engraver, who resided in New York City, and owned prop- erty (No 85) in Crown (now Liberty) street, about one hun- dred feet from Broadway .^ ft is stated by descendants that he came to this country from England (probably from the county of Kent), about the year 1774, when but eight or ten years of age. He was originally a silversmith, and is sometimes called " Peter Maverick, the first," to distinguish him from his son and * He worked with the volunteei'S on Dorchester Heights in 1814, under George Sullivan, the engineer. The boys marched out from school early in the morning, under the command of the eldest boy, to the heights, taking their breakfast in tin pails. * The deed of this house from John K. Bancker and Margaret, his wife, to Peter Rushton Maverick, dated Aug. 18, 1802, is on record in lib. 78 of Con- veyances, p. 38. 15* 174 HISTORY. [1787. grandson, all bearing the name of Peter and all following the same profession. Little is known of his character or circum- stances, lie was a free-thinker and a friend of Thomas Paine. His family through several generations displayed an unusual talent for engraving, and made it tlieir occupation. For many years he etched and engraved, and had pupils, some of whom attained, eminence. He was the best engraver in New York, yet he had no education in the art, and owed all his proficiency to his own persevering industry. The best specimens of his work are in Brown's Family Bible, published by Hodge, Allen, and Campbell in New York, and considered a great work for that time. Francis Kearney was his pupil, and Maverick demanded and received $250 for his instruction for three years, besides the advantages of his ingenuity and labor. In 1787-8 he taught William Dunlap (author of the History of Arts and Design in the United States) the theory and practice of etch- ing. He also instructed in the art of engraving, his son Peter, who, with his brother Samuel, were afterwards bank-note en- gravers of celebrity ; the son, however, far excelled the father as an artist. Mr. Anderson,^ the father-in-law of Peter R.'s son Andrew, well remembers Peter R. : he walked with " old Peter " in the procession of the trades in New York at the time of the adoption of the constitution ; Peter represented the engravers, being then, in fact, the only one in the city. Peter Rushton Maverick died about 1807, and left a will, recorded in the surrogate's office.^ By this, he devised his property in Liberty street, which 'appears to have been all he owned, to his wife for life, with remainder to his children. The widow survived him many years, always occupying the old house (85 Liberty street) ; she died 19th October, 1853, in the ninety-sixth year of her age ; the property was then sold, and the proceeds were divided among the heirs. A lawsuit ensued ; since its settlement, a white marble building has been erected on the site of the old house.^ ' Now living in New York, 279 Broome street. » Lib. 50, p. 149. * In the New York Records, lib. 147 of Conveyances, p. 69, we find that Andrew Maverick, 21st of August, 1820, convoyed to John 13. Jansen all hia 1787-1831.] PETER R. MAVERICR-S FAMILY. 175 The children of Peter Rushton Maverick, so far as can be ascertained, were these: Sarah, who married Benjamin Mon- tague, both now dead, without issue ; Rebecca and Maria, the first and second wives of James Woodhouse (now deceased), the first dying without issue, the second leaving children, now scattered ; Ann, who married Patrick Munn, both of whom died without issue ; Peter, born in New York in 1782 ; Andrew, and Samuel. Mr. Bryant, Peter R.'s legal adviser, says that all of his sons married and left children. Peter, son of Peter R., was twice married. How many chil- dren he had by his first wife is not known ; one of them, Peter, was a dissipated man and went to ruin. His second wife was Miss Matilda Brown, whom he married in 1828 ; on his decease, June, 1831, in New York, she came into possession of his portrait, painted by Jarvis. Peter had a son by this mar- riage, namely, Augustus Maverick, born 23d August, 1830, now one of the assistant editors of the New York Daily Times. As already said, Peter excelled his father in his profession. Among his engravings were some for Collins's Quarto Bible. He was for a time in most prosperous circumstances, his prop- erty principally accruing from his legitimate business. Some misfortunes connected with a partnership business reduced his means ; and late in life, with a large family to support, he was obliged to commence anew. A. B. Durand, a distinguished portrait and landscape painter and engi'aver, was his pupil ; and after serving an apprenticeship of five years (from 1812 to 1817), he entered into partnership with his teacher. As is often the case, the pupil, in course of years, surpassed his master; and the preference which Trumbull gave to Durand by employing him to the exclusion of Maverick, broke up the business connec- tion. The tradition that Peter Rushton Maverick came from Eng- land would seem to indicate that this family was not connected with that to which this history particularly relates. Still, it is right, title, and interest in his father's estate ; and on the 23d of February, 1829 (lib. 254, p. 218), Samuel releases his interest in the estate to his mother Rebecca. 176 HISTORY. [1665. by no means improbable that all of the name were of common descent. An extract from a letter from Judge Mountfort to the writer will corroborate such a sujiposition. He says: — " One Mary Lugg, or Rugg, in England, left a large property to the heirs of Peter Maverick in America, more than sixty years ago. It was said to have been converted into money and deposited in the Bank of England. Samuel Parkman called to see my motlier about this matter a half century or more ago. A Peter Maverick, believed to have been a brother of my great- grandfather, John Maverick, went to England a century ago, or thereabouts, and subsequently left England to return to Amer- ica ; but the vessel in which he took passage was never heard from, and is supposed to have foundered. We believe that this was the Peter Maverick to whose heirs the said bequest was made." The descendants of Samuel, son of Peter R. Maverick, were notified to meet to adopt means to establish their title to the large sum of money left by Peter Maverick, of England. A lawyer was employed, but the descent could not be traced, as the family records were burned at Charlestown. Mr. Mount- fort's mother said that they were descended from this Peter, but could give* no legal proof. It is easy to see from these items, that the family supposed a connection to exist between the Mavericks of Boston and those of New York, and that there is a possibility, if not a probability, that the Peter wiiose property was left for heirs in America was connected with the John who lived in Boston prior to the Revolution. It is hoped that the information relative to the Mavericks, thus gleaned from every accessible source by a patient investi- gation, is not without value. But whatever of interest may attach to others of the name, the life and character of Samuel Maverick, the first grantee of Noddle's Island, stand out in bold relief. Winthrop found him here in 1630; but when or whence he came will probably forever remain a mystery. Opposed in political and religious opinions and belief to the colonial authorities, he suffered, in consequence, hardships and persecutions; but, rising superior to all attempts to infringe upon his rights as a citizen or his faith as a churchman, he 1665.] S^V^IUEL MAVERICK'S CHARACTER. 177 overcame all obstacles ; outlived the calumnies of enemies ; so overcame the prejudices of the Puritan rulers as to become prominent in public affairs, and to engage in important business matters with the governor ; with an enlarged and liberal view of public policy and individual rights, he identified himself with the efforts to secure equal civil and religious privileges to all ; secured in a remarkable degree the confidence of his sovereign, and held high and honorable office under him ; and in his whole course through life, he showed himself a man of strong and generous impulses, of decision and energy, independence of mind and purpose, executive ability and perseverance in action, — all of which qualities fitted him to fill successfully places of responsibility and honor, which he from time to time occupied. K he had faults, they were overshadowed by those nobler traits of character by which he was so distinguished, and which led him on, step by step, over all opposition, to positions of trust and high honor under his sovereign. CHAPTER VIII. THE OWNERSHIP TRACED FROM SAMUEL MAVERICK TO SAMUEL SHRIMPTON. Havinq completed the biographical sketch of Samuel Mave- rick, the first grantee of Noddle's Island, and given accounts of the family, the direct narrative of the Island history is now resumed. Immediately following the Episcopalian controversy related in Chapter IV., Maverick sold Noddle's Island, and took up his residence elsewhere. It will be remembered that Mary Ilooke, the daughter of Samuel Maverick, states in her petition (given on page 107), that her father, feeling the fine imposed upon him to be unjust, resolved not to pay it; but fearing that the Island would be seized by the government in payment therefor, and desiring to secure himself, lie made a deed in form of the Inland to his eldest son, Nathaniel, but not intending to deliver tiie instrument to him. The son, however, more crafty than his father, obtained possession of the writings, and thus became nominally the owner of the Island. .The next change of title which took place was in 1650, when Maverick and his wife, conjointly with their son Nathaniel, sold it to Captain George Briggs, of Barbadoes, as appears by the record in the Sullblk Registry of Deeds.^ "Whether the long series of indignities which Maverick received from the colonial government created in him a desire to leave his Island home, does not appear; but certainly such an inference could very naturally be drawn from the cir- cumstances of the case. He had now (1650) resided upon the ' Lib. 1, fol. 122. 1649-'53.] CHANGES IN OWNERSHIP. 179 Island about twenty-five years, and without doubt his home was surrounded with the conveniences and comforts which so long a residence, with even ordinary improvements, would secure ; and considering his character, position, and great hos- pitality, it is probable that his home was, for those times, com- modious and perhaps elegant. It is therefore probable, that only the weariness induced by his long continued difficulties with the colonial authorities determined him to remove from its jurisdiction. This deed of sale was signed 14th January, 1649, and acknowledged 26th July, 1650. Upon the 28th of the October following the date of the deed above given, Captain Briggs conveyed the Island to Nathaniel Maverick and his heirs forever, who upon the same day con- veyed it to Colonel John Burch, of Barbadoes, and his heirs for- ever. But differences arose, and suits at law were had in sev- eral courts, in which it appears that Samuel Maverick claimed possession on the ground that the conditions on which the Island had been sold to Briggs were broken. Colonel Burch, as assignee of Captain Briggs, through his attorney, Lieutenant John Sayers, brought an action against Samuel Maverick, for Noddle's Island, " at a special court held at Boston, 28th December, 1652. The court not receiving the verdict of the jury, the case, by course of law, fell to the gen- eral court to be determined." The issue between Samuel Maverick and Colonel Burch coming before the general court, a resolution was introduced, giving the possession of the Island to Colonel Burch, on the per- formance of certain conditions. The record states,^ under date of 18th May, 1653 : — " In the case betweene Colonell Birch and Mr. Mauericke, it is resolued on, & by this Court declared, that Noddle's Hand, & appurtenances, in the same condition as is expressed in the deede of sale to Capt. Brigg, doth belong to Colonel John Birch, & possession is to be deliuered vnto him, his heires, or assignes, vppon the payment or legall tender of seuen hundred pound starlinge ai the store howse next the waters side at the > Mass. Records, Vol. IH. p. 309. ISO HISTORY. [1653. bridge in Barbadocs, in good marchantable sugor, at prise eur- rent, as for bills of excliango payable in London imediatly after the expiration of thirty dayes sight of the judgement of this Court in this case, 6c that no charg be allowed to Colonel Birch." Following this, and of the same date, is " A declaration of Colonell Birch, ordred to be recorded:" — * " I doe declare and publish to all men whom these may eon- cerne, that 1 will justitic, that by the knowne lawcs of England, I haue a right & tytle to Noddles Hand, in New England, & so cleare a right therevnto as any man hath to any thinge he there possesseth, the which I shall desire cuery man whom it may concerne to take speciall notice off, that they be not deceiued in purchasing the same, or any part thereof, or paying any rent for any they doe hold, or may hereafter hold, from Mr. Mauer- icke, his hcircs, or assignes ; &: I shall desire that this declarat mav be cntred in the publicke records of New England, that all men may take care they be not deceiued. J. B." There is another entry in the next volume of the records, by which it appears that the witnesses produced by both parties were heard before the general court, and the question decided " by resolution of a question," in very nearly the same words as just given in the resolution of the 18th of IMay, and to the effect, that, in case the said Birch did pay or legally tender £700 sterling at the storehouse next the water-side in Barba- does, in Muscovado sugar, at price current as . for bills of exchange payable in London immediately after the expiration of thirty days' sight of the juilgmcnt of the court, then the possession of the Island should be delivered to Col. Burch.^ Judgiuent was rendered on the 7th of June, 1653. The decision by the general court having been linal, and Burch having fulfilled the conditions, Samuel Maverick and his son Nathaniel made a new conveyance of the Island on the 31st of July, 1056, which is thus recorded : — « Mass. Records, VoL IE. p. 310. • Ibid. Vol. IV. Part 1, p. 132. 1656.] THE ISLAND CONVEYED TO BURCH. 181 " Indenture made the last day (31) of July 1656, betwixt Sam' Mauericke, Gent. &c Nath' Mauericke, sonne &c heire Apparent of s^ Sam' Mavericke of the one p' &c Col. John Burch of the Island of Barbadoes Esq*^ of the other p*. " Witnesseth that s'^ Mauejicke &c Amias his wife & sd Naty Mauericke did by theire deed bearing date, 14 Jan. 1649, con- vey vnto Cap' Geo. Briggs, an Island Called Noddles Island. And whereas s^ George Briggs did by his deede bearing date 28 Oct. 1650, Convey s'^ Island vnto Nath' Mauerick and his heires for euer. And whereas s*^ Nath' Mauericke did the same day Convey s^ Island vnto John Burch & his heires for euer And whereas since that time differences & suites of lawe haue binn had in suerall Courts and at last in the Generall Court at Boston betweene s'^ John Burch and s'^ Sam' Mauericke for s** Island wherein it was exhibited that the aboue named George Briggs had not perfectly performed the Consideration by him undertaken. " And whereas in s^ Court It was at Last Ordered the 7th of June 1653 in case s^ Burch did pay or legally tender .£700 ster- ling at the store howse next the sea side in Barbadoes in mus- cavadoes Sugar at price Currant as for bills of exchange that then the possession of the s*^ Island to be deliuered to s^ Burch. " S'^ Samuell hath Received full satisfaction of the s"* £700, Stirling menconed in the aboue order made at the Generall Court aforesayd. " S^ Samuell Mauericke doth convey vnto s*^ Burch &'^ Nodles Island &:c. Sa^i^ JMauepjcke " Acknowledged last day (31) of July 1656, before me Thos. Gibbes." This instrument is witnessed by six persons, and is followed by an appointment of an attorney by Mr. Burch, dated at Bar- badoes, 5th November, 1656, and which reads thus : — "Barbadoes, — I Col. John Burch of the Island abouesajd Appointe my well beloued friend ^Mr. Thomas Bratle of Charles Towne merchant, my Attourney to recouer of Mr. Samuell Mauericke an Island Comonly Called Nodles Island and like- 16 182 HISTORY. [1656-7. wise all other rights thereunto belonging, wch doth to me Appert;iyne. 5 Nov. 1656. John Buucu. " In the presence of John Sayes, John Newmaker. " At Request of Mr. Thos. Bratle. Recorded 7 Jan. 1656." ^ Possession of the Island was given by Maverick on the first of January, 1656-7, in the following words: — "1 Jan. 1656(7). Attest, — Nicholas Shopleigh, Randall NiccoUs, John Jefl'^es, Willjam Rosewell, that wee sawe full and peaceable possession given of s"^ Island, houses, &cc. by s'^ Maue- rick &c Amy his wife, to Thomas Bratle of Charles Towne Attorney to Col. John Burch of Barbadoes &cc. "(Before) Jn" Endicott, GovV Thus Noddle's Island passed from the possession of the Maverick family. Colonel Burch did not long hold the ownership of the Island, for in the same year (1656-7) in which he came into possession of it, Thomas Broughton gave orders to Mr. Richard Leader, then at Barbadoes, to purchase it of Colonel Burch, in his name and for his own use.^ In pursuance of this instruction, Richard Leader purchased the Island in his own name and in the name of Richard New- > Bk. 11. fol. 823, 328. * Little is known of Broughton. His name appears several times upon the town records, but there is notiiing by which to judge of his character or posi- tion. He owned land near the town dock in Boston, and about three acres on Mill Hill near Charles river, called Center Haven. Among other entries in the records are the following: "Nov. 29, 1653. Mr. Thomas Broughton may wharf before his ground at the ferry toward Charlestown if he do it within a year and a day." And again (^larch 27, 1654). The grant to Mr. Brough- ton to wharf or make a " Carrocadd before his land at Center Haven is con- tynued." His name appears in a movement among the merchants of Boston, in 1G55, to effect a reduction of the duty on malt. One of the petitions pre- sented to the general court appears to have been drawn up by him, at least ,^^ /O it is in his handwriting. (J^ ^^' ^^"■' '^*'' ^"^^ ' ^^'^^^' born's Boston Notions. 1CC3.] THE ISLAND DELIVERED TO COOKE. 183 bold, who joined with Leader to secure the payment of Xl,378 sterling, according to the contract with Broughton dated on the 9th of February, 1656-7. Broughton, by bills of exchange, paid according to contract one half of the purchase-money, and gave orders for the pay- ment of the other half, and was possessed of the Island. But owing to embarrassments, on the 19th of April, 1659, he made a deed of trust, conveying the Island, being a thousand acres of upland and meadow, together with one half of the house and lands at Center Haven, in Boston, then in possession of Broughton and William Osborne, to Henry Shrimpton and Richard Cooke of Boston, and Walter Price of Salem, mer- chants, his creditors, to the amount of .£4,000 sterling due them ; trusting that the trustees, after satisfying themselves for the above sum, would pay X 4,000 more to Anthony Stoddard, John Checkly, and the other creditors of Broughton.^ Henry Shrimpton declined this trust (23d June, 1659),^ as Thomas Broughton and William Osborne had previously given to Walter Price full possession of Center Haven and Noddle's Island. On the 28th October, 1662, Richard Cooke and Walter Price, as assignees of Broughton, commenced a suit against Richard Newbold for withholding about .£850 sterling, and interest for the same for several years. A verdict was given for the plaintiflfs for .£1,048 12s. 6d. sterling, and costs. The suit was commenced on the 13th of September, 1662, and the execution, which was issued on the 31st of March, 1663, was served and extended on Noddle's Island as the possession of Newbold. The property was appraised by Mr. John Wiswall and Capt. William Hudson, and the whole Island, according to the appraisement under the execution, at X 1,300, was delivered to Richard Cooke for the value of X 1,057 65. lOd., reserving out of the Island one hundred and seventy acres as belonging to Newbold, beginning at the furthest end easterly by Hogg island, and taking up the whole marsh there, and then so much upland next adjoining from sea to sea, north and south, as remained after the court's judgment had been satis- fied. > Suffolk Deeds, lib. 3, fol, 228. ' Lib. 3, fol. 248. 184 HISTORY. [1CC4,1G67. Richard Cooke, on the 41 li of August, 1664, in consideration of full payment made and secured, sold to Sir Thomas Temple, then a resident of Boston, all his right and claim to the Island, by virtue of the court's judgment and execution, the 170 acres reserved to Newbold being excepted.^ Immediate possession was given to Temple, who, wishing to own the whole Island, purchased, on the 5th of October, 1G67, of Tobias Payne, of Boston, merchant, attorney of Richard Newbold, all of New- bold's interest,^ paying therefor £700 sterling, as the witnessed receipt showed. The payment was also acknowledged by Newbold's letter of procuration, dated at Barbadoes on the 5th of October, 16C7, before John Leverctt, assistant. Thus the whole Island came into the possession of Sir Thomas Temple. The various changes in the ownership of the Island, from its purchase by Burch to the time of its sale to Temple, have been given as fully as the records authorize. The terms of some of these transfers would perhaps be better understood if we had the original contract for Broughton's purchase, which is referred to in the purchase by Leader and Newbold. Making it a principle to investigate as far as possible the history of all those who have at any time been connected with the Island, the writer has found some interesting facts relative to the Temple family, dillerent members of which were con- nected with Noddle's Island both by ownership and tenancy. Sir Thomas Temple, who, we have just seen, bought the Island, first came to New England in 1657, having, with others, obtained from Oliver Cromwell a grant of lands in Acadie, or Nova Scotia, of which he was made governor. He was recom- mended by Nathaniel Fiennes, son of Lord Say. Fiennes calls him his near kinsman.^ He was a man of position in society, and of generous public spirit. In 1C72, he gave .£100 towards rebuilding Harvard College, which was one eighth of the whole sum contributed by the inhabitants of Boston. Dr. Increase Mather said of him, he was " as true a gentleman as ever sat foot on American soil." An excellent anecdote is told of him, which, while it shows his station in society, well illustrates one 1 Suffolk Deeds, lib. 4, fol. 210. » lb. lib. 5, ful. 389. * Hutchinson, Vol. I. p. 20C, note. 1€74.] SIR THOMAS TEMPLE'S FAMILY. 185 phase in his character. While on a visit to London, he was presented to Charles IL, and was permitted to kiss his majesty's hand. The king discoursed with him on the state of affairs in Massachusetts, and, among other things, he said the colonies had invaded his right by coining money. Sir Thomas Temple replied, that they thought it no crime to make money for their own use, and, taking some of our coin from his pocket, pre- sented it to the king. This coin had the pine tree on it. Per- ceiving the tree on one of the pieces, King Charles inquired what kind of a tree it was. "T/ie royal oak,''^ said Temple, " ivhich protected your majesty'' s life.'' ^ This shrewd answer brought the king into good-humor, and induced him to listen favorably to what the governor had to say relative to the colo- nies.2 The family of Sir Thomas Temple derives its surname from the manor of Temple, Leicester county, and its descent from Leofric, Earl of Chester, who lived in the reign of Edward the Confessor. From this Earl of Chester descended Peter Temple, Esq., father of Sir John Temple, whose eldest son was Sir Thomas Temple, the first baronet, who had a son Sir John, who was father to Sir Thomas Temple, knight, governor of Nova Scotia, and the owner of Noddle's Island. He died, with- out issue, March 27, 1674. His elder brother, Sir Purbeck Temple, was the father of Thomas Temple, whose eldest son was Robert Temple, owner of Ten Hills, Charlestown, Mass., and also a tenant of Noddle's Island. His second son, Sir John Temple, was born in 1731, and, on the 20th of January, 17(57, married Elizabeth, daughter of the Hon. James Bowdoin, subsequently governor of Massachusetts. They had a daugh- ter, Elizabeth Bowdoin Temple, who married, in 1786, Thomas Lindall Winthrop, Esq., afterward lieutenant-governor of Mas- sachusetts. ' This ingenious and complimentary reply referred to the well-known inci- dent in the life of Charles, when, totally defeated at Worcester by the superior valor of Cromwell, he escaped capture by concealing himself in the branches of an oak in Boscobel wood. From the tree he saw his enemies in full pursuit of him, and, after the danger had passed, he descended and made his escape. * Felt's IMass. Currency, p. 38. 16* 18G HISTORY. [1C70. Sir John Temple, aceording to the tradition of the family, was born on Noddle's Island at the time his father was its ten- ant.^ He was the first eonsul-general from England to the United States after the peace of 1783, — having been appointed in the spring of 1785, — and Great Britain, for some years, having no minister to this country, he was the medium of com- munication from that government to our own. lie died in New York, and a tablet to his memory, in the chancel of St. Paul's church in that city, has the following inscription: — " Sacred to the Memory of Sir John Temple, Baronet, Consul- General to the United States of America from his Britannic Majesty, — the first appointment to this country after its Inde- pendence. « Died in the city of New York, November 17th, 1798, aged 67." His father, >vho was a loyalist, died in England, whither he had removed with his family.^ The Island did not long remain in Sir Thomas Temple's pos- session ; in 1670 it passed into the hands of Col. Samuel Slirimpton. On the 30th of November of that year, Col. Shrimpton, then of Boston, with whose history and family the reader will become familiar, bought of Sir Thomas Temple all that " continent of land," as it was called in the deed, named Noddle's Island, paying therefor £0,000. From this date the title of the Island is traced down through an uninterrupted line of family ownership, to its purchase by the East Boston Com- pany, more than 160 years after. * " Sir John's birth was within tlic period of his father's being a tenant of Noildlc's Island, and it was always a family tradition that he was born there." — Hon. Robert C. Winthrop, in a letter to the author. * Burke's Peerage, Sabine's Loyalists, Genealogies. I J^furn/UJ^^^^'A ^f>\^ j-rij-J! an nruinalJ'JJ'! ''''>' CHAPTER IX. SAMUEL SHRIMPTON; HIS PERSON^VL AND POLITICAL HISTORY. With the purchase of Noddle's Island by Samuel Shrimpton, 1670, its interests became linked with those of the Shrimpton family ; a family possessed of much more than ordinary vigor of mind and character, and comprising in its different connec- tions men of enterprise, patriotic feeling, public spirit, and high official position. In order to make the account more complete, and consequently more satisfactory, we will go back a few years, and state some of the antecedents of a name with which we shall become familiar. Henry Shrimpton, the father of the first owner in fee-simple of Noddle's Island, was admitted an inhabitant of Boston in 1639, and became a member of the first chur^n there, on the loth of September of the same year. He received a grant of land at Mount Wollaston (Quincy) for three heads, on the 27th of January, 1640. From this, it is presumed that his family then consisted of three persons. A few years later, he bought property in Boston, as appears from the Book of Possessions in the city clerk's office, p. 118. "28'i. 7'"''. (Sept.) 1646. Anth. Stoddard and Jno. Leverit sold H. Shrimpton, brazier, dwell-h. and garden, the Water-st. S., the New-st. E., Mr. Jno. Wilson (pastor of the church), W., Jno. Parker N., by deed 9\ 5°^°. (July) 1646. Ackn. 26^. 7'««. (Sept.) 1646, bef. Jno. Winthrop, Gov." He was a man honorable in his dealings, and every way worthy of confidence. This is well illustrated in an instance of reliance placed in him by the Narraganset Indians. It seems that in June, 1646, the Narragansets owed the English, in the Indian currency, thirteen hundred fathoms of 190 HISTORY. [16G6. nard's, to him & his heirs, forever; but, in case he shall dye without heirs, then the said dwelling house, warehouse &. pas- ture are to be sold & equally divided between my 4 daughters, Sarah, Abigail, Bethiah &: Elizabeth; also to him, XIOOO, & to the 4 daughters, .£1000 apiece. I do also give to my dau. Sarah, the house, formerly called States-armcs, with all the outhouses, yards, stables & all the priviledges belonging thereto ; to her and her heirs, forever: but if she shall die without heirs, then it shall be sold & divided equally between the brother & sisters, or their heirs that shall survive. " I give to my dau. Abigail my garden and garden house, & all the appurtenances belonging thereto, & 300X to build an house, to her and her heirs forever. " To dau. Bethiah, £400, to buy her a piece of ground and to build her a house. " To dau. Elizabeth, .£400, for the same purpose." Besides other legacies, Mr. Shrimpton gave X50 to the church of Boston, of which he was a member ; and the same amount to the town of Boston, " provided they will give leave that I may be buried in the tombe wherein my former wife, Ellenor Shrimpton, was buried ; otherwise I give nothing." This request was acceded to, and the money was received by the town ; for we find in the Town Records, Vol. II. p. 27, under date of Oct. 29, 1666, it was ordered, " that Mr. Henry Shrimpton's Icgacie of fifty pounds is to be layed out in the purchase of some land or house as may bring in some Annual! Rent. In the mean while, the fifty pound to be lett out to some able persone as may allow consideration for it." He also gave to his brother and sister Fletcher £20 apiece ; to Mr. John Wilson, pastor, £10; Mr. Powell, ruling elder of the church, £10; and various smaller legacies to servants and friends. Another legacy in Mr. Shrimpton's will furnishes evidence of the important fact in the history of Noddle's Island, as has been shown in Chapter V., that it was there that the first Bap- tist church held their meetings after they had been driven from the Puritan church in Charlestovvn, with which they had been associated. 1666.] THE STATE AEMS. 191 The legacy is as follows : — " To the Society of Christians that doth now Meet at Nod- dles Island, of w<=^ is Gold & Osborn & the rest, .£10, as a token of my love." This creditable act shows that Mr. Shrimpton was liberal and catholic in his views, and was independent of the party or sectarian spirit so characteristic of those times. He appointed his brother, Edward Fletcher, Hezekiah Usher, Thomas Lake, and Peter Oliver as overseers of his will.^ From the preceding, it is apparent that Mr. Shrimpton was a man of very large property for those times. His estate was appraised by Anthony Stoddard and others in July, 1666, at £11,979; and the inventory which was presented by his son Samuel, Feb. 6, 1666, occupied twelve folio pages on the pro- bate records (lib. 5, fol. 15). The dwelling-house, yard, wood- house, and outhouses were valued at .£500; the warehouse at <£150; the pasture at the north end of the town at X80 ; and the house called the State Arms, with the outhouses and lands, at £400, etc. The State Arms, previous to its purchase by Mr. Shrimpton, had been a noted tavern, and was situated in King (now State) street, at the corner of Shrimpton's lane. It was " the Ordinary, where the Magistrates used to diet." The marks of the timbers of the old building on the adjoining wall were recently exposed to view by the pulling down of the Columbian Bank, which stood on the spot. The land covered by this building was lately sold to the proprietors of the Merchants Bank for its extension to Exchange street, at about eighty dollars per square foot, being the highest price which has ever been paid for land in the city of Boston. From the fact that Mr. Shrimp- ton, in his will, dated in 1666, only thirty-six years after the settlement of Boston, speaks of this house as " formerly called the States Armes," we infer it was one of the first buildings erected in the city. Samuel Shrimpton, son of Henry Shrimpton, was born in * Jonathan Shrimpton, of Boston, member of the An. & Hon. ArtlUery Co., 1665, was probably a brother of Henry Shrimpton. — Hist. An. & Hon. Artil- lery Co., p. 176. 192 HISTORY. [1C70. Boston in 1643,^ and was the principal legatee of his father's property. A lithographic likeness of him, from an original por- trait, faces the opening of liiis chapter. Following in the beaten track of his father, in early life he pursued the occupation of a brazier, and in his first conveyance of real estate, in 1667, he is so denominated. In after deeds, however, he is styled "a mer- chant," having risen, like many other Boston mechanics, by the strcnglii of his own mind and ciiaracter, to be a business man of eminence and property, and one of the largest landholders of his time. He acted an important part in the political history of the times in which he lived, and was one of the few men who, although one of the councillors, and having pecuniary induce- ments to favor the authorities, from the first dared to resist the usurpations of Sir Edmund Andros. Entering now with more particularity into the history of the title of tiie Island, we find that on the 30th of November, 1670, Sir Thomas Temple, then a resident of Boston, and owner of Noddle's Island, for the consideration of £6,000, one half of which was to be paid in New England money by Samuel Shrimpton of Boston, merchant, and the other X3,000 secured by deed of same date, conveyed to said Samuel Shrimpton and his heirs for ever, all the above-mentioned Island, or " continent of land," as it was called in the deed, with all rights, members, etc., containing, by estimation or common account, one thou- sand acres more or less, with all the woods, underwoods, water ponds, watercourses, etc., thereto belonging.^ It has already been mentioned, that Mr. Shrimpton was a large landholder and a man of property ; this is verified by a letter to Ihe writer from that excellent authority, N. I. Bowditch, in whicii he says, " I have no doubt that Col. Shrimpton was one of the first and wealthiest of our citizens in his day.'' His real estate, besides Noddle's Island, the subject-matter of our history, consisted in part of the State Arms in King street; the land whereon the State house stands, and the land north of it, upon a part of which the water reservoir is built, comprising ' lie was l)orn on the 31st of May, 1G43 ; at least, the record states that he was baptl/eil on the I'jtli of June, 1G13, when lie was twenty-six days old. » Suffolk. Deeds, lib. 12, fol. 1G3. 1685.] COL. SHRIMPTON'S PROPERTY 193 nearly all Beacon hill, excepting six rods square upon the apex of the hill, where the beacon was erected, and the highway leading to it; land bounding on Frog lane and Common street, at the South End, so called at that time, upon a part of which the Winthrop House is erected ; Newdigate's farm of four hun- dred acres, near Chelsea meeting-house ; a strip of land of eight acres in Dorchester, since called the Yeamans lot ; several es- tates in Boston ; he was a reputed projector and proprietor in part of a line of salt wharves extending from Lewis's wharf to the South Battery, and under the title to these, T and India wharves are held ; he was the reputed owner of Hancock wharf; one of the six proprietors of Muddy brook, now Brookline, and then called Boston hog pasture. He also stocked Deer island as lessee ; and it was in reference to this property that the cele- brated controversy between him and Sir Edmund Andros arose, in which he successfully resisted, under the old charter, the efforts of the crown to obtain absolute possession of that island.^ Mr. Shrimpton sometimes speculated in Indian titles, and was proprietor of a twentieth part of a grant from Wanalanset in 1685. This lay upon the Merrimack river, and was sixty miles long and twelve miles wide upon each side. A retrospec- tive view of the territory covered by this grant would compre- hend the flourishing manufacturing towns of La^vrence, Lowell, Nashua, Manchester, etc. ; but, like many other Indian grants, this never amounted to any thing. Yet he thought so much of it, that in his will he made a special devise of it to his wife, for the use of his son's wife, whose daughter married John Yea- mans, a successor of Samuel Shrimpton in the ownership of Noddle's Island. The history of the land on Beacon hill is derived from arti- cles furnished for the Transcript in 1855 by " Gleaner," N. I. Bowditch, Esq., the erudite counsellor, whose name is author- ity in all such matters. His account of this land, which wiU * His public spirit, and his extended possessions and improvements, renaind us of the late Amos Getting, Esq., to whom the city of Boston is so much in- debted for numerous works of public benefit and utility. 17 194 HISTORY. [1697-8. be implicitly relied upon by all who know the accuracy with which he prosecutes his researches, is as follows: — " We have disposed of 53 acres of Robert Turner's land. There remain If acres more — being Beacon hill itself with the monument. This lot now measures south, on Mount Ver- non street, about 284 feet ; west, by a line 19 feet east of Han- cock street, 287 feet ; northerly, in rear, on narrow strips of land separating the premises from Derne street, 244 feet; and east, on land of D. D. Rogers. " John Turner was one of the devisees of his father, Robert, and had acquired portions by deeds from the executrix, etc. He, in 1G73, sells to Samuel Shrimpton (8 f. 329) a small slip of land, in breadth, 23 feet front, bounded on the Common, south, and in length, 180 feet, bounded on said Samuel, west, and on the way leading up from the Training field to Gentry hill, on the east side, and running from the east corner in front, on a north line, 182 feet. This is a gore of the State House estate, bounded east on the highway to the monument, i. e.. Mount Vernon street. John Turner died, 1681, and his executors, as we have seen, sold two acres east of said IVlount Vernon street, or the monument highway, to George Monk, in 1681. On the same day, they sold to said Shrimpton (12 f. 353) ' all that land upon and by the side of Beacon hill, bounded on said Shrimpton, and on Elizabeth Cooke, widow, or Humphrey Davie and others, on several points and quarters, reserving unto the town of Boston their privilege and interest on the top of said hill, and passage from the Common thereto.' " Col. Samuel Shrimpton thus acquired all Beacon hill and a gore of the State House lot, the deed of said gore bounding on the residue of said State House lot, and already his. Besides these estates and Noddle's Island, he owned the Union Bank building,^ and, from that circumstance, Exchange street was, for many years, known as Shrimpton's Lane. He was decid- edly one of the greatest men of his day. He died, and by wdl, proved February 17, 1697-8, devised to his wife Elizabeth, for * This is a m'ustakc ; be owned on tbc other side of the lane, the site of the Merchants Bank. J 1713-53.] LAND ON BEACON HILL. 195 life, the residue of his estate, with power to dispose thereof among her relations by deed or will. She married Simeon Stodthird, and died 1713, devising to her grand-daughter, Eliza- beth Sln-impton, various other estates for life, remainder to her heirs in tail, etc. Her inventory appraises 'the pasture joining to Beacon hill, <£150.' (Decidedly cheap for the State house lot and about two acres north of it I) Elizabeth Shrimpton married John Yeamans, and died, leaving an only child, Shute Shrimpton Yeamans, who, in 1742, becoming of age, barred the entail (L. 66, f. 274-272), and vested the fee in his father. The deeds, besides mentioning the particular estates, devised in tail, included ^ all the lands, etc., in Boston, Rumney marsh, or elsewhere, of which Mrs. Yeamans was tenant in tail by force of said will.' "John Yeamans dying, the estates became again his son's, who, in 1752, conveyed to Thomas Hancock (81, f. 168) ' a piece of land near Beacon hill, containing two acres, late the estate of my great-grandfather, Samuel Shrimpton, bounded south, on the Common, west, on said Thomas Hancock, in part, and in part on Common land; then turns, and is bounded north, on Common land ; then west, on Common land ; then north, on Common land ; then east, on the street or highway leading from the Common to Beacon hill.' Now there were about 75,000 feet of land, or nearly two acres, in the State House lot, and the above description evidently proceeds upon the errone- ous idea, that the Common lands of the town included nearly all Beacon hill. But we have seen the old deed of 1670 to John Turner, by which the town right is limited to six rods square, and the highway leading to it. And from the select- men's minutes of January 17, 1753, we find that on petition of Thomas Hancock an investigation was had of the town's rights, which were then, also, in like manner, limited to the six rods square, and the thirty feet highway. " The result is that Thomas Hancock thus obtained all Bea- con hill one hundred years ago, without paying one cent for it, and he and those coming after him retained possession by pas- turing cows there. These ruminating animals, while quietly chewing the cud in that splendid cattle field (where, by the way, they must have been the observed of all the observers), 196 IIISTOKV. [1713-53. also, silenllji eat oitl flic inlicrihnicc of poor Shutc Shrinipton Ycaitians and Iiis /irirs. One o( tlu-se very heirs, an lii^li olliecr of tlu* Coinmonwi'iiltli ((Jen. Wm. II. Smiiiu-r), as lie looked at llieni, year after year, from the Stale I lon>e windows, was probably wholly uneonseions that they wert^ feeding at his ex- pense. The language of the deed of Ilancoek seeming to recognize the ownership of the hill by the town, it became the subject of protracted litigation, in which the inhabitants were at last defeated; and while the Hancock heirs and the town were quarrelling for wdiat belonged to neither of them, the true owners were placidly looking on in a blissful state of igno- rance." ^ Not so fast, INIr. Gleaner. Although remarkably accurate in the records of estates, their divisions and sul)divisions, their owners and whole history, and one to whose patient research and rare exactness tiie present and future generations are so much indebted, yet, for the sake of giving cllect to an amusing story, in the words of the poet, your ^^tiinr.s are sadly out of joint." General Sumner did not occuj^y rooms at the State house until long after the action between Hancock and the town ; and, instead of being idle or ignorant in the matter, he commenced an action against Mr. Hancock for this very land. When a junior member of Sullolk bar, being in court while the suit be- tween Hancock and the town was in process, the family names of Shriiiijjton and Yeamans caught his ear. Finding that the title to the land was claimed by length of jjosscssion, and hear- ing Mr. Howe, the rope-maker, testify, in order to prove the length of possession, that (Jov. Hancock pasturi'd his horses on Beacon hill, the writer examined the records, and ascertained, so far as to induce him to investigate the subject, that the prop- erty belonged to his own ancestors, who, by the testimony of the W'itnesses of both the litigants in the case in controversy who claimed against the rightful owners, had never ccMiveyed it. This w^as a short time after the passage of the statute limiting writs of right to forty years, instead of sixty, and which forty * Boston Transcript, Sept. 13, 1855. 1713-53.] THE BEACON HILL PROPERTY. 197 years of an adverse possession in this case were about expiring. The writer immediately went out to Roxbury to see Mr. Greenough, who was the largest proprietor of the estate, and who was consulted in all dispositions made of it, and told him his impressions ; that an examination of the records had sat- isfied him that the property was theirs under the will of Shute Shrimpton Yeamans; and that the right to claim would soon be lost under the new statute. They conferred together at dif- ferent times, until the writer saw that if a writ of right was not immediately brought, the land would pass. The writ was brought, and the writer asked Mr. Greenovigh, " Do you approve of this course ? " He replied, " I do not want to be plagued with it." To this it was answered, " It seems to me there is little doubt that we can substantiate the claim, and to prevent the operation of the statute from coming into effect, I have commenced an action." Mr. Greenough declined doing any thing in the matter, and advanced many objections. He said that the descent all the way down would have to be proved; that Shute Shrimpton Yeamans married Miss Gunthorp in the West Indies ; that she was a Swede, and it would be difficult to prove his marriage, the number, birth, and death of his sons, and it would perhaps be necessary to go to Sweden ; that great difFiculty had already been experienced in proving that part of the estate in the West Indies ; and that the whole matter would be attended with so much vexation, he did not wish to have any thing to do with it. The writer's mother owning but one third of the estate, he did not wish to take the responsibility of the suit alone, and consequently discontinued the action upon the payment of costs. Small things are an excellent index to a man's character, and often show the general disposition with more truth than matters of greater importance. It will be remembered, to the credit of Mr. Shrimpton, that, in 1675, he allowed the general court to quarter one hundred Indians upon the Island free of charge. The same year also five Christian Indian prisoners were ordered to be delivered to Mr. Shrimpton, to be employed on 17* 198 HISTORY. [IC73. Noddle's Island; '• he returning them to the order of the coun- cil." Judi^o Washburn, in his Judicial History of Massachusetts (|). 121), rejKirts Col. Shriniplon and some others as once hav- ing what would now be termed a " high time," and that they rode into Boston from Roxbury at the unseasonable hour of " nine o'clock or past, singing as they came," etc. It is ])ossible that such may have been the case, but family papers and kin- dred documents in the possession of the writer furnish no evi- dence to sustain such a charge against him. On the contrary, every thing we know of him in his public or private capacity is to liis credit, as an honored magistrate, gentleman, and Chris- tian. He was a member of the first church in Boston, having united with it on the seventh of May, 1G73. The Rev. Samuel Sewall (of Burlington, Mass.), the present possessor of " Sew- all's Diary," in a letter to the writer noticing this entry in the " Diary," says : — " As Judge Sewall does not here profess to have been an eye- witness of the above revelry, but probably had his account of it by report from others, and as he nowhere gives the result of the judicial inquiry into it before some justice, whom he does not name, on the Wednesday morning following, it is very possible that upon examination it was proved that Col. Shrimpton was, if at all, far less criminally concerned in it than others wiio were with him." In the grant of Noddle's Island to Samuel Maverick, there were certain conditions to be complied with ; to wit, the pay- ing " yearly to the Governor for the time being, either a fat wether, a fat hog, or forty shillings in money, and giving a right to the inhabitants of Boston and Charlestown to fetch wood from the southerly part of the Island as their need required." These conditions had been in force about fifty years, and Mr. Shrimpton had complied with them during the twelve years he had now been in possession of the Island. But in 1682, in answer to a petition to that effect, he was freed from them by the payment of thirty pounds sterling. His petition, and the answer of the court, are as follows : — 1682.] RELEASE OF EENT. 199 " To the Hono'^^''« Generall Court Assembled in Boston 7'^ February A** 1682. " The Petition of Samuel Shrimpton " Humbly sheweth " That Whereas vpon the grant of Noddles Island in the yeare 1633 vnto Mr. Samuel Mauericke to enjoy to him & his heires for euer (which said Island is now by purchase become the propriety of your Petitioner) he and they being to yeild and pay yearely at the Generall Court to the Governo"^ for the time being either a fat weather a fatt hogg or forty shillings money, which hath hitherto been Complied with : But forasmuch as there may very great damage & Inconuenience happen to you"" Petitioner and his heires by hauing the said Island lye vnder the obligation of a yearely acknowledgment, and will be of no benefit or advantage to the publique which doth not exceed ten shillings at most Anned if your Petitioner please it being in his choice to pay either the fat weather Fat hogg or forty shillings. " Wherefore he humbly prayeth " That you would please to take of and release the said yearely payment and to accept a smale sume of money in leiu thereof, as may be Judged Answerable to such an acknowledg- ment, which youy Petitioner will readily pay to such use as this Honnoured shall please to direct. " And as in duty bound he shall humbly pray," etc. " In answer to the petition of Mr. Samuel Shrimpton for the release of the quitt-rent & incumbrance upon Nodles Island, in the payment of forty shillings or otherwise annually, as in the sajd petition is expressed, this Court hath consented, & doe hereby for euer release & set fFree the sajd island from the sajd duty & payment, or what euer other incumbrance the sajd island and lands thereof is by the sajd grant chardged with ; and that the same be holden by the sajd Samuel Shrimpton, his heirs and assigns, for euer in ffee, w"*out any incumbrance whatsoeuer, vpon no other condition but the payment of thirty pounds money sterling of England to Joseph Dudley & John Richards, Esqrs., our agents in England, or either of them ; and their receipt, w*"^ coppy of this grant, to be his discharge accord- ingly." 1 » Archives, lib. 45, fol. 186 ; Mass. Records, Vol. V. p. 413. 200 HISTORY. [1C87. Mr. Shrimptoii complied witli these terms, and, by the pay- ment of the .£30 required, became the first person ivho owned Noddle's Island free from all the incumbrances of the ori^-inal g-ranf, and thus held it an indefeasible estate in fee-simj)le. In 1GS5-6, there were matters of difference between Mr. Shrinipton and Mr. Peter y^ yjA- Sargeant ; ^ the causes and particulars of wliich are not manifest from the records. These were times of great political excitement in the colony, caused by the repeated changes in the ministry, and the consequent changes in the colonial laws and officers. Mr. Shrimpton was a leading man in the province, and, with his love of religious and civil liberty, it was naturally to be ex- pected that he would come in collision with the arbitrary authorities of his time, and this was the case in more than one instance. In 1686, among the last causes which came before the court of assistants, in an indictment brought against Mr. Shrimpton, it was alleged, " that he, at the county court sitting in Boston on the 22d of March last, in a tumultuous, violent, and seditious manner, and with a loud voice, and in open court, did say that he was brought there by Mr. Sargent's order, and not by the court, and that he denied any such thing in being as governor and company of this colony, and that he stood there to testify it, and denied their power, and that they might send him to prison if they pleased ; which words in the same manner he re- peated, and sundry other seditious words and expressions, as by the evidence will and may appear, thereby defaming the gen- eral court and the county court, and caused such a turmoil in the court as evidently tended to the high breach of his Majesty's government," etc. He was arrested upon this indictment ; but, from the changes which soon took place in the government, no trial was ever had of the case. He was afterward, in 1687, one of the judges of the superior ^ Mr. Sargcant was afterward one of the judges of the special court of Oyer and Tcrmiuer, for the trial of Avitches, in 1G92. 1GS7.] COL. SHRIMPTON A JUDGE. 201 court. The bench was filled by Joseph DacUey, chief justice, William Stoughton, Simon Lyiide, Samuel Shrimpton, Charles Lidget, associates. The relative rank which was held by these distinguished persons may be ascertained from the manner in which they were seated on the bench, and which is thus stated in Sewall's Diary : " 1687, April, Tuesday 26, Court sits, Presi- dent (Dudley, Chief Justice) in y*^ Governor's Seat; Mr. Stough- ton at his right hand. Col. Shrimpton next him ; Mr. Lynde at his left hand, Major Lidget next him." In the same year, by the same reliable authority, we find him officiating as judge at the court of quarter-sessions. Says the Diary: " 1687, June 8. This day the Quarter Sessions is held at Boston, Col. Shrimp- ton, Judge Judge Shrimpton sat in the Governor's seat." Thus it appears that the son of a mechanic, and himself also one of the number, by his own exertions and by the exercise of those qualities implanted in him by nature, rose to be a man of distinction, and to occupy the governor's seat in his official ca- pacity as judge. Upon the accession of James II. to the throne, in 1685, proc- lamations were issued to be published in New England, and letters from those high in authority were sent to gentlemen of distinction in the colony, ordering them to " proclaim y"^ King."i It is supposed that "this was done lest y" Government should have neglected to doe it." Mr. Blaithwait wrote to the gov- ernor, recommending the proclaiming of King James, and "ad- vising that it would be best early to doe it," but insultingly told him, he did not write as to a government, the charter being va- cated. This same question respecting the charter was, a few years later, one of the principal causes of the overthrow of Governor Andros, and in which Col. Shrimpton was a promi- nent actor. Among the men to whom letters were written to " proclaim y® King," was " Safnl Shrimpton, Esqr.,''^ an incidental fact show- ing his public character and position. The vessel bringing these " orders to the several colonies " ^ Hutchinson's Hist. Mass. Bay ; Sewall's Diary ; Drake's IIi>t. Boston, etc. 202 HISTORY. [1G85. arrived at Boston, Aj)ril K), IGSo, and \\\o proclamation was made, with great ceremony, on llic 20tli of the same month. Owners of land in Boston and vicinity had much to aj)pre- licnd, as the ciiarter was dechu"ed to he '"vacated," and they had serious forebodings as to the character of the government which was to be put upon them. It is not necessary, nor would it be advisable, to enter upon the questions concerning the charters, as it would only be enter- ing upon a long course of litigation, wliich is scarcely ended at the pn^sent time. The original grantors of land in the " New World " appear to have had no idea of the position or extent of the various tracts whicii they granted to companies and indi- viduals ; and north, east, south, and west were most strangely confounded, and the royal charters give us amusing instances of the then ideas in respect to North American geography. The charter given to one company would thus overlap the one given to some other company or individual, and conflicting claims to the same land would arise, both parties contending that their respective charters secured to them the contested land, and in this opinion both parties were not unfrequently right. " Indeed," says Dr. Baird, "considering the descriptions con- tained in their charters, it is marvellous that the colonies should ever have ascertained their boundaries. Looking at the charter of Massachusc^tts, for example, and comparing it with that State as laid down on our maps, we are amazed to tliink by what possible ingenuity it should have obtained its existing boanda- ries, especially that on the north-east. Still more confounding does it seem, that Massachusetts should have successfully claimed the territory of Maine, and yet have had to relinquish that of New Hampshire."^ The dilliculties arising from the incorrect laying down of boundaries were many and great, and have even extended to our own time, being a prolific source of lawsuits and conten- tions. It was also as difficult to ascertain what powers and ei\il and ^ R(.'liL'ion ill Aincrica, by Kol)crt Bainl, p. ").S. 'J'lio ninth cliaptor of this able work has much interesting matter pertaining to the early charters. 1683.] ADVERSE CLABIS. 203 religious liberties were granted under the charters, as it was to determine the just limits of their land jurisdiction. The many adverse claims to land, each claim apparently well supported by charter and special grant, gave rise to many and grievous disputes, and great care and prudence was neces- sary in adjusting these troubles. The royal commissioners of whom Maverick was one, were appointed to hear and deter- mine all matters of complaint between the colonies, as has already been shown in the appropriate place (Chap. VL). Their duties included the settlement of all disputes relative to titles of land, but their actions were so interpreted and impeded by the colonial government, that little was accomplished, and im- portant points w^ere left unsettled. For instance, Rhode Island and Connecticut both laid claim to the " Narraganset country ; " Carr, Cartwright, and Maverick had been on the ground, and passed orders (without Nichols, who was always to constitute one of the quorum), and had taken the disputed territory from both colonies until the king's pleasure should be known. When this came to the knowledge of Nichols, he reversed the orders, and declared them null and void. Time passed on, and the question was undecided. The king was addressed by the inter- ested parties, agents were sent across the water, and the dis- pute became complex, the papers voluminous, and the whole subject unpleasant, and one that was gradually assuming a real importance to the welfare of the colonies. In order to settle this controversy, Charles IL, on the 17th of April, 1683, the thirty-fifth year of his reign, appointed a board of commissioners, consisting of Edward Cranfield, Esq., lieu- tenant-governor and commander-in-chief of New Hampshire, William Stoughton, Joseph Dudley, Edward Randolph, Sarnuel Shrimpton, John Fitz Winthrop, Edward Palmer, John Pynchon, and Nathaniel Saltonstall, Esquires. Any three of these, Cran- field or Randolph being of the number, should constitute a quorum ; and their duties were to inquire into the claims and titles of his majesty, or any persons or corporations, to the juris- diction or propriety of soil to the king's province or Narragansett country. The commissioners convened on the 22d of August at the house of Richard Smith (in Rochester, Narragansett country), and again at Boston on the 3d of September. 204 HISTORY. [1685. A loii£T and m'muto report was made, whic-li, after a critical exposition of the whole subject, declared that the province belonged to Connecticut; and that the propriety of soil, as derived from Winthrop and Major Atherton, w^as vested in the heirs and assigns of Winthrop, etc. This report was made on the 20th of October, 1G83, and signed by Edward CVanfield, William Stoughton, Samuel Shrimpton, John Pynchon, Jr., and Nathaniel Saltonstall.^ The aj^pointmcnt of Shrimpton on this important commis- sion is good evidence of the trust and confidence reposed in him as a public man, and officer of the king. He appears often in responsible stations, and in positions where eminent abilities are retjuired to insure success. In the Massachusetts Records, we find the general court recognizing his public services on a particular occasion in a very complimentary manner. The record reads as follows : — " 1685, July 8. — The Court, being sencible of y* good service donnc for the country by Joseph Dudley, Esq. and Mr. Samuel Shrimpton, in their late journey to New York, doe order that their expenses and disbursements in sd journey be by the coun- try Treasurer dischardged, & that the thankes of this Court be returned to the sajd gen'"^ for their great pajnes & good service; and as a further testimony of our respect & acceptance of the services of the sajd gen*°, doc order the Treasurer to pay unto Mr. Dudley twenty pounds in money, cV to Mr. Samuel Shrimp- ton, tenn pounds in money, out of the first country money in his hands." 2 The particular business upon which Mr. Dudley and Mr. Shrimj)ton were engaged does not fully appear ; but that it was a matter of importance is evident from the character of the men engaged in it, and the mention made of it by the legisla- ture. As this was at a time when the question of surrendering the charter was being agitated, and the titles to lands were imperilled, it is more than probable that the mission upon which they were sent was upon this subject; this seems the more likely, as !\Ir. Dudley had just returned from his agency in Eng- land ; and both he and Colonel Shrimpton had experience in » Mass. Hist. Coll. Vol. V. p. 232, etc. » Vol. V. p. 490. 1686.] SIR EDMUND ANDllOS. 205 land questions. Mr. Dudley is the same who was appointed to the government of New England in April, 1685. At the time of this appointment, Randolph warmly espoused the interest of Dudley, and, in letters to Colonel Shrimpton, expresses the highest confidence in his merit, loyalty, and ability. Dudley, however, soon grew cool towards Randolph, who, in turn, was as active in vilifying him as he had been before in praising him.i Dudley had been previously associated with Mr. Shrimp- ton in the settlement of the difficulties respecting the " Narra- ganset country," and this subsequent connection in public affairs shows that their services were satisfactory, and that the two men must have been upon intimate terms. Immediately on the accession of James, a plan had been ar- ranged for procuring the surrender of all the patents of the New England colonies, and for dividing the whole northern part of America into twelve provinces, with a governor-general over the whole. This plan had for its object the consolidation of power in the person of the king, and was probably devised by his ambitious and unprincipled advisers, and was of such a nature as to please James, who was a narrow-minded and un- just monarch. The plan, however, failed in its full execution, but the particulars do not come within the design of our book. Sir Edmund Andros was appointed the first governor- general, and was a fit tool to carry into effect the designs of his royal master. He landed in Boston on the 19th of De- cember, 1686, was escorted J by " sixty red coats " to Mr. Gibb's house on Fort Hill, and immediately assumed the government. The better to accomplish his purposes, and to centralize the government as much as possible, Andros called about him men of influence in the colony, and those of different political prefer- ences. He may have been influenced in this selection by a desire first to conciliate the colonists, and in this way take ad- vantage of their good-will, and perhaps he thought that the men thus chosen to office and taken into his favor, would, for ^ Hutchinson, Vol. I. pp. 341, 351. 18 206 HISTORY. [108 7. that reason, s^tand by liiin uiuk-r any and all circumstances. Samuel Shrinijilon was then a prominent person in the colony, a man of property, of character and influence ; he had recently been before the public as one of the royal commissioners on the contested land question, was known 1o the j)ublic as a magis- trate having sat upon the bench, and was a man whose good- will and services it would be desirable to secure. Early in the following year (March, 1687), Andros gave him a commission as lieutenant-colonel in the militia. He was also appointed one of the governor's council,^ an appointment which shows his position in the colony, and the estimation in which he was held by the ministry. At the commencement of his administration, Andros made great professions of regard for the public good ; and, " So smooth lie daubed his vice with shew of virtue," that the colony took great encouragement, and from so favor- able a beginning began to hope for a good administration. But "one may smile, and smile, and be a villain;" and his fair promises were soon broken, and the hopes of the people were destroyed ; for in a short time he assumed great dignity and authority, and commenced a series of measures of a most tyrannical character. As an instance of this, he went, in October of this year (1687), to Hartford with a company of soldiers, when the assembly was in session, and demanded the surrender of their charter. Here he was received with great respect, and the subject was discitsscd until evening. The char- ter was then brought forward and placed upon the table around which the members were sitting. Andros was about to seize it, when the lights were extinguished. At this moment a loud huzza was made by the concourse of people outside, and many persons rushed in. When the candles were reli?^hted, the char- ter was not to be found, and no one could give any account of ' Sec Instructions to Andros in N. Y. Col. Hist. Vol. HI. p. 513 ; Sewall's Diary; Hutchinson, Vol. I. p. STjI, note. Hutchinson docs not appear to have examined the commission or instructions to Andros, as his note referred to shows. 1687.] COL. SHRIMPTON A COUNCILLOR. 207 it. Capt. Wadsworth, of Hartford, had seized and concealed it in the hollow trunk of an oak tree, which, from that circum- stance, took the name of the " Charter Oak." This tree, the protector of the liberties of the colony, lived to a green old age, notwithstanding storm and time, until, having seen the colony whose charter it so safely guarded grown into a powerful re- public and a component part of a mighty nation, it bowed its head to the blast, on the 21st of August, 1856. Thus Andros failed in the object of his visit, and the colony retained their charter, which remained in full force after the overthrow of the unpopular and unjust governor. Col. Shrimpton, in his official capacity of councillor, soon made manifest his opposition to the tyrannical acts commenced by Andros; and in this opposition he was supported by other members of the council. Most of them preferred the old form of government.^ An extract from a letter from Edward Ran- dolph (a prominent member of the council, and supporter of Andros, who had made himself very obnoxious to the people) to William Blaithwait, May 21, 1687, illustrates this. " His Excellency has to do with a perverse people. Here is none of the council at hand, except Mr. Mason and myself, Mr. Brockholt, and Mr. Usher, who appear lively for his Majes- ty's interest." ^ Had " His Excellency " shown even-handed . V ^-^r justice to these " perverse people," the destruction that awaited him in his political career might have been averted. Randolph was not inappropriately called the " evil genius " of New England, and was one of the most inveterate and untiring of those intriguing men who found access to the ear of Charles XL with their complaints against the colonies. In nine years he made no less than eight voyages across the Atlantic on this business. He was zealous to promote Episco- pacy and to destroy the New England churches, and was the ^ Hutchinson's Hist. Mass. Vol. I. p. 353. "■ Ibid. p. 354, note. 208 HISTORY. [1687. chief instrument in depriving the people of Massachusetts of their charter privileges. He was conypieuous in the short administration of Andros, and was involved in his fate. On a return to Boston from New Hampshire, he says : " I am received at Boston more like a spy than one of his majesty's servants. . . . They have prepared a welcome for me, by a paper of scandalous verses," etc. These " scandalous verses," which well illustrate that ])oint of character, wit, which. Chancellor Kent once remarked to the writer, was the prominent feature of the Yankees, commenced thus : — " Welcome, Sr. welcome from ye casterne shore, With a commission stronger than before To play the ]ioi*se-leach ; rob us of our fllceces, To rend our land and teare it all to pieces : Welcome now back againe ; as is the whip, To a flbole's back ; as water in a ship. Boston make roome ; Randolph 's returned, that hector, Confirmed at home to be ye sharp Collector. Alas, we would haue Caesar haue his due, But not by such a wicked hand as you. Wc doe presume Secundus Carrolus Rex Sent you not here a countrye's heart to vex. Hee gives an Inch of power; you take an ell. Should it be knowne, he would not like it well," etc.* It can be easily imagined, that such a welcome as this would not be well pleasing to the haughty officer of royalty, and would not tend to soften his bitterness towards the colonists. Andros had not been in power long before his government became grievous, as he began and followed up a series of oppressions having for their principal object his own aggran- dizement. Among other abuses, he declared the landholders to be tenants at will, and that, as the people had forfeited their charter, as a consequence they had forfeited their possessions under it; and it was announced, that all who would admit the insufficiency of their titles under the former government by * Farmer's Historical Collections, Vol. III. p. 30. 1687.] TYRANNY OF ANDROS. 209 petitioning for new patents, should be secured in their posses- sions upon reasonable terms. Many were induced to apply for patents for lands they had occupied under the charter for many years, and for these new patents most exorbitant prices were demanded, the fees sometimes amounting to fifty pounds. On this same point Dummer says : ^ " Their title to their land was absolutely denied by the governor and his creatures on two pretences ; one, that their conveyances were not accord- ing to the law of England ; the other, that if they might be thought to have had something like a title formerly, yet it now ceased by the revocation of their charters. So that they who had fairly purchased their lands and held them in quiet possession for above fifty years, were now obliged to accept new deeds from the governor and pay for them a third part of their value, in order to ascertain their titles, or otherwise they would be seized by the crown." Says Pitkin -.^ " The people were obliged to take new patents for their land and houses, and to pay enormous patent fees, or suffer them to be granted to others, and they themselves ejected from their hard earned possessions. In addition to this, ta.xes were imposed at the will of the governor-general and a few of his council ; nor had the poor New Englanders the privilege of complaining, and claiming the rights of Englishmen, without being liable to fine and imprisonment." In the book entitled " Revolution in New England Justified," etc., printed at Boston in 1691, and reprinted in 1773, among other causes which led to the overthrow of Andros, the whole subject of land-titles is fully treated. Here it is stated that Andros and his associates in power did not hesitate to declare to the people, " that now their charter was gone^ all their lands were the king-^s, that themselves did represent the king, and that therefore men that ivould have any legal title to their lands must take patents of them, on such terms as they should see meet to impose."^ And again, those that refused to take confirmation of ' Defence of New England Charters, by Jeremiah Dummer (reprinted at Boston in 1721), pp. 24, 25. * Pitkin's Political and Civil History of the United States, Vol. I. p. 118. » N. E. llev. Justified, p. 1 7. 18' 210 HISTORY. [1684. their lands " were declared intruders upon his majesty, and put in fear of having their lands grantt-d unto strangers;"^ and one of the sj)eciticd matters of roniplaint against the new governor was, that he '■'• denied that they had any property in their lands ivithout patent from him,''^ etc.^ In the years 1G84 and 1685, there were negotiations between the town authorities of Boston and the Massachusetts Indians relative to " Deare Island, the Necke of Bostone, or any pte thereof," and in consideration of a " valuable sum of money," paid by Samuel Shrimplon and some others, the Indians gave a deed to " warrant, confirm, and defend the above said lands to them and their heirs forever." It has been supposed by some that this bargain was made, and this new deed obtained, in order to give the purchasers a better title to their estates, and in anticipation of the approaching difficulties with the government relative to lands. Writs of intrusion were brought against some of the leading men of the colony, who had refused to apply for new patents ; and, among many others, the right of Col. Shrimpton to Deer island was called in question, and. although he was one of the governor's council, a writ of intrusion was brought against him in the name of the king.^ At this time, a John Pittome was the resident tenant of Col. Shrimpton at Deer island. He and his family were turned " afloat on the water when it was a stormy day," by Sir Edmund's sheriff, who "put two men whom he brought with him into possession of the said Island, as he said, on behalf of king James the second." * Doubtless this act of oppression had its influence upon the subsequent conduct of Col. Shrimpton, and made him the more determined in his resistance to the despotic governor. The government undoubtedly supposed, that, by instituting a suit against him, being a prominent man and one of the council, that in case he yielded, others would submit without contesting the matter. But here the governor and his supporters made a great mis- ^ N. Eiig. Rev. Justified, in " Narrative," etc., appended to the pamphlet, p. 56. ' Ibid. p. 9. » N. E. Revolution Justified, pp. 22, 26. ♦ Ibid. pp. 22-23. 1685.] COL. SHRIMPTON'S PATRIOTISM. 211 take. They found the Colonel had too much patriotism and love of rigjit to be thus treated, and he resisted the unjust demand. The governor evidently was very desirous that Col. Shrimpton should take out a new patent for his lands, so much so, that, when it was ascertained that he would take no measures him- self toward such an end, he was offered a new patent gratis., if he would accept it from Andros.^ Dummer, in the book already quoted, speaks in the following complimentary terms of Col. Shrimpton's conduct, and it is the more noteworthy, as the old author selects the Colonel from all the other noble men who resisted the tyrannical Andros as especially deserving of praise, and thus in the most conclusive manner shows that we do not overestimate his importance in the stirring events of the Revolution. Says the author referred to: — " It would be an injury to virtue, if I did not in this place pay distinguished honor to the memory of an honest and worthy patriot, Col. Shrimpton, long since deceased, who being rich in lands, was courted to receive new patents gratis, that others might be drawn in by the authority of his example ; but when he was apprised of their design, he chose rather to have his lands seized (and they were seized) than by such a base compliance betray his countrymen into the snares prepared for them." 2 This extract, besides being a valuable tribute to the character and patriotism of Col. Shrimpton, shows how anxious the gov- ernment was to secure his influence and countenance for its illegal actions. With the same spirit which prompted the patriot James Otis to resist the anti-revolutionary writs of assistance, Col. Shrimpton, a century before, resisted the arbi- trary writs of intrusion, which were founded upon the same unjust principles ; and with the same noble spirit which induced Otis to renounce all offices under government rather than yield his principles, Shrimpton, a century earlier, refused to accept valuable favors from the government, and, at great self-sacrifice, took a firm stand on the side of justice. • ' Washburn's Judicial History, p. 123. * Defence of New Eug. Charters, p. 25. 212 IIISTOKY. [1688. When this writ of intrusion was served upon Deer island, the selectmen of Boston told Mr. Graham, Andros's attorney- general, that if Col. Shriini)ton declined to personate the case of the island, they would stand the suit themselves. Said Gra- ham, in reply, " Are you the men that will stand suit against the king? "1 The result showed that Col. Shrimpton did not fear even to " stand suit against the king," and maintain the cause of truth and justice. There is something worthy of admiration presented to us, when we see a man thus boldly and with a self-sacrificing spirit, resist oppression, and, although in authority and with strong inducements to favor the govern- ment, upholding the popular side of the controversy. He was now at issue with the governor and his party ; but here he did not falter. He had taken a position, and he intended to maintain it at all hazards ; he considered that he had a right to the land in question, and was fully determined to maintain that right. • In his defence he urged that the king had already divested himself by charter and declaration of any right to the island, and had made this clear in seizing the Massachusetts govern- ment, and not the lands. He also presented a copy of a grant from the general court, under the late Massachusetts govern- ment, conveyed down to Thomas Temple, under whom the defendant claimed the land ; and, having legally possessed it for twenty-six years, he thought he had sufficiently proved that he had been guilty of no intrusion. The duplicate of the charter was ready to be delivered, and was shown to the court, but it was refused, as Col. Shrimpton's right had not been invali- dated. These writs of intrusion were the cause of great anxiety in the minds of all landholders; and it appears that it was on this account that Mrs. Mary Hooke,^ wife of Francis Hookc, Esq. of Kittery, Maine, fearing that Noddle's Island would be wrested from Col. Shrimpton, petitioned Andros, as already re- lated in Chapter VI. p. 107, for "consideration and relief;" she •being daughter of Sanuiel Maverick, former owner of the * N. E. Revolution Justified, p. 26. * Drake's Hist. Bost. p. 4 79. 1689.] REVOLUTION. 213 Island. She urged that " her father, in 1648, was fined ^250 for attempting to petition the king, and that, when a commis- sioner with Nichols, Carr, and Cartwright, he was interrupted by sound of trumpet." Of course, these prosecutions ceased upon the change in ad- ministration which soon followed. It may be well to finish the account of Col. Shrimpton's con- nection with the overthrow of Andros, before we introduce other incidents which, in point of time, would have prece- dence. The abuses of Sir Edmund Andros at last became unendur- able, and when the news arrived of the landing of the Prince of Orange in England, the long restrained fire of righteous indignation burst forth; and on the 18th of April (1689), the governor, such members of the council as were particularly obnoxious, and some other persons who had supported his ad- ministration, in all about fifty persons, were seized and confined, and the old magistrates were reinstated in office. This was a bold step, and its success, and the lives of the principal movers in it, all depended upon the accession of William and Mary to the throne of England. The excitement of the populace after the arrest was even greater than it had been before, and all the military companies collected at the town-house, " where assem- bled Capt. Winthrop, Shrimpton, Page, and many other sub- stantial men to consult matters, when the old governor (Brad- street) came amongst them, at whose appearance there was a great shout by the soldiers," who guarded him with great for- mality.^ Their first public act was to address a message, or remon- strance, to Sir Edmund Andros. This paper was as fol- lows : — *' At the town-house in Boston, April 18, 1689. " Sir, — Ourselves and many others, the inhabitants of this town and places adjacent, being surprised with the people's sudden taking arms, in the first motion whereof we were wholly * Hutchinson's Hist. Vol. I. p. 375, etc. 214 HISTORY. [1689. ignorant, being driven to it by the present accident, are neces- sitated to acquaint your excellency, that, for the quieting and securing the people inhabiting this country from the imminent danger they many ways lie open and exposed to, and tendering your own safety, we judge it necessary that you forthwith de- liver up the government and fortifications, to be preserved and disposed according to order and direction of the crown of Eng- land, which suddenly is expected may arrive, promising all security from violence to yourself, or any of your gentlemen or soldiers, in person or estate ; otherwise, we are assured, they will endeavor the taking of the fortifications by storm, if any opposition be made. " To Sir Edmund Andros, Knight. " William Stoughton, S. Bradstreet, ' Wait Winthrop, Thomas Danforth, John Richards, Sam. Shrimpton, Elisha Cooke, Wm. Browne, Is. Addington, Barth. Gedney, John Foster, Peter Sergeant, David Waterhouse, Adam Winthrop, J. Nelson." Among the venerable men whose names are attached to this petition we find that of Simon Bradstreet, the former governor, upon whose head was the weight of eighty-seven years, and who had been a magistrate for sixty years. Some of the signers were of the magistrates chosen in 1686, and others were included among the principal merchants and most influen- tial inhabitants of the town. At this time (April, 1689), there were three companies of militia in Boston, which assembled at this revolutionary move- ment. Adam Winthrop, merchant, of Boston, commanded 1689.] REVOLUTION. 015 one, Col. Shrimpton one, and Nicholas Paige the third.^ It will be remembered that Shrimpton had been appointed, by Andros, lieutenant-colonel in the militia, as early as March, 1687. This 18th of April was an eventful day. In the early morn- ing, rumors were spread that the town was rising, and that An- dros intended to fire it at one end, and Captain George at the other, and "then go away in the smoke for France." The streets were filled with the excited populace ; the sheriff, en- deavoring to quiet the multitude, was immediately arrested ; companies were hastily formed ; men favoring the government were arrested, and many were hurried off to jail. The whole town was in arms, and a declaration, read from the balcony of the court-house, defended the insurrection as a duty to God and the country. The declaration closed with this paragraph : " We commit our enterprise unto the blessing of Him who hears the cry of the oppressed, and advise all our neighbors, for whom we have thus ventured ourselves, to join with us in prayers and all just actions for the defence of the land."^ People from the country flocked into the country; on the Charlestown side over a thousand soldiers were ready to cross ; and twenty military companies were marshalled in Boston streets. As the day passed on the excitement in- creased, and the determined spirit of the people was more and more manifest. We have not space to detail the proceedings of the day, neither would it be appropriate to the object of this book. This bold revolution has been described many times ; and we are only concerned with it as far as Colonel Shrimpton is con- nected with its history as one of the leaders in it, the com- mander of the military, and, from his position in the govern- ment as councillor and his standing in the community, possess- ing great influence with the people. Andros was convinced that it would be useless to withstand the popular feeling, and de- > Force's Tracts, Vol. IV. No. 10. * Hist. An. and Hon. Artillery Co. p. 226. 210 HISTORY. [1689. ciding that prudence, in this instance, was the better part of valor, on the next day, the 19th, he yielded to the demands of the people, and the command of the castle was delivered to Capt. Fairweatiier. Col. Shrimpton was leader of the troops in this sudden revo- lution, a position for which he was well adapted by his military talents. After the excitement had subsided, the Colonel was selected to draw up a report of the proceedings of Andros while governor of the province, which report was published, in 1691, in the '■'■New England Revolution Jiistified^^ a valuable pamphlet, which contains a detailed account of the administra- tion and overthrow of Andros. The persons appointed for this duty by the committee of safety were William Stoughton, Bartholemew Gedney, and William Brown, and such other members of the late council of Andros as they should advise with.^ From the selection of Colonel Shrimpton as one of the committee on this important report, "it is to be inferred," says Judge Washburn, " he was regarded as somewhat of a literary man, although I do not find that he was graduated at any col- lege." 2 It would puzzle the judge to find the brazier.^ of whom this remark is made, " graduated at any college ; " for, however successful he may have been in his trade or in the various pub- lic offices, civil, judicial, and military, to which he was elevated, he had not brass enough left to present himself for college honors. While it is certain that Col. Shrimpton was one of the com- mittee selected to write the " Narrative," etc., it is also probable that he was one of the writers of the " Revolution in New Eng- land Justified;" for the preface is signed E. R. and S. iS., doubt- less referring to Edivard Raicson and Sanutel Shrimpton, and, truly, it would have been difficult to have found men better fit- ted for the task. The revolution was completely successful. William and Mary ascended the throne ; Andros was sent to England, by order of the king, to answer to the charges brought against him, State Records. " Judicial History, p. 1 23. 1689.] COL. SHRIMPTON IN MILITARY AFFAIRS. 217 and the colony was authorized to take charge of its own affairs until another government should be established. In- crease Mather represented the colony before the ministry, and his services were of great value in securing favor of the crown. Randolph had his full share of the exasperation of the peo- ple in the revolution, and while bail was granted to others, it was refused to him. The house of representatives, on the 25th of June, voted, " that Mr. E. Randolph is not bailable, he having broken a capital law of the colony in endeavoring and accomplishing the subversion of our government, and having been an evil counsellor." He died in the West Indies. Andros was subsequently governor of Virginia, \ here, bene- fitted by experience, his course was more wise and moderate than it had been in Massachusetts. He died in England in 1714. The little that has come down to us gives an unfavora- ble impression of his character ; indeed, it seems to present scarcely a redeeming trait. Doubtless he had good qualities, but we are in ignorance of them ; and the truth contained in Marc Antony's words may be as applicable to him as to Cae- sar, — " The evil that men do lives after them ; The good is oft interred with their bones." Col. Shrimpton bore a conspicuous part in the military affairs of the colony. In 1673, he was appointed one of a committee to purchase " great guns for the country's vse ; " and, later in the same year, the same committee was ordered to make an- other purchase.! The gentlemen composing this committee are spoken of in the official order as men "who have their corre- spondents in Bilboa (a commercial city in the northern part of Spain), and the trade there," and these "great guns" were to be purchased by their " correspondents " in that city. Col. Shrimpton was very active in the revival of the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company, after Andros' usurpation. He had been a member since the year 1670, and was chosen ensign in 1672, lieutenant in 1673, and captain in 1694, the twenty-fourth year of his membership. ^ Massachusetts Records, Vol. IV. Part 2, pp. 562 and 565. 19 218 HISTORY. [1697-8. He was made a coloiul of the Sufrolk regiment on the 20th of April, 1G89, being the first person in that station on whom the command of a regiment devolved after the abolition of the office of sergeant-major. His services seem to have been called into requisition in every variety of circumstance. At the funeral of Governor Leverett, March 2otl), 1G78-9, which was conducted with great pomp and ceremony, he was appointed to carry the helmet, and " march next before the Herse." ^ 111 Sewall's Diary, under date of 4th December, 1694, is this entry : " Lieut. Gov. Usher committed to prison on Col. Shrimp- ton's examination." The particulars of this affair are not man- ifest. Col. Shrimpton died on the 9th of February, 1697-8, of apo- plexy, at the age of fifty-five years. An old almanac, in a men- tion of his death, calls him " Vir pairicc clarus,^^ a compliment of which he was every way worthy. His death and funeral are thus noticed in Sewall's Diary : " 1697-8, Fourth day, Febr. 9. Last night, about nine of y** Clock, Col. Shrimpton dyes of an Apoplexy He was seen at his door y*^ last Sixth day." " Second-day, Febr. 14, 1697-8, Col. Sam'. Shrimpton was buried with Arms. Ten Companies, 8 (Boston Companies) INIuddy River & Sconce ; ^ No Horse nor Trumpet : but a Horse led, Mr. Dyer's ; y" Col's, would not endure y"^ cloathing; Mourn- ing Coach also, and Horses in Mourning ; Scutchin on y' Sides, & Death's heads on y"^ foreheads ; Coach stood by y'' way here and there, &^ mov'd solitarily. Bearers, Major Genl. Winthrop, Mr. Cook, Lieut. Col. (Elisha) Hutchinson, Mr. Addington, Capt. Foster, Major Walley, Mr. E'" (Eliakim) Hutchinson & Mr. (Rev. James?) Allen led y® widow. Capt. Clark lired twelve great guns at y'' Sconce ; began, as marched to y" New- burying place, where y*' Corps was set in to the two wives. Very fair and large Paths shovel'd by great pains & cost ; three ' For a full account of this remarkable funeral, sec N. E. Historical and Genealogical Register for 1850, p. 128. ' iMuddy River was the former name of Brookline ; and the " lower," or " south battery," at the foot of Fort Hill, was named the " Sconce." 1697-8.] COL. SHRBIPTON'S FUNERAL. 219 in y® Burying-place, one direct to y" Tomb, the other compass- ing by y® Sides, in which y® Souldiers stood drawn up. W"i. Scovel being well & having on his new Coat, I fitted him with my Musket, Rapier, Mourning, Amunition, and he served in y® South Company." CHAPTER X. THE TITLE OF THE ISLAND IN THE SIIRIMPTON AND YEA- MANS FAMILIES. Col. Surimptox was married in England to Mrs. Elizabeth Breeden, a lithographic likeness of whom is upon the opposite page. It is possible that Mrs. Breeden was the second, and perhaps the third, wife of Col. Shrimpton; although positive evidence of the fact is wanting, there are some circumstances which seem to give plausibility to such a supposition. In the will of Hezekiah Usher, Sen., dated on the 11th of May, 1676, is the following item : — " I give unto my son-in-law, Samuel Shrimpton, and his ^^ j^ wife, the sum of fifty ^{j^'\^;A^^^ 7/.*?^^ pounds to buy them ""^ mourning:" and in the will of Hezekiah Usher, Jr., dated the 7th of July, 1687, is an item to this effect, namely : — " As to my brother and sister Shrimpton, I give to them ten pounds apiece in acknowledgment of former kindnesses re- ceived." By these two extracts it would seem that a Samuel Shrimpton married a daughter of Hezekiah Usher, and the dates given correspond witii the life of the Colonel. Elizabeth, daughter of Hezekiah and Francis Usher, was born 1 (12) 1645.1 \^ jg impossible to tell whether the Samuel Shrimpton who married Miss Usher is identical with the Col. Shrimpton with whom we are particularly interested. While the names and dates would imply such an identity, it is very singular that this marriage should not be mentioned in the family papers in the writer's possession. Color is given to the supposition > Genl. Reg. 1854, p. 10. Fiom an riiifinal Tortrqit 1668.] SHREVIPTON AND USHER. 221 that the Colonel married Miss Usher previous to his connec- tion with Mrs. Breeden, from the fact that he and Hezckiah Usher at one time transacted business together. They engaged to furnish Sir Thomas Temple with supplies for the forts in Nova Scotia, Sir Thomas Temple being at that time governor of Nova Scotia, and the then owner of Noddle's Island. On examining the records, it appears that, — " Sir Thomas Temple stands indebted to Hez : Usher & Sam^ Shrimpton £2728 45 6d, as balance of Acct^ betweene them, 10 Oct. last. " Whereas s'^ Usher & Shrimpton hath engaged for the next spring season to issue forth to s"^ Temple his Order to Capt. Thos. Lake, for the supply of him the s'^ Sir Thomas Temple, as the occation of his Forts in Nova Scotia shall require, & that s*^ Temple shall make full satisfaction to s*^ Usher & Shrimpton in this fall & spring season & soe successively in beauer moose & other peltry, as at the s<^ Forts shall bee obtained consigning the s*^ peltry to Capt. Thos. Lake for their vse not only for s'^ sum of £2728 4s 6^?, now due but all fur- ther sums, to the vse & order of s*^ Temple, s*^ Lake passing the same to s*^ Temple's Acct for his Forts. " For security. Temple makes over his house & lands in Bos- ton, farm house & lease at Deare Island, to s*^ Usher & Shrimp- ton, with my Ketch Pellican burthen 50 Tuns, with my 400 Sheepe, & Lambs & 60 head of neat Cattle on Noddle's Island, viz. 20 Coves, 16 Oxen & Steares & 24 yong Cattle w*^ all the right of mee in or to Nona Scotia. "30 Nov. 1668." 1 Aside from the business connection here shown between Usher and Shrimpton, the record is an interesting one in refer- ence to the early trade and other points apparent to the reader. The history of the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Co., p. 74, in a mention of Hezckiah Usher, who was a freeman in 1639, and removed to Boston in 1646, says, " Col. Shrimpton, Ar. Co. 1670, married one of his daughters " ; but implicit reli- ance cannot be placed upon this statement. ^ Bk. V. fol. 508, Suffolk Deeds. There were business transactions of a eimilar nature between Sir Thos. Temple and others in 1665, lib. 4, fol. 308. 19* 222 HISTORY. [1647, According to the Genealogical Register,^ a Samuel Shrimp- ton married Abial Brown, in Ilingham, Mass., in Aug., 1668 ; but of tiiis marriage nothing is known. In none of the family papers in the writer's possession, or in the possession of other branches of the family, can be found any mention of any mar- riage of Col. Shrimpton, save to Mrs. Breeden, the mother of Samuel Shrimpton, Jr. Of this marriage there is good evi- dence; but of the others, nothing appears except what is given above, save the phrase in the notice of Col. Shrimpton's funeral in Sewall's Diary, given on a previous page, — " y" Corps was set in to the two wives." The conclusion naturally drawn from this is, that the widow of Col. Shrimpton was his third wife. Mrs. Breeden, wife of Col. Shrimpton, was the daughter of Mrs. Elizabeth Roberts. Mrs. Roberts had also a son Nich- olas, a daughter Mary, who married Sir Robert Brecdcn (and had two sons, John and Samuel), and a daughter Sarah, who married John Richardson.^ Col. Shrimpton, when again in England, persuaded Elizabeth Richardson, daughter of John Richardson, and Sarah his wife, just mentioned, to return with him to this country. She did so, and married Samuel Shrimp- ton, Jr., son and only child of Col. Shrimpton, on the 7th of May, 1696.3 1 Hist. & Gen. Reg. Vol. II. p. 253. * Died in England before the 28th of Feb., 1 700. 8 ROBERTS TEDIGREE. RoBERTS==Elizabcth. Nicholas. Elizabeth mar. 1. Brccilen (proh.) | = 2. Col. .S. .Shrimpton. John 3. Simeon Stoddard = . . . . * David. Mary y Sir Robert Breeden. Samuel. Sarah=John Richardson. Will made 1 Sipt. 1692, d. bcf. 1700. Samuel, Jr.=Elizabcth=* David Stoddard. See S'lrimjilon. 2(1 husband. m. 23 Dec. 1713. John. Maiy. I I Sarah. MchitablCyWm. Ilyslop. .b'tc Si(xlilurd 1 ]>e(litjrce. Sarah Alarv. m. Stephen. John Sauuicl. WelU Anna. of England. Six ch., of which Elizabeth j Increase Sumner, I Gov. of Mass. Wm. Ilyslop. 1697.] COL. SHRBIPTON'S WILL. 223 Col. Shrimpton, by indenture bearing date 20th Aug., 1680, " for divers good causes and for love and good will towards his wife Elizabeth," conveyed " to Sir John Smith, Knight, John Child and Edmund White, of London, as Feoffees and Trus- tees of his wife Elizabeth Shrimpton " one half of his Island, called Noddle's Island, " together with one half of the dwelling- houses, warehouses, mills, &c. with one half of all the woods, underwoods, trees, &c., water-ponds, water courses, &c. &c. To have and to hold as feoffees and trustees for the only use & behoof of his wife Elizabeth Shrimpton," etc. This conveyance was subject to the following provision : — " Provided that if my son, Samuel Shrimpton shall pay or cause to be fully paid, a bond, bearing date the 24 Dec"" 1678, for £5000 sterling, payable to said Sir James Smith, John Child and Edmund White, then my son, Samuel Shrimpton shall have and enjoy the above-mentioned half of said Island. But if it be not paid, then my wife, Elizabeth, to have and enjoy said half of said Island &c. to her & her heirs, forever." It does not appear, from the record, that the above .£5,000 was ever paid by Col. Shrimpton's son Samuel. The following extracts from the will of Colonel Shrimpton, dated on the 5th of June, 1697, bear upon the title of Noddle's Island : — " Unto my wife, Elizabeth, I give all the rest of my estate, (the remaining half of Noddle's Island forming a part of it,) during her life, with full liberty, at or before her death, to dis- pose of one thousand pounds thereof to whom and in such manner as to her shall seem most fit.^ " As touching the remainder of the Estate, I do authorize an impower my Wife to dispose thereof, at, or before, her death, to & among such of my natural Relations & Friends as shall then be living, in manner & forme as shall seem most meet, & to confirme the same to them, given by her, by Deed or other Instruments, in the Law, most requisite thereunto." Colonel Shrimpton's widow, on the 31st of May, 1709, mar- ried Simeon Stoddard, the son of Anthony Stoddard, who ^ She never exercised the power herein given to dispose of the one thou- sand pounds. 224 HISTORY. came to Boston in 1639, and died 16th March, 1686-7.1 ghe was his second wife, and died 13th April, 1713. The little that 1 Anthony Stoddard, the first of the name in this country, was the ancestor of one of the most worthy families in Massachusetts, different members of which have attained positions of eminence in both civil and ecclesiastical affairs. He was thrice married, and had children by each wife. Of one of his sons, Simeon, a brief sketch is given above in the text. Another son was Solomon, for a long course of years the learned and highly honored pastor of the church at North- ampton, Mass. He was the eldest son of Anthony (by his first wife, who was a sister of Sir George Downing), and was born in Boston, on the 4th of Octo- ber, 1643. He graduated at Harvard University in 1662, and was afterward " one of the Fellows of that House." After a residence of two years at Bar- badoes as chaplain to Governor Serle, he was ordained (Sept. 11th, 1672) as successor to Mr. Eleazer Mather, at Northampton, and continued in that place until his death, — a period of fifty-six years. He was a learned man, well versed in religious controversies, and himself an acute disputant. Says the Boston Weekly News Letter (No. 112) in a notice of his death : " His natural powers were quick and strong, and by the blessing of God on his hard studies, he was furnished with that learning which is requisite to make a divine of the first rank. As a pastor, he was diligent, laborious, constant ; wise, faithful, compassionate. His sermons were plain and powerful, experimental and spir- itual, close and searching, yet rational and argumentative. He was a man zealous against sin, a hearty mourner for the iniquities of the times, an earnest pleader with God for the land, the nation, and his church in the world." His labors as a minister were blessed with great success, and in the sermons preached by the Rev. W. AVilliams on the day of his interment (Feb. 13, 1729), and by the Rev. Dr. Colman, in Boston, a few days later, are full and just trib- utes to his character and success as a man and as a minister. He was very industrious in his studies, and published numerous sermons, and left many which he had never preached. At one time he engaged in a controversy with Increase Mather respecting the Lord's supper. Solomon Stoddard married (March 8th, 1670) Mrs. Esther Mather, widow of his predecessor in the pulpit at Northampton, and daughter of the Rev. John Warham of Windsor, Ct. (It will be recollected, see Chap. II., that this Rev. John Warham was the companion of the Rev, John Maverick, and with him was first settled at Dorchester, Mass.) By this marriage he had several chil- dren, one of whom, Esther, married the Rev. Timothy Edwards, father of Dr. Jonathan Edwards, the distinguished divine and metaphysician ; another was the Rev. Anthony Stoddard, pastor of the church at Woodbury, Ct., nearly sixty years; and another was the Hon. John Stoddard, a member of his majesty's council, for many years chief justice of the court of common pleas for the county of Hampshire, judge of probate, and colonel of a regiment. Colonel John was a graduate of Harvard University (1701), and was possessed of a vigorous mind and great executive ability. He had an accurate acquaint- ®K1 iTi[aE]A[H][n), SIMEON STODDARD. 225 is known of Mr. Simeon Stoddard, a lithograph of whom, from an original portrait, is on the opposite page, can be stated in ance with the concerns of the colonies and of the neighboring tribes of Indians, and was a particular friend of Governor Shirley, who relied upon him with great confidence in matters pertaining to the welfare of the colony. He died at Boston, 19th June, 1748, aged 67, and his funeral sermon was preached by Jonathan Edwards. One of the descendants of this family (see pedigree) recently died, deeply lamented ; David T. Stoddard, missionary among the Nestorians. Born De- cember 2, 1818; graduated at Yale, 1838; tutor in Yale and Marshall col- leges; of fine abilities, heightened by culture and adorned with scholarly accomplishments, he devoted himself to the missionary service. The visit of Dr. Perkins and Mar Yohannan to this country awakened in his mind a strong interest in the Nestorians, and he accompanied Dr. Perkins in his return to Oroomiah. His fine imagination, his facility in acquiring languages, his lovely spirit, his freshness, ardor, and enthusiasm, secured for him a wonderful suc- cess. " In college he was greatly enamored of the physical sciences, and having a genius for mechanics, he constructed with his own hands a large telescope, grinding and polishing the speculum and adjusting the tube with the skill of a practised workman. For weeks together he gave to this work all his spare time, and at length succeeded in producing a really good instrument. With much hesitation, he boxed this up and carried it with him to Oroomiah ; and there in Persia, where astronomy had its birth, he confounded unbelievers by bringing to their view the glory of God in the heavens. A group of influential pei^ons once assembled, at his invitation, to view the satellites of Jupiter, or the rings of Saturn, — we do not quite recall the incident as we heard it from his lips, — and at first refused even to look into the telescope, so confident were they that he was trying to deceive with ' lying wonders.' But no sooner did they look than they exclaimed, ' You know every thing ! we will believe all that you tell us.' That same metallic mirror, over which our brother toiled with an enthusiasm that sometimes provoked a smile, reflected to the successors of the Chaldeans the glory of the God of Abraham, and pointed them to the brightness of that glory in the seed of Abraham." His visit to this country six or seven years since is fresh In many memories. He returned to Oroomiah, and labored until his death, which took place January 20, 1857. A memoir, soon to be published, renders further details unnecessary. Solomon and Simeon Stoddard (sons of Anthony the 1st), had a brother Anthony, whose granddaughter Martha married a Captain John Stevens; they had no children. Mrs. Stevens survived her husband, and was left in possession of a large real and personal estate. Her residence was in State street, the house occupying the site near the post-office door In the Merchants* Exchange, a spot memorable for its association with the Boston Massacre, 4th March, 17 70, in which the youthful Maverick was killed, as is fully described in Chapter VH. On this street lived numerous members of the family connec- 226 HISTORY. few words. He was born in 1650, and died on the 15th of October, 1730. His first wife died on the 13th of August, tion, and almost opposite, on the spot now occupied by the Merchants' Bank building, at the corner of Exchange street, then called Shrimpton's lane, stood the city residence of Col. Shrlmpton, whose intimate relations with Nod- dle's Island history and the affairs of the colony have been so minutely detailed. Mrs. Stevens, reposing peculiar confidence in her relative, the Hon. Increase Sumner, appointed him and Edward Payne, Esq., her cousin, her executors. She gave a considerable portion of her property, by will, to the children of Mrs. Mehetable Hyslop, a relative whom she had always regarded as a sister, and by whom, as well as by all the members of the family, she was held in high esteem, and appropriately remembered all her relatives and friends, particu- larly those with whom her intercourse had been most intimate and affectionate. She gave in legacies to her relatives, the greater part of whom formed the different branches of the Stoddard, Greenough, and Hyslop families, and of which mention Is made in different parts of this volume, 870 acres of land in the town of Ashford, Conn. ; namely, to her cousin John Stoddard, land in Ashford " that formerly belonged to my Bro. Anthony Stoddard," about nine- one acres ; to William Hyslop, Jr., fifty -seven acres ; to William [H.] Sumner, son of Increase and Elizabeth, seventy-two acres ; to David Hyslop, two hun- dred acres; to David Greenough, 132 acres ; she also gave, in legacies, to the Eev. William Greenough, £750; to Increase Sumner, Esq., £300, doubling the bequest originally made to him of £150; and also remembered the other executor in the same liberal manner. Beside these, there were numerous other legacies to Mehetable Stoddard Sumner, to the sisters of Mr. Payne the executor, and to other relations and friends. There are two items in this will worthy of notice, as they give a beautiful insight to Mrs. Stevens's character, and speak volumes in her praise. They are these : " To the Deacons of the South Church whereof the Rev. Mr. Eccle is Minister, Thirty pounds, the In- terest of which to be annually given to the poor of said Church." — " To the Overseers of the Poor in Boston and their successors in said office, Three Hundred pounds, the Interest of which to be annually given to the descend- ants of such reputable families as may be so reduced by the Providence of God as to want some assistance to prevent their becoming a town charge." The benevolent consideration for the wants of those respectable families whose property had become reduced is a similar characteristic to that ascribed to her relative, Simeon Stoddard. Each of them, belonging to the same family con- nection, and living in the enjoyment of large property, was liberally mindful of the wants of the needy, and most discreet in the directions in which they desired their bounties to flow. Among the family relics in the writer's possession is a pair of old-fashioned high-heeled shoes of rich material, which belonged to Mrs. Stevens. In the inside of one of them is the following label : " Made by WinthP. Gray near the cornjield, Boston" (The " corn-field " was a tavern ; says Drake, (Hist. Boston, jwning of Salem. fl; she died 15 April, 1655. Anthony = . . b. 6 .hine, 1656; had ch. Anthony. Joseph, b. 1 Dec. 1663; and others. I Israel, b. 10 Apr. 1684; died a prisoner in France. Rebecca, 16 Nov. 1722, Joseph Jan. 1766. Ch. Joseph, 723, Yale, 1742, m. in, d. childless, 10 Mar. ,b. IS July, 1726, Capt. ', m. Elizabeth Pome- 5 killed at the battle of e, 4 September, 1755, childless. Hannah, b. 21 April, 1688; m. Rev. Wm. Williams, of Weston; (1. 29 Dec. 1775. Ch.William, H. C. 1729; Elizabeth, m. Rev. Joseph Crocker, of Ips- wich ; Anna, m. Oliver Part- ridge, of Hatfield; Nathan- iel; Lucy, m. Rev. .Joseph Buckminster, of Rutland ; Mary; Esther, mar. Rev. Thomas Wilhams, of Deer- field ; Solomon, H. C. 1747 ; Hannah, mar. Rev. J. Sec- comb, of Harvard. David, = Elizabeth = Sam. Shrimpton, Jr. 1685; I (Richardson), 1st husband; 1713; d. 25 June, 1757. d. 25 May, 1703. Elizabeth == John Yeamans. Shute S. = Matilda Gunthorp. Two daughters d. infants. Sarah, r. 1718; m. Dea. ireenough ; and irch, 1778. Ch. >., and William. John d. infant. Shute d. unm. under age. Mehetable = William Hyslop, b. 5 June, 1719; ! baptized 26 Sept. m.25 Oct. 1750; 1 1714; d. 11 Aug. d. 19 Nov. 1792. 1 1796. 55; liza ^t. 1. 6 2d, Jane Woodward, igain; he d. 16 Aug. Elizabeth = Increase Sumner, Mehetable, b. 5 Aug. 1757; m. 30 Sept. 1779; d. 28 Dec. 1810. Governor of Mas- b. 13 Sept. sachusetts. 1763; d. same day. yslop, eral. &c. ir pedi- p. 291. Mehetable Stoddard, m. Benjamin Welles. Eliza, m. James W. Gerard. STODDARD PEDIGREE. He emigrated fr admitted iVeeinn reseutiitive twenty-three years. He w ANTHONY STODDARD = lst, MAKY DOWNING. She was a daughter of Kmauuel Downing of Salem. = 2d, Barbara, widow of Capt. Joseph Weld; she died 15 April, lGo5. = 3d, Christiana. the west of England to Boston, about 1639 ; was , 1G40; member of the Artillery Company; rep- J three times i Tied. b. 4 Oct. 1643, H. C. 1662, ordained at Northampton, 11 Sept. 1672, d. 11 Feb. 1729. Solomon = Esther (Warham,) wid- ow of Rev.Eieazer Math- er; m. 8 March, 1G70; d. 10 Feb. 1736, ce. 92. Simeon = bornl65U; d. | 15 Oct. 1730. I 2. EHzabeth, widow of Col. Sam. Shrimptoi Anthony = . . b. G June, 1656; had ch. Anthony. Joseph, b. 1 Dec. 1603; and others. Mary, b. 9 Jan. 1671; m. 2 Oct. 1695, Kev. Ste- phen Mix, minister at Wethersfield, Ct. Ch. Mary, m. Thomas Belden; Sarah, mar. Goodridge ; Rebecca, ra. James Mitchell; Christian, died unm. ; Esther, mar. Bowen; Elisha, born 19 Oct. 1705, Yale, 1724, d. unm. 7 June, 1739. I I I Esther, b. 2June, lB72;m. b. 6 Feb. 16?4; 6 Nov. 1694, Eev. d. 22 Mar. 1674. Timothv Edwards, b. 14 May, 1669; Anthony, H. C. 1694; she d. b. 6 June, 1675; 19 Jan. 1770; he d. 7 June, 1676. d. 27 Jan. 1758. Ch. ten daughters, Aaron, and Jonathan El> b. 23 Aug. 1676; WARDS, b. 3 Oct. d. same day. 1703, minister at Northampton, Pres. Princeton Coll., and the distinguished divine. Christian, Anthony, b. 23 Aug. 1676; b. 9Aug.l678; Sarah, b. 1 April, 1680; m. 19 Mar. 1707, Kev. Samuel Whitman, Job b. 17 Feb. 16S2;H.C, 1701 William H. C. 1697 , Williams, who minister at was 56 years rain- Woodbury,Ct. of Farmington, Ct. Dec. 1731 ister iit Hattield; 60 years; d. 6 Ch. Sarah, ra. Rev. Lived she d. 23 April, Sept. 1760. J.Trumbull; Eliza- 1764; he died 1 beth, m. Eev. Thos. Sept. 1741, aj. 76. Ch. Solomon, Strong, of New Marl- D.D.,H. C. 1719, of Lebanon, Ct.; boro; Elnathan, Israel, H. C. 1727, died 10 Jan. Yale, 1726, d. unm. 1788; j;iizabeth, m. Samuel Barn- in Hartford, 4 Mar. ard, or Salem; Dorothy, ra. Rev. 1777; Solomon; Jonathan Ashley, of Deerfield. Samuel. Northamp- ton; Rep., Col., Judge of I'robate, C. J. C. C. P.; died 19 June, 1748. Prudence Chester, b. 4 March, 1699; died 11 Sept. 1780. Israel, b. 10 Apr. 1684; died a prisoner in France. Hannah, b. 21 April, 1688; m. Rev. Wm. Williams of Wi'ston; Rebecca, Kev. .T< 1722, Joseph Ch. .Joseph, b. 1686; m. 16 No' Hawlev ; d. Jan. 17e b. 8 Oct. 1723, Yale, 1742, Mercy Lyman, d. childless, 10 Mar. 1788; Elisha,b. 18 July, 1726, Capt. in the Army, m. Elizabeth Pome- roy, and Avas killed at the battle of Lake George, 4 September, 1755, childless. ich; Au of llatlicl.!; Nathan- iel; Lucy, m. Rev. Joseph Buckminster, of Rutland ; Mary; Esther, mar. Rev. Thomas Williams, of Deer- field; Solomon, H. C. 1747; Hannah, mar. Kev. J. Sec- comb, of Hai-vard. Mary, Prudence, Martha = b. 27 Nov. 1732; born 28 Mav, 1734; m. 6 Partridge, d. 20 mar. Col. John Nov. 1760, Ezekiel Wil- Oct. 1772. Worthington, of liaras, of Wethersfield, Springfield, (sec- Ct., High Sheriif. Ch. Emily, b. 29 Mar. ond wife.) Ch. 1761, m. Samuel W. WiUiams: John, b. 11 John, d. in infan- Sept. 1762, Yale, 1781, m. 1st, Sophia cy; she died 12 Worthington, 2d, Mrs. Silliman; Harriet, July, 1812. b. 26 June, 1764, m. Kev. Dr. Parsons, of Amherst; Ezekiel, b. 29 Dec. 1765, Yale, 1785, m. Abigail Ellsworth; Prudence, b. 2 Oct. 1767, m. Eev. Mr. Howard, of Springfield; Mary, b. 14 Aug. 1769, m. John Salter; Esther, b. 14 Aug. 1771, d. unm. 24 June, 1820; Solomon S., b. 13 Oct. 1773, d. unm. Feb. 1840; Christian, b. 22 Sept. 1776; d. num. 30 Jan. 1808; Thos. S., b. 26 June, 1777, Yale, 1794, m. 1st, Delia Ellsworth, 2d, Martha M. Colt; Samuel P., b. 22 Feb. 1779, Yale, 1796, m. 1st, Mary H. Webb, 2d, Sai-ah Tyler, and d. 23 Dec. 1826. ■ Solomon, = Eunice b. 29 May, 1736; Yale, 1756; mar. 1st, M. P., 21 Nov. 1766; mar. 2d, E. P. Was High Sheriff; d. 19 Dec. 1827, Lsther, born 23 May, 1738; d. un- mar. 27 May, 1816. Israel, b. 28 April, 1741, Yale, 1758; mar. Eunice Wil- liams; was High Sherifl^ of Berkshire ; d. 27 Jime, 1782. Ch. John, d. unm.; Wm. Frederick, d. unm.; Mary, ra. Ashbel Strong, and d. childless, 1817. Hannah, b. 13 Oct. 1742; d. 1 Oct. 1743. —William. —Mary, b. 16 May, 1676. —Anthony, b. Sept. 1678. —Elizabeth, b. 16 Feb. 1680. —Simeon, b. 20 Aug. 1681. —Mary, b. 19 Sept. 1682. —Jonathan, b. 8 Oct. 1687. —Martha, b. 14 Dec. 1689. — Jonathan, b. 24 May, 1695. " " , 1697. b. 6 Feb. 1686; m. 23 Dec. 1713; d. 8 Mar. 1723. David, = Elizabeth = Sam. Shrimpton, Jr. — John, b. Ju (Richardson), Ist husband; d. 25 June, 1767. d. 25 May, 1703. Elizabeth == John Yeamans. Shute S. = Matilda Gunthorp. Shute im. under age. Join a. infant. Mary, born 11 Nov. 1715; mar. Kev. Charles Chauncy, D. D.; d. without issue. SaJah, b.lOAitg. 1718; m.Dea. Thos. Greenough; and died March, 1778.', Ch. David S., and William. Mehetable b. 5 June, 1719; m.26 Oct. 1760; d. 19 Nov. 1792. = William Hyslop, baptized 26 Sept. 1714; d. 11 Aug. 1786. John, Anna, Solomon, ■■ b. 4 June, 1767; born 24 May, b. 18 Feb. 1771; Yale, 1787; m. 1769; mar. 28 Yale, 1790 ; m. 28 Feb. 1798, Mary April, 1789, Nov. 1799. Town W. Billings, and John Williams, Clerk, Register of had six chil- of Conway; Deeds, Repr've., dren. two children. Clerk of Courts. Benja- Tappan 1 I b. 4 Jan. 1778; d. Apr. 1778. 'id, (2d,) William, David, b. 6 Nov. 1763 ; b. 28 Dec. 1755 ; m. Betsey Wil- mar. 1st, Eliza Hams, 11 June, Stone, Sept. 1787 ; d. without ch. 9 July, 1792. 1793, who d. 6 b.6Sep't:i780; the Army; d. 9 ^ June, 1808; 2d, Jane Woodward, set'diii Boston Nov. 1821. 19 Oct. 1809, who d. 13 Oct. 1848, havmg m. agam; he d. 16 Aug. 1812. Ch. David, and othei Israel, James, b. 3 Oct. 1784; b.l2Sept.l"61; m. 1 Jan. 1820, d. 9 May, 1762. Charlotte Stone ; Surgeon :" Elizabeth = Increase Sumner, b. 6 Aug. 1757; m. 30 Sept. 1779; d. 28 Dec. 1810. Mehetable, b. 13 Sept. 1763; d. same day. Solomon, b. 29 Nov. 1800; Yale, 1820. Prof, at Middlebui-y. Charles, b. 27 June, 1802; a merchant in Boston. Wm. Hei Lewis T. b. 8 Feb. 1807. John, b. 11 Mar. 1809. Arthur I b. 30 Noi 1810. Sarah T. born 23 Mar. 1814; m. Rev. A. Smith. David T. b. 2 Dec. 1818. See Note on p. 226. Wm. Hyslop, Adj't-General, iic. See Sumner pedi- gree^ qpp.p. 291. Mehetable Stoddard, James W. Gerard. 1730.] SIMEON STODDARD. 227 1708. Mrs. Shrimpton was his second wife, and after her death he married Mehetable Sargent, relict of the Hon. Peter Sargent, and niece of Governor Stoughton. She survived him. The Rev. Dr. Benjamin Cohiian preached a sermon on the Sabbath following the funeral of Mr. Stoddard, and a printed copy is among the author's family papers. In the dedication of this sermon to Anthony and William Stoddard, sons of Simeon, the Rev. Dr. says: — "Boston, Nov. 14tli, 1730. " Gentlemen, — After two funeral sermons that went to the press at the desire of your honorable Father: the one preached upon the death of his brother, your venerable uncle of North- ampton ; the other upon the death of his son, your exemplary brother ; I will not refuse you the copy you ask of a plain dis- course I made upon his own decease. " You owe more than this expression of filial respect and honor to his memory, whom God made a very good Father to you ; and you were secret witnesses of his goodness to others, and of his good conversation in Christ. " There was one thing singular in the life of your father, and very surprising to the town at the time of it : when he broke off his worldly business in the most prosperous run of it, in the midst of life, declaring that he had enough ; having attained that estate, by the blessing of God, which he thought ought to satisfy him. " About that time being chosen by the town to serve the poor, he did it for some years with a great deal of labor and pleasure, as I well remember. " Since that, and I suppose before, his charities to the poor, and donations for pious uses, have been liberal and many; wherein I have been assured by his honored relict that he studied secrecy. " His annual bounties to the poor, the widows, and the father- p. 807), " ' The sign of the Cornfield,' near the Mill bridge, 1733. In Union street, 17G3.") The memory of Mrs. Stevens is gratefully cherished by all who knew her, and this brief notice will give pleasure to those now living who hold her in remembrance. 228 HISTOEY. [1713. less, at our yearly Thanksgiving, were more open and known ; and very great: nor was the Levite then forgotten by him. " Indeed, he was a lover of good men, and of God's house and worshippers; but more especially friendly and respectful to the ministers of Christ, and never thought them enough honored and supported in their work. " These things being known to be true, and easy to be proved by many living witnesses, I judge they ought to be said, and I dare not send the following sermon to the press without insert- ing them. " Gentlemen, — that you may both live long, if God please, and do much more good in your generation, than those that are gone before you ; and that your children, and all the posterity of the deceased, may be the seed whom the Lord will bless, is the sincere desire and prayer of " Your affectionate friend and humble servant, " Benjamin Colman." In the sermon which bears the title of " A Peaceful Death in a good Old Age," Mr. Stoddard is spoken of as attaining " a great age, which God made healthful and easy, attended with plentiful circumstances, his reason and understanding continu- ing, his sight only decayed, his mind serene and placid, and his children about him, and he honored and happy in them. But the crown of all was a pious and useful old age, with a settled peace and good hope (through grace) of a better life ; which continued with him through the shadow of death, which God made easy to him, both as to mind and body." These extracts show the character of the man better than a more extended notice. Previously to Mrs. Shrimpton's marriage to Mr. Stoddard, namely, on the 18th of April, 1700, she leased her dwelling- houses, three water mills, negroes, etc., at Noddle's Island, to Nicholas Roberts., her brother, and Benjamin Jackson, of Boston, merchants, for seven years, at X200 per annum.^ By her will, dated 11 April, 1713, as " late widow and Executrix of the Will of Col. Samuel Shrimpton," she devised " all that Farm 1 State Archives, Book 40, p. 786. .1713.] • MADAM STODDARD'S ESTATE. 229 lying at Rumney Marsh, &c., and Noddles Island (of which we have seen she held one half by the deed to trustees from her husband, and the right to dispose of the other half to any of his relations by his will), with the Mills, &c., to her g'randdaug-h- ter Elizabeth Shrimpton during her natural life, and after her decease "to the heirs of her body to be lawfully begotten," and for want of such issue, " to the right heirs of my said late hus- band, the said Samuel Shrimpton, forever." She died two days after the date of this will. The inventory of the estate of Madam Elizabeth Stoddard, which she held under her husband's will, was taken July 15, 1713, by J. Marion and S. Turrell. It is specified as the estate which did belong to her former husband. Col. Samuel Shrimp- ton, namely : " The Brick Dwelling House in King Street, .£2000, — Lead Cistern in the yard ,£20, — Brick House and Land in Shrimpton's Lane <£250, — Land at South End of Boston,! bought of W"^ Grce, £90, — Land bought of William Wright, XGO, — The Pastures Joyning Beacon Hill (in the rear of the State House, and upon which is built the Reservoir, a magnificent granite structure, of massive grandeur, and an enduring praise to the city), £150, — House and Land at North End of Boston, .£120, — Warehouse on Major Hay ward's Wharf, £70, — A Coach House with the Land £300, — A Coach, Calash, and Chair, £50,-2016 oz Plate at 85. £806 65. — 24 oz Gold at X6, X144, — A Load Stone and Eagle Stone, &c. &c., — Noddle's Island and Stock, to wit : — House in the tenure of Christopher Caprill, £20, — Stock, £239, 6s. — 14 Negroes, old and young, £350, — The Land, Housing, &c. ^ This strip of land is described in the inventory as situated at the corner of Frog lane (now Boylston street) and Common (now Tremont) street, and is sup- posed to be a part of the land on which the Winthrop House now stands. Mr. Shrimpton bought it of William Wright, of Boston, as appears from the Suffolk Deeds, Book 2G, p. 149. " William AYright Junr. of Boston, Mariner & Abi- gail his wife. — Consideration £38 paid by Samuel Shrimpton of Boston sell s'^ Shrimpton Land lying at the Southerly End of Boston — bounded N. W. upon the Lane leading to the Training Field, 80 foot 8 inches, S. E. upon Land of Saml Snow or his Assignees, N. E. upon Land of Saml Fisher, S. by the street (Plott recorded lib. 11, p. 82 in Division of Estate of Thos Snow, whose dau. said Abigail was). 13 June 1683. Acknowledged 9th April 1712." 20 230 HISTORY. t [1720.. £12000, — A Farm at Rumney Marsh (Chelsea) £1000, — &c., &c. Total Amount, X 18044, II5. 9i/." It is presumed that Madam Shrimpton continued to reside upon Noddle's Island for some time after the death of her hus- band. To corroborate this, is quoted the following from Sewall's Diary: " 1705, Aug^ 8, I & Mr. Em. (Eliakim) Hutchinson go to Noddle's Island; Visit Madam Shrimpton. Ride in y^ Ca- lash to Mr. Goodwin's ; return to Madam Shrimpton's ; Sup ; Come home." Col. Samuel Shrimpton and Elizabeth (Breeden) Shrimpton had a son and only child, Samuel, born in Boston 20th of April, 1673, who married Elizabeth Richardson., as before mentioned. She was a niece of Col. Samuel Shrimpton's wife, being the daughter of her sister, Sarah (Roberts) Richardson. Samuel Shrimpton, Jr. and his wife, Elizabeth (Richardson) Shrimpton, had only one child, Elizabeth, who was born in Bos- ton, August 26, 1702, and was married in Boston, by the Rev. Dr. Colman, to John Yeamans, 6th of May, 1720, and died on the 4th December, 1721. John Yeamans was of St. James's parish, Westminster, England. The following is an abstract of the marriage contract between John Yeamans and his wife, Elizabeth Shrimpton made on the day of their marriage : — " Indenture 6 May 1720. Between John Yeamans of the Island of Antigua, now resident in Boston, of the one part, Gov'^ Samuel Shute, Simeon Stoddard Esq^ and David Stod- dard, merchant, both of Boston of the other part, concerning a marriage now in Treaty & shortly by the Grace of God to be solemnized between said John Yeamans & Elizabeth Shrimp- ton, grand-daughter of Co^ Samuel Shrimpton. " Said John Yeamans agrees with said parties, together with said Elizabeth, when she shall attain the age of 21 years, for the prosecution of a Common Recovery of that Brick Messuage and Tenement with Land whereon the same doth stand in Bos- ton, and all that Farm lying at Rumney Marsh, all that Island called Noddles Island, with the Mills, Houses, &c. enumerated in the Will of Elizabeth Stoddard, sometime the wife of said Co'. Samuel Shrimpton, deceased, & sole executrix of his Will. " Said Yeamans doth agree that he will take an Estate in 1720.] YEAMANS PEDIGREE. 231 said Messuage, Farm & Island, enumerated as above to him the said John Yeamans & Elizabeth, for their natm-al lives, &c. " Said Yeamans doth agree that said Elizabeth shall have power to make and publish her last Will and appoint her exec- utors & settle upon such persons as she shall see cause, to the value of X5000;' Thus it is seen that Elizabeth Yeamans, daughter of Sam- uel Shrimpton, Jr., and grand-daughter of Colonel Shrimpton, became the devisee in tail of the whole of Noddle's Island, under her grandmother Stoddard's (formerly Shrimpton) will.^ 1 YEAMANS PEDIGREE. John Yeamaxs=j= Nichols. Lieut. -Gov. of Anti Suffolk Deeds, Ub. 69, fol. 87. *. «LVwijrar««*T«iKi*«g.v*(i(-^^ •^t^" JH.Buff<,r.l'sI.it'h ITE §1M]^0M[P¥(5)P3 YE^ra^l 17G8.] SHUTE SIIRIMPTON YEAMANS' WILL. 249 This extract renders it certain that he was in Boston as late as 1744 ; but when he returned to England is unknown. He was in London in 1747. All that we know of him subse- quently to this date is, that he died on his estate at Richmond, Surry County, England, previous to the 4th of October, 1749. Shute Shrimpton Yeamans (whose lithographic likeness is upon the opposite page) and his wife, Matilda Gunthorp, had two daughters and a son John, all of whom died young; also a son Shute, who died of consumption on his passage to America, 9th June, 1774, aged about twenty years. Shute Shrimpton Yeamans died in Richmond, England, Sept. 10, 1769, aged forty-eight years. The Boston Columbian Centinel, mention- ing his death, says : " He was one of the Directors of the South Sea Company, and a staunch friend to New England." His will was dated at Richmond County, Surrey, England, Aug. 4, 1768, and proved before the surrogate of London, Sept. 80, 1769. A copy was obtained, by Deacon Thomas Greenough, from the registry of the prerogative court of Canterbury .^ In his will he gave to his sons large quantities of plate and jewels, and various legacies to relations ; and to his son Shute Yeamans £4,000 sterling, to be paid to him at the age of twenty- one years, with liberal legacies to his servants. The will then goes on to say : " I give & devise unto my said son Shute Yeamans & his Heirs, my Farm, with the Appurtenances called or known by the Name of Chelsea Farm, situate near Boston, in New England, in North America, & now let to Robert Temple Esq'", at the Yearly Rent of <£40, sterling. Provided always that if my s'^ son Shute Yeamans, shall happen to dye before he shall attain the age of 21 yeares, then (subject and charged as aforesaid) I give & devise my said Farm, with the appurtenances, unto my sd son John Yea- mans, & his Heirs. And subject and charged as aforesaid I Give & Devise all other my Lands, Hereditaments & Real Estate whatsoever, in the Island of Antigua in the West Indies, in the Provinces of New England & New Hampshire ^ in North 1 It is in Suffolk Probate Records, of 1773, Vol. 73, fol. 350. " In a letter from Robert Temple to Shute Shrimpton Yeamans, dated Bos- 250 HISTORY. [1768. America, or else where unto William Berners Esq'", of Wolver- ston Park, in Suffolk, William Gunthorp, of Antigua, afore- said. Esq"". Samuel Mercer, of the City of London Esq"", & Mr. Thomas Greenough of Boston in New England, aforesaid, their Heirs & assigns for ever, Upon the Trusts & to & for the Uses, Intents & Purposes hereinafter mentioned (that is to say) In Trust to receive the Rents, Issues & Profits thereof until one of my said sons, or their Issue shall attain the Age of 21 Years, or until both of them shall depart this Life without Issue, and to pay, apply & dispose of such Rents, Issues & Profits according to the Directions of this my Will & Subject thereto. To the Use of my son John Yeamans & the Heirs of his Body law- fully Issuing ; and for Default of such Issue, to the Use of my son, Shute Yeamans & the Heirs of his Body lawfully Issuing; & for Default of such Issue, then To the Use and Behoof of my Aunts Mary Chauncy, Sarah Greenough & Mehetable Hyslop of Boston in New England aforesaid : & the Heirs of their respective Bodies lawfully begotten, or to be begotten, as Tenants in Common, & not as Joint Tenants. And for Default of such Issue, To the Use & Behoof of my own right Heirs forever." Among other provisions is the following : "And all the rest and residue of my personal estate I give to my son, John Yea- mans, to be delivered to him at his age of 21 years ; and if my said son, John Yeamans, shall happen to depart this life before the age of 21 years & without issue, then I give and bequeath the same unto my said son Shute Yeamans, to be paid, trans- ferred & delivered to him at his age of 21 years. And if both my said sons shall dye without Issue, before the age of 21 years, then I Give all the Rest & Residue of my Personal Estate unto my before Named Aunts, Mary Chauncy, Sarah Greenough, & Mehetable Hyslop, or such of them as shall be living at my decease, equally to be divided among them, if more than one be then living. Share and Share alike." He also appointed his trustees, before named, executors and guardians of the persons and estates of his sons. ton, Dec. 5, 1749, is this clause: "Your presence is likewise much "Wanted concerning some Lotts of land you have in y^ Province of New Hampshire, •^ych were formerly granted to Gov^ Shute, and are, now, I presume, y"" prop- erty." This was probably the Indian grant before mentioned. 1768.] SHUTE YEAMANS. 251 The facts in regard to his two sons are these : John, the eldest, died in testator's lifetime ; and Shute, the younger son, died before reaching the age of twenty-one years, and without issue ; so that his three aunts in America became entitled to the resid- uary of the real estate of John Yeamans, but held in trust for them by the trustees named in the will. The interest of Shute's fortune, which by the will was X 4,000 at four per cent., was £160 per annum ; but the executors suffered him to. 'spend up- wards of <£ 1,200 during the first seventeen months after his father's death, and, finding there was no bounds to his expenses, they stopped their hands till a proper allowance for his mainte- nance should be settled by the court. Shute filed a bill against the three executors and trustees living in England. His bro- ther being dead, he had hoped the executors would have made a yearly allowance for his maintenance and education far ex- ceeding the interest of said X4,000, and would have purchased him a commission in the army out of the saving and income of the estate, etc., which he prayed them to do. The executors answer, that the clear income of testator's real and personal estate is XI, 500 per annum; that they have paid the plaintiff a greater allowance than the interest of the said X4,000, and have been applied to to purchase him a commission in the army, and are ready to do as the court directs. On the 18th June, 1771, the chancellor, on reading the will, decreed that it should be referred to Mr. Graves to consider what was proper to be allowed for the maintenance and education of the plaintiff for the time past from the death of his father, and for .the time to come ; and to inquire whether it was proper and for the benefit of the plaintiff to advance any and what sum of money for procuring him a commission in the army. This was never done, nor was any commission ever purchased. The master, by his report, was of opinion, that X 1,284 19^. Ad. (having been really expended with the approbation of the executors) was proper to be allowed for plaintiff's maintenance from his father's death till the 1st of February last, and X600 per annum for the time to come, which report was confirmed. The increased allowance paid by the executors for the main- tenance and education of Shute Yeamans, under this order 252 HISTORY. [1774. (beyond the interest of the legacy of X4,000 per annum), comes to upwards of .£1,900. On the 28th of April, 1774, the said Shute Yeamans, then residing in South Audley street, Grosvenor square, in the county of Middlesex, England, by his will, after providing for the pay- ment of debts and a liberal legacy to his servant, gave the resi- due of all his estate and effects to Henry Perkins Weston, Esq. and William Davis, surgeon, for their own use forever, and ap- pointed them executors. On the 9th of June, 1774, the said Shute Yeamans died, being on board a packet-ship bound to New York. The will took effect, and his plate and the X4,000 left him by his father passed out of the family into the hands of strangers. In relation to the will of his father, Shute Shrimpton Yea- mans, there were two questions that arose under it. One was, whether the devise of X4,000 to his son Shute, to be paid at the age of twenty-one, vested in him, he having died before reaching his majority. Mr. John Adams, who had recently dis- tinguished himself as the defender of Capt. Preston at the Bos- ton massacre, and who was subsequently the second president of the United States, who was consulted on this subject, gave his opinion (on the 14th of January, 1775), that, if Mr. Shute Yeamans was more than fourteen years of age when he made his will, he had a right to will away the <£4,000 sterling, not- withstanding the limitation in his father's will. Because, at that age, by the better opinions, an infant may make a will of per- sonal estate ; and this legacy is given to him absolutely in his father's will, though it was not to be paid to him until he be- came of age. Mr. Robert Bicknell (an English barrister, it is presumed) was also consulted on the matter, and his opinion coincided with that given by Mr. Adams. The other question was, whether, upon the death of both the sons without issue, the aunts could obtain the immediate pos- session of this real estate ; or, in other words, whether this use is executed in the aunts by the statute of 27 Henry VHI. chap. 10, or whether the estate should still be held in trust for them. To which Mr. Adams replied : " My opinion upon the whole is, 1774.] SHUTE SHRmPTON YEAMANS' DEVISE. 253 that this use is not executed by the statute, but that the land must remain in the trustees, to enable them to perform the trust, i. e. to receive the rents, issues, and profits, and pay, apply, and dispose of them according to the will." ^ Shute Shrimpton Yeamans' devise in favor of his three aunts, Mary Chauncy, Sarah Greenough, and Mehetable Hyslop, the daughters of Mr. David Stoddard, having thus taken effect by reason" of the death of his sons without issue, they suffered a common recovery of the Noddle's Island and other estates in United States of America, and thereby became tenants in com- mon in fee-simple. Each of the " three aunts " thus had one third, or, for greater convenience in subsequent calculations, two sixths, of that estate. Mrs. Greenough's two sixths de- scended to her two children, David S. and William, one sixth to each, in fee. Mrs. Hyslop's two sixths to her two children, David and Elizabeth, one sixth to each, in fee. Mrs. Chauncy's two sixths were divided between the Rev. William Greenough and Elizabeth (Hyslop) Sumner, the wife of Governor Sumner, one sixth to each, in fee. As it was thought at this time that David Hyslop would never marry, on account of his infirmities, Mrs. Chauncy did not give the fee of any part of her two sixths to him, as otherwise probably would have been done, but divi- ded the fee of the whole of her share between William Green- ough and Elizabeth Sumner, who were children of her two sisters, they paying in equal portions to David Hyslop, during his life, one third of the income of her share,^ David S. Green- ough bought the two sixths which his brother William thus ac- quired (one sixth from his mother, and one sixth from Mrs. Chauncy), and consequently assumed his brother's life obliga- tion to David Hyslop. Thus David S. Greenough became possessed of the fee of ' The original document of John Adams, drawn up at full length by his own hand, and signed by him, is in the writer's possession, and, besides being valua- ble as an autograph, is inserted in Appendix E. as an opinion of so distinguished a man upon a question of law. '^ A bond to this effect from "William Greenough, Increase Sumner, and Elizabeth Sumner, his wife, to David Hyslop, dated on the 27th of February, 1782, is on record in the Suffolk Registry, lib. 134, fol. 4. 22 254 HISTORY. three sixths, Elizabeth (Hyslop) Sumner of two sixths, and David Hyslop of one sixth, of the whole Island (in the right of his mother). Or, David S. Greenough, three sixths, Elizabeth (H.) Sumner, two sixths, David Hyslop, one sixth. From the heirs of these three proprietors, the East Boston Company derived their whole title, as will be fully set forth as we advance in the history.^ 1 SimiMPTON PEDIGREE. Henry Shrimpton:; I Col. Samncl Shriinpton:=Elizabeth Brcedcn:=Simcon Stoddard=Mary Downing. He d. 9 Eeb. 1697-8. Shed. 13 Apr. 17 13. See Roberts Pedigree. 3d husband. 1st wife. Samuel, Jr.:^Elizabeth Richardson=Dayid Stoddard. 1st husband, m. 7 May, 1696. | Elizabeth^John Yeamans, See Roberts Pedicjree. 2d husband, m. 23 Dec. 1713. m. 6 May, son of Henry. See Yeamans Pedigree. Mary, b. 11 Nov. 1715. m.Rev. Charles Chauncy.D.D., d. 1783. s. p. Shute Shrimpton Yearaans=Matilda Gunthorp, b. 20 Aug. 1721, I in Antigua. d. 10 Sept. 1769. [ Sarah, b. 10 Aug. 1718, m. Dea. Tiios. Greenough, d. Mar. 1778. Mehetable, b. 5 July, 1719. m. William — Hyslop, d. 19K0V.1792. 1 I Two daus. d. in infancy. John, d. young. Shute, David S., William, d. aged b. 31 July, 1752, b. 29 June, 1756, ab. 20. left children. minister at Newton, left children. James, William, David, b. 1 7 Sept. b. 6 Nov. b. 28 Dec. 1751, d. 9 1753, m. 1755, m. 1, May, 1752. Betsey Eliza Stone, Williams, who d. s. p. d. 9 July, m. 2, Jane 1 792, s. p. Woodward. He d. 16 Aug. 1822. Ch., David, and otliers, all dying under age ; Jane m. Elizabeth=Increase Sumner, b. 5 Aug. Gov. etc., m. 30 1757, d. Sept. 1779, d. 28 Dec. 7 June, 1799. 1810. Mehetable, b. and d. 15 Sept. 1763, Wm. Hyslop, Adj. -Gen. etc. See Sumner Pedigree. Mehetable S., m. Benj. Welles. Eliza, m. James W. Gerard. 1818.] SALE OF THE ESTATE IN ANTIGUA. 255 No common recovery having been suffered in Antigua by Mrs. Chauncy, her third part of the Yeamans estate in that Island descended, at her death, to the heirs-at-law of Shute Shrimpton Yeamans. The other sisters, Sarah and Mehetable, having each suffered a common recovery in that island, their two thirds of the estate descended to their heirs in fee, and were sold for their benefit, in 1818, by General Sumner (who went to Antigua for that purpose) at the rate of X16,000 ster- ling for the whole, payable by bills on London, which were five per cent, above the par value of gold and silver. Mr. Robert- son, who was the purchaser of the estate, then offered to ex- change the bills on London at that advance for Spanish milled dollars at par, if General Sumner would receive them at his residence in the neighboring island of Montserrat. This pro- posal was accepted under the advice of Mr. Perit, of the house of Goodhue & Perit (who was his intelligent travelling com- panion on the homeward passage), who anticipated a high pre- mium in New York for the Spanish milled dollars for the India market. A contract was made with the captain of the brig Edward Byam, in which the writer had taken passage, to stop at Montserrat on his way to New York and take the specie on board. The boxes of coin, having the seal of the Bank of Eng- land upon llicm, were not all opened, the labor of counting being too great. In eleven days from the time the dollars were loaded, they were landed in New York, and, being in great demand for exportation, were immediately sold to Pick- man and Lander, India merchants, at four and a half per cent, advance. Thus the whole expenses of the voyage and of the sale of the estate were more than covered by the premiums on the exchange of the bills in London for specie in Antigua and the sale of the specie in New York, and the account was so settled with D. S. Greenough, Esq. for the proprietors. The custom of the island, in regard to conveyances, differed from that prevalent in this country. There the purchaser is at the expense of the conveyances, and the grantor signs the deed made out by the purchaser's attorney, which is a matter of some importance, as the expenses in this instance of drawing the deeds (which was done by Mr. Musgrave, the solicitor- 256 HISTORY. [1633-70. general, who was employed by the purchaser) amounted to over .£100. In the previous pages the descent of the right and possession of the Island from 1633 to the formation of the East Boston Company has been detailed ; but, in order to present the succes- sive ownership in a clear light, unincumbered by other subjects, the title may be concisely stated as follows : — In 1633, the general court granted the Island to Samuel Maverick " to enjoy to him and his heirs forever," under certain conditions. In 1650, Samuel Maverick and his wife, conjointly with their son Nathaniel, sold it to Capt. George Briggs of Barbadoes, who, the same year, conveyed it to the above-mentioned Na- thaniel, by whom it was, on the same day (28th Oct. 1650), conveyed to Col. John Burch of Barbadoes and his heirs for- ever. In 1656-7, Thomas Broughton purchased the Island, through Richard Leader, his attorney, who took the deed in his own name and in the name of Richard Newbold. On account of embarrassments, Broughton conveyed it, with other property (19th April, 1659), to Henry Shrimpton and Richard Cooke of Boston, and Walter Price of Salem, in trust for his creditors. Shrimpton declined this trust, as full possession of Noddle's Island had previously been given to Walter Price. In 1662, Richard Cooke and Walter Price, as assignees of Broughton, commenced a suit against Richard Newbold (before mentioned) for withholding about X850 (part of the purchase- money) and interest for several years, and a verdict was given for the plaintiffs. The execution issued on the 31st of March, 1663, was extended upon the whole of Noddle's Island as the possession of Newbold, excepting one hundred and seventy acres, which the execution did not cover. The Island was then delivered to Richard Cooke, excepting the one hundred and seventy acres which remained to Newbold. In 1664, Sir Thomas Temple bought all Richard Cooke's right and title in the Island ; and, In 1667, bought all of Newbold's remaining right and title, and thus became possessed of the whole Island. 1670-17G80 GENERAL DESCENT OF TITLE. 257 In 1670, Samuel Shrimpton purchased it of Sir Thomas Temple ; and, In 1682, by the payment of thirty pounds to the State, cleared it of the conditions in the grant to Maverick, and thus became the first person ivlio held it in his own right in fee-simple. By the provisions of an indenture dated 20th August, 1680, and by Samuel Shrimpton's will, dated 5th June, 1697, Mrs. Elizabeth Shrimpton, his widow, became possessed of the whole Island. She married, for a second husband, Simeon Stoddard. In her will (llth April, 1713) she devised the Island to her granddaughter Elizabeth Shrimpton, the daughter of Samuel Shrimpton, Jr., who became subsequently the wife of John Yeamans, to hold " during her natural life, and after her decease to the heirs of her body to be lawfully begotten," and for want of such issue, " to the right heirs of my said late husband, the said Shrimpton forever." The undow of Samuel Shrimpton, Jr. (whose maiden name was Elizabeth Richardson) married David Stoddard, and by this marriage she had three daughters, Mary (third wife of Dr. Charles Chauncy, of Boston), Sarah (wife of Deacon Thomas Greenough), and Mehetable (wife of William Hyslop). In order to dock the entail created by the will of Mrs. Simeon Stoddard (former wife of Samuel Shrimpton), a common recovery was suffered by John Yea- mans and his son Shute Shrimpton Yeamans, for the use of the father (John Yeamans) and his heirs in fee-simple. (C. C. P. January Term, 1743-4.) John Yeamans, in his will (23d Feb., 1747), gave all his estate, real and personal (a part of which came to him by inheritance from his own ancestors), to his only son and heir, Shute Shrimpton Yeamans, subject to various legacies to friends and relations ; and upon the death of his father, Shute Shrimpton Yeamans, became sole heir and residuary lega- tee. S. S. Yeamans, in his will (Aug. 4, 1768), gave Noddle's Island in trust for his two sons, John and Shute, " until one of my said sons, or their issue, shall attain the age of twenty- one years, or until both of them shall depart this life without issue," to wit, " to the use of my son John Yeamans, and the heirs of his body lawfully issuing; and for default of such issue, to the use of my son Shute Yeamans, and the heirs of 22* 258 HISTORY. [1768-1833. his body lawfully issuing ; and for default of such issue, then to the use and behoof of my aunts, Mary Chauncy, Sarah Greenough, and Mehetable Hyslop, of Boston," " and the heirs of their respective bodies lawfully begotten or to be begotten, as tenants in common, and not as joint-tenants ; and for default of such issue, to the use and behoof of my own right heirs for- ever." Both of these sons, John and Shute, died before the age of 21 years, and without issue ; consequently S. S. Yeamans' devise took effect in favor of his three aunts, children of David Stoddard, Mary Chauncy, Sarah Greenough, and Mehetable Hyslop. They suffered a common recovery of the Noddle's Island estate, and became tenants in common in fee-simple. Each of the " three aunts " thus had the fee of one third of the Island. Mrs. Greenough's one third descended to her two chil- dren, David S. and William, one sixth to each, in fee. The fee of Mrs. Chauncy's one third came by the deed to lead the uses of the common recovery to William Greenough and Elizabeth (Hyslop) Sumner, one sixth to each, they paying in equal portions to David Hyslop, during his life, one third of the income arising therefrom. David L. Greenough bought out his brother William, and thus assumed his brother's obligation to David Hyslop. By all this — David S. Greenough owned in fee three sixths of the whole Island. David Hyslop " " one sixth " " " Elizabeth (Hyslop) Sumner " two sixths " " " David S. Greenough's son David was the inheritor of all his father's portion, and died intestate, leaving it to his widow and children. Their estate was sold by the order of court confirmed by the legislature to William H. Sumner, who sold it to the East Boston Company. David Hyslop's one sixth was sold by his widow, then the wife of John Hayden, to the East Boston Company. Elizabeth (Hyslop) Sumner's one third was set off in the division of her estate to her daughter, Eliza Gerard, by whom it was conveyed to the East Boston Company. Such, in few words, is the title of the Island property from Samuel Maverick, the first grantee, to its purchase by the East Boston Company. The minute details of the different trans- fers have been set forth in the preceding chapters. iJn nc/r^cojc U U/myyi Zyi"^^ Got* of Mass:taien lu lie costxime of a JuS: S.J.I CHAPTER XL BIOGRAPHICAL SItETCHES. To give completeness to the record of those who, at different times, were interested in the island, it is necessary to speak more particularly of the husbands of the " three aunts " to whom Shute Shrimpton Yeamans devised his property, as has been minutely set forth in the previous chapter, and also to notice some of the children of these devisees. Consequently, the biographies of Dr. Chauncy, Thomas Greenough, and William Hyslop, with brief notices of their respective families and direct descendants, will now be given, so far as is considered neces- sary, and as fully as a limited space will allow. Rev. Charles Chauncy, D. D., was a direct descendant of Charles Chauncy, who was elected, in 1654, the second presi- dent of Harvard University. The family, in all its branches, was eminent for high religious character, literary attainments, and official position. President Chauncy was a man of distin- guished ability and of excellent scholarship ; and such was the extent of his literary acquisitions, that Mather styled him the " Cadmus " who brought letters to this country. He was a prominent man in his profession in England, and his free ex- pression of opinion brought him under the displeasure of the notorious Archbishop Laud, and his troubles were neither few nor small. On account of his attainments in oriental literature, he was appointed professor of Hebrew in Trinity College, Cam- bridge, England, but declined the office, and was then appointed professor of Greek in the same institution. Pie emigrated to this country in the latter part of the year 1637, and, after preach- ing a few years in Scituate, was, in 1654, elected president of Harvard University, which office he held until the commence- 260 HISTORY. ment of 1771, immediately previous to his death, which oc- curred on the 19th of February of the same year. Dr. Charles Chauncy, the subject of this notice, was born on the 1st of January, 1705, and was a great-grandson of the president, being the son of Charles Chauncy, merchant in Bos- ton, who was the son of Isaac Chauncy, the eldest son of the president. He inherited the superior abilities of his distin- guished ancestor, and some of his peculiarities, at least his love for religious controversy. He was not alone in this mode of warfare, for all the divines of that day were ardent in their prejudices for or against any doctrine, and zealous in public discussion. He entered Harvard University at the early age of twelve years, and received his first degree in 1721. President Wadsworth, one of the pastors of the first church in Boston, having removed to Cambridge, a fast was immediately kept by the congregation, and measures were taken to obtain another pastor, as an associate with the Rev. Thomas Foxcroft. Mr. Chauncy was chosen on the 12th of June, 1727, and ordained on the 25th of October following. Mr. Chauncy preached the sermon from Matthew, 28th chapter, 20th verse, and Cotton Mather gave the fellowship of the churches. Emerson, who was a subsequent pastor of this church, in his history of the first church in Boston, says : " During forty-two years the pas- tors, Foxcroft and Chauncy, lived together in the greatest har- mony with each other and their flock. The affairs of the church were in a flourishing condition. She saw her elder pastor un- rivalled in popularity as a preacher, and already marked in his young colleague the dawn of those brilliant powers which were destined to enlighten and improve the age." The house of worship of the first church in Boston was erected upon the site where Brazer's building now stands, and was subsequently removed to Washington street, upon the ground now covered by Joy's building. In this church Dr. Chauncy preached, and some time after his death, and during the ministrations of his successor, Dr. Clark, Mr. Joy proposed to the society then owning the church to convey it to him, and he would build them one on their land in Summer street ; his proposal was agreed to and carried into effect. In the new house built by Mr. Joy upon the society's land in Summer street, the Thursday morning lee- CHARLES CHAUNCY, D. D. 261 ture, at 11 o'clock, of the First Association of Congregational Ministers, has been held weekly from that time to the present, as it ever had been in the old chm-ch on Washington street. The land on Summer street, on which the church was built, was the parsonage occupied by Dr. Chauncy, his two story wooden dwelling-house occupying the ground nearly opposite the Mercantile Library building. As a literary man Dr. Chauncy was very industrious, and published a great many sermons and lectures, as well as a num- ber of larger works, which excited much attention. " As a stu- dent, his conceptions were quick ; as a theologian, he was learned and liberal ; as a writer, plain, argumentative, and vigorous ; as a preacher, sincere, unaffected, and at times deeply impres- sive ; as a politician, open, inflexible, and patriotic ; as a man, sudden and vehement in his temper, eminently upright, with a seriousness suited to his profession, and an earnestness appro- priate to a period when the most essential rights of freemen were brought into jeopardy, and were to be secured for his country at last only by the hazardous claim and triumphant assumption of national independence. In politics he was an honest patriot, and as such, never wavered in asserting Amer- ican rights." On all occasions and under all circumstances, he ever ap- peared on the side of liberty and justice. An instance of this occurred at the first barbecue in Boston of which there is any account, which took place on election day in 1770. The general court was ordered to meet at the College buildings in Cam- bridge the last Wednesday of May, 1770. This was just after the Boston massacre, on the 5th of March, and the governor could not be persuaded to have the legislature meet in Boston. A number of the patriots in that town, or, as they were termed in the language of the time, " friends to the rights of North America," anticipating the state of things between the legis- lature and the royal officers, made preparations for a public popular festival in Boston on election day. An ox was roasted on the Common, the animal having been carried through the town the day before, dressed with garlands and ribbons. Relig- ious services were held at noon. Rev. Samuel Mather, " a worthy descendant of those Christian patriots. Increase and 262 HISTORY. Cotton," made the prayer, and the Rev. Dr. Chauncy, " that inflexible assertor of our civil and religious rights," preached the sermon. A dinner at Faneuil Hall, and the distribution of the ox among the poor, concluded the day. Thus the people of Boston celebrated " election," without any great and general court, governor, or military display. They had a barbecue on the Common, and a sermon from the beloved Dr. Chauncy, and punch, according to the custom of those days, in Faneuil Hall, and could well afford to dispense with the usual routine of the May election of those times.^ ^ Boston Transcript, Aug. 21, 1856. The Williams Journal of Daily Occur- rences on Noddle's Island mentions another barbecue, which took place in 1793, and, in referring to it, speaks of the "great preparations for the civic feast," and of " the ox to be roasted for the poor of the town, and a number of public dinners." A fuller description of this is given in the paper we have cited, and will doubtless interest the reader. We quote nearly verbatim : — " An ox was roasted in Boston at a great public festival in 1793, under cir- cumstances of a novel and imique character. In 1792, the citizens of the United States took deep interest in the early movements of the French Revo- lution, and it was thought proper that a great civic feast should be given in this city in honor of the patriots of France. Accordingly, after due preparation, a public festival was arranged, and Thursday, Jan. 24th, 1793, was assigned as the day for the celebration. " So general were the rejoicings at the victories of the friends of ' Liberty and Equality ' in France, who followed the example of the American revolution- ists, that several celebrations took place in Boston. There was a dinner at Faneuil Hall, at which ' Citizen ' Samuel Adams presided, a collation near the stump of the 'Liberty Tree,' at the South end, a great public feast in State street, and numerous military and civic dinners in other parts of the town. The main interest of the celebration, however, was centred in the barbecue in State street. An ox was purchased by subscription and roasted whole, leaving the head and horns entire. The cooking operation was performed near Copp's Hill, the night previous to the festival. A procession formed in Ferry street, at the North end, afterwards Lynn street, now part of Commercial street, on the morning of the 24th, and marched through Middle (Hanover), and Union streets, up Cornhill (now Washington street), on to the Liberty Stump, thence to the right on Common street to the dwelling of ' Citizen ' John Hancock, on Beacon street ; thence to the house of ' Citizen ' Samuel Adams, in Winter street ; thence through Summer to Federal street, and through Kilby to State street. In passing the meeting-house in Federal street the procession halted, and the chairman of the proprietors of the church gave a congratulatory address in behalf of the society, in Avhose place of worship the Constitution of CHARLES CHAUNCY, D. D. 263 Many incidents occur to the writer's mind illustrative of Dr. Chauncy's character. The following is one which shows the the United States was ratified by the delegates of ]\Iassachusetts, and In com- memoration of which event the street received its name of ' Federal.' When the procession reached ' Oliver's Dock,' a salute of fifteen guns was fired, and the space christened ' Liberty Square,' which It retains to this day. " The roasted ox, weighing 1,000 lbs., was in this procession, elevated twenty feet upon a great wooden spit. It was drawn by fifteen horses, and was gaily dressed with ribbons ; the horns were gilded, and ornamented with the flags of the United States and France. At the end of the spit was the motto, ' Peace- offering to Liberty and Equality.* The ox was followed by a large cart con- taining eight hundred loaves of bread, drawn by six horses ; next came a Jiogshead of punch, drawn by six horses ; then followed a second load of eight hundred loaves of bread and a second hogshead of punch. Tables were laid In State street, the whole length east of the old State house. There was some difficulty in the equal distribution of the roast beef, and it has always been said that the punch was mighty strong ; but all accounts say that the highest degree of cheerfulness and good-will prevailed. " AH the youths of the town were paraded in State street, In ranks, between which a cart was driven, from whence each one was presented with a civic cake Impressed with the words ' Liberty and Equality.' A Hbertj^ pole was erected In Liberty square In the evening, and the horns of the roasted ox were placed on the top, where they remained several years. Two balloons, orna- mented with mottos, were sent up during the afternoon, under the direction of some French visitors. The remnants of the bread were sent to the jail and almshouse, but the punch was all consumed by the patriotic assembly. " A purse was raised to pay the debts and fines of such persons as were con- fined In jail, and they were released ' to breathe the air of Liberty.' It was arranged that the people of Charlestown and Boston should drink to the health of each other at 4 o'clock In the afternoon, and the measure was carried into effect with ' all the honors.' We have before us the diary of the pastor of one of the Boston churches at this time, and we find a memorandum therein ac- knowledging the reception of nine dollars from the civic feast, and a list of nine persons to whom it was distributed. There were celebrations on the same day in Charlestown, Roxbury, Medford, and Watertown. In Roxbury a purse was raised to furnish a free festival for the poor, that all classes might celebrate the day devoted to ' Liberty and Equality.' " A writer. In narrating the joyous events of this barbecue, wishes for the ' pen of a Burke to describe the scene which State street exhibited on this occasion.' He says : ' While the streets, houses, yea, even the chimney-tops, ■were covered with male spectators, the balconies and middle stories of the houses exhibited bevies of our amiable and beautiful women, who, by their smiles and approbation, cast a pleasing lustre over the festive scenes.' The Columbian Centinel closes its account of the festival with these words : ' It 264 HISTORY. generous and benevolent feelings which characterized him in his intercourse with other people. Observing the promising talents of Samuel Sewall, who, on account of family misfortunes, was in needy circumstances, he started a subscription paper to raise money to carry him through college, and, heading it with his own name, put it in circulation. By the assistance of money raised in this way, Mr. Sewall was enabled to obtain a liberal education, and in after-life showed that the sagacity, confidence, and generosity of Dr. Chauncy were not misplaced, and out of gratitude to his benefactor he named a son Charles Chauncy Sewall, afterward a clergyman in Medfield, Mass. Another trait in his character was industry ; and he never lost a moment in imparting instruc- tion, but took every occasion to convey some useful lesson to those about him, and especially to children. The writer well remembers once visiting at the house of his uncle Chauncy when a child, and, with others of his own age, was in the doc- tor's study. The doctor took some raisins in his hand, and showing them to the children, said, " Now, children, I am going to teach you a lesson of self-denial ; I will throw these raisins upon the floor, and you must not touch them until I give you must be added, to the credit of tlie citizens of this metropoHs, that, though the utmost hilarity and frolic were exhibited, not one accident happened or an event intervened that could give pain to the heart of sensibility.' " This celebration, like most others, had its ' shady side.' It was held the same week on which Louis the Sixteenth ascended the scaffold in Paris. A vessel from France soon brought news that the king had fallen a victim to the popular feehng. Such a use of the guillotine shocked the public mind, and the horns of the ox on the liberty pole in Boston were dressed in mourning." The writer witnessed the enthusiastic celebration, and well remembers, that, although all political parties united in it, yet upon hearing of the execution of the king upon the scaifold, there was much regret that such a cele- bration had taken place. All the leading federalists had joined in the fes- tival, in the belief that the despotic king, in granting the people a parliament, had established principles of liberty which would be lasting. But when it was found that the revolutionists went to those extremes which led to the death of the same monarch who had conceded to the people those princi2:»les of liberty to which their desires were limited, the public sentiment was nearly as unani- mous in lamenting the celebration, as it had been, a short time previous, in extollinat $900 per acre, subject to the widow's dower, and the residue to Mr. Mortimer C. Ferris, for 1 1,100 an acre. On the 2oth of October, 1750, William Hyslop married Me- hetable, daughter of David and Elizabeth Stoddard. She died on the 19th of November, 1792, in the seventy-fourth year of her age. He survived his wife but about four years, dying on the 11th of August, 1796, in the eighty-third year of his age. William Hyslop and Mehetable his wife had five children, — James, William, David, Elizabeth, who was married to Gov. Increase Sumner, the writer's father, and Mehetable.'^ ^ See Drake's Hist, of Boston, pp. 561-563, and notes thereto, for curious information relative to the smallpox in Boston, and the violent opposition to, and progress of, inoculation. It is a noteworthy fact, that Lady ]\Iary Wort- ley Montague introduced it into England. She began •vvith her little daughter Mary, afterward Lady Bute, wife of the celebrated minister of George III., ■who rendered himself conspicuous in advocating the measures against the colo- nies which brought on the Revolution. ^ James was born 17th Sept., 1751, died 9th May, 1752; William was born 6th Nov., 1753, married Betsey Williams of Salem on the 11th of June, 1787, and died 9th July, 1792, aged 39, leaving no children; David was born 28th WILLIAM HYSLOP. 277 Mr. Hyslop died possessed of a large property, which he had accumulated by his own industry. He was particularly observ- ant of the forms and ordinances of the strictest order of the Scotch Presbyterian church, and scrupulous in the observance of the principles of his religion. He was a friend and corre- spondent of the learned Scotch divine, John Erskine, and the writer has in his possession many autograph letters of that dis- tinguished clergyman, and also a volume of his sermons which the reverend doctor presented to his mother, with whom he kept up an interesting correspondence. He was also a friend and correspondent of the eminent divine and patriot, the Rev. Dr. Witherspoon of Princeton College, and the letters in the writer's possession show the intimacy and good feeling existing between them. Mrs. Hyslop w^as a devout and exemplary Christian, an amiable and affectionate wife, and very kind-hearted and atten- tive to all with whom she associated. A family custom comes to mind which recalls Mr. Hyslop and his wife ; she was in the habit of placing at the fire every evening at 8 o'clock, a silver can of port wine and water, a wine-glass of which both she and her husband would take before going to bed after evening prayers at 9 o'clock. Among the distinguishing traits in Mr. Hyslop's character were his generosity to the suffering poor, and his universal kindness of feeling and manner, and discreet philanthropy. He, with his patriotic friend, the Rev. Dr. Witherspoon, were members of the society for propagating the gospel among the Indians, and in furtherance of this cause he left a large legacy to Samuel Kirkland, a missionary among the Indians in New York, and father of President Kirkland of Harvard University; he also increased the value of this legacy by adding to it many books. The fact that he once cut down a fine walnut tree, in order that the children might pick the fruit without danger to life or limb in climbing the tree, shows in a striking manner his tender Dec. 1755, and died 16tli Aug. 1822; Elizabeth, born 5th Aug. 1757, and died 28th Dec. 1810; Mehetable, born loth Sept. 1763, and died the same day. 24 278 HISTORY. regard for, and desire to please, the young. His kindness of feeling was singularly manifest in his treatment of the brute creation, and the writer recalls an anecdote which well illus- trates this point. He would not suffer any animal to be ill- treated by his servants, and even interdicted Thomas, his coach- man, the use of his whip upon the coach-horses, — so much so that they went fast or slow at their own will, and at last even stopped to rest at the foot of the hill which led to his own house. One day when they stopped in the mud at the bottom of this long, steep, and somewhat miry hill, Thomas said he could not get them along unless he gave them a good thrash- ing. Mr. Hyslop answered him through the front window of the carriage, which was let down, " Give me the reins ; then go to the stable and get a measure of corn and hold it before the horses' noses, and let them taste it and try whether the grain will not do as well as the whip. Go before them up the hill shaking the grain in the measure, and see if they do not follow you to the front door of my house, whence, I dare say, you can get them to the stable without any severity, which I forbid under all circumstances." Thomas did as he was directed, and the horses unhesitatingly followed him up the hill. Increase Sumner, governor of Massachusetts, and husband of Elizabeth (Hyslop) Sumner, the owner of one third of Nod- dle's Island, was born in Roxbury, now in Norfolk county, then a part of Suffolk, on the 27th of November, 1746. His por- trait, painted when he was in the forty-seventh year of his age by Major John Johnson, and an engraving of which by the accomplished artist H. W. Smith faces the opening of this chapter, was taken in the robes worn by the justices of the supreme judicial court until about the year 1792, soon after the appointment of Judge Dawes to the bench. In the year 1797, after he was chosen governor, the portrait was retouched, and the hair dressed and powdered as he then wore it. The correct- ness of the likeness is simply but beautifully expressed in a note to the author from a niece of the governor, Mrs. Lucy Sheafe (formerly Miss Gushing), who passed many of her youthful days in his family. In acknowledging the receipt of the Memoir of Governor Sumner, which contained the likeness GOVERNOR INCREASE SUMNER. 281 inserted in this volume, her feelings find expression in the touching words, " On opening the book the perfect likeness of my dear uncle filled my eyes with tears, as the book fell from my hands." Governor Sumner descended from a long line of worthy ancestry, as will be seen by the pedigree facing page 291.^ He united in a most happy manner all those qualities which char- acterize the man, the citizen, the jurist, and statesman, and secured for himself the esteem and confidence of all those with whom he associated. The rudiments of learning he acquired under the instruction of the late Judge William Gushing, pre- ceptor of the public grammar-school in Roxbury, and he was also the pupil of Joseph Warren, the first martyr in the cause of American liberty, w ho for a time was teacher of the same school.^ His father having with reluctance yielded to the per- suasion of his instructors to give him a classical education, he entered Harvard College in 1763. During the course of study his reputation justified the predictions of his friends, and he graduated with high honors in 1767. Having studied law for two years in the office of Samuel Quincy, an eminent barrister and the solicitor-general of the province, he was admitted to ^ William Sumner, the first of the family in this country, with his wife Mary, settled in Dorchester, Mass., about the year 1635 ; he was born about the year 1605, and came from Burcester in Oxfordshire. His father, Roger, was buried, and he himself was baptized, in the Church St. Edburg, Bicester, which was erected about the year 1400 on the site and with the materials of a more an- cient structure built by St. Birinus. Accompanying the text is an engraving of this church, from a drawing taken on the spot, by Mr. H. G. Somerby, in 1854. ^ The records of the school (page 54 of " Abstract of Ancient Records and other Papers of the Free Schoole in Roxburie ") state, under the date of the 11th of April, 1760, that " Then the feofees agreed with Mr. Joseph Warren to take the school for one quarter of a year." And among the files of old papers pertaining to school matters is an autograph letter of Joseph Warren, dated "Boston, December, 1761," stating a balance of his salary to be due him, " by payment of which to my mother, or order, you will greatly oblige, Gentlemen, Your H. Servant "Joseph Warren." Following this is the receipt of his mother, dated "Roxbury, Dec. 18th, 1761," and signed "Mary Warren." 24* 282 lUSTORY. the bar in 1770, and opened liis office in Roxbury in the house in which his mother resided until her death. The people found him intelligent and worthy of confidence, and his business in the profession soon became important and lucrative. He was early called by his friends into public life, and filled various positions of honor and trust with eminent'success. In 1775, in order to escape the danger from the firing of the enemy from his advance lines on Roxbury Neck, he moved, with his mother's family, to his Morgan farm in Dorchester. Here he grafted many trees, which are still in bearing. In 1776 (May 22d), a period of great difficulties and fearful apprehensions, he was chosen a member of the " Great and General Court to be Convened, held and kept, for the Govern- ment Service at the Meeting House in Watertown," etc.^ He was reelected to the same office the following year (May 14th, 1777), and by a vote passed on the same day held a seat in the convention which met that year for agreeing on a form of gov- ernment. As no report of the proceedings was ever made, it is impossible to tell the part which any one took in the delibera- tions. The vote by which he held his seat in this convention is thus recorded : " Voted to Instruct their Representative to joyn in the House of Representatives in One Body with the Council to form such a Constitution of Government as they shall judge Best Calculated to Promote the Happiness of this State and to be under Such Restrictions as are mentioned in a Resolve of the General Court pa^ the 5'^ Day of May, 1777." 2 In 1778 (May 20th), Mr. Sumner was again chosen to repre- sent the town at the general court. On the 10th of the follow- ^ Roxbury Town Records, Vol. II. p. 2G3. Upon the same page, and as a part of the record of the same town meeting, is an entry which is very interest- iiion ; and that all the women and children who wished could leave it. About twenty young ladies, relatives and friends of the Williams family then residing on Nod- dle's Island, took up their residence there for the time. One of the young ladies chanced to have a beau residing in the city, and notwithstanding all communication by boats was cut off, this young lover was determined to see his mistress ; and every night he swam across the channel with his clothes upon his head, to see the object of his affections. The parties, one of whom was the lady who told the story, afterward were married. Thus we present the anecdote from both the parties. Over the martial multitude at Cambridge, Gen. Artemas Ward, of Massachusetts, being the oldest officer, was appointed commander. " His commission as commander-in-chief of the Bay troops was delivered to him on the 20th (April) by the provincial congress." ^ Soon after the battle of Lexington and Concord,^ some > Gordon's Hist. Am. Rev. Vol. I. p. 486. * The mere names of" Lexington and Coneord remind the writer of his duty to the memory of his much respected friend, the late Gov. Brooks, which has for so long a time been omitted. The account which follows was received from him when riding with him to attend a review near Concord. On the way, in passing over the bridge, he pointed out the very barn under cover of which he made the attack. The sight of these brought to his mind the circumstances which he then related ; or otherwise, from his well-known modesty, it is probable the public would never have been informed of the par- ticulars of this attack of the gallant captain, with a single company, upon the whole British army, which would hardly have been justifiable had not the enemy been on a hasty retreat. When speaking of the valor of our undisciplined militia in the first day's conflict at Lexington and Concord, which spread so much alarm through the country, he observed that the Reading company of minute-men, which he was chosen to command when he first commenced the practice of medicine in that town, were a little better drilled, although he did not claim for them greater courage, than those who were earlier engaged in the conflict. "When he took the command of that company, he judged from the signs of the times that it was his first duty to those who had placed confidence in him, to acquire what knowledge he could of military matters. Accordingly he made a visit to Salem to consult Col. Pickering, who was then considered the best tactician 356 HISTORY. [1775. measures of precaution on the part of the provincials became necessary. The first steps of this kind on record were taken by General Ward, who gave orders to Colonel Stark to take a small escort and examine Noddle's Island, with a view to ascer- tain the practicability of erecting a battery there to annoy the British shipping. He was accompanied on this expedition by Major Mc Clary, who a few days after did valiant service in the battle of Bunker Hill, where his sonorous voice rang clear above the din of arms, animating and encouraging the men, ■with whom he could readily confer. lie found the instructions he thus received of great use when, soon afterward, he fired upon the British army on their retreat from Concord. As soon as the news of the fight at Lexington reached Reading, he called out his companj^ and marched directly towards Concord, where were the stores which they supposed Gen. Gage had in view to destroy. On his march, at the intersection of the road from Chelmsford with the one that led from Bedford to Concord, upon which he was travelling, he came in contact with Col. Bridge, to whose regiment his company belonged. lie was on his way to Concord with the rest of the regiment, or as much of it as he had been able to collect. Capt. Brooks saluted, and reported himself for orders. Col. Bridge said, " I am glad you have come up, Captain. We will stop here and give our men some refreshment, and then j)ush on to Concord." The answer was, " My men have just refreshed themselves, and as I think there is no time to be lost, with your leave I will go ahead ; and as neither of us is aware of what is tak- ing place, if I get into any difficulty I shall know that you will soon follow me, and shall have the main body of your regiment to fall back upon." The colonel replied, " You may go; but as you are unacquainted with the posture ofaHairs, be careful and not go too far ahead." Having this authority from his colonel, Capt. Brooks hastened on toward Concord, and when he came near the main road from Concord to Lexington, he saw the flank guard of the British army on this side of a hill which intervened and kept the main body from his sight. He imagined that the soldiers he saw belonged to the Charles- town Artillery Company (having the same colored uniform) on their retreat from the scene of conflict. He halted until he discovered his mistake by see- ing the flank guard fall in with the main body to cross a bridge over a large brook on the road. Finding that his position could not be outflanked, he ordered his men to advance, and, taking a position at Merriam's Corner, covered by a barn and the walls around it, told them to fire directly at the bridge, which was twenty or thirty rods off. As tlie British army was in great haste to make good its retreat, it fired but one volley in return. When the enemy had passed, examination was made to see what had been the effect of the fire, and several persons — the writer thinks he said nine — were found hors de combat on or near the bridge. 1775.] SKIRMISH. 357 while his brave deeds showed them a brilliant example. He was killed near the close of the battle, and the circumstances attending the death of this patriotic soldier were peculiar. " He had galloped to Medford and returned with dressings for the wounded, when h(; ordered Ca])tain Dearborn to advance toward the Neck with his company, whilst he crossed over to reconnoitre the enemy. He was returning with Lieutenant- colonel Robinson and others, and boasting that the shot com- missioned to kill him was not yet cast, when a cannon-ball from the Glasgow tore him to pieces. No smaller weapon seemed worthy to destroy the gigantic hero." ^ A slight skirmish took place on the Island between Colonel Stark's company and a party of the enemy, which landed with the intention of intercepting the return of the company to the main land. After exchanging a few shots, the British retired. At this time, the numerous islands in Boston harbor, which ren- der it so beautiful, were stocked with cattle, horses, sheep, etc. These were owned by different persons, some occupying the islands, others, gentlemen residing on the main land. The stock on Hog island was owned by Oliver Wendell, of Boston, one of the "committee of correspondence, inspection, and safety," and afterward known as Judge Wendell, for a long course of years one of the governor's council, and Mr. Jonathan Jackson, of Newburyport, who, after his removal to Boston, was appointed supervisor of the internal revenue ; he was also treasurer of Harvard University.^ The stock on Noddle's ^ History of Battle of Bunker Ilill, by Samuel Swett, p. 48. * When the writer had charge of his mother's and uncle's part of Noddle's Island, after his father's death, INIr. Jackson, who was highly esteemed for his gentlemanly deportment, as well as his high and honorable character, had been recently appointed treasurer of Harvard University. He Avas to be found in the supervisor's oflice, in a large building on the north side of Oliver street, formerly the elegant residence of Mr. INIcUonough, the British consul. It is not now recollected who preceded Mr. Jackson in the office of treasurer ; but it is very certain that no great pains were taken in the collection of the college dues, nor was the account of its funds kept witii the same punctilious exactness as by the eminent gentleman Avho is the subject of this note, as the following story Avill prove. The reader has learned from this history that S. S. Yeamans, the devisor of Noddle's Island to his three aunts, one of whom was Mrs. Ilyslop, the writer's 858 HISTORY. [1775. Island was owned by Mr. Henry Howell Williams, the tenant, who was habitually accustomed to supply outward bound ves- sels with live-stock and poultry from his large and varied stock. grandmother, also devised to them a farm in Clielsea of four hundred acres, "which his progenitors owned in fee-simple, subject to Newdigate's gift of an annuity of £5 to Harvard University. This farm Col. Shrimpton bought of Mr. Newdigate, and it had been kept in the family subject to this annuity. Mention is made of it in a letter from Thomas Greenough to Mr. Ycamans, dated 1st May, 17G7. " Our forefathers, when our college w^as in its infancy, used to have dona- tions very often to the college to encourage learning, and it was a noble thing that God put it into the hearts of our ancestors to erect such a school for the prophets, which has been as a fountain, from which have flowed streams Avhich have rejoiced the city of our God, and trained up many for eminent blessings in their day to church and State. " By the Avill of John New(di)gate, who owned the Chelsea farm, who died in the year 1G65, (he) gave £5 p. ann. forever to Harvard College, in Cam- bridge, and subjected the farm to pay said sum, and your great gi'andfather, Col. Saml. Shrimpton, purchased this farm of Jno. New(di)gate's son Na- thaniel, with this incumbrance of £5 ; he gave £350 sterling for said farm, as appears by the deed." The writer, in behalf of the proprietors, went to Mr. Jackson at the super- visor's office, for the purpose of paying this annuity. When the sum due was ascertained, he, stepping to a large office desk of several comjiartments in the middle of the room, took, from a quire of paper upon it, a sheet, for the pur- pose of inditing a receipt for the money he was about to pay. Noticing this, Mr. Jackson said, " Stop, sir, if you please ; I '11 give you the paper which I •wish you to use ; " and opening a drawer, took therefrom paper, pen, and ink, which he handed to me, saying, " This is the college drawer; the paper you were about to use belongs to the supervisor's department." Such punctilious honesty is rarely witnessed in the present day, even by the descendants of the Silver Greys of Newburyport. He was the father of the late Judge Jackson, and was connected by kin or marriage with the Lowells, Higginsons, Cabots, and other of the first families. The writer well remembers the deep impression his funeral made upon the public mind. It had been custom- ary, up to this time, to have a numerous procession of mourners and friends, male and female, follow the hearse on foot, and a long line of carriages with liveried servants, only a few of Avhich had any one in them, sent by their several owners to show their respect for the deceased, the degree of it in which he was held being estimated by the length of the procession. This custom was broken in upon by Mr. Jackson, the funeral being conducted, by his direction, in the most simple manner, only a few of the nearest male connections following the hearse on foot. This custom has been almost universally followed, save by the Cath- olic Irish, who still retain their fondness for long processions in numerous car- riages, not always empty ! 1775.] • THE .NECESSITIES OF THE BRITISH. 359 The possession of the live-stock upon the dilTerent islands in the liarbor was a matter of no small consequence to the British. The army, then consisting of three thousand effective troops, occupied the town, while a fleet lay in the harbor. These forces were to be fed, and provisions were to be obtained in the face of very serious obstacles. In allusion to this state of things, Freneau,^ the spirited song writer of the Revolution, in his " ISlidnight 31usinf^s : or, a Trip to Boston,''^ published in 1775, referring to the necessities of the British army, and the attempts made to obtain provisions on the islands, puts these words into the mouth of General Gage : — " Three weeks, ye gotls ! nay, three long years it seems, Since 7-oast bee/1 have touched, except in dreams. In sleep, choice dishes to my view repair ; Waking, I gape, and champ the empty air. Say, is it just, that I, who rule these bantls. Should live on husks, like rakes in foreign lands ? Come, let us plan some object, ere we sleep, And drink destruction to the rebel sheep. On neighboring isles, uncounted cattle stray, Fat beeves and swine, — an ill defended prey : These are fit visions for my noon-day dish ; These, if my soldiers act as I could wish. In one short week would glad your maws and mine ; On mutton we will sup, on roast beef dine." But while the hungry wants of the general and his army, and their plans for relief, seem to have afforded peculiar pleasure to the inuse of Freneau, it was really a matter of great moment to the British army. Of salt provisions there was a good supply, but the men, unaccustomed to such diet, were fast falling sick. Of fresh provisions they were entirely destitute. To obtain these was a work of great difficulty. The army was completely invested. The hitherto despised provincials had shut in the British, made use of the very lines on Boston Neck which Gage iiimself had erected, and were waiting impatiently for the oppor- ^ Philip Freneau was born In the cit}- of New York, January 2d, 17.32 ; died December 18th, 1832. 3G0 HISTORY. [1775. tunity to drive the royal forces to the fleet. Communication with the country was cut off. Had it not been, the reception the British had met with from the few and hastily gathered Americans in their visit to Lexington and Concord indicated the danger of penetrating the interior in the face of the army, undis- ciplined though it was, which then surrounded the town, led by Ward, Putnam, Warren, Prescott, Mc Clary, and Stark. General Gage was then in command, in his capacity of governor. The troubles which had been years in coming to a crisis had now caused open warfare. While hopes of peace were entertained in England, he himself had precipitated the contest by carrying out the will of the king and of the British ministry, which looked only to coercion. Notwithstanding the large army and fleet under his command, he had miscalculated his own strength and the valor of the provincials. His position at this time had began to undeceive him. He received still more light in the contests on Noddle's Island ; and was finally fully enlightened on the 17th of June following. " The trials we have had," wrote he, " show the rebels are not the despicable rabble too many have supposed them to be." The writer is gratified in being able to present to the public a correct likeness of the last royal governor of Massachusetts. It is taken from an original portrait of life size, now in possession of the writer, which was presented to him by Admiral Sir William Hall Gage, a son of the governor,^ who is still living at an advanced age, and is said by him and the present Lord Gage, a grandson of the governor, to be an excellent like- ^ Sir William Hall Gage, G. C. II. (knighted for his brilliant naval exploits) is the third son of the Hon. General Thomas Gage, and was born in Park Place, St, James, 1777; entered the navy in 1789; vfhen lieutenant in La Minerve (42), distinguished himself in an action with the Spanish frigates in 1796 ; he also received much praise for his conduct at the capture of La Mu- tine, French corvette ; commanded the Terpischore frigate subsequently ; was afterward employed at the blockade of Malta; in 1801 was concerned in the cutting out of La Chevrette, 20 guns and 390 men, from under the batteries of Camaret, near Brest; subsequently commanded the Thetis and the Indus ; at- tained the rank of admiral of the blue in 184G ; was a lord of the admiralty from September, 1841, to July, 184G ; and commander-in-chief at Plymouth, from 1848 to 1851. — Dod's Peerage, p. 251. ' f^"^ Trotn an original Portraitm the posspssion of r.cni WE Suiiiuei'. 1775.] LETTER FROM ADMIRAL GAGE. 861 ness. The letter of Admiral Gage to the writer sending the picture, of which the following is a copy, will be read with interest. " Bury St. Edmunds, 1st July, 1857. " My dear General, — When you read the account of Lady Gage's sudden death, you will not feel surprise that Lord Gage forgot every thing else for the moment,^ but he sent me your letter of the 12th June a few days ago, in which you are pleased to accept the picture of the late General Gage. Your wish to have a portrait of my father quite delights me, and I send you the one I have long had in my possession with the greatest pos- sible pleasure. The likeness, so far as I recollect, of his person and figure is better than either of those at Firle,^ although not a full length ; they were painted when he was a younger man, and before I could remember." In the same letter, in answer to some inquiries respecting a memoir of Gen. Gage, he replies : — " I am not aware of there being any biographical memoir of my father, but I know he saw a great deal of service. He was in the Guards, and an aid-de-camp to the Duke of Cumberland at the battle of Fontenay, in 1745, and in the same capacity at Culloden, in 1746. He was a fellow-soldier of the great Wash- ington when General Braddock was killed near Fort du Quesne in 1755. This is all I remember excepting that after his return from America he commanded a division of the army encamped at Cox-heath, until the close of the war in 1783. " I have not been able to find a letter of General Gage's among my mother's papers excepting one relating to his pub- * This sentence will be best explained by the following extract from a pri- vate letter from Lord Gage to the author : — " I am sure you will be sorry to hear that we are suffering under the most distressing bereavement. Poor Lady Gage has been suddenly taken from us by an apoplectic fit. To her children she was the best of mothers, to me all in all. *' Believe me ever, very truly yours, " Gage." ^ One of the residences of Lord Gage. 31 362 HISTORY. [1775. lie accounts, which I sent to Lord Gage some little time back.i " I have had the picture packed in a case with the following direction : — 'To General W. H. Sumner, Jamaica Plain, Boston, Mass., U. S. A.' " I hope you may receive it in due time. I beg to present my kind regards to Mrs. Sumner. " I am, my dear General, " Very sincerely, yours, "W. H. Gage." The above letter, which is but one from a number which have been received on the same subject from the admiral and his nephew, the present Lord Gage, is quoted at length on ac- count of the historical allusions, and to show the genuineness of the portrait. The life and public services of Gen. Gage while in this coun- try being fully shown in its histories, only a few prominent points need be given. The Hon. General Thomas Gage was the second son of the first Viscount Gage, and, entering in early life the British army, served with credit under several distin- guished commanders. Fortune favored him, and he rose rap- idly in the service. He was lieutenant-colonel in the ill-fated expedition of Gen. Braddock (which was planned by the Duke of Cumberland, then captain-general of the British army, to whom he was aid-de-camp), led the advanced guard and was severely wounded in that disastrous battle, which cost the brave but self-confident Braddock his life, and which gave to Wash- ington a brilliant name as a prudent, and at the same time a brave, officer. Through the kindness of Col. Thomas Aspinwall, its fortu- nate possessor, the writer has permission to examine and make use of a valuable manuscript, containing queries propounded to Gen. Gage by George Chalmers, and Gage's answers to these in his own hand-writing. From this important paper ^ ^ This letter has been forwarded to the author hy Lord Gage, and is now in his possession. ^ Now printed in Mass. Hist. Coll. Vol. J .'. 4th Series. 17 75.] PUBLIC LIFE OF GENERAL GAGE. 363 is extracted the following account of Braddock's defeat, which will prove very interesting to the reader, coming from such a source, and containing many valuable facts and supposi- tions. Says Gen. Gage : " The cause of Gen. Braddock's disaster is to be attributed, first, to the Province disappointing him in the Carriages and Provisions they engaged to furnish by a stated time ; by which he was detained several weeks, when otherwise ready to proceed, and the Plan he had concerted with the Gov""^, to march with expedition to Fort Du Quesne before the enemies and reinforcements could arrive, was, by that means, prevented. Secondly, to his being defeated near the Mononga- hela, the cauye of which was his own inexperience and that of his troops of the kind of country in which the war was carried on, and of the enemy he was to engage, whose manner of fight- ing was new to Europeans, tho' adapted to their circumstances and the nature of the Country, in which heavy fires from close and compact bodies would not prevail. Two expeditions had been concerted in 1755 ; one to remove the French from the Ohio above mentioned ; the other under Mr. Shirley, Governor of Massachusetts Bay had for its object the securing the Pass into the British Provinces by Oswego and to remove the French from Niagara and F*^ Frontenac on the W. & E. sides of Lake Ontario. Two new^ raised Reg*^ with provincial troops of N. England, N. York & Jersey, were appointed for this service ; and so much time lost was through delays, mistakes, &c,, in setting forward these troops that the enemy had full time to reinforce and secure their posts, and Braddock was defeated before they got to their Rendezvous. Gen Shirley raised some works at Oswego, left troops to defend them, and returned with the rest." Gen. Gage then proceeds to notice the origin of the hostilities commenced in 1755, and in a very concise manner traces the causes which, in his view, brought on that war. It will be inter- esting to extract this recital, which is in the following lan- guage:— " The Indian tribes had long complained of encroachments upon their lands without getting more satisfaction than fair 364 HISTORY. [1775. words and empty promises. Instead of doing them justice, a Society called the Ohio Company was formed whose object was to obtain large Districts of Country upon or near the Ohio for its members, and it was so openly avowed that the Indians became acquainted with the design. They remonstrated against the Injustice of it, and at length, tired out, told the English they were an infatuated people, deserted them, and applied to the French for protection. " These entreaties first brought the French upon the Ohio, who declared they came there only as Friends and Allies to the Indians, and to protect their property. Alarmed at the prox- imity of the French, the provinces clamoured, the Governors applied for assistance, and troops were unfortunately sent to America. " From the above it may be seen that the primary causes of the war of 1755, which extended itself over the four parts of the world, are to be traced to the banks of the Ohio, and that Britain was then, as she always has been, duped by her colonies." The closing remark in this extract may perhaps strike the reader unfavorably ; but it must be remembered that Gen. Gage was an Englishman, high in authority under the king, and naturally looked at the colonial affairs with the peculiar views and feelings of the ministry at that time. In the same MS. from which these extracts have been taken is mentioned a striking illustration of the almost universal patriotism of the colonists. The incident has relation to the famous destruction of the tea in Boston harbor, and is thus related : — " The rioters who destroyed the Tea were to be prosecuted according to the forms of law ; and what is worthy of remark is that of the Thousands concerned in that riot, or who were spectators of it, only one witness could be procured to give tes- timony against them, and that one conditionally that the delin- quents should be tried in England." The British general also gives an instance of the accuracy and speed with which the rebels obtained news from England, often anticipating the government despatches. He says : — " A letter from Bristol to Doctor Cooper, signed with a fie- 1775.] PUBLIC LIFE OF GENERAL GAGE. 365 titions name, was intercepted, encouraging them to take arms, and giving assurance of a rising in England the moment blood should be shed in America. An instance of the Intelligence sent them is, that on the arrival of two vessels from Marblehead on the 8th of April, 1775, an unusual hurry and commotion was perceived among the disaffected. It being on a Sunday morn- ing, Dr. Cooper, a notorious rebel, was officiating in his meet- ing-house, and on notice given him, pretended sudden sickness, went home, and sent to another clergyman to do his duty in the evening. He with every other chief of the Faction left Boston before night and never returned to it. The cause at the time unknown was discovered on the 14th of said month when a vessel arrived with Government despatches which contained directions to seize the persons of certain notorious rebels. It was too late. They had received timely notice of their danger, and were fled." After the conquest of Canada in 1760, Gen. Gage w^as ap- pointed governor of Montreal, and at the departure of Amherst, in 1763, was commissioned commander-in-chief of the British forces in America. Upon the recall of Hutchinson he w^as ap- pointed governor of Massachusetts, and arrived in Boston on the 13th of May, 1774.^ General Gage had the misfortune to * Gen. Gage upon his arrival landed at Long wharf, and was escorted by the Independent Company of Cadets, under Col. John Hancock, which was the governor's body guard, to the Province house, which was prepared for his reception. This was a large three-story brick building in Washington, nearly opposite the western end of Milk, street. It was fifty feet or more from the street, and had a court-yard in front enclosed with an iron fence, and within which were four large English elms ; " Province Court " still marks this locality. Upon the arrival of the escort at the government house, the governor ob- served, as he passed the lines, that the customary salute was not given. He eent for Colonel Hancock, and demanded an explanation of the omission. The colonel's reply, tliat it was through forgetfulness, and that no disrespect was intended, did not satisfy the governor, who deprived him of his commission. This anecdote was related to the writer by Edward Stowe, a member of the ccmpany, and a clerk in the adjutant-general's office. He remained in Bos- ton during the siege. This occurrence broke up the company, and it remained disorganized until 1787, when, through the influence of General Brooks, who drew the act, the legislature reorganized it. 31' 366 HISTORY. [1775. enter upon the duties of his office at a time when, as a faithful servant of his sovereign, it became necessary for him to execute laws framed expressly for inflicting chastisement upon the peo- ple of the colony over which he was placed, and thus he became identified with the various oppressive measures which were adopted by the home government. Of a naturally amiable dis- position, his benevolence often outweighed his justice in the scale of duty ; and under other circumstances he might have been a favorite with the colony, while now his name is necessa- rily connected with oppression and hatred of freedom. Previous to this time, he had always won favor and esteem in the various positions he had occupied, and had rendered himself popular ; but, in the words of a historian, "he was altogether unfit for a governor of Massachusetts." He entirely mistook the character of the Americans, and engaged, with five regiments of troops, to keep Boston quiet! In May, 1775, the provincial congress declared him unworthy of obedience, and disqualified him from serving as governor ; and from that time the exercise of his func- tions was confined to Boston. In October of the same year he went to England, sailing from Boston, and expecting to return to America and resume the command ; but it was determined otherwise, and Gen. Howe was appointed in his place. After his return to England he commanded a division of the army encamped at Cox-heath until the close of the war. He died in April, 1787, near the seventy-sixth year of his age.i Gen. Gage was linked to this country by domestic ties, hav- ing married, at Mount Kemble, into one of the most respectable families of New Jersey, subsequently to Braddock's defeat, and while he was under the command of Lord Amherst. His wife was Margaret, daughter of Peter Kemble, Esq., President of the Council in New Jersey, and owner of the seat called Mount Kemble, three miles from Morristown. By this marriage he had six sons and five daughters. The wife of General Sum- ner, Mary Dickinson Kemble, is the grand-daughter of Peter ^ Allen's Biog. Dictionary, p. 371 ; Appleton's Encyclopfediaof Biog. p. 311 ; Lossing's Field-Book of the llcvolutlon, Vol. I. p. 573; Drake (Ilist. Boston, p. 750) dates his death 2d April, 1788. 1775.] DEPREDATIONS OF THE BRITISH. 367 Kemble, and the niece of Gen. Gage.^ It may also be men- tioned as a fact, j)erliaps a little singular, that she is also the grand-daughter of the American general, John Cadwalader, the confidential friend of Washington, who served his country with eminent distinction in the Revolutionary war, and whose grand- son. Gen. George Cadwalader, gained an honorable fame in the Mexican war, thus being connected with two officers of high rank, engaged in the same war and upon opposite sides. Returning from what, the author hopes, is an acceptable digression, the reader will resume the Island narrative. The occasional engagements with the outposts of the enemy and with foraging parties accustomed the provincial troops to face the British soldiers, and to become familiar with the dan- gers of war. These skirmishes were of great service in con- vincing the Americans that in fair conflict they were at least an equal match for the enemy ; that their zeal, courage, and deter- mined energy, were even superior to the British ; and that, with the consciousness of right on their side, the contest would be vigorously, and, in the end, successfully maintained. The islands in the harbor, stocked as they were with cattle, became the scenes of numerous skirmishes, and the alarms which were raised in the neighboring towns of predatory excur- sions for the seizure of cattle, kept the local militia in a state of continual vigilance. The depredations of the British were frequent, and were energetically made, and were as often and vigorously repulsed ; and as an additional measure of safety and precaution, companies were raised in several towns for the de- fence of the sea-coast, and preparations were made for the establishment of a naval force at the most exposed places. The most important of the engagements which took place between the battles of Lexington and Bunker Hill was the series of conflicts on Noddle's and Hog Islands, which con- tinued at intervals from the 27th to the 30th of May.2 These two islands, abounding in forage and stocked with cattle, were * N. E. Hist, and Gen. Register, Vol, VHT. p. 128^. * Barry's Hist. Mass. Yol. III. p. 15 and notes. 368 HISTORY. [1775. frequently visited by the English, who went there for provisions. The provincials resolved to put a stop to this by removing the cattle, and taking away and destroying all the provender they could find. This purpose they carried into effect, not, however, without a vigorous opposition on the part of the royalists, Nod- dle's Island being the principal scene of action. A second time the provincials landed on the Island and took off a great number of cattle, and a few days later effected the same object on Deer, Pettick's, and other islands in the harbor. In reference to one of these excursions, Newell says, in his journal, under date of 12th July, 1775 : — " Two men-of-war made a heavy fire on Long island. The provincials in sixty-five whale-boats, and five hundred men, went last night and brought away thirty-one head of cattle, sheep, a quantity of hay, seized fourteen of the king's mowers, and the family belonging to the Island. Next day returned and fired the mansion-house and barn. A man-of-war was continu- ally firing upon them." ^ In all these actions the provincials displayed the most intrepid courage, and were acquiring greater confidence in themselves; while the British garrison learned severe lessons from their rebel opposers, and suffered greatly from the scarcity of food.2 The efforts put forth by the colonists to clear the islands of live-stock, forage, and of every thing which could be of use to the enemy, were made under the authority both of the provin- cial congress and of the committee of safety,^ both of which bodies took especial action on the subject; and if the expedi- tions to the islands did not originate with congress and the committee, they certainly were prosecuted to a successful issue under their authority, and through officers of their own appoint- ment. For instance, on the 14th of May, 1775, the committee 1 Mass. Illst. Coll. Vol. I. Fourth Series. * Botta's Hist. Am. Rev. Vol. I. p. 305. * " The committee of safety, elected anew by congress at every session, were the real executive of Massachusetts. They were empowered generally to watch over the safety of the commonwealth, and advise congress of such measures as they thought beneficial and expressly commissioned." — Battle of Bunker Hill, by Samuel Swett, p. 1. 1775.] DEPREDATIONS ON THE ISLANDS. 369 of safety passed the following resolution : " Resolved, as the opinion of this committee, that all the live-stock be taken from Noddle's Island, Hog island. Snake island, and from that part of Chelsea near the sea-coast, and be driven back ; and that the execution of this business be committed to the committees of correspondence and selectmen of the towns of iNIedford, Maiden, Chelsea, and Lynn, and that they be supplied with such a num- ber of men as they shall need from the regiment now at INIed- ford."^ The troops at Medford were about a thousand in number, from New Hampshire, under Colonels Reed and Stark. On the 23d of May, a special committee of the provincial congress reported (in substance), that, on account of the frequent plundering and depredations on the islands and sea-coast of the province, by which hay, cattle, sheep, etc., were taken, to the injury of individuals and the public, it be recommended to the several towns and districts on the sea-coasts of the colony, and to all persons living on the islands on the coast, to remove their hay, cattle, sheep, etc., w^iich w^ere exposed to these ravages, so far into the country as to be out of the way of their "implaca- ble enemies;" and the committee also recommended that care be taken that this resolve be put into immediate and strict exe- cution, etc? This report was referred to the next provincial congress, which convened at Watertown on the 31st day of the same month. Upon the day following that upon which the above report was made, namely, the 24th of May, the committee of safety, as if their attention had been turned from the islands in general to the important matters pertaining to one in particular, resolved " That it be recommended to congress, immediately, to take such order respecting the removal of the sheep and hay from Noddle's Island as they may judge proper, together with the stock on the adjacent islands." ^ Thus it appears that Noddle's Island received the especial attention of the colonial authorities, and that the expeditions ^ Journals of Each Provincial Congress of Mass. p. 545. - Ibid. p. 252. ^, Ibid. p. 55 7, 370 HISTORY. [1775. to that and other islands were not mere individual excur- sions, but were under the highest executive authority of the colony. The engagement on Noddle's Island demanding a fuller account than has yet been given to the public, the writer has taken pains to collect all the information possible concerning it; and from private manuscripts and papers in his possession he is able to present many details not before published, which show this battle to have been of much more importance than has generally been supposed, and which, in the writer's opinion, will justify future historians in calling this the second battle of the Revolution.^ Followed, as it so soon was, by the battle of Bunker Hill, which in itself and in its results so astonished the military world, its relative importance and position in the con- flict with the mother country have been underestimated or wholly lost sight of. As many of the authorities from which this narrative is gathered are new to the public, and as original Revolutionary documents possess. great interest, it has been thought advisable, even at the risk of repetition, to quote some papers verbatim. Written at the time and by persons of different political views * In giving this numerical order to the early battles of the Revolution, the author is not forgetful of the bold exploit at Piscataqua on the evening of the loth December, 17 74, nor of the encounter at Salem on the 26th February, 1775, which came near resulting in a battle. But these were only ebullitions of pub- lic sentiment similar to the destruction of the tea in Boston harbor, and were prior to the actual resort to arms, and therefore cannot be reckoned among the battles of the Revolutionary war, which commenced with that on the 1 9th of April at Lexington. Every thing previous to that memorable day was only preliminary to, and in preparation for, the long contest, which was then inaugu- rated in so eventful a manner. Of the encounter at Salem, Trumbull, in his McFingal, wrote, — " Through Salem straight without delay, The bold battalion took its way ; ]\Iarched o'er a bridge in open sight Of several Yankees armed for fight ; Then, without loss of time or men. Veered round for Boston back again, And ibund so well their projects thrive Th^t every soul got back alive ! " 17 75.] NODDLE'S ISLAND GARRISONED. 371 and various stations in life, tliey will interest the reader more if given literally, than if abbreviated or otherwise altered. On Saturday, the 27th of May, 1775, a small party of the American army at Cambridge received orders from Gen. Ward^ to drive off the live-stock from Hog and Noddle's Islands. Advantage was to be taken of the ebb tide, when the water would be fordable from Chelsea to Hog island, and from Hog island to Noddle's Island, it there being only about knee high. This detachment, composed of Massachusetts and New Hamp- shire men, and numbering from two to three hundred by some accounts,"^ and six hundred by another,^ was led by Col. John Stark of New Hampshire, afterward General John Stark, of Bennington fame. Forty marines from the British fleet had been previously stationed on Noddle's Island as a garrison, and for the protec- tion of the live-stock. It is probable that these marines were from the squadron sent over to this country late in the autumn of 1774; for in the "Massachusetts Spy" of December 8th, 1774, in the column of London news, is the following notice of the kind of service they were drilled for: — "October loth. — We are authorized to assure the public that a squadron of men-of-war is ordered to be fitted out with the utmost expedition, in order to proceed to Boston ; and that the said squadron is to take a battalion of marines on board from the Chatham division. Those marines are intended to act as emergencies may require, either on board ship or on shoreJ^ " October 16th. — A letter from Chatham, England, dated the 12th instant, says : ' A detachment of marines, consisting of one hundred and fifty men, exclusive of officers, among whom is Major Pircian (Pitcairn?), is ordered to march from hence to Portsmouth to be embarked in the ships now fitting out at that port for Boston.' " ^ There is no written order to this effect, Avhich gives reason to believe that at, and previous to, the battle of Bunker Hill, the "orders" were given ver- bally, and not in ■writing. * Handbill printed at Newport 1st June, 1775, in the writer's possession ; also Col. Humphrey's Life of Gen. Putnam, p. 94. ^ Boston Gazette and Country Journal, June 5th, 1775 ; Gordon's Hist. Am. Rev. Vol. H. p. 21. 372 HISTORY. [1775. These extracts render it probable that the marines sent to the Island were a part of this detachment, which was intended for both ship and shore service. Col. Stark with his detachment first crossed from Chelsea to Hog island, and took from it four hundred sheep, represented erroneously, we think, as stolen by General Gage and deposited there for safe-keeping.^ They then passed over to Noddle's Island to rescue the cattle there from their British keepers. The party had killed a few horses and " divers horned cattle," and taken away alive a few more, when a signal gun was fired from an armed schooner lying at anchor near Winnisimet ferry ways. The British admiral hoisted a red flag at mainmast-head, and sent the schooner, which mounted four six-pounders and twelve swivels, an armed sloop, and a large number of marines from the different men-of-war, up Chelsea creek, to cut off our re- turn to the main land. The barges conveying these marines were eleven in number, and all were mounted with swivels.^ A heavy fire was now opened from the sloop and schooner, under cover of which the marines advanced upon our men, who were busily engaged upon the Island in the prosecution of their object. In the mean time. General Gage sent over from the city a hundred regulars to reinforce the marines previously sta- tioned on the Island. The provincials, under this heavy fire, retreating to a ditch in the marsh, kept themselves undiscovered until they had opportunity to fire with effect upon the enemy, thus early adopting a practice, for which they were so celebrated during the war, of reserving their fire until sure of their aim, and which in this instance resulted in killing some and wound- ing others of the unsuspecting regulars. They then recrossed to Hog island, where they were joined by the remainder of the party from Chelsea, the regulars, who remained upon Noddle's Island, firing upon them at the same time very briskly by pla- toons. Having cleared Hog island of all the stock, and a sharp fire still continuing between them and the schooner, sloop, boats, and marines, the provincials drew up on Chelsea Neck, and sent ^ New Hampshire Gazette and Historical Chronicle, June 2, 1775. ^ Gordon's Hist. Am. Ecv. Vol. II. p. 2-4 ; Boston Gazette, June 5, 1775. 1775.] . THE BATTLE. 373 for a reinforcement. General Putnam, with three hundred men and two four-pounders, came to their aid, and, being the highest in rank, he took command of our united forces, which now amounted to about a thousand men. The gallant and patriotic Warren also, too ardent to remain at a distance, has- tened to the spot as a volunteer, and by words and deeds en- couraged the men.i Putnam reached the ground about nine o'clock in the evening, and took in at a glance the true state of things. Perceiving Noddle's Island occupied by a large body of the enemy, and that a galling fire was kept up by the schooner, sloop, and boats, he with his customary coolness went down to the shore and hailed the schooner, which was within speaking distance, offering the men good quarters if they would surren- der. The schooner answered with two cannon shot, which was immediately replied to by two discharges from the cannon of the provincials. A heavy fire ensued from both sides. The armed sloop, and a great number of boats sent from the ships, came to the aid of the schooner, and at the same time a large reinforcement of marines, with two twelve-pounders, was sent to Noddle's Island. For two hours the engagement was severe, until the firing from the schooner ceased. The fire from the shore was so hot that her men found that they must perish on board their vessel, or make their escape from it. The love of life conquered, and they hastily took to their boats, leaving the schooner and all she contained as booty for the provincials. The barges attempted to tow her back to her station through the sharp fire of Putnam's men ; but, unable to endure the severe fire, they were compelled to quit her. The battle now becoming more general, continued through the whole night ; and during the action a large barn full of hay and an old farm-house on the Island were burned. The schooner drove ashore on the Winnisimet ferry-ways, and a party, consisting of Isaac Baldwin and twelve others of the provincials, after taking from her whatever was valuable, rolled bundles of hay under her stern, and set her on fire and ' Gordon's Hist. Am. War, Yol. II. p. 24 ; Frotliingham's Siege of Boston, p. 109 ; Swett's Hist. Battle of Bunker Hill, p. 9. 32 374 HISTORY. [1775. burned her up. The reason for burning the schooner, of course, was the fact, that, the harbor being in the possession of the Brit- ish, they would not be able to keep the vessel in their own hands. The provincials took from the schooner " 4 double fortified four-pounders, 12 swivels, chief of her rigging and sails, many clothes, some money, &c., which the sailors and marines left behind." ^ The account honestly adds, " they having quitted in great haste ! " Doubtless they did. The committee of safety took possession of the contents of the schooner, as appears from the following extract from the journal of that committee : " May 30, 1775. Elisha Lettinwell was directed to proceed with two teams to Chelsea, and bring up from thence the can- non and other stores saved from the schooner which has been burned by our people, and to lodge said stores in this town (Cambridge)."^ And again, on a later date (June 21), we find in the same journal, " Ordered, That Mr. James Munroe, an armorer in the provincial service, take into his keeping a quan- tity of old iron, saved out of the cutter burned at Winnesimit ferry, he to be accountable to the committee for the same." ^ The sloop still continued her fire, which was vigorously re- plied to from the shore, and a heavy cannonade was commenced upon the provincials with the twelve-pounders from a hill upon INoddle's Island called West Head, near to, and directly oppo- site, the Winnisimet ferry-ways. But Putnam, inspired with the same dauntless courage with which he entered the den of the wolf, heading his men, and wading up to his middle in mud and water,^ poured so hot a fire upon the sloop, that, very much crippled and with many of her men killed, she was obliged to be towed off" by the boats. It is a striking illustration of the cour- age and impetuosity of Putnam, that he and his brave follow^- ers attacked and crippled this sloop w^ith small arms ; that, leav- ing their cannon, they waded within musket distance, and there • Hand Bill printed at Newport, June 1st, 1775. ^ Journal of Each Provincial Congress of Mass. 1774-5, p. 561. =• Ibid. p. 57.3. * New Hampsliire Gazette, June 2d, 1775 ; Swett's Hist. Battle of Bunker Hill, p. 9, note. 1775.] THE BATTLE. 375 fought the heavy armed vessel, heedless of' the great disparity in weapons and of their dangerous position. Putnam's spirit animated the provincials, and, foremost in the fight himself, he was nobly sustained by his brave followers. The spirited words of the poet will almost literally apply to the dauntless bravery of Putnam in this engagement. " There the old-fashioned colonel galloped through the white infernal Powder cloud ; And his broad sword was swinging, and his brazen throat was ringing Trumpet loud ; There the blue bullets flew, And the trooper jackets redden at the touch of the leaden Rifle breath; And rounder, rounder, rounder, roared the iron six-pounder, Hurling death." Soon after the disabling of the sloop, the firing ceased, ex- cepting a few scattering shots between the marines on Noddle's Island and the party at Chelsea. During the whole of the fol- lowing forenoon, however, the Somerset man-of-war, of sixty- eight guns and 520 men, was continually firing upon the people on the Chelsea side, who had gathered together in great num- bers to see what had occurred upon the Island. It is remarkable, that, in this long and well contested engagement, not a man belonging to the provincial army was killed, and but three or four were wounded, and one of these by the bursting of his own gun ; while the loss of the enemy in killed and wounded was very severe. In reference to this battle, a living writer ob- serves : " On the 13th of May, all the troops at Cambridge marched, under the command of Putnam, to Charlestown, and defied the enemy under the very muzzles," and on the 27th of May, " the very important action was fought, and the victory achieved, under the command of Putnam." ^ The celebrated poem by John Trumbull, entitled M'Fingal, thus alludes to this engagement : — " Though Gage, whom proclamations call Your Gov'rnor and Vice Admiral, * WTio was the commander at Bunker Hill. By Samuel Swett. 376 HISTORY. [1775. Whose power gubernatorial still Extends as far as Bunker's Hill, Whose admiralty reaches, clever, Near half a mile up Mistic river, Whose naval force yet keeps the seas. Can run away whene'er he 'd please. Nay, stern with rage, grim Putnam boiling. Plundered both Hogg and Noddle Island ; Scared troops of Tories into town. Burned all their hay and houses down, And menaced Gage, unless he'd flee, To drive him headlong to the sea ; As once, to faithless Jews a sign. The De'el, turned hog-reeve, did the swine." ^ There probably is not an instance during the whole war, where, under the circumstances, the provincials displayed more determined courage than in this engagement ; and the enemy here learned to their great surprise a severe lesson, being made sensibly to feel that their rebel opponents were "foemen worthy of their steel," and in determined bravery and impetu- osity were vastly their superiors. Says one writer, " upon the first approach of our men at Noddle's Island, the regular troops all took to their heels, and ran as if the Devil drove them I " ^ The different reports of the battle give various estimates of the number of the enemy killed and wounded. The account of it by General Gage is similar in character to his report of the battle of Lexington and Concord ; the following extract from the London Gazette (No. 11,579) gives its purport: — " Whitehall, July 18, 1775. — Lieutenant-General Gage in his Letters to the Earl of Dartmouth, dated June 12, 1775, gives an Account, That the Town of Boston continued to be sur- rounded by a large Body of Rebel Provincials, and that all Communication with the Country was cut off; that the Rebels had been burning Houses and driving Sheep off an Island that has easy Communication with main land, which drew on a Skirmish with some marines who drove the Rebels away ; but that an armed Schooner, that had been sent between the Island 1 Trumbull's Poetical AVorks, Vol. I. pp. 64, 65. ^ New Hampshire Gazette and Historical Chronicle, June 2, 1775. 1775.] THE LOSS OF THE ENEMY. 377 and the main land, having got on shore at High Water, there was no possibility of saving her, for as the Tide fell, she was left quite dry, and burned by the Rebels. Two men were killed and a few wounded." As an offset to this obvious underestimate of the British general, we quote a paragraph from that reliable historian, Gordon. Says he : " The regulars were said to have suffered very much, not to have had less than two hundred killed and wounded. The loss was probably greatly exaggerated ; that, however, had a good effect on the provincials. The affair was a matter of no small triumph to them, and they felt upon the occasion more courageous than ever." ^ "The New Hampshire Gazette and Historical Chronicle" (Friday, June 2, 1775) contains nearly the same estimate, as follows: " Tis said in the above Engagement, between 2 and oOO Marines and Regulars were killed and wounded ; and that a Place was dug in Boston 25 feet square to bury their Dead ; and that they had between 20 & 30 Barges full of Marines and Sailors." A handbill, in the possession of the writer, printed at New- port, June 1, 1775, says, " The loss of the enemy amounted to at least 20 killed and 50 wounded." The " Boston Gazette and Country Journal " of Monday, June 19, 1775, contains the following statement : — " Neiu York, June 12. — A Gentleman that left Boston about six Days ago, asserts for Fact, that he saw landed on the Long Wharf at that Place, out of one boat alone, no less than 64 dead men that had been killed by the Provincials at the late Attack at Noddle's and Hog Islands, as mentioned in our last." This same item is in " The New England Chronicle or the Essex Gazette," Vol. 7, No. 360. These different estimates, after making allowance for all exaggeration, render it evident that the loss of the enemy was severe, remarkably so considering that not a man among the provincials was killed, tt is not strange that the pious colo- ^ Gordon's Hist. Am. Rev. Vol. H. p. 25. 32* 378 HISTORY. [1775 nists attributed their preservation to " the miraculous interposi- tion of Divine Providence." ^ The news of the engagement reached congress on the very day it was choosing general officers, and so influenced the vote that Putnam was unanimously chosen one of the Major-Gen- erals.2 There is a letter written by a soldier in the camp, Captain William Turner Miller, of Rhode Island, relative to this engage- ment, which is interesting as an original document. " Rhode Island Camp in Roxbury, ") May 29th, 1775. ) " Dear wife we were yesterday and the Night before last un- der arms which was Occasioned by An Engagement Colonel putnam With about 250 Men had with a Thousand Regulars the Engagement began at about half after nine Oclock on Saturday Night and Lasted till Day Light when Coll putnam Returned to the Head Quarters at Salem having Burnt an Armed Schooner and Taken 16 pieces of Small Cannon Kill'd 13 of the Horses that Lately arrived from England said to be for the Light Horse and Taken 17 More Co^ putnam had not a Man Killed and only three Men Wounded How many of the Regulars were Killed we Cannot Learn only that there were Discovered in the action three Regulars Killed and it is thought Numbers more were Slain the place of Action was at Chelsey near winnysimmit ferry Sixteen Miles from this place (by Land) when we first Heard the firings which was very Brisk I mustered my forces which were about 240 at the first Alarm Not Knowing but it was a General Attack and sent off Ex- presses forward toward the Enemy Sent out Several Companies to Reconoiter who went forward until they were Informed where the fire was and were Sattisfied their Help was not wanted (some went Down Head Quarters) & in the morning the Fire Renewing I Marched Down with all My Men but a few who I Left behind to Guard the Incampment and Magazine went to 1 Boston Gazette, June 5, 1775. ' Frothingham's Siege of Boston, pp. 109, 110. 1775.] THE AMERICAN FIELD-PIECES. 379 Head Quarters for Orders to go forward were within Sight of the Ennemies fire but the General thinking it Best for Me to Return and Refresh my Men and hold my People in Readiness and Soon after my Return Co'^ Hitchcock Co'' Cornel Arrived Here and Took the Chief Command and toward Night Major Sherburn Arrived Here Since which Several Companies are Arrived we heard a Number of Cannon fired toward Chelsey Last Evening but have not Learn what they have Done we are I should be glad if you would Send me Some Linning Such as Shirts &c when you have them Ready if you want to Send any thing to me Such as Shoes or any thing Else you will please to have them Bundled up and a paper pasted on the Bundle, and a Letter Wrote Ready " I am your Loving Husband "William T. Miller." i The numbers of the respective parties are inverted in this letter, and some trivial mistakes made, easily to be accounted for by the hurry and excitement of the time ; but the letter, taken as a whole, corroborates the other accounts of the battle, and shows it to have been one of importance. A brief account in Newell's Journal serves to strengthen the statements before made. " May 27th Our people set fire to hay and a barn on Noddle's Island. A number of marines went over. Our peo- ple retreated over to Hog island, the troops following and being decoyed by our people down to the water, who then fired and the action continued all night (though very dark) also a Man of War Schooner firing their cannon continually upon them which towards morning catch't aground upon Winisimet ferry ways. Our people boarded her and finally burned her."^ As there is no mention of field-pieces being used by the colo- nists in the battles of Lexington and Concord, it is believed that they were fired by the Americans in this battle for the first time in the war. The field artillery of the American army, at the opening of the war, consisted of four pieces ; two of these, the " Hancock " and " Adams," used in the battle of Bunker ' Genealogical Register, Vol. I. 2d Series, p. 136. « Mass. Hist. Coll. Vol. I. 4 th Series. 380 HISTORY. [1775. Hill, are kept in the top of Bunker Hill Monument. The follow- ing is the inscription upon the two guns : — "SACRED TO LIBERTY. " This is one of four cannons which constituted the whole train of field artillery possessed by the British colonies of North America at the commencement of the war, on the 19th of April, 1775. This cannon and its fellow, belonging to a number of citizens of Boston, were used in many engagements during the war. The other two, the property of the government of Mas- sachusetts, were taken by the enemy. " By order of the United States in Congress assembled. May 19th, 1788."! A letter dated "Cambridge, June 1st, 1775," ^ remarks: " Perhaps history cannot furnish us with a more miraculous in- terposition of Divine Providence ; although our enemies kept a warm fire from their cannon and small arms, yet we have but three men wounded, neither of them supposed to be mortal [not the men, but the wounds !]. We still beg the most earnest and constant prayers of our pious friends, that our heads may always be covered in the day of battle. The Lord is a man of war ; let salvation be ascribed to the Lord." The same sentiment is expressed by Timothy Newell, one of the selectmen of Boston, who kept a journal of daily events in 1775 and 1776. He remarks : — " This action seems without a parallel, that notwithstanding several hundred of the king's troops were engaged all night, and it is said one hundred were wounded and fell, not the least hurt happened except to three of our people, who were commanded by General Putnam. The Lord manifestly appears on our side, and blessed be his glorious name forever." ^ We look back with admiration upon the colonists entering with such zeal, courage, and persistent efforts, into the contest with the mother country; and in respect to this particular ^ Lossing's Fleld-Book of the Revolution, Vol. I. p. 559. ^ Boston Gazette and Country Journal, June 5tli, 1775. ^ Mass, Hist. Coll. Vol. I. 4tli Series, Newell's Journal. 1775.] RESULTS OF THE BATTLE. 381 battle, when we think of the condition of the respective parties, — the unorganized, half equipped provincials, and the regular army and proud fleet of the enemy, — when we see our gallant men beset by land and sea, and, instead of flying, waiting bravely for reinforcements, and waiting, too, under a heavy fire from the enemy, — and then unflinchingly doing battle the whole night through like veterans in the service, — we may well wonder at their self-sacrificing, virtuous courage, and thank the same God in whom they trusted, and in whose fear they fought, that their efforts were finally crowned with success ; and while we keep in mind the greater battles of that long and arduous struggle, let us never forget the brave men who fought the battle of Noddle's Island. Immediately preceded by the skirmish at Lexington and Concord, which excited the people in a manner never before known in the country, and soon fol- lowed by the more important battle of Bunker Hill, it perhaps is not surprising that the engagement on Noddle's Island has not hitherto received from historians that notice it so manifestly deserves. But in view of the facts which have now been pre- sented, and which have been collected with considerable labor, are we not justified in calling this the second battle of the Revolution ? Emboldened by their success in this engagement, and having learned by experience that they could successfully cope with the regular troops of the British army, a few days afterward the provincials prosecuted their labors upon Noddle's Island with renewed zeal and energy. The same number of the Boston Gazette from which we last quoted, says : — " We have to inform our friends that since the above attempt (referring to the engagement just described) to remove the live- stock from the islands, it has been actually done ; five or six hundred sheep and lambs, upwards of 20 head of cattle, and a number of horses, have been removed to the mainland." Another paper, from which we have already made extracts,^ alludes to these subsequent expeditions, and also to the burn- ing of some of the buildings. After speaking of the engage- ment, it says : — " In addition to the above, we hear that on Monday After- New Ilampsliire Gazette and Historical Chronicle, June 2, 1775. 382 HISTORY. [1775. noon, Five o'clock, 200 of the Provincials went down to Nod- dle's Island again, and took oflf 216 sheep more, 17 Horses, and several Head of Cattle, and set all the barns on fire, in which was a vast quantity of screwed hay." The journals of the provincial congress show clearly that some of the horses taken from Noddle's Island belonged, or were supposed to belong, to the enemy ; for the record has the following entries under date of 2d June : " Ordered, That Capt. Parker, Capt. Thatcher, Mr. Jewett, Col. Porter, and Mr. Sin- gletary be a committee to consider what is best to be done with the horses lately taken from Noddle's Island." " The committee appointed to consider what shall be done with the horses taken by our forces from Noddle's Island, which belong to our enemies, beg leave to report, that the same horses be de- livered to the committee of supplies, to be by them used and improved for the benefit of the colony, as they shall think fit, until further order from this or some future congress, or house of representatives." ^ H. H. Williams, then tenant of the Island, in his claim for damages sustained during these skirmishes and excursions, men- tions " 53 Tons hay burnt in the Barns," " 20 Tons hay in stacks burnt." He also enumerates " 43 Elegant Horses," " 220 sheep used as provisions for the Army," etc., etc. Newell's journal doubtless alluded to the same expedition under date of the 30th of May. Says the writer : " The man- sion-house on Noddle's Island burnt by our people, the cattle, sheep, &c. drove off. The Admiral sent a number of his peo- ple to take off some stores of the men-of-war which were in a warehouse there, which was not opposed by our people who lay near; suppose when they had taken them on board a sloop (which lay at the wharf) our people fired two cannon out of a little patch of wood on the top of the hill, which made them all fly precipitately." 2 This "hill" was probably Smith's hill, as it overlooked the wharf and faced the town. This is the only place where men- tion is made of the " stores of the Men of War ; " still this in- cidental allusion renders it certain that the warehouse at the ' Journals of Each Provincial Congress of Mass. 1774-5, p. 292. " See also Gordon's History Am. Rev. Vol. H. p. 25. 1775.] SUBSEQUENT SKIRMISHES. 383 wharf was used in the early part of the war as a place of de- posit by the British. The skirmishes on the Island still continued at intervals of a few days. Says the journal just quoted from : " 9th June ; Last night several Gondaloes (British) went to Noddle's Island for hay. Two hundred and thirty regulars went off soon after sun- rise to support them. Upon the appearance of our people they thought proper to retire, and arrived safe back here." This affair is thus noticed in the " Boston Gazette," etc., of June 19th, 1775, in an extract from the Boston News-Letter, a tory paper, then conducted by Margaret Draper and Robert Boyle : — " Walertoicn, June 19. — On Friday last, the 9th Instant, a Detachment of two Captains, eight subalterns, and two hun- dred men of the Corps of Light Infantry, under the command of Capt. Souter of the Marines, landed at Noddle's Island near 6 o'clock in the morning, for the purpose of bringing off Hay, which was effected without any loss. Advanced parties took possession of the Heights, and were most scandalously abused by the people from the opposite shore. The troops noticed them not, though fired at if they shewed their heads. The Detachment did not fire a shot." It is added in parenthesis, probably by the editor of the "Boston Gazette," etc., — "(An infamous Lie extracted from good Madam Draper's last Thurs- day's Gazette)." By the " infamous lie," the editor probably refers to the assertion that the British did not fire upon the pro- vincials. Upon the next day, the 10th of June, the Island was swept by fire of all the buildings remaining upon it ; and in reference to it an original letter is here introduced, addressed to the author by John Marston, Esq.: — ^ "Boston, 12th Aug. 1833. " Dear Sir, — Agreeably to your request, I shall herewith annex my recollections of ' olden times,' relative to ' Noddle's Island.' ^ John Marston was a most respectable stockbroker, and lived in Franklin Place. At the time this letter was written he was a hale man, sound in body and mind. 384 HISTORY. [1775. " In 1769 to '71, I was a pupil at Dummer's school near Newbury,^ and had occasion to pass Winnisimmet Ferry several times in the course of that time. I remember that the Island was then very bare of trees, except about the house where Mr. Williams resided. " I remember that while passing Charlestown Ferry on the 10th June, 1775, I saw all the houses and barns on Noddle's Island (which could be seen in that direction) in flames. A detachment of the American army had been sent the night pre- vious to drive off the cattle and sheep, which was very proper, but the burning the houses, etc. was not approbated by our people, as it was setting a very bad example, and may have led to the burning of Charlestown that day week. By examining the orderly book of Gen. Ward, you may discover whether there were any orders from Head-quarters to burn any dwellings, and whether the act was approved by him.^ " The marines from the ships of war landed on the Island and drove our people off. " Very respectfully, "JoHX Marston. " Wm. H. Sumner, Esq." That this conflagration upon the 10th of June completed the destruction of all the buildings upon the Island is evident from an item in a newspaper of two days later date.^ " Saturday last the Provincial Troops set Fire to the Store on Noddle's Island, which was entirely consumed, no Building being now left standing on said Island." The reason why the provincials destroyed these buildings is to be found in the fact that the British, while engaged in their depredations on the Island, made use of them for a protection, and thus secured to themselves a great advantage over the col- onists. From the 27th of May to the 10th of June inclusive, the ^ Byfield Academy. ^ The order book of Gen. Ward, -wliicli was for some time in tlie -writer's possession, and of -wliich he has deposited a copy in the adjutant-general's office, has been examined ; it contains no orders to this effect. ' Boston Gazette and Country Journal, June 12th, 1775. 1775.] PROPERTY DESTROYED. 385 Island was the scene of severe skirmishing, plundering, and conflagration, and, although unused to the dangers of war, the undisciplined provincials successfully coped with the British regulars, and evinced their true patriotism in burning their own property rather than suffer it to fall into the hands of the enemy. Of this whole transaction. Col. Humphrey says : " Thus ended this affair, in which several hundred sheep and some cat- tle were removed from under the muzzles of the enemy's cannon, and our men accustomed to stand fire by being for so many hours exposed to it, without any loss." ^ There can be no doubt that the results of the severe dis- cipline of this battle were made fully manifest in the battle of Bunker Hill, which soon followed. The Island, now stripped of all the stock and the buildings all burned, contained no object worthy the attention of General Gage. The owners and tenants suffered much from these ex- peditions. The loss from the burning of the buildings is thus estimated by Deacon Thomas Greenough, the husband of one of the three devisees of S. S. Yeamans, a former proprietor of the Island : — Three houses, at £100, £300 Threcbarns, at £100, 300 One lai'ge mansion-house, 900 Two large barns, 230 One large store, 200 One barn, 100 One stable, 30 £2,060 The proprietors of the Island never received any compensa- tion for this destruction of their property ; but H. H. Williams, who was a quartermaster-sergeant in the army at Cambridge, received as a present from General Washington, in partial re- muneration for his loss as tenant, a portion of the army bar- racks at Cambridge, with which to construct a shelter for his houseless family. ^ Essay on the Life of the Hon. Maj. Gen. Putnam, p. 94, etc. 33 886 HISTORY. [1789. After the war, Mr. Williams presented to the legislature of Massachusetts a petition for remuneration for his losses, and " A schedule of House Furniture, Stock, Stores, Horses, &c. &c. that were Destroyed by a Detachment of the American Army ; or carried off by said Detachment for the use of the United States in the year 1775, belonging to Henry Howell Williams who then tenanted Noddle's Island in the Harbour of Boston," the accu- racy of which is sworn to by Mr. Williams and his wife. This claim was made upon the principle that governments are bound to compensate their citizens for losses sustained under the orders of their own officers, in war as well as in peace, while damages done by the depredations of the enemy must be en- dured by the individual sufferers. The " schedule " ^ comprises every article in the house, cellar, and out-buildings, and gives the contents of each room by itself. The whole amount of his property lost is therein estimated at £3,646 6s. 2d. In answer to the claim, the legislature voted to Mr. Williams the sum of .£2,000 in full for all damages. The resolution is as follows : — " Commonwealth of Massachusetts. " In Senate, June 23, 1789. " Resolved, that the Treasurer of this Commonwealth be and he hereby is directed to issue his note in behalf of the Common- wealth in favor of Henry Howell Williams, for the sum of two thousand pounds and interest thereon from date of the same in full compensation of the damage he sustained from having his stock and other property taken from him or destroyed in conse- quence of orders given by the commanding officer of the Mas- sachusetts troops in the month of May, 1775, and that the same be charged to the United States. " Sent down for concurrence. Sam^ Phillips, jun'. Presid*. " In the House of Representatives, June 24, 1789. " Read and concurred. David Cobb, Speaker. " Approved, John Hancock. " True Copy Attest, John Avery, jun^ Sec'y." ^ This is now in the possession of the writer, through the politeness of John Avery, Esq., of Lowell, its owner. 1775.] IMrORTANCE OF THIS BATTLE. 387 The " schedule," the title of which has been given, and the above quoted " Resolve," are valuable as furnisliing additional proof that the conflagration and the destruction of property- took place under the orders of the American commander. The records of the committee of safety state that " Henries Vomhavi, an Indian, having represented to this Committee that he had taken two horses at Noddles Island, one a little horse, which he is desirous of retaining as some recompense for his fatigue and risk in that action, in which, it is said, he behaved with great bravery: it is the opinion of this committee, that said Indian should be gratified in his request, which will be an encouragement to others in the service, provided, the honorable Congress should approve thereof." ^ Such instances, slight though they may be, show the readiness of the authorities to compensate for services rendered, when it was possible to do so. In view of the facts which have been collected respect- ing the conflicts, depredations, and conflagrations on Noddle's Island, extending at intervals from the 27th of May to the 10th of June, the reader is left to judge whether the state- ment at the commencement of this narrative is not substan- tiated, namely, that the engagement upon the Island was an important one, deserving a fuller notice by historians than has before been given to it, and whether it does not deserve the name of a battle; and if so, whether it should not take its appro- priate place as the second battle of the Revolution. The writer appeals to the public for its verdict as to the im- portance and position which this battle should take in the his- tory of that war. Surely, if the number of combatants, the character of the officers engaged in it, the length of the conflict, the arms used, the bravery displayed, and the results effected, constitute a. battle, then does this engagement on Noddle's Island deserve the name. It was no mere skirmish. On one side were a thousand ardent, liberty-loving Americans led by one of the bravest officers of the army, and equipped with small arms and field-pieces, while on the other was a large body of several hundred marines and regulars, provided with ' Journals of Each Provincial Congress of Mass. p. 586. 388 HISTORY. [1775. two twelve-pounders, and supported by a schooner which mounted four six-pounders and twelve swivels, a heavy-armed sloop, and eleven barges with swivels ; and between these con- tending forces the contest was bravely carried on during the whole night. Warren, Putnam, and Stark, a noble trio, were there. Warren had already met the enemy at West Cambridge on their retreat from Lexington, where he narrowly escaped with his life from a musket ball, which grazed his head. A leader in the struggle for liberty, anxious to be present wher- ever an enemy was to be found and gunpowder to be smelt, he was present on the night of the battle of Noddle's Island encouraging the men by word and deed. His daring and patriotic spirit urged him into the hottest of the fight, where his life was in imminent danger ; but the fatal shot which gave him a martyr's crown was reserved for the ever glorious battle of the 17th of June at Bunker Hill, where he fell in the midst of the conflict, uttering the most noble words which ever came from the lips of a dying pq,triot and hero : " I am a dead man : fight on, my brave fellows, for the salvation of your country." ^ The discerning wife of John Adams, in a letter written the day after that battle, thus feel- ingly alludes to his death : " I have just heard that our dear friend. Dr. Warren, is no more, but fell gloriously fighting for his country ; saying better to die honorably in the field than ignominiously to hang upon the gallows. Great is our loss. He has distinguished himself in every engagement, by his courage and fortitude, by animating the soldiers, and leading them on by his own example." ^ A few days later, in a letter to the same individual, she says : " Not all the havoc and devastation they have made has wounded me like the death of Warren. We want him in the senate, we want him in his profession, we want him in the field. We mourn for the citizen, the senator, the physician, and the warrior." ^ The author can express the conclusions to which his own in- vestigations brought him in regard to the relative positions of * For many facts connected with his death, the reader is referred to an article by the author, in- the Genealogical and Historical Register, April and July, 1858. 2 Mrs. Adams's Letters, Vol. I. p. 39. ^ lb. p. 49. 1775.] THE EVACUATION. 389 Putnam, Warren, and Prescott, in no better way than by quot- ing a toast which he gave at a public celebration on the 4th of July, 1826: "Bunker Hill and its honored defenders: — Put- nam the commander, Warren the martyr, and Prescott the hero." Neither Stark nor Putnam was at Lexington or Concord ; but on Noddle's Island, Stark, who on the very day he received his commission as colonel enlisted eight hundred men,^ success- fully executed the first orders he received from the commander- in-chief; and here the brave Putnam, whose title of commander in this engagement cannot be disputed, even by those who would deprive him of that rank at Bunker Hill, first engaged in actual conflict with the British. Fired with the same impet- uous zeal for which he was so distinguished in the PVench and Indian war, heedless of his own safety, and inspiring his men with his own dauntless bravery, he led on the contest, and successfully established the bravery and efficiency of the colo- nial troops. While the colonists suffered but little, three men only being wounded, the enemy's loss was severe, and Gen. Gage considered the engagement of sufficient consequence to announce it to the government, while the gallant conduct of Putnam gained him a commission from congress. Truly, if the skirmish at Lexington receives from historians the dignity of the name of a battle, how much more does that at Noddle's Island deserve the same honor ; and if the former was the first, certainly the latter, in point of time and impor- tance, takes its proper position as the Second, Battle of the Revolution. The story of the occupation and evacuation of Boston by the British is too well known to be repeated here ; and we limit our narrative to a brief mention of facts as they are connected with the Island history. The opening of the year 1776 found the British forces in a hazardous condition. They were surrounded and harassed by a large army of indignant Americans, guided by the master- 1 Allen's Biog. Diet. p. 754. (Boston, 1857.) 33* 390 HISTOEY. [1776. spirit of the Revolution ; the hills which commanded the city and harbor were occupied by the indefatigable " rebels," who, as Howe said when viewing the works which rose as by magic on Dorchester Heights, did " more in one night than my whole army would have done in a month ; " and the enemy could no longer remain with safety in the city they had so long occu- pied. In addition to the important positions already secured by the provincial troops, the British justly apprehended that the few remaining heights about the harbor would soon be in the possession of the Americans, and thus their fleet be exposed to certain destruction. Botta, an Italian writer, makes the judi- cious remark, that it was feared that they would occupy Noddle's Island, and establish batteries wdiich, sweeping the surface of the water across the harbor, would have entirely interdicted the passage to the ships, and reduced the garrison to the necessity of yielding at discretion.^ That this fear was not groundless is evident from the fact, that, at the council of war on the 16th of February, 1776, Noddle's Island was one of the places selected for occupation in the proposed bombardment. The British fleet and army, being completely outmanoeuvred by Yankee shrewdness, and driven to extremities by a com- bination of adverse circumstances, evacuated Boston on the 18th of March, 1776. It was on a Sunday morning, and at an early hour, that the enemy, " satisfied that neither Hell, Hull, nor Halifax 'could aflbrd worse shelter," evacuated the town, taking with them about fifteen hundred tories, who dared not remain behind and meet their enraged countrymen. The fleet, which consisted of one hundred and forty sail, was detained in the harbor for several days, and during this period some of the troops burned the block-house and barracks on Castle Island, and blew up and demolished the fortifications.^ The 18th of March was a memorable day for Boston, " Hos- tibus primo fugatis." ^ The city was once more free from a hos- tile army, and the inhabitants felt that their property and their ' Botta's Hist. Am. Rev. Vol. II. p. 44. 2 Gordon's Hist. Am. Kev. Vol. II. p. 200 ; Barry's Mass. Vol. III. p. 84. ^ Motto on the medal struck by congress in honor of "Washington, 25th March, 1776. 1776.] DEFENCES STRENGTHENED. 391 city were now their own. But sadness followed the first spon- taneous outburst of rejoicing. The beautiful city had been rendered a desolation ; the noble shade trees had been cut down ; many of the finest houses had been defaced ; churches had been disfigured ; the Old South had been used for a riding school, and the arena heated by fires kindled with rare books and manuscripts from Prince's fine library, which had been kept in the steeple ; the parsonage house had been used for fuel ; the Old North Chapel had been demolished for the same purpose ; the famous old " Liberty Tree " had furnished the enemy with fourteen cords of wood ; the large wooden steeple of the West Church had been used for firewood ; Brattle street and Hollis street churches for barracks ; Faneuil Hall for a theatre; private property had been destroyed; and the whole city told a sad tale of the siege. It should be recorded, how- ever, to the credit of General Howe, that he exerted himself diligently during the few days previous to the evacuation to prevent the excesses committed by the troops, and the guilty were threatened with death if detected in robbing or firing a house.i Previous to this, the British general had declared his intention to burn the town if the troops were molested in their departure. But, in answer to a communication from the most influential citizens, he promised to spare it if allowed to leave quietly. Although no positive agreement of this nature was made, yet by means of a non-committal conference and corre- spondence, both parties tacitly consented to the arrangement.^ New York was supposed to be the destination of the British fleet; and immediately after its departure, Washington left Cambridge for that city with the greater part of the American army. He left a few troops for the protection of Boston under General Ward, who was ordered to repair the forts already con- structed, and to strengthen his defences to prevent the recap- ture of the town, and in all his proceedings to consult the civil authorities.^ Washington was requested by the general court 1 Gordon's Hist. Am. Rev. Yol. H. p. 197; Barry's Hist. Mass. Vol. HI. p. 83 and notes. " Lossing's Field-Book of Rev. Vol. I. p. 581. » Bradford's Hist. Mass. Chap. XIX. ; Barry's Hist. Mass. Vol. IH. pp. 123, 392 HISTORY. [1776. to leave six regiments for the defence of Boston and vicinity, under the apprehension that the British nnight return after the American troops were withdrawn ; but the necessities and sup- posed immediate danger of New York were so great that only three of his regiments could be spared, and consequently three more were subsequently raised by the general court, with six companies of artillery, for self-protection. It was the general opinion, that the evacuation of Boston w^as only a feint, and that the British would soon return. The people of Rhode Island thought that their maritime situation exposed them to imminent danger, while many of their citizens were absent on service, and in a long petition they prayed for a body of continental soldiers. So various were the applications for troops, and so numerous the calls for arms, that some de- cided action became necessary to prevent the little army and the deficient stock of public stores from being so divided and distributed as to be insufficient for the defence of any one place.^ In compliance with his instructions, General Ward immedi- ately commenced the necessary repairs, and on the 4th of May reported that the forts on Fort hill in Boston, Charlestown point, and Castle point, were almost completed, and mounted with heavy cannon. A fortification was in good progress on Noddle's Island, and a detachment of the army was at Castle island, repairing Ihe batteries which the enemy had breached.^ The regiments which had been ordered by the general court were organized, and stationed on Noddle's Island, the castle, and at Nantasket, to prevent the landing of the British troops, or an approach to the town, should the enemy return. After the evacuation of the town, a portion of the British fleet, consisting of five vessels, still lingered in the harbor, and were soon afterward joined by seven transports filled with High- landers.^ The presence of these vessels naturally excited the 124 ; Lossing (Field-Book Rev. Vol. I. p. 583) says that five regiments were left for the protection of Boston, and the minuteness of his description ■would lead to the belief that he wrote from good authority. ^ Ramsay's Am. Rev. p. 2G2 (Dublin ed. 1795). - Barry's Hist. ISIass. Vol. III. p. 124. « Lossing, Vol. I. p. 583 ; Gordon's Hist. Am. Rev. Vol. II. p. 2G6. 1776.] NODDLE'S ISLAND FORTIFIED. 393 alarm of the inhabitants of Boston, who were under great apprehension of Howe's return. The American troops had principally gone to New York, and the people felt their defence- less condition, inasmuch as the fortifications then existing were wholly insufficient if an effort should be made to enter or fire the town. This feeling increased in Boston and the vicinity, and the sight of the armed vessels of the enemy, and the con- stant expectation of the arrival of others, made them more and more dissatisfied with their situation. With characteristic promptness of action, the danger was no sooner really perceived than measures were taken to put the harbor in a state of de- fence, and to be in readiness for the anticipated return of the enemy. This apprehension was not a groundless one ; for, subse- quently to this, it excited the serious attention of Washington and his generals, and all the admirable foresight and critical observation of the commander-in-chief were required to enable him to provide for the safety of the seaboard, as well as to carry out his plans to prevent the proposed junction of the two divisions of the British army, one of which, under Burgoyne, was already marching down from the north, in order to meet the other, with which it was to unite at or near Albany.^ Noddle's Island, from its situation in regard to the city and harbor, seemed to be peculiarly appropriate for the site of a fort ; it was selected as such without delay, and the work imme- diately commenced. The adaptation of the Island for such a purpose arises from the fact that it is so situated, that, properly fortified, its guns can sweep the whole upper harbor, and no fleet can remain long enough before the city, under a fire from the Island batteries, to do any considerable damage. This im- portant, indeed invaluable, consideration, determined the Island as the site of the fortress for the protection of the city and to drive the enemy's vessels from the harbor, and, under the sense of present danger, the work was commenced without delay. This was in the early part of May, 1776. Individuals sub- scribed towards this object ; many flocked in from the adjoining towns, and the whole community was awake to the importance * Irving's Washington (octavo ed.), Vol. III. pp. 126-7, etc. 394 HISTORY. [1776. of the object. All classes of people united their efforts in erect- ing a fort on the heights of the Island. Both the clergy and laity volunteered their services, working with the pickaxe and shovel, and aiding until the work was finished, while the poorer class were compensated for their labors.^ One desire actuated all, — to protect their city from the enemy. During the whole of our contest with England, there is nothing which reflects brighter lustre on our cause than the disinterested pa- triotism of the people. Private interests, property, prospects, indeed every thing, was willingly sacrificed pro bono publico, and the people in every rank and station labored with equal zeal, with the pen, the sword, or the spade, in the study, the battle field, or in the trench, whether without pay or supported by government. The highest and purest motives guided their actions. The sword was taken up from necessity, and then used with the power which a just cause, a patriot's heart, and a valiant arm, will always wield. The community was wide awake to the importance of prompt and persistent action ; and the energy with which the work was carried on until finished, affords abundant evidence of the spirit of the times. Every measure was employed to call the atten- tion of the people to the subject. A notice, signed by Joseph Russell, clerk, appeared on the 6th of May, calling upon the subscribers for fortifying the harbor to meet, and the thanks of the citizens of Boston were expressed to the gentlemen from the country who had voluntarily assisted in the work.^ A sim- ilar notice appeared in the Chronicle on the 23d of the same month. The fortification on the Island was prosecuted with great zeal, and, with the volunteer labor from Boston and the neighboring towns which sympathized with the city, the work rapidly progressed. The strongest motive, self-preservation, urged the people to work ; the vessels of the enemy were in full sight, and might any day be reinforced, and the siege re- newed. The spirit of the times is shown in the newspapers. Says one, "Almost every able-bodied citizen of this place has volunteered to work two days a week for six weeks on the for- 1 Gordon's Hist. Am. Rev. Vol. H. p. 265, etc. 2 Boston Gazette, 6tli of May, 1776. 1776.] THE FORTRESS ON NODDLE'S ISLAND. 395 tifications." ^ The same paper continues, " They began to fortify Noddle's Island last week, since which they have been joined by several of the neighboring towns." There seems to have been a general determination, not only within the limits of the city, but in the adjoining country, to protect Boston from any further attack ; and the readiness and zeal with which the people labored on the defences show the earnest interest felt in the issue at stake. The newspapers urged the inhabitants to the work, and kept the community informed of the progress made. A third notice appeared in the papers, calling upon those who had subscribed for fortifying Boston harbor to fulfil their sub- scription by personal appearance, or by providing substitutes. This notice also says, " It is thought four hundred men for three days will finish the grand fortress on Noddle's Island. A great number of gentlemen have agreed to go to-morrow and Satur- day next, and it is hoped that the inhabitants of the town who arc able to work will appear on the floor of the Town house at one half past seven, to-morrow the 7th instant." ^ This notice (dated on the 5th of June) appears to have been made under direction of a committee of the general court. From all that can be learned, it is evident that this was an important and large fortification, and the incidental allusions in the different notices quoted, support this idea. The Island appears to have befen the point universally selected as the one most suitable for the end in view ; and the number of men employed, and the length of time consumed in the work, show that no small for- tress rose from the heights. In some respects a fort should be like a fire-engine, " always ready, but never wanted," and this fortress was an instance in point. The British fleet did not return, and the inhabitants were not called upon to defend the city ; but now, relieved from acting upon the defensive, they immediately began to act upon the offensive. The numerous alarms in May and June, and the fears enter- tained of the return of the enemy, gave great uneasiness to the 1 Chronicle, 9tli May, 1776. - Continental Journal, 6th June, 1776. 396 HISTORY. [1776. people along the sea-coast of Massachusetts ; and hence the gen eral court, then in session, on the 11th of June, determined, if possible, to drive all the enemy's vessels from the bay. Said John Adams, in a letter to Samuel Cooper (dated 30th May, 1776), " I shall never be happy until every unfriendly flag is driven out of sight, and the Light-house island, George's, and Lovell's islands, and the east end of Long island, are secured." ^ The fortifica- tions on Noddle's Island having been successfully built, and the city thus protected. Gen. Benjamin Lincoln proposed a plan for freeing the harbor of the British vessels. His scheme was sanc- tioned and accepted by the Massachusetts assembly, and put in execution on the 13th of June. Detachments from the regiments of Colonels Marshall and Whitney, and a " battalion of train," under Colonel Crafts, provided with cannon, ammunition, and provisions were mustered on Long wharf at the beat of drum, and there embarking in boats, they went down the harbor to Pettick's island and Hull, where they were joined by more troops and sea-coast companies, so as to make nearly six hun- dred men at each place. Militia from the towns along the harbor shore, with a detachment from the " train " and some field-pieces, took stations on Moon island, HofF's Neck, and Point Alderton ; while a detachment, commanded by Colonel Whitcomb, from the regular troops under Gen. Ward, with two eighteen-pounders, a thirteen inch mortar, and intrenching tools, took post at Long island. The morning of the 14th nearly dawned before the various bodies of troops were all stationed. In a few hours, defences were thrown up on Long island and at Nantasket, and cannon were mounted, and began to play upon the ships, the first shot being fired from Long island. Commo- dore Banks, perceiving the perilous situation of his little fleet, made signals for weighing anchor, and after blowing up the light-house, a deed unworthy of humanity, set sail and went to sea, leaving Boston harbor and the vicinity entirely free from the enemy.2 Several English store ships, which arrived soon after, not ^ Works of Jolm Adams, Vol. IX. p. 381. * Gordon's Hist. Am. Rev. Vol. II. p. 266 ; Ramsay's Am. Rev. pp. 23-1-5 ; Lossing, Vol. I. pp. 583 ; Barry's Hist. Mass. Vol. lU. pp. 127-8. 1812.] FORTIFICATIONS IN 1812. 397 being apprised of the evacuation of the port, sailed into the harbor and fell into our hands. In this way, Lieut.-Col. Camp- bell and seven hundred men were made prisoners in June.^ From this time until the close of the war in 1783, Boston, which had suffered so severely in the commencement of the contest, was comparatively free from military disturbances within her own limits. Through the whole war, however, she contributed her full share, and much more, to the general cause ; and on every battle field north or south, some of her gallant sons have bled and died. The thirteen united colonies fur- nished for the regular service of the revolutionary army, besides militia, 231,779 men, an average of 17,830 each. Of these, Massachusetts furnished 67,907, or 29 per cent, of the whole ; 35,968 more than any other state, and 50,077 more than, or nearly four times, her equal proportion. And she poured out her treasure for the outfit and support of her sons in the regular and militia service, and for the support of their families which they left behind, and for other public purposes, in nearly the same proportion, and with the same noble and liberal spirit as she did her physical force and her blood. May we who enjoy the blessings of that inheritance, acquired for us by the labors and sufferings of six generations of noble ancestors, perpetuate it in all its strength, beauty, and purity to those who shall follow us! III. Fortifications in the war of 1812. — The war with England in 1812 was emphatically a war of the democratic adminis- tration. The federal party was opposed to it. In New England, and in Massachusetts particularly, the opposition was strong and open. The government found it difficult to fill their ranks with soldiers, and encountered a firm public opinion at every step. Caleb Strong was then the governor of Massachusetts ; ^ a man of sterling character, and possess- ^ Lossing's Field-Book of the Revolution, Yol. I. pp. 583, etc. ; Gordon's Hist. Am. War, Vol. II. p. 268. ' He held the office of governor of Massachusetts from the year 1800 (being 34 398 HISTORY. [1812. ing the confidence of the people, he was a firm support on which the federal party leaned in its opposition to the anti- constitutional measures of the administration. The grand object of the dominant party was to take Canada, thinking that in this way England could be most easily and most materially affected. It was thought by the democratic leaders to be utter nonsense to attempt to meet the enemy on the ocean, and that, to secure even a chance of success, the war should be carried on by land-forces ; and consequently Canada was the main object in view. The New Englanders were opposed to this measure. The Canadians were their neighbors, and peaceful ones ; no ill feeling existed between the States and the prov- inces, intermarriages had taken place between them, and it was repugnant to their noblest feelings to fight against their un- offending neighbors, especially to carry the war into their own territory. It was contended also, that if war must be waged at all, it should be with France, as she was the first transgressor. When requisition was made upon Gov. Strong for troops from Massachusetts, he denied the right of the president on constitutional grounds, and upon this basis of action refused his assent, and stood aloof from the contest. The first requisition upon Gov. Strong by authority of the president was through General Dearborn, who had recently been appointed superintendent of the military district No. 1, which was composed of Massachusetts, of which Maine then formed a part, and Rhode Island. It was made on the 22d of June, 1812,^ and was for a detachment of forty-one ^mpanies of artillery and infantry, eight of which were to be marched to Rhode Island, and the remainder stationed in different parts of jNIassachusetts. The governor made no reply to this requisition, believing that the exigency had not occurred which, under the constitution, justified the president in calling the militia into the active service of the United States ; and, following his own the immediate successor of Gov. Sumner) until 1807, and again from 1812 to 1816, and liis administration embraced years wbicli "will ever be memorable in tlie history of Massachusetts and of the country. 1 Letter Book, Vol. XI. p. 149, etc. 1812.] COURSE OF GOVERNOR STRONG. 399 convictions of duty, and with the approbation of high legal authority, he did not answer the requisition.^ Gen. Dearborn's call was renewed (26th of June), and again the governor declined calling out the militia ; but, under his own authority as commander-in-chief, he issued a general order on the 3d of July, requiring the militia to be in readiness to march at the shortest notice to any place of danger. A letter was also received by the governor from the secretary of war (27th July), urging him to order out the militia in compliance with the request of Gen. Dearborn ; but the governor declined. In a message to the legislature, the governor justified his course on the ground, that he " presumed, if this state was in danger, the regular troops would not have been ordered to the north-west frontiers ; and, if they were so ordered, the militia were not liable to be called into service, and stationed in the forts of the United States to do garrison duty when no danger of invasion appeared." He continued : " I have been fully dis- posed to comply with the requirements of the constitution of the United States, and the laws made in pursuance thereof, and sincerely regret that a request should have been made by an officer of the national government with which I could not constitutionally comply. But it appeared to me that this requi- sition was of that character ; and I was under the same obliga- tion to maintain the rights of the state as to support the con- stitution of the United States." ^ Although Gov. Strong thus emphatically declined answering demands which he considered unconstitutional, he was ready * Bradford's Hist. Mass. A committee appointed to take into consideration tlie requisition were unable to perceive that any exigency existed wliicli ■would render it advisable to comply, and advised that the opinion of the supreme court be asked on the questions, "whether the commanders-in-chief of the states had a right to judge of the exigency ; and whether, when either of the exigencies specified in the constitution did exist, the militia could be lawfully commanded by any ofllcer but of the" militia. An answer to these questions, signed by Theopliilus Parsons, Samuel Sewall, and Isaac Parker, was returned, in which the opinion was given, that the commanders-in-chief were to decide of the exigency, and that the militia could be lawfully commanded only by offi- cers of the militia. — Council Records, Vol. XXVI. pp. 99, 106. - Speech of Gov. Strong, IMass. Resolves, 1812. See also his message of the 28th May, 1813, which gives a summary of war proceedings, preliminary and actual. 400 HISTORY. [1812. to adopt every measure which the safety of the state demanded, and to accede to all requests from the national government which would be justified by his constitutional obligations. This is evinced in the fact, that, on the 5th of August, at the request of Gen. Dearborn, and by order of the president, he issued gen- eral orders to direct a portion of the militia detached under the orders of the 25th of April,^ to march to Passamaquoddy for the defence of the ports and harbors on the eastern bordtr of the state.2 1 Orderly Book, Nov. 1811 to Feb. 1818, pp. 56, 57. ^ The General Orders of the 5th of August are quoted from the Orderly Book, Nov. 1811 to Feb. 1818, pp. 9G, 97, as they serve to illustrate the course pursued by the governor: — " Commonwealth of Massachusetts. *' General Orders. Head-Quarters, Boston, August 5, 1812. " By the General Order of the 3d of July last, Major-General Henry Sewall is appointed to command the Eastern Division of the Militia which was de- tached under the order of the 25th of Api'il last, consisting of all the detached militia in the District of Maine. " The Commander-in-Chief having been requested by Major-General Henry Dearborn, by order of the President of the United States, to direct a part of the militia, detached under the said order of the 25th of April, to march to Passamaquoddy for the defence of the posts and harbors on the eastern bor- ders of the Commonwealth, and considering that that part of the State is in a peculiar manner in danger of invasion, and that disorderly persons may attempt to disturb and annoy the peaceable Inhabitants in that neighborhood, and endanger their lives and property, has thought fit to order, and doth hereby order, that three full companies of Infantry of the Eastern Detached Division of Militia be designated by Major-General Sewall ; and after being completely armed and equipped, ordered to march as soon as possible to East- port, in the District of Maine, which Is appointed the place of rendezvous. " The said three companies will form a battalion under the command of a detached Major to be designated by INIajor-General Sewall, who will also de- signate an Adjutant and Quarter-Master, and order the whole to march with- out delay to the place of rendezvous. " The Major commanding the battalion will see that provision Is made for the subsistence of his troops, from the places from whence the companies march until their arrival to the place of rendezvous. In the manner prescribed by law, and for the transportation of their baggage. Major-General Sewall, In desig- nating the companies to march, will, as far as may be, take them from the nearest counties and districts, and from places the least exposed to the enemy. " The Major-Generals and the officers of the local militia from which any part of the said battalion may be drawn, will afford their aid In completing the 1812.] MASSACHUSETTS LEFT UNDEFENDED. 401 The course of conduct pursued by Gov. Strong was sus- tained by the whole voice of New England ; but it brought upon the State the immediate frowm of the national govennnent. Hull, who, in the words of a living writer, was subsequently made a "scape-goat to carry off the sins of the administration," had been sent to Detroit, and Dearborn to Niagara. In seeming vengeance upon the independent course of Governor Strong, the most of the soldiers were taken away from the forts along the coast of Massachusetts, so that they were wholly in an insecure condition. This act of the national govern- ment left the harbors and extended coast undefended. Still, the New Englanders thought, that, as they were well known to be opposed to the war, it would be bad policy for the enemy to drive them into the contest, and compel them to fight against their inclination. But this supposition was ultimately falsified. TheAdams frigate (Capt. Morris) ran a gauntlet through the companies, and will see that the men are armed and equipped as the law directs. The Commander-in-Chief expects that this order will be obeyed by his foUow-citizens of the drafted militia with promptitude, and when marching to the place of their destination, as well as afterwards, that they will jareserve good order, and render due obedience to the commands of their officers. He would remind them that they are not only called forth to defend the frontier against any invasion of a foreign enemy, but to prevent the depredations of any lawless banditti who may be disposed to rob and plunder, whether they belong to our own territories or those of the enemy. Although war is de- clared between the United States and Great Britain, it is to be carried on only by the order of the government. It is the duty of the inhabitants of the towns and villages bordering on the British line to endeavor to repel any invasion of our own territories, but they have no right to make incursions into the territories of the enemy. Lawless plunderers, either b^- sea or land, and as well in time of war as in peace, are pirates and robbers, and their depreda- tions ought, as far as may be, to be prevented or punished ; they only occasion distress and misery to the exposed inhabitants, and have no tendency to pro- duce an equitable peace, which is the only justifiable object of war. The offi- cers will be careful to inculcate upon their men the necessity of discipline, and a sacred regard to the rights of their fellow-citizens. Tlie soldiers of a free government should view with abhorrence any attempt to assume power by the use of the sword, or to invade the rights of those whom it is their duty to pro- tect " By order of the Commander-in-Chief. William Doxxisox, Adjutant-General." 34* 402 HISTORY. [1814. British vessels which were " laying off and on " the coast, and, being pursued up the Penobscot, went as far as Bangor, where the militia defended her as well as they were able ; but, after a vigorous resistance, she was burned to the water's edge. The enemy now had the eastern ports of the State open to their men of war; and the fleet of Sir John Sherbrook of Halifax anchored in Castine Bay, from which any town upon the coast was easily accessible. The whole seaboard coast of the Penob- scot was declared to be in the possession of the enemy. A gen- eral alarm spread through the community. Each seaport town felt itself in danger, and a common interest demanded that some immediate action should be taken. From the course then recently pursued by the United States government, it seemed clear that no aid could be expected from that power ; and if the coast was to be defended, it must be by the State itself relying upon her own resources. The question was, Shall this be done ? and the pride and patriotism of the peo- ple echoed the affirmative the whole length of the seaboard. Boston, in which the dock-yard was situated, and where ships were then building, as the commercial and financial metropolis of New England, had the highest claim upon the. State aid. Its forts were empty, and the harbor and the town were entirely exposed to the enemy. From the tops of the houses, ships of war could be seen cruising along the coast ; these could be joined by the fleet under Sir John Sherbrook, then laying at Castine, or the squadron which lay at Bermuda, and not a gun was manned to prevent their entrance. There seemed to be nothing to prevent a repetition of the blockade of 1775 and 1776. Self-interest, state pride, indignation against tthe administration, as well as national honor, all called for prompt and vigorous action. Not that they favored the war ; jior that by this state of feeling and their subsequent actions they were at all inclined to endorse the policy of the adminis- tration ; but they were compelled to defend their own cities, harbors, and property from an enemy brought upon them by the national government contrary to their wishes. The town and the vicinity were in a high state of excitement. A public meeting of the citizens of Boston was held on the 30th of August, 1814, to take into consideration the perilous condi- 1814.] NODDLE'S ISLAND TO BE FORTIFIED. 403 tion of the town and harbor, and to take those measures of de- fence which every day and every hour showed to be of the utmost necessity. At this meeting, Harrison Gray Otis, James Lloyd, T. H. Perkins, and others were appointed a committee to draft resolutions and to present an address to the governor, representing the defenceless state of the town and the alarming state of public affairs. No time was lost. The committee, at a town meeting on the 3d of September, reported an address to the governor, avowing a readiness on the part of the citizens to aid by contributions, labor, and in all other ways in their power, in the defence of the state. The address and resolutions were unanimously adopted. Resolutions expressing the same senti- ments were passed at town meetings in Roxbury, Salem, and other towns. The newspapers of that day speak in the highest terms of the patriotic spirit manifested by the military forces and the citizens generally, and of the universal and earnest desire to cooperate with the governor in any measures he might adopt to protect the state ; their subsequent Conduct nobly sus- tained these assertions. The zeal of the people was promptly met by the decisive action of the executive. Taking in at a glance the peculiar situation in which he was placed, he laid out his line of action, and put his plans into immediate execu- tion. Prompt measures were taken to defend the town, and the whole line of the sea-coast of Massachusetts and Maine.^ The governor and his officers put forth energetic plans for the de- fence of the capital and other seaport towns in Massachusetts. The location of a fortification which should defend the town of Boston, and at the same time command its harbor, was a point of the highest importance, but it was one easily decided. From the days of the first settlers of the bay, Noddle's Island had been considered as peculiarly well situated to protect the town in the event of war, and to drive shipping from the upper harbor. Indeed, with a well-manned fortification on Noddle's Island, it would be utterly impossible for ships to remain long enough in front of the town to set it on fire, or do any serious damage. By general consent the high ground on the Island, called Camp hill, was selected as the most suitable spot for the ^ See Appendix F. 404 HISTORY. [1814. fort, having a covered way to the battery upon the water. A modestly expressed opinion of Commodore Bainbridge shows that he held the same views. In a letter to Adjutant-General Brooks, dated on the 5th of September, after making inquiries respecting the measures adopted by the state government for defence, he says : " Without the least disposition to dictate, I would respectfully suggest the immediate embodying of a respectable body of militia, batteries on Dorchester Heights and Noddle's Island." i As early as the 16th of June, the governor and council had appointed the Hon. David Cobb, John Brooks, and Timothy Pickering commissioners for the defence of the sea-coast. This board was, some time afterward, increased and organized as fol- lows : Hon. David Cobb, chairman ; Hon. John Brooks, Hon. Timothy Pickering, Hon. Israel Thorndike, Hon. Thomas H. Perkins; Major Joseph H. Pierce was elected secretary.^ While these preparations were being made for the defence of Boston by erecting a fort upon Noddle's Island, and for the security of the whole sea-coast of Massachusetts, the accounts which the adjutant-general received from the district of Maine (the whole of which was in a state of alarm from the proximity of the position in which the powerful fleet of the enemy, with troops on board, lay at Castine) were so confused and contra- dictory that he could not deduce from them the true state of affairs, and could not advise the governor what means should be adopted, or what number of troops should be stationed in the exposed places. He therefore proposed that an executive agent should be sent to that district, who should report the true condition of things. To this office the commander-in-chief ap- pointed Lieutenant- Colonel William H. Sumner, his first aid- de-camp, as from his military relation to him, and from their frequent conversations, he believed him to be better acquainted than any one else with his own views. In addition to this, the commissioners for sea-coast defence united in him, so far as it regarded the district of Maine, all the authority given to them ^ Twentieth Congress, 2d Session, House Doc. 3, p. 88. - This organization was announced in tlie Centinel on the 21st of September, 1814. 1814.] LIEUT.-COL. oUMNER, EXECUTIVE AGENT. 405 by the legislature. He was accordingly invested by them with the powers of quartermaster-general and commissary-general. He was also authorized by the treasurer to borrow money from the banks on the credit of the State, and, if the means thus ob- tained should be insufficient, he was empowered to draw upon the treasury. His instructions from the governor were to repair forthwith to the district of Maine, and to provide every practi- cable means for the defence of that part of the State. In a protracted interview with the executive agent in the evening previous to his departure. Gov. Strong communicated to him his views and wishes on the subjects to which his atten- tion was directed, and explained the principles upon which his own course had been based, and by which his future conduct was to be guided. It is unnecessary to encumber the narrative with the details of the conversation between Governor Strong and his aid-de-camp, or with the proceedings of the executive agent in the different places in Maine where his services were demanded. Of the latter, it is proper to say that they met with the unqualified approval, of the commander-in-chief and the other authorities of the government. His good conduct in the trying circumstances in which he was placed may have led to his appointment to the post of adjutant-general soon after the accession of Governor Brooks to the chair of state. Yet, as the defence of Noddle's Island and other important places in old INIassachusetts was based upon the same principles as were con- tained in the instructions given to the executive agent in the district of Maine, it is important, for a right understanding of the conduct of Governor Strong during the war, that they should be somewhere narrated. The proceedings of the execu- tive agent, together with the conversation between the gov- ernor and his aid-de-camp, are therefore summarily recited in a separate article, which is inserted in Appendix F, and in which the reader will find facts, statements, and opinions that go far toward explaining the motives and conduct of Gov- ernor Strong during the war, which have often been miscon- strued. It having been decided to locate a fort, for the defence of Boston, upon Noddle's Island, the next step was to select a suitable engineer. At that time there were but few persons 406 HISTORY. [1814. whose education was of such a character as to qualify them for the duties of civil engineering; and, in truth, mechanical genius was made to supply the deficiencies of an appropriate training. Loammi Baldwin was appointed, a graduate from Harvard College. While in college he had distinguished him- self among his fellow-students by his fertile ingenuity; among other things, he made with his knife a wooden clock, which was the wonder of the collegians. Entering immediately upon his duties, he issued his first official notice on the lOtli of September. It was in these words : — " September 10 (181-1). " All persons who intend offering their personal services as volunteers on the works under the direction of the subscriber, are desired to select persons as captains or committees to meet him at the Exchange Coffee House,^ No. 84, this evening and Monday evening at 7 o'clock, who may make arrangements with him in their behalf. " As a sufficient number of tools cannot possibly be provided from the quartermaster-general's department on so short a notice, the subscriber requests those who can conveniently pro- cure them for themselves, to carry shovels, etc. " All persons disposed to contract for the delivery of stones for a well and ferry ways, a few thousand bricks, timber, planks, and boards, are requested to make immediate application to " Loammi Baldwin." There was a notice similar to this, dated on the 17th of Sep- tember, which stated that companies with tools were wanted to work on the fort. An editorial in the Centinel of the same date as Mr. Bald- win's first notice (10th), says that " notice has been given that the executive military committee have appointed Loammi ' Tlie most imposing building of its time, having cost about S500,000. It ■was burnt the 3d of November, 1818, and rebuilt not long after. It was taken down in 1854, and an immense freestone structure erected upon the spot, which was finished iu 1855, and called the Cltij Exchange. 1814.] ENTHUSIASM IN DEFENCE. 407 Baldwin, Esq., snpei>";^ending engineer for the construction of fortifications to be yised on Noddle's Island in tliis harbor; and that they will accept the voluntary services of the citizens in their construction." The editor then proceeds to give some instructions, by which the citizens might be guided. Volun- teers were to arrange themselves in companies, and to appoint their own captains, and to make returns of their numbers to the superintendent; boats would be provided to transport the workmen to the Island; persons willing to furnish wheelbar- rows, spades, shovels, pickaxes, iron bars, and other utensils, were requested to offer them immediately ; and pecuniary aid would be accepted from those who were indisposed to labor. In consequence of these notices, and actuated by the noblest feelings of patriotism, the inhabitants sent in their offers of ser- vices to the superintendent, who entered them on his books. The enthusiasm for labor was very great ; and the request was so promptly responded to by hundreds of laborers, that there was not at first sufficient w^ork for them to do, and the engineer was obliged to state that further time was required to fix the sites of the works, and mark out the lines, before voluntary laborers in great numbers could be advantageously employed. This fact shows most conclusively the spirit of the people, and the earnestness with which they rallied for the defence of their country. The same forgetfulness of self-interest which was manifested in 1776 was as clearly shown now. Citizens of all classes and all denominations vied with each other in their patriotic offering's and labors, and the public journals from day to day speak of the promptness with which the community answered fo the call for labor. So great w^as the press of volun- teers, that a systematic arrangement was adopted, by which the laborers were classified, and particular days assigned for par- ticular classes. This plan succeeded admirably ; confusion was thus avoided, and the work advanced rapidly. It is appar- ent, from a clause in the Centinel, that the labor on the Island was commenced on the tenth of September. The paper of that date says : " We understand that one hundred and fifty of the Mechanic's Charitable Association, and others who have united with them, will begin to work on the fort on Noddle's Island this morning (Sept. 10th, 1814), to embark at the ferry 408 HISTORY. [1814. way at six o'clock. We learn that five '^r^l clred will be wanted on Monday, and an equal number ever<^^ay until the works are completed. All volunteers are expecied to find their own rations." To illustrate the system adopted, it may be stated, that from time to time the papers announced the days on which particular detachments were to work; for instance: "Twenty- five mechanics from each ward in this town will labor on the fortifications on Noddle's Island. This day (Sept. 14) to embark from the ferry ways at half past six o'clock." ^ " Deal- ers in dry goods to work on the fortifications on the succeeding Friday" (Sept. 16).^ In this same paper is also a notice for meetings in the different wards to choose committees to collect contributions to defray the expenses for the defence of the town and the country. The Centinel of the 17th notifies " dealers in dry goods and in hardware to meet the next Thursday (20th) to do a day's work on Fort Strong." The fortification was already called Fort Strong, in compliment to the governor, although it was not officially so named till about the time of its completion. This paper also says : " Since our last, detach- ments of the mechanics and manufacturers, the victuallers, the Boston Light Infantry, the students of the university, the sons of Erin, and other patriotic volunteers, have labored with effect on the construction of the fort on Noddle's Island." The West India goods dealers were notified to meet and work on Wednes- day afternoon, the 21st. On the 24th, the stone and bricklayers who had volunteered were notified to meet and perfect arrange- ments. Indeed, there is scarcely a newspaper of that time which has not numerous notices to all classes and conditions of people, either calling meetings for the purpose of making arrangements, or specifying the days on which particular divis- ions should work. The lines were marked out, and the plans so far perfected, that, on the 21st, a "notice to the patriotic" was published, stating that the " superintendent of fortifications can find as much employment as any number of men can perform." Hun- dreds of men now flocked to the Island, and worked with a zeal worthy of their cause. The instance can scarcely be found 1 Centinel of Sept. 14th. « Ibid. 1814.] VOLUNTARY LABOR UPON THE FORT. 409 where the population so universally engaged in the labor of a common defence, or where all classes and conditions of society united so cordially in a public undertaking. Not only did Bos- tonians volunteer their services, but the adjoining towns sent in large delegations to the assistance of the city. On Sunday the 18th, six hundred men, principally from Medford, Maiden, West Cambridge, and other towns, worked on the fort ; w^hile " many from Boston volunteer every day." On the following Monday (19th), two hundred men from the navy-yard contrib- uted their labors ; Tuesday, the members of the Ancient and Honorable Artillery not on duty, the Winslow Blues, dry goods dealers, and others worked ; and, a few days, later we find the board of health, the printers, booksellers, and binders, the Spar- tan band, and detachments from the wards, laboring at the fort. It is difficult to conceive of greater promptness, activity, and determination, than was manifested at this time ; the impending danger admitted of no delay, and the value of time in a great emergency was fully appreciated. In a letter or report made by Major Joseph H. Pierce, the secretary of the commissioners for sea-coast defence, dated on the 18th of September, he says : — " Col. Thorndike and Col. Perkins, accompanied by Major- General Dearborn and suit, visited Fort Warren, Fort Inde- pendence, and Noddle's Island On the new fort now erecting on Noddle's Island, about six hundred workmen were actually under employ, and the works are progressing with a spirit suited to the exigency of the moment. The engineer, Loammi Baldwin, Esq., and the gentlemen who assist him, appear to take great interest in the success of their object, the evidence of which is very perceptible in the rapidity and per- fection with which the plans have hitherto been executed. A highly commendable zeal and spirit of patriotism pervade all classes of our fellow-citizens, in their volunteerins: their services to work on this, and the ditTerent fortifications about to be erected in the vicinity of Boston." ^ On the 21st of September, Mr. Baldwin addressed a letter to the adjutant-general, saying that the works on Noddle's Island 20th Congress, 2d Session, House Doc. 3, p. 151. 35 410 HISTORY. [1814. had been so far prosecuted that a guard stationed there would be of the first importance ; and that many inconveniences as to tools would be avoided by such a measure, as some were al- ready lost. He therefore requested that a guard might be placed at the fort, as soon as the arrangements could be made. This request was complied with ; and on the same day, Adjutant-Gen- eral Brooks sent an order to Major- General Crane to detach a company of light-infantry to guard the fort. Brigadier-General Welles the same day caused a company of light-infantry to be detached from his brigade, to perform guard duty on the Island for one week, unless sooner discharged.^ By the same general order from the adjutant-general, the quartermaster- general was directed to furnish the company with " tools, cook- ing utensils, fuel, straw, &c.," and the commanding officer to con- sult the engineer respecting the places for posting sentries, and " securing the entrenching tools." The fortifications were now well advanced, and a regular guard was stationed there, both to observe the movements of the enemy and to protect the works and the great amount of implements necessarily used in their construction. The labor was prosecuted unremittingly. On the 24th of September it was announced that the forti- fications rapidly approached completion. The Gazette of the od of October says : " Fort Strong progresses rapidly. On Saturday, the citizens of Concord and Lincoln, to the number of two hundred, performed labor on it ; the punctuality of the patriotic husbandmen deserved the highest praise of their fellow- citizens of the metropolis. The volunteers from Wards 1, 3, and 4, together with others, amounted yesterday (Oct. 2d) to 500. A few more days' works, by the same number of men, will complete this important fortification." Different companies were stationed as a guard on the Island, at different times. Among the militia who performed duty there were the "Boston Fusileers," the " Rangers," and the " Boston Light-Infantry." In the Centinel of the 24th, the absent members of the Fusi- leers are ordered to report themselves to the comir.anding offi- cer at Fort Strong on that day. The Rangers were ordered to meet at the fort to do guard duty on the 28th ; and on the 12th ^ Letter Book, p. 193 ; Order Book, p. 198. 1814.] THE FORTIFICATIONS PROGRESSING. 411 of October the Boston Light- Infantry received a similar notice. It is apparent from these facts, that a regular military guard was first stationed on the Island at Fort Strong on the 21st of Sep- tember, just eleven days after the works were commenced, and that it was regularly kept up from that time. But volunteer service was still needed, and Mr. Baldwin issued a notice in the Centinel of the 1st of October calling for laborers ; and in this paper it was stated that " Major Nehemiah Freeman, and Geo. Sullivan, Esq., have the superintendence of the Fort at Noddle's Island." Volunteers from different wards were called for, and the same earnestness appears as at the outset. In ad- dition to the volunteer service, the soldiers were ordered to the works. Adjutant-General Brooks, on the 4th of October, under the governor's authority, gave orders to Brigadier-General Welles, for each regiment of his (Welles's) brigade to devote one of the two days required for their discipline to the prose- cution of the works on the Island, or on the other fortifications for the protection of Boston.^ On the 18th of October, the order of the 21st of the preceding month was so modified as to reduce the guard to one subaltern, two sergeants, two corporals, and twenty privates, to be relieved weekly .^ A notice from the selectmen of the town, dated on the 13th of October, says : " The selectmen of Boston take this public opportunity of expressing their grateful acknowledgments to all those persons who have given their voluntary assistance in labor on the several works now erecting for the defence of the town and harbor. The positions for these works have been selected, and the plans of them adopted, by the ablest engineers. By the spir- ited exertions of the people, the fortifications are in a state of great forwardness, and a continuance of the same patriotic efforts would complete them in a short time. The numerous and hardy yeomanry from the country are desired to continue their services at South Boston, and on the Dorchester shore ; and the inhabitants of Boston are again invited to take one more tour of duty to put the finishing hand to Fort Strong. It was expected that this fortress would have been completed in the past week, but the great extent of the fort and batteries ' Letter Book, p. 205. - Order Book, p. 207. 412 HISTORY. [1814. rendered it impossible." A day's work more was requested from each of the wards, and the request was promptly responded to, as is seen by the newspapers. An extra session of the legislature was convened on the 5th of October, to take into consideration the condition of the State, and provide for its defence. Governor Strong, in a short and comprehensive message, gave a brief resume of his actions, and concluded with a clause which it is well to copy. He said : — " The situation of this State is peculiarly dangerous and per- plexing. We have been led by the terms of the constitution to rely on the government of the Union to provide for our de- fence. We have resigned to that government the resources of the State with the expectation that this object would not be neglected. But the government has declared war against the most powerful maritime nation, whose fleets can approach every section of our extended sea-coast, and we are disappointed in our expectations of national defence. But though we may be convinced that the war, in its commencement, was unnecessary and unjust, and has been prosecuted without any useful or practicable object against the inhabitants of Canada, while our sea-coast has been left almost defenceless ; and though in a war thus commenced we may have declined to afford our voluntary aid to offensive measures, yet, I presume there will be no doubts of our rights to defend our dwellings and possessions against any hostile attack, by which their destruction is menaced. Let us, then, relying on the support and direction of Providence, unite in such measures for our safety, as the times demand, and the principles of justice and the law of self-preservation will justify. To your wisdom and patriotism the interests of the State are confided, and the more valuable those interests are, the more solicitous you will be to guard and preserve them." These were the mildest terms in which the defenceless con- dition of the state could be described. The national adminis- tration was utterly opposed to a navy, and the soldiers had been taken from the forts on the coast, so that it was wholly defence- less. But contrary to the expectation of the government, and contrary to its hopes and intentions, the navy, small as it was. 1814.] THE SPIRIT OF THE PEOPLE. 413 fought itself into favor, achieved the most brilliant victories, and fully vindicated the success of our arms upon the waters, while the fact was notoriously apparent, that nearly every one of the land expeditions, which were the pets of the administration, was a signal failure. The government had turned its whole attention to land-service, and totally neglected the naval force ; the land-service failed of success, and the ships gained the nation a brilliant series of victories and an honorable peace. The spirit of the democratic party towards a naval establish- ment is well shown in a toast given a short time before the war. " An American Navy : Its canvass in the fields^ its cannon in the ore beds, its timber on the hills; there let them remain;" — while the spirit of the opposition is manifest in a toast, to the following effect : " The American Navy ; ' A light shining- in a dark placeJ' " The war was unpopular, and, in New England especially, was considered as unjust ; but it was no time now for discussion. As was well said in one of the newspapers : " If we are de- fended, the State government and individual exertion must defend us, as the United States, who ought to do it, have aban- doned us to our fate. It is not a question now, whether the war was, or was not, conceived in weakness or wickedness ; nor whether it has, or has not, been conducted in the most use- less or ruinous manner ; we must settle such questions as these hereafter. The question is whether we will, or will not, defend our homes against those who come to possess or destroy them, at the point of the bayonet In this hour of gloom and peril, every man must consult his own heart, and his means of being useful. It is, and ever will be, gratefully remembered, how many of our worthy fellow-citizens have promptly left their business and their homes, and have come a long distance to dwell in camps, and risk their lives for the protection of the metropolis ; that the spirit of defence against invasion has em- bodied all classes of our vicinity, even those who could not be legally called upon to take arms. It must be taken into view also, that the preparations which voluntarily flow from this spirit, will, in all human probability, save us from the calami- ties and awful scenes which this town -and its vicinity might 35* 414 HISTORY. [1814. have exhibited, if we had been as careless of our honor and safety as the United States have been." ^ Such sentiments as these gave an earnestness to the work of defence, and elicit our admiration of the determined zeal with which the people labored for the desired end. An actor in these scenes,^ in a note to the writer, says : — " When the war of 1812 took place, the general government left Boston defenceless, and the State government was obliged to take charge of the defences of the harbor, and the high land at Noddle's Island was selected as one point to be fortified. Loammi Baldwin laid down the lines, and gave the topographi- cal plans of the fort. It was of earthwork, and sodded. There was a water battery, with a covered way from it to the main fort. This work was done principally, if not wholly, by the voluntary labor of our citizens ; detachments of the military, of merchants, mechanics, sailors, etc., and sometimes whole parishes headed by their pastors. I remember the venerable Rev. Dr. Lothrop, with the deacons and elders of his church, each shoul- dering his shovel, and doing yeoman's service in digging, shovelling, and carrying sods in handbarrows.^ " The fort was finished, a few guns were mounted, drafts from the militia were made in turn to man it, and a right merry time we had of it there doing guard duty. The enemy's ships were in sight, standing into the bay, sending out their barges, and sometimes landing on the islands. I remember one night there w^as an alarm that the enemy's boats were approaching Chelsea point, and we were drawn down to the shore on the back part of the Island, well supplied with ball-cartridges. But they did not land, and we returned again to our quarters. It was sup- posed that they intended to destroy the navy-yard ; but had they attempted it, their warm reception would have been very different from their reception at Washington." ^ Boston Gazette, Sept. 26, 1814 ; also see tlie same paper of Oct. 10th, for a valuable report to tlie legislature of Massacliusetts on the governor's message. * George Darracott, Esq. * This fact is particularly mentioned in his funeral sermon by the Kev. Dr. Parkman, his successor. 1814.] THE FORTRESS NAMED. 415 In addition to the defences thus described in the above letter. the New England Guards were stationed at the navy-yard to guard the passage over Chelsea bridge, and to protect the ship of war then building at the yard under the direction of Commodore Bainbridge. The fortress had been called " Fort Strong " from the com- mencement, in compliment to the steadfast governor, yet it had not been publicly named. On the 26th of October, on the eve of its completion, the ceremony took place. The Centinel of that date says : " The ceremony of naming this excellent fortress will positively take place this day at 11 o'clock. The Executive Council will be received on the Island by the Wins- low Blues, and escorted into the Fort, where a salute will be fired by the New England Guards, and be repeated by Major Harris's battalion of Artillery." The ceremonies took place under the direction of Loammi Baldwin, the chief engineer, assisted by Colonel Geo. Sullivan and Major Freeman. His honor Lieutenant-Governor Phillips, the executive council, the general and brigade staff of the Massa- chusetts Guards, the general and field-officers of the Boston mi- litia, and others, embarked from Long wharf, and were received with plaudits at the gate of the fort. The Winslow Blues per- formed the garrison duties, and were drawn up in front of the governor's marquee, pitched in the centre of the fort. The lieu- tenant-governor advanced from the marquee, and made the fol- ing short address : — " Impressed with the strongest sensations of respect and esteem for the venerable Commander-in-Chief of the State of Massachusetts, I with pleasure comply with the request of my fellow-citizens, in raising this Flag, and in publicly proclaiming that this Fort will ever hereafter bear the name of Fort Strong." The flag was then hoisted amid the cheers of the spectators, and honored by a salute from the artillery of the National Guards ; which was echoed by two companies of artillery, posted at North Battery and India wharves. A collation was then partaken of, which was provided by Mr. Williams, the tenant of the Island. The ceremony was highly pleasing, the day uncommonly fine, and the spectators were numerous. Joy 416 HISTORY. [1814. filled all hearts at the completion of the strong defence, and the people retired to their homes well satisfied with their labors and with the good results accomplished. On the 29th of October, the selectmen announced that " the important post of Fort Strong was completed." This fact was the occasion of great joy to the inhabitants, who for seven weeks had made every exertion and strained every nerve to protect their town, and now that the work was done, now that a large and strong fortress was completed, which was considered as amply suflicient to accomplish the end desired, they enjoyed a feeling of pleasant security and a comparative freedom from anxiety. The fort being done, but few men w^ould be needed on the island so long as the enemy left them unmolested. Consequently, in the early part of the next month, and on the approach of winter (8th Nov.), the guard was reduced to one sergeant, two corporals, and ten privates, and so continued with immaterial change until the 28th of February, 1815 ; thus making the whole time the fort had a guard a little more than five months, or from the 21st of September, 1814, to the 28th of February, 1815.1 At the session of the legislature in January, 1815, Governor Strong presented a message which ably vindicated the state policy, and a brief statement of the antecedents of the Avar may with propriety be extracted. He says : " Before war was de- clared, when we saw the tendency of the national measures, we expressed our most ardent desire that hostilities might be avoided. We could hardly conceive it possible, that, under the pretence of guarding our commerce, we should adopt a course by which it must be annihilated ; or that, to protect our sea- men, we should engage in a war that would lead to their destruction. We knew, that, whenever the war between France and England should terminate, the evils we complained of ^ Order Book, Acljt.-Gen. ; Order Book, and 20tli Cong. 2nd Ses. House Dec. 3, p. 95 ; General Orders of Nov. 30th, for furnishing a guard from 3d brigade, 1st division, consisting of one sergeant, two corporals, and twelve privates, for Fort Strong, for two months, to be either volunteers or detailed for the service. General Orders, Jan. 30th, 1815, continue the guard at Fort Strong for thirty days, unless sooner discharged. 1815.] TEACE DECLARED. 417 Would cease ; and that our commerce, if unobstructed by inter- nal restraints, would be more profitable during the war with Europe, than after peace should be established. If in the ardu- ous conflict between Great Britain and France and their respective allies, the combatants did not always suspend their blows when w^e happened to go within reach of them, yet we could sec no reason for our interference in the quarrel. But the government became impatient, and though there was appar- ently some embarrassment in deciding which of the belligerents should be attacked, and whether it would not be expedient to attack both at once, it was soon determined to select that peo- ple for our enemies with whom we were most nearly con- nected, whose commerce was most important to us, and who were able to do us the most mischief." This is not the place to discuss the merits or demerits of the policy which led to the war of 1S12, and only so much has been said as seemed necessary to a tolerably clear understanding of the circumstances attending the construction of Fort Strong.^ The principles which guided the governor and influenced the people of the State are better shown in the extracts which have been given, than could otherwise be said in many pages. To those interested in the general subject, reference is made to the journals of that time, which are accessible in many of our libraries. The treaty of peace between England and the United States was ratified on the 17th of February, 1815 ; and on the 20th, the general orders directed that salutes be fired in Boston on the 22d, the anniversary of Washington's birthday, to celebrate the "joyful event of peace." ^ The same day was selected for ^ In this connection, the author does not deem it out of place to remark, that he has in his possession a large amount of original and hitherto unpublished material relating to the administration of Governor Strong and the national government during the war of 1812, and many manuscript volumes of original letters, and matters of personal knowledge which his official relations to Gover- nor Strong and his own proceedings in the province of Maine enabled him to collect, and which these circumstances have made accessible to no one else. Should a favorable opportunity present itself, and the writer's health be spared, he may place these documents before the public, feeling assured that by them much light would be thrown upon Gov. Strong's administration, and his course of action vindicated from the asj^ersions which have been thrown upon it. * Order Book, p. 212. 418 HISTORY. [1815. a general celebration. The legislature was in session, and it chose a committee, of which Josiah Quincy was chairman, to make arrangements for a " religious celebration.''^ The news- ))apers of the 20th contained numerous notices respecting the arrangements for the forthcoming celebration, signed by the committee of the legislature, the selectmen, and the officers of military companies. The 22d was ushered in by the ringing of bells and the firing of cannon. At 10 o'clock, the legislative, executive, and judicial departments formed a procession under the escort of the Independent Company of Cadets, and pro- ceeded to the Stone Chapel, where the religious ceremonies of the day were performed by the chaplains of the legislature, and a Te Deiiiii Laudamus was sung. On the return to the State house, and under a salute from the forts and the common, a grand civic and military procession was arranged, and marched through the principal streets of the town, under the direction of Col. Daniel Messenger and Major B. P. Tilden and their aids. In the evening, all the public, and very many of the private, buildings were illuminated, fireworks were displayed, and every demonstration of joy was made which happy hearts could dic- tate. A treaty of peace is a cause for rejoicing ; and the New Eng- landers were especially thankful, as it relieved them from a con- test which had been forced upon them by the measures of the national administration. They had kept aloof fronri the war until compelled to provide means for their own defence against an enemy unnecessarily brought upon them by their own gov- ernment. Then, in an incredibly short space of time, they erected large and numerous defences, and awaited the result with firmness. Peace was now announced, and the people with joy left the sword and musket for the plough and the workshop ; and instead of " the clash of steel, The volley's roll, the rocket's blasting spire," they thought of " Nothing but peace, and gentle visitation," and each man sang, " The merry songs of peace to all his neighbors." 1815.] FORT STRONG DISMANTLED. 419 The expense of constructing Fort Strong was not very great, for the labor was mostly gratuitous. But there were some pe- cuniary disbursements which were with propriety charged to the national government. Mr. Baldwin's account of payments to the mechanics and laborers, between the 23d of September and the 14th of November, 1814, amounted to over $7,000. Thomas Williams, the tenant of the Island, estimated the damage done to his corn, potatoes, and other crops, at $175 ; and he also presented a bill of $250 " for stoning and furnish- ing the well at Fort Strong, laying a platform thereon, and levelling the dirt around the well." The proprietors of the Island presented a bill of $1,020 for damage done by the erec- tion of the fort and the water batteries. This damage was estimated by Artemas Ward, Aaron Dexter, and Josiah Quincy, who charged sixty dollars for their " time and trouble in esti- mating the damages done the proprietors of Noddle's Island by the agents of the Commonwealth, by digging up their soil, and erecting Fort Strong." We know of no state, during that war, which kept so minute and exact an account of its expen- ditures as Massachusetts ; and, did space permit, most particular details could be given of each man's labor, the implements used, and the various articles furnished. Were it not foreign to our direct narrative, much might be said here relative to the justice of the Massachusetts claim, in reference to which the author has a great deal of original mat- ter, which would place the whole subject in a plain and conclu- sive light. These documents he hopes, at some not far distant day, to present to the public. The war being finished, there was no further use for the fort. It was dismantled and abandoned, and around the place where then the long cannon showed a deadly front, and the sentries paced their measured grounds, now blossoming gardens and elegant private residences speak of peace and plenty. The well, dug at the time the fort was constructed, still remains, and "is under the side-walk, some seventy-five feet from the north- east corner of the square." ^ ^ See article on Water, in Chap. XYI. 420 HISTORY. [1815. With the history of this fort, the military account of the Island closes ; and it is to be hoped that the chapter will never be reopened. Peace crowns the Island with a glorious renown. It has its victories ; and nowhere are they more nobly won than upon the spot where Fort Strong was a tower of defence to the city across the channel.^ . ^ A few years later, an incident occurred, wliicb, if not of a military char- acter, is an event -wliicli requires to be noticed. The fewest words will best explain it. Francis B. White, a lieutenant of the Marine Corps, U. S. N., sent the following note to Lieutenant William Finch, of the Navy, then upon this station, under Commodore Bainbridge. " Charlestown, 17th Sept. 1819. " SiE, — An opportunity has never before occurred for demanding of you satisfaction for the many indignities you were pleased to offer me when on board the Independence, in 1815. I cannot doubt that you will be prompt in rendering atonement for those indignities, which one gentleman can never ex- pect to offer to another with impunity, and I send to you my friend, ilr. God- frey, for the purpose of making such arrangements as are necessary to this end. Respectfully yours, &c. « To Lieut Wm. Finch. F. B. White." The challenge was accepted ; and on the following Saturday, the 25th, about eight o'clock in the morning, Lieutenant Finch and Lieutenant White marked out the ground near the two elm trees then standing on the Island, now be- tween Meridian and Border streets, third section. White fell, and died upon the spot. His body Avas taken to the navy-yard, from which it was buried under arms the next day. He was the only son of Major Moses White, of Rutland. CHAPTER XIV. THE PLANS FOR IMPROVEMENT WHICH RESULTED IN THE FORMATION OF THE EAST BOSTON COMPANY. The project of connecting Noddle's Island with the city proper, and of making it a valuable addition to the metropolis of New England, was early entertained by the writer, and to the accomplishment of this desirable end he directed his thoughts and endeavors for a long course of years. After the death of his father, and immediately upon reaching his major- ity, namely, on the 6th of July, 1801, he was appointed attor- ney for his mother, and took the charge of her jn-operty, a part of which consisted in a share of Noddle's Island ; from that early time he was ever devising plans to improve the estate. From his boyhood he had been conversant with its locality, and in after years he perceived the natural advantages which it possessed from its proximity to Boston, from the deep water upon its shore, deeper than in any other part of the upper harbor, and consequently the superior wharfage, and from its varied surface, and salubrious climate, and unequalled prospect, which would render it desirable for residences. This idea of improvement he cherished and kept ujjpermost in his thoughts, and labored for its realization until, after long-continued and varied exertions, he saw all accomplished that had been plan- ned, and all his early hopes fulfilled. In presenting to the public a history of these transactions, the writer is aware that he may subject himself to the charge of egotism, and yet he hopes to escape this remark, inasmuch as the necessity of a correct historical detail of the events to be recorded requires a frequent allusion to his own actions in them; and, in order to avoid stiffness in the recital, he hopes 36 422 HISTORY. [1801. the circumstances will afford sufficient apology for speaking of himself as he would of a stranger. Various projects were devised for bringing the Island into public notice, and for connecting it with the city ; but the ear- liest plan which took a definite form, and seemed at the time feasible, was when a turnpike from Salem to Boston was under contemplation. This enterprise was started in 1795 or 1796, and it was some years before the act of the legislature was obtained. In June, 1801, General Sumner, who at that time had not reached his majority, addressed a letter to Moses Brown, Esq., of Beverly, chairman of the committee for the petitioners for the Salem turnpike, and in it he represented the advantages to be gained by locating the road over Noddle's Island. As this letter shows the early and earnest interest which the writer took in the prosperity of the Island, and the full knowledge he even then had of the circumstances connected with its situation and its relation to other towns, it may with propriety be here introduced : — "Boston, June 5, 1801. " SiE, — Having heard you observe that it was the object of the subscribers for building a turnpike-road from Boston to Salem, to pursue the most practicable route, in order to pre- vent any shortening hereafter from being made; I beg leave to suggest to you. Sir, in my opinion, that the circular route from Chelsea thro' Charlestown to Boston is about | of a mile far- ther than a direct course over Noddle's Island to Boston. The actual saving of distance, however, can only be obtained by admeasurement. The course suggested will be almost in a direct line, and from my knowledge of the land, I think that, on this route, it will not only be practicable to build a road, but I think the land is highly favorable. On the back part of the Island is a muddy creek, and the distance from the Island to Boston is not so great by one third, I presume, as it is from Chelsea to Moreton Point in Charlestown. The channel is within four rods of the Island, and is one fathom deeper than where the Charlestown Bridge stands, so that a heavy abutment may be made on the edge of the channel ; there is a sufficiency of stones on the Island for this purpose. On the Boston side there is a long bar of gravel which is formed by the current of 1801.] THE SALEM TURNPIKE. 423 Charles river. The channel is narrow, and I have circuitously heard that I\Ir. Coxc is of opinion that there is no doubt of the stability of a bridge properly erected in this place. " There is no doubt but that the necessities of the town of Boston will some time require a connection with Noddle's Island with the town of which it is a part. This connection was some time since contemplated for the sake of speculation. Whatever the necessities of the town now are, I believe it is a desirable object with the selectmen, and w^th many influential characters in the town, to have this connection now take place. Should the turnpi"ke proprietors prefer this route over the Island, they will unquestionably have the weight of Boston in their scale, and unit save in distance at least f of a mile and the toll of Charlestown Bridge. " The objections to this plan are easily foreseen ; of their weight in compari:^on with the advantage gained, the Com- mittee who have attended to the subject are the best judges. Although the Charlestown Bridge will retain the travel to Andover, Haverhill, the back parts of Vermont and New Hampshire, to New Concord and Portsmouth by the upper road, they will use all their influence to oppose it. The repre- sentation from Charlestown will oppose it, on the ground that it will diminish the travel through the town. But why shall Salem, Marblehead, Beverly, Newburyport, Ipswich, and the District of Maine be obliged to take a turn through Charles- town streets to please Charlestown people ? The navigation of the town will in some degree be obstructed, no doubt; but I think the gentlemen of the Committee cannot but have observed the decrease of Charlestown navigation since the erection of the West Boston Bridge ; it is seldom that an outward bound ves- sel enters at Charlestown, and seldom do they go there with more than half freight. All their wood and lumber they receive at their wharves. But we shall throw no greater obstruction in the way of Charlestown navigation than they did to the navigation of Cambridge and Watertown, and they cannot now come forward and inconsistently endeavor to diminish the weight of it ; ' wc will build a very convenient drawJ Land is lik'ewise purchased for a navy-yard at Charlestown. Under the late administration, the establishment of a navy-yard would 424 HISTORY. [1801. have been consequential. This, I conceive, will have no great weight under the present. But should any change of system take place, and the deadly hatred to a Naval Establishment be removed, the Committee by inquiry will be informed, that it was the resolution of the British Government previous to the Revolution, after an accurate survey of the Harbor by the King's Surveyor, to establish it at Noddle's Island. That the water is better there than at any other place in the harbor, and that the conveniences and cheapness with which it may be built there, in comparison with the place at Charlestown, will be more consistent with the Administration system of economy. "An idea which will not be publicly acknowledged, will be of great private importance to the advocates of this route, which will not operate in the case of the Petitioners for a bridge to Moreton's Point in Charlestown. They will be sure of the hearty cooperation of all those who are opposed to a Naval Establishment, and the gentlemen of the Committee are best acquainted with their power in the house. They will conceive the erection of a bridge to Noddle's Island will be sufficient to justify their friends in the Federal administration already pre- disposed to this object if they delay the establishment of a navy-yard at present. " The objections to the route over the Island being obviable, and the advantages resulting from it being so important, I think Sir, that the Committee will not readily relinquish this object or this favorable crisis for obtaining it, and run the risk of being cut off at some future time. " I have the honor to be, Sir, " Your most Obdt. and very humble Servt., " Wm. H. Sumner." The committee to whom this letter was addressed through Mr. Brown, the chairman, consisted, so far as is now recollected, of Moses Brown, Israel Thorndike, and Samuel Davis, of Beverly, Hersey Derby, of Salem, and one other, whose name is not now recalled. This letter was considered as placing the Island route in so favorable a light that it led to a survey for the turnpike across the Island, and the route was marked out on the plan of the 1801.] SURVF.Y FOR TURNPIKE. 425 Island drawn by William Taylor, Esq., 21st of Oct., 1801, and there seemed no good reason why the project should not be carried out. This route commenced at the north battery, which was to be connected with the west end of Smith's hill by a brido^c ; thence it ran from Smith's hill to Chelsea creek by the easterly end of Eagle hill, making an angle there, and after crossing the creek, in a direct line to the east end of Cheever's hill in Chelsea, where it met the route which the committee had before surveyed from Salem to Charlestown.^ All recollection of ever having written this letter had passed from the mind of the writer, until it was given him by a son of Mr. Brown, who had received it from his father, with some complimentary remarks upon it. At that time the democratic party, which was then dominant, was averse to a naval establishment. The president openly avowed his policy of substituting gunboats for a navy, on the ground that the latter would embroil us with foreign nations, whil(? all that was necessary was to defend our own harbors, for which gunboats were sufficient. Thus there was no need of large ships, and consequently no use for navy-yards. The array was then the favorite of the administration, while the navy was the object of especial interest to the opposition. John Adams, the father of the navy, when president, was accused by his political antagonists of having wastefuUy expended vast sums in building large frigates, which the state of our foreign rela- tions did not require. Jefferson, who succeeded him, con- structed gunboats, to be used for the defence of our harbors, which he considered would be the only use for a naval force. » Tlic AVilliams journal under date of the 2d April, 1801, after Mr. H. H. Williams had rertioved to Chelsea, says : " Gentlemen from Salem called here [Chelsea] this morning; they had been surveying the land from Salem in a direct line to Dr. Dexter's farm, as they have in contemplation a road that way which will make the distance to Boston much shorter. Papa accompanied them through Chelsea ;" and again, 28th May: " General Waldo from Salem breakfasted here by appointment, with Mr. Taylor, to survey the distance from Salem to Boston, as they talk strongly of the bridge ; they surveyed here from six o'clock till twelve, and then went to Charlestown." 36* 426 HISTORY. [1801. This system, for a time, received the public favor. Sloops and other vessels of war were sold, and the frigates laid up in ordi- nary as useless lumber ; hence the president was sarcastically called by his opponents, " Gunboat Jefferson." Had this sys- tem been continued there would have been no obstacle to the route over the Island which could not have been surmounted. In 1803, however, orders were issued to complete the dock-yard at Charlestown, and this was taken as evidence that the gov- ernment was about to change its policy. This gradually but eventually took place. The navy fought itself into favor in the war of 1812, which was emphatically a naval war, and it has ever since been the care and pride of the country. The turn- pike route over the Island was now given up, from the fact that the proposed bridge from Smith's head to the north battery would be too great an obstruction to the passage of ships of war to the navy-yard. Thus this plan for connecting the Island with the city failed on the very eve, as it were, of accomplishment. No feasible opportunity afterward presented itself to prosecute this desira- ble object until the project for the Eastern Railroad was started. The writer then turned his attention to uniting, as far as possi- ble, the different interests in the Island, with a view to impor- tant improvements upon it, and to secure the passage of the proposed railroad over it, in this manner securing the connec- tion of the Island with the city, and immeasurably enhancing the value of the estate. The difficulties and obstacles encoun- tered and eventually overcome in the proceedings preliminary to any actual operations upon the Island have been given in the letter to William C. Barstow, Esq., which, although written for another purpose, has been considered as containing facts which may, with propriety, be inserted as introductory to this his- tory. It has been stated,^ that in the division of the family estate after the death of Mrs. Sumner, her two sixths of the Island fell by lot to Mrs. Eliza Gerard of New York, wife of James W. Gerard, Esq., and sister of General Sumner. For a long ' Ante, page 25. 1828.] OBSTACLES TO IMPROVEMENT. 427 time his mind had been directed to this part of the estate as peculiarly situated for valuable and lucrative improvement, as has been seen, and, as was natural under the circumstances, had hoped that the Island, or rather the Sumner share of it, would come into his possession. Although his legal interest in it ceased by this division, the two sixths of the Island having passed into the possession of Mrs. Gerard, he exerted himself to do for his sister what he would have done for himself, and immediately, with no motives of self-interest, made endeavors to improve it for her benefit. As, indeed, at this time there was no prospect that the Island, or any part of it, would ever come into his possession, and whatever improvements might be made upon it would benefit others, no other desire than that of increasing the value of his sis- ter's property could influence him in the efforts he made to bring about the desired end. This remark is made in order to antici- pate or prevent any idea that might be entertained that the original plan had its origin in selfish motives. Acting succes- sively in the capacities of guardian, attorney, and trustee of his sister, he energetically exerted himself to make the Island a source of greater income to her, with the same zeal as if it had been his own. With this object he endeavored to unite the Greenough interest in the Island (three sixths) with the Sumner interest (two sixths), to which he hoped to add the other one sixth, which had belonged to his uncle Hyslop, whose widow had married Mr. John Hayden, and by thus bringing the whole of the Island into one plan for improvement, and uniting all the interests, be the better enabled to accomplish his purposes. But now, when all things else seemed favorable, an unexpected obstacle put a quietus upon the whole plan. Mrs. Gerard was averse to any thing like speculation, which had involved the rest of her property; the Island was at this time bringing in a moderate income as a farm, and, although this income was comparatively small, she preferred it to incurring the risk of land experiments, and so great was her unwillingness to engage in the enterprise, that there seemed no probability that it would ever be accomplished. She expressed a readiness to sell one half of her interest, and retain the other half, in order to avail herself of any improvements which might subsequently be 428 HISTORY. [1830. made; but at the same time she did not wish "to take any interest in any company to be formed, or to expend any money in the prospect of speculation." This feeling and de- cision, it will readily be seen, was an obstacle which must be overcome before any progress could be made, at least, so far as her interest was concerned. The writer was consequently unable to prosecute his purpose, and the project was aban- doned, much to his regret, as he was anticipating, even then, the results which afterward followed. In addition to this obstacle was another. Colonel Greenough, grandson of Mrs. Deacon Greenough, one of the devisees of the Island and the father of the gentleman who was lately solicitor of the East Boston Company, had formerly encouraged the expectation, that, when he had the control of it, he would unite his interest in the enterprise ; but, after his father's death, he declined any proposition to that effect, and preferred letting the Island estate remain in its then condition. From these sufficient causes it seemed probable that the cherished idea of increasing the value of Mrs. Gerard's property would fail of realization. Without a change in her opinions, General Sum- ner had no particular object in prosecuting the purpose ; for a time it was given up, and the Island was let for a farm as formerly, at a moderate rent, averaging, by calculation, $702.71^ annually, of which Mrs. Gerard received one third. The course of events soon took a direction by which the writer became interested in his own right. On the 6th of Auo-ust, 1830, Colonel Greenough suddenly died of apoplexy, and a few months afterward, the writer ascertained that it was the purpose of the administratrix and guardian of the children to dispose of the Greenough interest in the Island, which gave so small an income in comparison with the interest of the price for which it probably could be sold. General Sumner obtained a refusal of the Island at a certain price, and secured a written offer of the terms of sale ; he then opened the sub- ject to his friends, Hon. Stephen White, a man of influence and a capitalist, who had recently removed from Salem to Boston, and Francis J. Oliver, Esq. of Boston, a man of distinction and enterprise, president of the American Insurance Company, over which Mr. J. I. Bowditch now presides, to secure their 1832.] PROPOSALS OF SALE. 429 cooperation. The reasons for this step were, that the writer thought the projected enterprise was too large for any indi- vidual with small pecuniary means to undertake, and by asso- ciating the above-named gentlemen with himself, he would unite the interests of Boston and Salem in the proposed im- provements, besides giving prominence to the project, and ob- taining assistance in carrying it into effect. In a letter to the writer dated the 12th January, 1832, Mrs. Greenough, administratrix of her husband's estate and guardian to his children, with the advice of her brother, James C. Doane, Esq., and her late husband's friend, William D. Sohier, Esq., who acted as her attorney in settling the estate, announced her will- ingness to sell to him her late husband's share of the Island at an hundred dollars an acre for the upland and marsh, or thirty- two thousand five hundred dollars for her half, payable one fifth part upon delivery of the deed, and the remainder secured by mortgage or otherwise, to her satisfaction, payable at some dis- tant day at five per cent, if the necessary power could be obtained, reserving the right to avail herself of the first satisfac- tory offer to that effect, and to withdraw the proposal upon six days' notice. Gen. Sumner accepted the proposition, and sub- sequently showed the letter to Messrs. White and Oliver. These gentlemen, perceiving the excellent opportunity for exten- sive and lucrative operations, and that Gen. Sumner had the control of one half, and from his relationship with the other parties would be likely io secure all, or nearly all, of the rest of the Island, and that the whole enterprise in its origin and pres- ent favorable prospects was in his hands, gladly associated with him on the terms which he offered, as is set forth at length in the indenture for that purpose between them. Accordingly they acceded to his proposals for the purchase of Mrs. Greenough's undivided half, and were the first and only persons to whom the offer was made. On the 25th of January a memorandum in MTiting was signed by the parties, specifying the terms of sale more particularly, and on the 26th a written agreement was en- tered into between Messrs. Sumner, White, and Oliver, to pur- chase the interest which the late Colonel Greenough had in the Island, as soon as the widow and guardian could obtain leave of court for its sale. A petition to that effect was presented to 430 HISTORY. [1832. the probate court, and granted ; but to place the power of sale beyond dispute, and in order to act under the highest authority, a petition was presented to the legislature, which passed the following resolve on the 10th of February, 1832 : — " Resolved., That Maria F. Greenough, the guardian of said minors, or, in case of her unwillingness to act in this behalf, any person or persons as shall be appointed as aforesaid, respec- tively are hereby fully authorized and empowered to sell and dispose of, by public sale or private contract, and for and in the names of said minors respectively to execute, acknowledge, and deliver any and all deed or deeds proper and sufficient to grant and convey to the purchaser or purchasers thereof all the right, title, interest, and estate which David S. Greenough, John Greenough, James Greenough, Arme Greenough, and Jane D. Greenough, the minor children of said David S. Greenough, deceased, have of, in, and to one undivided moiety of a certain Island known by the name of Noddle's Island, and situated in the harbor of Boston. ^'^ Provided hoiv ever, That said minors' estate in said Island shall not be sold by private contract, unless a sale can thereby be effected at ? price, which, including the consideration for the estate in dower belonging to the mother of said minors, shall equal one hundred dollars for each acre which a moiety of said Island contains. " And provided also, That before the power hereby gi'anted shall be exercised, the person or persons assuming to act under and by virtue of this resolve, shall, before he, she, or they grant and convey the said estate and title of said minors to a pur- chaser or purchasers, give a bond, with an adequate penalty, with a condition that he, she, or they shall and will faithfully lay out and keep in some public stock or funds, or in real securities at interest, all the net proceeds of such sale ; and will duly account for and pay over to said David, John, James, Anne, and Jane respectively, when and as they attain full age, his or her just share of such proceeds, with the accumulation (if any) caused by the addition of an excess of income beyond the expenditure required for the suitable education and mainte- nance of said minors during their respective minorities ; and shall also take, subscribe, and file in the probate office in said 1832.] TERMS OF SALE. 431 county of Norfolk, the oaths which executors and adminis- trators are required by law to take, before making a sale of the real estate of their testators or intestates under a license from the Supreme Court, or a court of probate, except as to the mode of sale." It was further understood between the purchasers, Messrs. Sumner, White, and Oliver, that the widow's portion should be paid in cash in six months, and the notes for the children's share should be given, payable to each on their arrival at age, secured by a mortgage on the premises. W. D. Sohier, Esq., the attorney of the administratrix, furnished the following mem- orandum, in conformity with which the mortgage should be drawn : — "Boston, June, 1832. " Wm. H. Sumner, Esq. " Dear Sir, — I enclose you 2, form for the notes to be given, and by that a mortgage may be prepared in conformity. " Respectfully yours, (Signed) W. D. S. G500 — 21st Nov. 1832, to M. F. G. > by W. H. S., AV. & F. J. O, \ 6500 2600 — 21st Feb. 1836. 1733^ — " « " 8661 " " " 2G00 — 21st Feb. 1838. 1733^ " " " 866# « « " W. II. S. w. F. J. O. s. AV. O. D. S. G. 5200 Jno. G. 5200 Same as above. Same as above. Same as above. 21st Feb. 1840. 21st Feb. 1843. 21st Feb. 1852. Do. [■ Anne Do. [■ James Do. [■ Jane D. 5200 5200 5200 32,500 " I pray you speed the matter, as beside the delay already suffered, I wish to leave the city for the summer. Average time of last five notes, January, 1842." The note to Mrs. Greenough was signed by Messrs. Sumner, White, and Oliver. For the amount due the children, the as- sociated purchasers gave their several notes for their respective proportions of the purchase, and each of these notes was endorsed by the others. 432 HISTORY. [1832. In accordance with the provisions of this resolve of the legis- lature, and in compliance with the requisitions of law, Mrs. Maria F. Greenough and her children, by a deed dated on the 21st of February, 1832, conveyed to Stephen White, Francis J. Oliver, and William H. Sumner, all their right, title, and interest in Noddle's Island, being one half of it, for the consid- eration of $33,150, being at the rate of $100 an acre.i Of this moiety of the Island, Gen. Sumner, by agreement with White and Oliver, was to hold three sixths, equal to three twelfths of the whole Island ; Stephen White, two sixths, or two twelfths of the Island ; and Francis J. Oliver, one sixth, or one twelfth of the Island. An indenture was immediately entered into by the pur- chasers, in which the particulars of the sale and the mutual contract were set forth in detail. The conditions and provisions of this indenture can be best given by transferring it verbatim to our pages ; and it is the more important to do this, as here was the real foundation of the East Boston Company, and here the plans and purposes so long entertained by the writer began to take a definite form, and to foreshadow coming events. It is as follows : — " This indenture tripartite, made and concluded this twenty- first day of February, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and thirty-two, by and between William H. Sumner of the first part, Stephen White of the second part, and Francis J. Oliver of the third part, and all of Boston, in the county of Suffolk, Esquires, witnesseth, " That whereas heretofore the parties agreed to purchase the right and interest which David S. Greenough, late of Roxbury, deceased, had in Noddle's Island in Boston, and which be- longed to his widow and minor children, upon the terms con- tained in a memorandum to that effect, dated the twenty-fifth day of January last, and signed by the said Sumner and Maria F. Greenough, widow of said David S. and guardian to the children aforesaid, and which was to be carried into effect as soon as the said widow and guardian could obtain leave for the 1 Suffolk Deeds, lib. 362, fol. 215. 1832.] THE BASIS OF THE COMPANY. 433 sale of the same : and whereas a license has been since ob- tained by her for that purpose from the general court, and a conveyance of a moiety of said Island has been made, to wit, three twelfths of said Island to said Sumner, two twelfths thereof to said "White, and one twelfth to said Oliver, accord- ing to the request of said Sumner, " Now the parties hereto covenant and agree the one with the other of them in manner following, that is to say : " First. The aforesaid interest in said Island being one undivided half of the same, shall be estimated at three hundred and thirty-one and an half acres, including the mill-pond and creek, and shall be so held by them and their heirs and assigns respectively, and such persons as shall hereafter be admitted to become shareholders therein, according to William Taylor's survey of said Island, on record. '• Second. That the property of said parties in said Island shall be divided into six hundred and sixty shares, which shall be apportioned as aforesaid among the parties hereto associated as aforesaid. " Third. That if any other proprietor of the Island shall put into stock the whole or any portion of his interest therein, or if the parties themselves should purchase any such interest, or any part of any such proprietors' interest therein, the same shall be put into stock and shall be conveyed in such apt man- ner as to effect the object, and the number of shares shall be increased in the exact ratio of the number of additional half acres put in, and the person putting the same into this company or association shall thereby be entitled, on making and deliver- ing suitable conveyances, to become a member of the associa- tion and a proportionate owner of the stock : on condition, that such additional portions be subject to a fair and true proportion of the expenses which had been previously incurred by the parties hereto and their associates, in the same way and man- ner as if the person so joining the same company or association had been one of the original associates thereof. " Fourth. That they will use all their endeavors and exer- tions to procure the location of a railroad from Boston to Salem over the Island aforesaid, and to establish a ferry con- nected therewith between the Island and Boston ; and inas- 37 434 HISTORY. [1832. much as it may be found necessary or convenient, in order to carry into effect this object, to associate other persons in the purchase aforesaid, it is agreed, that whenever it shall be de- cided so to enlarge the number of associates, each of the pres- ent parties, and such as shall become associates with them, shall part with shares in said Island or purchase, in proportion to his interest therein. " Fifth. That all charges and expenses incurred, and power, and votes over the affairs of the company, shall be according to the number of shares held therein by each associate. " Sixth. That each of the parties hereto shall be responsible for his own proportion of the purchase and advances unto the other of them, but the said White and Oliver shall provide the cash payments for the said Sumner's part until one year after the said railroad shall be constructed and opened for public travel, if the same be so constructed and opened within the period of three years ; and if not, in four years from the date hereof; and the said Sumner shall stand charged with the cash advanced for the proportion he now holds therein, as well as his share of that which may hereafter be purchased by said Sumner, White, and Oliver, to add to the stock of the com- pany aforesaid : and at the period or periods aforesaid, said Sumner shall reimburse all advances and interest which may be made by the other parties hereto on his account. " Seventh. That in consequence of the parties having given a joint mortgage of their interest in said Island for the payment of the balance of the purchase-money by instalments, they shall severally be held responsible, and will from time to time pay each the several proportions required of them, according to the terms of this agreement. " Eighth. That the said White and Oliver, in consideration of the said Sumner's trouble, labor, and expense, in procuring the purchase of the land aforesaid, and admitting them to be- come his associates therein, shall and will, in the proportions aforesaid, at the times fixed as aforesaid for reimbursing their advances and interest, allow and pay to said Sumner one fifth part of the net gains or increase in the value of the property which they have purchased. " Ninth. And for the purpose of better managing their es- 1832.] THE BASIS OF THE COMPANY. 435 tate and interest aforesaid, it is agreed that, in the application for the railroad or by some other mode, they will endeavor to procure an act of incorporation which shall enable them to hold, transfer, and enjoy their estate as personal property ; but if this cannot be effected, they will convey their estate to trus- tees or otherwise, so as to enable the associates to manage and dispose of shares therein as a joint-stock company, and the trustees shall thereby be holclen to give to each proprietor a certificate in a form to be prescribed, stating his interest in the trust, and that he shall hold it according to the terms of this indenture, or any future articles of association, which certificate shall be recorded in a book to be kept for that purpose, and be complete evidence of such shareholder's right in the estate and property aforesaid ; and each certificate or share shall be trans- ferable by endorsement of said certificate, and by causing the same to be recorded in the company's book aforesaid, and upon such record being made, the assignee shall be entitled to vote as a member of the company, according to his interest and the terms of this indenture, or any future articles of association. And the business of the association shall be managed by a board of directors, who shall have full power to sell or dispose of any part of the company's interest in said Island, except the land necessary for the purposes of a railroad, streets, wharves, stores, ferry ways, and ferries, according to the votes of the proprietors, and shall pay over to the respective proprietors their proportion of the money received from any and every sale. And such trustees, under the direction of the proprietors or their board of directors, or other officers, as the case may be, shall cause partition to be made, and their shares to be set off from the other proprietors of the Island, and execute suitable convey- ances to any purchaser or purchasers without any further act or ceremony to pass the interest in the property sold to such pur- chaser or purchasers in fee-simple or otherwise, as may be agreed on and determined pursuant to the votes of the propri- etors, voting according to their respective interests in the prem- ises. "And lastly. The business and property of the parties afore- said, touching said Island, shall be conducted and managed as is above provided, until some other mode shall be agreed upon. 436 HISTORY. [1832. "In witness whereof, the parties hereto have interchangeably set their hands and seals the day and year above written. « Signed, sealed, and delivered FrANCIS J. OLIVER, [l. S.] in presence of W. H. SuMNER, [l. S.] Henry R. Da] and. Stephen White. [l. s.] "Suffolk, ss. Boston, July 21st, 1832. — Then the above- named Francis J. Oliver, William H. Sumner, and Stephen White severally acknowledged the foregoing instrument to be their respective free acts and deeds. " Before me, Wm. C. Aylwin, Justice of Peace." In order to confirm the sale under the resolve of the 10th of February, 1832, another petition was presented to the legisla- ture, and another resolve was passed, as follows : — " Resolve on the petition of Maria F. Greenough, Guardian, March 25th, 1833. " On the petition of Maria F. Greenough, as guardian of her five minor children, praying that her acts done under a resolve of the legislature, made and passed on or about the tenth day of February, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hun- dred and thirty-two, may be confirmed ; and for the reasons therein set forth, '■'■Resolved, That the sale and conveyance of said minors' right, title, and estate in and to one undivided moiety of a cer- tain island in Boston harbor known by the name of Noddle's Island, made by said Maria, on or about the twenty-first day of February, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and thirty-two, by a deed of that date, recorded with the Suf- folk deeds in lib. 362, fol. 215, be, and the same hereby are, con- firmed. " And said Maria is hereby empowered to make and execute, acknowledge and deliver such other and further conveyances to the grantees named in the deed aforesaid, as in the opinion of herself or counsel, shall be proper or necessary to pass and con- firm to them in fee-simple, the right, title, and interest of said minors in and to the premises mentioned in the deed aforesaid, free from all conditions." ^ ^ Eesolves, 1832 to 1834, p. 439. 1832.] FURTHER PURCHASES. 437 In pursuance of this resolve, a confirmation of the deed given by Mrs. Maria F. Greenough and children to Stephen White, Francis J. OHver, and William H. Sumner, on the 21st of February, 1832, was executed for the purpose of establishing the validity of the sale of the minors' interest, before a change of circumstances should make it difficult to show a strict com- pliance with the resolve of the 10th of February, 1832, given on a preceding page, and of allowing the purchasers to enjoy the premises without question in this respect ; subject, however, to the mortgage made by William H. Sumner et al. to Mrs. Greenough and her minor children, 21st February, 1832. This "confirmation" was dated on the 18th of April, 1883, and recorded 24th of April, lib. 367, fol. 295. It was in this manner that Stephen White and Francis J. Oliver, Esqrs. became associated with the original projector in his purchase of Mrs. Greenough's one half of the Island, the proportions of this half which each held being, William H. Sumner three sixths, Stephen White two sixths, and Francis J. Oliver one sixth. The eighth provision in the indenture, which stipulates that White and Oliver should each pay to General Sumner one fifth of the net gains or increase in the value of the property was fulfilled and payment made, as the parties settled their accounts from time to time. The purchase of one half of the Island was thus completed in a satisfactory manner. These same gentlemen next commenced negotiations wdth the other proprietors for the rest of the Island, and soon suc- ceeded in purchasing the one sixth owned by Mrs. Hayden, the former wife of David Hyslop. She was heir-at-law to her minor son, David Hyslop, who, as the only surviving child of David Hyslop, the former husband of Mrs. Hayden, died in the possession of one sixth of the Island estate. By a warranty deed, dated on the 8th of September, 1832, John Hayden and his wife Jane Hayden, in her right, conveyed to William H. Sumner, Stephen White, and Francis J. Oliver, for the consideration of ^15,000, one sixth, or six thirty-sixths, of Noddle's Island ; three thirty-sixths to Gen. Sumner, two thirty-sixths to White, and one thirty-sixth to Oliver. Four sixths of the Island being now in their possession, these 37* 438 HISTORY. [1833. three persons concluded to associate with themselves men of capital and enterprise, procure an act of incorporation, and prosecute their object as a company systematically and with increased vigor. With this end in view, a proposition was made to Edward H. Robbins, Esq., for him and his associates, T. H. Perkins and others, to become jointly interested with the proprietors, and to take the active management of the concern. But he declined this offer, thinking that, on account of his con- nection with the Winnisimet Company, the interests of the two companies might come in conflict. Numerous individuals were then thought of, until, some time after, the same proposal was made to INIr. Samuel S. Lewis, who had been distinguished as the projector of Commercial wharf and street, and had carried out the undertaking through almost insurmountable obstacles. Mr. Lewis at first thought the enterprise was too heavy for him to engage in ; but on further consideration, and finding that he could secure the cooperation of D. D. Brodhead and Amos Binney, Jr., Esqrs., men of character and influence, he said, that if a company could be formed of forty men from the vari- ous classes of society, and who should be acceptable to the original proprietors, he would engage in the project. This was assented to, and the then owners offered to sell one half of that part of the Island already purchased, and also to sell to him or them, as the case might be, one half of w^iat should hereafter be purchased of the Island at the same price it cost; that is, they were to be let in on equal terms after all the risks had been run in the purchase previously made. This proposition, so gen- erous in its character, was agreed to by Mr. Lewis, who entered into the enterprise with great zeal, and interested other gentle- men in the plans, who had a well-founded confidence in him as a grand projector. On the 3d of January, 1833, William H. Sumner, Stephen White, and Francis J. Oliver conveyed by warranty deed to Samuel S. Lewis, Daniel D. Brodhead, and Amos Binney, Jr., for the consideration of $27,000, one undivided tliird part of the Island (being one half of what they then possessed), subject to a mortgage dated the 21st of February, 1832, for $32,500.1 Suffolk Deeds, 5th January, 1833, lib. 365, fol. 99. 1832.] PURCHASE FROM MRS. GERARD. 439 Meanwhile, negotiations had been going on for the purchase of Mrs. Gerard's two sixths of the Island, which had fallen to her by lot in the division of her mother's estate. It w^as some time before the object could be accomplished, for Mrs. Gerard was unwilling to unite in any speculation which, if it should prove to be unfortunate, might involve the rest of her property, especially as she and her husband were at too great a distance to have a personal knowledge of the operations which might be undertaken ; and thus the embryo company was embarrassed in the prosecution of its plans. But these difficulties gradually disappeared. In a letter dated January 20th, 1832, Mr. Gerard says, in reference to the Island : " If any company should be formed, you may sell one half of our interest, viz., one sixth of the Island, at a hundred and fifty dollars an' acre We should like to secure to ourselves the privilege of putting our remaining half interest in the Island into the company, if, by a certain time, we should think proper to do so." The proposed plan of operations was now fast growing into favor, and even common foresight predicted its success. On the 25th of July, 1832, a proposition was made by J. W. Ge- rard, Esq., to Stephen White and Francis J. Oliver, Esquires, to sell a part of Mrs. Gerard's interest in the Island, and to put the residue in with the other proprietors as common stock. The conditions of this proposition were as follows : — " 1st. The Island to be estimated at 660 acres, including mill- pond and marsh, according to Wm. Taylor's survey for David S. Greenough, Esq., but 650 acres only of land to be paid for. " 2d. Mr. and Mrs. Gerard will not sell less than a quarter of their interest in the Island, nor more than half, the price not less than $150 an acre for what may be sold, as the Island now is, clear to Mr. Gerard of any charges thereon for im- provements or otherwise, which from this date are to be added to the price. " 3d. The residue will be put in with the other proprietors as common stock in shares of half an acre each, — each share to be entitled to a vote. "4th. Improvements to be made, — towards which Mr. and Mrs. Gerard will asfree to be assessed from time to time in the 440 HISTORY. [1832. whole, on the part unsold to the following extent, and no more, viz. : If one half of their interest is sold, $5,000 ; if one quarter, $2,500, and so in proportion between those quantities. " 5th. If one half of their interest is sold, and if assessments under an act of incorporation or otherwise to a greater extent than $30,000, on the whole Island shall be required, then Mr. and Mrs. Gerard may either consent to pay the same, or they may elect to have set off in severalty such proportion of the lands and properties of the company, as the stock then held by them may bear to the whole lands and properties of the com- pany, unless the company or the other proprietors should elect to buy out their stock, in which case they obligate themselves to sell out at its fair value, to be fixed by three disinterested men under oath, one to be chosen by each, and those two to name a third, provided such valuation is not less than at the rate of $150 an acre with interest, together with such sums as may have been assessed and paid thereon with interest, placing Mr. and Mrs. Gerard in as good a situation at least as if they now sold all their interest out at $150 an acre. " 6th. Whether this sale is made or not, Mr. and Mrs. Gerard authorize General Sumner to act in the sale or disposition of the water powers of the Island for such sums as he may think proper. " 7th. In case of no sale, Mr. and Mrs. Gerard agree as ten- ants in common to pay their proportion of expenses on one third of the Island for the application and establishment of a ferry and railroad, the erection of a house and repairs to wharf, etc., not to exceed for the whole Island, $6,000, under the fol- lowing restriction, namely, for their share of the expenses of the application for the ferry and railroad, they agree to pay in cash. The others to be paid for, out of the rents, and out of their share of the proceeds of any lots or water powers of the Island, which may be sold by all the proprietors jointly to third per- sons. " 8th. This offer of sale to be binding on Mr. and Mrs. Gerard for 3 months (three months) from this date if notice of accept- ance be given to him in writing within that time. " Mr. Gerard gives above the terms on which he is willing to sell part interest in Noddle's Island. He will be happy from 1833.] THE FORTY SHAREHOLDERS. 441 time to time to unite with the other proprietors, in such other points within his power as may tend to bring the Island into notice, and add to its value." This astute proposition was dated on the 25th of July, 1832, and signed by J. W. Gerard, Esq. Subsequently the time of accepting it was extended to the 10th of January, 1833. It will be borne in mind that the East Boston Company was not yet incorporated, but that this proposition has reference to such a company, and the conditions of transfer of one sixth of the Island for one sixth of the stock of a company when it should be formed ; so that this same proposition, by which one half of the Gerard interest was sold to Messrs. White and Oliver, held good in respect to the other half, for the corporation subse- quently formed. Gen. Sumner and Benjamin Welles, Esq., were trustees of Mrs. Gerard under her marriage settlement dated 2d October, 1820. On the 4th of January, 1833, alterations of certain trusts were made, and authority given to the trustees to convey to Stephen White and Francis J. Oliver one undivided sixth part of Noddle's Island for the sum of $16,250 ;i and in pursuance of this authority the above-named trustees conveyed to Messrs. White and Oliver, on the 4th of January, 1833, one undivided sixth part of the Island for $16,250, reckoning its extent at 660 acres, according to the survey of Wm. Taylor, 17th Oct., 1801. Mr. and Mrs. Gerard joined in the deed.^ As Gen. Sumner was one of the trustees of Mrs. Gerard, and had an interest in the Island, he could not at the same time be grantor and grantee, and consequently the sale was made to Messrs White and Oliver, for the proprietors. •It had been mutually agreed that Mr. Lewis should bring in the forty gentlemen who would engage in the prospective com- pany, and the shares, the number of which was fixed at 5,280,^ 1 Recorded Jan. 1 7, 1833. Suffolk Deeds, lib. 3G5, fol. 1G7. >» Recorded Jan. 17th, 1833, lib. 365, fol. 1G8. ' The property was at first to be divided into as many shares as there were acres, G60 (leaving out the odd three acres) ; then the number was doubled, 1,320, — being one share to every half acre. As the plan became more exten- sive, and embraced a greater number of individual?, this number of shares was quadrupled, equalling 5,280. 442 HISTORY. [1833. were to be divided among them in proportion to the amount of money paid in by each person. These gentlemen were pre- sented and accepted, and the few who fell back from the agreement procured acceptable substitutes in their stead. The names of the subscribers to the 5,280 shares, with the number of shares each one took, are as follows : — Names. Shares . Names. Shares. Wm. H. Sumner . 1320 Wm. B. Reynolds . 40 Sumner and Welles, Trustees of Benj. T. Read . . 40 Mrs. Gerard . . 880 Grijfgs and Weld . no 20 Stephen White 880 Saml. 0. Mead . . 20 F. J. Oliver . 440 Jos. Ripley 20 S. S. Lewis . 242 Stephen Lock . . 20 D. D. Brodhead . 243 Thos. Patten 20 Amos Binney 243 Guy C. Haynes . 20 Robert G. Shaw . 80 Asa Lewis 20 Jno. Brown . 80 Wm. Wyman . . 20 Jno. Binney . 80 Benj. Lamson 20 Jos. W. Revere 80 Jno. Henshaw . . 20 Jno. Heard, Jr. . 80 Ammi C. Lombard 80 Jos. Mariner 80 Thomas M. Thompson . 20 Jno. Kendrick & Co. . 40 Edwin Adams 20 Gardner Greenleaf 40 James Bartlett . . 20 Gridley J. F. Bryant . . 40 Thos. H. Stevens 12 Whole number of shares 5,280 Of these gentlemen, Wm. B. Reynolds, Griggs and Weld, and Samuel O. Mead, declined taking the shares apportioned to them, while Gardner Greenleaf increased his to forty-four. Capt. Joseph Smith, Wm. S. Rogers, John G. Flagg, H. Cum- misky, and Patrick McManus entered the company and took the remaining shares. During this time, the then owners of that part of the Island already purchased had been assiduously engaged in completing their arrangements, and, after mature deliberation, had asso- ciated with themselves the gentlemen named, of high standing and influence in their various professions. On the 25th of March, 1833, Francis J. Oliver, Stephen White, Wm. H. Sum- ner, and their associates, were incorporated under the name of the East Boston Company. The act of incorporation was ac- cepted on the 2d of April, and by-laws were adopted on the 5th of the same month. The directors were Wm. H. Sumner, 1833.] THE COMPANY INCORPORATED. 443 Stephen White, F. J. Oliver, Samuel S. Lewis, Daniel D. Brod- head, Amos Binney, and Gardner Greenleaf ; and at a meeting of the directors held on the 3d, Wm. H. Sumner was chosen pres- ident of the company and of the board of directors. S. S. Lewis was chosen clerk of the directors, and clerk, treasurer, and superintendent of the company. On the 20th of April, 1833, a deed of bargain and sale of the five sixths of the Island and of all the flats now purchased was given to the newly formed East Boston Company, by Wm. H. Sumner, Stephen White, Francis J. Oliver, Samuel S. Lewis, Daniel D. Brodhead, and Amos Binney, in consideration of $70,000 to them paid by the East Boston Company.^ All that was wanting now to put the whole Island into the hands of the company was to accomplish the transfer of stock for the remain- ing one sixth, owned by Mrs. Gerard, according to the propo- sition already made, and this transfer was soon made. In Mr. Gerard's proposition, the remaining one sixth, it will be remembered, was offered, wath the concurrence of Mrs. Ge- rard's trustees, Wm. H. Sumner and Benjamin Welles, Esquires, for one sixth of the stock of the company to be formed. On the 5th of April, at a stockholder's meeting, " The presi- dent submitted the following preamble and votes in relation to Mrs. Gerard's interest in the lands in East Boston ; the same having been read and considered, on motion of Mr. White, it was thereupon Voted, unanimously. That the same be and they hereby are accepted and ordered recorded, namely: — " Whereas, on the 25th of July, A. D. 1832, proposals were made to Stephen White and Francis J. Oliver, Esquires, two of the original associates in the purchase of Noddle's Island, in behalf of Mrs. Eliza Gerard, wife of James W. Gerard, Esq., through the trustees under her marriage settlement, in respect to putting in with the other proprietors as common stock, the residue of her interest in the Island, being one sixth part thereof, on condition that if assessments under an ' act of incorporation to a greater extent than thirty thousand dollars on the whole Island shall be required, — then Mrs. Gerard may either con- sent to pay the assessments on her shares in the company's 1 Suffolk Deeds, lib. 3G8, fol. 228. 444 HISTORY. [1833. stock or elect to surrender the certificates thereof, and have set off in severalty such proportion of the land and property of the company as the amount of her stock may bear to the whole land and property of the company, unless the company should choose to buy out her shares, in which case she agreed to sell them at their fair value, — to be fixed by three disinterested men, under oath, one to be chosen by each party, and those two appraisers to appoint a third, provided the valuation should not be at a rate less than $150 an acre, with interest from said 25th of July, together with such sums as may have been as- sessed and paid thereon with interest.' And whereas said pro- posals are extended to this company, " Voted, That the said proposals be and are hereby accepted, and on the due execution and delivery of suitable conveyances to this company by the parties in interest and those authorized to convey the share of Mrs. Gerard in said Island, the terms of said proposals shall be binding on the company, and certificates of stock shall be issued to her trustees accordingly, — provided, however, that if under the conditions aforesaid an election shall be made to surrender the stock and have a partition made in severalty, the assignment thereof shall be by appraisers as above provided, and the share of Mrs. Gerard shall not be set off so as to affect or disturb any sale or contract of sale act- ually made by the corporation of any paH of the Island or its flats. And the company shall convey to her trustee such share accordingly. " Voted, That this company become parties to indentures in order to receive a conveyance of the one sixth part of Noddle's Island, its flats and appurtenances from the trustees of Mrs. Gerard, and that the treasurer sign the same and affix the com- pany's seal to one part of said indentures, and acknowledge and deliver the same as the act of this company, and accept a de- livery of the counterpart thereof and take seizin and possession of the estate thereby conveyed. Also, " Voted, That the directors be and they hereby are authorized to receive on behalf and in the name of the company from the proprietors of the residue of the Island, proper and sufficient conveyances of their proportion of the same, its flats and appur- tenances, and to accept seizin and possession thereof, and to 1833.] ARRANGEMENTS MATURING. 445 cause the deeds of conveyance to be duly entered and recorded in the registry of this county." This last vote, it appears, refers to the procuring of the conveyances, and to making the title of the new company to the Island sure and complete. On April 9th, 1833, at a direc- tors' meeting, it was " Voted, W. C. Aylwin and John R. Adan be cmijloyed to procure from the several proprietors of Noddle's Island, the necessary conveyances of said Island, flats, and priv- ileges, to the East Boston Company." It is worthy of note here, that in this place, and in others where the title to the Is- land is concerned, the right of the owners of the Island to the flats in fee-simple under a special grant of the governor and company of Massachusetts Bay on the 13th of May, 1640, is fully recognized and maintained. At a meeting of the stockholders on the 22d of April, it was " Voted unanimously. That as the property has not yet been conveyed to the company, and the certificates of stock have not issued, that portion of the ninth article of the by-laws of this company is hereby repealed, and that in lieu thereof the follow- ing be and the same is hereby adopted as part of the 9th arti- cle of the by-laws of this company, namely: — " Article 9th. The corporate stock of the company shall be divided into five thousand, two hundred and eighty shares, and certificates thereof shall be issued in the form adopted at the meeting on the 5th day of April last." This vote pertains to matters not particularly pertinent here, only so far as it shows that the company was not yet in full and complete possession of the Island. The bargains, however, and all the preliminary arrangements prior to actual operations, were rapidly coming to a conclusion. A letter from Mr. Ge- rard will be introduced, as it adds a few particulars to what has already been given, and accompanies the deed, which had been sent to New York to be acknowledged: — "New York, April 23, 1833. " \Vm. II. Sumner and Benj. Welles, Esquires, " Gentlemen, — I enclose to you the deeds [which were] sent on to be acknowledged and executed by Mrs. Gerard and my- self, transferring our remaining sixth interest in Noddle's Island 38 446 HISTORY. [1833. to the East Boston Company in exchange for one sixth of its stock. I have also before me a copy of the by-laws of the com- pany, and the votes passed in relation to the transfer. There are some variations in the votes from the proposals made by us to Messrs. White and Oliver, but I accept the by-laws, and also the votes, with the following additional vote (to be inserted after the first vote), the necessity of which addition arises from the omission in the recital of the proposals of the words following, underscored in article 5th : ' or they may elect to have set off in severalty such proportion of the lands and properties of the company as the stock then held by them may bear to the whole lands and properties of the company, etc' My meaning (as plainly expressed in the above words underscored) was not to lose the privileges in the stock unsold by our selling portions of stock to pay assessments or otherwise. I remember stating very clearly that it would be necessary for us to make sales to pay assessments. But I do not mean to restrict myself from selling any more than the other proprietors, whenever I think it may be for our interest. The vote may perhaps be implied from the nature of the whole contract; but it is better to leave nothing to construction, but to have all important points expressed. " It might possibly be contended that the privileges followed the stock sold; to guard against such a construction, I have expressly provided against it in the vote I send on. " There is another point, on which I wish to reserve myself, that is, the contract of junction proposed to be made with the Winnisimet Company. We have only been informed gener- ally that such a junction is contemplated, but we know nothing of the terms and conditions of the union. I now beg leave to say that our executing the conveyance to the East Boston Company is not to be considered as implicating us to any other contracts, unless upon inspection of them we expressly apj)rove of them. I need not say that we shall gladly comply with every reasonable wish, that may tend to the common benefit of the proprietors, but being distant from the scene of operations, we wish to express ourselves upon the points to be reserved. " We waive all minor points, and only reserve those which we may think essential to our interest. " If you wish a more formal assent of Mrs. Gerard and my- 1833.] THE TITLE COMPLETE. 447 self to the by-laws and votes, if you will have it reduced to form, we will execute it. The certificates of stock you will please take as trustees expressed on the face of the certificates and in the books of the company; that will dispense with the necessity of your executing a declaration of trust. "J. W. Gerard." Immediately, that is, on the 2d of May, indentures were en- tered into between William H. Sumner and Benjamin Welles of the first part, the East Boston Company of the second part, and James W. Gerard and wife of the third part, to the effect, that, in consideration of the certificates of eight hun- dred and eighty shares in the stock of the East Boston Company received by the trustees of Mrs. Gerard, they convey to the East Boston Company her remaining one sixth of the Island, according to the survey of William Taylor, in 1801, to- gether with the remaining one undivided sixth of all the flats and appurtenances.^ Mr. Gerard's letter was read at a meeting of the stockholders of the company held on the 13th of May, and the vote proposed by him adopted. The vote is in these words: — " Voted, That in case Mrs. Gerard or her trustees shall sell any of her said shares of stock to be issued to her on the transfer of her sixth part of the Island, then the shares sold shall lose the privileges attached to them by the previous vote of this com- pany, but the privileges shall remain joro rata for the stock re- tained by her or her trustees." Thus were accomplished the sale and transfer of Mrs. Gerard's two sixths interest in Noddle's Island, one sixth having been sold to Messrs. White and Oliver for the proprietors, and one sixth transferred to the company for one sixth part of its stock, being eight hundred and eighty shares out of five thousand two hundred and eighty, the whole number. The certificates of stock were taken by Messrs. Samner and Welles as trustees for Mrs. Gerard.2 1 Suffolk Deeds, lib. 369, fol. 15. * The letter from !Mr. Gerard quoted above mentions a proposed union of the East Boston Company with the proprietors of the Winnisimet lands and ferry. This is explained more fully on an advance page. After due consideration the 448 HISTORY. [1833. The long desired end was now accomplished. The whole Island was now owned by, and under the control of, the newly incorporated company, and there were no hinderances to the extensive improvements so long contemplated. To proceed safely and surely was the guiding principle of the company, and every precaution was adopted to remove all possi- bility of doubt respecting the completeness of their title in all future time. With this end in view, although conveyances had been made by and to the parties concerned, a deed was given by General Sumner on the 5th of August, 1833, and upon the same day by Mr. and Mrs. Gerard, of all their interest in the Island. Consequently, at a directors' meeting held upon the day fol- lowing the date of these deeds, Stephen White, from the com- mittee of inquiry on the title, reported that Messrs. Adan and Bowditch, their counsel, to whom the subject had been com- mitted for investigation, " are of opinion that the title is com- plete." Thus the whole question of the title was settled, and the company had full and peaceable possession of the whole Island, flats and appurtenances. These particulars of the different conveyances are thus minutely detailed, in order that every person may be furnished with answers to any inquiries which may be instituted, and also to show the numerous difficulties encountered, and the length of time required to make the title complete. plans wliich laad been entertaiued of uniting the two interests were given up as inexpedient. CHAPTER XV. THE EAST BOSTON COMPANY. TiiE history of East Boston, as forming an important part of the city proper, may be said to begin with the formation of the East Boston Company. This company was incorporated by the legislature of Massachusetts on the 25th of March, 1833, for the purpose of improving Noddle's Island, with the powers and requirements contained in the act concerning corporations passed Sth March, 1833.1 In the earlier stages of the bill incorporating the company, it bore the name of the Norlh Boston Company. But during its progress through the house. Lot Pool, Esq., an intelligent and influential member from Charlestown, moved to amend by sub- stituting East for North ; and gave as a reason, that he wished the latter name to be reserved for Charlestown when her annex- ation should take place. His motion prevailed ; and the East, instead of the North, Boston Company was incorporated. The property at this time consisted of Noddle's Island, con- taining, by William Taylor's survey in 1801, six hundred and sixty-three acres of upland and marsh, surrounded by several hundred acres of flats, which had been declared as belonging to it by the special act of 13th May, 1640, in these words : " It is declared that the flats round about Nodles Hand do belong to Nodles Hand to the ordinary lowe water marke."^ The Island lay directly opposite to the commercial part of Boston, from which it was separated by a distance of one hun- * For the act of incorporation and bj'-laws, and a list of the officers of the company, see Appendix G. * Mass. Records, Vol. I. p. 291. Also see ante, p. 56. 38* 450 HISTORY. [1833. dred and thirty-two rods, which distance, however, has since been diminished by the extension of the wharves. The Island and the city of Boston were originally reputed to be of about equal size, each being supposed to contain about one thousand acres. This estimate of the Island was too large, or else over three hundred acres of it have, since that time, been washed and worn away by the action of the sea ; probably there is truth in each of these suppositions, for there is no record of any actual survey prior to 1801, when it was surveyed for Mr. Greenough, the then proprietor, and it is a well-known fact, that islands of no inconsiderable size have entirely disappeared from the harbor since the settlers first came to Massachusetts bay. It is easy to perceive the causes which have been operat- ing to preserve, and indeed extend, the area of the Boston peninsula, and at the same time to diminish the Island to the extent of several hundred acres. Boston was early an impor- tant settlement; and the enterprising inhabitants, not content with preserving intact the original boundaries, extended wharves far into the water, and thus were continually increasing their territory, and protecting it from the action of the sea. Noddle's Island, on the contrary, inhabited by a few individuals only, could not preserve its natural limits, much less increase them. To be sure, the proprietors expended a considerable portion of the rent for sea-walls in front of their gardens and buildings, but these were of necessity on too small a scale to be of any other important benefit ; and as Brewster's and other islands and headlands gradually yielded to the winds and waves. Noddle's Island was left exposed to the full force of the east and north- east storms, and to the perpetual wear of the ocean. The Island, being of diluvial formation, offers but little resistance to the severe storms which sweep our coast. The wasting away of acre after acre of valuable upland on the exposed sides of the Island, and the consequent formation of an immense area of flats, would seem incredible to those who are ignorant of the locality, and of the force of the action of the sea. To these causes are to be attributed that vast extent of flats upon the north-east side of the Island, occupying ground formerly covered, at least to a great extent, by upland. This is apparent to even 1833.] THE NUMBER OF SHARES. 451 a casual observer ; and such facts as that Bird's island is entirely- washed away, and that Nix's Mate, now a mere point of rock, was not long ago a pasturage ground, besides other instances equally striking, are strong proofs of similar operations at Nod- dle's Island. During the formation of these flats, as the waters ebbed and flowed over them, and the waves dashed up the shore and carried back loads of soil and gravel, channels were formed in the soft earth, large and deep, or small and shallow, as the circumstances at the time decided. The position of these channels naturally varied at different times ; their di- rection being entirely dependent upon various contingencies. The flux and reflux of the waters, the situation of the detritus taken from the upland at different times and places, the direc- tion from which the storms came, — these and other causes were continually altering the channels, so that, as lines of boun- dary, they were literally as " shifting as the sands of the sea- shore," deceptive, and worse than worthless. Consequently the " line of lowe water marke " should be run without reference to these variable channels, for this would simply be marking the boundary over what was upland when the special act relative to the flats was made. This mistaken view the harbor com- missioners have adopted, and have run their line over land be- longing indisputably to the owners of the Island. To trace the beginning and growth of the improvements upon the Island will, for the first few years, be but the history of the operations of the company, as it was the prime mover in, and was identified with, the commercial and manufacturing enter- prises which give to East Boston its character and importance. We will therefore follow on in the track of the company's operations, reserving special enterprises for future chapters ; and, although brief allusions will of necessity be made to various plans and undertakings, particular descriptions of each will be found under distinct heads. These details, although presented in a somewhat disconnected manner, are important as illustrative of the early history of the Island improvements. The land, comprising 660 acres (the odd three acres being thrown out of the calculation), was originally put into a com- 452 HISTORY. [1833. mon stock and divided into 1,320 shares, each share represent- ing an half acre. When lands were sold, the proceeds were to be passed to the credit of the company, constituting the fund from which its expenses were paid and its dividends were made. It was soon thought best, however, to increase the number of shares, and, by a vote of the stockholders on the 22d of April, 1833, the by-laws were so amended as to divide the corporate stock into 5,280 shares. As the circle of the company's operations increased more and more, and embraced a greater number of individuals, alterations in the number of shares were made from time to time, and, for convenience of reference, are here given in connection : — Original number of shares in the company 1,320 1833, April 22, shares quadrupled 5,280 1836, May 2, shares doubled 5,280 10,560 1839, June 14, shares created .... 10,0007 ^^ r^n " " 27, " " ° .... 560 1 1^'^^^ 21,120 1840, Dec. 31, cancelled ........ 560 20,560 1841, May 3, created 10,000; Issued 9,108 29,668 1843, April 18, cancelled 3,037 26,631 1846, Dec. 26, cancelled 6,631 The result of these different changes was that the number of shares was permanently fixed at 20,000. In order to make the Island immediately productive to some extent, the company rented it for farming purposes, excepting Camp and Smith's hills, and the marshes immediately adjoin- ing, reserving the right of viewing, leasing, selling, or making improvements in any part of it. It also voted to provide accommodations for the occupant, on what was called the "Middle Farm," using, as far as possible, the buildings then upon it.i 1 E. B. C. Records, Apr. 9, 1833. 1833.] THE FIRST EXECUTIVE COiNOnTTEE. 453 By way of inducing Mr. Thomas Williams, the tenant, to continue his residence upon the Island, and in consideration of the assistance rendered by him in various ways at the commence- ment of the company, which, from his thorough acquaintance with the Island, he could do better than any one else, the com- paiiy voted to give him an acre of land on the " middle farm," its location to be determined by an executive committee to be subsequently appointed, on condition that he would erect a house upon it for his residence. The committee was chosen on the 12th of April. It consisted of three persons, to be renewed every month, whose duty it was to lay out streets, appraise lots, advise with the superintendent as to the course of action when he was in doubt, and thus save frequent meetings of the directors. William H. Sumner, F. J. Oliver, and Amos Binney composed the first committee. ]VIr. Williams saved them the trouble of locating the acre of land by declining the offer. Gen. Sumner endeavored to convince him that in a few years the acre would be of greatly increased value. But Mr. Williams laughed at the idea, and " wondered if any one was foolish enough to think he would accept of an acre of land on Noddle's Island, and be obliged to erect a house upon it I " It seemed perfectly visionary to him to think that the Island property was so soon to be of such value as to make this piece of land a most lucrative possession ; and this same feeling, without doubt, was entertained by many others. This company commenced, as many other companies do, by borrowing. Its property was large and available, and it had a good credit with the business community. This credit was a natural consequence of the character and standing of the gen- tlemen engaged in the enterprise. The first loan authorized by the company was on the 2d of May, 1833, and was to the amount of $6,000. Upon this same day, Mr. Williams was requested to surrender the old mansion-house on the Island occupied by him, as it w^ould be needed by the company in a fortnight for the accommodation of their workmen. This house, which was then the only one upon the Island, was partly built of the old army barracks at Cambridge, which Gen. Washing- ton gave to Mr. H. H. Williams, when the camp broke up, in partial compensation for the destruction of the buildings on the 454 HISTORY. [1833. Island in 1775 by the American troops to prevent their falling into the hands of the British. The timber was moved from Cambridge to the Island, and the house was erected, as has been already narrated, about where Sumner and Lewis streets now join, over the cellar of the house formerly occupied by John Yeamans. It was a one-story house with a gable end, and a picture of it was adopted for the seal of the East Boston Com- pany. For a time it was used as a boarding-house for the workmen engaged in building the Maverick House, but in 1834 was torn down to give place for laying out the hotel on Mave- rick square. The whole Island was now needed by the com- pany, in order to carry out the extensive improvements contem- plated. Public officers of Boston first set foot on Noddle's Island, in their official capacity, on the 4th of May, 1833. Upon that day the Hon. Charles Wells, the mayor, the aldermen, and the direc- tors of the company, visited it to select portions of land, not ex- ceeding four acres in the whole, to be set apart by the company, free of expense to the city, for the purpose of providing suitable sites for school and engine-houses, burial-grounds, and other public purposes. This was in accordance with the fourth sec- tion of the act of incorporation.^ The gentlemen having transacted their business, partook of a collation, at which the wants of the physical and intellectual man were abundantly gratified, and where pleasing anticipations were indulged with reference to the fature condition of the Island that day takezi under the wing of the city protection. After the collation, the mayor, with some of the aldermen and directors, took a walk towards Camp hill. All were in good spirits, and enjoyed the sea-view and the fine breeze, which ^ The section is as follows : " Be it furtlier enacted, That said corporation shall set apart on said Island, in such place or places thereon as the mayor and aldermen of the city of Boston may designate, a portion of land, not exceed- ing in the whole four acres, free of expense to the city, for the purpose of pro- viding proper sites for engine-houses, school-houses, burial-grounds, and for other public purposes ; provided, that no lots, except the lots for burial-grounds, shall contain more than ten thousand feet, without the consent of this corpora- tion ; and provided fartlier, that said mayor and aldermen shall designate the land so to be taken within six weeks from the passing of this act." 1833.] VISIT OF CITY OFFICIALS. 455 already had a summer mildness. One of the gentlemen re- marked, as they were looking at the prospect, and talking of the Island and its future destiny, " Here is where we are to have our principal street." His honor the mayor was at that moment quietly enjoying his cigar, and peacefully digesting his dinner under the influence of the invigorating air and the narcotic weed, when one of the aldermen, tapping him on the shoulder, said, " It is against the law to smoke in the streets of the city of Boston." The mayor, loth to give up his cigar, and at the same time determined to obey the law, observed, " Really, sir, if you will show me where the streets are, I will step out of them and finish my cigar." The re))ly was, " Come over in a few days, and we will show you the boundaries of the streets and squares." They returned to the city in the miniature pad- dle-boat "Experiment," a boat of four -man power, and capable of carrying twelve or fifteen persons, which Gen. Sumner had purchased at Newport a few months previous and placed it at the foot of Long wharf, for the purpose of transporting the pro- prietors and other persons to and from the Island. The boat was a novelty in Boston harbor, and attracted much notice from its original mode of propulsion ; and to persons inquiring about the strange craft, the ans\ver was, " that is the Noddle's Island boat." It paddled its course well until it was superseded by the steamboat " Tom Thumb." Previous to the passing of the act of incorporation, there had been some mutual overtures for uniting the then rival interests of the purchasers of the Winnisimet lands and ferry and the proprietors of Noddle's Island. It was thought that such an union would be for the benefit of the parties, saving the expense of two distinct organizations, of two ferries, etc., and give increased vigor and strength to the plans. J. W. Gerard, Esq., of New York, so far as his interest went, declined uniting with the Winnisimet Company.^ On the 30th of May, a letter was received from Mr. W. H. Gardner, on the part of the proprie- tors of the Winnisimet Company, which was considered as notifying the intention of the ])roprietors to decline the execu- tion of the contract made with the company on the 20th of * See his letter on page 445. 456 HISTORY. [1833. March. From other papers, it appears that the negotiations between the two companies had reached the point of an agree- ment through their respective committees, but were broken ofT chiefly from a difference of opinion as to the appointment of commissioners for the appraisal of the property of the two companies, with the view of uniting them under the same management. The Winnisimet Company appeared the most willing to adhere to the terms of the agreement, and delayed applying for a distinct charter until the East Boston Company raised objections. The companies from that time went on sep- arately.i Scarcely a month had elapsed since the formation of the company, when arrangements were made preliminary to the first sale of land on the Island. A primary object to be attained in this sale was to secure purchasers whose position in com- munity would give character to the enterprise, and who would erect such buildings as would induce others to settle at East Boston. Consequently, Camp hill, then the most desirable location, was selected, having a beautiful prospect overlook- ing the city, the harbor, and the adjacent country; and the following paper was drawn up and signed : — " The subscribers being desirous of forming an association for the purchase of certain lots of land situated in the city of Boston, on the heights of Noddle's Island, to be called Bel- mont, and numbered from one to fifty-eight on a plan which is hereto annexed, for the purpose of laying out and embellishing the same, and erecting pleasant summer residences thereon, the following rules have been adopted in furtherance of their views, namely, — " The said lots shall be purchased of the East Boston Com- pany at the rate of ten cents per superficial square foot. " The right of choice of said lots shall be sold at auction among the subscribers, the highest bidder to have the first choice, and so on. ^ The Winnisimet Company was incorporated on the 27th of March, 1833, two days after the East Boston Company : capital, $500,000. F. B. Fay, T. H. Perkins, W. II. Gardner, and W. A. Gragg, petitioners. 1833.] FIRST SALE OF LOTS. 457 " The amount received for the choice of lots, over and above ten cents per foot, shall be divided among the subscribers in proportion to the number of feet of land by them respectively taken. " Such of the subscribers as shall not purchase a right of choice shall make their selection from the remaining lots, in such manner as a majority may agree. " The sale and choice of said lots shall take place on the fifteenth day of May next, or as soon thereafter as the superin- tendent shall direct. " The hour and place of said sale shall be appointed by the superintendent of the East Boston Company, and the whole business shall be under his care. " Now, therefore, we the subscribers, in consideration of five dollars to each of us paid by the East Boston Company, a cor- poration established by law, the receipt of which we hereby acknowledge, do each for himself, and not the one for the other or others of us, hereby promise and agree to and with the said East Boston Company in manner following, that is to say : " That we will severally pay, in the manner and on the terms and conditions hereinafter mentioned, the amount of considera- tion, whenever the same shall have been ascertained and deter- mined, for the land hereto subscribed for by us respectively, and at the aforesaid rate of ten cents for each and every square foot thereof; and that we will pay for the same agreeably to the following terms of sale, to w4t : " Twenty per centum in cash on the delivery of the deed ; " Fifteen per centum in one year, with interest ; " Fifteen per centum in two years, with interest annually ; " The balance in ten years, with interest annually; the whole to be secured by note and mortgage. Or if a purchaser shall, within twenty days after the sale of the lots as aforesaid, give a bond to the company to erect a dwelling-house within two years, the balance due at the time of the completion of the house may remain on interest for a further time, if required, not exceeding ten years from the sale. " Purchasers in every case to have the right of paying the whole amount in cash on delivery of the deed. " The streets on the hill, as described on the plan, to be laid 39 458 HISTORY. [1833. out and graded at the expense of tlie corporation during tiie present season. " The hill in no part to be reduced in height more than six feet from its present elevation, and the grading of it, and of the streets, to be under the direction of S. P. Fuller, city surveyor. " No factory or mechanical trade to be carried on within the limits of the lots now offered, unless it shall be within fifty feet of the lower street on the south side of the hill. Francis J. Oliver . 2 lots. B. T. Reed . lot Stephen AVhite . 3 " Grenville T. Wintlirop Daniel Webster 1 lot. John Brown . James W. Paige . Robert G. Shaw Samuel S. Lewis . Levi R. Lincoln Amos Binney . Joseph Ripley . Edwin Adams Benjamin Lamson Daniel D. Brodliead . , Seth E. Benson . Ammi C. Lombard C. E. Bowers William H. Sumner . . George Darracott Benjamin Welles, by W ■1-1 Peter Dunbar liam II. Sumner 3 Samuel A. Allen J. C. Tebbets John Henshaw Jos. Marriner . Gai'diner Greenleaf . Total 30 lots. Our national birthday, the 4th of July, was appropriately celebrated at East Boston this year by the Washington So- ciety, a political organization. They were carried over from the city and taken back at night in the steamer Connecticut, Capt. Porter, and under the extended shade of the willow trees on the hill north-west of Maverick square, the company, num- bering five hundred persons, sat down to a public dinner. The day passed off pleasantly ; the excellent dinner, the appropriate speeches and sentiments, and the content and enjoyment of all, made the ceremonies agreeable, and the celebration — the first public one upon the Island — was a happy inauguration of all which have followed. The work of " filling up " or " making land," which has increased the area of the city so much, was early commenced at East Boston. This was rendered necessary from the char- acter of much of the land, which otherwise would prevent the 1833.] LOCATION OF STREETS. 459 laying out of straight streets, and the extension of wharves into the channel. H. Cnmmisky and P. McManus made a contract with tiie company to fill in and make the street and wharf from IMavericIv square to the ferry, by removing earth from the garden and the hill north-west of Maverick square. This work was commenced on the 9th of July. It has been mentioned, that a loan was authorized by the company on the 23d of May. Up to the 6th of August, no application had been made ; by a vote on that day, the direc- tors as individuals were directed to endorse the treasurer's notes for such sums as might be necessary to carry into effect the votes of the corporation, and the company \vould hold the endorsers harmless from any danger which might result from such a mode of procedure ; in this way, individual credit effected what a corporate body could not. One of the first and most important subjects demanding the attention and action of the company was the location of streets. The narrow and crooked streets of Boston were a continual and sufficient warning to the proprietors to lay out wide and straight streets on the Island before houses and stores were built, for in this way only could regularity and convenience be secured. The old parts of New York and Boston are most per- plexing instances of building according to individual fancy, without the slightest regard to appearance, system, or the pro- spective growth and consequent demands of a large city. A systematic arrangement of streets, squares, and lots on the Island would secure immediate advantages, and make provision for future wants, while at the same time such a course would eventually be the most profitable one for the company. On the 6th of August, an examination of the southern part of the Island w^as made with reference to the location of streets. Bel- mont square, and sundry streets, had been named prior to this (iMay 30th). The very day previous, Mr. Guy C. Haynes had raised his house at the corner of Webster and Cottage streets, now lot No. 94. Mr. Haynes had selected this spot in June, and on the 29th of that month raised his barn, into which he moved his furniture on the 2oth of July. This was some months before the company were prepared to give their deeds. On the od of September, and when the house was about half 460 HISTORY. [1833. finished, Mr. Haynes moved into it from Boston. His family then consisted of himself, his wife, and her sister, and was the first family which moved to the Island after the incorporation of the East Boston Company. This house was the first one built Ecsidenee of Guy C. Haynes, First House erected in East Boston, August, 1833. in East Boston, and is still occupied by Mr. Haynes.^ His appreciation of the future prospects of the Island was in strik- ing contrast to the views held by Mr. "Williams. Mr. Williams, as we have seen, who had been for many years a resident upon the Island, refused to accept the gift of an acre of land on condition that he would erect a house upon it for his residence ; while Mr. Haynes, with a speculative turn of mind, not only purchased a lot and erected a house, but made early application for the purchase of East Wood Island, so called, consisting of about eighteen acres ! This proposal, which eventually would have proved a most lucrative one to Mr. Haynes, was not accepted by the company, as it did not sell land by the acre. On the 13th of September, Mr. Fuller's plan of streets was adopted, and it was voted that reference should be had to this plan in the deeds made by the corporalion.^ The streets were * The author acknowledges his indebtedness to Mr. Haynes, Avho has kindly furnished him with the accompanying picture of the house. ^ For a description of this and other plans of East Boston, see particular de- tails near the close of this chapter. 1833.] LOCATION OF STREETS. 461 laid out wide and straight, regardless of the expense required to secure regularity and uniformity by crossing low grounds and filling up the marshes. To those who looked only at present requirements, this appeared to be a needless outlay of money. So it seemed when Sumner Street was laid out over the creek. Mr. Wil- liams came to General Sumner, and with great solicitude inquired if he knew what Mr. Saunders the surveyor was doing. Upon being asked to what he referred, he answered, " He is laying out the street from the house to Camp hill, lengthwise of the creek ; the filling up of which will involve the expenditure of a great sum of money, which may be saved by a curve over the beach." The general answered that it was done in a straight line in accordance with the wishes of his associates, who thought, that, although the street would be made at great cost, the future benefits would more than compensate for it ; and that, by making straight and wide streets, disregard- ing small obstacles, the money would be well spent, for the lots would bring greater prices. Mr. Williams listened in astonish- ment to hear that this seeming extravagance was authorized, and said, " Why, General Sumner I you do n't tell me that you agreed to it I " Upon being answered in the affirmative, Mr. Williams replied, " Well ! I always thought you knew some- thing before ! " By the plan adopted, the streets were located in straight lines and of generous width, and their regularity and excellent adap- tation to business, and an increasing population, add very much to the beauty of the Island and the value of the property. At this time the subject ol land transportation by steam power was the principal topic of conversation. Public curiosity was excited in reference to the newly invented means of con- veyance, and every one took a deep interest in an experiment which, if practically successful, would be of inestimable im- portance to the travelling and business community, and revolu- tionize the whole system of intercourse and trade. Propulsion by steam power had already been successfully tried in England, while the laying of iron rails for loaded cars drawn by horses had been in use there since the iron railway at Whitehaven in 1738 ; and as early as 1801 the Surrey iron railway for horses 39* 462 HISTORY. [1833. was sanctioned by act of parliament. The first locomotive which was successful was constructed in 1824, and attained a speed of six miles an hour. The Stockton and Darlington road, opened in England in 1825, and the Liverpool and Manchester (Eng.), finished in 1829, fully demonstrated the feasibility of this mode of transportation, and thinking men inquired why the experiment could not be as easily and as successfully tried in this country. Indeed, already at Quincy, rail-cars ran from the granite quarries to tide water upon a road built in 1827, and thus the whole subject had been brought nearer home, and in its most practical light. The public mind was awake to the importance of the enterprise, and scientific and practical men turned their attention to this new motive power with that inter- est which every valuable invention secures. Various projects were sviggested, and plans proposed ; and of these the ingenious but unfeasible plan invented by Col. Henry Sargent demands a notice here, as he made the Island the site of his experiment. His invention was called " the suspension railroad," and had cars to be propelled by steam power, but the running construc- tion differed from any road then proposed. Its peculiarity con- sisted in the use of one rail instead of two, and by this construc- tion with cars especially adapted for the purpose, the inventor claimed that the same results could be obtained as with the use of two rails, and at a great saving of expense. At this early period in the history of the East Boston Com- pany, the permanent establishment of a ferry to the city was a matter of vital importance to the interests of the Island ; and although the regular running of a boat was attended with con- siderable expense to the company, as the passengers were of necessity very few, the prosperity of the Island depended in a great measure upon its maintenance, — a sure means of inter- course with the city being required by the mechanics and labor- ers upon the Island. Taking advantage of this state of affairs, Col. Sargent rightly conjectured that the company would favor any plan which would tend to increase the passengers over the ferry and make it at least a self-supporting concern, and that he would be per- mitted to locate his road upon the Island on very favorable terms. Consequently, with all the enthusiasm of an inventor, he laid his 1833.] SUSPENSION RAILROAD. 463 plans before the company, fully impressed with the value of his in- vention, and with the idea that when the road should commence operation, crowds of people would flock to the Island to witness and enjoy this novel and much talked of means of conveyance, especially his peculiar adaptation of the new motive power. Thus he argued the receipts of the ferry would be very much increased, and his invention would make the Island a centre of attraction to a multitude of people. Although the company had no great confidence in the ultimate success of the experi- ment, still, wishing to give encouragement to all plans which in any way, however indirect, would benefit their property, they permitted him to construct his rail upon their land, and in May, 1833, appointed Messrs. White and Oliver a committee to con- fer with him on its location. The rail was erected in the sum- mer of 1834, and extended in nearly a northerly direction from Hotel square to Bennington street, across the marsh, and par- allei with Meridian street. The cars were constructed with seats for half a dozen persons each, and hung on both sides of the rail on which they ran, and from which they were sus- pended. The rail was supported by posts sunk in the marsh ; and the cars, which hung from both ends of a bar, which by means of wheels ran upon the rail and at right angles to it, were kept in position by lateral wheels, and, from their appear- ance, were waggishly and not inappropriately called " saddle bags." A small engine commenced running with a passenger car on the 22d of August, but although this was in the infancy of rail- roads, when the subject was the theme of general conversation, and indeed this was the first attempt in this vicinity to carry passengers by means of steam power, the experiment failed. The fare was quite low, but the passengers were few ; and after being a nine days' wonder, it was discontinued. The standing rail remained a year or two, and some of the posts are even now met with under ground in the building operations on the line of the road. Col. Sargent applied to the company for indemnity for his loss in this unfortunate enterprise, although he alone was re- sponsible for its plan and its expenses. He preferred a claim against them, and a committee was appointed to settle with 464 HISTORY. [1833. him. They agreed that if he purchased a lot of land at a pub- lic sale which was to take place on the 2d of June, 1836, what- ever sum was allowed him in the adjustment of his claim against the company for his railroad should be received on ac- count of his purchase-money. It does not appear, however, that he ever made any such purchase, or ever received any in- demnity from the company. The sale of the choice of lots on Belmont (as specified in the subscription paper given on a previous page) took place on the 2oth of October, 1833. This first public sale was remarkably successful, amounting, according to the treasurer's report made on the 30th of October, to $54,000. The same report gives the amount of sales on other parts of the Island at $32,000, making $86,000 in the whole, or $6,000 more than the whole cost of the Island. The success of this sale shows that confidence was secured for the company, and in its satisfactory results well illustrated Campbell's oft-quoted line, that " Coming events cast tbeir shadow before." The sale of land on the Island was of course of the first im- portance to the company, and any proposals to purchase lots secured immediate attention. One day in September, 1833, as the directors were crossing in the ferry-boat from the Island to the city, Mr. Lewis, the superintendent, informed them that he had received an offer for certain lots of land, and wished to know whether he should accept it. Interest was immediately awakened, and the inquiry was quickly made where the lots were situated, and how much had been offered. Mr. Lewis answered that the land was the block of six lots directly in front of the Maverick House, lying between Hotel Square and Sumner streets, — the same land on which the Maverick church was subsequently built, — and twenty cents a foot had been offered for the whole. Such an unlocked for price gave the highest satisfaction to the gentle- men, and show^ed them in the most gratifying light the future prospects of their enterprise. Before their first pleasing thoughts at the favorable proposal had passed away, to the surprise of all. General Sumner said, " Gentlemen, you shall not sell the lots for twenty cents, for I will give you twenty-five." He at 1833.] SALE OF LOTS. 465 the same time expressed his opinion that the land in question should not be sold, but be kept open, as the sale and subsequent improvements upon it would interrupt the view from the hotel, and make that less desirable as a place of fashionable resort, which should be one of their first objects ; that the location was such that it must constantly increase in value, and that true policy would dictate the keeping of the lots open until some future time ; yet, if the directors thought best to sell, he would give five cents per foot more than had been offered, and would keep the offer open until eleven o'clock on the fol- lowing morning; in the meantime he wished the directors to consult together upon the expediency of the sale, and let him know the decision at the appointed time. At this point in the conversation, F. J. Oliver remarked that he would share the purchase with General Sumner at that price. The question was left undecided until the next day, when the directors, think- ing the offer too good to be resisted, accepted General Sumner's proposition. Two reasons influenced him in giving this high price for the land ; one was that the lots were among the most valuable of any possessed by the company on the Island, and were so centrally situated that all improvements upon the Island, wherever made, would tend to increase their value, so that their purchase at even a high price would be a good specula- tion ; the other reason was, that, by an actual sale at a full price, the sale of other lots would be increased, and from the fact that those best acquainted with the Island property paid the highest prices, a confidence would be imparted to the community that the lands would be a remunerative purchase to those who early entered into the project. In accordance with the original prop- osition, Mr. Oliver shared in the purchase to the extent of one fourth. The Maverick House, the raising of which was completed on the 13th of this month, was set back of these lots, so as to leave a large open area in front, and in this way the prospect from the house was left unobstructed, and the value of the adjacent land was very much increased. After the hotel was opened and became a place of fashionable resort, the company saw that a mistake had been made in selling this property. Cen- trally located, in front of a large and elegant hotel, the land 466 HISTORY. [1833. was a kind of exchange for the Island. The shade of the great willow tree in the centre, under which seats were conveniently arranged, invited knots of persons, who discussed land specula- tion or politics, as the occasion dictated. The company did not wish to buy back the land, as the purchase-money was of more immediate use to them. But perceiving that buildings were be- ing erected around it, and that the Maverick House was thronged with fashionable visitors and boarders, they did not think it advisable to have the land closed up, and, in order to keep it open, on the 2d of November, leased it of Messrs. Sumner and Oliver for five years, with the condition that it should be used as a jiublic area, and for that purpose only, and at the annual rent of $324, being the amount of interest on the purchase- money ($0,333.33). No taxes were levied on this land, as it lay open for public use. To show that a proper estimate was placed on the prospective value of these lots, it may be stated that the proprietor of three fourths realized in the sale, after de- ducting the first cost and the interest upon it for twelve years, when the last sale was made, and incidental expenses, a net gain of $10,970, an advance almost without parallel in the his- tory of land speculation in this vicinity. On the 21st of November, Dr. John Jefiries erected his house, the second one built in East Boston, and occupied it as a sum- mer residence in 1834. This house was on lot No. 64, at the south-eastern extremity of the Island. Within the limits of East Boston, and belonging to the com- pany, were included East and West Wood islands, containing about forty acres. Wishing to bring as much of the property as possible into a productive state, the superintendent was au- thorized, in December, to lease Wood island to Dr, Benjamin Shurtletr, on such terms as he considered best for the company. Afterward, about ninety acres of fiats were enclosed by a per- manent sea-wall, extending from Maverick street in section No. 1 to West Wood island, a distance of three thousand feet. During this year the old barracks which remained in the fort in Belmont square ^ were removed to the third section, and * Fort Strong. For description, etc., sec Chapter XIII., Military History of the Island. 1833.] THE FIRST YEAR'S OPERATIONS. 467 fitted up for a house for Thomas Williams's farmer, Mr. Haley. The year 1S33 was a busy one for the company ; surveys and plans were to be made, projects of various kinds to be considered, streets to be located, wharves to be built, a ferry to be estab- lished, buildings to be erected, loans to be made and debts to be paid, land to be sold, provision to be made for future demands, and, indeed, the whole system of operation was to be put in motion, by which sufficient inducements should be offered to secure the settlement and prosperity of the Island. It was im- portant to start right; to avoid extravagance on the one hand, or a disastrous parsimony on the other, either of which would make shipwreck of the whole undertaking; to know the boun- dary line between sound enterprise and rashness, between pru- dence and treacherous caution ; to anticipate future prospects and wants, while providing for immediate necessities ; to secure, by prompt and vigorous action, an early realization of some of their designs ; and, in sliort, to pursue such a policy that the community would feel a confidence in the company, and public opinion favor the undertaking. To secure this, the first year's operations must be comprehen- sive and at the same time safe, and these two essential qualities seem to have been most happily combined; it would be difficult to find a corporation whose duties were so multiform that made so few mistakes. The close of 1833 found the East Boston Company in a prosperous condition. In many respects the most difficult point had been passed, a systematic plan of oper- ations had been commenced, and an energetic and executive management controlled the whole. During this year the company had been incorporated and or- ganized ; streets, squares, and lots had been laid out for dwell- ings, public purposes, mechanical establishments, and wharves ; two dwelling-houses had been built, and a large and elegant hotel commenced ; the East Boston Wharf Company had been incorporated, and had commenced operations ; a ferry had been established ; a petition had been prepared for a free bridge to Chelsea ; land had been sold to the amount of eighty thousand feet for the East Boston Timber Company (and, in seven months, land had been sold on the Island to the amount of 468 HISTORY. [1834. $86,000) ; the subject of the Eastern Railroad had been raised and vigorously prosecuted, and a series of undertakings had been started, which would ultimately develop the capabilities and resources of the Island. Careful and prospective action and a generous outlay of money characterized this first year's work of the company, and a basis was thus laid the results of which will always be seen. The census of the Island for 1833 was as follows: — Guy C. Ilayncs, wife and sister Mr. Haley and wife ^ .... Chas. M. Taft, housekeeper and daughter '^ Male. Fcm 1 2 1 1 1 2 Total . . . . 8 persons. If the year 1833 was a busy one, the year 1834 was emphatically so for the company, and for others who had deter- mined to make the Island a place of business and profit. As the spring opened, various plans and enterprises began to take a definite form. An important measure, secured in the early part of this year, was an act of incorporation for the proprietors of the Chelsea Free Bridge j^ for, of necessity, the prosperity of the Island must in a great measure be dependent upon the facilities of communication between it and the main land. This bridge would open a new and valuable public thorough- fare, and by increasing the means of intercourse, would render the Island more desirable as a place of residence or of busi- ness. In the spring a ferry landing was secured on the Boston side at Lewis's wharf; but it was not until September that a suitable place could be obtained on the East Boston side. This same month, in order to meet the demands of the rapidly increasing business, a new ferry-boat — the " Maverick" — was contracted for. The " East Boston," contracted for in October, 1833, was ' Left in 1834. « Left in 1835. ' See " Chelsea Free Bridge," Chap. XVL The name is now altered by the city government to Chelsea Street Bridge. 1834.] BUSINESS OPERATIONS. 469 launched in August, 1834 ; the " Maverick " was launched in January, 1835. The Sugar Refinery was built in 1834, and continues its works of refinement to the present time, and with greatly increased capabilities. In the spring of this year also the Timber Company, in aid of the grand object of establish- ing a ship-building interest at the Island, went into operation ; other projects were started, and the Island was animate with planners and w*orkers. Buildings went up with astonishing rapidity; wharves ran out into the sea; steamboats were built and launched; the first ship, the Niagara, was on the stocks, being built of timber brought from Grand island in Niagara river, by a company even younger than the East Boston Com- pany ; streets were laid out, hills dug down, and valleys filled up ; and every thing showed that an experiment was being tried on a very large scale, and directed by enterprising men, among whom Mr. Lewis, the superintendent, was a man remarkable for energy and for skill as a projector. The result of so great an undertaking would be, for all engaged in it, either unparalleled success or a proportionate loss. On the 21st day of April of this year, a schooner, laden with plaster, discharged her cargo at East Boston, and thus was com- menced the line of vessels which, from that time to the present, has been filling the shore with merchandise. The first ship which discharged a cargo here was the " Seaman," in May, 1835 ; she was a Charlestown packet, owned by Mr. A. C. Lombard, and brought a cargo of sugar to the refinery. The business operations of the company were now so extensive, and involved so many important points, that F. J. Oliver and S. S. Lewis were made a committee to consider the expediency of appointing a solicitor of the company. The committee reported favorably to such an appointment (26th August, 1834), and recommended John R. Adan, Esq., who was accordingly chosen the same day, for a year, at a salary of $400. His duty, as specified in the records, w^as to prepare deeds, mortgages, and other legal papers and instruments, and to keep a copy of the deeds in the company's record book, to give his advice when called for by the officers of the company, and perform all other duties usually devolving upon the solic- itor of a corporation, except prosecuting or defending suits in 40 470 HISTORY. [1834. court, for which he was to charge an additional fee. As the duties of his office increased in proportion to the enlarged operations of the company, it was afterwards voted to raise his salary to $1,200 a year from the 26th of August, 1836. The early acto of the company were characterized by liber- ality and public spirit, and in many instances demonstrated, that, contrary to the prevalent idea, corporations can have souls. The company had certain claims on the estate of Thomas Williams, deceased, the late tenant of the Island. Long before this, it had offered to him an acre of land on the Island in consideration of his services ; and now a committee, consisting of Messrs. Sumner and Oliver, were appointed to settle the claims against his estate " on principles of equity and liberality." Thus the liberality of the company was not limited to the living man, as if presupposing some benefit to be received, but w^as continued in the same generous manner to the estate of the tenant who for so many years had held the Island. On report of the committee, the company withdrew its claims on the representatives of Mr. Williams, in consideration of his ser- vices, and the rents then due were given to the estate. In September, 1834, a committee appointed for the purpose fixed the salary of the superintendent at $4,000 a year, and that of the treasurer at $1,500. Before the passage of this vote, the salary of these officers had been at the same rate as that fixed by the committee above named. The increasing population of East Boston, and the best interests of the Island, rendered it necessary that dwelling- houses should be built at East Boston, and thus secure a per- manent population. In order to accomplish this end, the com- pany voted (30th Oct., 1834) to allow a deduction of fifteen per cent, to the proprietors of lots on Belmont who should build good and substantial dwelling-houses on their lots before the first day of the following September, on condition that the members of the company who had already built houses on Bel- mont should consent to the vote. The liberal policy of the company, as manifested from the commencement, had a corresponding result. Manufacturing establishments were commenced on a large scale ; numerous 1834.] BUILDINGS ERECTED IN 1834. 471 private dwellings were built; and the active appearance which the Island presented afforded ample evidence of the energetic spirit which dictated and urged forward all the Island opera- tions. Upon recurring to the results of the labors in 1834, we are astonished at the amount which was accomplished. It is believed that the following is a correct list of all the buildings which were erected at East Boston in 1834, and of the families which moved to the place during that year. Such tables as this, and others that may follow, although not of particular interest to the general reader, or necessary to the narrative, yet, as giving facts and dates, will be more and more valuable as each year passes by : — INIay 23. John Pierce's house and stable ; corner of Sumner and Bremen streets : lots Nos. 9 and 10. " " Gardner Greenleaf's house, on the south-east side of Hotel square — a public-house. June 14. Hosca Sargent's house on Webster street: lot No. 90. Cunard House. In the yard of this house ■was the well which supplied water for the troops in 1814, as is fully described in the articles on water, and the war of 1812. When the Island was used as a farm, this well was in the sheepfold, which was constructed from part of the old barracks. " 28. John H. Tomlinsoa erected the house on Sumner street, on lot No. 80. July 5. Daniel Crowley; houses on Maverick street: lots Nos. 119 and 120. " 12. East Boston Sugar Refinery began to build a block of brick houses on Sumner street, connected with their sugar house. " 23. Seth E. Benson finished his stone house on Webster street: lot No. 44. Aug. 9. Benjamin Lamson; house on Webster street: lot No. 4 7. " 15. Jonas Bessom's house and two shops, on Bessom court : lot No. 87. " 22. Timothy Mclntire's house on Webster street: lot No. 89. " 22 and 23. Gen. W. H. Sumner's house, on the " heater lot," corner of Webster and Sumner streets, on lot No. 31. Sept. 5. Brown & Bates' ship-carpenters' workshop, on Central square. " 8. Allen, Pigeon, and Poole erected on their wharf, on the south-west side of Sumner street, a mast and spar shop. " 1 7. Truman Flowers -and Stephen Pearson, each a house in a block on Webster street: lot No. 91. Oct. 4. Bradford Chandler's house on Webster street. " 16. Asa l^ewis' house, corner of Webster and Cottage streets : lot No. 32. " " James Barber, a smith's shop, corner of Maverick and Border streets : lot No. 111. 472 HISTORY. [1834. Dec. 9. William Walters raised a house on Princeton street, in section No. 3 — since burned down. " 27. Malleable Iron Foundry; finished; commenced Nov. 10; on Merid- ian street, 3d section. Families which moved into East Boston, — 1833, Sept. 3. Guy C. Haynes, corner of Webster and Cottage streets. i834, June 11. Dr. John Jeffries* moved over for the summer. " 16. Benson Clock.*! Aug. 18. John Pierce f moved into his house. " 25. George D. Ilager * f opened public-house. Sept. 23. John H. Tomlinson moved into his house. Oct. 15. Jonas Bessora. " " Timothy Mclntire. Dec. 13. Thomas C. Allen.* " " E. Puchardson.* " 18. Seth E. Benson.* " " Daniel Crowley. " " Patrick McManus. The Island had scarcely begun to have resident inhabitants before death commenced its inroads, following close in the foot- steps of the settlers. The first death was that of Mr. Worcester, who fell from the Sugar-house on the 29th November, 1834, and died on the 30th. Several Irish children also died in 1833 and 1834. The first child born at East Boston of American parents after the formation of the company was Stephen, son of John H. Tomlinson, on the 27th of November, 1834. The first child, now living, who was born on the Island, was Thomas J. Lavery (a corruption of Labbaree), son of Matthew and Jane Lavery. He was born on the 17th of November, 1833, in a house, or shanty, which stood on Saratoga street. The building, which was in three divisions, was then occu- pied by three families : Mr. Lavery, Mary Trotten, the mother of the first child known with certainty to have been born at East Boston, and Mr. McNulty. A little anecdote may be told relative to this first child. Gen. Sumner was riding across the Island one fine morning in Au- * Eemoved from East Boston. f Since deceased. 1835.] PRICES REGULATED. 473 gust, 1833, and passing by the little shanty of Campbell (the father of the child), saw him outside his door, apparently idle. Gen. Sumner accosted him with, " What is the matter, Camp- bell? why are you not at work this jfine day?" " I've had a child born to-day, sir," said he. Recognizing this as the first child born at East Boston, the general replied, " Let me name it, Campbell, and I will give you a dollar." " O yes, your honor ; name it what you please ; I will call it what- ever you say," said the happy father, making extravagant manifestations of joy. " Call it Maverick, then, after the first grantee of the Island, whose name I wish to perpetuate." " Yes, your honor, his name shall be Maverick." The man took the promised dollar, and the general rode on. Thus the first child born at East Boston received the name of the first pro- prietor of that Island, after a lapse of two hundred years. The next week, as the writer was passing the house again, he saw Campbell standing at the door as before. " What is the matter to-day, Campbell ? you look sober. Why are you not at work ? " " I've lost the little child your honor named ; Maverick is dead, sir." Thus did this effort to perpetuate the name of Maverick fail of its purpose. It will be interesting to some persons to know the prices of certain lots in 1835, and thus be able to compare them with the prices for the same lots at the present time (1858). In May, 1835, on motion of the president, Gen. Sumner, the following votes were passed : — " That all future sales of land and wharf lots shall be regu- lated as follows, to wit : — " The lots on Belmont, on the south-west side of Sumner street, shall be sold at twelve and a half cents per foot, except corner lots, the price of which shall be fifteen cents per foot. " The lots on both sides of Sumner street, lying between Lisbon and Cottage streets, at fifteen cents per foot ; corner lots at eighteen cents per foot. " The lots lying south-westerly of Maverick street, in section No. 2, at thirty-five cents per foot : corner lots at forty cents per foot. " The lots in section No. 3, at twelve and a half cents per 40 • 474 HISTORY. [1835. foot ; corners, and those fronting on the public square, at fifteen cents per foot. " Tlie lots on Chelsea street (when laid out), at ten cents per foot ; corners at twelve and a half cents per foot. " The wharf lots, lying between the Marine railway, as pro- jected, and the wharf built by Locke and Ripley, at forty dol- lars a front foot, and are only to be sold to business men, under the advice of the executive committee. " The wharf lots between the Marine railway and Brown and Bates's lot (including the Marine railway lot), and the block of lots between Orleans and Lisbon streets, are not to be sold without the further action of the board of directors. " No wharf, building, lot, or other property, the prices of which are not fixed as above, shall be bargained for or sold without the approval of the executive committee. The super- intendent, however, is authorized to give deeds under contracts heretofore made." In the space of two years, the taxable property of East Bos- ton increased almost incredibly. For instance, in 1833, the tax valuation was $60,000, and in 1835, it was $806,000, an in- crease of $746,000. The East Boston Company was taxed for $600,000 The Sugar Refinery a u u .... 55,000 The Maverick House " " " 25,000 East Boston Wharf Company " " .... 20,000 Malleable Iron Company " " " 8,000 Individuals una .... 98,000 Total $806,000 In 1833, the city received from taxes on East Boston property, $420; in 1835, $5,600; and in 1856, over $61,000, from a tax- able property rated at $8,000,000. The striking contrast between the old and the new can hardly be realized, and such facts as these figures give, show in a striking light the great change in the condition of the Island ; and it may truly be said, that " Such a deal of wonder is broken out within this hour, that the ballad-makers cannot be able to express it." 1835.] THE MAVERICK HOUSE. 475 The 27th of May, 1835, formed an important epoch in the history of the Island : it was the day when the ferry-boats " East Boston " and " Maverick " commenced their regular trips between the Island and the city, and thus established a means of intercourse between the two places, which has not been in- terrupted from that day to the present. Upon this same day also the Maverick House was opened ; and in honor of these events, a public celebration was held under the auspices of the company. As many interesting events connected with the Island history cluster around this celebration and this hotel, it is proper that a full account of both should be given. We therefore present at some length a description of the house and the events of the festival, making free use of the reports printed in the newspapers at the time. Very soon after the formation of the East Boston Company, an association of mechanics, who had been brought into the company by Mr. Lewis, the energetic superintendent, foreseeing the rapid growth of the Island from its great advantages for commercial and manufacturing purposes, its proximity to Bos- ton, and the beauty and salubrity of the locality as a place of residence, and reposing confidence in the efficiency and skill of the officers of the company, formed the idea of building a hotel for the accommodation of such families as they thought would be glad to obtain a healthful summer retreat in the vicinity of Boston. They conjectured, and correctly, as the event proved, that many business men with their families, who were in the habit of passing the summer season at Nahant and other places of resort, would, if suitable accommodations were provided, make the Island their retreat ; and thus, while enjoying all the benefits to be derived from a " watering-place," have easy ac- cess to the city at all hours of the day and night. Accordingly, in April, 1833, Messrs. Stephen Locke, Guy C. Haynes, Jos. Ripley, Gardner Greenleaf, and Asa Lewis, who had previously entered into an agreement with the East Boston Company for the purchase of 43,000 feet of land on Hotel street and Hotel, now Maverick, square ; also obtained leave to use the old Williams house, barns, etc. without rent, on condition that it should be fitted up and kept as a board- ing-house while the hotel was in process of construction. 476 HISTORY. [1834. Alterations fitting it for this purpose were commenced on the 7th of April, under the direction of Mr. Haynes ; an office and dining-rooms were attached to the house ; and on the 10th of June it was opened for boarders, under the superintendence of Charles M. Taft, assisted by Widow Kingman as housekeeper. After having served its intended purpose, the old house was taken down on the 4th of October, 1834, in order that Hotel square might be laid out. The directors of the company were so well satisfied that the hotel would yield a remunerative rent, that they voted to sub- scribe for fifteen shares in its stock, in order to identify their interests with those of the mechanics, and for their encourage- ment. The laborers commenced work on the 14th of June, and, so rapidly was the undertaking prosecuted, that, on the 13th of September, they finished putting on the roof; and in celebration of this event, the company, in the afternoon, gave the mechanics and laborers a collation, at which the success of the Maverick House was drank with three times three. At the commencement of 1834, Mr. Brodhead, one of the directors of the company, and president of the Hancock Bank, having represented that the proprietors of the hotel had found it necessary to procure a loan to finish their building and obtain furniture for it, and that it would be difficult for them to effect the loan at that time, suggested that it might be for the interest of the East Boston Company to furnish the funds to them on adequate security, and on the repayment of any expense which the company might incur in raising the money. In accordance with this suggestion, it was voted that the treasurer be author- ized to raise a sum not exceeding ^10,000, and to loan the same to the proprietors of the hotel, taking, as security, an out- right conveyance of their house and other property, the com- pany to have the right to finish the hotel according to the plan, and to put in sufficient furniture for its occupation, at the expense of its proprietors. A committee, consisting of F. J. Oliver and S. S. Lewis, was appointed, on the 28th of April, 1834, to ex- amine the affairs of the Maverick House Company, with power and authority to advance such sums of money, on security of their property, as would enable them to complete their establish- 1834.] THE MAVERICK HOUSE. 477 mcnt. This committee reported, in the following August, that they had made the proposed investigations, and had satisfied themselves that it would be for the interests of the East Boston Company to make advances, in order to enable the projectors to complete the house. They therefore had directed the treasurer to make the necessary payments for that purpose. These were much greater than was anticipated ; and the com- pany, finding it burdensome to raise so much money, effected an arrangement by which the original proprietors of shares in the hotel relinquished them to the company, receiving in ex- change land in the 3d section, at ten cents a foot, to the amount of their par value. When the mechanics and others, owners of the hotel, made this exchange, it became necessary, or at least expedient, to connect these lots with Hotel square, in order to make easy access to the ferry, and increase their value. Consequently, Meridian street was laid out in a north and south line at great expense, over the marsh and low lands, and looking forward to its further extension by a bridge to Chelsea. This anticipation has since been realized ; and the straight and wide street, valu- able as a meridian line for a basis of angles and directions, forming an important avenue to connect different parts of the Island, and, by its extension, joining the Island to the main land by a public thoroughfare, compensates a thousand-fold for all the seeming extravagance in its location and construction. The house having thus become the property of the company, Mr. Lewis and Mr. Brodhead were appointed to engage a suitable person to furnish and keep it, and to make preparations for its opening in the following May ; and on the 3d of Decem- ber they were authorized to make the best arrangement they could with Major Jabez W. Barton. Previous to taking charge of the Maverick House, Mr. Barton had charge of the Lynn Mineral Spring Hotel, since the private residence of Richard S. Fay, Esq. Mr. Barton's first acquaintance with the East Boston Com- pany was in November, 1834, when the president and some of the directors visited his hotel to dine; after dinner he was sent for, and the proposition made to him to become the tenant of the Maverick House. The necessary arrangements were 478 HISTORY. [1835. effected in a few days, and in the following month he com- menced making preparations for opening the house in the spring. The Maverick House, as finished in 1835, had a south-west front on Hotel street of eighty-five feet eight inches, and a south-east front on Hotel, now Maverick, square, of ninety-four feet; it was six stories high, including the basement and attic, and contained more than eighty rooms. Its halls, parlors, din- ing-rooms, and chambers were furnished in an elegant manner, equalling any hotel in the United States. Connected with the house was a beautiful garden, extensive stables, and carriage- houses. There were also attached to it a large bathing- house, bowling-alleys, and all the other usual appendages to a first class hotel. It had cost the company about one hundred thousand dollars exclusive of about an acre of land, and was an ornament to the Island and a credit to the builders.^ It has already been mentioned, that, on the day the ferry- boats "East Boston" and "Maverick" began their regular trips between the Island and the city, and the Maverick House was opened, a public celebration of these events took place under the auspices of the company. This was on the 27th of May, the anniversary of the battle of Noddle's Island, the second battle of the Revolution, and was under the particu- lar direction of Messrs. Binney, Sumner, and Oliver. Tickets of invitation were sent by the directors of the company to all persons who it was thought would be interested in the projected festival, and on the appointed day, the invited guests, including the stockholders of the East Boston Company, all the public functionaries, distinguished men, officers of railroads, directors in public enterprises, and men of note in all departments of in- dustry, sat down to a sumptuous entertainment prepared by Major Barton. About seven hundred plates were laid for this occasion, and, the Maverick House not being large enough to accommodate so many, tables were set in the spacious build- ings built for, but not yet occupied as, stables. At 3 o'clock ^ The precise cost of the house, stables, bowling-alleys, bathing-houses, and furniture, was $103,871.53. 1835.] PUBLIC CELEBRATION. 479 the guests took their seats at the tables, which were elegantly spread, and loaded with the delicacies of the season ; the apart- ments of the hotel and the dining-room were tastefully orna- mented with flags, and the air was filled with the fragrance of flowers. The conviviality of the occasion was much increased by the news which had that day been received of the reconcilia- tion between France and the United States, effected by the characteristic firmness of General Jackson, who had successfully insisted upon indemnity from the French government for spoliations upon our commerce. This was the great political event of the occasion, and Jackson's name was sounded in praise even by those who were politically opposed to him, and inscribed in large letters on canvass and conspicuously displayed were the words "France and America united. The Indemnity Bill passed April 18, 1835." The Boston Light Infantry, under Captain Weston, attended by the Brigade Band, were present by invitation, and performed escort duty on the occasion, adding much to the interest and brilliancy of the scene. After the cloth was removed, General Sumner, who presided at the tables, addressed the company in some interesting his- torical remarks at the announcement by the toast-master, Zebedee Cook, Esq., of a sentiment from the president of the East Boston Company. On motion of F. J. Oliver, Esq., General Sumner's address, by an unanimous vote, was ordered to be printed; it was copied into the Columbian Centinel (and also into the Bunker Hill Aurora), from which we extract it, not so much for the sake of the address, as for the facts it contains, and as descriptive of the spirit of the occa- sion. It is well to remark in this connection, that this address was delivered before the author had made the history of the Island a subject of the minute investigation, the results of which are set forth in these pages, and any trivial mistakes which it may contain are corrected in the main narrative. It was as fol- lows : — "Gentlemen, — I have been requested within a day or two by my brethren, the directors of the East Boston Company, to 480 HISTORY. [1835. give some account of the Island which is the scene of the present celebration. It was supposed by them that a short history of the place might be interesting to those who attach to its future destiny some degree of importance, and of the. per- sons who formerly occupied it, to their numerous successors. It would be quite unsuitable to the spirit of this occasion were I to detain you long with a dull recital of historical events. My notice of them will therefore be short, and merely intro- ductory to the sentiment I propose to offer at its close. The antiquarian, I trust, however, will find something in them to allay his thirst of inquiry, and the epicurean whose taste may hereafter be indulged in the luxuries of the Maverick House, a reason for the name which has been given to it. " It was an ancient custom for those who undertook the erec- tion of a temple, or engaged in commencing any work whose structure or plan was designed to last for ages, in laying its foundation, to deposit coins, medals, and inscriptions under it, or in some other way to make known to future ages the period of its commencement and the plan of the projectors. This custom has been continued to the present period in Europe, and is not wholly unobserved on, this side the Atlantic. Whether the substitute of a dinner, speeches, and toasts commemorative of such events, transmitted to posterity through the press, is not an improvement, I must leave to the decision of those who have often felt the soul-stirring influence of that eloquence which has so often charmed our festive boards. This mode of celebration frequently converts the moments of our highest hilarity into periods of the greatest mental improvement, and makes that which might otherwise have been a mere epicurean or bacchanalian festival, a means of softening the rigors of big- otry and the asperities of party. When these celebrations take place in times of prosperity, they increase the common interest for the advancement of the project ; and, when the sources of that prosperity are in peril, their influence is to produce in all who engage in them united, patriotic, and hearty efforts for the common weal. " It is only two years since a steam ferry-boat was permitted to cross the channel to the place from which I address you. The proprietors of this Island, on the 4th of July of that year, 1835.] GENERAL SUMNER'S ADDRESS. 481 saluted those who assembled here for its celebration from a tent erected on the then commanding heights, which are now fast fading from the view, as the only place of sufficient accom- modation. On that day they convened to celebrate the greatest political event that history has recorded, or the imagination of poets indulged ; I mean the subjection of man to the moral government of his own will as a substitute for the physical restraints of others' rule. It was on the 4th of July that this country was declared to be politically free — free from the shackles of the British parliament and the monarchy; relig- iously free — free from the power of popes and synods; mor- ally free — free to think, to act, and to suffer; physically free — above the power of England to subdue, or a world in arms to conquer. To the cause they then met to celebrate, the proprie- tors of this Island early made a great sacrifice. It is now within the recollection of a venerable gentleman,^ who, I hope, is present, but whose letter I have before me, of having seen, on the 10th of June, 1775, a week before Bunker Hill battle, the elegant establishment of Mr. Yeamans, and four other houses, with all their barns, out-houses, and buildings in flames ; the torch having been applied under order of Colonel Stark, the commander of the American troops, to prevent the enemy from* taking possession of them. " The venerable mansion which was placed upon the old cellar, recently the only dwelling upon the Island, composed a part of the barracks of Washington's army, at Cambridge, in 1775, and after the flight of the British from our harbor, when his encampment was broken up, was given to Mr. H. H. Wil- liams, the lessee, in remembrance of his patriotic services. These the immortal donor always knew how to recognize, more especially such as he had it not in his power to requite. From the long occupancy of it by himself and his true-hearted son, the Island was often familiarly called by their name, Williams' island. Washington's barracks, with which are associated so many interesting reminiscences, stood on this commanding position for half a century, witnessing the wonderful progress of improvement which your city has exhibited, and at last, in * Mr. Marston. 41 482 HISTORY. [1835. submission to it, was itself obliged to give way for the exten- sive hotel erected near its site. This the skilful mechanics of Boston projected, and with the labor of their own hands have constructed, in a manner equally evincive of the purity of their taste, and of their full expectations of the rapid progress of the settlement which they chose for its location. But although, in the spirit of the age, the old mansion has been removed, as the circumstance of its first occupation, which has been related, has furnished the East Boston Company with the emblem of a cor- porate seal, its impression, we trust, will ever revive the recol- lection of the interesting events with which, in every patriot's mind, it must always be associated. " The first notice we find in the public records of Noddle's Island, is a vote of the government of the colony, in 1631 (July 5th), 'that all the islands within the limits of this patent, viz. Conant's Island, Noddle's Island, Thompson's Island, together with all other Islands within the limits of our patent, shall be appropriated to public benefits and uses, to be let by the Gov- ernor and Assistants towards the support of the public charges, and that no person shall make any use of said Islands, by put- ting on cattle, felling wood, or raising- slate, without leave of the Governor and Assistants.' Thompson's island was called after the first occupant of it, and Conant's, it is presumed, was also ; but why the Island we are upon was called Noddle's Island, neither history nor tradition informs us ; and it is past my noddle to conjecture. The only one which I can venture to make is (and this would not be allowed on a less sportive occasion), that, as one of the islands in the harbor was called Spectacle island, from its resemblance on the map to the great- est of all optical assistants, this might have derived its name from that marked protuberance of the human noddle upon which the spectacles are usually surmounted. But whatever motive may have influenced our ancestors in giving it that appellation, those who have become interested will never have occasion to regret, I hope, that it entered into their noddles to purchase. " On 3d April, 1632, it was ordered, 'that no person whatso- ever shall shoot at Fowl upon PuUen's Point or Noddle's Island ; but that the said places shall be reserved for John Perkins to catch Fowl with Nets.^ This was the first game law of the 1835.] GENERAL SUMNER'S ADDRESS. 483 colony ; but whether the ducks or plover which frequent the Is- land were then caught here with nets, is more than I am able to inform you. It is, however, more probable that the wild pig- eons which frequent the first clearings in the woods were the fowl which Mr. Perkins had the exclusive privilege of netting. It does not appear on the face of the grant what consideration was paid for it, nor why Mr. Perkins should have had this ex- clusive privilege. I shall leave it to your own conjecture to determine whether, as the public always like a quid pro quo for all their grants, it is not more than probable that the grantee was the generous ancestor of a gentleman of the same name, who in our day has so distinguished himself by his munificent liberality. If so, the grant may be easily accounted for, as the public would have rested in security of receiving its considera- tion in the receipt of a full tithe of the earnings of his industry. However that may be, it appears that Mr. Perkins enjoyed his privilege but for a little time, as we find that on the first of April, 1633, ' Noddle's Island w^as granted to Mr. Samuel Ma- verick, to enjoy to him, his heirs and assigns forever, yielding and paying yearly at the General Court, to the Governor for the time being, either a fat Wether^ or a fat Hog, or forty shillings in money, and shall give leave to Boston and Charlestown to fetch wood continually as their need requires from the southern part of the said Island.' Mr. Maverick, at this time, was the liberal entertainer of the court and assistants. Josselyn says ' he was the only hospitable man in all the country, giving en- tertainment to all comers gratis.' Mr. Maverick's grant had some relation to the facility with \\'hich he could furnish a good fat wether or a fat hog (it seems they went the whole hog in those days as well as these) for the governor's election dinner at the opening of the general court, although for one year, 1636, he paid his forty shillings into the treasury. The name given to the house, we hope, has no inapt allusion to the good things with which the public may be hereafter supplied at the bounti- ful board of its present occupant, the prototype of his generous predecessor, who is characterized in Prince's Annals as ' a man of a very loving and courteous behavior, and very ready to en- tertain strangers.^ " It is a little curious to observe, from the public records, how 484 HISTORY. [1835. much every thing was made to give way, in the infancy of the colony, to the public necessities. Mr. Maverick's grant of the Island was from the colonial government, who alone had au- thority over it ; yet we find on the town records, that the use of the land, for a time, was given to others. " ' 9th February, 1634-5. At a general Meeting upon pub- lick Notice. " ' Imprymis, it is agreed by general consent, yt all the Inhab- itants shall plant eyther upon such ground as is alreadie broken up, or inclosed on the Neck, or else upon the ground at Noddle's Island from Mr. Maverick's Grant, and that every able man fitt to plant shall have allowed him two acres to plant on, and for every able youth one acre, to be allotted out by Mr. Hutchinson, Mr. Cogan, Mr. Sampford, Mr. William Cheeseborough, and Mr. Brenton, or any three of them.' " On 7th December, 1636, the jurisdiction of the Island was laid to Boston ; and on the 6th May, 1640, it was declared that ' all the Flatts round about Noddle's Island, do belong to Nod- dle's Island, to low water mark.' " While, therefore, our respected guests who are on the com- mittee of the state authorities for defining the limits to which the projected improvements in Boston harbor shall hereafter be confined, are looking out to see how the presumptive titles of others can be limited, Noddle's Island, whose flats, in the whole extent of them, are as much a matter of irrevocable grant as the upland on which you stand, most respectfully says to them, Noli me tangere. " It is to that condition of the grant which reserved to the inhabitants of Boston and Charlestown the liberty to cut wood upon the Island, that we are to attribute the present unshaded appearance of its surface. But the richness of the soil, and the few large trees which are now scattered over it, evince the cer- tainty with which the forests of the Island might be restored, if other destinies did not await \i. " The unconditioned title to the Island was obtained by the payment of thirty pounds sterling to the governor, in 1682, by Colonel Shrimpton, its then proprietor. I see a smile on your countenances at the inconsiderableness of the sum which was paid for its purchase. It so appeared to me until upon an ac- 1835.] GENERAL SUMNER'S ADDRESS. 485 curate cast of compound interest upon that sum to the present period, I found it would be equivalent to a purchase, at the pres- ent time, of >n52,000,000. "It may not be an uninteresting digression for me to inform you that Lovell's Island was granted to Charlestown, provided they employ it for fishing by their townsmen, and hinder not others. Thompson's island was laid to Dorchester, Deer island, Hog island, and Spectacle island to Boston. Conant's (now Governor's) island was granted to the governor (Winthrop), he paying an aimual rent of a hogshead of wine that should be made thereon. Afterwards, at the governor's request, when his experiment of a grapery had failed we presume, the condition was changed from a butt of wine to two bushels of apples, one for the governor, and the other for the general court in the win- ter session. You will observe from the terms of the grant that the wary governor took care to free himself from rent until his grapes produced the wine, and until his orchard bore, for the apples were to be ' of the best apples there growing.^ As the governor secured one of these barrels to himself, and apples were very scarce in those days, it was fortunate that the general court consisted of but a few members ; for if there had been as many as at present, the representatives of the people would scarcely have had an apple apiece, unless they ate them at the governor's table. " Of the islands in the harbor we find but little mention, after their respective grants were made, until a fort was ordered to be built on one of them, by the towns on the bay ; and, to convey to our military friends here present some idea of the knowledge of our ancestors in engineering, I will mention the dimensions of the fortress, which was erected for the protection of the colony. It was required to be fifteen feet square and ten feet in thickness, and was to be garrisoned by twenty men. This fortress gave the name of Castle to the island on which it was situated. There are but few who now hear me that do not know that Castle island was ceded to the government of the United States in 1798, and the fortress upon it is now called Fort Independence. " This, though the first work of the kind which was built by public contribution, was not the first place on which guns were 41* 486 HISTORY. [1835. mounted (if indeed they were there) ; for Mr. Maverick, so early as 1630, built a small fort on Noddle's Island, with four great guns, to protect him from the Indians. This also overlooked the anchorage ground of the ships of the company lying in the Winnisimet channel, between Noddle's Island and Charles- town; and hence tlie terms of the grant of a ferry in July, 163S, from Boston to Winnisimet, Noddle's Island, and the ships. The ships lying in the course of the ferry to Winnisimet, the ferrymen were authorized to take toll in carrying passengers to the ships, as well as to the main and the island, opposite to which they were anchored. " We find mention of several Mavericks in the early history of our colony. There was a family at Dorchester of that name, Mr. Moses Maverick, who married Mr. Allerton's daughter, at Marblehead, where he obtained leave to sell a butt of wine a year. The like license was granted to Samuel. The Mave- ricks were among the first freemen admitted in the colony. John was admitted a freeman in 1631, Samuel and Elias in 1632 ; and in that year we find that Mr. Maverick, Jr., who might have been Samuel's son Nathaniel, was appointed to settle the difference between two of the most important towns in the colony, Charlestown and Cambridge, then called the Newtown. Mr. Maverick, Sen., was appointed to take deposi- tions. Hence we presume they were a family of talents, wealth, and influence. Of influence they must have been, or they could not have obtained licenses to sell wine, when the rest of the colony were prohibited from drinking ' strong' ivater^ — and of wealth, or they could not have purchased so heavy a stock as a whole butt at a time. " Mr. Samuel Maverick, under the protection of his great guns, and having liberty to sell wine when the drinking of strong water was prohibited, soon felt his independence of the colonial authority. His island was a place of resort for those who, like himself, lived freely, in despite of the puritanic man- ners of the times. We often find him, therefore, obnoxious to public censure. For though, in 1633, he received a grant of this Island upon which he lived, and the year following of the ferry to Winnisimet, yet he was such a high liver that the general court took him in hand in March, 1635, and ordered 1835.] GENERAL SUMNER'S ADDRESS. 487 him, under the then enormous penalty of <£100, three times as much as was paid for the Island half a century afterwards, to move his family to Boston, and in the mean time, that he should not give entertainment to any strangers for more than a night at a time, without leave of one of the assistants. In 1639, we find he paid in £5 of his recognizance for the appearance of Edward Saunders ; and in 1641 he was found guilty of a con- federacy with Thomas Owen to break prison, and concealing him on his island, and fined £100. In 1642, he was found guilty of laches in not paying his fine, and he was ordered to pay £30 presently, and £30 more in six months, g-ood pay. Having learned wisdom from experience, Mr. Maverick's rent was probably paid in kind after this, as we find in 1739 he was more in favor; for the record says, being bound in £20 for the good behavior of a person by the name of Hogs Flesh, and said bond being forfeited, upon his petition to the court, his engage- ment was remitted. As he so liberally dealt in that article for the benefit of the general court, I presume they got their pound of flesh before he was released from his fine. " The rulers of those days were very provident of their own interests, as will be seen by several grants of ferries, in w^hich they reserved to the magistrates and deputies a free passage. This was not thought of in some of the early grants, but was corrected in the order of 1744, as far as it regarded those grants in which the ferriage was not reserved, by a direction that their own passages with their necessary attendants should be paid by the country. " The title to the Island passed from Mr. Maverick and his son Nathaniel to Capt. Geo. Briggs in July, 1650. In their conveyance, mention is made of the mill, mill-house, and bake- house. This is the earliest reference I can find to the mill, which undoubtedly stood on the old dam across the east bay, the foundation of which is now observable at low-water. This was probably the first mill which was built in the colony. The deed was in consideration of the payment of 40,000 lbs. of good white sugar; which, not being paid, it afterwards become ques- tionable whether the title passed. The jury being unable to agree, in an action which was brought by Col. John Burch, as assignee of Capt. Briggs, the great and general court took it in 488 • HISTORY. [1835. hand, and decided ' that possession of the Island was to be delivered to Col. Burch upon the tender of .£700 sterling, at the storehouse next the water's side, at the Bridge in Barba- does, in good merchantable svgar, at prices current, as for Bills of Exchange, payable in London at 30 days' sight.' So it seems that the Island was considered as a sweet morsel, even in that early period of our history, and was then as readily con- vertible as now into bills of exchange at thirty days' sight. What remarkable changes have since taken place in the rela- tions of things ! Instead of Noddle's Island land being paid for in sugar at a West India wharf, West India sugar is now brought here to pay for island lots. The next tender of sugar for land we shall hear of, instead of being at the storehouse next the water's side at the bridge in Barbadoes, will be at the storehouses of the magnificent Sugar Refinery next the water's side, on East Boston wharf. " From Col. Burch the title passed to Mr. Richard Newbold, and from him to Sir Thomas Temple, in 1668. " From the latter gentleman, two years afterwards, or 165 years ago, it was sold to Col. Samuel Shrimpton, the ancestor of two of its present proprietors. In Sir Thomas Temple's deed to Col. Shrimpton it is described as ' all that Island or Continent of land estimated to contain one thousand acres, &c.' If that was a correct estimate of the quantity the continent of East Boston then contained, it has lost by the action of the sea, in the last 165 years, about one third of its whole dimensions, and is now reduced down to a simple island of 663 acres. " Col. Shrimpton's name occurs very often on the records of the colony. He was a great land speculator, and was one out of six grantees of the town of Brookline, then called Boston Hog Pasture. He owned the land on which the State house stands, and Beacon Hill. His town house was in State street, where the Merchants' Bank stands ; his country house was on this continent, and stood over the cellar from which the late Mr. Williams's house was recently removed. " John Yeamans married Colonel Shrimpton's granddaughter, to whom the estate was devised. She died at the age of nine- teen, leaving one child and heir, Shute Shrimpton Yeamans, whose beautiful portrait, painted by a master-hand, is now be- 1835.] GENERAL SUMNER'S ADDRESS. 489 fore you. He died in London, in 1769. He devised his estate to trustees for the use of his two sons, until one of them, or his issue, attained twenty-one years, or died without issue ; and in default of said issue, to the use and behoof of his aunts, Mary Chauncy (wife of the Rev. Dr. Chauncy), Sarah Greenough, and Mchitable Hyslop. By the unexpected death of the two sons of Mr. Yeamans in London, the latter devise took effect ; and thus, through the intervention of that blind goddess, who does more good things with her eyes shut than all the rest of them with theirs open, this American Island has become the object of improvement by American hands. " In connection with the history of the Yeamans owners, I cannot omit to name a very curious historical coincidence of design. John Yeamans, who lived on this Island, owned also a large farm in Chelsea, then called Rumney Marsh. It ap- pears in answer to his petition, that the very project of opening a road across this Island, and connecting it with the main by a free bridge, the accomplishment of which we have met to sanction, was brought forward by him in 1727, upwards of a century since. " The record says : ' The committee having considered the subject-matter of the petition of John Yeamans, Esq. and others, about a bridge to Noddle's Island, etc., together with the objections of several of the inhabitants of Rumney marsh, apprehend that the erecting a good substantial bridge from the main, at Winnisimet side, to Noddle's Island, will not be dis- advantageous to the town of Boston, provided the petitioner, John Yeamans, Esq. be obliged, at his own cost and charge, to make and keep in repair the aforesaid bridge forever, with con- venient highways to the same, fit for man and horse to pass and repass, as well to the bridge on Winnisimet side, where the road may be altered for accommodating the bridge, and so from thence through Noddle's Island to the place that may be as- signed for transporting passengers and goods from the Island to Boston.' " The foresight of our ancestor thus furnishes an answer to the remark of wonder we hear so frequently, that the plan of connecting the Island with the city was never thought of before ; and his removal shortly after to Antigua, upon his appointment 490 HISTORY. [1835. to the office of lieutenant-governor of that island, from whence he never returned, gives the probable reason why it was not then accomplished. " There has been but one effort to connect this Island ^vith Boston made since that period ; that was to have been by a bridge to the north battery, which the Salem turnpike corpora- tion intended to have made an effort to obtain leave to erect the first year of the present century, in connection with their road, which they contemplated building across the Island, very nearly in the course of the one you see. The gentleman oppo- site to me, Mr. Derby, who, with Mr. Brown of Beverly, had the management of that concern, could give you a better ac- count of it than I can. If he were addressing you, he would say, that, at that time, the navigation employed above the south- western point of the Island, where the abutment of the bridge on this side would have been, was small, and a commissioner of the general government was engaged in surveying the Island with a view to its purchase for a navy-yard. So favorable was the impression the facts made in every respect, that hardly a doubt remained that this site would have been selected ; and it was only by a mistake in regard to climate (which it would be entering too much into detail to particularize) that his report was made in favor of Charlestown. Mr. Henry Howell Wil- liams told the committee, in my hearing, the opinion of Admi- ral Montague, who surveyed this harbor before the Revolution. It was related in the almost irreverent language of the sailor, — ' The devil got into the government for placing the naval de- pot at Halifax. God Almighty made Noddle's Island on pur- pose for a dock-yard.' " The report of the commissioner in favor of Charlestown caused the directors of the turnpike to change their plan, and to construct their road in the more circuitous route, which is at present travelled. An unsuccessful attempt on the part of the late Mr. Binney, when he was navy agent, to purchase the point which is designated as the Marine railway on the plan, for the erection of a dry dock, left the whole Island free for the indul- gence of that individual enterprise which has since been be- stowed upon it. " I could refer you, if time would permit, to the provision 1835.] GENERAL SUMNER'S ADDRESS. 491 made in the colonial history, to appropriations made for sup- plying the troops at the ' camp on Noddle's Island,' whence the name of Camp hill was given to that beautiful eminence over- looking the harbor, upon which Mr. Lamson has erected his elegant house, and which was the place upon which you be- stowed your patriotic and voluntary labors in the erection of Fort Strong, for the defence of the harbor, in 1814. " There are many other reminiscences, the recital of which w^ould add to the interest of your rambles through the fields of the Island, over a great part of which, if the Almighty blesses our country with a continuance of its prosperity, soon, neither the lowing of the herds wall be heard on its hills, nor the fur- row of the ploughman traced on its plains. It wall be but a few years only, until the projected w^harves, docks, and build- ing-yards now erecting upon the flats before us are completed ; when the proud sw^elling canvas of our navy will pass not by the city to the navy-yard but through its masted forest of mer- chant-ships on both sides of its channel. " The building of a city is not the work of a day. These are the beginnings. Its progress will be in correspondence with the public wants and its own facilities. Considering, then, the width of the streets and its healthy location ; its advantageous water lots, bounding on the deepest channel of the harbor; the extensive water powders w-hich the flats, within its promontories, comprehend ; the beauty of its heights ; the Nahant-like salubrity of its atmosphere ; the purity of its springs, and its proximity to a crowded city of wealth and enterprise ; the certainty of communication with it at all seasons of the year, and its imme- diate connection with the extended sea-coast east, and the pop- ulous region of country north, a great portion of the travel of which will pass over it ; considering also the amount of capi- tal already employed by companies who have chosen this site as the place of their extended operations, and the favorable auspices attending the commencement of the undertaking, it cannot be doubted that East Boston will soon rise above the condition of a suburb, and become an integral part of the city. " Great destinies yet await our city. The enlargement of our tonnage, taken in connection with the extension of our manufactories ; the opening of three great railroads, and the 492 HISTORY. [1835. increase of steamboats to the eastern ports, connecting the great interests of the seaboard and the country in all direc- tions more immediately with the city ; the improvements which are making in the city itself, and on the exterior bounda- ries of the waters which surround it, at Winnisimet, at Charles- town, at Cambridge, at Roxbury and Dorchester, all of which compose a part of this commercial capital; the high price of labor, and the rapid rise in the value of real estate in the hands of every purchaser; the happy reconciliation which is this day announced between our government and our ancient ally ; all contribute to the public confidence in the long continuance of that general welfare which will give strength and prosperity to all classes of an intelligent, moral, enterprising, and happy com- munity. " These remarks hardly render it necessary that I should say that the subject of my toast is '■'■The City of Boston. — Her gi'owtli, her institutions, her enterprise, and her resources. May her moral, keep pace with her local, Improvements." After General Sumner's speech, several distinguished gentle- men offered remarks and sentiments, which were collected and published in the "Bunker Hill Aurora" of May 30, 1835, as follows : — "Attorney-General Austin made some remarks in allusion to the traditionary character of Maverick, who is represented as of a ' very loving and courteous disposition, giving entertainment to strangers gratis.' In his toast, Mr. Austin very happily ap- plied this remark to the East Boston Company, who, he thought, were not less loving, courteous, or hospitable in their entertain- ments than their ancient prototype. " The following song was sung by Mr. Andrews, enacting, as Mr. Cook said, the stockbroker : — "A STO CK SONG. " DEDICATED, .WITHOUT PERMISSION, TO THE HONORABLE THE BOARD OF BROKERS. " Would you grow rich, my boys, thus did fathers advise, First go early to bed and then early arise, But such old foshioned counsel our urchins now mock, They may lay 'till 'tis noon if they get up their stock. Derry Down. 1835.] A STOCK SONG. 493 " Come listen, then, Avliilc I develop the schemes That shall realize more than the wealth of your dreams, Wiiile in mud — India rubber — soft iron — land — air, I the various ways to make money declare. Derry Down. " Would you have your wealth handy, just under your eye, Mill Pond and South Cove shares are what you should buy, Where the flats are filled up, boys, their stock must be good, And like ducks you'll grow fat, if you dabble in mud. Derry Down. " Or here 's the Eaftt Boston — for such schemes a model, They run up their stock, as they shake off their Noddle, With good name and great riches, they go like a clock. And your noddle you '11 shake, if you don't buy some stock. Derry Down. " If land speculations are not to your mind, In Roxhury Rubbers a fortune you '11 find. They rub out old scores — are worth more than they fetch. And, like India Rubber, do well on the stretch. Derry Down. " If under earth's surface your fortune you 'd make, The Malleable Iron 's ' the stock you should take. They have ' secrets worth knowing,' make razors from hoes, And shave with a hoop all they take by the nose. Derry Down. "Would you grow rich in air — buy up Lauriat's balloon, And you and your stock may rise up — to the moon ; Of this stock you may boast — it alone has the leaven Of making you rich while you are going towards heaven. Derry Down. "If you will deal In stocks — know most money is made By him who looks after his own stock in trade ; He who minds his own business will finally stand The best speculator there is in the land. Derry Down. " Salem and Boston — united by the old way, brought nearer by the new way — may they stand by one another al-tcays. " ]Mr. Saltonstall of Salem, said he was called upon uncx- ^ Referring to the Malleable Iron Works on Meridian street. 42 494 HISTORY. [1835. pectedly, and did not intend to make a speech. He made a few remarks (of which, for want of papers, we have no notes), in which he spoke of the improvements of the present day as but the natural result of the early efforts of our fathers. " He also spoke of the ancient anniversary celebrated this day, which, before it was abolished by our general court, was the oldest anniversary celebrated in the country. To-day com- pleted two hundred and Jive years since the first general court was held on board the Lady Arabella, at Charlestown. His sentiment was as follows : — "Modern enterprise, modern improvement, modern institutions — the growth and expansion of the germ which was cherished and cultivated by the first set- tlers of Massachusetts. " The toast-master announced the following toast : — " The Universitij — Our city schools send to it scholars fitted for its walls, and the city magistracy those best qualified for its highest honors. " To this sentiment President Quincy replied. He said he would not say this was not Noddle's Island, but he would say he could hardly realize it. He had known Noddle's Island as a place to look at, but never to go to — a place where horses were kept in winter — from whence milk was brought in the summer — a place for sportsmen and sea-fowl — and where one family might possibly live, provided the name of that family was Williams. Now, said he, we are here, as it were in the city itself, with houses and large establishments and every sign of prosperity. Suppose a man had gone to sleep two years ago and should wake up on this Island. He would be in the condition of Giles Jolter (he thought his name was) who went to sleep in his cart with the oxen attached to it ; when he woke up, the oxen were gone. Says he, ' either I am Giles Jolter, or I am not ; if I am Giles Jolter I have lost a yoke of oxen ; if 1 am not Giles Jolter, I have found a cart.' So would the citizen say, if this is Boston, she has found an island. Mr. Quincy said he had made a speech, but he did not intend to do it, and did not see how he had done it. [Gen. Sumner remarked, ' We go neck or nothing here, sir.'] The band, to hold along the joke, played the ' College Hornpipe.' " Gen. Sumner remarked that many of the streets which have 1835.] TOASTS AND REMARKS. 495 been laid out on the Island have been called after distinguished gentlemen of the present day, and among them was, — ^^ Websler Street — "Which surmounts the highest hill and gives the Lest prospect of the country. " By President Quincy, — " Daniel Webster — May he soon stand in its highest place, and give, the best prospects to his country. " Hon. S. C. Phillips of Salem being called upon, said he had been anticipated in what he might have to say by his friend (Mr. Salstonstall), who had, he believed, expressed the senti- ment of the whole population of Essex county. He said they now felt the nearer they were to Boston and the closer their connection with it, the more certain was their growth, prosperity, and welfare. Boston is the true metropolis of the Common- wealth — they could not wish to reverse the decrees of nature in this respect — they would not rob her of the honor if they could do it. He gave, — "Boston and Salem — Brought nearer together by such improvements as we have this day witnessed ; may they become closely united by mutual interests, reciprocal good-will, and a common j5i'i/land,. because it freed all the rest from a cum- brous and embarrassing mortgage. The management of this business was one of peculiar delicacy on the part of General Sumner, interested as he was equally for the company and for Mrs. Greenough (to whom he was about to be married) and her children. For this important negotiation, for which no charge was made, the company, after two or three years, voted him a compensation of $500. In 1838, at a period of great financial depression, and when funds were imperiously demanded by the company, the hotel property was mortgaged, together with other property, to John W. Fen no, Esq., as treasurer of the company, as security for their bond or promissory note for money advanced and for endorsing their notes, subject to the Greenough mortgage of {§20,800 upon the estate, which was to be discharged as soon 512 HISTORY. [1845. as possible. One half of the first mortgage had been released at the time of sale of the house in 1841. As early as May, 1839, it had been contemplated to sell the Maverick House for the liquidation of the debts of the company. Successful as it had been in its character and extensive reputa- tion, and although it had received a remarkable share of public patronage, yet, the immense expense of supporting such an establishment, particularly at a time of such financial difficulty, and when the company was in need of all its available resour- ces to carry on its legitimate operations, seemed to render a sale of the property necessary. The whole cost of the house to the company, as taken from the treasurer's books, was ^177,697.42 ; it is not now possible to ascertain how this sum was divided between the house, land, and furniture. In the land dividend made in 1841, the Maverick House and its appurtenances were included. The lots were put up, and the house and furniture fell into the hands of Mr. Fenno for $62,000 (14th June, 1841). This great sacrifice of property was made near the expiration of the heavy pressure in the money market, which was relieved by the tariff of 1842. The house and appurtenances were sold at the following prices : — House and buildings, and 40,000 feet of land S40,000 Furniture (17tli and 18th Nov.) 12,000 Bath-house and 3,000 feet of hxnd 2,000 Stable buiklings, with two bowling-alleys and al)out 12,000 feet of land 6,500 Bowling-alley buildings, with five alleys and 3,000 feet of land . 2,000 862,500 This was paid in land dividend No. I., and divided among the proprietors, with one eighth per cent, premium for the choice of land. After the house was sold by the East Boston Company, it was conducted by Mr. Taft for a few years, and succeeding him, various persons occupied it until the summer of 1845, when the whole structure was taken down, and a fine block of brick buildings erected on its site by Noah Sturtevant, Esq. Different parts of these buildings were used respectively as a hotel, dwelling-houses, stores, and offices, until the whole block 1857.] THE STURTEVANT HOUSE. 513 was consumed by fire on Sabbath morning, the 25th of Janu- ary, 1857. Upon the remaining part of the lot of 43,000 feet originally occupied by the Maverick House and its appurtenances, are now thirteen three and a half story brick dwelling-houses, and a large stone building two and a half stories high, called Win- throp Block (the lower story occupied as a market, post-ofHce, and stores ; the upper part for offices, savings bank, printing- office, etc) ; while the Maverick House has been replaced by a large and elegant hotel. This beautiful building, recently erected upon the site of the old hotel by Noah Sturtevant, Esq., is not only a great public convenience, but also creditable to its projector. The mate- rial of its exterior is iron in the first story, and above, brick, cov- ered with mastic. It has a front on Maverick square of 130 feet, on Henry street of 115 feet, on Winthrop street of one hundred feet, and covers an area of more than fourteen thousand square feet. It is six stories in height, measuring seventy-six feet four inches from the curb-stone, and contains 180 rooms, besides a spacious dining hall forty feet by eighty feet, a ladies' ordinary twenty-five feet by forty feet, a billiard-room twenty-five by forty feet, and, in the attic, a bowling-alley forty by ninety feet. In addition to the foregoing is a splendid hall in the third story, measuring forty feet wide by eighty feet in length and twenty feet in height. This relieves the need which the citi- zens of East Boston have felt of a suitable hall in which to hold public meetings and have lectures, concerts, etc., and for the want of which convenience they have long been deprived of many of the advantages for social and intellectual enjoyment which residents in other sections of the city have enjoyed. The hall is decorated in a most chaste and elegant manner with painting in fresco, and provided with every convenience for use as a concert or lecture-room, and attached are two drawing- rooms for occasions when assemblies may be held. It will seat comfortably six hundred persons or upwards, and for conven- ience and beauty will compare favorably with any hall of its size in the vicinity of Boston. The exterior of this building is plain, devoid of ornament, and its general effect imposing. 514 HISTORY. [1857. The imitation of freestone is so perfect that it will require a practised eye to point out wherein it differs from the original. This structure is at once an ornament to East Boston, and a rare exhibition of energy and enterprise on the part of its pub- lic-spirited projector ; having been built, at a cost of $100,000, in the midst of the commercial crisis through which the country has just passed, without having been for a moment delayed for that or any other cause since its commencement. By the general consent and desire of the citizens of East Boston, it will be known as the " Sturtevant House." The hall was opened to the public for the first time on Tuesday evening, the 23d of February, 1857, when Hon. George S. Hillard deliv- ered his excellent lecture on " The Use of Books," before the Democratic Union Association. The hall was crowded with an attentive and intelligent audience, who were delighted with the lecture, and enthusiastic in the expression of their admira- tion of the beautiful hall. The only regret felt was occasioned by the absence of the proprietor of the building, who was called away from the city by a severe domestic alUiction. ]Mr. Hil- lard, before commencing his lecture, very appropriately alluded to the opening of the new hall in a few well chosen words. He said in substance — " I congratulate you, ladies and gentlemen, upon the posses- sion of this tasty and convenient apartment, for which you are in a great measure indebted to the enterprise and public spirit of a gentleman well known to the citizens of Boston, and the residents of East Boston, for his enterprise and his readiness to give his aid to all measures of public improvement, and whose name the hall appropriately bears. I am sure I express the sen- timents of you all when I say how much I regret that domestic affliction which prevents his being with us here to-night. I trust that this hall may be the means of securing to you many agreeable social meetings, and that what you hear here from time to time may tend to your intellectual good." " This house," says a public journal, " we doubt not, will be a favorite resort with those who cannot leave the city during the hot days and nights of midsummer, and who will be glad to avail themselves of the cool breezes which render East Boston 1835.] BUILDINGS ERECTED IN 1835. 515 a most desirable place of residence in hot weather. The repu- tation of its lessees is such as to warrant the belief that the Sturtevant House will be one of the most popular and best con- ducted houses in New England." A picture of the Sturtevant House is upon the opposite page. Going back from this episode of the account of the Maverick House and the celebration, we find that the following buildings were erected in East Boston in 1835: — Jan. 20. ]Mr. Pollard's house and stable on the south-east side of Hotel square: lot No. 15. " 29. Stephen White's storehouse, on his wharf near the Timber Com- pany's dock-yard, at the north-west end of Maverick street. Feb. 11. iSIr. Norrls's house, on the corner of Sumner and Paris streets. " 23. A plank side-walk was made from the ferry to the Maverick House. April 20. Edwards and Lefavor, of Salem, erected their house on Princeton street. " 21. Alexander Boyden erected a house on the corner of Lexington and ^Marion streets : lot No. 155. " 30. E. W. Perry and W. two houses on Saratoga street: lots Nos. 49 and 131. May 9. B. F. Butler's smith-shop on Maverick street: lot No. 116. " 1 2. A large stable for the Maverick House, by Edwards and Lefavori " 21. ]\Ioses Miller's workshops on his wharf. " 26. Benson Clock's house, on lot No. 88 Princeton street. June. Brown and Bates erected two houses on Meridian street. In the 3d section : on lot E. " E. H. Snelling and Ebenezer Scott built a block of two houses in the 3d section, on the corner of Meridian and Princeton streets: lot No. 112. July. Captain Cook raised his house on Sumner, corner of Cottage street : lot No. 81. Aug. 4. F. A. Gerry's house, corner of Meridian and Lexington streets, In the 3d section : lot No. 132. Nov. Ordway, Pond, and Tuttle built a block of three brick houses on west side of Sumner street : lots 67 and GS. Dec. Messrs. Cunmiisky and McManus each built a house on Maverick street: lot 114. " Andrew Bcttly built on Cottage street : lot No. 32. March, 1836. Enos Morgan built a house on Cottage street. April, " Edwin Phillips built a house on Webster street. 516 HISTORY. [1835. The following 2^G^'-^ons moved to East Boston in 1835 : — January 8. Bradford Chandler * moved into his house. April 15. INIajor J. "W. Barton* moved into the Maverick House. June 6. Truman Flower f moved into his house. " 8. Benjamin Lamson moved into his house. " 22. R. P. ]\Iorrill,f corner of Sumner and Havre streets. Aug. 21. Levi Whitcomb, Saratoga street. Captain William Fettyplace removed from Salem in June. Simon Moulton and Theodore F. Rollins, who were employed in building the Maverick House, married and settled in East Bos- ton. Aaron Ordway.* Norris.* E. W. Ferry.* Benjamin Brown, Jr.* Sept. B. F. Butler. William Walters. Dec. John Davis. E. Johnson.* H. Rogers.* Pollard.* The Births during the year 1835 toere, — Jan. 14. A son to George D. Hagar. Feb. 20. A son to Bragdon. May 3. A son, John Maverick, to Major J. W. Barton. Aug. 1. A child to Dr. John Jeffries. " 22. A child to Timothy Mclntire. Dec. 21. A daughter to Seth E. Benson. The first marriage on the Island of which we have any acconnt is of John Fenno to Miss Olive Pratt, mentioned in the Columbian Centinel of the 14th Dec., 1793. The Williams family journal, to which reference is so fre- quently made, gives a description of this wedding, which took place in Henry Howell Williams's house : — " Sunday, 8th Dec, 1793 Nobody went to meeting but the two boys As Mr. Fenno and Olive Pratt in- tended being married to-night, the girls prevailed on Edward * Those thus designated have since left East Boston, f Now deceased. 1835.] PROSPERITY. 517 Edcs to bring the parson (Mr. Eliot) over, and have the cere- mony performed here, as it was too cold to go to Boston in the evening, and they all wished to see them married. The parson returned with the folks ; we made quite a large party. After tea the bride and groom came, and they were soon made man and wife. As we had not time to make a loaf-cake, we made little cakes do with a glass of wine. The parson was pretty chatty and full of fun, and we spent the evening quite agreeably. We had supper, and afterward an excellent water- melon, which was a great rarity. The wind blew pretty hard, and the parson staid all night At eleven o'clock the bridegroom and bride wished us a good-night and went home, and we all soon after went to bed, very much pleased with the behavior and appearance of the newly married pair, and all wished them a great deal of happiness. So much for the first wedding that was ever in this house." The Marriages in 1835 were, — May 19. Mr. Bragdon to a Miss , resided in Dr. Jefirles's house. Oct. 7. Mr. Sigler to Miss Boyden. " " Thomas Sullivan to Margaret Parker. Dec. 3. Capt Doanc to Miss Lincoln. The Deaths in 1835 were, — Feb. 20. Joseph Hooper, of IMarblehead, who was drowned by the ice break- ing between AVood island and the first section. Isov. 2. Mr. McGraw, aged fifty years. Also six children under two years of age. A paragraph contained in a brief sketch of improvements at East Boston, published in January, 1836, gives, in a general glance, the condition of affairs on the Island at the close of 1835. After speaking of particular enterprises, it says : — " It is now scarcely two years since the only dwelling-house then existing on this extensive tract of land was taken down to make room for the contemplated improvements ; and beside the buildings erected by the various incorporated companies al- ready enumerated, there are now more than fifty private dwell- ing-houses, beside about twenty stores, warehouses, etc. ; and about ten substantial wharves, notwithstanding which, the popu- lation of the place is so rapidly increasing, that leases are 44 518 HISTORY. [1835. readily taken at rates that will give a yearly rent of at least ten per cent, on the cost of the investment. By the census of the city just taken, the population of East Boston already exceeds six hundred souls. A large proportion of this population con- sists of mechanics and artisans, and, so long as the price of land there continues at a rate so much lower than in the city oppo- site, the difference being more than ten to one, it will continue to offer advantages that will induce the rapid settlement of that portion of the Island more particularly adapted to the purposes of that influential and industrious class of citizens ; while on Belmont in section one, and on Eagle hill in section three, the most delightful situations are to be found for villas and rural residences." At the annual meeting, held on the 2d of May, 1836, the number of directors was increased from seven to ten, and the number of shares in the capital stock was doubled, making 10,560. It was voted, that each stockholder be entitled to the same number of new shares which he then held of the old shares, and that certificates be issued for the same. At this meeting some interesting facts were presented, relative to the prosperity of the company. The president communicated the fact, that out of 663 acres about forty-eight had been sold, with a small proportion of the flats. The sales, up to the end of 1835, amounted to $253,259.95 ; and from that time to date, to $35,000, making in all $288,259.95. From the first amount was to be deducted $7,398.52 allowed for building and for other improvements, which made the net amount of sales $245,861.43. The treasurer reported, that all expenses had been paid out of the proceeds of sales of land ; that dividends to the amount of $92,316 had been made ; that there had been expended on the Maverick House and appurtenances, wharves, etc., $129,265.30, which, with 78,000 feet of land on which the improvements had been made, at the estimate of fifty cents a foot, or ^39,000, made an aggregate of $168,265.30. He also reported, that the available property of the company at its cost exceeded its debts and responsibilities by ^78,013.71, besides the lands, flats, and wharf lots remaining unsold. The superintendent added, that, a year and a half previous, 1835.] STATISTICS. 519 there were but three dwelling-houses at East Boston, and, six months subsequent to that time, only fourteen families ; while in the autumn preceding the date of the report there was a pop- ulation of six hundred, with several boarding-houses, sixty dwell- ing-houses, thirty-seven stores and manufactories, and many other buildings in process of erection. The unoccupied lands had been leased to Mr. Glazier for three years, for farming purposes, at an annual rent of $1,300 for the first, and $1,350 for the second and third years, reserving to the company the right of selling or using any portion of their lands, and of making other provisions beneficial to the in- habitants. At this time, the Sugar Refinery, East Boston Ferry Com- pany, East Boston Wharf Company, East Boston Timber Company, and Malleable Iron Company, were in active opera- tion, and the Eastern Railroad would soon pass about a mile and a half over the Island. Prosperity like this was unexampled in land enterprises, and the Island seemed at last about to realize and fulfil its destiny. New plans and new undertakings were continually before the company, who gave a strict attention to any and every project which, in its results, would benefit the Island. At one time (September, 183f)) a committee was appointed to confer with the Eastern Railroad Company and Mr. John Breed relative to a dam from East Boston to Breed's island ; at another time (March, 1837) the subject of a bridge from East Boston to Belle island to facilitate intercourse with Point Shirley was brought up, and was referred to a committee with full powers for its construction ; but the subject was afterward referred to the. president ; at still another time (February, 1837) a commit- tee advised, for selection as a cemetery, a piece of land in the " Middle Farm," so called, and which is now located on a com- manding eminence between Bennington, Swift, Auburn, and Harmony streets, in section four. The few statistics just given show in what a prosperous state East Boston was at the annual meeting in 1836. During that year, the following families had moved to the place : — 520 HISTORY. [1836. Enos Morgan, William II. Delano, H. Sargeant.* Jesse Tuttle,f William Fisk, Prince Ilogers,f Thomas French,! Benjamin Collins,* Stearns,* Asa Lewis, Moses Carr, Hiram Pond.* Edwin Phillips, Philip Lord,f The foUowing Births took j^lace in 183G : — MarcTi 21. A son to Capt. E. Doane. May 14. A daughter to Jonas Bessom, (died at seven years of age). " 18. A son to Capt. Baker McNiar (?). June 9. A son to Timothy Mclntire. July 30. A son to Mr. Norris. Nov. 18. A son to Hosea Sargeant. Dec. 14. A son to John H. Tomllnson. " 26. A son to Mr. Stearns. The Island population were not, at first, " married or given in marriage" to any great extent. Our investigation rewards us with but one marriage in 1836 ; this was that of Mr. Hiram Pond to Mary G. Phillips, on the 15th of May. The Deaths in that year, as recorded, were, — Sept. 21. Miss Angelina H. Briggs, aged 26. " 24. An unknown man, who hung himself under a ship's boat which was bottom up. Oct. 2. Two boys were drowned, one thirteen, tlae other seventeen years of age. This was on Sunday. " 10. Philip Lord, aged 44. " 24. Child of Philip Lord. The whole number of deaths in 1836 was ten. To show how rapidly the taxable property of the company had increased, it appears from the records of February and March, 1837, that the assessors' valuation was $500,000. This was considered by the company as excessive, and was some- what reduced ; but even then it shows an unprecedented rise in the value of property. On the 1st of May, 1837, there were seventy-eight dwelling-houses on the Island, several others in process of construction, also a large house for public worship in Maverick street, and numerous buildings were under contract. The population, which in 1835 was about six hundred, was now at least one thousand ; and houses were in great demand by persons who would be willing to pay rents that would give ten * These have since left East Boston. f Now deceased. 1S37.] FINANCIAL. 521 or fifteen per cent, on the cost of building. In addition to the manufacturing establishments of the previous year, the hair factory and Mr. Kittredge's varnish factory were in full oper- ation. The hair factory was ninety feet by eighteen, and, to- gether with two boarding-houses, a shoemaker's shop, and bakery, all on Sumner street, was erected by Mr. Benjamin Lamson within nine months, and occupied to good advantage. The bakery was of wood, fifty-four by forty feet, three stories high, and cost ^6,000. The Timber Company was doing an extensive business. During the year sixty-eight vessels had arrived from Albany with plank, timber, etc., from Grand island to the Timber Company. Two hundred and fifty other vessels with various cargoes arrived during the year; besides more than thirty, employing three hundred men, which arrived at the fish packing establishments of Mr. Miller and Mr. Tuttle; and, to accommodate the fast increasing ship-trade, thirteen good wharves had been built. Thus, notwithstanding a great financial depression, the improvements were such at East Bos- ton as to satisfy the most sanguine friends of the enterprise, that the Island was destined to become a most important com- mercial and manufacturing part of the city of Boston. It has been stated that these were times of great financial depression. Throughout the country the scarcity of money, the lack of confidence even among the heaviest capitalists and men of high character and position in society, the long series of failures of the largest and most responsible houses, and the un- certainty of any and all business operations, created a state of public feeling which operated against speculations of any kind. The East Boston Company of necessity felt the influence of the financial atmosphere, and although it prosecuted its legiti- mate objects with energy, yet it was unable to obtain money for immediate uses with that ease and certainty which were necessary to favorable operations. To accomplish this purpose, the company purchased into the Kilby Bank of Boston. This transaction need be alluded to only in the most general manner, as the details will be possessed of no particular interest to the public. A concise summary of the whole matter is as follows, while the records of the company show all the minute particu- lars not necessary to our narrative : — 44* 522 HISTORY. [1835, May 19, 1837. East Boston Company took 2,520 shares of Kilby Bank stock, and gave bank-notes and mortgages to the amount of $251,926.25 May 25, 1839. The company sold the stock back at $80 per share, and took back the notes and mortgages . . . $175,485.40 Allowed interest from May 19, 1837 26,165.43 $201,650.83 Loss to the company $20 per share, or 50,326.25 $251,977.08 Difference 50.83 Original amount $251,926.25 May 20, 1839. Closed the whole concern with Peter Harvey and Joshua "Webster, Jr. In the summer and autumn of 1835 it was proposed to open an office of the East Boston Company in New York for the transfer of stock in that city, in order that it might be offered for sale at the brokers' board, to interest capitalists there in the stock, and thus, with the increased business facilities, the specu- lation would be made much more profitable. This plan had in view the making of the stock a desirable one throughout the country. The East Boston Company had the confidence of the community, and its property was valuable and constantly increasing in value, and by making the stock generally avail- able, by interesting parties of enterprise and capital, the com- pany would be greatly benefited. The proposition met with favor, and was immediately en- tered upon with alacrity by all the parties concerned. Men of credit, enterprise, and character became interested, and cooper- ated with the East Boston proprietors, and the new plan promised great success. To make all the arrangements pre- liminary to any actual operations required much thought, plan- ning, and consultation ; to relate these minutiae would be as tedious to the reader as it would be useless in the narrative. Had a favorable result attended the enterprise, it would be proper to detail its proceedings at length. Many of the gentle- men in New York who engaged in it were great speculators, and were deeply involved in other financial operations; and, it may be supposed from the result, that they entered into this new plan with the hope of maintaining their business position, and of making enough money to compensate them for other 1836.] SALES IN NEW YORK. 523 losses. But the liard times of 1837 and succeeding years de- stroyed all the well-laid j)laiis, and this project, which, to all human foresight, would have been most lucrative in any ordi- nary state of the money market, entirely failed of accomplish- ment. It can only be spoken of as something which was proposed and started, its legitimate results being all prevented by the great financial crisis which, upon the repeal of the tariff, swept over the whole country. In few words, the proposition made to the New York gentle- men was accepted ; some of the principal stockholders of the company agreed to sell a large number of shares lower than the market price, and then by putting in an equal amount them- selves, create a joint trading capital for the benefit or loss of those engaged. The company voted to open books of transfer of stock in New York, the president and treasurer were au- thorized to sign in blank the necessary certificates, and Rufus K. Delafield, cashier of the Exchange Bank, was appointed (11th July, 1836) registrar of the company in New York for the trans- fer of its stock ; and it was voted to receive notes in payment for land which might be sold there. The New York gentlemen sent an agent, Mr. Thomas Sargeant, to view the premises, who made a very favorable report of the then condition and future prospects of the comj^any ; and so well satisfied were all parties with the preliminary steps, that, on the 4th of May, 1836, the company voted to sell at public auction on June 2, 130 lots in the first, second, and third sections. The following were the conditions of sale : Payment twenty- five per cent, cash, or approved notes on interest at sixty days, the residue in equal instalments of one, two, and three years, secured by note and mortgage on interest payable annually. Deeds to be given within fifteen days to those who make the first payment in cash, and to other purchasers when the note for tiie first payment is paid, and the conditions of sale are other- wise complied with. The lots on Belmont not to be used for any manufacturing or mechanical trade or business what- ever, at any time during the terra of twenty years from April 25, 1833. Each purchaser, before building, to give thirty days' notice to the superintendent, so as to allow the company time to remove any surplus earth, should they deem it expedient, in 524 HISTORY. [1836. conformity to the grade of the respective streets hereafter to be fixed. Ten per cent, to be allowed to any purchaser who should, within a year, erect buildings on his lot of equal value to the amount paid for said lot. [This was afterwards rescinded.] Until the auction, no lots to be sold at private sale, unless the purchasers agree to erect suitable dwellings within twelve months ; private sales were also to be suspended until after another public sale. On the 2d of June land was sold to the amount of about twenty-three acres, for $213,000, averaging twenty-one cents a foot. It was contemplated to hold another public sale in Septem- ber ; but it was deferred, principally on account of the great pressure in the money market. An auction sale of East Boston lands was then made in New York on the 19th of July, at which the lots sold at greatly ad- vanced prices. The total amount of this sale was $185,190, averaging upward of $600 per lot. So well pleased were the new proprietors with their prospects, that they engaged to pur- chase $200,000 worth of land in addition to their first purchase, they having the privilege of buying the intermediate lots, which were reserved in the first sale, and promised, in case such a sale was made, to improve the land to the amount of $100,000. There was a disposition on the part of some of the pro- prietors to make the company a stockjobbing concern, and depress and raise the stock, and manage the affairs as a mere matter of speculation, with all the machinery necessary for such purposes. The largest proprietor at that time, anxious to promote the best interests of the company, and preferring to raise the value of the land, did not favor stock operations, which, although they might prove of temporary benefit to a few, would seriously impair the confidence of the community in the company, and in its individual members. He did not wish to raise or depress the stock as individual interest might dictate, and make it a fluctuating property in the market, but preferred the straightforward system, which in the end would prove the most desirable. Holding these opinions, he was a serious obstacle in the way of the ardent speculators, and thus excited their opposition. In addition to this, General Sumner, wishing to be relieved 1837.] CHANGES IN THE DIRECTORS. 525 from the responsibility of guarding the rights of those not repre- sented in the board of directors, had, some time previous to the annual meeting for choice of directors, contemplated resigning the presidency, and had taken the necessary preliminary meas- ures for the succession. Thinking that the interests of the company could be best promoted by uniting the offices of president and superintendent in one person, he favored that plan, and the election of Mr. Lewis for that situation at a salary of 83,000 a-year, and Mr. Brodhead as treasurer. This plan interfered with Mr. Fettyplace (a near relative of Stephen White), a prominent member of the company, who held at that time the office of superintendent, and, although a most worthy man, lacked the energy necessary for conducting the compli- cated affairs of such a company ; and as it also interfered with the undue desire for speculation which had seized the minds of many of the company. Gen. Sumner, by the united efforts of Mr. White and Mr. Sargeant, who conspired for the purpose, without any notice of the intended change, was, at the election held on the 1st of May, 1837, left off the board of directors, and the vacancy ffiled by another ; so that the one Avho put the whole plan into operation, and to whose exertions and direction much of its then prosperity was owing, and who was the largest owner in the stock, and consequently the most interested in its profits and losses, was deprived of any voice in the com- pany's plans and purposes. Mr. John Binney was chosen president in his place by four votes out of seven. This proceeding was the result of a secret and well-contrived plan. Mr. Thomas Sargeant was vested with a power of attorney from all the New York owners except Mr. Gerard, and came to Boston as the representative of their stock. Mr. White and certain Boston members influenced him to cast the votes in his possession against Gen. Sumner, and thus the scale was turned against him. When the notice of this election reached New York, the most influential of the owners there instantly disavowed all knowledge of such action, and adopted every means in their power to have the former president restored to the board, and many letters were received by Gen. Sumner, stating in strong terms their ignorance that such a removal was intended, and their utter disapproval of it. 526 HISTORY. [1837. They had been induced to join the company from confidence in him and Mr. Gerard, and in the measures they adopted, and this summary way of displacing an officer who was laboring for the truest interests of the company met their unqualified disapproval. The extract which follows, taken from a letter written to Gen. Sumner (14th May, 1837) by Messrs. C. and G'. Belden, influential proprietors in New York, shows the manner in which the change in the direction of the company was viewed by them : — " We learn that you may entertain the idea that we had some intentional agency in the manner in which our votes were cast at your election. The object of the present is to disabuse you of such an opinion. We had not the least con- ception that any change in the direction was contemplated at all. Mr. Sargeant sent to our office a power of attorney for us to sign, in his favor, stating that he was going on to represent the New York stockholders at the election of which we were apprised, but he did not intimate to us that any change in the direction was meditated, but on the contrary, that none was meditated that he knew of. We had heard from Mr. Gerard that you intended to resign the presidency, but that there was any intention to leave you out of the direction we did not dream of. " As we became stockholders solely on account of yourself and Mr. Gerard, when he first stated what you said in regard to the election, we did not think it possible that you could con- ceive that we could have any agency in removing from the charge of what interest we have in the company the only indi- vidual in Boston that we know at all. " Since, however, such an outrage, as we consider it, has been committed on your feelings, we hope those who have taken the responsibility will feel the necessity of vigorous action on their part, and thus subserve your interests. If they do that you will cry happy riddance to the trouble with the office." Charles Belden, Esq., alsQ wrote to Mr. Gerard in the follow- ing language : — " I saw Mr. Graham, and my brother saw Mr. Hallet, and Mr. Graham said he had no idea that any change was contem- 1837.] THE CHA2sGES REVERSED. 527 plated, and was very much surprised when he heard that the general was left out of the direction. Mr. Hallet said he knew nothing about it, and very much regretted the course taken. It was wholly without his knowledge, and much against his wish, if he could have expres,sed it. I will endeavor to see the others. But you may no doubt assure the general, that none of the stockholders in New York knew any thing about the change in the direction till afterward, except, perhaps, Mr. Sargeant." So great was the interest taken in the subject, that John L. Graham, Esq., the leading gentleman in the enterprise in New York, and Mr. Leeds, another proprietor, came to Boston with the object of correcting the procedure. This was difficult of accomplishment; but it resulted in the resignation of Mr. Bin- ney, the president, for the purpose of making a vacancy in the board of direction. This vacancy, at the solicitation of Mr. Graham and other gentlemen of the New York company. Gen. Sumner consented to fill if he should be unanimously elected. At a dinner of the directors given for the purpose, the president announced that a vacancy had occurred in the board, which had been filled by the unanimous election of Gen. Sumner. Thus his course of action was fully endorsed by the vote and concur- rence of the very men who had deposed him. Even his oppos- ers saw that the best interests of the company demanded his cooperation, for, if hostilely inclined, he had it in his power to destroy its credit, and place it beyond the reach of lucrative operation. The stringency of the money market brought this New York plan to a sudden and disastrous conclusion. Many of the par- ties concerned in it failed, the projected improvements were not carried out, and the unpaid-for lands returned to the company. There can be no doubt but that for the peculiar condition of the money market throughout the country, this plan would have resulted in great success to those engaged in it ; but as it was, its history and results are among the things that were, and form but a temporary item in the transactions of the company. The records of the East Boston Company, easily accessible to all, wOl furnish all necessary information to those who desire a more particular account of this whole matter. By referring to the list of officers of the East Boston Com- 528 HISTORY. [1839. pany inserted in the Appendix, it will be noticed, that, in the election for the year 1839, General Sumner's name Vi'as not con- tinued on the list of directors. This was the culminating period in the atl'airs of the company, which was deeply involved in its financial operations, and whose members were sutTering under individual responsibilities for the company. These, on the part of a single individual, at various times, exceeded $100,000 in amount ; and many of the influential members of the East Bos- ton Company who were reputed to have property were brought into an embarrassed situation. This was General Sumner's condition, as well as that of others. All of his property was under attachment to satisfy the numerous and large debts for which the East Boston Timber Company, the Hancock and New England Banks, the City Bank of Butfalo, and the Morris Canal Company, attempted to hold him liable. At this time all his stock in the East Boston Company was absorbed in the payment of purchases for land ; and thus, not being a stockholder, through necessity his name was omitted from the board of direction. But at last, having coming ofi" victorious in all the lawsuits brought against him, and a satisfactory and liberal arrangement having been made by the East Boston Company for all pecun- iary liabilities under his extensive purchases of real estate, his property became free from legal embarrassment. Immediately upon this (in 1845), he was reelected to his former position as director, and made president of the company. This office he held until ill health induced him to resign in the winter of 1850-51. The various lawsuits being discontinued, his lots at East Boston and his other property were left free from attach- ment, and so they have remained ever since. It is unnecessary to trace the company further on, indepen- dently of other matters pertaining to the Island. The operations of the first few years have been given so far as they illustrate the setting in motion of the long train of events which have changed the condition and history of the Island ; but to trace the consecutive plans, purposes, and acts of the company, would only involve a transcript of records which are open to all, and the minutire of which would be tedious to the reader. During the time included in this chapter, the company, from the necessities of the case, was obliged to identify itself with 1843.] RESULTS AND ANTICIPATIONS. 529 the dirterent enterprises, and for a while, in fact, to start and prosecute plans which subsequently were carried through by individuals. The few first years required an outlay of money which private persons could not furnish, nor would they incur the hazard of so doing. But when the whole scheme was put into successful operation, and the company had shown a noble liberality in all its dealings, and had laid its plans with admi- rable adaptation to the results desired, individuals felt confi- dence to make plans and carry forward large undertakings on their own responsibility. From its organization to the present time, the company has labored to promote the prosperity of the Island in every way within its legitimate powers, and it is believed that its general policy has been productive of successful results. Mistakes may have been made ; but the prominent idea and guiding principle have been the good of the Island, and whatever could be done in plans, gifts, influence, and expenditures, has been done ; the result bears its own testimony to the wisdom of the proprietors. Extracts from a letter written by Gen. Sumner in 1843 to Larkin Thorndike, Esq., who contemplated moving to East Boston, may be appropriately introduced in this place, as they show the development of the original plan, and give anticipa- tions of future prosperity which have been more than realized, and " the end is not yet." This letter was written but eight years after the formation of the company, and it is interesting from the fact, that, after such a lapse of time, all false ideas of the success of the undertaking, and all illusory anticipations, would have passed away, and the success hitherto serve as a basis for future calculations: — " East Boston is becoming a second Brooklyn ; I remember when Brooklyn, a mile across the East river, with a very rapid current, had but one principal building, a large tavern, and two or three other small dwellings, and numerous Dutch red barns or stables for travellers and marketers. Now it has a popula- tion half that of Boston, and real estate in it has nearly the value of that in New York. Yet New York has the whole Manhattan island, eight miles long with navigable waters on each side, to settle up the North and East rivers, while the pen- insula of Boston is almost circumscribed by the water and 45 530 HISTORY. [1843. flats around it, and the whole land is occupied. The increasing population must find room suited to their commercial pursuits, and where shall they look for it ? Not at Charlestown, for the navy-yard occupies almost the whole land fronting on the har- bor; not at Chelsea yet (for there is good water there), but it is too far back to be sought for at present ; and not at South Boston, where the flats extending off into the harbor a mile or two, even opposite to the end of India wharf, will ever prevent its affording any facilities whatever for foreign commerce. East Boston is the only place where the increasing foreign naviga- tion can have accommodation. The distance from Boston to East Boston is only 1,800 feet, the time of crossing, five min- utes, the interruption in the ferry less than the draws of bridges make, and the expense of transportation across, less by one half or two thirds of what is the cost of passage over the mill-dam or a toll-bridge. And even when the bridges are free, the ope- rative, sweated with work, labors it on foot to dinner in the hot summer sun, while the other is transported under the awning of a rapid boat across the beautiful channel, invigorated by its refreshing breeze. " The aspect for ships is better at East Boston than in Boston proper. In a north-east gale they lie safe, while at Boston they are thumping against the wharves and one another. The chan- nel is nearer the East Boston shore than the Boston. The drinking water there, and the pure air, brought across and cooled by the waters of the harbor, are much superior to those on the Boston side. The temptations are many for removal or settle- ment at East Boston, as the capital enlarges ; but if these did not exist, necessity would control its destiny. Every wharf in Boston is occupied. There is room for no more, or but a few more, ships. The whole commercial front of the city proper is but two miles from Charlestown bridge to the South bridge, and thus it must be for ever limited ; for the land on navigable waters above the bridges is only suitable for wood, stone, lum- ber, and coal wharves, and is all in demand for these, its more appropriate use. Where, then, shall the great commercial capi- tal of New England, Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, receiving daily more and more of the produce of the great North and West, — where shall it extend its accommodations for this great l«13.] LETTER OF GEN. SUMNER. 531 and increasing trade and navigation, and the population which is its natural consequence ? East Boston is the only place. You see it already in the establishment of the foreign steam- ships at her wharves, which could get equal accommodations nowhere else ; in the numerous heavy ships which already lie in her docks ; in the rapid settlement of the place by the influx of manufacturers and mechanics of all classes, the numerous houses, the increasing price of land, and the general prosperity and thrift of every new-comer. If in eight years since the ferry was opened, such an exhibit is made as strikes the eye of every boat passenger as he crosses the ferry, from a single house and farm yard of cattle to a busy commercial place with its thou- sand houses and many thousand inhabitants, its wharves and steam docks, its manufactories and shipping, — what eight years more will do, would baffle the wildest conjecture. We have heard of the villages in the West, which have sprung up in a night as it were, and in a few years have become post-towns ; but in the whole country, I think, no such exhibit of expendi- ture and improvement can be made as East Boston presents. The crowded ferry, now one of the most important of the city avenues, and the petitions for the establishment of another, show conclusively the increase of business and population ; and the demand for dwellings, and the handsome interest which the rents pay on the capital expended, are the best evidences in favor of the location, and of the prosperity of its inhabitants. Where, then, let me ask, can you settle with better business prospects than in the midst of them? Where can you find a more healthy and beautiful situation for a residence than the heights of East Boston afford? But do not build your house in the crowd of dwellings near the ferry. Seek rather, for your resi- dence, some more distant heights, where the prospect and water are equally good, and the land cheaper, — w^here, for a few thousand dollars, you can establish yourself with extensive gardens and conveniences. I well remember when an ancient dwelling with two acres of land in Boston, with beautiful ter- races covered with fruit and shrubbery, was sold for $36,000. In the full enjoyment of these the purchaser lived, and before his decease was offered $200,000 for the estate, which he declined, and left it as a still richer inheritance to his children. 532 HISTORY. [1854. Before you locate, let me recommend you to stroll over Eagle hill, where the prospect is incomparably beautiful, the water pure, soil excellent, and land cheap, say ten cents a foot ; and take enough of it, for it will not be long before others will be building around you, and the land then cannot be had for a consideration greatly enhanced." These extracts from a letter written fifteen years ago con- tain speculations and anticipations which have been more than realized, and in their fulfilment astonish the observer. This appears still more wonderful when it is remembered that these same ideas and plans were held and gave rise to the East Bos- ton Company, and, forming the basis of all the operations of the company, resulted in the predicted success. In no way can the remarkable prosperity of the Island be better shown than in a few brief extracts from the reports of the East Boston Company. Passing over a number of years in the history of the company, a sufficient length of time to test the success or failure of the enterprise, we glean the follow- ing facts from the report presented in May, 1854. The company was then entirely free from debt, with assets on hand and in notes receivable amounting to $21,331.50, and ferry stock and amounts due on lands sold, etc., $21,842.98, making a total of $43,174.48 on hand. During the year a divi- dend of $100,000 was paid to the shareholders on ferry stock, and also a dividend, payable in land, of $200,000. The popula- tion was then fifteen thousand, being an increase of one thou- sand over that of the previous year. Thirty-six vessels were built during the year, of an aggregate tonnage of 51,950 tons, and repairs were made upon ships to the amount of nearly $4,000,000. Among the improvements of the year were the erection of eighty-seven new dwellings, the Atlantic manufactory of steam-engines and machinery, a salt factory, two large iron factories, a saleratus factory, two large freight-houses on the premises of the Grand Junction Railroad covering an area of thirty thousand square feet, and numerous other establishments. At the time this report was presented, there were in East Boston twenty-two primary schools, with an average attend- ance of 1,278 children, and two grammar-schools, having four male and nineteen female teachers and an average attendance 1857.] THE REPORTS IN 1855-1857. 533 of 1,174 scholars. Beside the paving and grading of several streets, 6,327 lineal feet of common sewer were laid during the year. The total number of dwelling-houses on the Island was 1,504, and of buildings of every description, 1,855. From the report for the year ending May, 1855, it appears that during that year 147 dwelling-houses had been erected ; nine stores, of which six were brick, five stories high and of fine architectural appearance; twelve mechanic and machine shops, ten stables, two steam saw-mills, one stone warehouse, one brick oil factory, one freight-house on the Grand Junction wharf sixty feet by two hundred, and one brick church. During the same time, twenty-eight ships (exclusive of those on the stocks when the report was made) were built, with an aggregate ton- nage of 37,987 tons. From the report presented in May, 1856, it appears that the whole property of the East Boston Company was then — tak- ing the valuation of land as fixed in May, 1851 — $967,296.43 ; the sales of land by the company during the year amounted to $16,000; one lot of 102,160 feet was sold to an ice company, who had, at the time the report was made, filled in forty thou- sand feet, and were then erecting buildings. This land was valued, in 1851, at $4,873, and the company realized for it §7,897 over and above that sum. During the year 168 dwell- ing-houses were erected ; ten on the first section, thirty-nine on the second, eighty-nine on the third, and thirty on the fourth and fifth, making the then number of dwelling-houses at East Boston, 1,819 ; and, in addition to these, numerous shops and buildings of various kinds were built on each section. There were built and launched in that year twenty-eight ships, of the aggregate tonnage of 30,380 tons ; and at the time the report was made there were twelve ships and one iron steamship on the stocks, or contracted for. An abstract of the report presented on the 4th of May, 1857, will bring the history of the company up to the present time, and will show in a striking light the great prosperity which has attended the corporation ever since its organization. This report stated, that, in accordance with a vote passed at the last annual meeting of the stockholders, a new valuation of the entire property of the company had been made during the 45* 534 HISTORY. [1857. last financial year. The valuation had been made by five of the directors, each one of whom marked what he supposed each lot, block, or wharf, to be worth, as it then was, and the mean or average of those marks was the price adopted in the valuation. From this valuation it appeared that the aggre- gate amount of the company's property at that time was $1,275,023.76, equal to sixty-three dollars and seventy-five cents per share on the stock. The amount of unselected dividend lands at that time was $61,100. No land of the company had been disposed of during the preceding year. A contract had been made to have built forthwith that portion of Porter street (adjoining and back of the sea-wall) which lies between Larason and Front streets, and also that part of Front street between Porter street and the gap in the sea-wall. When this improvement should be com- pleted, it would give to the company (ready for disposal or oc- cupancy) two more of the most valuable wharf lots on the south-east side of the Island. A recent canvass had shown the resident population of East Boston to be 16,618. This number did not include the hun- dreds who found employment there, but whose homes were elsewhere. An examination as to the number of buildings in East Boston found 1,879 dwelling-houses (of which 330 were brick and 1,549 M^ood), eleven churches, ten school-houses, twenty-four manufactories and mills, seventy-six warehouses and stores, 109 mechanics' shops, five fire-engine houses, twelve counting-rooms, and seventy-seven stables, — of which, 152 dwelling-houses and ten stables had been erected the preceding year. The report then alluded to East Boston as the great work- shop for ship-building in this State. Notwithstanding the great depression in this interest during the year, there had been built in East Boston 28,403 tons of shipping, exclusive of the iron war steamer built for the Egyptian government. The amount of this interest — including repairs of ships — (even in this the dullest season known for many years) was estimated at $2,504,180. Other branches of business in East Boston had felt the depression also. The report expressed the opinion, that, with the advantages which East Boston possesses over all 1857.] COMPARISON BETWEEN 1847 AND 1857. 535 other places in this vicinity for every description of manufac- turing and mechanical purposes, and also for commercial pur- poses, with her great extent of wharf accommodations and depth of water, her warehouses, sectional and dry docks, marine rail- ways, machine shops, etc., it would be no stretch of the imagi- nation to say, that, when business should revive. East Boston would be one of the first places, if not the first, to feel its bene- ficial effects. The report then spoke of the social, moral, and intellectual advantages possessed by the residents in East Boston. There were eleven churches, capable of seating 7,690 persons, with eight settled clergymen ; connected with these churches were 2,471 sabbath-school scholars and 266 teachers, and the schools were steadily increasing. Connected with the day schools there were sixty-three teachers and 3,860 children. The schools were lib- erally supported by the city, and in point of excellence were second to few others in the State. In connection with the notice of the liberal appropriations made by the city for schools in East Boston, credit was also given the city government for liberal appropriations for streets, etc. The report closed with the following comparison between the East Boston of 1847 and the East Boston of 1857 : — « In 1847, East Boston had a population of about 6,500. The total number of buildings of all kinds was 850, and those, with few exceptions, were of a cheap class. Not a foot of her streets had at that time been accepted, or a foot of a common sewer laid ; consequently many of her streets were, in wet weather, impassable, or nearly so ; and in many localities it was very difficult to obtain a supply of good water for the few houses built on the low lands ; the ferry-boats were old and small, and their accommodations very inferior. Such was East Boston in 1847. " In 1857, East Boston has a population of 16,600. The total number of buildings is 2,203, of which 1,879 are dwelling- houses, many of them beautiful residences, costing from $10,000 to $16,000 each. The old ferry-boats have long since disap- peared, and large new boats, whose accommodations are equal to any in the country, have taken their places; about seventeen miles of her streets have been accepted by the city, of which 536 HISTORY. [1857. three and one half miles have been paved. There have also been built through our streets about eight and three eighths miles of common sewers, and the city has also given us that greatest of all blessings, the Cochituate water, which is now pouring into every building whose occupants want it ; and at our wharves (a large portion of which have been built since 1847) may be seen from fifteen to twenty-five ships of the largest class, besides numerous barques, brigs, schooners, and steamers. Surely this is a great change in the short space of ten years, and one that must be most gratifying to the stock- holders of the company, and also to every person who feels an interest in the welfare of East Boston." Mr. Geo. F. Wadsivortk^ the treasurer of the company, then submitted his anrmal report, from which it appeared that the company is free from debt, and has on hand in mortgages, $11,213.28 ; in notes receivable, $3,609.83 ; and in cash on hand, t'j^l, 145.64. This is exclusive of the real estate, — the val- uation of which has already been stated. Both reports were accepted, and, by a vote of the stockholders, ordered to be printed. The meeting then proceeded to the choice of directors, and the following gentlemen were unanimously chosen, namely, Wm. C. Barstow, Benj. Lamson, C. C. Gilbert, A. A. Welling- ton, Lewis Rice, J. P. Thorndike, Silas Pierce, and Caleb Stet- son. To the past, present, or future owners of land at East Bos- ton, accurate knowledge of the successive plans and maps of the Island is of the first importance in determining boundaries and in making sales. The author, therefore, takes much pleas- ure in presenting the following memoranda, prepared by Mr. Noble, the accomplished engineer of the East Boston Company, who is probably better acquainted with the subject than any other person. By reference to this paper, the successive changes in the streets, lots, and wharves, and all the boundaries and divisions of land, can be easily traced, and much confusion thus prevented. So far as is known to the author, no other such paper has ever before been prepared, and its value will be duly appreciated by all real estate owners on the Island. 1833-57.] MAPS AND PLANS. 537 Memoranda of Details of the various Plans and Maps of East Bos- ton, sJioiving the various arrangements for laying out the streets and lots, from 1833 to January, 1857, — also shoioing the history of the grades of Streets and of the Harbor lines, etc. " Section 1. — The first plan of East Boston lands, as divided into streets and lots for sale by the East Boston Company, was made by S. P. Fuller, and entitled plan of section one. East Boston, dated October 1, 1833, and showing the arrangements of the company's lots as then contemplated, as far as No. 100 Everett street, and the lots now between Everett and Maverick streets not being shown thereon, although Maverick street itself was shown. " The street now called Jeffries street was then placed be- tween lots No. 17 and No. 69, and subsequently changed so as to be located between lots 61 and 63, and lots 66 and 67. " There were but few marsh lots shown ; those that were shown mostly consisting of upland, and the streets being re- spectively forty, fifty, and sixty feet wide. Belmont square was laid out 250 feet long and 200 feet wide. But one water lot was showm, that of Edwin Adams, situated at the south end of Cottage street, and 210 feet wide. The line of high-water mark on the south of the section very nearly coincided with the north line of Marginal street as first laid out, as far as Sum- ner street on the west. The division line between sections one and two was about seventy-five feet west of the west lines of lots 70 and 82. The lots averaged in width respectively forty- five, ninety, and one hundred feet, and in length 125, 200, and 220 feet. " The block between Everett and Maverick streets was sub- sequently arranged into lots in the year 1836, and the block between the division line of the section- and Bremen street, on the west, was left blank. " The second plan of the section on registry was made by R. II. Eddy, dated June 2, 1836, and represents the new position of Jcflries street and of Orleans street ; also of Everett street, and of the new lots between Everett and Maverick streets, from 101 to 220, being mostly marsh lots 90 by 100 feet. 538 HISTORY. [1833. " The third plan was dated September 29, 1842, showing the extension of Marginal street westerly towards Lewis or Ferry street (to be referred to hereafter), and discontinuing the shore lot, upon which Marginal street was angularly laid out. " Section 2. — The first plan of the second section was made by S. P. Fuller, dated October 1, 1833, showing the arrange- ments of the lots from No. 1 to 145, including the lands prin- cipally now between Bremen, Border, Sumner, and Meridian streets, and Central square ; the upland lots being generally 80 feet by 45, the marsh lots 160 by 100 feet, and the streets re- spectively fifty, sixty, and seventy feet wide. " Two squares were represented, Central square near the third section, and Hotel (since called Maverick) square, the lat- ter 450 by 150 feet. The Maverick House or hotel and its adjacent lot were likewise shown. The lots comprised two thirds in number of upland and one third marsh. There were three wharf lots shown, namely, the East Boston large wharf, 510 feet wide by 1,100 long (Ferry street, 70 feet wide, running through the centre), and the wharf lot of the Merchants Marine railway, 510 feet wide, also Miller's lot on the west shore, two hundred feet wide, also the corresponding upland lots pertain- ing to the above proposed railway. The centre line of Sumner street corresponded very nearly with the line of high-water mark, — the northerly end of Border street being laid out over the flats to the third section. Decatur and Bainbrldge streets were rep- resented as running from the proposed Mill Pond on the east of Chelsea street across Chelsea and Meridian streets to Bor- der street, enclosing a canal between them of 180 feet wide. This canal, as well as Bainbridge street, being afterwards dis- continued and lots substituted in their places, caused an ap- parent confusion in the numbering of the lots. (This will be referred to more particularly hereafter.) " No lots were then shown between Chelsea and Meridian streets, afterward called the second division of section two, or 'Great Marsh' lots. When the Eastern Railroad Company located their station-houses, etc., Lisbon street was discon- tinued, and Orleans street located further east, bounding east- erly on the Eastern Railroad Company's lands ; and thus the number of the lots was increased in section one, and the divis- 1836- 1,184 Wizard ^ 1,600 u Alert 2 1,194 " Chariot of Fame '' 2,000 a Donald ^IcKay ^ 2,594 " Wyvern 73 a Defender ^ 1,413 " Am2:)hitrite - 1,G87 i( Robert II. Dixey " 1,252 " Fearless ^ 1,200 (t Azor ' 430 - Lightfoot '■ 1,996 (( Empress ' 1,293 " Reporter " 1,100 u Abbott Lawrence ' 1,497 "' Edwin Forrest * 1,200 it Golden Fleece " 1,585 " Mariner ' 1,230 u Elvira '' 1,138 " Romance of the Sea ^ 1,500 u Quickstep '" 523 '• Well Fleet" 1,260 u Hay ward P. dishing (rc- " Eringo " 323 measured) 159 " Challenger ' 1,400 (i Halcyon " 93 ''■ ]\Iystery " 1,200 u Antelope " (steamer) 415 Great Republic '' 4,55G 1855-58.] VESSELS BUILT AT EAST BOSTON. 699 Tear. Xanie. Tons. Year. Name. Tons. 1855 S. A. Stevens * (steamer) 140 1856 Joseph Peabody " 1,198 (( Emerald '* 1,079 1857 ]\Iartha " 1,197 It Thos. Jefferson * 995 i( Manuella ' 2G7 u Ganges " 1,253 u Amelia * 267 (( General Warren '^ 340 (( Borneo ' 772 1S5G Dragoon ' 1,433 a Gcmsbok ' 6G2 (( Harry of the West " 998 u John Patterson ' 102 ii Endeavor * 1,137 (( For tun a ^ 659 ' 1,8 A reliable and weU-informcd writer, in 1S50, thus spoke of the facilities at that time for building ships at the Island: — "There are now in East Boston four ship-yards, and two more in state of preparation, for building the largest class ships, in each of which, two or three vessels can be in the process of construction, as has frequently happened, at the same time. There are also five other yards and docks for building and re- pairing, with a floating dock and two marine railways; two extensive spar-making establishments, a number of sail-makers' James E. Simpson. Oliver Holdeii. 700 HISTORY. [1835. and riggers' lofts, with a great number of smaller establish- ments and shops connected with and dependent upon the busi- ness of ship-building and repairing. In fact, there is probably no place in the United States, certainly none in New England, where may be found so many of the requisites and conveniences for ship-building. The constant employment of more than five hundred mechanics in the various branches of this business would of necessity render the arrangements very complete, and afford great facilities for despatch and perfection of work. The investments here in wharves and lands reclaimed from the sea are very heavy, and as improvements, they have been produced by no mushroom excitement, but by the steady application of money and labor for a great number of years ; and they are, as might be expected, of a most permanent and substantial char- acter. The water front of Boston proper, between Charles River Bridge and the North Free Bridge, South Boston, is about two and a quarter miles. The water front of East Boston, upon the main channel of the harbor, from Jeffries Point to Chelsea Free Bridge, is three and one half miles, following the ' commissioners' line.' When it is considered that vessels'of the greatest draught, like the British mail steamers, can lie at the wharves when carried out to the ' commissioners' line,' it will not fail to be apparent that the claims of East Boston to some commercial importance are not without foundation." WHARVES. There was formerly a wharf, called the "East Boston Com- pany's Wharf," next east of the Sugar Refinery, containing about twenty thousand square feet. It was completed Septem- ber 1, 1835, and was leased to Messrs. Locke and Ripley, who improved it for a wood and lumber wharf. They hired it for three years from September 1, at a rent of $300 for the first year, and $400 for the second and third years, payable quar- terly. The company reserved the right to land coal or wood on a part of it for the use of the ferry only, allowing a rent pro rata for the space so used. In 1838 it was comprehended within the boundaries of the land ceded to the Eastern Railroad 1830.] WHARVES. 701 Company. It cost ^4,000, exclusive of the water right, and in 1836 was valued at $9,000. ]\Ir. Lamson's wharf (now merged in the Grand Junction wharves) was built with solid stone walls, and filled in with earth one hundred and sixty feet square ; the cost of filling in the wharf, including the stone walls, was twenty-eight cents a superficial foot. It was built for the purpose of erecting on it a steam factory for sawing mahogany, veneering, etc., and was to be extended on piers to the channel when the steam mill should be erected. Upon it were two buildings, fifty feet by twenty-five each. Next to Mr. Lamson's wharf was Messrs. Locke and Ripley's lumber wharf, well supplied with lumber and building ma- terials. At the foot of London street, with a water front of two hun- dred feet, were Tuttle's wharf and buildings, employed by fishermen in packing for exportation ; now occupied by Simp- son and Tuttle's dock, Carleton's, and Brown and Lovell's wharves. At the foot of Liverpool street, with a water front of one hundred feet, was the wharf of Allen, Pigeon, and Pool, on which shops for making masts and spars were erected. Next came the proposed site of the Merchants' Marine Rail- way, which, as has been seen, was never built, though an act of incorporation was obtained ; the water front was 500 feet. The lot next to the Marine Railway., the site of the first steamboat landing, was leased to Mr. Weeks for a fish wharf, and afterwards sold to him; it is now occupied as Weeks's wharf, and as a graving dock. Next north of this was Mr. Aspinwall's wharf, with a front of one hundred feet, used then and now as a mast-maker's establishment, under the above name ; it was sold for eight dol- lars a foot in 1834. Next was Pratt and Cushing's wharf and dock, for marine railways for small vessels. This had also one hundred feet front, and was sold in 1834 for eight dollars a foot ; it is now Holmes and Snelling's graving dock. Next north was Miller's wharf, with two hundred feet front, 59* 702 HISTORY. [1858. having four stores upon it, used for the inspection and storing of mackerel for exportation. Between thirty and forty vessels were employed at Miller's and Tuttle's wharf. It is now known as Miller's wharf. At the westerly end of Maverick street was a wharf lot of one hundred feet front, now occupied by the East Boston Gas and Iron Company. Next north of this was the Timber Company's property ; and the proposed site of the mills of the Maverick Water Power Company, which, though incorporated, never went into operation. The names and situation of the different wharves at East Boston at the present time are as follows : — Allen's, on Sumner street. Aspinwall's, from New street. Belcher's, from Border street, near Central square. Boole's, at Jeffries Point. Brown & Lovell's, foot of Sumner street. Carleton's, 57 Sumner street. Clifton's, Border, corner of Maverick street. Cunard, near foot of Orleans street. Cunningliam's, Sumner, opposite Bor- der street. Curtis's, Border, near White street. Darton's, Border, foot of Lexington street. East Boston, from ferry line, west of Lewis street. Eastern Railroad, Marginal, between Lewis and Orleans streets. Fernald's, Border, foot of Lexington street. Eerry, foot of Lewis street. Fettyplace & Bowker's, Border street. Grand Junction Railroad and Depot Company, Marginal street. Googln's, Eagle street, near Gas-works. Hall's, Border, foot of Decatur street. Howe's, Marginal, corner of Jeffries street. Jones's, Border street, corner of Cen- tral square. Joselyn, foot of Maverick street. Kelly's, Marginal, near Jeffries street. Kelly's Marine Railway, Sumner street, near People's ferry. Lombard, from Sumner, opposite Paris street. J\LaverIck, from Sumner street, north side. McKay's, Border, foot of Eutaw street. Miller's, from New street. A. Nickerson's, from Border, near Lex- ington street. E. Nickerson's, from New, near Sum- ner street. Pigeon & Pool's, foot of Liverpool street. Pratt & Cusliing's, from New street. Shackford & Co.'s, from Border, foot of Lexington street. Simpson's, from Marginal, near Jeffries street. Sturtevant's, Border, foot of Eutaw street. Tufts', foot of Webster street. Tuttle's, foot of London street. W^eeks's, corner of New and Sumner streets. Whorf's, Jeffries, corner of Maverick street. 183G.] COLONY OF SHOEMAKERS. 703 COLONY OF SHOEMAKERS FROM LYNN. Among the projects originated by the president of the com- pany for the benefit of East Boston was the establishment of a settlement of shoemakers from Lynn, on the fourth section; after much conversation on the subject, the following plan was concerted between him and Mr. Ezra Mudge, an officer in the custom-house, and formerly representative from Lynn. It was thought, that, from the favorable position of East Boston and the scarcity of houses in Lymi, it would be easy to induce industrious and moral men who had not the means to build houses for themselves to come to East Boston and set up the manufacture of shoes, provided the company would erect suit- able dwellings for their accommodation. Such dwellings could be erected for about $1,500 each, large enough for two families, for which they would be willing to pay ten per cent, interest on the cost, on a lease not exceeding seven years, with the privilege of purchasing at any time during the lease at a fair valuation. Workshops could be furnished by the tenants themselves, as one shop would answer for several persons. A village would thus be established, which would greatly increase the value of real estate in its vicinity. To encourage capitalists to under- take such an enterprise, the company could afibrd to give an extended credit to those who should purchase for the purpose of improving, instead of the usual conditions, requiring the first payment at the end of two years, and the rest in three, four, and five years, interest should be payable annually ; in this way the purchaser could apply his funds to building. Some of Mr. Mudge's friends were willing to join any company that would engage to build a sufficient number of houses to form a hand- some village, and he would give his personal attention to secur- ing the successful issue of the project. This plan gave rise to the following paper : — "Boston, SeiJtember 3, 183G. " The subscribers, having read the annexed communication of Mr. Mudgo, hereby agree with one another to enter into an association ot" not less than twenty nor more tlian thirty shares, tlie proprietor of each to buy of the East Bos- ton Company at their next sale two blocks of land of one hundred feet square, 704 HISTORY. [183G. and to erect one double or two single houses thereon, and fence in our respec- tive lots before the first of July next, and let the houses as stated in Mr. Mudge's letter, — it being expressly understood that whatever the land shall fetch the company over ten cents a foot, after paying their proportion of the expenses of sale, shall be reserved as a fund by the association for the embel- lishment and improvement of the settlement under the direction of the asso- ciates. " Provided the East Boston Company will lay out a suitable place for the settlement, grade the streets, and give a spot for a meeting and school-house ; and in consideration of the services of Mr. Mudge, in supei-intending the erec- tion of the buildings and founding the settlement, that the company shall appro- priate one block of land, and erect a house and stable thereon for his use, free of rent five years, then to be presented to him if his exertions in promoting the ends of the association shall be satisfactory, otherwise said house, stable, and land shall be conveyed to said associates for the benefit of said settle- ment. " Samuel P. Page, by E. Mudge ... 1 share. John J. Emertou . 1 " E. W. Mudge . . 1 " James W. Gerard . 2 shares. Samuel Jones . . 2 " (with a privilege of 2 more.) Francis J. Oliver . . 1 share. Wni. II. Sumner . 2 shares. J. W. Paiire ... 1 share. Stephen "White, by Fettyplace Aug. Heard Wm. 2 shares 1 share. Henry Sumner 1 " Ezra L. Varney C. B. Mason , 1 " 1 " Wm. Atkinson . • 1 " In all, . 18 shares. The location intended for the settlement was on the " Middle Farm," now section four. On the 2d of March, 1837, the superintendent was informed by Mr. Mudge that he regretted to say that from removals, or from pecuniary circumstances, no reliance could be placed on some of his subscribers. The stringent state of the money market prevented those who could with difficulty live at home from removing to another place where a certain amount of extra capital would be required, even if their condition could be im- proved by such a removal. This project, in which Mr. Mudge took such an active interest, would probably have resulted in success had it not been for the universal financial depression which swept over the whole country, and included all classes of T^ociety ; as it was, the plan failed of realization. 1837.] LOBSTER WHARF. 705 weeks' S LOBSTER WHARF. The lobster business at East Boston demands a place among the noteworthy occupations upon the Island. In 1837, Mr. E. Weeks commenced boiling lobsters in three kettles of sixty gallons each, and during that year sold about seventy thousand lobsters. In the following year, he purchased of the East Bos- ton Company a wharf at the foot of Sumner street for ^2,225. So great was the increase of the business, that, in 1838, his pur- chases amounted to about two hundred thousand, and in 1839 to two hundred and fifty thousand lobsters. Mr. Weeks Avith- drew from the business in 1855, at which time the annual pur- chase amounted to about three hundred thousand. Portions of the wharf have been sold at different times : first, a part to Nathaniel Blanchard, in 1838, for $741.66 ; and sec- ond, a part to Col. Samuel Stimpson, in 1855, for $1,350. The business, since Mr. E. Weeks sold out, has been con- ducted by John S. Weeks and Company, and the purchases amounted, in 1845, to two hundred and seventy-five thousand lobsters, in 1856 to three hundred thousand, and in 1857 to three hundred and ten thousand. From the 1st of April until the 1st of August, the number of lobsters boiled averages 160 kettles a week, each kettle con- taining one hundred. Twenty wheelbarrows and four one- horse wagons are supplied with this indispensable requisite to the market of a city, and this occupation, apparently trivial, furnishes thousands of tables with one of the most acceptable of dishes. LINSEED-OIL AVORKS. The building in which the operations of this establishment are carried on was originally built for and occupied by the Malleable Iron Company about twenty years ago. That com- pany failed. The building was then purchased by JMessrs. Sturtevant, Atkins, and Company for the sperm, whale oil, and soap business. In 1843, Noah Sturtevant and Company com- menced making linseed-oil on a small scale, in a part of the 706 HISTORY. [1814. building. Tlicy vised the old-fasliioiied presses, and made about two 'hundred gallons per day, which (juantity they afterwards increased 1o seven Inuidred gallons. The business promising "well, in 1849, Messrs. James Lee and Company entered into it, and increased the manufactun^ to twenty-two hundred gal- Ions per day. Six years sul)se([uent to this purchase, namely, in IS'JO, Messrs. Morrell Cole and Son, and James Lee, Jr., bought the pro[)erty from Mr. Sturtevant, and have made ex- tensive additions to the building, and improvements for the manufacture of the oil. They have conveniences for bleaching twenty-live hundred gallons per day, and for boiling sixteen hundred gallons per day. This establishment, from being one of the smallest, is now one of the largest, in the country. It is surpassed by none in its arrangements, and in the (piality of its raw, boiled, and bleached oils, for painting. Twenty-two hun- dred gallons of oil and sixteen tons of oil-cake are turned out per day, all manufactured from tlu; best Calcutta linseed, screened and cleansed from all impurities. The larger part of the cake is shippinl to London, and ai)out seven or eight hun- dred tons are annually ground and sold to farmers as food for their cattle. This oil meal is ra|)itlly gaining in the estimation of the agricultm'al community as a valual)le article of food, and farmers are becoming convinced of its superiority over Indian meal, or any other article for feeding milch cows; the quantity of milk being much greater with this meal mixed with Indian meal and shorts, than with any other diet. The business done at these oil works is very large ; the man- agers are enterprising men, and success attends their eli'orts. Their oil is of a high standard in the market, and an increasing business is evidence of their merited prosperity. TUFTS S BOSTON STEAM-ENGINK COMPANY. jNlr. Otis Tufts moved a portion of his works (the boiK>r de- partment) to East Boston in the early })art of tlu; year 1844, and occupied a small wharf on JMarginal street, now a part of the property belonging to the Grand Junction Railroad Com- pany. During the same year, having purchased the estate now knt)wn as Tufts's wharf, he moved to that ))lace, wlun-e, soon 1844-51.] STEAJI-EXGINE CO^IPANY. 707 after, he commenced building the hull of the iron steamer R. B. Forbes, which was launched in August of the next year, 1845, and completed in the fall of the same year. In December, ]845, Mr. Tufts removed his entire works to East ]3oston, making his arrangements to build stationary and marine steam-engines, boilers, and heavy machinery in general. For the next live or six years his business was chiedy building stationary steam-engines and boilers, for which there was a great demand, and in making which he was very successful. During this time Mr. Tufts had largely increased his facilities for manufacturing machinery, but anticipating a still greater demand, he decided to go on enlarging his works and be pre- pared to build as large machinery as could be made by any es- tablishment in the country. "With a view to enlist others in the enterprise, he devoted much time to the consideration of how it could be best accom- plished, and finally concluded to apply for an act to incorporate a company under the name of the Boston Steam-Engine Com- pany, with a capital of one million of dollars, which was granted by the legislature of 1853. In June, 1853, Mr. Tufts sold so much of his wharf as lay above the centre of Webster street, towards Sumner street, including the buildings thereon, with the machinery, tools, etc., in them, and also his good-will in the business, to the Boston Steam-Engine Company, he being the ])rincipal party in the company. The company afterwards increased the size of their lot by purchasing more land on the side nearest Sumner street. On the IGth of June, 1853, the company organized and went into operation, their capital stock being $175,000, Mr. Tufts president, L. A. Bigelow treasurer, A. R. Turner clerk, L. D. Bartlett, superintendent. For the remainder of the year they were very successful, re- alizing profits much exceeding their expectations. Appropri- ating $25,000 of their gains to the increase of their caj)ital stock, they began the year 1854 with most llattering prospects, and having received orders for large ([uantities of sugar ma- chinery from Louisiana and Texas, with reason to believe the demand would continue for some years, they made additions to their works of the most substantial kind, and at an expense of nearly $50,000. 708 HISTORY. [185G. The machinery for the South was finished, sent and set up on the'plantations in season to take off the crop of that year, but not in time to fulfil the conditions of the contracts, in conse- quence of which much difficulty was experienced in effecting settlements with the ):)lanters. The drought of that year caused a great deal of delay, making it very difficult and also very expensive to procure the means of transportation. Owing to the large expenditures and small returns of that year, the company were very much embarrassed at the com- mencement of 1855, but as there seemed to be indications of good business, they were encouraged to think, that, by the end of the year, they might recover their former position ; but the call for machinery, especially stationary steam-engines, grew less each month, so that at the end of the year, instead of finding their condition better, they were more deeply involved, and their affairs continued to grow worse, until they were obliged to stop business on the 12th of July, 1856. The average number of men employed by the Boston Steam- Engine Company during the year 1855 was 135, whose pay amounted to nearly $4",000 each month. The amount of bar and forged iron consumed that year was about 110 tons, of boiler iron 250 tons, cast-iron nearly 600 tons, steel 250 tons, composition 10 tons, copper-work 3 tons, coal 675 tons, which, with other material, amounted in value to about $85,000. EAST BOSTON DRY DOCK. The East Boston Dry Dock Company was incorporated in March, 1847, with a capital of $300,000 ; and the dock, which is one of the most capacious and substantial in the country, was completed and went into operation on the 3d of July, 1853. The property of the company consists of a sectional dock, a floating dock, and a marine railway, and the ground occupied is comprised within 220 feet front on Border street, running down 850 feet to the commissioners' line, being about six acres. The sectional dock is composed of six sections, constructed at a cost of 8110,000, with a lifting force of 550 tons each, making an aggregate force of 3,300 tons. It can raise the larg- 1858.] DRY DOCKS. 709 est class of merchant ships in 45 minutes, and is more conven- ient for all purposes than any other dock yet invented. The floating dock has the capacity to receive vessels of five hundred tons, and is worked by steam power. The marine rail- way is six hundred feet long, with a cradle capable of receiv- ing ships of one thousand tons, and of taking them up in thirty minutes. The dock was built by Phineas Burgess, Esq., then of Boston and now of New York, who has built all the docks of this construction in the country, and whose reputation has been honorably earned by the acknowledged excellence of his works. The Dry Dock Company at East Boston paid to him 1 10,000 for the patent right for their sectional dock. Samuel Hall, Esq., is president, Briggs Thomas, Esq., the treasurer and superin- tendent of the company, and Reuben Burnham foreman of the work at the dock ; and the satisfactory manner in which the appropriate business of the establishment is conducted, exhibits the efficient management of the corporation. The number of vessels docked in the year ending Feb. 28, 1858, was 120. Simpson's dry dock. This establishment, situated on Marginal st^et, makes an important branch in the industrial operations upon the Island. The large dock was commenced on the 1st of September, 1853, and completed on the 1st of the following April. It is 254 feet in length inside the turning gates, 70 feet wide at the top, and 50 feet wide at the bottom ; ample room is thus afforded for a full set of sliding bilge blocks, an advantage not possessed by the government docks. The second dock was commenced on the 1st of April, 1855, and completed in eighty days. It is 153 feet in length, 33 feet between the abutments, and 46 feet wide at the top. Two centrifugal pumps, worked by a steam-engine, are so arranged as to pump from either or both the docks at pleasure, and the machinery is of such capacity that the large dock, containing eighteen feet of water, can be pumped dry in ninety minutes. The largest number of vessels docked in any one year has been 112. Samuel B. Hobart, Esq. is the super- intendent. 60 710 HISTORY. [1858. EAST BOSTON POTTERY. The manufacture of earthen-ware and fire-brick at East Bos- ton was commenced in 1S54, by Mr. Frederick Mear, an Eng- lish potter, assisted by Mr. Wm. F. Homer, under the name of the Boston Earthen-ware Manufacturing Company. In June, 1857, the premises were leased by Messrs. J. H. Lord & Co., by whom the business is now conducted ; at the same time also the name was changed to the " East Boston Pottery." The present lessees have made extensive additions and improve- ments, substituted steam for hand power, and greatly improved the quality, and increased the quantity, of the ware manu- factured. The office and sale-rooms of the company are at 64 Broad street, Boston. NEW ENGLAND STEAM AND GAS PIPE COMPANY. Messrs. S. T. Sanborn and J. B. Richardson have recently purchased the large brick building built and formerly occupied by H. T. Butler & Co. for the manufacture of stoves, which covers nine thousand feet of land, and are about starting their business of ma|Hufacturing wrought iron steam and gas pipes and fittings, brass and iron castings, coal gas works, and a vari- ety of machinery, and employ from seventy-five to one hundred men. The works are estimated to be worth upwards of $60,000, and the annual value of their manufactures will be about $250,000. Messrs. Sanborn & Richardson having been the pioneers in this branch of manufacturing in New England, which has been carried on by them for the last ten years, at Exeter, N. H., their removal to East Boston may be looked upon as a valuable acquisition to the interests of the Island. The manufacturing of wrought iron pipes having never yet been attempted in Boston, the starting of such operations by this firm marks an era in the history of the city. THE MAVERICK BANK. The business character and prosperity of East Boston, in the opinion of many, seemed to demand that a bank should be 1858.] CONCLUSION. 711 established there for the better accommodation of those who would otherwise be compelled to go to the city for the transac- tion of their money affairs. Consequently a charter was obtained for the Maverick Bank, with a capital of $400,000, on the 28th of March, 1854, and ff went into operation on the 18th of the following September. At first, it was located in the Winthrop block, which stands upon ground formerly occupied by the Maverick House and garden ; but in 1856 (10th June) it was removed to State street, Boston (No. 75), because, on trial, it was found that a greater amount of business on the amount of capital could be done than the Island of itself afforded, and that very many business men of East Boston could be more conveniently accommodated in money transactions in State street than at the first location of the bank. The present ofH- cers (1858) are as follows : — Samuel Hall, president ; Samuel Hall, Wm. R. Lovejoy, Wm. C. Barstow, Noah Sturtevant, and Paul Curtis, of East Boston, and Henry N. Hooper and Martin L. Hall, of Boston, directors; Samuel Phillips, Jr., cashier; George F. Stone, teller ; Alfred R. Turner, bookkeeper ; Wil- liam G. Brooks, Jr., messenger and clerk. With the chapter now ending, this account of the past his- tory and the present condition of East Boston closes. In its delineation, the reader has seen the changes of which this place has been the scene. While this volume covers the history of more than two hundred years, it will be noticed that the trans- fomiation of Noddle's Island has taken place within the last quarter of a century. Twenty-five years ago, it was a farm ; now it is a city. Then, one solitary family, with its servants, made this Island their home ; now, it teems with the presence of 18,000 inhabitants. Then, the one house for the main occu- pant, with the others necessary for his under-tenants only, ren- dered the Island habitable ; now, noble streets, elegant resi-. deuces, churches, and other public buildings, are already insuffi- cient. Then, the ordinary work of a farm comprised its indus- try ; now, crowds of workmen throng its shops, and the ships of its yards challenge the world. Then, oyster-beds lined its shores ; now, millions in value, comprising more than half of the commerce of Boston, unload at its spacious wharves. In 712 HISTORY. i these changes the author has seen the thoughts of his youth realized, industrial employments multiplied, honest wealth given to thousands, and the prosperity of the metropolis of New Eng- land immeasurably enhanced. The writer is also happy to be able to present the first ex- tended accounts of the lives of the early owners of this Island, and especially of three eminent individuals, who deserve a place in the colonial history of America, — Samuel Maverick, Samuel Shrimpton, and John Yeamans. Samuel Maverick, the gen- erous citizen and staunch royalist, whose efforts for religious toleration, although fortified by the trust of royal commissioner given him by his sovereign, proved utterly futile, and drove him from his home ; Samuel Shrimpton, who rose from an humble position to sit as a judge in the courts of Massachusetts, and who, unconciliated by the commissions of councillor and lieutenant-colonel, and the offer of patents gratis, led the troops which captured a royal governor while in command of the king's fortress ; and John Yeamans, who abandoned those plans which might have given East Boston its proper commer- cial position a century ago and poured wealth into his own hands, that he might devote himself to those efforts with the parliament and British minister which removed from the com- mercial intercourse of the colonies that incubus which a mis- taken policy had cast upon it, and procured for him the public thanks of the provincial assembly. The difference between the past and present, as described in these pages, is illustrated by a comparison of the plan of 18D1, facing page 1, with the plan of its streets and wharves oppo- site. What East Boston will be, it is useless to conjecture. The past has already outstripped the speculations of its projectors. But that its still large amount of available territory, its railroad facilities, its methods of communication by bridges and ferries, its mechanical investments, its spacious and sheltered wharves, and its nearness to the deep waters of the channel, warrant ex- pectations of far greater prosperity, is undeniable. Whether its past success or its present advantages are considered, there can be no question but that the prosperity of this great commercial centre depends largely upon the prosperity of East Boston. J APPENDIX. 60 APPENDIX. A.— Page 22. FROM THE KEW ENGLAND MERCURY, RELATIVE TO A BRIDGE AND TURNPIKE-ROAD. Messrs. Printers, — Please to insert the following suggestions for tlie public attention: — A Bridge is proposed from the East point of Charlestown, •which, no doubt, will soon cause that part of the town to be filled with wharves and inhabitants, and accommodate the eastern travellers ; more es- pecially if a good turnpike-road be made the shortest rout from Newhall's tav- ern, in Lynn. But perhaps the object may be better obtained, particularly for Boston and the eastern country, in a way that has been as yet but little contemplated, which is, by erecting a Bridge, at little expence, from Chelsea to Noddle's Island, and opening a good ferry from said Island to Boston. Some parts of that Island are extremely well calculated for dry docks, at very little expence, where vessels of any tonnage will be free from danger of fire or storms. And if a good set of stores were erected, with proper cellars, most of our heavy goods, particularly naval stores, would soon be deposited for safety there ; and any branch of manufactures might be established, and, in a short time, a very considerable settlement would take place, which, of course, would extend this town, the Island being a part of it. It is to be presumed, that every well-wisher of Boston will sooner interest himself in some plan of this kind, than in the project of building a Bridge from Charlestown, which will necessarily increase that town to the detriment of this. ]May 30, 1796. A Bostoxxan. B.— Pase 39. CHRONOLOGICAL MEMORANDA OF GRANTS, DISCOVERIES, PAT- ENTS, AND SETTLEMENTS, TOUCHING THE EASTERN COAST OF NORTH AJMERICA AND ITS ISLANDS. 1493. After Cristoporo Colon, or, as the Latin word was, Columbus, fitted out by Queen Isabella for Arragon, in 1492, rediscovered the Northmen's lost 716 APPENDIX. [B. continent, tlie pope, Alexander VI., a Spaniard, native of Valencia, being applied to by Spain, through the advice of their admiral, Columbus, to settle the dispute of rights to maritime discoveries between that monarchy and Por- tugal, on April 3, 1493, adjudged the great process, and made the celebrated line of partition, and gave by bull to the sovereigns of Castile and Leon all countries which they had discovered or should discover, infidel, and lying west of a line drawn from pole to pole, one hundred leagues west of the Azores islands; and all east of this line he gave to the Portuguese. But these nations, on the 7th of June, 1493, agreed that the line should be 270 leagues further west. This line strikes America in north latitude on the western coast of Greenland, about 48" 30' west longitude from Greenwich, not quite reaching to Newfoundland, passes east of the West Indies, and strikes South America a little east of Para, at the mouth of the Amazon, and then crosses the South Orkney islands. It however early became a law among European nations, that the countries which each should explore should be deemed the absolute property of the dis- coverer, from which all others should be entirely excluded, as the English par- liament, somewhere about 1600, expressed it, occupancy confers a good title by the law of nations and nature. In the sequel, therefore, different nations planted colonies in the new world, Avithout leave of the Catholic king, or even of his Holiness. 1497. John Cabot, a Venetian, under commission of Henry VII. of Eng- land for a voyage of discovery, in hoj)e of finding that which through a long waste of life and toil and science and treasure has been in our day only re- duced to a futile fact, a north-west passage to India, discovered and sailed along the eastern coast of North America, from 6 7^° north to the southern end of Florida. 1502. Henry VII. of England granted by letters patent a charter of license to Hugh Elyot and Thomas Ashehurste, of Bi-istol, with two Portuguese, to establish colonies in the countries newly discovered by Cabot. This was the first charter for a colony granted by the crown of England. 1504. Fishermen of France, from Biscay, Brittany, and Normandy, came to fish, and discovered the Banks of Newfoundland; and these were the first French vessels that appeared on the coasts of North America. 1524. Francis I. of France sent out John de Verrazzano, a Florentine, who coasted North America from 30° to 50° of north latitude, and named the whole coast. Thus Spain, England, and France owe their interest in North America to Italians. 1535. Jacques Quartier made the fikst French settlement in America at Hotchelager, or Montreal. 1548. The English parliament passed their first act relating to America ; it relieved all fishing at Newfoundland from taxes or duties. 1576. Sir Humphrey Gilbert, in England, gave form and pressure to the vague wish of the times, by publishing " a Discourse, to prove a passage by the north-west to Catharia and the West Indies." 1578. Frobisher, with fifteen sail from England, took with him, on his third B.] CHRONOLOGICAL MEMORANDA. 717 voyage, the " frame of a story house, to settle on the northernmost parts of the continent of America, but soon left that inhospitable region." 1578. Queen Elizabeth of England granted letters patent to Sir Humphrey (Jili)oi-t, to discover and take possession of all remote and barbarous lands un- occupied by any Christian prince or people, with full right to hfti and his heirs and assigns for ever of property in the soil, to hold of the crown of England, a payment of the fifth part of the gold and silver ore found there, a royalty, with complete jurisdiction within the said lands, and seas adjoining them, and declares that all settlers there should enjoy all the privileges of free citizens and natives of England ; and prohibiting all from settling within two hundred leagues of any place which Sir Humphrey Gilbert or his associates should have occupied during the space of six years. 1583. On his second voyage. Sir Humphrey Gilbert took possession of the harbor of St. John, Newfoundland, and two hundred leagues every way around it. This reached only to Cape Sable, at the south end of Nova Scotia, and about two thirds to Massachusetts bay. This formal possession, under the dis- covery by the Cabots, 1497, is considered by the English as the foundation of the right and title of the crown of England to the territory of Newfoundland, and to the fishery on its banks. 1585. Sir Walter Raleigh, of England, half brother of Sir PL Gilbert, hav- ing obtained from Queen Elizabeth a like patent, founded, at the island of Ro- anoke, N. C, under Mr. Lade, the first English colony ever planted in. America. 1G02. Bartholomew Gosnold sailed from Falmouth, England, to settle the northern parts of Virginia, and instead of going by the Canaries and West Indies, went five hundred leagues shorter due west (the first voyage), direct to America, striking in seven weeks and naming Cape Cod, in N. Lat. 42°, and thence went southerly. 1G03. With leave of Sir Walter Raleigh, under his patent, for the mayor, aldermen, and some merchants of Bristol, England, Martin Pring sailed for northern Virginia to Penobscot bay, and thence along the coast into the bay of the Massachusetts, along its north side, seeking sassafras ; and not finding it, they crossed over it, and there freighted and sent to England a bark with that commodity. 1 003. Henry IV. of France granted to Pierre du Gast. Sieur de Monts a pat- ent of the American territory from 40th to 4Gth degree of north latitude, reaching from Philadelphia to Louisburg, on Cape Breton island ; making him lieutenant to colonize and rule, and to subdue and christianize, its native inhabitants. Though a Calvinist, De IMonts and his people were allowed to exercise their religion in America, and he engaged to people the country, and to establish the Catholic religion among the natives. He settled in Acadia, or Nova Scotia. This settlement, the other French one at Montreal, and the Spanish ones in Florida, were now the only European settlements in North America. 1G06. James I. granted to the London Company — the southern or first colony — a charter, authorizing them to make settlements (not to have tlie soil or jurisdiction over it) from N. Lat. 31° to N Lat. 41° — from the south cor- 718 APPENDIX. [B. ner of Nortli Carolina to Greenwich, Connecticut, or the south corner of that State, — and giving them a property in the land only fifty miles each way from any settlements actually made, and one hundred miles into the country ; but no settlement to be made within fifty miles of any settlement of the Plymouth Company. • 1G06. James I. granted to the Plymouth Company — the northern or second colony — a grant, authorizing settlements from N. Lat. 38° to N. Lat. 45°, and reaching from Accomac in Virginia, or the southern limit of Maryland, to St Johns on the Island of Newfoundland, and giving the right to settle only. But such of the above two colonies as shall be last planted shall not be within one hundred miles of the other that first began to make their plantation. This was northern Virginia. It laps 3° over the London " Company. On this lap the first comer was first served in the way of " settlements." All colo- nies, by whichever company settled, were to be superiorly governed by a coun- cil in England, appointed by the king, who fixed their ordinances ; and subor- dinately, by a council in America, nominated by the king and instructed by him. The colonists had the right of English denizens, land by post tenure, the right of comers for their own use, repelling enemies, and confiscating inter- lopers. 1609. Dutch claimed Newfoundland, and to Chesapeake bay. (Conquered by England in 1664.) 1609. James I. granted to the above London Company a new charter, giv- ing them, in absolute property, the territory from Point Comfort, two hundred miles, or 3^° both north and south, and from sea to sea. 1614. Charles I. gave to the northern jplantation, mapped for him by Capt. John Smith, the name New England. 1620. The Puritans got a jiatent from the London Company to settle in South Virginia, but by hard weather landed at Plymouth. 1620. James I. issued a patent, granting absolute property to the council of Plymouth, in the territory from N. Lat. 40° to N. Lat. 48°, — reaching from Philadelphia to Newfoundland, and from sea to sea, forming Northern Virginia. This Plymouth council first divided the land among the corporators, and after- ward issued patents of parts of their territory to dliferent individuals, full of laps and overlaps, and attended with great subsequent confusion. 1624. The London Company was dissolved by James I. for calamities and dissensions ; the charter was taken away and the government assumed by the crown. 1626. The lands on which the colony at Plymouth had settled in 1620, were purchased by them for £1,800, with the right of government, and a patent from the council of Plymouth above named. 1628. Some men, forming the colony of Massachusetts bay, purchased of the above council of Plymouth the territory for three miles north of Merrimac river to three miles south of Charles river, reaching from Hampton, N. H., to Dorchester, Mass., and east and west from the Atlantic to the South sea. 1629. King Charles confirmed the Massachusetts (bay) Company in their title to the soil, and at the same time gave them powers of civil government. C] SAMUEL MAVERICK TO ROGER GARD. 719 1629. In August, the company in England voted that the government and patent of the Massachusetts (bay) Company should be transferred from Lon- don to Massachusetts bay. 1G91. 13 3' the charter of William and INIary, the Plymouth Company, and ]\Iassachusctts Bay Conqjany, and the province of Maine, were united. A glance at the map explains the various grants, charters, and patents. The patent of James, of 1G20, as above, is cousldei'ed the grand source of rights for New England. C. — Page 75. DEED. — SAMUEL MAVERICK TO ROGER GARD. This Indenture made y® five & twentieth day of November in the seven- teenth year of the reign of our Sovereign Lord King Charles by the grace of God of England Scotland France and Ireland King Defender of the faith &c. between Sam'^ Maverick of Nodles Island in the Massachusetts Bay Gent, of the one part & Roger Gard of Agamenticus of the Province of ]\Iain on the other part. That whereas it jileased the counsell of New England & Sir Far- dinando Gorges Knight by their deed indented under the comon seal of the s^ Counsell & y® hand & seal of the s*^ Fardinando Gorges bearing date the three & twentieth day of March in y® thirteenth year of the reign of our Sov- ereign Lord King Charles to grant bargain sell enfeoflfe & confirm unto the said Sam^ Maverick and other patentees their heirs & assigns forever certain parcells portions or tracts of land woods & wood grounds which appurces situate lying & being on the North side of the river of Agamenticus in New England with divers other priviledges in the s'^ deed expressed as in & by the same doth and may more at large appear And whereas the s^ Sam^^ Mav- ericke & William Gefferys Gent, one of the^fores^ pattentees by virtue of a former patent for the premisses bearing dat«Pbe first day of December 1631 unto them and other pattentees granted by the President & Counsell of New England by their deed written in paper under their hands and seals bearing date the eleventh day of June 1637 for the considerations in the said deed ex- pressed did give grant and confirm unto the aforesaid Roger Gard his heirs and assigns forever certain pcells of the said land the same to be bounded & set out by "William Ilooke Gent, one other of the said pattentes and the said William Ilooke on the thirtieth day of July 1G37 did bound & set out the said parcells of land to the said IJoger Gard according to the true intent and mean- ing of the afoi-esaid deed as in & by the same amongst other things more at large it doth & may appear Now these psents further witnesseth that the aforesaid Sam^ Mavericke for and in consideration of the great charge & travel the said Roger Gard had bestowed for the advancement and furtherance of the Plantation of Arramenticus aforesaid as also for divers other good causes & 720 APPENDIX. [C. valuable considerations liim tliercnnto moving have given granted bargained sold enfcoffe & confirmed and by these pscnts doth give grant bargain sell enfeoffe and confirm unto the s*^ Roger Gard his heirs and assigns all those several pcells or tracts of land hereafter mentioned with all & singular the ap- purces, and every part & parcel thereof situate lying & being on the north side of the river Agam*^ aforesaid and now in the possession of the said Roger Gard viz : one parcell of land bounded with the Cove next below the point of land lying at the upper end of the Long Reach & from the said Cove North East joyning with the land lately set out to Hene : Synipson and from thence up along the river side to the land of John Barrett & Leonard Hunter lately enclosed & from thence North East more one pcell of land bounded by the river side from the point of land at the upper end of the Reach next above the Bass Crick with the second Brook or Freshet next above the said point of land and so from those bounds North East and another pcell of land near tlie head of the marsh bounded with the afores*! river on the West side the land of the aforesaid Willia Hook comonly called his farm — on the South side & from thence up to a certain oak near the river side marked for a bound on the North side and from thence Northeast together with a moiety or one half deal of all the marsh ground lying between the farm house of the said William Hooke & the next point of land opposite against it being part of this last par- cell of land noAv granted to Roger Gard and from the head of the s'^ marsh Northeast joyning with the land of the said William Hooke all the s^ several pcells of land being bounded on the East side with the bounds of Agamenticus. To have and to hold the aforesaid pcells of land & all other the premisses with the appurces. unto the said Roger Gard his heirs and assigns forever the said Roger Gard his heirs & assigns yielding paying pforming & doing for our pmisses unto our Sovereign Lord the King his heirs & successors and to the Chief Lord or Lords of the Fee all such rents & reservations according to p'portion as the s^J Sam^^ Mavericke and other the s*^ Pattentees are bound to yield pay pform & do for the sd severall pcells of land & the said Samuel Ma- vericke doth for himself his heirs and assigns & for every of them covenant promise & grant to & with the s^ Roger Gard his heirs and assigns & to & with every of them by these j^resentajfet the said Roger Gard his heirs and assigns & every of them shall & may frora time to time & at all times hereafter & by and under y^ rents & reservations afores*^ peaceably & quietly have hold oc- cupy possess & enjoy all the afores'' pcells of land and all and singular other the pmises with appurces and every part & parcel thereof in as large & beneficial a manner to all intents & purposes as the said Samuel Maverick and other the s^ patentees do or ought to injoy their said land by virtue of the said pattent without the lawful let suit trouble denial eviction or expulsion of the said Saiuuel Maverick his heirs or assigns or of or by any other pson or psons whatsoever lawfully claiming the same or any part thereof in from by or under him or any of them. In witness whereof the partys abovesaid to these psent Indentures their signs & seals interchangeably have set yeoven the day and j'ear first above written. Samuel Maverick [his Seal]. D.] TETITIOX. 721 Sealed sirrncd and delivered in the psence of those ■whose names are under- written — Francis Champcrnoonc, Tho. Ilannerton, Clement Campion. This deed assigned over unto Geo. Puddington of Gorgeana for a debt of five pounds due from ]\Ir. Roger Gard unto tlie said Geo. I'udditigton. Before me Richard Vines of Saeoe Stuard Gen'^. of the Pvince of Main, wit : my hand this 24"^ Janry 1G45. Riciiaiid Vines. York ss. Registry of Deeds. — The foregoing is a true coi^y of a deed as re- corded in Book 1. pp. 118 & 119. Attest. S. C. Adcayis, Register. D. The following are the papers referred to upon page 246, relating to the com- mercial interests in which John Yeamans took so prominent a part. It has already been said that in consequence of his efforts, trade was relieved from the burden of the duties levied upon exportations from the sugar colonies (by an unimportant error in the text alluded to as import duties at the j^lace of importation), which duties, in effect, discriminated against home interests and in favor of the French. THE PETITION. To the Honorable the Commons of great Britain in Parliament Assembled : — The Petition of the planters of Sugar and other Inhabitants of his Majesty's Island, Antigua. Humbly Slieweth. That your petitioners have for many years last past been of Axn-}- great advantage to the Trade and Navigation of great Britain, and from the nature of their situation, climate, and produce never have or can Interfere with its Trade or Manufactures. That by accounts taken out of the Custome House Books and sent over to your Petitioners by their Correspondents, it appears, that from the year one thousand seven hundred to the year one thousand seven hundred and thirty there has been imported into great Britain only from the Sugar Colonies one million seven hundred and fifteen thousand and ninety hogsheads of sugar which may be moderately computed to have been sold for twenty-one INIillion three hundred and ninety-eight thousand and fifty-six pounds sterling besides great quautitys of Cotton, Allocs, Indigo, Ginger, Pimento, and Rum to the Amount as your petitioners verily believe of four millions more for the same time. That as the Nation formerly bought Sugar and the chief of these other Com- oditics of foreigners and paid for them in Cash there has actually been a sav- ing to Great Britain by means of the Sugar Colonies of twenty-five millions 61 722 APPENDIX. [D. and upwards in tliirty years time, a snm -wliicli has given Employment to num- bers of his Majestys Trading subjects, and many thousands of others who for want of it must have been maintained by their several parishes to the Insup- portable Load of the Lands of the Kingdom. But your petitioners beg leave to represent, That this valuable Trade has been for some time past and still continues in a declining Condition. That your petitioners pay the same dutys to the Crown now Muscovado sugar sells at fifteen shillings p. hundred as they formerly did when those su- gars were valued at thirty shillings per hundred in the book of rates. That tho' the policy of the British Legislature has laid a Duty of sixty-five per cent, on all ffrench sugars Imported into great Britain as Interfering with our own product ; Yet in the Northern Colonies (where there is the same reason for an equal Duty as your petitioners apprehend) the fFrench may Import their Sugars eleven per cent, and their Rum and Molasses four and a half per cent, cheaper than your petitioners, namely they pay no Duty. That the ffrench may also Import their Sugars to Ireland directly under a less Duty than the English Merchant can do it after the charge of a double voyage British Sugar being by Law to be Landed first in great Britain. That the ffrench Planters have the advantage of going directly to Market to the Southward of Cape ffinistere pay less Dutys to the Crown of fFrance than your petitioners do to that of England and draw back all their Duty on Expor- tation. But your petitioners leave behind nine pence of the Duty on Raw Sugar, and the Refiner near nineteen pence of the said Duty to the great Dis- couragement of the Exportation of Refined Sugars. That ffrench Brandys Imported from Dunkirk pay somewhat less Dutys than English Rum. That tho' your petitioners pay a Duty of four and a half per cent, in specie on all their produce before it is shipped in the Plantation over and above the Dutys paid in England Yet they and their Predecessors have supported the Government of this Sugar Colonie and built and maintained great num- bers of fforts and fibrtifications at an Incredible expense with little assistance from the Crowne. That the Decline of your petitioners Trade is not oweing as it has been rep- resented to their Idleness and Luxury for it will appear, plainly out of the Customehouse books in England, that more sugar has been Imported into great Britain for the last fifteen years up to the year one thousand seven hun- dred and thirty than the fifteen years preceeding by thirty thousand hogsheads a year from all the Sugar Colonies a prodigious Increase of that Manufac- ture and not to be brought to pass as your Petitioners humbly conceive with- out the most exact Economy and diligence. But your petitioners are now greatly apprehensive that instead of Enlarge- ing and Improveing their Settlements they shall be obliged to quitt them to the loss of their Negroes, buildings, and Utensils amounting to several millions ster- ling which would be in effect so much loss to great Britain together with all the advantages arising from so great a sume employed in Trade. D.] PETITION. 723 your Petitionors therefore humbly praj- That this Honourable house "will give them such relief as the nature of their Case requires. Edw. Byam, Yall. Morris, Nathai. Crump, Jno. ffrye, Geo. Lucas, Geo. Thomas, Fran. Carlile, John !Morris, John Duer, Willm. Bulkly, William Paynter, Alex^ Downs, Niola«. Hall, John Fowler, James Curtice, Ashton Warner, E.ow'*. Ash Jun""., Ed. Byam, old W. P., William Sawcolt, Wiling ]\Iaekinen, Samuel Watkins, Jonas Langford, Thomas Jar vis, Stephen Blizard, William Paynter, William Littlewood, Thomas Gillyard, Arthur Williams, Thomas Gravenor, James Nibbs, Sen., Henry Nibbs, Henrey Elliot, Baydy Otto Bayer, Tho. Nic-holay, John Frye, Jun'., Henry Douglas, Thomas Williams, Philip Abram, George Frankye, Nath. Gibbert, Waif. Nugent, Joseph Todman, June'"., IMatthew AVilliams, Jno. Fyffc, Eogr. Adams, Henry Hancock, Peter Guichenet, Jacob INIorgan, Jn". ]\Iurra}', Rich. Kirwan, Tho. Kerby, William Smith, Will. II. Kenandene, John Barton, Thomas Beun, Jno.Stephen Chardevoine, Tho^. Abney Kerby, . . Lynch, William Lindsey, Rich. Baker, James Parke, Richard Todman, SamU. Lavington, Robert Addison, James Chester, Henry Clinton, Merrick turnbull, Thomas Martin, John Delap, James Fyffe, David Tulledeph, James Muir, Jno. L . . . Sylv. Allicocke, Sam^i. Lyons, James Crawley, Geo. Jeuings, Henry Wallace, Tho. Hanson, Philip Darby, Jacob Thibon, William Furnell, John Tomlinson, Joseph Buckshom, Tho. Freeman, Tho. Stephens, EdwJ. Chester, Edward Byam, ofye Bodj-, Tho. Watkins, Rowland Williams, Benj^. King, Edward Williams, Jolm Tomlinson, Junr. Sam". Brooke, John Burke, John Sawcolt, Isaac Roj-all, Geo. Byam, Will. Pringle, Richard Sherwood, Tho. INIorris, Ctpher Scandrett, N. Monk, Charles ^Morris, Sam. WIckham, Henry Lyons, James Mitchelson, John King, Wm. Barclay, Tho. Fenton, John Nash, Robt. Tuite, John Richardson, Zephaniah Richardson, Jeremiah Nibbs, Miles Toppin, Michael McLester, R. Bannister, Samii. Lightfoot, Sling T. Cressy, John Ronan, John McLester, Will"i. JNIeredith, John Lightfoot, Phillip Ronan, Geo. Crabbe, Henry Garret, William Crabbe, Leonard .... Barry Anderson, John Eliot, Nlcho^ Collins, 724 APPENDIX. [D. Benja. Nibbs, James Brockett, Henry Spencer, John King, Jun^., Michl. Burnet, John Mungomry, Robert Flloyd, Phillip Nibbs, Timothy Fowler, Robt. fFreman, J. Sanderson, Sam. Mayor, Jno. Gower, William Bowen, Peter Delanoy, Wm. Garratt, John Delanoy, Jui"., John Delanoy, Senr., Marmaduke Urlin, Senr., Marmaduke Urlin, Jun., Sam. Blizard, Jos. Lavicuntt, John Lavicountt, Robert Maloun, Bennett Beasly, John Jefferson, Thomas Toft, Tho. Years, Charles Golinn, Samuel Adjett, Wm. Swon, George Hyde, Henry Lovvry, James Howey, Joseph Parker, James Parker, Benj. Wicknam, Jun., John Pike, Sener., John Pike, .funr., Samuel Parry, John Parry, John Lambert, John Todman, Wm. Williamson, Samuel Harman, Robert Nanton, Jos. Lyons, Robt. Christian, Thom**. Elmes, Junr., Hen. Symes, James Taylor, Nieho. Lynch, John Grover, Tho. Elmes, Senr., Nath. Marchant, Epli. Jordin, John Farley, Francis Farley, Bernard Orr, William Huntt, John Ayres, John Hunt, Roger Ecterloney, Th°. Bacon, Jno. Goble, Theodore Walrond, Benj'i. Marchant, John Poole, Will. Skerrell, Richard ffrench, Jno, Carson, Jno. ffletcher, John Stephenson, Thom. Howey, Benjamyn Ayres, John Bo . . James Ayres, Peter INIartin, Edward Martin, Henry Greenway, Patrick Brown, Benjamin Barnes, John Marchant, William Wallis, Thomas Marchant, Edward Powe, George Powe, Wm. Rice, Anthony Lynch, Hugh Ross, Tho^. Wilcox, John Verdon, John Hatton, Henry Kipps, John Salter, John Prynn, George Reynolds, John Jones, Jacob Swan, Thos. Speneer, Benj'*'. Hughes, Thom. Browne, William Stephenson, John Colburn, Paul Lee Horsford, Tho. Wilson Clerk, Don. Cammell, James Hughes, Richard Nanton, Richard Chapman, Jas. B . . Samuell Greaves, Rowland Ash, Sr. SHORT JOURNAL OF THE PROGRESS OF THE SUGAR BILL. BY JOIIX TEAMANS. Nov. 1732. The merchants had information given them by Mr. AValpole that he should be glad to do something for the Sugar Colonies this year, and desired to talk with them upon it. The merchants thereupon met and drew D. ] TROGRESS OF THE SUGAR BILL. 725 up a state of the case and presented it to liim. He told them they should hear from him again when he had considered of it. The latter end of the month, I went to Bath, and from thence to Bristol, to engage the merchants of that town in our interest, and obtain their assistan*^. "When I came to town, the beginning of December, the merchants wrote letters to Bristol and Liverpool, with copies of our proposals for relief of the Sugar Colonics, and soon after received very satisflictory answers from them. Tlie beginning of January (1733) I waited upon Mr. Sandys and Sir John Rushout, and begged their interest for the Sugar Colonies, which they were pleased to promise me in very obliging terms. About the 16th, Mr. Matthew met the Club in the City, and gave us an account how far Mr. Walpole had consented to our proposals. The same day I read the Petition I received from Antigua, to the Merchants, and desired their opinion what was proper to be done with it. They unanimously agreed that it should be shown to Mr. AValpole, and his advice followed in that respect. The 1 7th. I waited upon Mr. Walpole with it, Mr. Matthew going with me, and showed it to him. He seemed to be of opinion that the presenting it to the House would delay our affiiirs. We talked over the affair of our pi-o- posals, but found we could not get any thing more from him than what Mr. Matthew reported to us he had consented to, but he said he should be glad to see the merchants again. The 22d. We waited upon him. He stuck to the three points he had agreed to before, and said if we could get Sir J. Rushout to move for a bill, he would second it. The 24th. I was desired by the merchants to wait upon Sir J. Rushout, and beg him to move for the bill. The 26tli. I attended Sir J. Rushout, but found he did not relish the pro- posal, however, he said in genei'al he would serve the Sugar Colonies as a member of the House, to the utmost of his power. The same day, I had information given me that it would be right, before we proceeded any farther, to secure some interest in the House of Lords, and in order to do it to wait upon my Lord President, give him the papers and desire leave for the merchants to attend him. His Lordship modestly desired the merchants would not give themselves that trouble. That he could not promise Lis vote before he had heard the debates in the Lord's House, but, in general, that he should be ready to serve the Sugar Colonies, as far as he was able, con- sistent Avith the interest of Great Britain. Jany 27th. I called upon Sir General Matthews, to consult with him about our further proceedings. Jany. 29th. Called at Mr. Hutchinson's with Sir William Codrington, and went afterwards to the Court of Requests, and endeavored to prevail upon Sir J. Rushout to move for the bill. He said he would talk to his friends, and consider of it, and desired Mr. Foster and me to call upon him two or three days hence. He said if Mr. Winnington was to second him, instead of Mr. "\\'alpole, he believed he should do it. Janv. 31st. Mr. Scrope talked with Sir J. Rushout, but could not prevail. I 61* 726 APPENDIX. [D. saw Sir J. Rusliout afterwards in the Court of Requests. He told me lie would (be) for any bill that would be for the service of the Sugar Colonies, but could not undertake to move it under Mr. Walpole. They did not draw tcg^ether, and therefore desired we would pitch upon another person. I went afterwards into the city, and was desired by the gentlemen to attend Mr. Matthews In order to let Mr. Walpole know Sir J. llushout's resolution, and to ask him whom he will pitch upon to move for a bill ; Mr. Winnington, Sir Joseph Eyles, or any one else. Feb. 1st. Mr. Matthews, Sir William Codrington, Mr. Colman, and I waited upon Mr. Walpole, and told him Sir John Rushout's answer. He then said he would speak to Colonel Bladen. We pressed him on the article of 9d. and the bounty on refined sugar ; he did not peremptorily refuse us. Mr. Col- man and Mr. AVood went afterward to Mr. Scrope, who said he would speak to Sir R. and his brother, and did not fear of obtaining both the 9J. and the bounty. Coach-hire 7s. 6^/. Went afterwards to Mr. Foster's, to engage him to go with me to Lord Wilmington. Feb. 4th. Mr. INIatthews called upon me to let me know IMr. Walpole had pitched upon Mr. Winnington for our chairman. Feb. 5th. Mr. Lascelles ac([uainted the merchants that Lord Howe had retained Mr. Sharpe as agent for the Sugar Colonies, and would pay him the same salary as if he was agent for Barbadoes ; upon which it was agreed to Avrite to Mr. Sharpe to desire his company, on the Gth instant, at the Angel and Crown. Feb. Gth. AVent to Mr. INLatthew, attended the Speaker and Mr. Scrope. The speaker told us Mr. Walpole and several members were soon to dine with him to consider of our affairs. Feb. 9th. Went to Mr. Winnlngton's, Col. Bladen's, and the Court of Re- quests ; gave the French Bill of Sales compared with the English and Observa- tions to Col. Bladen, Mr. Winnington, and Mr. Scroj^e. Neither of these gen- tlemen, except the latter, give us any encouragement to expect the drawback of Od. — Coach-hire. Feb. 10th. Mr. AVood called upon me, and reported to me the conversation yesterday at the Speaker's, about our affair; present, the Speaker, Sir Wil- liam Young, Mr. AValpole, Mr. AVinnlngton, Col. Bladen, Mr. Conduit, Mr. Ash, and Mr. Pelham, and Mr. Scrope ; the latter strong for the 9^/. as well as the Speaker, Col. Bladen, and Mr. AViunlngton. Mr. Walpole opposed them with some warmth, and went away out of humor. Feb. nth. I sent a letter to Mr. Matthew, telling him I had prepared rea- sons for granting the 9d. to be given to Mr. Walpole, and desired him to go to Sir William Codrington and ' to him the next day, but he excused himselfl Feb. r2th. Mr. Fleming called upon me and seemed uneasy that he had not been appointed with the rest of the gentlemen to wait upon Mr. Scrope. He desired I would propose to the gentlemen of the Club to send to Mr. Harry ^ Word uncertain. D.] PROGRESS OF THE SUGAR BILL. 727 Fantls to tell liim they should be glad of his company. I went to the Court of Requests, ■where Mr. Funds told me the conversation at the Speaker's. That Mr. Scrope had since been with Mr. Walpole to engage him to comply with regard to the 0(/., that he had been at Sir R.'s about it, and that he would go again, after which Mr. Fands would report his success to us. Feb. 14th. Mr. Matthew came to my bedside, and told me that Mr. Wal- pole had at last agreed to the Od. Upon this, I called upon Mr. Fands, at Mr. Scrope's, who told me that there had been a meeting yesterday at Sir Robert's, — present. Sir Robert, Mr. Clayton, Mr. I'elham, the Speaker, Mr. Serope,and !Mr. Walpole ; that they all came into the 'Jd. • sat upon our affair till ten at night, and were to have another meeting of the same company next Friday, and that he would call upon me on Saturday morning and let me know the issue. Mr. ^Matthew says Mr. Walpole is to move the affairs to-day in the House, which was accordingly done by him. He moved to go into a committee of the whole house, to consider of the affairs of the Sugar Colonies; but I think that he proposed that the Foreign sugar, rum, and molasses should be under the same duties with the English sugar, rum, and molasses in the northern colonies, and that we should be put upon a level with the French. M said the K' had spoke ad R-g-nm, and that she had ordered his affairs to be done and the K — g was to be moved about it in a very short time by the Kt. Feb. loth. This day I attended Mr. Walpole with Sir General IVLitthew and other gentlemen to thank him for moving our affair in the House, and also went to Sir R.'s Levee to beg his favor and interest for the Sugar Bill. His answer was he would do us all the service he could. Feb. 16th. I went to Mr. Foster's in order to prepare the Bill, where were di'awn up several Resolutions for the Committee on Tuesday next. Feb. 17th, 18th, 19th. Out of order: Mr. Flemmis came to me twice; once from Genl. Matthew, and the other time from Mr. Scrope. From the fir.-;t to desire I would not mention a Prohibition as displeasing to the Ministers from the Letter to get some of the merchants to wait upon Mr. Sandys. Accord- ingly I told him if the Duties as they now are agreed u})on, and as they now stand in the Heads for a Bill, are given us, I am indifferent what they are called, and I would send to some of the merchants to wait upon Mr. Sandys. Feb. 20th. Attended though much out of order at the House of Commons, where 1 heard that Fl.(emmis) had reported that I was still stiff for a Pro- hibition. 21st. The House of Commons in a Committee came to several Resolutions in behalf of the Sugar Colonies. 22(1. AVent to the House where the Resolutions were agreed to. 2Uli. Dined at Sir ^^'illiam Codrington's, with ]Mr. Waljiole and Mr. Con- duit. 2r)th. Went to ^Ir. Foster's and agreed the Bill with him. 2Cth. Cii. Dunbar came to me with several heads to be inserted in our Bill, and told me ^Nlr. Walpole asked him how much he Ihomjht the Dutie.'! on Siir/nr, Rum and J/o/a.we.s', into the Northern Colonics would raise. The Bill finished. 728 APPENDIX. [D. Feb. 27tli. Sent the Bill to Mr. Scrope. Wood came to me with a message from Mr. ^ that Mr. Walpolc desired the Bill might be divided, there being some parts against which no Petition would be, also, the clause about the Courts of Admiralty being no part of the Resolutions of the Committee — it could not come into the Bill, but must come in by way of Instructions to the Committee with power to receive the clauses. 28th. Went to Mr. Scrope with Mr. Foster. He said he had looked over the Bill, but desired we would meet him and Mr. Walpole, in order to settle it, and desired Mr. Walpole would fix a time. March 1st. Mr. AValpole fixed Saturday. March 2d. Went to Col. Bladen's, carried a copy of the Bill with me, read it over to him. He approved of it. Mem. Mr. Scrope willing to give the Honi" of the Bill to Mr. Walpole. Dined at Fleming's with Arnold. Fleming has been several times desiring I would get Arnold to write for us. I was of opinion 'twere best for us to be on the defensive, and rather than begin our- selves, reserve our strength to answer objections. March 3d. Settled the Bill with Mr. Walpole, Mr. Scrope, Mr. Sharpe, and Mr. Foster, at Mr. Walpole's. March 5th. Bill was re d a first time. March 7th. Mr. Dunbar from Col. Bladen, came to me and proposed the man-of-war clause. March 9th. Went to Court of Bequests in expectation Bill would be read a second time, but it was not. March 10th. Went to Mr. Walpole's and Mr. Scrope's about paying the fees of Sharpe. March 12th. Mr. Scrope told me there was nothing in what had been sug- gested about the fees of the house, and that our Bill would be read a second time this day. I told him about the clause impowering the Captains of the King's ships to seize &c., and also the clause against combining ; he said that it was his opinion that we had better be content with the Bill as it now stands, without overloading it. Mr. Walpole told me the Bill should be read to-day, and committed for Thursday or Friday. Omitted, — March 6th. Partridge, the Quaker, petitioned on behalf of Rhode Island to be heard against our Bill. The Petition was not received but rejected, 140 against 112 ; on the account of its being a money bill. This day the Bill was read a second time, (viz. March 12), and committed for Friday next, March IGth. Our Bill was put off to Monday 19th on occasion of the debates concerning the Excise on Tobacco. INIarch 19th. The Bill was committed, and some amendments made by the House. Attended the debates ; they read through the Bill. 20th. The report was made, and agreed to by the House. Only Alderman Barnard opposed the Bill. 'T was ordered to be engrossed. 21st. Engrossed, and had a third reading, and passed. Went in the after- noon to the Angel and Crown. Appointed of the committee to draw up a case. 1 Name illegible in the MS. D.] PROGRESS OF THE SUGAR BILL. 729 23(1. Met at the Temple, and considered heads of our case (coach-hire, Is.). Mr. Foster, Mr. Sharpe, Mr. Frye, Mr. , and Mr. Lascelles. April 3d. The Bill was read a first time in the House of Lords, and ordered to be engrossed. April 5th. The Lords received a petition against our Bill from New England and Rhode Island, and ordered it to be heard the r2th inst. Put oir April r2th to Thursday, 19th inst. An objection made to the Bill by the Lords on account of privilege, the Lords saying it is a private Bill, and therefore ought not to be sent to them as a money bill. Went to the Speaker to see how far the objection was reasonable. He thought the latter clause a slip, and ought to be overlooked by the Lords, but that the Commons could not originally have sent it up in any other shape than as a money bill ; said that he would speak to Sir R. to get the Lords together, in order to accommodate the matter. JNIr. W of opinion that the Bill would pass; nay, he said, when I waited upon him, that it must pass. JNlr. ]\Iatthew writes to me, Apr. 14th, to the same effect, though Mr. W. has been told he is charged with treachery. Petition from New York, Pennsylvania, and South Carolina, against our Bill. The Lords put off the second reading of our Bill to jMonday, Apr. 29th, when the Northern Colonies went through their evidence. Among the rest, Mr, Merse^ said, that a gallon of French molasses distilled into rum, made a clear profit of 12d, and Capt. Bass said, the French threw away their molasses be- fore the English took it off their hands. April 24tli. Went through our own. evidence, who were ]Mr. Matthew, Mr. Flemming, l\Ir. ^Martin, and Capt. Thomliusou, and committed the bill for Tuesday the 1st May. April 28tli. Lord Bathurst told Sir William Codrington that he feared but two Lords, one, my Lord Wilmington, who, in point of form, would be for leaving out the last clause of the Bill ; the other, my Lord Falmouth, who was against us throughout; as to the latter, he would be put into the chair, and the former must be brought off. I waited upon INIr. Walpole to let him know this. He advised me to go to Lord Wilmington, and ask it of him as a favor to let our clause stand. Accordingly I did. I told his Lordship I came to beg a favor of him in behalf of the Sugar Colonies ; that if his Lordship had no objec- tion to the substance of the Bill, he would have the goodness to permit the last clause to go without any amendment. I permit it, said my Lord ; I am but one. We are sensible, says I, that if your Lordship makes the motion, that it will be agreed to by the House, and we are apprehensive, in case it goes down again to the House of Commons, there will be some difficulty. Well, says he, though I think the last clause an absurdity, if no other Lord moves for altering it, I wont meddle with it. ^lay 1st. Our bill was put off to Thursday, INIay 3d. May 3d. The Lords resolved themselves into a Committee upon our Bill ; Lord Falmouth in the chair; went through it, and reported it to the House without any opposition or amendment. j\Iay 4th. The Bill had a third reading, and passed the House of Lords. 1 This name doubtful in the MS. 730 APPENDIX. [D. Some Thoughts on the BUI now depending for encouraging the Sugar Colonies, humbly offered to the consideration of the Honorable the Members of Parlia- ment. That it is supposed, tlie Bill is intended to be effectual for the purposes therein mentioned. That if sugar be excepted (as some seem inclined it should), it is conceived it will not be effectual for the purposes therein mentioned. That if syrups, dabbs, or any other produce of the sugar-cane be not prohib- ited, it is conceived, it will not be effectual for the purposes therein mentioned, and that for the following reasons : — 1st. If sugar be not prohibited, the French will part Avith their worst sugar, rather than want things absolutely necessary to the making, curing, and ex- porting it, namely, lumber and horses ; and the advantage of that trade is so great to the Northern Colonies, that they can afford to distil such bad sugar into rum, and get more by it than by any other trade they now drive. 2dly. As the French have large tracts of new, rich land, they must neces- sarily have great cpiantities of very bad sugar, of little value in the European markets, which they will truck for lumber and horses, rather than want them; and that will come so cheap to the Northern traders, that considering it will make a great quantity of rum in ^ii'oportion, it will serve their turn almost equally with molasses, at the price they now buy it. Sdly. That new, rich land will not make good sugar, until it has been ma- nured at least seven years ; and what it wants in goodness it makes up in quan- tity, and is generally called dabbs, very fit for the Northern trade, instead of molasses. 4thly. That the French, having all some new land, those who do make sugar will plant as much of this land as will supply them yearly with dabbs, to purchase horses and lumber. 5thly. That they will boil up the juice of all their bad, rotten, rat-eaten, sour canes, which they now throw away, and of M'hich the English planters make rum, into syrups, which they can afford to sell as cheap as they now do molasses. 6thly. That if all the produce of the sugar-cane be not prohibited, they will, by the advice of the Northern traders, boil up the juice of all such bad canes, skum and all together, which will be neither sugar, syrups, or molasses, and which, as yet, has no name, and which they can sell even cheaper than they now do their molasses. 7thly. That molasses is, properly and only, what drains from the sugar, and consequently all or any of the forementioned species is not molasses, and may be imported into the Northern Colonies, notwithstanding this Bill, as it now stands. 8thly. That the truth of the facts before mentioned may be depended on, and is ready to be attested. E.] JOHN ADAMS'S OPINION. 731 E.— rage 253. COPY OF JOHN ADAMS'S OPINION On the Will of Sltule Shrimpton Yeamans. Sliiile Shrimpton Yeamans of Richmond, in the County of Suny, Esq., by liis Will, Aug. 4, 17G8, devises all other his Lands, Heredits, and Real Estate, in Antigua, New Enghind or elsewhere, unto Berners, Gunthorp, and Mercer and Greenough, their Heirs and Assigns forever, upon the Trusts, and to and for the Uses, Intents, and Purposes, therein after mentioned (that is to say), In Trust to receive the Rents, Issues, and Projits thereof, untill one of his Sons should attain the age of twenty-one years, or untill both of them should depart this Life without Issue, and to pay, apply, and dispose of such Rents, Issues, and Profits according to the Direction of his said Will and subject thereto. To the use of his son John and the Heirs of his Body lawfully issuing, and for default of such Issue, to the use of his son Shute and the heirs of his Body lawfully Issuing, and for default of such Issue then to the use and Behoof of his Aunts Chauncy, Greenough, and Hyslop, and the Heirs of their respective Bodies lawfully begotten or to be begotten, as Tenants in common and not as Join- tenants, and for default of such Issue to the use and Behoof of his own right Heirs forever. The Question is. Upon the Death of both the sons without Issue, Whether the Aunts can obtain the Possession of this real Estate ? or in other words, •whether this Use is executed in the Aunts by the Statute of 27 H. 8, c. 10. ]\Iy opinion upon the whole is, that this Use is not executed by the Statute, but that the Land must remain in the Trustees to enable them to perform the Trust, i. e. to receive the Rents, Issues, and Profits, and pay, apply, and dis- pose of them according to the Will. It is true that the Statute mentions Trusts as well as Uses. The words are, " that when any Person or Persons stand or be seized, &c., of and in any Hon- ours, Manors, Lands, &c., to the Use, Confidence, or Trust of any other Person or Persons, &c., that in every such Case all and every such Person or Persons that have, &c., any such Use, Confidence, or Trust, &c., shall stand and be seized, deemed and adjudged, in lawfull Seizin, Estate, and Possession, of and in the same Honours, &c., and that the Estate, Title, Right, and Possession, that was in such Person or Persons, that were seized, &c., of any Lands, &c., to the Use, Confidence, or Trust of any such Person or Persons, &c., be from henceforth clearly deemed and adjudged to be in him or them, that have, &c. such Use, Confidence, or Trust, &c. It is also true that there has been some contrariety in the Judgments of Courts upon this Statute. 2 W. & M. in Seaccario. In 2 Veutris. 341, the Case of Burchett and Dur- 732 APPENDIX. [F. dant, tlie Court resolved it to be only a Trust in Diu'dant, for the words were that Higden should permit him to take the Profits, which shews that the Estate was to remain in Higden. 1 Ann. B. R. But in 2 Salk. G79, Broughton vs. Langley, Holt, C. J., pro- nounced the Judgment of the Court, that what at common Law was a Trust of a Freehold or Inheritance, is executed by the Statute, which mentions the word Trust as well as Use, and that the Case in 2 Vent. Burchet and Durdant, is not Law. Yet in 1 Salk. 228, South v. Alline. The Defendant had Judgment by the opinion of Rokesby and Eyre, against Holt, C. J., who said he was not satis- fyed, and seemed strongly to incline that the Executors were Trustees for the wife, because of the words to he paid hy the Executors. However Judge Blackstone in his Com. 2, p. 336, informs ns, that by more modern Resolutions, where Lands are given to one and his Heirs in Trust to receive and pay over the Profits to another, this Use is not executed by the Stat- ute, for the Land must remain in the Trustee to enable him to perform the Trust. See also Vin. Abr. Tit. Uses page 277, 48. John Adams. Braintree, Ang. 4, 1774. To the Revec^o?-s (Mayl8), W. H. Sumner, Stephen White, F. J. Oliver, John Binney, S. S. Lewis, Wm. Fetty- place, Amos Binney; — Cle7-k and Treasurer (May 18), Amos Binney; — Treasurer (Dec. 15), D. D. Brodhead; — Superintendent (May 18), S. S. Lewis; — Assistant Superintendent (June 3), Wm. Fettyplace ; — Superintend- ent (Dec. 15), Wm. Fettyplace. 183G. President (May 2), W. IL ^nmwav ; — Directors (May 2), W. H. Sumner, F. J. Oliver, S. S. Lewis, Stephen White, Benj. Lamson, John Bin- ney, W^m. Fettyplace, John L. Graham, Thomas Sargent, D. D. Brodhead ; — Clerk (May 2), D. D. Brodhead (Dec. 19), Wm. Fettyplace ; — Treasurer (May 2), D. D. Brodhead;— Superintendent (May 2,) Wm. Fettyplace. 1837. President (May 5), John Binney — (June 26), S. S. Lewis; — Direc- tors (INIay 1), John BInnej', S. S. Lewis, D. D. Brodhead, Thomas Sargent, John L. Graham, F. J. Oliver, Stephen W^hite, Benjamin Lamson, AVm. Fetty- place, John Jeffries — (June 26), AV. H. Sumner, in place of John Binney, re- signed ; — Cler-k (May 5), Wm. Fettyplace; — Treasurer (May 5), D. D. Brodhead — (Sept. 23), John W. Fenno ; — Superintendent (May 5), Wm. Fettyplace; — Manager of Ferry (May 16), Wm. Fettyplace — (June 26), Benjamin Lamson. 1838. President (May 12), S. S. Lewis — (June 4), John Jeffries — (Aug. 28), Wm. Kn&\:m; — Directors (May 2), S. S. Lewis, W. II. Sumner, F. J. Oli- ver, Stephen White, John Jeffries, Wm. Fettyplace, James W. Revere, Benja- min Lamson, John L. Graham — (June 1), Benjamin T. Reed, Zebedee Cook, Jr.— (Aug. 28), Wm. Austin — (Oct. 17), John Jeffries, in place of B. T. Reed, resigned; — Clerk (May 11), Wm. Fettyplace; — T'reasurer (June 4), John W. Fenno; — Superintendent (May 11), Wm. Fettyplace, to Sept. 12 — (Aug. 28), Wm. Austin — (Nov. 28), Wm. Fettyplace; — Manager of Ferrij (June 4), Wm. Fettyplace, Benjamin Lamson. G.] EAST BOSTON COMPANY. 751 1839. Presidcnl (April 15), John JcfTrics, pro terii. — (July 8), Robert G. Shaw; — Directors (June 27), John Jeffries, John Bryant, Robert G. Shaw, Richard Soulc, Benjamin Lamson, "Wm. Fettyplace, S. S. Lewis, D. S. Grecn- ougli, F. J. Oliver, Mark Ilealey ; — C/e;l- (July 8), Wm. Fettyplace; — Treasurer (July 8), J. W. Fcnno ; — Superintendent (July 8), AVm. Fetty- place; — Executive Committee (July 8), Mark Ilealey, S. S. Lewis, D. S. Grecnough ; — Solicitor (July 8), J. R. Atlan. 1840. President (May 7), Robert G. Shaw; — Directors (May 4), Robert G. Shaw, Wm. Appleton (resigns), Mark Healey, S. S. Lewis, J. M. Forbes (resigns), D. S. Grcenough, Samuel Dana (resigns), R. S. Fay, Benjamin Lamson, John Jeffries — (June 2o), Wm. Fettyplace, Nathaniel Thayer, James Reed (resigns) in place of Messrs. Appleton, Forbes, and Dana — (Sept. 21), Samuel R. Putnam, in place of James Reed; — Clerk (Sept. 21), Henry Clark, pro teiii.\ — Treasurer (May 7), J. W. Fenno; — Superintendent (^lay 7), AVm. Fettyplace ; — Manar/ers of Ferry (^lay 7), Benjamin Lamson, R. S. Fay. 1841. President (May 5), Mark Ilealey — (July 2), Nathaniel Thayer, pro tern.; — Directors (May 3), John Jeffries, Mark Healey, Benjamin Lamson, Richard S. Fay, Nathaniel Thayer, Samuel R. Putnam, Henry Timmins, John W. Fcnno, Joseph S. Cabot, D. S. Greenougli ; — Clerk (May 5), S. R. M. Holbrook ; — Treasurer (May 5), Richard S. Fay ; — Superintendent (May 5), Wm. Fettyplace; — Solicitor (Mvty 5), D. S. Greenough; — Managers of Ferry (May 5), Benjamin Lamson, R. S. Fay. 1842. President (May 13), ISlark Hcalej' — (Dec. 27), Benjamin Lamson, pro (em.; — Directors (May 2), Mark Healey, John Jeffries, Benjamin Lam- son, Nathaniel Thayer, Richard S. Fay, S. R. Putnam, Henry Timmins, John W. Fenno, D. S. Greenough, Joseph S. Cabot; — Clerk (May 13), S. R. M. . Holbrook; — Treasurer (May 13), R. S. Fay; Superintendent (May 13), W. Fettyplace; — Executive Committee (May 13), Mark Healey, J. W. Fenno, S. R. Putnam; — Solicitor (May 13), D. S. Greenough ; — Managers of Ferry (May 13), R. S. Fay, Benjamin Lamson — (June 4), R. S. Fay. 1843. President (May 13), Benjamin Lamson; — Directors (May 1), John Jeffries, Samuel R. Putnam, Nathaniel Thayer, Benjamin Lamson, Henry Timmins, R. S. Fay, D. S. Greenough, Joseph S. Cabot, George B. Jones, John AV. Fenno; — Clerk (May 13), S. R. M. Holbrook; — Treasurer (May 13), Richard S. Fay ; — Superintendent (May 13), William Fettyplace; — Executive Committee (May 13), Nathaniel Thayer, J. P. Cabot, G. B. Jones ; — Solicitor (May 13), D. S. Greenough. 1844. President (May 27), Benjamin Lamson; — Directors (May G), Benj. Lamson, R. S. Fay, D. S. Greenough, John Jeffries, S. R. Putnam, Nathaniel Thayer, George B. Jones, Joseph S. Cabot, Caleb C. Gilbert, Annul C. Lom- bard;— C/crA; (May 27), S. R. M. Holbrook ;— rreaswm- (May 27), R. S. Fay; — Superintendent (May 27), William Fettyplace; — Executive Com- mittee (May 27), J. P. Cabot, Caleb C. Gilbert, A. C. Lombard. 1845. President (May 21), W. H. Sumner ; — Directors (May 5), Ben- 752 APPENDIX. [G. jamin Lamson, John Jeffries, D. S. Greenongh, R. S. Fay, George B. Jones, Nathaniel Thayer, C. C. Gilbert, A. C. Lombard, W. H. Sumner, William Ward]— Clerk (May 21), S. R. M. IMhrook ]— Treasurer (May 21), R. S. Fay; — Superintendent (May 21), William Fettyplace ; — Executive Committee (May 21), Benjamin Lamson, C. C. Gilbert, A. C. Lombard. 184G. President (May 4), W. H. Sumner ;— Directors (May 1), R. S. Fay, W. 11. Sumner, John Jeffries, Benjamin Lamson, C. C. Gilbert, William Ward, S. S. Lewis, C. O. AVhitman, A. C. Lombard, D. S. Greenough ; — Clej-k (May 4), S. R. M. IMhrook ]— Treasurer (May 4), R. S. Fay — (Dec. 2C), William C. Barstow ; — Superintendent (May 4), William Fettyplace — (May 29), S. G. Ilea; — Manager of Ferry (Dec. 26), W. C. Barstow, 184 7. President (May G), W. H. Hunmev] — Directors (May 3), W. H. Sum- ner, Benjamin Lamson, C. C. Gilbert, S. S. Lewis, A. H. Fiske, A. A. AVelling- ton, Lewis Rice, Leonard Stanwood, John Foster, L. B. Rice ; — Clerk (May 6), S. R. M. Holbrook — (July 12), George F. Wadsworth ; — Treasurer, Super- intendent, and Manager of Ferry (May G), AVilliam C. Barstow; — Solicitor (May G), D. S. Greenough. 1848. President (April 1 1), S. S. Lewis, pro tern. —(May G), S. S. Lewis * — (Oct. 3), W. H. Sumner; — Directors (May 1), W. H. Sumner, Benjamin Lamson, S. S. Lewis, C. C. Gilbert, A. A. Wellington, Lewis Rice, John Fos- ter, Joseph Andrews, J. Amory Davis, C. J. liendee ; — Cleric (May G), S. R. M. Holbrook — (June G), George F. Wadsworth; — Treasurer, Superintend- ent, and Manager of Ferry (May G), W. C. Barstow; Solicitor (May 13), E. S. Rand. 1849. President (May 12), W. IL Swrnner ; — Directors (May 7), W. H. Sumner, Benjamin Lamson, S. S. Lewis, C. C. Gilbert, A. A. Wellington, Lewis Rice, John Foster, J. Amory Davis, Charles J. Hendee, Joseph An- drews ; — Clerk (May 12), George F. Wadsworth; — Treasurer, Superin- tendent, and Manager of Ferry (May 12), W. C. Barstow; — Solicitor (May 12), E. S. Rand. 1850. President (May 10), W. PL Sumner — (Dec. 7), S. S. Lewis, pro iem. ;| — Directors (May 6), W^. H. Sumner, Benjamin Lamson, S. S. Lewis, J. Amory Davis, C. C. Gilbert, A. A. W^ellington, Charles J. Hendee, J. An- drews, Pliny Cutler, Lewis Rice; — Clerk (May 10), G. F. Wadsworth; — Treasurer, Superintendent, and Manager of Ferry (May 10), W. C. Barstow; — Solicitor (May 10), E. S. Rand. 1851. President (April 17), S. S. Lewis (May 5), S. S.Lewis; — Direc- tors (May 5), S. S. Lewis, Benjamin Lamson, C. J. Hendee, A. A. AVelling- ton, J. W. Fenno, — (May 5, 1851, number of Directors reduced to fve) ; — Clerk (May 5), G. F. Wadsworth; — Treasurer, Superintendent and Manager of Ferry (May 5), W. C. Barstow ; — ^Z/c/tor (May 5), E. S. Rand. * At this time Gen. Sumner was at the South, aud had signified by letter his wish to relinquish the office of president. t On account of ill-health, Gen. Sumner declined anj' further election on the Board of Direction. G.] EAST BOSTON COMPAiNY. 753 18.J2. President (INIay C), S. S. Lewis ;— Z>/m-/ons (May 3), S. S. Lewis, Benjaniiii Lamson, Charles J. Ilendee, A. A. Wellington, W. C. Barstow; — Clerk (May (i), G. iT. "Wadswortli ; — Treasurer and Superintendent (May G), W. C. Barstow ; — Solicitor (May 6), E. S. Rand ; — Manager of Ferry (May 6), W. C. Barstow, to July 1, on which date the Ferry Company Avas incorpo- rated. l«o3. President (May 2), S. S. Lewis ; — D/Vec/or.s (]May 2), S. S. Lewis, Benjamin Lamson, C. J. Ilendee, A. A. Wellington, W. C. Barstow; — Clerk (May 2), G. F. AVadsworth ; — Treasurer and Superintendent (May 2), W. C. Barstow; — Solicitor (May 2), E. S. Rand. 1854. President, S. S. Lewis ; — Directors, S. S. Lewis, Benjamin Lamson, W. C. Barstow, A. A. Wellington, C. J. Hendee, C. C. Gilbert, Lewis Rice ; — Clerk, G. F. AVadsworth ; — Treasurer and Superintendent, W. C. Barstow; — Solicitor, E. S. Rand. 1855. President, S. S. Lewis; — Directors, S. S. Lewis, Benjamin Lamson, W. C. Barstow, A. A. Wellington, C. J. Hendee, C. C. Gilbert, Lewis Rice ; — Clerk, G. F. Wadswortli ; — treasurer and Superintendent, W. C. Barstow ; re- signed Aug. 5 ; George F. Wadsworth elected Treasurer ; Ebenezer Atkins, Superintendent. 185G. Directors, S. S. Lewis, Benjamin Lamson, A. A. Wellington, W. C. Barstow, Lewis Rice, C. C. Gilbert, (/. J. Ilendee, flames P. Thorndike, Rob- ert Farley ; Samuel S. Lewis was chosen President, but being absent In Eu- rope, Benjamin Lamson was chosen President pro tern. ; — (x. F. Wadsworth, Clerk, and acted as Superintendent until Oct. 15, when W. C. Barstow was elected Superintendent and President, S. S. Lewis having resigned. 1857. President and Superintendent, William C. Barstow; — Directors, William C. Barstow, Benjamin Lamson, C. C. Gilbert, A. A. Wellington, Lewis Rice, J. P. Thorndike, Silas Pierce, Caleb Stetson; — Treasurer and Clerk, George F. Wadsworth. 1858. President and Superintendent, William C. Barstow; — Directors, William C. Barstow, Benjamin Lamson, C. C. Gilbert, A. A. Wellington, Lewis Rice, J. P. Thorndike, Silas Pierce, Caleb Stetson; — Treasurer and Clerk, Georjie F. Wadswortli. 754 APPENDIX. [II. EXTRACTS FROM BOLLES AND RIDGWAY'S REPORT ON THE ARTESIAN WELL. "The estimated expense for the Southampton well, England, was £9,980. A shaft was commenced, thirteen feet in diameter, and sunk IGO feet deep, and then contracted to eleven feet six inches; at the depth of 214 feet, the shaft was reduced to ten feet diameter, and at the depth of 270 feet, to eight feet six inches. At 380 feet from the top of the well, the plastic clay was reached. The work was continued day and night. When the shaft was about 520 feet deep, about three gallons of water flowed into it per minute. The shaft was then sunk 562 feet ; they then commenced boring with a seven and a half inch auger, and when the boring was suspended, the shaft and well was 1,200 feet deep, and water to within forty feet of the surface. In 1845, during upwards of four months' daily pumping, the delivery of water was at the rate of up- wards of 1,500,000 per month, and afterwards, in eight days, the quantity raised exceeded 725,000 gallons. When the pumping was discontinued, the water rose, as before, to within forty feet of the surface, in November, 1845." After giving a table of experiments in pumping, commenced on the 18th of June, 1847, the report says : — " The average throw of Avater in this case is four and a half gallons per min- ute, and lowered the shaft twenty-three feet two inches in twenty-four hours. After a cessation from pumping of forty hours, the water rose seven feet two inches. " Commenced (pumping) Monday morning, 21st of June, at 7 o'clock. The ' throw ' of water in this case was five gallons per minute. Numerous experi- ments in pumping were subsequently made, and the conclusion drawn from all these trials was, that ' The well will not produce any more than three thousand gallons per day, water sufficient for fifty families.' " What does M. Agais say in reference to the Paris well, the well of Cre- nelle ? ' Nothing can be more certain, than that the spouting at Crenelle diffei's essentially from that which we call a water-spout ; its source is not upon the surface of the globe, but in its depths; and the impulse which it obeys has its seat, not only under the excavation which has been made, but under all the plains of France, of all the plains of Euroj^e, of all the plains of all the conti- nents ; for upon each point of the surface of all the plains one might dig an artesian well, more or less deep than that of Crenelle ; in like manner as, from every point of the surface of every healthy, well-constituted man, one Avould obtain a jet of blood more or less rapid, but always perpendicular to this same surface. The interior water is the blood of the globe, and every vital emission is made essentially in the vertical sense. The immediate cause of this beautiful phenomenon dwells in the heart of our planet, and strikes incessantly all parts of the terrestrial body. 1 See p. 5S3. II.] BOLLES AND RIDGWAY'S REPORT. 755 '" This immediate cause, then, is nothing else than the central force of the jrlobe ; it is the general force of expansion ; that which, from its birtli, raised all its isolated 2)eaks, all its chains of mountains; that which in Iceland ])rojccts, to the height of three hundred feet, enormous columns of fresh water, which conse(|uently come not from the bosom of the seas; that which opens volcanoes, sends forth from them torrents of vapor, gas, disunited cinders, and burning lava. "'The spouting at Crenelle is now and then troubled with paroxysms of spouting. Upon the 30th of April, 1842, it exhibited convula|^ shocks, throw- ing forth black substance in large quantities, resembling nothing on the face of the globe, nor in the layers of the earth's crust. In the month of May, many less violent crises succeeded one another, separated by eight or ten days of calm, during which the water approached limpidity. " ' The Grenelle well is so deep that its symptoms portray the elTect of ter- restrial expansion. But artesian wells of feeble depth, those of St. Owen and St. Denis, seem not to conform to this theory ; they proceed from points so much above the volcanic region.' This is the case with the East Boston well. " The water of small artesian wells rises to the surface, or spouts eight or ten feet ; but the well of Grenelle spouts one hundred feet. " It has been ascertained by experiments made in deep-seated mines, that the temperature of the globe becomes warmer, as we descend, one degree for si.xty-eight feet in depth, commencing about 150 feet in depth. " ' What is the source of the light in the heart of the sun ? What is, in the heart of our globe, the source of its caloric ? What is, in the centre of each one of us, the source of our vital fluid ? And when our temperament is heated, when from each one of our dilated pores emanates vertically, like an artesian well, a jet of liquid, a jet of perspiration, what is the source of it ? We know it; the subtile or aqueous matter of our transudation is always furnished to our vital action by the aliments which it calls for and elaborates. "' The human body, an alternating tributary of its own expansion, which labors to dilate it from its centre to its circumference, and of the surrounding expansion, which labors to condense it from its circumference towards its centre, is incessantly in the alternating movement of systole and diastole. This period- ical pulsation, this vibration, is the essential and continued state of every free body in space. The stars incessantly scintillate ; the terrestrial globe experi- ences constantly, throughout its whole mass, a like movement. We do not directly perceive it, because we are associated with it ; but it becomes sensibly visible when we construct an artesian well of considerable depth ; the first jets never arise but by jerks, and the auger which excites them oscillates like a pendulum. " ' The water of the Grenelle well jets up with the rapidity of a swallow, producing 2,500 litres per minute, equal to 312 gallons per minute. A contin- ued jet of this dimension is, for the city of Paris, of great value, and for the enlightened of all countries, of great philosophical value; it is the most beauti- fid source of strong ideas and precise knowledge on the surface of the globe.' 756 APPENDIX. [I. " The geological formation of the lower portion of the East Boston well is identical with the extreme lower portion of the well of Grenelle, and I feel perfectly satisfied, that if the auger is penetrated to tlie depth of 1,200 feet, that an abundance of pure water will be the result. What a grand experiment lies before us. How truly elevating is the contemplation of it, and how phi- lanthropic in every one engaged in an enterprise in search of an element as requisite and necessary for humanity as fresh air. " The more I examine the subject of artesian wells, the more beautiful and correct the prin^le appears to me, and the more am I astonished at the citi- zens of Boston for not trying the experiment before introducing the water of Long pond. "All of which is respectfully submitted. " Tiios. S. RiDGWAV, Jr., Mining Engineer, Philadelphia. " Jesse N. Bolles, Hydraulic Engineer, Providence. " East Boston, July 3d, 1847." Sumner street (two ESTIMATE FOR TREES. Streets. Meridian, from Hotel square to Eagle street . Mavericl\, from Orleans to Border street . Chelsea, to Marion street (from square) Porter, from Chel&ea street to Central sqiiare Liverpool and London, from Central square to streets on both sides) Havre, from Sumner to Porter street . Paris, from Sumner to Decatur street London, from Sumner to Porter street Sumner, from New to Jeffries street Webster, from Jeffries street to Belmont square Lewis, from Ferry street to Hotel square Bennington, from Central square to Brooks street Saratoga, from Central square to Brooks street (on both sides) . Saratoga, from Prescott to Clielsea street (on one side) Chelsea, from lot 311 to lot 1, and Prescott 200 to Saratoga street Princeton to Marion, from Meridian street Lexington, from Meridian to Brooks street Trenton, from Meridian to Brooks street Eiitaw, from Meridian to Brooks street .... Monmouth, from Sleridian to Brooks street . 1 See pp. 595, 597 Feet. Feet. 4,000 8,000 1,500 3,000 2,000 4,000 1,400 2,800 1,700 6,800 1,800 3,600 1,100 2,200 1,900 3,800 4,500 9,000 900 1,800 1,100 2,200 1,450 2,900 2,900 600 900 700 1,400 1,200 2,400 1,050 2,100 950 1,900 300 600 I.] ESTBIATE FOR TREES. 757 Cottage, from Jlaverick to Jlarginal street .... 1,050 2,100 Marion, from Bennington to White street .... 1,800 3,600 Everett, from Cottage to Jeffries street ..... 2,000 4,000 Whole number of feet ........ 72,600 Number of trees required at a distance of forty feet from each other 1,815 Amount of mouey required at $2 per tree . . . $3,630 Extract from a Letter from William C. Barsioio, Esq., February 15, 1853. " "W^itliout letting out the secret, I requested to be present at the last meet- ing of the society (Tree Association.) After the meeting was called to order, I asked permission to say a few words in behalf of a gentleman now absent in Europe, who was even a greater friend to East Boston than he was to myself; I alluded to General William H. Sumner. I then stated that be- fore his departure for Europe, and previous to the formation of this society, you had in your will set apart two lots of land, No. 262, section three, and No. 225, section two, to be sold after your decease, and the proceeds appropriated for the very purpose for which this society was formed, i. e. the setting out trees in the streets of East Boston ; and that I had permission to make public the communication I was about to I'cail. I then read an extract copied from your will, in order to show them your views as to what streets they should be set out in, and how they should l)e protected, and also read a part of your letter to me from Paris, instructing me to make the conveyance at once, and at the same time stated that I stood ready to do so whenever requested to do so by the proper officers of the association. Such a burst of applause as followed this announcement would have done you good to hear. A vote of thanks was passed for the magnificent donation, and the newsjiapers came out with some most excellent remarks in relation to it." Letter from Benjamin Pond, Esq., Boston, Nov. 7, 1857. "General Sumner, — " My dear Sir, — During a casual conversation the other day with our mutual friend Captain Barstow, allusion was made to our Tree Association at East Boston, and the noble benefaction you had bestowed upon it; and I expressed to him the desire of manifesting my own feelings, and what I know to be the prevailing sentiment of our people respecting your timely as well as generous gift. " Allow me then, my dear general, to say that your action was exceedingly well timed, inasmuch as the association was almost, if not entirely, destitute of funds, yet abounding in plans of expenditure when they should have at hand the means to exjicnd. " Your princely otFer of two valuable lots of land at once enabled our com- munity to entertain a mode of adorning our avenues, broad and spacious as you know them (for your counsels assisted mainly in laying them out), answer- ing to their hopes rather than their expectations. 64 758 APPENDIX. [J. " You were fortunate also, sir, let me add, in the gentlemen to Tvliom was committed the important work of carrying out your plan ; gentlemen who ex- hibited perfect impartiality in distributing your gift, care and caution in the selection of hardy and thrifty trees, and, as far as I can judge, a wise and liberal economy in the disposition of your means placed in their hands. " Already our Island ward, from having been a byword for unattractive bar- renness, has not only herself enjoyed the gentle shade and ' living green,' but the fame thereof has gone abroad, and our ' Tree Association ' has become, in some measure, a pioneer for others throughout our Commonwealth. " I cannot conceive. General, a more peaceful satisfaction possible to any heart than that you must enjoy with the reflection that your bounty has given means of daily happiness to all who, citizens or strangers, may frequent our wide and lengthy streets, while, unlike other gifts, every added year will impart new strength and increased means of pleasure to your ' growing ' gift. "Thus much I could not forbear to say, my dear sir, and I trust you will receive this communication with the assurance that it conveys in feeble words the undivided sentiment of the residents of East Boston. " Very truly your friend, " Benjamin Pond. " General Swmner, Jamaica Plain." MISCELLANEOUS STATISTICS. From memoranda kept by Guy C. Haynes, Esq,, we glean the following names and dates additional to what may be found in the body of the work. Of course, the lists are incomplete ; but meagre as they are, they will be of value. Marriages. 1837. Nov. 28. Mr. Durgan to Miss Morrill. 1838. Jan. 3. Michael Wilson to Hannah Boardman. " 11. L. M. Kendall to Mrs. R. H. Kelly. Feb. 1. Peter Duncan to Mary Jones. April — . David Thompson to Mary A. Lambert. May 13. G. W. Pearson to Mary Augusta Barton. Aug. — . Charles Britnal to . Sept. 13. Josiah Cheever to Miss Rachel Pond. 1840. Nov. Wm. P. Eaton to Harriet Tuttle. Dec. 2. Hiram H. Hosford to Miss Noyes. " 31. John Melville to Miss Mary, daughter of Merrill Pettingcll. J.] MISCELLANEOUS STATISTICS. 759 1841. 1842. July 8. Henry T. Butler to Caroline E. Cheever. Aug. — . David Morgan to Miss IMary A. Pierce. Oct. — . Mr. Parker to Miss , daughter of Epliraim Hall. " 24. F. A. Mason to INliss — Pottingell. Feb. 7. Elislia Cook to Miss Mayo. " — . Mr. Abbott to Miss Hunt. Pettingell, daughter of Merrill Aus. 21. JNIr. 1843. March—. April — . " 13. June 21. Aug. 17. Nov. — . Dec. 7. to Miss -, daughter of Col. Murdock of the Maverick House. Nehemiah Gibson to Miss Lucy . John O. Simpson to Miss Ellen A. Shortwill. E. E. Fletcher to Miss , daughter of Samuel Fowle. Albert Bowker to Miss Sarah Lamson. Stephen R. Pearl to Martha French. John A. C to Mary S. Lewis. Oliver Ayers to Mary J. Hooper. In Hampden, ]\Iaine, Dr. llufus L. Hinckley of East Boston to Eliza Ann F. Hopkins. Edward Harris to Miss Zilpha (?) A. Mangum. James AV. Cloutman to Miss Keen. 1837. Jan. 22. Fcb'y — . March 1. u " 20. April 2. June 22. July 5. Oct. 20. Nov. 12. 1838. Jan. — . " 28. April 7. " 9. " 14. May -. Sept. 10. " 28. Births. A son to William Fisk. A child to H. Pond. A daughter to J. X. Bates. A daughter to S. Keen. A daughter to Prince Rogers. A daughter to Solon Brown. A son to Oliver II. Smith. A daughter to R. P. Morrill. Twin sons to A. A. Wellington. A daughter to John Brown. A son to Miller. A daughter to Asa Lewis. A child to Capt. • Doane. A son to Enos ]\Iorgan. A child to Wm. T. Spear. A child to Charles Bowman. Indian child born in sail loft ou Stephen White's wharf; mother of the Penobscot tribe. The child's name was to be Maverick. A child to Jonathan Pierce. 760 APPENDIX. [J. 1838. Nov. 10. 1839. Dec, , 12. Jan . 20. u 29. Feb, , 15. (( 21. u 23. 11 — . Marcn 22. May 1. u 12. July 4. a 17. u 20. Aug. 23. u 30. Sept. 20. u 27. Nov, — . " 15. 1840. Jan. 12. " 13. March 7. April 30. a May 3. 15. 20. 25. A son to L. M. Kendall. A son (Phineas M.) to Dr. P. M. Crane. A daughter to G. W. Jackman. A daughter to Solon Brown. A son (Edward W.) to Major J. AY. Barton. A daughter to Samuel W. Hall. A son (George B.) to G. W. Pearson. A child to Daniel Dale. A daughter to Timothy Mclntire. A child to E. Morse. A child to Morgan. A daughter to Benj. W. Parker. A daughter to Pratt. A child to Charles Britnal. A daughter to Jesse Tuttle. A son to R. P. Morrill. A child to Theodore F. Rollins. A son (Wm. W.) to Rev. Wm. W. Newell. A child to Wm. A. Noyes. A child to Charles Morris. A daughter to James M. Whitten. A son to David HilL A son to John Buckley. A son to Bailey. A child to John H. Tomhnson. Irish births are omitted. There were two in 1839. A son to John Wright. A son to A. Crosby. A child to Wm. H. Calrow. A son to John Crowley. A daughter to John Devereaux. A daughter to James Bartlett, Jr. A daughter (Emma L.) to Wm. H. Delano. A child to John Brown. A daughter to Thomas Ditson. A daughter to H. Rogers. A child to Chase. A son to Alvo Rogers. A son to Prince Rogers. A son to A. S. Foss. A son to Abner Smith. A daughter to Stejihen Pearson. A daughter to Benj. F. Butler. Twin sons to Jenkins. July 22. Aug. 6. Sept. 1. " 25. A son to Mrs. Atkins. mSCELLANEOUS STATISTICS. 761 1840. Oct. — . Nov. 1. Dec. 20. A son to Charles E. Gay. A son to L. ^I. Kendall. A son (Wm. D.) to Dr. P. M. Crane. A child to Burnett. A daughter to Aaron Gill. A daughter to Edwin* Bailey. From ^Ir. Ilaynes's return of births in 1849, we take the following statis. tics: — 1849. Number of males born .... 229 Number of females born .... 208 437 Number of children under fifteen years . . 3,861 Number of children under four years - . . 1,290 Average attendance in schools . . . 1,534 On the list, but do not attend .... 424 Children at large with no restraint . . . 613 Number eligible for school who do not attend . 1,037 Births in the several months as folloics : - January 29 August . February . . 26 September . March . 31 October . April . . 47 November . May . . 28 December June . . 36 July . . 53 "Whole number 33 27 39 41 47 437 Nativity of Parents of Children horn in 1849. Father. Jlother Boston .... 43 31 Other towns in Massachusetts . 70 53 Maine .... 39 69 New Hampshire . 29 24 Other States 21 21 Ireland .... . 171 175 England, Germany, Scotland, and Nova Scotia 60 60 Four families having twins 4 4 437 437 Number of cliildren born in 1851 64* 533 762 APPENDIX. [J. 1837. 1838. Jan. 8. May 24. Aug. 7. Sept. 1. Feb. 6. " 23. March 23. April 30. Sept. 28. Oct. 28. Dec. 10. 1839. 1840. 1841. 1842, Jan • .1. ^larcli 15. April 15. Sej^t. 12. Oct .5. (4 — . (( 9. U 11. Nov. 11. Jan. 13. Aprj 12. June 14. Aun ;. 5. a 12. Feb. 14. March 3. June 19. <( 13. July 23. Jan. 22. a 27. Deaths. Mrs. II. A. Gerry, wife of Thomas A. Gerry, aged 24. Mrs. Lydia Lewis, aged 87. Mr. Lawrence, aged 21. John Elms, aged 54. There were eight deaths in 1837, of which four were chil- dren. Mi's. Marian Kilgore, aged 57. Samuel Brown, mast and spar maker, aged 58. Mrs. Noyes, wife of \Vm. A. Noyes, aged 33. Miss Martha Barton, aged 24. W. W. Tyler, a brakeman, killed on the railroad, aged 34. Robert, son of J. H. Tomlinson, aged 22 months ; the first burial in the new burial-ground in the fourth section. Sarah E., daughter of G. O. Hagar, aged 6. Deaths in 1838, thirteen, six of which were children. Andrew Bettley (mason), aged 61. Capt. D. Wild, at the Maverick House, aged 69. Eliza Malgum (Malcolm?), aged 13. Oliver Glazer, aged 18. Wm. L. Blye, aged 24. Mrs. Phebe Granger, aged 49. Patrick Smith, aged 30. Mrs. Susan Stinson, aged 33. Daniel Langley (or Longley) hung himself upon a fence on the beach, first section. Whole number of deaths in 1839, twenty-four. Mrs. Cecilia, wife of Wm. H. Calrow, aged 24. Philip Kurt, aged 37. William Mullen, aged 35. Mrs. Mary F., wife of John Melville, aged 53. Edward Welsh, aged 40. AVhole number of deaths in 1840, eighteen ; thirteen of which were children under ten years of age. Joshua Cheever, aged 51. Twin son of A. A. Wellington, aged 3i. L. M. Kendall, aged 33. Mrs. Nancy, wife of Abner Smith, aged 20. William M. Kendall, aged 26. Deaths in 1841, 35 ; under ten, 23 ; between 20 and 40, 8 ; between 50 and 70, 2 ; stillborn, 2. Twin son of A. A. Wellington, aged 4. John Jones, aged 69. J.] MISCELLANEOUS STATISTICS. 763 1842. Feb. 14. Mrs. Hannah, widow of the late Samuel Brown, aged 64. Mrs. Abiah Ditson, aged 73. Mr. Waterman Joselyne. A. D. Somerl)}-, aged 45. Miss Perscs L., daughter of EnocU Morse, aged 22. E. A. Putnam, from a wound received in discharge of a gun, aged 23. " 11. ]\rrs. Phelps, wife of the Rev. A. A. Phelps, aged 34. " 15. Mrs. Lambert, her nurse. " 1 7. Mary Hardy, adopted daughter of Rev. A. A. Phelps, aged 11. " 20. Mrs. Salmon, aged 90. Deaths in 1842, 44 ; under twenty, 27 ; over twenty, 17. 1843. March 9. Daniel II. Lambert, drowned, aged 40. William B. Nason, aged 33. Mrs. Sweetser, aged 01. Feb. 14. March 6. April 8. " 13. July 19. Oct. 10. March 9. Nov. 6. Dec. 15. " 29. Charles T. Stevens, aged 88. Deaths in 1843, 54; under twenty, 43 ; between 20 and 88, 11. Deaths in 1844, 37; under twenty years of age, 23 ; over twenty years of age, 14. From the Abslract of the Massachusetts Census, published this year (1857), we extract the following facts relative to the population of East Boston on the first day of June, 1855 : — a 2 Wn TE. Colored. Nativity Total Nativity Native. Foreign. Un- Wliite. Native. Foreign. Un- IMales, o known. known. 7,855 4,827 3,005 6 7,838 13 4 17 Females, 7,707 4,603 2,992 4 7,689 12 18 Total, 15,562 9,520 5,997 10 15,527 25 10 25 .^ la »o o 8 o o o o S I-l c Si ""* o o o o o Q. (£l o 2 o. & lO i-i o S s o •* S S g g s ^ 0. 2,354 1,753 1,543 1,484 3,579 2,528 1,375 598 238 75 20 1 14 764 APPENDIX. [I. NATIVITY. 1 a 1 "3) a 13 i 2 a o "3 la i C3 to 3 ft T3 "3 a S ^ •3 a p o n — . a J. to & " d o H o P M '.i, 482, 485. Coiioord (Mass.), 308, 351, 352, 355, 350, 370, 37'J, 389, 508; — (N. II.), 423. Condor Street, 541, 579, 588. Conduit, Mr. 720. Connecticut, 20, 00, 102, 133, 138, 147, 203, 204, 853, 080, 718; Steamer, 458. Constiintiiiople, 275, 505. Constitution, Fort, 741; Tlio frif^atc, 14, 834, 335. Continental Journal, Tlio, 895. Converse, Edward, 549. Conveyances, James I. to Council of Plym- outh, 43; Council of Plymouth to Robert Gorges, 43; John Gorges to Sir Wm. Brereton, 44; General Court to Samuel Maverick, 45, 56; Maverick to Hriggs, 178; Hriggs to Nathaniel Maverick, 179; Nathaniel Maverick to Burch, 179; Sam- uel and Nathaniel Maverick to John Burch, 180, 181; Burch to Leader and Newbold, 182; Deed of trust from Brougiiton to Cooke and others, 183; Cooke to Temple, 184; Sir Thomas Tem- ple to Samuel Shrimpton, 180; Colonel Shrimpton to wife Elizabeth, 228; Will of Madam Shrimpton, 228; Yeamans to IIutciiiuson,248; Mrs. llyslop to Sumner, White, and Oliver, 311; Mrs. Greenough to Sumner, White, and Oliver, 429-432, 437; John llayden and wife to Sumner, White, and Oliver, 437; Sumner, White, and Oliver to Lewis, Brodhead, and Binncy, 438; Trustees for Mrs. Gerard to White and Oliver, 441; Mrs. Gerard to E. B. Co. 443, 447, 448; Maverick to Gard, 719. Cook, , 218 ; — Zebedee, 479, 750 ; , 492 ; — Capt. 515 ; — Cooke, Elisha, 214, 235, 240; — Richard, 183, 184, 250; — Elizabeth, 194; — Elisha, 759. Cooley, Aaron, 497. Coolidge, Rev. J. I. T. 052; — Coolidn-c Building, 503. Cooper, Samuel, 267, 364, 365, 390. Copp's Hill, 262, 329, 586; — Cemetery, Hist, of, 520. Coquette, The, 697. Corbet, Sir Vincent, 50. Cornelius Grinnell, The, 697. Cornell, Col. 379. Cornhill Street, 2G2. Cornfield, Tlie, 220, 227. Cottage Street, 459, 471, 472, 473, 515, 537, 542, 081, 757. Cotting, Amos, 193; — Uriah, 24, 490, 497. Cotton, Rev. John, 66, 90, 97, 105. Court of Oyer and Terminer, 200; of As- sistants, 121, 122 ; of Reipiests, 720 et seq. of Admiralty, 728; — Court House, 142; — (Jourt at Cambridge, 122; at Charles- town, 122; at Boston, 181, 199, 200. Council Records, 399, 734; — Council of N. E. 75; — of Plymouth, 43, 44, 48, 93; — for Foreign Plantations, 157. Coxe, , 428. Cox-heath, 361, 300. Crabbe, Geo. 723; — William, 723. Crafts, Col. , 396. Cragie's Bridge, 678. Crane, John, 504; — Maj.-Geii. 410; — P. M. 001, 760. Cranfield, Edward, 203, 204. Crawley, James, 723. Crassey, Capt. 092. Crossy, S. T., 723. Crockett, , 620. Cromwell, Oliver, 128, 145, 184, 185. Crosby, A. 760. Cross Street, 172. Crowley, Daniel, 471, 472, 509, 655, 657; — John, 567, 760. Crown Street, 173. Crump, Nathaniel, 723. Crusoe, Robinson, 47, 232. Cudworth, Rev. W. II. 051, 652, 669. " CulT," 800. Culloden, Battle of, 301. Cumberland, Duke of, 361, 362. Cummisky, H. 442, 459, 515, 655, 677. Cunningham, , 509;— Cunningham's Wiiarf, 506, 687, 702. Cunard, Samuel, 620, 621, 023;- Steam- ship line, 544; history of, 019-629, 633; —Wharf, 545, 630, 702; — House, 10, 471. Curtice, .James, 728. Curtis, B. R. 675; — Paul, 091, 696, 698, 699, 711 ; — Curtis's Wharf, 702. Gushing, Thomas, 240, 539, 548; — Lucy, 278; — Judge William, 281, 287; — Mary, 287;— Caleb, 610 ; — Cushing's (Pratt &) Wharf, 701, 702. Cutler, E. 27 ; — Pliny, 752. INDEX. 775 n. Daland, Henry K. 430. Dale, Diiniel, "CO. Daiin, Oil. Justice Francis, 284, 285;- Samuol, 751. Danfortii, Tlionms, 108, 214. Danfortii Papers, 113, 128, 137, 140, 150. D'Aiivilie, Duke, 349. Daniel, Beverly, 27. Daniel Webster, Tlic, 097. Dand, John, 100, 102, 104, 108, 109, 110. Davenport, Rev. , 048. Davidson, Gen. , 332. Davis, J. r. 33;— 'Williiiin, 252;— Daniel, 292;— Jlrs. Dr. 332; — Samuel, 424; — Thomas E. and family, 505; — John 510; — J. Amory, 752. Davie, Humphrey, 148, 194. Dari)y, Karl of, 50;— I'hilip, 723. Darlington, 402. Darracott, Geo. 40, 338, 414, 458, 490, 580, 087; , 338. Dartmouth, Karl of, 376. Darton's Wharf, 702. Dawes, Jud^'e, 278, 284. Dearborn, Henry, 357, 498-401, 740 et BCq. Dearborn's Boston Notions, 159,182. Deaths, 702, 703; — Deatlis in E. B. 1830 520. . ' Decatur St. 538-540, 544, 673, 593, 013, 048, 071, 086, 080, 702, 750. Decatur, Mrs. Commodore, 21. Dedham, 28t;, 301. Decriiig, I{ev. , 659, 601. Deer Island, 193, 210, 212, 221, 308, 485, 503. Defence of N. E. Charters (Dummer's), 209, 211, 344. Defender, The, 698. Defoe, Daniel, 232. Dej,'rand, 1'. P. V. 500. Delafield, Hufus K. 523. Delano, W. H. 520, 700. Delanoy, Peter & John, 724. Dfclap, John, 723. Delaware Baj', 137. " Deluge Hose," 042. Demond, T. D. 001. Do Monts, Sieurde, &c. 717. Denbigh, 52. Denison, .Maj.-Ccn. 130. Deiimart;, 341. Derne Street, 194. Derby, Hersey, 424, 490, 497, 498. i,; Derry, 234, 317. Despatch, The, 097. Detroit, 401. Devonshire, CO;— Devon Co. 00;— Devon- sliiro St. 490. Devereaux, John, 700. Dcvereux, William, 504; — John N. 039. Devine, James, 057. Devoy, , 572. De Windt, Johaimis, 234. De Wolf, James, 27. Dexter, Samuel, 21, 285;— Aaron, 419; — Dr. 425. Dictionary of dates, 577. Dillaway, , 338. Ditson, Thomas, 700; — Mrs. Abiali, 7rt3. Doanc, J. C. 30,31,34, 429; — Capt. 759; — Elisha, 313; — Maria F. 313. Dod, Daniel, 020. Dod's Peerage, 300. Docks, &c. 576, 677; — Dry Dock Works, at N. Y. 095; — East Boston & Simp- son's, 708, 709. Dock-head, 142. Dock Square, 172. Dodd, , 505;-!- Capt. E. 517, 520. Donaldson, Capt. , 505. Dorcetshire, 00, 01. Dorr, Wm. B. 087. Dorchester, 5, 11, 40, 57, GO, 01; settle- ment of, 62 et seq., 63; first meeting- liouse in, 65; removal of church, 67, 83 193, 224, 281, 282, 290, 291, 411, 485, m\ 492, 038, 718; — Heights, 173, 390,404; — Annals of, CO, 02, 00, 71; — Point, 32; — Neck, 89; - Aiitiq. & Hist. Soc. 71. Donald McKay, The, 098. Donnison, William, 401. Douglass, Capt. 505;— Henry, 723. Dover, 40 ; — Street, 235. Downing, ihiry, 254;— Sir George, 224. Downes, Com. John, 499, 505. Downs, Alex. 723. Dragoon, The, 099. Draighton, 50. Drake, S. G. 72, 73, 84, 85, 89, 95, 105, 112, 119; — Hist. Boston, 57. 78, 83, 84, 88, 90, 102, 105, 100, 112, 119, 128, 137, 147, 109, 182, 188, 201, 212, 220, 270, 310, 341, 300; — Book of the Indians, 188. Drajier, Margaret, 383. 776 INDEX. Drinker, Edward, IIG, 119, 120, 123, 125. Dudley, Joseph, 199, 204, 205, 232, 345, 347, 350; — Thomas, 65,71, 78,79, 148,149; — Chief Justice Paul, his family, &c. 301, 302;— Joseph, 301, 302; — Colonel, 740, 742. Dudley estate, 301, 302. Dudley Castle, 52. Duel between White and Finch, 420. Duer, John, 723. Dummer, Jeremiah, 209, 211, 343, 344. Dummer's School, 384. Dunlap, William, 174. " Dunbar," (Engine) 642. Dunbar, Peter, 458; , 552; — Joseph, 642; , 728. Duncan, Peter, 758. Durand, A. B. 175. Durdant, , 731, 732. Durgan, , 758. Dutch, The, 67, 102, 128, 130, 132, 137, 147, 155, 157, 718. Duties paid by Cunard steamers, 628. Duvind, John and Daniel, 231. D wight. Colonel, 332; — Jona,than, 497. Duxbury, 690. E. Eagle, The, 78, 697. Eagle Hill, 6, 11, 425, 518, 532, 541, 544, 545, 546, 583, 587, 589, 591. Eagle Street, 540, 541, 546, 588, 702, 756. Eagle Point, 8. East Boston, First house in, 460 ; buildings erected in, 1834, 471, in 1835, 516; cele- bration at, 478 et seq. East Boston Company, 3, 4, 12, 23, 35, 40, 186, 254, 256, 258, 311, 326, 345, 421, 428; proposals for organizing, 432-438, 441; incorporated, and first meeting of, 442; list of shareholders, 442, 443-448; num- ber shares, 452; plans of improvement, 453; public lands accepted, 454, 455; appointment of officers, 469, 470 ; an- nual reports of, 518, 532, 533, 764; valua- tion in 1837, 520; office in New York, 522; change in direction, 525; early actions of, 551-565, 571-575, 587-589, 591, 593, 594, 598, 601, 602, 612, 618, 621, 629- 632, 637, 638, 644, 660, 665; connected with Timber Co. 670-676, 680, 681, 685, 686-688, 703-705; act of incorporation and by-laws, 743, 744; officers of, 750- 753 ; report of, 658, 764 ; records of, 452. East Boston Wharf, 538, 543, 553, 554, 677, 700, 702. East Boston Wharf Co. 467, 474, 519, 553, 573 ; history of, 676-679. East Boston Gas & Iron Co. 702. East Boston Timber Co. 3, 467, 469, 515, 519, 521, 528, 543, 553; History of, 670- 676, 702. East Boston Ferry Co. 519, 545, 678, East Boston Pottery, 710, East Boston, The, 468, 474, 478, 552, 554, 555, 563, 691, 697. Eastern Avenue, 555, 573-575. Eastern Railroad, 426, 468, 519, 538, 539, 541, 542, 544 ; connection with ferry, 552-565, 593; history of, 602-619; in- corporated, 616, 621, 629-634, 640, 678, 700;— wharf, 702. East Indies, 633. East Wood island, 7, 8, 460, 545, 546, 685. Eastport, 400. East River, 529. Eaton, 48. Eaton, William P. 758. Eccley, Rev. , 226. Eccleshall Castle, 50. Ecterloney, Roger, 724. Edith, The, 697, 699. Edwin Forrest, The, 691, 698. Edes, Edward, 517. Edmund Dwight, The, 697. Edwards, Dr. Jonathan, 224, 266; — Rev. Timothy, 224 ; , 515. Edward, Prince, 287. Eddy, R. H. 9, 501, 547, 572, 688. E. F. Pratt, The, 697. Egypt, 694. Eldridge, Frank 0. 696. Eliot's Biographical Dictionary, 74, 76, 139. Eliot, John, 272;— John, Jr. 272; — Mr. , 333 ; — Rev. 335 ; — Rev. John, 517 ; — John, 723. "Eliot" fire engine, 641. Elliot, Samuel, 231 ; — Henry, 723. Elizabeth, Queen, 717. Ellis, Col. 50. Elmes, Thomas, Sen. & Jun. 724. Elms, Anson, 642; — John, 762. EUenborough, Lord, 20. Eltham, 189. INDEX. 777 Elvira, The, 698. Elyas, The, 135. Elyot, Hujrh, 716. Emerson, Kev. William, 260. Emerald, The, 699. Emerton, .John J. 704. Emery, James, 231. Emporium, The, 697. Empress of the Sea, The, 694, 698. Encampment upon N. I. 341-348. England, 57, 58, 60, 61, 69, 76, 92, 97, 100- 103, 113, 114, 124, 125, 127-130, 132, 133 137, 147, 151-153, 160, 166, 168, 173, 175 176, 180, 186, 199, 204, 209, 213, 216, 222 230, 233, 234, 242, 244, 245, 249, 251, 259 269, 276, 317, 341-344, 349, 364-366, 378 397, 416, 417, 461, 462, 481, 571, 620, 625 680, 716-718, 722, 762. Endeavor, The, 699. Endicott, Gov. John, 73, 137, 161, 167, 182. Endymion, The, 699. Enoch Train, The, 698. Episcopacy, 92, 93 ; plans to establish, 93- 99, 125; trouble with Maverick on ac- count of, 98-115, 178, 207, 265. Episcopalians, 75, 76, 77, 88, 94, 274. Eppes, Capt. William, 81. Era, The, 697. Eringo, The, 698. Erie Canal, 670, 690. Erie, Fort, 313. Erskine, John, 277. Evans, Rev. S. J. 650, 664. Evelyn, The, 699. Everett Street, 537, 544, 585. " Everett House," The, 504. Everett, A. II. 496. Ewell, 691, 696-698. Expedition of 1711 against the French, 342-348. Essc.n; Street, 170; — County, 495. " Essex," The, 552, 563, 690, 697. Eustis, , 5 ; — Abraham, 27. Europe, 243, 343, 417, 480, 596, 621, 627, 679, 094 ; History of, 341. Eutaw, The, 697. Eutaw Street, 637, 667, 688, 702, Exchange Cofiee-House, 406. Exchange Street, 172, 189, 191, 194, 226. Exchange Bank, 523. Exeter, 168, 710. Exon, 60. " Experiment," The, 455. E\'les, Joseph, 726. Eyre, , 732. F. . Fairmount Waterworks, 497. Familists, 98. Fanny, The, 691, 697, 698. Fanny McHenry, The, 698. Fands, Harry, 727. Fairweather, Capt. 216. Falcon Street, 541, 589. Falmouth, Lord, 729. Falmouth (Eng.), 717. Farley, Francis, 231, 724; — John, 724; — Robert, 753. ' Faneuil, Peter, 347; — Andrew, 347, 348. Faneuil Hall, 262, 335, 347, 391, 621. Farmer, John, 85, 208. Farmer's Hist. Coll. 208; Register, 05,73, 159. Farnum, John, 118, 123. Fatherland. The, 698. Favorite, The, 699. Fay, . 272; — F. B. 456, 548; — Rich- ard S. 477, 581, 582, 751, 752. Fearless, The, 698. Federal Street, 262, 263. Felt's Eccl. Hist. 58, 62, 67, 74, 84, 93, 94, 104, 105, 109. Felt, J. B. 90, 94, 104. Felt's Annals of Salem, 90, 167. Felt's Mass. Currency, 185. Fenwick, Benedict J. 645, 655. Fenn, Robert, 189. Fenno, John, 5, 11, 40, 329, 334, 507, 511, 516; — J. W. 751-753. Fenton, Thomas, 723. Fernald's Wharf, 702. Ferris, Mortimer, 6, 276. Ferguson, Archibald, 167; — Mary, 167. Ferry Wharf, 702. Fei-ry Street, 756. Ferry, 5, 11, 12, 28, 34, 35; between Win- nisimet and Charlestown, 86, and Nod- dle's Island, 240; Boston and the Island, 241, 433, and Winnisiraet, 486; East Bos- ton Ferry Co. 519, 614; — Ferry Street, 262, 538, 756 ; — Ferry Wharf, 544 ; — Boats — Experiment, 455 ; Maverick, 468, 552; East Boston, 468, 552; Essex, 552; 778 INDEX. Norfolk and Daniel Webster, 565; Tom Thumb, 455, 551 ; — landing, 468; — regu- lar trips, 478. Ferries, subject of, fully treated. Chapter XVI. Fessenden, John M. 610-612. Fettyplace, William, 4, 516, 525, 559, 572, 573, 574, 671, 684, 704, 750-752. Fettyplace & Bowker's Wharf, 702. Fisher, Samuel, 229; , 657. Fishing parties, 42. Fiennes, Nathaniel, 184. Firle, 361. Fisk, , 330; — Wm. 420, 759. Field, Rev. Chester, 649. Finch, William, 420. Field, S. R. 601. Fiske, A. H. 752. Fitton, Rev. Father, 656. Fire Department, 635-642. Fire Fly, The, 698. " Fireman's Advocate," The, 638. Fitchet, , 620. Fitzpatrick, Bishop, 656. Florence, 716. Florida, 716, 717. Flanders, 233. Flats, The, 9. Fleming, , 725-728. Flemmis, , 727. Fletcher, Edward, 190, 191 ; — John, 724 ; — E. E. 759. Flagg, J. W. 321; — John G. 442. Florence, The, 699. Flower, Truman, 471, 516. Floyd, Robert, 724. Flying Cloud, The, 692-694, 698. Flying Fish, The, 694, 698. Flying Childers, The, 698. Folts, D. D. 601. Folsom's Hist, of Saco & Biddeford, 159. Fontenay, Battle of, 361. Fortifications at Noddle's Island in 1812, 397 et seq. Fortification gates, 235. Fort Du Quesne, 361, 363. Fort Hill, 205, 218, 392. Fort Independence, 336, 409, 485, 578, 603, 604. Fort Frontenac, 363. Fort Strong, 408-411, 415, 416, 419, 420, 466, 582, 584-586. Fort Warren, 409, 566, 740, 742. Fort James, 146. Fort Constitution, 741. Fort Burroughs, 742. Fort Erie, 313. Fort McCleary, 741. Foster, John, 214, 218, 235 ; — W. H. 610 ; , 725, 729 ; — John, 752. Foss, A. S. 641. Forbes, R. B. 20, 672; — J. M. 751. Force's Hist. Tracts, 79, 215. Fortuna, The, 699. Fowle, Thomas, 97, 100, 102, 104-106. Fowler, John, 637, 723 ; — Timothy, 724. Foxcroft, Rev. Thomas, 259. Fowle, Samuel, 759. France, 49, 215, 262-264, 830, 341, 398, 416, 417, 479, 498, 581, 583, 716, 717, 722, 754. Francis I. 716. Franklin Street, 42. Franklin Place, 383. Frankye, George, 723. Francis, Ebenezer, 24, 83 ; — Rev. , 651. Freeman, , 231; — Nathaniel, 411, 415; — Thomas, 723; — Robert, 724. French and Indian War, 389; — French Revolution, 262, 342, 343, 363, 364; — The French, 146 ; — French Islands, 242, 245; — French settlements in America, 716. French, Thomas, 520, 640-642; — Daniel, 636 ; — Richard, 724 ; — Martha, 759. Free Bridge to South Boston, 23. Freneau, Philip, 359. Friend, The, 698. Friendship, The, 82, 83. Frobisher, , 716. Frog Lane, 193, 229. Frolic, The, 697. Front Street, 534. Frost, Oliver, 567. Frothingham's Hist. Siege of Boston, 373, 378. Frye, Jno. 723; , 729. Fuller, S. P. 458, 537, 538, 547. Fulton Bank, 672, 673. Fundy, Bay of, 625. Furnell, William, 723. Fyffe, John, 723 ; — James, 723. Fyler, , 696, 699. INDEX. 779 G. Galena, The, 697. Gallagher, John, 695. Game Cock, The, 691, 697. Game Law, 53. Ganges, The, 699. Gage, Thomas, 170, 352, 356, 359; sketch of, 352, 367, 372, 375, 376, 385, 389; — Wm. H., sketch of, 360; letter from, 361, 362;— Lady, 361; — Lord, letter from, 361, 362. Gard, Roger, deed of Sam. Maverick to, 719, 720, 721. Gardner, Henrj', 92 ; — W. H. 455, 456, 548 ; — Chas. F. 567, 650, 696, 698, 699 ; — Henry D. 579, 696, 698, 699;— Gardner's Wharf, 172. Garratt, Wm. 724. Garrett, Joseph, 660 ; — Heniy, 723. Gas Works, 702. Gates, Gen. 736. Gayllerd, William, 83. Gazelle, The, 697. Gedney, Barth. 214, 216. Gelston, Dr. 316. Gemsbok, The, 699. Genealogical & Hist. Reg. 60, 62, 73, 87, 106, 164-168, 218, 220, 222, 292, 296, 367, 388. General Warren, The, 699. George, Capt. 215 ; — John, 116, 121 ; — Rev. N. D. 649. George L 232 ; — III. 276, 286, 287, 322. Georgetown, 19. George, Lake, 349. George's Island, 396. Georgia, 620. Georgiana, 721. Gerard, J. W. 26, 254, 307, 426, 439-443, 445-448, 455, 498, 525, 526, 644, 704; Mrs. E. 26, 28, 29, 35, 258, 307, 426, 427, 428; proposal of sale by, 439, 440; sale by trustees for, 441-448. Gerry, F. A. 515 ; — H. A. & T. A. 762. Gerrish, Geo. W. 579. Gibbs, , 205; — Armeda, 659, 662. Gibbes, Thomas, 181. Gibbert, Nathl. 723. Gibson, Major-General, 51; — Nehemiah, 759. Gibbons, Edward, 82. Gift, The, 63. Gifford, John, 69. Gilbert, C. C. 536, 582, 751-753;— Sir Humphrey, 716, 717. Gill, Aaron, 761. Gilman family, The, 168; — Edward 1st & 2nd, John T., Nicholas, Antipas, Mave- rick, Abigail, Catherine, Elizabeth, 168. Governor, 741. Gillyard, Thomas, 723. Girdall, Richard, 116; — Mary, 116. Glf.ss house, 170. Glasgow, 274, 626. " Gleaner," 193, 196, 235. Glasgow, The, 357. Glazer, Oliver, 762. Glazier, Mr. , 519. Glendon Rolling Mill, 541, 545, 576, 579. Gloucester, 608, 615, 647. Glover, Benjamin, 290. Goble, John, 724. Goddard, Benjamin, 311. Golden Fleece, The, 692, 698. Golden West, The, 698. Golinn, Charles, 724. Goodhue, , 255. Goodrich's Hist. U. S. 130. Goodwin, , 124; , 230;— Ozias, 672; — Gen. Ichabod, 738, 740, 741. Googin's Wharf, 702. Gookin, Capt. 148;— Samuel, 347, 350. Gordon's Hist. Am. Rev. 355, 371-373, 377, 382, 390-392, 394, 396, 397. Gore, Christopher, 33. Gorges, Robert, 43, 44, 47, 48, 72, 74, 75; — Ferdinando, 43, 49, 75, 719; — John, 44, 48; — Patent, 72, 75, 108. Gori, Ferdinand, 504. Gorton, , 153. Gosnold, Bartholomew, 717. Gould, Thomas, and other Baptists, op- pression of, 116-124, 191 ; , 547 ; — Salma E. 601. Gove, Stephen, 235. Governor's Island, 485. Gowcr, John, 724. Grace Church, 603. Grafton, Elizabeth & Priscilla, 168; — Jo- seph, 291. Gragg, W. A. 456, 548. Graham, , 212; — J. L. 505, 526, 527, 750. Granary Burying-Ground, 289, 290, 296, 508. Grants, see Conveyances; — Table of, 715- 780 INDEX. 719;— to Brereton, 44; — to Council of Plymouth, 43; — to Maverick, 56. Grand Island, 459, 670, 672, 673, 690. Grand Junction E. R. 532, 533, 544; his- tory of, 629-635, 700, 706; - wlmrves, 702. ' Granger, Phebe, 762. Grattan, , 623. Gravenor, Thomas, 723. Graves, 251; — Eev. H. A. 647; — IJev J. M. 647. Gravesend, 152. Gray, Samuel, 171, 173; — Winthrop, 226. Gray's Wharf, 578. Great Britain, 186, 247, 248, 276, 282 341 364,401,417,620,721,722. ' ' " Great Marsh," The, 538, 539, 540. Great Western, The, 621. Great Republic, The, 691, 693, 698. Greaves, Thomas, 550; — Samuel, 724. Gree, William, 229. Grenelle, Artesian well at, 581, 583 764- 756. Greenland, 716. Greenleaf, Benj. 68;— Elizabeth, 268, 269; — Gardner, 442, 443, 458, 471, 475, 553, 680, 750. Greenleaf 's Point, 19. Greenwich, 716, 718. Greenway, Henry, 724. Greenough, Thomas, 238, 249, 250, 254, 257,259; sketch of, 269-271.272,315 322 323, 338, 358, 385; — Rev. William,!,' 226, 253, 254, 258, 268; -sketch of, 271-- 274; — Sarah, 250, 253-255, 257, 258, 259, 428, 489, 731 ; — David S. (the elder), 4, 5, 17, 18, 19, 24, 25, 27, 226; sketch of, 312, 439, 450; — David S. (the youuger), 25, 26, 28, 29, 31, 197, 253, 254, 258, 274;' sketch of, 313, 428, 429, 430, 432, 525, 574; — David, 751, 752; — Maria F. 32,' 34, 429-432, 436, 437, 511, 605, -John, Elizabeth, and Capt. Wm. 269; — David, John, James, Anne, and Jane, 430, 432, 437. Greenough interest in N. I. 427, 511. Greenwood's Hist. King's Chapel, 159. Greenwood, , i7i. Griffin, Rev. Dr. 272. Gross, Elizabeth, 269. Grosvenor Square, 252. Grover, John, 724. Growt, Capte, 81. Guichenet, Peter, 723. Guiney, The, 135. Gunthorp, Matilda, 197, 231, 232, 249- — William, 250. ' ' Gurley, John W. 291. Gusanna House, 50. Gyles, John, 170. H. Haddington County, 274. Hagar, Geo. 0. 636, 637, 762; -Sarah, 762; — Geo. D. 472, 516. Hague, The, 20, 341. Halcyon, The, 698. Hale, William, 95; , 332; -Benjamin, 610. ' Haley, , 467, and wife, 468. Halifax, 14, 287, 390, 402, 490, 620, 623. Hailet, , 526, 527; ,679, 680, 686, 687. Hall, Thomas, 152; — Samuel, 563, 565, 587 ; plate presented to, 592, 672 ; — Ship- building, 690, 691, 696, 699, 709, 711; — Samuel, jr. 696, 698, 699;— William' 696, 698, 699;-Ephraim, 759; -Mar- tin, L. 711;— Hall's Wharf, 702; — Nicholas, 723; — Samuel W. 760. Hampden, 759. Hamilton, Alexander, 736 ; — Hamilton, The Cutter, 505, 621. Hampshire County, 224. Hampton, 718. Hancock, .John, 196, 262, 284, 332,365, 386; — Thomas, 195, 196; — Mrs. 334; — Henry, 723; — Hancock Wharf, 193; — Street, 169, 194; — Hancock School- house, 169; — "Hancock," The, 379; — Hancock Bank, 476, 528, 672, 673. Handbill printed at Newport, 371, 374, 377. Handmaid, The, 63. Handforth, 44. Hanford, Jesse, 650. Hannerton, Thomas, 721. Hanover Street, 169, 262. Hanson, Thomas, 723. Harding, Chester, 505, 506; — Misses, 506. Hardy, Mary, 763. Hargrave, William, 69. Harlow, Ivory, 662. Harman, Samuel, 724. Harmony Street, 519, 542. Hai-vard Universit.y, 20, 184, 224, 259, 260, 261, 277, 281, 331, 323, 357, 358, 406' 494! 498. INDEX. 781 Harper, E. G. 21. Harris, , 15 ; — Anne, 87, 1G4 ; — Eliza- beth, 194; —John, Thomas, William, and Daniel, 164; — Kdward, 759;— Major, 415. Harry of the West, The, 699. Harrington, Rev. , 651. Hart, Edmund, 14, 334. Hartford, 206, 207, 656. Harvey, Peter, 522. Haskins, Lj-dia, 272. Hatch, , 510; — Mrs. 736. Hatton, John, 724. Hawks, Moses, 168 ; — Rev. Dr. Francis, 288. Hawkins, Thomas, 189. Haverhill, 423. Havre, 576; — Havre Street, 502, 516, 598, 644, 648, 656, 683, 756. Hawarden Castle, 50. Hawthorne, , 148, 149, Haynes, Guy C. 442, 459, 460, and family, 468; 472, 475, 476, 552, 635-637, 645, 665, 666, 758; — Mrs. 663. Hay-press, 41. Hayden, Jane, 35, 309, 427, 437 ; — John, 258, 309, 311, 427, 437; — William, 497. Hajmiarket Square, 590. Hayward, Major, 229. Hayward P. Cushmg, The, 698. Hazard, The, 697. Hazard's Record of United Colonies, 188. Healey, Mark, 562, 574, 751. Heath, General, 286. Heard, Augustus, 704 ; — .John, jr. 442. Henshaw, Samuel, 300; — John, 442, 458; — John, 497, 571, 573 ; — C. 676. Helicon, The, 697. Hellespont, 354. Hempstead, Rev. Henry E. 648. Hendee, C. J. 752, 753. Henrj' VII. 716 ; — Henry IV. 717. Henry Street, 545, 643, 651. Henry Hill, The, 699. Higgin, Uriah, 582. Higginson Family, 358. Higden, , 732. Highlander, The, G91, 699. Highlanders, 392. Hill, Capt. 135; — Isaac, 120;— N. 332, 334; — Misses, 334; — General, 343, 344, 345; — David, 760. Hillard, Geo. S. 623. Hinckley, R. L. 759. 66 Hingham, 99, 105, 168, 222. Hirst, Grove, Elizabeth, and Mary, 2G8. Hitchcock, Col. 379; — Rev. R. S. 645. Hobart, Samuel B. 709. Hodge, , 174. Holden, Oliver^ 695, 699. Hoff 's Neck, 396. Hog Island, 7, 44, 87, 163, 183, 357, 367, 369, 371, 372, 476, 379, 485. Hogs-Flesh, , 487. Holbrook, S. R. M. 751, 752. Holmes, Jonas, 164; — Alfred, 641. Holmes and Snelling's Docks, 701. Holt, , 732 ; — Holt Bridge, 50. Holland, 67, 243; — Rev. , 681, 710. Hollis Street Church, 391. Homer, William F. 710. Hooper, Joseph, 517; — Messrs. 657; — JIary J. 759 ; — Henry N. 711. Hoogly, The, 698. Hooke, Francis, 106, 108, 155, 158, 161, 212; — lilary. Petition to Andros, 106, 107, 108,155, 15 9, 168, 178, 212 ; — William, 719, 720. Hooker, Rev. Thomas, 66. Hopkins, Ann F. 759. Horsey-Doune, 69. Horsford, P. L. 724. Hosford, H. H. 758. Hospital (Plymouth, Eng.), 58-61. Hosack, Dr. 507. Hotchelager, 716. Hotel Square, 4C3, 464, 471, 475-478, 502, 515, 538, 543, 594, 599, 677, 756; — Hotel Street, 475, 478, 508, 545, 643. House Documents (Cong.), 404, 409, 416. Hoven, James, 695. Howard, Mary Maverick, 170 ; , 170. Howe, , 196 ; — Gen. Sir William, 366, 391, 393 ; — Lord, 726 ; — Howe's Wharf, 702. Howey, James, 724 ; — Thomas, 724. Hubbard, Rev. William, 66, 160;— Sam- uel, 119. Hudson, William, 183. Hughes, William, 168 ; — Benjamin, 724 ; — James, 724. Hull, Capt. John, 119; — William, 401, 736, 740, 741;— Isaac, 505. Hull, , 61, 390, 396. Humly Parish (Eng.), 274. Humphrej', , 14-18, 27 ; — Humphrey's Life of Gen. Putnam, 371, 385. 782 INDEX. Hundred Boston Orators, 171. Hunneman, , 638. Hunt, Eev. John, 300; — Nancj-, 32*4; — William, 641;— John, 724; ,759. Huntt, William, 724. Hunter, Leonard, 720. Huntington, Eev. F. D. 652. Hyde, Capt. 135; — George, 724; — Hyde Park, 507. Hydrant Company, 642. Hutchinson, Elislia, 218, 235; — Edward, 240, 248; — Eliakim, 188, 218, 230; , 89, 484; — Thomas, 365; , 725; — Hutchinson's Hist. Mass. 44, 46, 48, 72, 75, 99, 100, 127, 128, 130, 131, 138, 142, 144, 145, 149, 151, 155, 158, 159, 184, 201, 205, 206, 207, 213, 233, 341, 345; — Hist. Coll. 128, 149. Hyslop, William, 5, 6, 14, 222, 232, 238, 254 257, 259, 270, 271; sketch of, 274-278 300, 307, 334, 338, 427, 732; — Mehetable 226, 250, 253-255, 257, 258, 269, 270, 276 307, 357, 489, 731; — David, 4,24,226 253, 254, 258, 276; sketch of, 307-312 his family, 308; his will, 311, 427, 437 Ms son, 457 ; — William, jr. 226 ; — Mrs Jane, 35, 310, 811, 427;— Elizabeth, 222 253; — James, William, David, Elizabeth, and Mehetable (children of William), 254 276; — Elizabeth and Mehetable, 277. Iceland, 755. Illinois, 647. Indemnity Bill, 479. Independence, The, 420. Independent Co. of Cadets, 313, 365, 418, Independents, 124. Indenture, Tripartite, Sumner, White, and Oliver, 432 et seq. Indian, The, 699. Indiaman, The, 698. India Wharf, 193, 415, 496. India Street, 496. Indians, 47, 63, 67, 73, 74, 84, 88, 90, 101, 188, 225, 277, 341, 342, 506; — Indian Currency, 187; — titles, 193, 250; — pris- oners on Noddle's Island, 197; — Massa- chusetts, 210. Indus, The, 360. Industrial Operations, 670 et seq. Inner Temple, 48. Insane Hospital, 42. Introductory Letter, 1-36. Iosco, The, 697. Ipswich, 168, 423, 613, 615. Ireland, 233, 245, 246, 317, 341, 626, 719, 761. Ireland, William, Sen'r and Jun'r, 164. Irish Forces, 51. li-win. Rev. John, 650. Irving' s Washington, 393. Isabella, Queen, 715. Islands appropriated to public benefits, 53. Isle of Shoals, 168. Italy, 506, 716. Japkman, G. W. 760. Jackson, Benjamin, 228, 314, 322;— Wil- liam, 80; — Thomas, 168; — Eev. , 275 ; — Judge, 311 ; — General, 332 ; — Jonathan, Anecdote of, 357, 368; — Charles, 358; — Andrew, 479; — Eobert E. 691, 696-699. Jamaica, 135. Jamaica Plain, 362, 758. James L 43, 717-719; — IL 201, 205, 317, 341; — m. 341. James Eiver, 80. James, Fort, 146. James .Baines, The, 698. Jane, The, 698. Jansen, John B. 174. Japan, The, 698. Jarvis, John W. 175; — Miss, 354;— Dr. 354;— Thomas, 723. Jefferson, Thomas, 21, 22, 291, 425, 426. Jeffrey, Patrick, 236. Jeffries, John, 182, 466, 472, 516, 517, 692, 750-752; — Mrs. Dr. 663. Jeffries Point, 551, 700, 702. Jeffries Street, 537, 702, 756. Jenks, Eev. Wm. 271, 273; — T. Kussell, 39. Jenkins, , 760. Jennings, George, 723. Jenny Lind, The, 697. Jersey Lands, 16. Jewell, The, 63. Jewett, , 382. John, The, 81. John E. Thayer, The, 692, 698. John Bertram, The, 697. INDEX. 78J John Gilpin, The, 698. John Patterson, The, 699. Johnson, John, 166; — Thomas, 20; — Mrs. and the Misses, 20; — Edward, 72-74, 85, 92; — Ruth, 164, 165; — Isaac, 64, 71, 78; — Capt. 148; — Rev. H. H. 663; — Major John, 278, 300;— Ma'am, 294; — E. 516; — Eleazer, 638, 639; — Judge, 736. Johnson's Wonder- Working Prov. 45, 46, 72, 160. Jones, T. K. & Co. 496 ; — Chief Justice, 505; — Mrs, Charles F. 506; — Henry, 579, 650 ; — Samuel, 704 ; — John, 724 ; — G. B. 751, 752; — Marj", 758. Jones's Wharf, 702. Jones's Hall, 646, 647. Jordan, , 135. Jordin, Eph. 724. Joselyne W. 761. Joseph Peabody, The, 699. Joselyn's Wharf, 702. Josselyn, -John, 70, 71, 77, 78, 89-92, 160, 483. Journal of each Prov. Congress of Mass. 369, 374, 382, 387. Journal, The Boston, 651. Joy, Thomas, 104; , 260; , 505; — Misses, 505 ; — Charles, 508. Joy's Building, 260. Judicial Robes abandoned, 284. Julia Ann, The, 698. " Juvenile Missionary Society," 661. K. Kearney, Francis, 174. Keen, S. 637, 759. Keely, P. C. 657. Kelly, R. H. 758. Kelley, Daniel D. 565, 691, 696-099 ; — Wil- liam, 696, 699. Kelley's Wharf and Railway, 702. Kemble, Mount, 366; -Peter, 366; — Mar- garet, 366; — Mary D. 366. Kendall, , 638;- L. M. 758, 760,761; — W. M. 762. Kendrick, John, 442, 676. Kennebunk, 741. Kenandene, W. H. 723. Kent, 189. Kent, Chancellor, 208, 505 ; — Robert R. 650. Kerby, Thomas, 723 ; — Thomas A. 723. Kerr, , 231. Kilby Street, 262, 496. Kilby Bank, 521, 522. Kilgore, Marian, 762. King's Chapel, 159. King Street, 172, 191, 192, 229. King, John, 40, 330; — John, Jr. 723, 724; — Edward, 331; — Rev. , 651; — Benj. 723; — Gen. 736, 743. King Lear, The, 698. Kingman, Widow, 476. Kipps, Henry, 724. Kirk, Philip, 762. Kirke, Sir David, 82. Kirkland, Samuel, 277; — President, 277. Kir wan, Richard, 723. Kittredge, , 521. Kittery, 107, 108, 158, 161, 168, 741. Knapp, Samuel L. 289, 296. Knox Street, 540, 541, 545. Kno.K, Adam, 170; — Ann, 170; — Gen. 325, 333. Lacadie, 82. Lacon, The, 697. La Chevrette, 360. Ladd, Nathaniel, 168. Lady Franklin, The, 698. Lake, Thomas, 191, 221. ^ Lambert, Robert, 116 ; — John, 724 ; — Mary A. 758; — D. H. 763; — Mrs. 763. Lamb's Dam farm, 33. La Minerva, 360. Lamson, Benjamin, 442, 458, 471, 491, 516, 521, 536, 559, 572-574, 601, 645, 686, 700, 750-753;— Sarah, 759. Lamson Street, 534, 545, 668. La Mutine, 360. Lancashire, 49, 51. Lander, , 255. Landing at Cape Ann, 73. Lane, Levi and Elizabeth, 170 ; — JIajor, 742. Lang, , 506. Langdall, Marmaduke, 51. Langford, Jonas, 723. Langley, , 732 ; — Daniel, 762. Lantao, The, 697. Lardner, Dionysius, 620. Laroch, Sir Jaujes, 231. Lascelles, , 726, 729. La Tour, 82. 784 INDEX. Lathrop, Rev. 231. Laud, Arclibishop, 93, 259. Laurence, John, 155, 159. Laugliing Water, The, 699. Lauriat, , 493. Laurlllia, The, 698. Lavery, Thomas J., Matthew, and Jane, 472. Laviiigton, Samuel, 723. Lavicuutt, Jos. 724. Lavicountt, John, 724. Law in reference to drinking, 78. Lawrence, , 193 ; , 762. Leach's Wharf, 16, 29. Leader, Richard, 182-184, 256. Leander, 354. Leases of tlie Island, Chap. XIL, to Temple, 314, 315, to Cochran & Bell, 317, to H. H. Williams, 322 et seq. Ledger, The E. B. 633. Lee, Mrs. 333 ; — James & Co. 706 ; — James, Jr. 706. Leeds, , 527 ; — Leeds's Neck, 290. Lefavor, , 515. Legalists, 95. Le Isle de France, 330. Leichfield, 52. Leicester Co. (Eng.), 185. Leighbridge, 50. Lenthall, Edward, 48. Leon, Castile and, 716. Letter Book, 398, 410, 411. Letters. — Wm. Jackson to Samuel Mave- rick, 80 ; W. If. Sumner to Moses Brown, 23; W. H. S. to Mrs. Gerard, 26; J. C. Doane to W. H. S. 31; Maria F. Greenough to W. H. S. 31; Drinker to Clarke, 119; of King Charles IL 129; Breedon to "My Lords," etc. 129; Cart- wright to Secretary of State, 130 ; Mave- rick to Breedon, 135; to Coventry, 136; Clarendon to Nichols, 138; Colonial Au- thorities to the King, 138 ; Cartwright to Nichols, 139; JIaverick to Nichols, 139; Clarendon to Maverick, 141; Commis- sioners to Governor and Council, 143; Nichols to Arlington, 146; Maverick to Arlington, 147 ; Colonial Authorities to the King, 150 ; Clarendon to Nichols, 151 ; Maverick to Nichols, 151-153 ; Ben- jamin Colman to Anthony and William Stoddard, 227; Gov. Shirley to Legisla- ture, 247 ; John Yeamans to Legislature, 247 ; Charles Chauncy to Nathaniel Chauncy, 265 ; Gov. Sumner to Judge Cushing, 287 ; Moses Williams to Wm. H. Sumner, 294; David C. Poignand to W. H. Sumner, 295 ; Elizabeth Sumner to W. H. Sumner, 302, also 306 ; Admiral Gage to W. H. Sumner, 351; Lord Gage to Wm. H. Sumner, 361 ; W. T. ]\Iil!er to his wife, 378 ; John Marston to W. H. Sumner, 383; Mrs. Adams to John Ad- ams, 388 ; W. H. Sumner to Moses Brown, 422 ; J. W. Gerard to W. H. Sumner and Benjamin Welles, 445; J. W. Barton to W. H. Sumner, 503-508 ; W. H. Sumner to Larkin Thorndike, 529- 532; Ebenezcr Atkins to W. H. Sumner, 597; W. C. Barstow to W. 11. Sumner, 599; Francis Vinton to W. H. Sumner, 604; Wm. Barnicoat to Officers, etc. 639; W. C. Barstow to Gen. Sumner, 757 ; Benj. Fond to Gen. Sumner, 757. Lettinwell, Elisha, 374. Leverett, Gov. John, 124, 184, 187, 218; — Major-General, 148. Leverpoole, 51. Lewis, Samuel S. 438, 441-443, 458, 464, 469, 475-477, 497, 501; — Superintendent, 525, 505, 583, 622, 623, 628, 676, 677, 681, 685, 750-753 ; — Asa, 442, 471, 475, 759; — Mary S. 759. Lewis Street, 434, 437, 439, 646, 047, 663, 664, 677-679, 682, 702, 756. Lewis's Wharf, 12, 193, 468, 543, 544, 553, 561,616. Lexington, 351-853, 356, 367, 369, 370, 376, 379, 881, 388, 389, 508. Lexington Street, 515, 540, 601, 687, 688, 702, 756. Lexington, The, 680. Ley, Lord, 95. Leyden, 282. Liberty Street, 173, 174. Liberty Square, 263, 495. Liberty Tree, 262, 391. Lidget, Charles, 201. Lieutenant-General, The office of, 44, 49. Lighthouse Island, 396. Lightfoot, Samuel, 723;— John, 723. Lightfoot, The, 698. Lightning, The, 698. Light Infantry, Boston, 408, 410, 411, 479. Lincoln, Countess of, 79; — Gen. Benjamin, 325, 333, 396; — Levin R. 458; — Miss , 517; — Rev. Calvin, 652; — Eliza- J INDEX. 785 beth, 666;— Hosea H. 666, 667, 669; — Levi, 745. Lind, Symond, 119, 201. Liudsley, William, 723. Linseed Oil Works, 705. Lion, The, 63. Lisbon Street, 473, 474, 538, 543. Litchfield, Nicholas, 660. Little York, Battle of, 173. Littlewood, William, 723. Livermore, Rev. L. J. 651. Liverpool, 576, 619, 620, 626, 628, 691, 725. Liverpool & Manchester R. R. 462. Liverpool, The city of, 621. Liverpool Street, 643, 671, 687, 701, 756. Lobster Wharf, 705. Locke, Stephen, 442, 474, 475, 542, 646, 686, 700, 701. Lloyd, Henrj-, 321;— James, 403. Lombard, Arami C. 442, 458, 469, 582, 647, 676, 678, 752. Lombard's Wharf, 545, 702. Longmeadow, 497. Long Island (N. Y.), 132, 133, 135, 136, 152, 368, 377, 396. Long Island Soimd, 680. Long Pond, 587. Long Wharf, 275, 365, 396, 415, 455. "London News," 371; — London Gazette, 376. London, 20, 40, 49, 74, 89, 106, 124, 180, 184, 232, 242, 248, 250, 255, 275, 341, 488, 489, 576, 577, 628, 643, 680, 706. London Company, 717. Londonderry, 233 ; history of, 233. London Street, 656, 700, 702, 756. Long Reach, 720. Lord, Philip, 520; — J. H. & Co. 710. Loring, J. S. 171; — Lieut. Col. Joseph, 740, 742 ; — Commodore, 312. Lossing's Field Book of the Revolution, 239, 366, 380, 391, 392, 396, 397. Lothrop, Rev. Dr. John, 271, 272, 414; — Loring, 667. Louisburg, 349, 717. Louis XVL 264; — XIV. 341. Louisiana, 291, 707. Lovell, , 386, 696, 701. Lovell's Island, 396, 485. Lovett, Pyam, 610. Lovejoy, Wm. R. 645, 655, 711. Lovelace, Col. Samuel, 155. Levering, William and Joseph, 170. 66* Lowden, East, 274. Lowell, 54, 193, 318, 324, 329, 603. Lowell family, 358. Lowry, Henry, 724. Lucas, George, 723. Lucy & Harriett, The, 699. Lugg, Mary, 176. Ludlow, 61, 64. Lyman, Hon. Theodore, 666 ; — Captain, 741. Lyman School, The, 503, 539, 646, 648, 666-609. Lynch, , 723 ; — Nicholas, 724 ; — An- thonj', 724. L_ynde, Simon, 119, 201. Lynn Mineral Spring Hotel, 477. Lynn, 6, 29, 69, 109, 369, 582, 604, 605, 610, 615, 703, 715. Lynn Street, 262. Lynch. Nicholas and Maiy, 231. Lyons, Samuel, 723 ; — Henry, 723 ; — Jos. 724. L. Z., The, 697. M. Macaulay, T. B. 232. ) Macbeth, 507. Slackenzie, Alex. S. 505. Mackinen, William, 723. :\Iacreading, Rev. C. S. 648, 660. Magnalia, Mather's, 59. ]\Iail, The, 697. Maine, 41, 75, 107, 145, 152, 161, 168, 202, 212, 308, 398, 400, 403-405, 417, 423; con- * dition of, in 1812, 734 et seq. ; means for defending, 735, 742. Malcolm, , tarred and feathered, 170, 171; — EHza, 762. Maiden, 25, 369, 409, 498. Malleable Iron Foundry, 472, 474, 493, 496, 519, 540, 543, 637, 605; history of, 687- 689, 705. Jlalgum, Eliza, 762. JIaloun, Robert, 724. Malpasse, 51. I\Ialta, 360. ]\Ianchester (N. H.), 193; — (Eng.), 462. JIangum, Z. A. 759. JIanhadoes, 128. JIanhattan Island, 529. Manjoor, The, 699. Manley, Commodore, 170. 786 INDEX. ]\Iansfiek1, Capt. 505. Maiison, , 657. Maiiuella, The, 099. Marblehead, 6, 1C2, 167, 189, 365, 423, 486, 517, 608, 615. Marchant, Nath. 724; — Benj. 724; — John, 724; — Thomas, 724. Marcy, William L. 675, 676. Marginal Street, 537-539, 544, 547, 630-632, 634, 678, 679, 692, 702, 706, 709, 7 57. Mariner, The, 698;— Jos. 442, 458, 687. Marine Railway, 474, 490, 538, 543, 553, 566, 604; history of, 686, 687, 701. Marion, J. 239; — Marion Street, 515,540, 601, 687,688, 756, 757. Market Place in Boston, 142. Marlborough, Duke of, 233, 345. Marsh, , 682. Marshall, Col. 396;— Misses, 506; — Mar- shall's College, 325; — Marshah's Life of Washington, 341. Marshfield, 690. Marrow, Col. 51. Marston, John, 10, 383, 384. Martha, The, 699; — Martha Worthmgton, The, 697. Martin, Samuel, 239;— Josiah, 231; — Col. 231;— Thomas, 723;— Peter, 724; — Edwin, 724; ,729. Martinico, 242, 245. Mary Bangs, The, 699. Mary and John, The, 47, 61, 63, 64, 71, 72, 498. Maryland, 93, 645. Marriage in £. Boston, first, 516 ; in 1835,516. Mason, , 207 ; — Lieut. 83 ; , 144, 145; ,561; — Thomas, 601;— F. A. 640, 759; — C. B. 704; —Jeremiah, 741. Mastiff, The, 699. Massacre, Boston, 171, 172. Massachusetts, 41, 43, 46, 53, 72, 73, 90, 91 99, 100, 108, 120, 131, 134, 135, 137, 140 141, 145, 146, 151, 153, 185, 202, 20S, 217 224, 232, 233, 234, 243, 244, 263, 268, 270 278, 285, 288, 289, 299, 301, 341, 342, 343, 355, 362, 365, 366, 371, 380, 396, 397-405 415, 419, 449, 494, 507, 663, 675, 712, 717, 734-742 ; — Bay, 39, 46, 57, 58, 72, 74, 75, 248, 318, 321, 363,445, 450, 717, 718, 719 — Company, 48, 718, 719; — Colony, 9 39, 99, 113, 115, 120, 128, 129, 138, 140 146, 147, 155, 244, 246; — Patent, 70, 77 — Govt. 107, 143, 152, 154, 168, 178, 212 — Archives, 44, 101, 102, 106, 110, 142, 199, 228, 330, 350;— Records, 45, 48, 53, 56, 75, 76, 82, 83, 85, 87, 94, 96, 97, 109- 111, 121, 128, 137, 140, 148, 149, 156, 159, 167, 168, 179, 180, 199, 204, 217, 235, 449, 549, 550; — Hist. Coil. 57, 67, 68, 70, 77- 79, 85, 89, 90, 91, 133, 159, 189, 204, 316, 362, 368, 380; — Resolves, 399, 436; — Spy, 371; — Claim, The, 419;— Guards, The, 515; — The, 697; propeller, 097. Masts, present of, to the king, 150. Mather, Eleazer, 224;— Mrs. Esther, 224; — Cotton, 59, 260, 262, 275;— Increase, 121, 184, 217, 224, 259, 262; — Samuel, 261;— Mather's Magnalia, 59. Mattapan, 62, 63, 64. Matthew, , 725-729. Maverick, Rev. John, acct. of, 57-68, 69-72, 166, 224, 486, 498; — Elias, 56, 82, 83; kindness to Lidians, 84, 86 ; at Winnisi- met, 87, 88, 89, 162; his family, 162-166; ■will of, 162-164, 168, 486 ; — Abigail, (dau.), 87; — Mr. of Winnisimet, 82-85; — Abigail, 168 ; — Peter Rushton, his family, 173-176; — Autipas, 56, 162; his family, 168 ; — Radford, 57 ; — Richard, 130; — Nathaniel, 107, 161, 178-181, 256, 486, 487. j\Iaverick Family, Genealogy of the. Chap. Vn. ; — Samuel, 45, 46, 53 ; —Noddle's Isl. granted to, 56, 57; acct. of, 69-160; son of the Rev. John, 61; at Noddle's Island, 72-74; owns land in Maine, 75; takes freeman's oath, 75; 76-80, 82, 83; kind- ness to Indians, 84; 85,86, 88; hospitality, 89 ; 90 ; a slaveholder, 91, 92 ; an Episco- palian, 94 ; ordered to remove to Boston, 94; 95-97; eccl. troubles, 98-112; peti- tion of dau. Mary, 106; imprisonment, fines, etc. 108-111; sale of the Island, 115, 125; royal commissionei-, 128-162; in New York, 151, 154, 167-169; charac- ter, 176, 177; sells the Island, 178-182, 198, 199, 203, 212, 213, 256, 257, 258, 324, 340, 483, 484, 486, 487, 492, 495, 501, 549, 550, 640, 644, 712; deed to Roger Card, 719, 720;— Amias, 161, 178,181,182,550; — Samuel, jr. 155, 159 ; his family, 161, 162, 486; — Samuel (killed in Boston Massacre), 171-173; — Mary (dau. of Samuel), 161; — Moses, his family, 56, 80, 162, 167, 168; — Samuel (sou of Moses), 162. INDEX. 787 Maverick Family in N. E. and N. Y. 169- 176;— John of Boston, his Axmily, 169- 173. Maverick Street, 466, 471, 473, 502, 515, 520, 537, 539, 542, 544, 545, 573, 593, 644, 651, 652, 656, 663, 683, 691, 702, 756, 757. Maverick Church, 564, 643-646, 647, 651, 655, 659-661, 664, 683, 684. " Maverick," The, 468, 469, 475, 478, 552, 554, 555, 563, 565, 690, 697; — Fire En- gine, 638, 640, 642. Maverick Wharf, 702. Maverick Bank, Tlie, 719, 711. Maverick Water Power Company, 685, 686, 702. Maverick House, The, 354, 454, 464-466, 474, 475 ; history of and public celebra- tion, 475; enlarged, 508; sold, 512, 515, 516, 518, 538, 543, 555, 572, 588, 591, 593, 623,645, 677, 762. Maverick Square, 454, 458, 459, 475, 478, 538, 545, 593, 637, 645, 651, 683. Maverick Hall, 645, 647. JIaury, Lieut. 626. Maurice, 51. Mayer, Samuel, 724. May, Abigail, 322. Mayflower, The, 63 ; , 699. Slayhew, Rev. Dr. Jonathan, 265; , 80. Mayo, Rev. John, 118; — Watson, G. 579; , 759. McCallion, Charles, 655. McCann, Peter, 657. McClary, Major, 356, 360. McCollough, William, 601. McCobb, Col. 7.42. McDonough, , 357. McFingall, Trumbull's, 370, 375. McGraw> ,517. McGruder, Capt. 505. Mclntire, Timothy, 471, 472, 516, 520, 760. Mclvor, D. & C. 628. McKay, Donald, 691-694, 696-699 ; — Wharf, 702 ; — Hugh R. 696, 698, 699. McKennan, William, 231. McLean, 693. McLester, Michael, 723;— John, 723. Mc^Lanus, Patrick, 442, 459, 472, 515, 655, 677. McNiar, Capt. B. 520. McNulty, , 472. Mead, Samuel 0. 442. Meadcalfe, James, 97. Mears, , 286;- Mrs. 334; — Frederick, 710. Mechanics Charitable Association, 407. Medfield, 264. Medford, 6, 263, 357, 369, 409, 498, 578, 582, 676, 691. Meeting-house at Dorchester, 65. Melville, John, 758, 762 ; — Mary F. 762. Memoir of Gov. Sumner, 295. Mercantile Library Building, 261. Mercer, Samuel, 250, 731. ]\Ierchant's Bank, 191, 194, 226, 488. Merchant's Row, 170. Merchant's Exchange, 225. Mercury, The N. E. 20, 241, 715. Meredith, William, 723. Meridian, The, 691, 697. Meridian Street, 420, 463, 472, 477, 493, 515, 538, 543, 545, 579, 637, 641, 643, 648, 663- 665, 671, 688, 756. Meridian St. Bridge, 573 ; — history of, 576- 580, 595. Meridian Street Church, 649, 660. ilermaid, The, 698. Merse, , 729. Merrill, Rev. J. W. 648; — Rev. D. H. 648; Rev. J. H. 648 ; — Anna U. 666. Merriam's Corner, 356. IMerrimack River, 193, 718. ]\Ierry Jlount, 46, 74. Merryfield's farm, 5. Messenger, Daniel, 418, 045. Jlethodists, 648, 649. Methuen, 647. Mexico, 49. Mexican War, 367, 505. Midas, The, 697. " MidtUe farm," 10, 452, 519, 541, 546, 704. Middle Street, 169, 262. Middlesex County (Eng.), 252. Jliddleton, Sir Thomas, 51. Middlcwich, 50. " Midnight JIusings," etc. by Freneau, 359. Miles, Pliny, 621, 627; — Rev. , 651. Milk Street, 365; — (E. B.), 662. Military Board, 27. Military History of the Island, Chap. XHL JliU bridge, 227. Mill dam, 8;— The, 497, 586. Mill Hill, 182. Mill Pond, 493, 500, 538. Miller, William T. 378, .379; — Moses, 515. 521, 538, 539, 543; , 759. 788 INDEX. Miller's Wharf, 701, 702. Minerva, The, 275. Minnehaha, The, 699. Minot, Judge, 236; , 676. Minot's Ledge, 649. Minstrel, The, 697. Mishawum, 46, 72. Mistick, 45. Mitchelson, James, 723. Jlitchell, , 695. Mobile, 41. Moneka, The, 699. Monk, George, 194; — N. 723. Monmouth Street, 687, 756. Monongahela, 363. Monroe, James, 374, 620. Montague, Admiral, 14, 490 ; — Benjamin, 175 ; — Lady, 276. Montezuma, The, 697. Montgomeryshire, 60; — Montgomery Cas- tle, 51. Montgomery, James, 695. / Montreal, 342, 365, 650, 716, 717. Montserrat, 255. Moody, Master, 10. Moou Island, 396. Moore, Annie, 169. Moore Street, 542, 598. Moreton's Point, 23, 422, 424. Morgan, Evenn, 81; — Enos, 515, 620; — Jacob, 723 ; , 760 : — Morgan farm, 282,290,291. Morrill, E. P. 516, 7e0 ; , 758. Morris, Captain, 401; — Valh 723; — John, 733 ; — Thomas, 723 ; — Charles, 723. Morris Canal Company, 528, 673. Morristown, 366. Morse, Rev. Dr. Jedidiah, 336, 338 ; — E. 760, 763; — Perses L. 763. Morton, Thomas, 46 ; — Nathaniel, 154 ; — Eev. Charles, 232. Mosely, Sir Edward, 50. Moses, The, 697. Moses Wheeler, The, 697. Motley, , 498. Moulton, Simeon, 516. Mountfort, Joseph, 170-173 ; his family, 173; — N. B. 89, 161, 169, 170, 172, 173, 176. Mount Vernon, 496. Mount Vernon Street, 194. Mudge, Ezra, 703, 704. Muddy Brook, 193. Muddy River, 89, 218. : Jluir, James, 723. Mullin, William, 760. Munn, Patrick, 175. ilungomery, Johu^ 724. Munich, 657. Munroe, William H. 650. " Murderers" Mavericks, 74, 85, 340. JIurdock, Horace, 604 ; — Colonel, 759. aiurphy, Thomas, 657. Murray, Parson, 334; — John, 723. Muscle shoal, 16. Muzzey, Rev. A. B. 651. JIusgrave, , 255. Mystery, The, 698. " Jlystery Hid for Ages," etc. 265. Mystic River, 6, 8, 39, 376, 503, 570, 575, 690, 611, 666-678. N. Nahant, 6, 44, 475, 491, 503. Namptwich, 50, 61. Nantasket, 47, 61, 64, 79, 93; — Roads, 345, 346, 392, 396, 490. Nanton, Robert, 724; — Richard, 724. Narragansett, 79, 151, 187, 188, 203, 205. Nash, Robert, 97; — John, 723. Nashua, 193. Nason, W. B. 763. National Guards, 415. Naumkeag, 46. Navy Yard, Location of, etc. 11, 14-20, 24, 490, 503. Navigation Act, 243. Neal, David A. 562, 574, 575. Nelson, J. 214, 344, 349. Nepouset River, 5. Nestorians, The, 225. Newmaker, John, 182. Newbold, Richard, 182-184, 256, 488. New London, 344. New Bedford, 288. New Brunswick, 530. New Cornhill Street, 496. Newfoundland, 82, 152, 716-718. Newburyport, 266, 357, 358, 423, 608, 610, 615, 691. Newbury, 268, 384. Newdigate, John, 358; — Nathaniel, 358. Newdigate's farm, 193, 240, 317, 358. Newell, Mary, 116;— Timothy, 368, 379, .380,382, 383;— Rev. W. W. 644. INDEX. 789 Kewell's Journal, 368, 379, 380, 382, 383. Newhall, F. S. 610 ; — G. K. 610. Newhall's Tavern in Lynn, 715. Kewton, 5, 66, 97, 272, 353. Newport, 119, 123, 371, 374, 377, 455, 505, 551, 656. • Newington Green, 232. New England, 43, 46, 48, 58-60, 63, 70, 71 80, 81, 93, 94, 99, 100, 107, 113, 127, 128 136, 147, 153, 158, 169, 180, 184, 189, 201 205, 207, 232, 233, 244, 248-250, 2G5, 315 318, 341, 342, 344, 349, 351, 363, 397, 413 418, 421, 530, 616, 620, 633, 634, 700, 712 718, 719; Hist, of, 140. New England Steam and Gas Pipe Co. 710. New England Mercury, 22, 241, 715. New England Memorial, 58, 59, 64. New England Council, 75. New England Chronicle, etc. 377. New England Guards, 415. New England Bank, 528, 672, 673. New Haven, 102, 271, 352. New Supply, The, 89. News Letter, Boston, 224, 344, 345, 348, 383. New Hampshire, 168, 202, 208, 232, 233, 249, 250, 317, 341, 342, 369, 371, 710, 741. New Hampshire Gazette, etc. 372, 374, 376, 377, 381. New York, 29, 32, 107, 131, 146, 151, 155, 204, 233, 277, 342, 363, 423, 603, 629, 675, 729. New York City, 89, 154, 155, 161, 169, 173-176, 186, 252, 288, 307, 391-393, 445, 455, 459, 498, 504, 506-508, 522-527, 529, . 552, 553, 555, 563, 566, 606, 607, 620, 626, 627, 633, 635, 644, 645, 673, 674, 676, 677, 690, 692-695, 709. New York Colonial Hist. 128, 131, 134-136, 138, 139, 141, 143-145, 151-154, 156, 157, 206, 255. New York, Brodhead's Hist, of, 157. New York Hist. Coll. 169. New York Records, 173, 174. New York Observer, 338. New Jersey, 32, 233, 363, 366, 496, 620, 650, 688, 689. New World, The, 697. New Street, 187, 539, 543, 547, 593, 686, 702, 756. New Orleans, 41. New Hospital, 51. New Brick Church, 270, 331. , New Burying Ground, 218, 219. Niagara, 363, 401. Niagara River, 470, 670, 690. "Niagara," The, 470, 690, 697. Nibbs, James and Henry, 723 ; — Jeremiah, 723 ; — Benjamin, 724 ; — Philip, 724. Nicolls, Matthews, 155, 159. Nichols, Richard, 107, 130, 131, 134, 135, 137-139, 141, 146, 151, 153, 155, 156, 158, 159, 203,213; , 231. Nicholas, The, 89. Nicholay, Thomas, 723. Nicholson, Francis, 342, 343, 349. Nickerson's Wharf, 702. Nile, Battle of the, 344. Nix's i\Iute, 451. Noble, John, 23, 536, 547, 689. Noddle, William, 45-47. Noddle's Island, before the Revolution, 9; division of title, 28 et seq.; sales con- firmed by general court, 35 ; situation of, 39; a pasturage and fishing-ground, 41, 42; called Brereton, 44; name of, 45; wood upon, 89; Baptists at, 115 etseq. ; sale of, by Maverick, 178; sale of, by Briggs, 179 ; sale of, by Nathaniel Mave- rick, 179; suit regarding, 179; title in Col, Burch, 181; sale of, by Col. Burch, 182; title in Richard Cooke, 183; suit re- garding, 183; sale of, to Temple, 184; sale of, by Temple, to Col. Shrimpton, 186; title of in Mrs. Shrimpton, 223; title of in Elizabeth Yeamans, 231; en- tail docked, 238 ; title in John Yeamans, 239; title by will to John and Shute Yeamans, and by their death, to Mary Chauncy, Sarah Greenough, and Mehet- able Hyslop, 250; fee of in D. S. Green- ough, Elizabeth Sumner, and David Hys- lop, 253, 254; title of, traced, 256-258; leases of. Chapter XH. ; devastations upon, 325; called WilHams's Island, 328; barracks upon, 329; fortifications on, 340; encampment on, in 1711, 341-348; mili- tarj^ operations on, in 1775-6, 351-397; fortifications on, in 1812, 397 et seq.; plans for improving, 421 et seq. ; title of a moiety held by Sumner, White, and Oliver, 432 ; title of in East Boston Co. 447. Norman, John and Sarah, 168. Normandy, 716. Norris, — , 515, 516, 520. 790 INDEX. Norristown, 695. Norseman, The, 699. Norton, , 128. North American, The, 698. Nor- Wester, The, 696. Northern Eagle, The, 698. North American Review, 603. North American Ins. OflSce, 599. North American Life Ins. and Trust Co. 673. North Boston Company, 449. North Carohna, 717, 718. North River, 529. North Free Bridge, The, 700. North Chelsea, 239. Northamiiton, 224, 227, 300. Northampton, Earl of, 50. Norfolk, 21;— Comity, 278, 431. " Norfolk," The, 565. North Battery, 24, 29, 415, 608, 609. North Battery Wharf, 551, 578, 604, 600. Northmen, The, 715. Norman, John and Sarah, 168. Nourse, Charles, 27 ; — John F. 667. Nova Scotia, 184, 221, 342, 530, 620, 717, 761. Novelty Works (N. Y.), 553. Noyes, , 758;— Wm. A. 760, 762; — Mrs. 762. Nugent, Walter, 723. Nutt Island, 152. Nye, Rev. , 124. 0. Oak Island, 604. Oakley, Judge and family, 505. O'Brien, N. I. A. 655. Observatory, The National, 626. Ocean Monarch, The, 697. Ocean Steam Navigation, 621, 627. Odd Fellow, The, 697. Offley, Stephen, 234. Ohio River, 363, 364. Ohio Company, 364. Old Hickory, The, 698. Old North Engine, 641. Old North Church, 270, 391. Old South Church, 272, 290, 300, 337, 391. Olive Clark, The, 697. Oliver's Puritan Commonwealth, 72, 76, 85, 113, 158,159. Oliver, F. J. 34, 35, 311, 428, 429, 431-439, 441-443, 446, 447, 453, 458, 463, 465, 466, 469, 470, 476, 478, 479, 498, 500, 505, 548, 553-555, 605, 606, 614, 615, 671, 685, 743, 744, 750, 751; — James, 135, 136, 142, 182; — Mary, 136; — Peter, 191. Oliver's Dock, 263. * Oliver Street, 357. Ontario, Lake, 363. Orange, Prince of, 213. Orange Street, 169. Orderly Book, 400, 410, 411, 416, 417. Order Book, Gen. Ward's, 384. Ordway, Aaron, 515, 516, 643; , 667. Ordinaries, 78. Orford, Lord, 328. Organ in Brattle Street Church, 275. Oriental, The, 691, 698. Orkney, 716. Orleans Street, 474, 537-539, 542-544, 646, 702, 756. Orr, Bernard, 724. Oroomiah, 225. O'Reilly, Bishop B. 656. Osborn, Miss L. 666. Osborne, Thomas, 116-118, 121-123 ; — Mi-s. 117; — William, 183, 191. Oswego, 363. Osgood, , 696, 698, 699. Otis, H. G. 33, 403; —James, 211. Owen, Thomas, 95, 96,487; — Rev. Mr. 124. Oxford County (Eug.), 280, 281. Oysters, 7, 79, 80. Pacha of Egypt, The, 694. Paine, Thomas, 174. Page, , 213 ; — Samuel P. 704 ; — Lieut.- Col. 740, 742. Paige, Nicholas, 215;— J. W. 458, 671, 704. Paixhan guns, 627. Padua, 99, 105. Palmer, Joseph, 236. Palsgrave, John, 107, 161. Panther, The, 698. Paper Mills, 5. Papists, 98. Para, 716. Paris, 204, 596, 600, 754, 756. Paris Street, 508, 515, 593, 638, 642, 643, 648, 676, 083, 702, 756. Park Place, 360. Parke, James, 723. INDEX. 791 Parker, John, 169, 170; his family, 169, 170 ; — Peter, 301 ; , 338 ; — Capt. 382 ; — Isaac, 399, 734 ; — Margaret, 517 ; — Joseph, 591, 724; — James, 724; , 759 ; — B. W. 760. Park Street Church, 272. Parkman, Samuel, 176; — Rev. Dr. 414. Parry, Samuel, 724; — John, 724. Parsons, IJichard, 81 ; — Theophilus, 268, 269, 285, 399, 734, 736. Passamaquoddy, 400. Pasterovitch, Petei-, 504. Patten, Thomas, 442. Paulus Hook, 32. Payne, William, 33; — Edward, 226; — To- bias, 184. Paynter, William, 723. Peabody, George, 33, 505, 617. Pearson, Stephen, 471, 760; — Geo. W. 504, 758, 760. Pearl Street (Chelsea), 545, 579. Pearl, S. R. 759. Peck, John, 32. Pedigrees, Roberts, 222 ; — Stoddard, opp. p. 226 ; — Yeamans, 231; — Shute, 234; — Shrimpton, 254 ; — Sumner, opp. p. 291. Pelham, Mr. 726, 727. Pellican, The, 221. Pennsylvania, 343, 729; — Avenue, 19-21. Penobscot, 402, 506, 735, 738, 740, 759. Penobscot Bay, 717. People's Ferry, The, incorporated, 566 ; 687, 702 ; boats Washington and Johu Adams, 566. Pepperell, Sir Wm. 244, 268. Pequods, 90. Percival, Commodore, 505. Perit, , 255. Perkins, , 29, 606; — Dr. 225;— John, 53, 54, 482, 483; — T. H. 403, 404, 409, 438, 456, 496. Perry, Mrs. M. A. 27;— Com. 0. H. 499; — E. W. 415, 516. Persia, 225. Peruvian, The, 699. Pettingell, Merrill and Mary, 758, 759. Peterhoff, The, 697. Petition of the Sugar Planters, 721. Peterson, , 657. Pettick's Island, 368, 396. Peytona, The, 697. Phaselus, The, 699. Phelps, Rev. A. A. 645, 763; — Mrs. 763; — Mary H. 763. Phillips, George, 71; , 268;— Major, 151 ; — Nathaniel and his family, 169-170 ; — William, 320; — Samuel, Jr. 386, 711; — Lieut. -Gov. Wm. 415; — S. C. 495; — Edwin, 515; — Mary G. 520. Phillips's Universal Dictionary, 74. Philadelphia, 14, 16, 17, 21, 497, 582, 626, 627, 695, 717, 756. Phips, Samuel, Capt. 347, 350. Pickering, Timothy, 355, 404, 736. Pickman, , 255; — P. T. 745. Pierce, William, 90, 91; — Joseph H. 404, 409; —Johu, 471, 472, 636, 637, 643, 682, 683 ; — Silas, 536, 753 ; , 554 ; — G. E. 584, 593, 683, 684 ; — Eliza, 666 ; — Frank- lin, 675; — Jonathan, 683, 759; — Mary A. 759. Pigeon, , 471, 701, 702. Pike, Zebulon, 173; — Jolm, Sen'r and Jun'r, 724. Pinckney, Commander, 505. Pine-tree coin, 185. Pines Elver, 704. Pingree, Samuel, 641. Piscataqua, 46, 79, 83, 135, 136, 140, 370, 736. Pitcairn, Major, 371. Pitkin's Political and Civil Hist. United States, 209, 242. Pittome, John, 210. Plans and Maps, 537-547. Plattsburg, 173. Plutarch, The, 699. Plymouth, 46, 66, 98, 102, 718. Plymouth Colony, 39, 99, 138. Plj-mouth Company, 43, 47, 718, 719. Plymouth Council, 93, 718. Plj-mouth (Eng.), 58-61, 360. Plymouth Rock, The, 697. Poignand, David C. 295. Point Comfort, 718. Point Shirley, 503, 519. Pollard, , 515, 516, 646. Polynesia, The, 698. Pomona, The, 699. Pond, Hiram, 515, 520, 759; — Benj., letter of, 757, 758; — Rachel, 758. Pook, Samuel H. 694. Poole, , 471, 701, 702;— John, 724. Population, 534; persons moving to East Boston in 1835, 510 ; in 1830, 519 ; births 792 INDEX. in 1836, 520; deaths in 1836, 520; mar- riages in 1835, 517; iu 1836, 758, 759; births, 759-561. Porter, Eev. Dr. Ehphalet, 293; — Rev. James, 648 ; — Col. 382 ; — Capt. 458 ; — Commodore, 505; — John, 610; — Kev. C. S. 669. Porter Street, 534, 644, 666-668, 756. PortUuid, 629, 738, 741-743. Portsmouth, 46, 135, 140, 142, 423, 608, 736-741. Portsmouth (Eng.), 130, 371. Portugal, 342, 716. Port Royal, 342, 343. Potomac River, 19. Pottery, East Boston, 700. Powe, Edward, 724; — George, 724. Powell, Capt. 80, 81 ; , 190. Pratt, John, 165, 166;— Olive, 516, 539, 543; — Jarvis, 696, 698, 699, 701, 702; , 760. Pratt & Wilkinson's Wharf, 561. Presbyterians at East Boston, 602, 663. Prescott, Judge, 310;— Col. 360, 389. Pi'escott Street, 546, 756. President, The, 621. Preston, Capt. 252. Prince, Thomas, 59, 65. Prince's Annals, 59, 61, 63, 65, 73, 74, 79, 483. Princess, The, 699. Princeton College, 277. Princess Royal, The, 699. Princeton Street, 9, 472, 515, 574, 582, 602, 643, 756. Pring, JIartin, 717. Pringle, William, 723. Price, Walter, 183, 256. Probate Records, 165, 249. Protection fire engine, 641. Providence, 81, 582, 603, 606, 756. Province House, 365. Province Court, 865. Prynn, John, 724. Puddington, Geo. 721. Pudding Lane, 496. Puhing point, 9, 482. Public Garden, 10, 540, 544, 547, 601, 602, 614. Puritans, 77, 91, 94, 98, 99. Puritanism, 93, 129, 133. Puritan Commonwealth, 72, 76, 85, 113, 158, 159. Putnam, Israel, 825, 352, 353, 371, 373-376, 378, 380, 388, 389; Humphrey's Life of, 371; — Dr. 15, 18, 20, 338; — Samuel R. 751. Putnam Street, 545, 582, 589, 601. Putnam's " World's Progress," 621. Pynclion, John, 203; — John, Jr. 204. Pyllarinus, 275. Quakers, 113, 128. Quakerism, 117. Quarles, Francis, 90. Quarter-Sessions at Boston, 201. Quartier, Jacques, 716. Quebec, 287, 342, 344. Queen of the Seas, The, 698. Queen of Clippers, The, 691, 698. Quickstep, The, 698. Quincy, Samuel, 281; — Josiah, 418, 419, 494, 495, 497, 623 ; — Josiah, Jr. 500, 623. Quincy, 187, 603. Quincy Market House, 274. Quincy granite, 589. R. R. B. Forbes (steamer). The, 697, 698, 707. Race-horse, The, 697. Radient, The, 698. Railroads: to Salem, 28, 34; — Boston to Providence, 29, 603, 606 ; — Eastern, 426, 468, 519, 538, 539, 541, 542, 544; connec- tion with ferry, 552-565, 593, 629-634) 640, 678, 700 ; — Suspension, 460-464; — Whitehaven, 461 ; — Suri'ey, 461 ; — Stockton & Darlington, 462 ; — Liverpool & Manchester, 462, 603;— Quincy, 462, 603;— Grand Junction, 532, 533; history of, 629-635, 700, 706; — Lowell, 603, 629; — Worcester, 603, 634 ; — Baltimore & Ohio, 603 ; — Western, 629; —Boston and Maine, 629, 630 ; — Fitchburg, 629 ; Chel- sea Branch, 630, 631; — Grand Trunk, 633; — Union, 634. Rainsford's Island, 566. Raleigh, Sir Walter, 717. Ramsay's Am. Rev. 392, 396. Rand, E. S. 752, 753. Randolph, Edward, 203, 205, 207, 208, 217. Rangers, The, 410. Rea, S. G. 750. Reading, 355, 356. Rebecca, The, 80. INDEX. 793 Records of the Free School in Roxbury, 281. Reed, Dr. , 169; — Col. 369 ; — James M. 660; — Benj. T. 442, 458, 556, 571, 573, 687, 750, 751 ; — James, 751. Registry of Deeds (York, Me.), 721. Eeid, Dr. L. B. 593. Reindeer, The, 697. Religion in America, Baird's, 202; Religious Liberty claimed, 101; petitions for, cen- sured, 102; appeal of petitioners, 103; oppression of the Baptists, 115 et seq. ; laws against, 120 et seq. Reporter, The, 692, 698. Reservoir, Beacon Hill, 229; in Brookline, 276, 589; in South Boston, 591. Revere, J. W. 442, 750, Revere House, The, 504. Res'olution, Am. 9, 14, 42, 176, 244, 284, 340, 350, 354, 370, 424. Revolution in N. E. justified, 209, 210, 212, 215. Reynolds, \V. B. 442, 676;— George, 724. Rhode Island, 27, 79, 102, 119, 138, 139, 145, 203, 342, 378, 398, 656. Rice, Henry, 495, 497 ; — Lewis, 536, 752, 753 ; — Edwin, 601 ; — William, 724 ; — L. B. 752. Richards, John, 199, 214; — Rev. Daniel, 648. Richardson, John and family, 222; — Eliz- abeth, 230, 254, 257 ; — E. 472 ; — Horace, 660;— J. B. 710;— John and Zephaniah, 723; — Gen. 742. Richmond (Eng.), 232, 249, 317. Rickbell, John, 136. Ridgway, Thomas S. 582-584; Report on Artesian Well, 754, 756. Ripley, Joseph, 442, 458, 474, 475, 542, 686, 700. Ritchie Hall, 649, 651. Roanoke, Island of, 717. Rollins, T. F. 516, 760. Roberts Pedigree, 222 ; referred to, 254. Robert H. Dixey, The, 698. Roberts, Thomas, 167; — Eunice, 167; — Richard, 170 ; — Mercy, 170 ; — Nicholas, 228, 314, 322. Robbins, Edward H. 438; — Joseph, 660. Robertson, , 255. Robinson, Lieut-Col. 357. Rochester, 203. Rockport, 657. 67 Rogers, D. D. 194 ; — Capt. , 331 ; — Wm. S. 442; — H. 516; Prince, 520, 759, 760 ; — Moses, 620 ; — Wm. 643 ; — H. 760. Ronan, Philip, 723;— John, 723. Romance of the Seas, The, 691, 698. Rosewell, William, 182. Ross, Hugh, 724. Rossiter, Mr. , 61, 64. " Royal William," The, 621. Royall, Isaac, 244, 723. Royal Commission, The, 128-160; rep. of, 148. Royal Exchange Lane, 171, 172, 189. Roxbury, 31, 33, 41, 89, 172, 197, 198, 235, 265, 278, 281, 282, 285, 286, 290, 291, 293, 295, 299, 300, 301, 317, 318, 321, 333, 334, 378, 403, 432, 492, 498, 638. Roxbury Canal Corporation, 32; — Gram- mar-school, 293; — town records, 282, 283. Rucks, , 119. Rugg, Mary, 176. Ruggles, Mrs. 333. Rumney Marsh, 195, 229, 230, 240, 489. Rushout, Sir John, 725, 729. Russell, Joseph, 16, 17, 44, 394; — Elder John, 119, 121 ; — Lockhart, 231 ; — Thom- as, 236, 333 ; , Mrs. , 287 ; —Mrs. Thomas, 333 ; — Benj. 508 ; — B. F. 567. Russian War, The, 693. Ryswick, Treaty of, 341. S. A. Stevens, The, 699. Sabine, Lorenzo, 186; — Sabine's Lo}'alists, 186. Sabbath Schools at East Btoston, 663-665. Sable, Cape, 717. Saco, 108, 159, 741. Sackett's Harbor, Battle of, 313. Sagamore, John,. 84. Salacia, The, 699. Salt, manufacture of, 235, 236. Salt Lane, 172. Salem, 11, 22, 23,, 28, 29,. 34, 46, 64, 72, 73, 78, 79, 167, 183, 355, 370, 378, 403, 422- 425, 429, 433, 493, 495, 497, 498, 500, 505, 515, 516, 602-612, 615-618, 671, 672. Salem, Annals of, 90, 167. Salem, Church in, 108. Salmon, Mrs. 763. Salstonstall, Nathaniel, 203, 204 ; — Sir Richard, 66,. 103;, , 493.. 495. 794 INDEX. Salter, , 505; — .Tolin, 724. Saltonstall, Nathaniel, GIO. Sanioset, Tlie, 097. Saiiipford, , 89, 484. Sainjjson, Augustus, G95 ; — A. & G. T. C96-698. Samuel Cook, The, C97. Sanborn, S. T. 710. Sanderson, J. 724. Sandy Hook, 151. Sandys, , 725-729. Sanford, Kev. Miles, 647. San Francisco, G91-095. Santa Glaus, The, 598. Sappho, Tlie, C97. Saratoga Street, 9, 472, 515, 51G, 541, 546, 756. Sargeant, Annie, 169; — I'eter, 199, 214; , 10. Sargent, Melietable, 227 ; — Col. Henry, 462, 4G3;— Hosea, 471, 520 ; — Thomas, 52.3, 525-527, 750. Sargent's Wharf, 5C5. Saunders, , 461; — Kdward, 487;— T. I'. 685. Saugus Kiver, 604. Savage, .James, 70, 72, 84, 96, 158, 159; — Lieut. Thomas, 97; — Williani, 686, 687. Savannah, 620 ; — The, 620. Sawcolt, William and .John, 72.3. Sawcutt. .John, 2.31. Say, Ijord, 185. Sayers, .John, 179, 182. Scandrett, G. 72;j. Schell, William, 695. Seholfield, , 680. Schools at East Hoston, 60.3-669. Schuylkill Kiver, The, 497. Scilly, 109. Scituate, 99, 259. Sconce, The, 218. Scroop, Gervase, 234. Scott, 157 ; — Jvbene/er, 515 ; — Cajjtain, 275; — Winfield, 27, 49; — Captam , 3.33-335 ; — James, .3.33; — the Blisses, 334. Scotland, 51, 100, 101. 274, 719, 760; Emi- grants from, 233, 317. Scroi)e, , 725-728. Sea Hird, The, 098. Seaccario, 731. Sea Island, G25. Sea King, The, 699. Seaman, The, 625. Sca-Wall, 8. Sea Serpent, 92. Seaver, Mrs. , 331 ; , 587 ; — Capt. 641. Second Church in Boston, 118, 270, 271. Selden, David, 673, 674. Sentry Hill, 93. Sentre, .John, 164. Serle, Gov. 224. Sewell, Judge, 198, 2.35, 734; — Joseph, 268 ; — Rev. Samuel, 198 ; — Samuel, 264 ; — Charles Chauncy, 204; — Judge, 399; — Major-Gen. Henry, 400, 736 et seq. Sewall's Diary, 198, 201, 206, 218, 222, 230, Sewerage, 592, 593. Shackford & Co.'s Wharf, 702. Shakspeare, 242. Sharpe, , 726-729. Shaw, , 18, 20; — It. G. 33, 442, 458, 551, 622, 024, 676, 680,. 751 ; — Madam, .332. Shawm ut, 4G, 72. Sheafe, Mrs. J.ucy, 278; — Mr. and Miss, 334. Shejiheard, , 82. Slierbrook, Sir John, 402. Sherwood, Margaret, 165; — Richard, 723. Shimmin, Mrs. William, 170. Ship-building and Wharves, 689-702; ship builders, 690-692; list of vessels, 697- 699; present advantages for, 699. Shirley, Governor, 225, 247, 363; — Alex- ander, 329. Shoemakers from Eynn, 703, 704. Shopleigh, Nicholas, 182. Short Narrative of Boston Massacre, 171. Shortwill, Ellen A. 759. Shrewsbury, 50, 51. Shrimjiton, Henry, legacy to Baptists, 116, 119, 183; account of, 187; his family, 188-191; willof,189-; legacy, 191, 256 ; — Samuel, 107, 116, 158, 178, 186, 187; ac- count of, 189-223; petitions for release of rent, 199; owns in fec-simj)le, 200; a Judge, 201; a Commissioner, 203, 204, 205; Lieutenant-colonel and Councillor, 206; resistance to Andros, 207-218; writs of intrusion, 210, 211. 212; Ancient and Honorable Artillery Comjjany, 217; dies, 218; funeral, 218; his family, etc. 220- 223; his will, 223, 230, 231, 230, 248, 254, 250, 314, 358, 484, 488, 712; — Madam J INDEX. 795 Elizabeth, 194, 195, 218, 220, 222, 223, 226, 228-2;n, 235, 254, 257 ; — Klizabeth, 229; ni!in-iao;e contract, 230, 234, 254, 257 ; — Samuel, jr. 222, 223; family of, 230, 231, 233; died, 230, 254, 257; — Edward, 189, 233 ; — Epaphnis, 232, 234 ; — family tomb, 289. Shrimptoii Pedigree, 254. Shrimptou's Lane, 169, 191, 226, 229. Shropshire, 50. Sliubrick, , 605. SlmrtletV, Ben.j. 466, 571-573. Shutc, Gov. Samuel, 230; sketch of, 232- 234, 239, 250 ; — Miss, 232 ; — John, 234 ; — JIartha, 234. Shute Pedigree, 234. Sigler, , 517. Sigourney, Andrew, 324, 334: — Daniel, 324, 334. Simmons, Charles, 642; — W. D. P. 657. Simpson, .lames E. 692, 699;— John 0. 759. Simpson's Docks, 701, 709; — Wharf, 702. Singletary, , 382. Six buildings, 19, 20. Sirius, The, 020, 621. Skerrcll, William, 724. Skipper, Katharine, 105. Slack, Kuggles, 050. Sladc, , 682. Slavery in Jhiss. 90-93. Smallpox among the Indians, 84; in Bos- ton, 176, 495, 496. Smith's Head, 5, 8, 23, 28, 426, 551, 554, 607. Smitli's UiJ], 9, 14, 25, 29, 382, 425, 452, 546, 677. Smith, John, 100, 102-104, 108-110, 118; — Lieut. John, 163, 166; — Sir John, 223; — Huth, 163, 165;— Richard, 203; — H. W. 278; , 338; —Joseph, 442; — Jfatthew H. 567; — William, 723; — Oliver H. 759; — Abner, 760, 762; — Patrick, 760; — Nancy, 762. Smith's History of Virginia, 74. Smithsonian Institution, 592. Smoot, , 505. Smyrna, 275. Snake Island, 869. Snelling, G. H. 128; — K. H. 515. Snelling's Dock. 701. Snow, Samuel, Thomas, and Abigail, 229 Snow's History of Boston, 45, 63, 73, 171. Socinians, 98. " Socler's, E. B." 040. Sohier, W. D. 30, 31, 429, 431. Solon, Tlic, 697. Somerby, H. G. 281; —John P. 642; — A. D. 763. Somersetshire, 00. Somerville, 582. Soule, Richard, 672, 680, 681, 751. Souter, Capt. 383. Southampton, 626, 754. Southard, S. H. 669. South America, 027, 716. South Audly Street, 274. South Battery, 193. Southboro', 166, 293. South Boston, 23, 32, 411, 503, 530, 568,689, 700; — Bridge, 41, 530, 587. South Carolina, 21, 239, 729. South Cove, 493, 500. South Market Street, 274. South River, 46, 131. South Sea Company, 249. South Street, 32. Sovereign of the Seas, The, 691, 693, 694, 698. Spain, 217, 716. Spartan, The, 697. Spear, William T. 759. Spectacle Island, 482, 485. Spencer, Henry, 724; — Thomas, 724. Spooner, B. F. 636. Spot Pond, 583, 587. Sprague's Annals of Am. Pulpit, 271. Spruce Street, 301. Squeb, Capt. 47, 61, 62, 64, 498. Stackpole, William, 291. Statrordshirc, 49; — The, 694, 698. Stafford Town, 50. Staghound, The, 694, 697. Standish, Miles, 46, 52. Stanwood, L. 752. Star of Kilipire, The, 698. Stark, Col. John, 10, 352, 357, 300, 371, 372, 388, 389, 481. Starks, Col. 742. State Arms, 190-192. State House, 6, 30, 192, 194-196, 229, 203, 288, 290, 336, 337, 488. State Street, 171, 172, 191, 225, 262, 263, 488, 495, 497, 634, 711. State Records, 216. Statistics, Miscellaneous, 758-764. 796 INDEX. St. Augustine, 239. St. Birinus, 281. St. Christophers, 81. St. Croix, 93. St. Denis, 755. St. Edbury, Church of, 280, 281. St. Eustatius, 231. St. George, 232, 346. SL James's Parish, 230. St. John, 717, 718. St. John's Church, 649, 650, 660. St. Joseph, 657. St. Katharine Docks, 577. St. Lawrence, 348, 349. St. Nicliolas, 655. St. Nicholas Hotel, The, 504. St. Owen, 755. St. Paul's Ch. (N. Y.), 186; (Boston), 650. St. Steven, 82. St. Thomas, 231; — St. Thomas' Ch. 650. Stearns, , 15 ; , 520. Steele, Thomas, 315. Stell's Boarding-house, 20. Stephens, Hiram A. 662 ; — Gilbert, 662; — Thomas, 723. Stephenson, John, 724; — William, 724. Stetson, Caleb, 536, 753. Stevens, Capt. John, 225 ; — Martha, sketch of, etc. 225-227 ; — Thomas H. 442 ; — Charles, 610; — C. T. 763. Steward, , 81. Stillman, Thomas B. 552, 553, 555. Stimpson, Samuel, 705. Stinson, Susan, 33. Stitson, William, 86, 87, 164; — Elizabeth, 86. Stockton & Darlington Eailroad, 462. Stockwell, S. N. 601. Stoddard family, 224. Stoddard, Anthony, 183, 187, 191, 223, 224; — Simeon, 195, 222-228, 230, 235, 236, 238, 254, 257; — Madam Elizabeth, 224; Inventory, 229-231, 238, 268, 315;— Da- vid, 222, 230, 236 ; funeral of, 237 ; family of, 238, 253, 254, 257, 268-270, 276; — Elizabeth (his wife), 276; — Mary, Sarah, Mehetable (children of David), 222, 238, 354 ; — Sarah, 270 ; — Mehetable, 276 ; — Solomon, 224. 225 ; — Pvev. Anthony, 224, 226; — Col. John, 224, 226; — David T. 225 ; — Esther, 224 ; — Martha, 225 ; — William, 227 ; — Anthony, 227. Stoddard Pedigree, opp. p. 226. Sugar Bill, 721-723. Sullivan, George, 173, 411, 415; — Madam, 333; — Thomas, 517. Sultan, The, 697. Sultana, The, 697. Summer Street, 42, 260, 262 ; — (Lynn), 604. Sumner, William (the ancestor) and the family, 281 ; — Increase, 291 ; — Gov. Increase, 4, 14, 222, 226, 253, 254, 276; sketch of, 278-296, 297-301, 311, 331, 333, 338, 398; — Elizabeth, 24, 217, 226, 253, 254, 258, 276, 278; sketch of, 300-307 ; letters of, 302-307, 308, 311, 337, 421, 426; — William H. 14; member of military board, 27, 31; purchases N. I. 34, 36, 196, 197, 222 ; legatee of Mrs. Stevens, 226, 254 ; sells estate in Anti- gua, 255, 258,274; Morgan farm given to, 290, 307, 309-311; visits N. L 332, 334, 337 ; letters to from Gage, 361-362 ; mar- riage, 36C; letter to from John Marston, 383; executive agent in Maine, 405 et seq. and Appendix F. ; adjutant-general, 405 ; letter to Moses Brown, 422 ; in- denture between Sumner, White & Oliver, 432 et seq. 453 ; purchases the " Experi- ment," 455, 458, 461 ; buys land in front of Maverick House, 464 et seq. 470-473, 478; address, etc. at celebration, 479 et seq. 505, 511; removal and restoration of to the board, 524-528 ; letter to L. Thorn- dike, 529 et seq. 548, 551, 553-556, 571- 573, 581-583, 587; gift to Tree Associa- tion, 595-599, 757, 758 ; 605, 606, 608, 614, 622-624, 630, 636,649; Timber Co. 670-677 ; 685; nominated for Congress, 742 ; — Mehetable S. 24, 226, 254, 307 ; — Eliza, 307; — Henry, 407. Sumner Square, 502. Sumner Street, laid out, 461. Sumner interest in N. I. 427, 461. Supply, The, 105. Supreme Court (Mass.), 431. Surprise, The, 097. Surrey (Eng.), 232; county, 249, 317; rail- way, 461. Susan Howland, The, 699. Suspension Eailway, 460-464. Sutton, William, 610. Swallow, The, 698. Swans, Jacob, 724. Swedes, 130, 197 ; — Sweden, 197. INDEX. 797 Swett's (Samuel) Hist, of Bunker Hill bat- tle, 357, 3G8, 373, 374; "who was the commander at Bunker Hill," 375. Sweetser, , 763. Swift Street, 519, 541. Swon, William, 724. Sympson, Henry, 720. Sykes, l?ev. James N. 647, 660, 669. Symes, Hem-y, 724. Syren, The, 699. Stone, Elizabeth, 308; — Silvanus, 820; — George A. 694; — George F. 711. Stone Chapel, 418. Storer, Commodore, 505. Story, Judge, 623. Stoughton, William, 149, 201, 203, 204, 214, 215. Stow in the Woods, 52. Stowe, Edward, 365. Streets laid out, etc. 453-455, 459,461, 537- 547. Strong, Caleb, his course in the war of 1812, 398-417, 732 et seq. Stuart, , 323. Sturgis, Josiah, 505. Sturtevant, Noah, 565, 579, 580, 595, 601, 689, 705, 706, 711. Sturtevant House, 514. Sturtevant's Wharf, 702. Success, The, 63. Suffolk (Eng.), 250. Suffolk, The (ferrj'-boat), 565, (ship), 699. Suffolk County, 8, 278, 283, 318, 321, 322, 432, 436, 441, 575; street, 33; bar, 196; regiment, 218. Suffolk Deeds, 69, 81, 82, 85-87, 97, 164, 178, 182-18^, 192, 195, 221, 229, 248, 253, 432, 438, 443, 447, 623, 624, 625. Sugar Colonies, Trade with, 242-248 ; peti- tion, etc. 721 et seq. Sugar Refinery, 469, 471, 474, 488, 519, 539, 542, 543, 551-553, 678; history of, 679- 685, 700. T. T AVharf, 193. Taft, C. M. 468, 476, 510. Talbot, Rev. J. W. 646. Talbot, The, 63. Talcott, J. S. 675. Talmadge, , 29, 606. Tarvin, 51. Tay, , 328, 329. Ta3'lor, William, 9, 23; his survey for turn- pike, 425, 433, 439, 441, 447, 449, 607; — Zachary, Pres. and family, 505; — James, 724. Tea, destruction of, 170. Tebbets, J. C. 458. Telegraph, The, 697. Temple, Sir Thomas, 144, 149, 184 ; his family, 185; — Sir Thomas, 186, 192, 212, 221, 256, 257, 488;— Sir John, 186; — Robert, 7, 249, 314-317, 319, 321, 323. Temple, Manor, 185. Ten Hills, 185. Teschmaker, J. E. 507. Texas, 707. Thayer, Mrs. 334; — Col. 505;— Kev. Lo- renzo R. 648 ; — Nathaniel, 751. Thacher, Rev. Dr. 275, 290. Thacher, Capt. 382. Thetis, 360. Thibon, Jacob, 723. Thing, Jonathan, 168. Thomas, George, 239; — William, 231; — Elizabeth and Sarah A. 231; — Rebecca, 163, 165 ; — Catherine, 290 ; — Briggs, 709 ; — George, 723. Thomas Jefferson, The, 699. Thompson, David, 46, 72, 73, 758. Thompson's Island, 46, 53, 72, 482. Thorndike, Israel, 404, 409, 424; — J. P. 536, 753;— Albert, 565; — Larkin, 610; — Wm. H. 650. Thornton, J. Wingate, 73. Ticonderoga, 352. Tildsley, Sir Thomas, 51. Tilden, B. P. 418. Tilton, Peter, 148 ; — Thomas B. 642. Times, N. Y. Daily, 169, 175. Timmins, Henry, 751. Timonius, 275. Titbury Castle, 52. Title of the Island in the Shrimpton and Yeamans families, Chap. X. Todman, Joseph, 723 ; — Richard, 723 ; — John, 724. Toft, Thomas, 724. Tomlinson, John H. 471, 472, 520, 760, 762; — Stephen, 472 ; — John, sen. and jun. 723 ; — Robert, 762. Tommy's Rocks, 300. Tom Thumb, The, 455, 551, 552, 554, 637, 680. 67 798 INDEX. Toppin, Miles, 723. Tortagas, 90. Town House, Boston, 213. Town Kecords, 89, 97, 190, 240, 484. Trade, restrictions upon, 242-248; petition concerning, 721. Train, Enoch, 691, 697. Training field, 194, 229. Transcript, Boston, 193, 196, 235, 262. Trees, 593-601 ; — Tree Association, 594- 601 ; Letter conceniing, 757, 758. Tremont Street, 229, 508 ; House, 504 ; Eoad, 301. Treadwell, Miss, 333. Trenton Street, 688, 756. Trial, The, 63. Trinity Church, 650, Trinity College, 259. Trotten, ]\Iary, 472. Trumbull, John, 175, 370, 375; Poetical Works, 376. Trumbull's Hist. Connecticut, 64. Trusham, 57. Tucker, Richard D. 170; — Annie, 170. Tudor, Judge William, 15, 325, 354; — I^Irs. 831, 333 ; — Frederick, 354. Tufts, Otis, 696, 697, 699, 706-708; — Tufts' Machine Shop, 545 ; - Wharf, 702, 706 ; — Steam Engine Co. 706-708. Tuite, Robert, 723. Tullideph, David, 723. Tully, William, 166. Turrell, S. 229. Turnpike to Salem, 22, 29 ; Survey for, 422- 425, 490, 498, 543, 555, 556, 572, 573, 602, 603, 609, 610, 611. Turner, Robert, 194; — John, 194, 195; — William, 116, 121, 123, 124; — A. R. 707, 711. Turks, 98. Turnbull, Merrick, 723. Tuttle, , 515, 520, 521, 543 ; — Harriett, 758;— Jesse, 760. Tuttle's Wharf, 701, 702, Tweed, Berwick upon., 234. Tyler, W. W. 762. U- Udney, Ernest, 231. Uncle Amasa, The, 697. Underbill, J. S. 695. Unicorn, The, 605, 621. Union Bank, 194. Union Chapel at E. B. 658-662. Union Street, 171, 172, 227, 262. Unitarian Church in E. B. 650-654. United States, 49, 186, 252, 253, 262, 263, 289, 380, 386, 398-402, 413, 414, 417, 478, 479, 485, 505, 567, 624, 627, 700. United States, The frigate, 14, 17. U. S. Bonded Warehouse, 545, 679. Universalists, 646, 651. Upton, Robert, 610; , 690, 697. Urlin, Marmaduke, sen. and jun. 724. Usher, Hezekiah, 191, 218; Extracts from Will, 220, 221 ; — Hezekiah, jr. 220 ; , 207 ; — Francis, 220 ; — Elizabeth, 220. Vail, Stephen, 620. Valencia, 716. Valparaiso, 694. Vassall, Wilham, 99, 104, 105 ; , 244. Vander Shusen, William, 155. Vane, Henry, 95. Varney, L. E. 704. Vaughan, , 554. Vears, Thomas, 724. Verdon, John, 724. Vermont, 423. Verree, , 695. Vetch, Samuel, 342. Verrazzano, John de, 716. Vessels built at East Boston, 697-699. Vicars, John, 49. Vienna, 341. Vinton, Francis, 603, 605. Virginia, 80, 102, 151, 152, 167,217,243,342, 717, 718; Smith's History of, 74. Vlack, Mrs. Mary Elizabeth, 234. Vomhavi, Henries, 387. Voyageur de la Mer, The, 694-696, 699. W. Wadsworth, President, 260 ; — Capt. 207 : — Geo. F. 536, 752, 753. Walbach, Capt. 741. Waldern, Capt. 148. Waldo, General, 425. Walford, Thomas, 46, 62, 72, 74. Walker, Sir Hovenden, 343-345, 348. INDEX. 799 Walker's Journal, 341, 345. Wallace, Rev. D. A. 663; — Henry, 723. Waller, Capt. 48. Walley, Major, 218 ; — Judge, 268 ; — Sarah, 268." Wallis, William, 724. Walpole, Robert, 246, 724 et seq. Walpole, The, 697. Walrond, Theodore, 724. Walters, William, 472, 516. Waltham, 661. Walton, Sarah, 163, 165 ; , 165. Wanalanset, 193. War of 1812, 397-420 ; — Appendix F. Ward, Artemas, 355, 356, 360, 371, 384, 391, 396, 419; , 630; — Abigail, 168; — William, 752. Warham, Rev. John, 58-61, 64-67, 71, 224, 498. Warner, Ashton, 723. Warren Bridge, 578, 590. Warren, Joseph, 281, 336, 360, 373, 388, 389;— Mary, 281. Warren Hallet, The, 698. Warwick, The Countess of, 79; — Earl of, 168; — The bark, 79, 80. Washburn's Judicial Hist. 130, 138, 159, 198, 211, 216. Washington, George, 10, 49, 288, 289, 326, 335-337, 362, 365, 385, 391, 393, 417, 453, 481, 505, 736; — Marshall's Life of, 341. Washington Street, 62, 64, 235, 260-263. Washington City in 1800, 16, 17, 19-22, 27, 338, 414. " Washington " (Fire engine), 641, 642. Washington, The, 566. Washington Society, 458. Wasliington Irving, The, 691, 697. Water, 580-592, 682, 684; — Article on, re- ferred to, 419. Waterhousc, David, 214. Waters, Col. 332. Water Street, 187. Watertown, 62, 64, 263, 282, 288, 369, 423. Watkins, Samuel, 723; — Thomas, 723. Watson, John, 649, 650. Watts, Edward, 550 ; — Anne, 550 ; — Samuel, 550. Way, Mary, 163, 165 ; , Aaron, 164. Webster, Daniel, 458, 495, 741; — Joshua, 522. Webster, Daniel, The, 565. Webster Street, 10, 459, 471, 472, 495, 515, 539, 544, 546, 584, 613, 637, 646, 663, 678, 679, 682, 692, 702, 707, 756. Webster Street Church, 646, 651, 663. Webster Engine Co. 642. Weeks, E. 705; — John S. 705. Weeks's Wharf, 5, 551, 687, 701, 702; — Lobster Wharf, 705 ; — Major, 742. Weld, Dr. 312; ,442. Well in Belmont Square, 412, 584-586. Wells, 741. Welles, Benj. 254, 307, 441, 442, 445, 447, 458; — John, 33; — Brig.-Gen. 410, 411. Well Fleet, The, 698. Wellington, A. A. 536, 752, 753, 759, 762. Wells, John, 222 ; — Charles, 454; — Wil- liam, 504. Welsh, Mrs. , 329;— Edward, 762. Welshepoole, 51. Wemms, Williams, 171. Wendell, Oliver, 357. Wesley Street, 593. West Boston Bridge, 423. Westchester, 52. West Church, 391. West-head, 8, 373, 546-. West Lidies, 90, 92, 197, 217, 239, 242, 244, 249, 287, 488, 571, 627, 716, 717. West, Joseph, 239. Westminster, 230. Weston, Henry P. 252; — Capt. 479. West Point, 603. West Roxbury, 294. Westward Ho, The, 694, 698. West Wood Island, 7, 8, 466, 542, 545, 546, 685. Weymouth, 7 ; — The, 698. Wharves, 700-702. Whale, The, 63. Whaton, Richard, 234, 235. Wheeler, ]\Iiss, 21 ; — John, 572. Wheelwright, Rev. John, 159; — Rebecca, 161; — Nathaniel, 318, 320, 321. White House, 18. Whip, The, 699. White, Stephen, 34, 35, 311, 428, 429, 431- 439, 441, 443, 446, 447, 458, 463, 505, 515, 525, 548, 553-556, 571, 605, 606, 614, 615; connection with Timber Co. 670-676, 681, 690, 704, 740, 750, 751, 759; — Mrs. Stephen, 676, 690; — Rev. , 58, 60; — Edmund, 223; — Capt. 170; — Benja- min, 170; — Judge, 500; — Moses, 420; — F. B. 420; — Samuel L. 504. 800 INDEX. Wliitcliurcli, 50. Whitcomb, Col. 396; — Levi, 516, 640, G41. Wliitefield, Rev. George, 265, 206. Whitehaven, 461. Whiting, James, 567. Wliitnian, Rev. Joseph, 048. AMiitmore, , 630. White Street, 545, 546, 589, 598, 637, 702, 757. Whitney, Benjamin, 166; — Hester, 166; — Colonel, 396. Whiton, J. M. 583. Whitten, James M. 760. Whitwell, W. S. 588, 590, 591; . 736. Whorf's Wharf, 702. Wickham, Samuel, 723. Wicknam, Benj. 724. Wide Awake, The, 699. Wilcox, Thomas, 724. Wild, Capt. D. 762. Wilder, , 662. Wildes, Miss Jane, 506. Wilds, Capt. Dixy, 506. Wiley, , 505;— Rev. Father, 656. Wilkinson, Gen. 19, 20 ; — Mrs. 20, 21. Williams, H. H. 5-12, 14, 40, 41, 45, 53, 271, 321-323 ; sketch of, 324 ; his fomily, 324 ; his character, etc., 325-328 ; 329-339, 364, 355, 358, 382, 384; grant from com- monwealth, 386, 425, 453, 481, 490, 516, 650; — Thomas, 12, 45, 326, 415, 419, 453, 460, 461, 467, 470, 488, 498, 548, 550, 585; — Major, 51; — Mary, 54, 165; — John, 165 ; — Rev. W. 224 ; — Betsey, 254, 276 ; — Henry, 496, 497. Williams family. History of, 323, 324. Williams Journal, The, 54, 55, 262, 287, 289, 290, 323, 324, 328 ; extracts from and references to members of the family, 331-339; 425; extracts from, 516. Williams' Island, 45, 481. Williams House, The, 475. Williams, Joseph, 322, 323, 332. Williams, IMoses, 294 ; — Arthur, Thomas, Rowland, Edward, and Matthew, 723. Williams Street, 673. William and Francis, The, 63. William and Mary, 213, 216 ; charter of, 108, 719. William, King, 233. Williamson's History of Maine, 108, 159. Williamson, William, 724. William's War, King, 341. Willoughby, , 149. Wilmington, Lord, 246, 726-729. Wilson, John, 187, 190 ; , 500, 572 ; — Michael, 758. W'inchester, The, 698. Windsor, 66. Winged Racer, The, 698. Winnisimet, 5, 11, 46, 72, 79, 83-85; as- signed to Boston, 87, 88, 161, 162, 166, 240, 379, 447, 455, 486, 489, 492, 548, 549, 550, 570, 609; ferry, 11, 12, 40,269, 354, 372-374, 378, 384, 447, 455, 486-609; company, 12, 13, 438, 446; negotiations with, 455, 456, 550, 579. Winningtoii, Mr. , 725, 726. Winshawe, John, 81. Winship, W. 170; — Jonathan, 236. Winslow Blues, The, 409, 415. Winter Street, 262. Winter Harbor, 108. Winthrop, John, 45-47, 52, 53, 58, 64, 65, 68, 70, 72, 73, 75, 77-80, 84, 85, 90, 93, 95, 103, 105, 109, 149, 153, 156, 157, 159, 176, 187, 203, 4S5; — Lindall, 185;— Robert C.186; — John Fitz, 203;— Capt. 213;— Major Gen. 218; — Wait, 214;— Adam, 214; — Grenville T. 458. Winthrop's Journal, 45, 46, 58, 64, 65, 67, 68, 70-72, 74, 80, 84, 93, 95, 96, 103, 158. Winthrop House, 193, 229. Winthrop Street, 545. Winthrop Block, 599, 647, 711. Winthrop Church, 660. Winthrop Hall, 664. Wiscasset, 742. Wiswall, John, 183. Witherspoou, Rev. Dr. 277. Wizard, The, 691, 698. Woburn, 119. Wolfe, General, 344, 349. Wollaston, Mount, 187. Wolverhampton, 50. Wolverston Park, 249. Wonder Working Providence, 160. Wood " The pewterer," 301; - Wood on the Island, 10; wood-cutting, 53. Woodbury, Levi, 675. Woodbury & Minot's Reports, 676. Wood creek, 342. Woodhouse, James, 175. Wood Island, 16, 466, 517. Woodman, Remember, 168. 45, 46, 72, r26. INDEX. 801 Woods, Rev. Leonard, 644. Woodward, David, 254;— Jaue, 254, 308; — Joseph, 308. Woolsey, W. 680, 681, 684. Worcester, , 472. Worcester (Kiig.), 185; — Worcester, 603. Worcester House, 141. Won-all Island, 51. Wortliington Pumps, 695. Wright, William, 229 ; — Abigail, 229; — Edwin, 669;— John, 760. Wyman, T. B., jr. 166 ; — WOliam, 442. Wyvcrn, The, 698. ^Yale, David, 100,102. 'Yale College, 225, 271. Yankees, 208. Yeamans, Lieut. Gov. John, 239 ; — Sir John, 239; — Henrj-, 232, 234; — John, 9, 193, 195, 230, 232; owner of Nod- dle's Island, and will of, 239; pro- poses a bridge, 240; efforts of in behalf of trade, 242 et seq. ; thanks of general court to, 247 ; death of, 249 ; 250, 251, 254, 257; his will, 311,314, 315, 317, 358, 454, 481, 488, 489, 570-572, 721 ; his jouma 724-730 ;— Elizabeth, 231, 232, 238-240 ;— S. S. 16, 195-197, 231, 232, 238; inherits Noddle's Island, 239, 241; will of, 249; questions concerning will, 252, 253-255, 257-259, 270, 311, 312, 314, 315, 317, 318, 320, 322, 323, 357, 385, 488, 489; opinion on will of,' 731, 732;— Shutc, 231, 249, 250; will of, 252 et seq. 311;— John, 234, 250, 251, 254, 257, 258. Yeamans Land, 193 ; — Estate, 255, 268, 270. Yeamans Pedigi"ee, 231; referred to, 254. Yohannan, JIar, 225. Young, Sir William, 726. York (Me.), 308, 721, 736, 741. York County, 75. York, Duke of, 154, 169. Young's Chronicles, 58, 61, 63, 67, 72-74, 79, 82. Young Raven, The, 699. Z. Zaza, The, 697. Zephyr, The, 697; 698. \