F 1786 ^| G .B79 Copy 1 B Rights to Belligerency ■AND— Cuba's Silent Appeal -TO THE — AMERICAN PEOPLE. BY O. O. BlfACKE. 9 Price, 35 Cents. 5H5a5BSE5BSa5H5a5a5agB5aga5ggE5B° / Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2011 with funding from The Library of Congress http://www.archive.org/details/rightstobelligerOObrac Rights to Belligerency -AND- CUBA'S SILENT APPEAL -TO — THE AMERICAN PEOPLE COPYRIGHTED BY O. O. BIJACKE, GBRMANIA, IOWA. 1897, 1/'--' PREFACE Readers we call, In passing the events, by some or by all, Calmly on your attention. Silent we thought of our claim Coming by dawn of infinite morrow, Clearing the clouds of distress and sorrow Brightly distinguish the rights of our aim. Silence forever was not our intention, Rather our cause by its life and dimensions, Speaks of its presence by action and words. \ Should we have rights by the dawn of the morrow, More than of days gone by, Freedom anew, then, on wings should it fly Seeking your good-will and love in our sorrow. — 4— Then, shall we watchful and true, Cling to the hope which has brought to our view: Coming forever with freedom as fellow. Never relinquish the precious right; Sublime as gifts from our heavenly Father; Mingling on earth with the thrallborne flatter; Struggling like day against night. Truth on its side Victory bring like a powerful tide, Nursing the wants that forever are living, Though, its appearance they could not behold. Those who have fought for a glimpse of its presence Just paid their tribute; a part of its essence, Divinely the being could never grow old. Belligerency and Facts of the Cuban Situation. The pause in the proceedings of the United States government to establish formally the belligerency of Cuba is not equivalent to the sentiment of an earlier date prevalent in parliamentary circles in this country. It likely has its catches in some of the circumstances involving in traditional connection internationally. Diplomacy, too, has its preferences and secrets, and our statesmen may be subject to all the hesitancy and deliberation the emergency may permit to make the ascertained moves, so that the world may be getting to know on which shoulder America will carry the cloak in this serious Cuban controversy; a question which once more allowed to appear on the scene of insurgency in a consecutive continuance of barbaric cruelties, might be "by once too many.' 1 Although the sentiment of the nation has been clearly shown at different instances, the matter has been officially very carefully handled even to a degree of hesitancy. The sentiment among the people has not been — 6— worked to any degree of agitation in favor of Cuban in- dependence, and yet the feeling i n favor of such, is decidedly more profound than has been so far mani- fested by congress. Probably this is due to the circum- stance that public sentiment of a national character has a freer range in first instance, and thus makes a truer expression of the situations; while politicians seem to be environed by the mysteries of their profession which makes them think they owe to the position all the prudence appliable without subduing the question entirely. Whatever the outcome may be, history will never accuse these representatives of the people for precipita- ting the matter into an undue action when it takes congress two years to deliberate and come to a conclu- sion. Here are not divided interests like policies of a mere civil and internal nature, which interfere and create dividing lines in the opinions, but the hesitancy with the exception of a few decided advocates, indicates that a doubt is the undercurrent; and their doubt is not national and it is patriotic more or less according to the individ- ual opinion of those highly trusted members of congress and government. To measure those politicians' respect for liberty by their doubt and hesitancy would not be just; it is evident that this doubtful spirit was worked in from the outside. It could not work its way through the same door as the representatives entered, because such an opinion was scarcely prevalent on their home side, but through the door of prominence influenced by foreign statesmanship entered the opposing spirit which caused the dragging unhealthy action in the Cuban affair. Too much doubt even in politics makes the very best condition impregnable to any good purpose of -7- common welfare, and so it may do in cases of individual interests. America has rightly been called the wonderland for centuries back, and she earned the reputation by un- equaled growth in population and developments of her natural resources. Today the world has grown used to her presence, and even with her magnitude in popula- tion as a fact, ceased to wonder because of the facilities mentioned above. Some one might compare this cir- cumstance by a lady who had won popularity on account of her beauty, but whose plastic lines were gradually erased by the passing of times until the fashionable observation finally classified her among the common lot. It shall be far from me to make such a comparison in this instance. But I would say that the world may be still wondering at this country, and the wonder may be where America hides her strength externally. * * Should some one ask the reason therefor, those who have the authority might answer like some of those nations of small population would, that are situated near a greater one: "We are in for peace internation- ally." ' Our mission as a nation is a Prophecy, and it is not my intention here to make a determination thereof. I am trying to compare the exigencies with the pre- vailing sentiment and possibly point out where we ought to stand, and if the policy of our administration be an erring one and still kept on to; my critic may not even then fall to the ground. Too much schismatic opinion is one of the causes of external weakness in national life, and such weakness was manifested when the recognition of the Cuban belligerence worked its way through congress. The majority of those men in congress knew to a degree of exactness our material strength but they doubted our right to determine it consequently, and the doubt was worked in from abroad. When it finally had gained the favor of the majority the executive power swung out its paralyzing veto and down went that frail little creature whose first tender voice caused the young blood of old Spain to boil over in indignation, and made patriotism yonder in that country to clinch its fists in wrath. For ours it was the outcome of nearly two years more or less hard labor in our national assembly. I have talked with many people of acceptable intelligence who believe the Cuban belligerency to be established by the act of con- gress, but it is formally as dead with regard to this country as any of the laws are powerless which have been voted down. But why did not the president sign the act? I think it was because he knew the wavering uncertainty in congress. To recognize the Cuban belligerence is the same as to recognize a fact which the Cuban insurgents have established by plain demonstrations. But the right of belligerency is yet indefinite and cannot readily be made an object of determination at any national assembly. And suppose it could be determined in- dividually or by majorities it would be too primitive to materialize it by laws as long as there is one or more standing army on earth; for if the one who had the armed force made an assault on the other the natural instinct of self defence would invent weapons and the affairs probably carry on to the old way. So the ques- tion of the moral right to belligerency is rather absurd. And why should such a prestige be demanded of Cuba in order to recognize her belligerency. History shows that wars have been commenced, fought desper- ately and closed without the slightest sound moral -9- grounds, and nobody ever thought of disputing their belligerency. The right to carry on a war is a traditional one and is founded on the superior force of the weapon on the one hand and by the instinct of self defence on the other, and the causes may be legio; even down to a mere personal love affair. Natural sympathy is in many instances enough ground on which to establish the right of belligerency. And where no such is present, the very circumstances is sufficient when the parties are able to carry on the war in a modern way and not abuse the right of man. Prejudice or trespassing on political interests alone will ignore such rights to one when it is given or acknowledged to others. When the time arrives that independence shall be conceded to those who might deserve it, without the enforcement by material weapons, the era of wars may be surpassed. These points then indicate that from a traditional standpoint insurgency has claims to the right of belligerence when brought forth by modern warfare or they have no rights at all; for it would not be admitted to bring its claim before a civil court nor before an arbitration; they would have no case at either of these powers of civilization, because tradition is the overwhelming element and thus necessitate the barbaric way of warfare. If somebody had the power to demonstrate that this country was entirely free from natural sympathy with the Cubans in their struggle for independence, we might still have very doubtful right to ignore their rights of belligerency unless our national condition were dependent on the good will of the contesting part on the other side. Then, the way to independence is the right to belligerency and no parliamentary power —10— could ignore the latter without denying the former. Cuba has consequently established her right to belligerency by holding for several years the odds against one of the European powers which has a history in the practice of warfare and a record of centuries for development in strength and influence. The circum- stance that they (Cubans) are waging war for their freedom and independence is a fact. Someone might compare this with the many social disturbances history relates to having been suppressed by armed "force, but who will call it a mere social disturbance with the record of all the tragical struggles in the background on the island of Cuba? A European nation which counts its ancestors nearly back to classical glorification, has put on the scene all the modern invention of war, and besides this strengthened its superior grip by com- mitting heaps of old-fashioned cruelties which have been tolerated and forgiven by humanity, only when shaded over by the dim smoke of powder, and deafened by the rampart of battle, held that proportional hand- ful of liberty-loving Cubans, clad in traces, as some Europeans have been in the habit of styling them— by the throat, being in turn held by the hair, until both sides equally exhausted dropped their hold and went home. With this, and more like it, on her record, Cuba did not earn her independence then. Liberty was too light flighted; they saw her but could not catch hold of her. They had her presence at their door, but she could not be induced to walk into the house. Oh, what a disappointment! The wounds, no longer fresh, had begun to ache. The bodies of her slain sons had grown cold and stiff, scattered over a waste area of her fertile soil. ****** The plants then crushed have started stems from —li- the same roots anew, the yokes from the mother's grip, have seemingly again become unbearable to those firy children of the south, and war has again been waged — probably less spiced with cruelties than those of the past — but not less energetic, for a number of years, and the antagonits seem not to have grown tired yet, and neither of them has gained the point from which to proclaim victory, though both sides are at it at their full capacity, and the war is there. Revolution has become a terrifying pronunciation all through civilization nearly, and too many see a monster behind it and nothing else. Circumstances, however, and commanding human rights besides pro- gress, compel us to make a classification based on divine and logical laws as the fundamental grounds, and when we commence to weigh these enormous factor j in humanity on the scales of civilization or measure them across the abyss of wants, we may not only concede the possibility of such moves, but admit that exigencies necessitates and justifies their demon- stration; having righteous cause as the very momentum of their existence. We may differ greatly as to the means sometimes used. When some men enter on to a higher stadium of worldly honor, they will not as a rule, recognize their brethren on the barren plateau below their own. Then they have friends in every port, Pre-eminent their wish put forth For doubtful fame they bore — When others for their freedom have Choosed like 'twixt life and grave They blocks on brethren's pathway bore. Habits of that kind are contracted by nations from the very same source, but they grow proportionately stronger in the latter, so they even dare to defy all intellectual means of civilization. On the other hand we may notice that weaker nations have comfortable protections from the greater ones, especially where no common interest of importance exist to stimulate envy towards the one side or the other, and this has been demonstrated by mauy bright examples on both sides the ocean; to mention one: The Monroe Doctrine. But when the question appears to aid some vitally interested people to enter on to the niveau of self gov- ernment, the general opinion or sentiment seems, with a few exceptions, to be rather adversely cultivated some- thing which, at another occasion may be more readily accounted for. Times are frugal, but may give birth to many rare things besides the many common ones which have long since ceased to create any remarkable surprise or sensa- tion. The part which you abhor though, should not spoil your tastes for what is essentially true and nice, and if they chanced to give birth to a nation once in a while, it should not cause you to classify it among the bad lot. A somewhat friendly contemplation officially and internationally of Cuba's present condition might resolve into the very thing, but as long as nobody seems to care — the proposed new being might even go so far as to decline to "put in an appearance," because of a healthful feeling of indignation. In not diverging too much from the particular sub- ject of this writing, I will say that it matters but little, in connection herewith, what classes the principal part of the Cuban insurrection is composed of. The facts at hand that they are waging war to the point of disputing the victory with great, old Spain, should lead to the consequence which may leave but little doubt as to their capability of self government. Of course, the chances of beginning with a mixed element may be —13— , anticipated, from historical events in similar instances, though self government should facilitate a kind of clearing ability and time be allowed to shape possible irregularities, etc. While our statesmen are entitled to a broad field on matters concerning foreign connections with this country, I do not trespass on their territory when I say that you may have to hunt earnestly for a single, sound reason why this nation should not dare to pay its tribute to facts which happen close to our door, without the unpleasant thought of running the risk of being stepped on the toes by another people who chance to be skilled in the use of weapons and feel it. The independence of Cuba should not cause any political disturbance to either of the civilized nations at all, neither should it interrupt the free and systematic course of the world's trade. The chances would be that it would improve the trading facility with those islands, in view of the probability that Cuba might develop her natural resources to a higher capacity when her neck was to be freed from the yoke which she is now strain- ing her nerves so energetically to throw off. Spain would lose practically nothing by consenting to the in- dependence of this her full grown daughter who has caused the motherly heart so much trouble at times and again. Really, it appears from an unprejudiced point of view — with the present order of things — to be a chain around her own leg; a drawback if anything at all; a heap of trouble bought with enormous amounts of gold which that country, like many others, cannot spare; a temptation involving into commit tance of cruelties, inflicting wounds which do not heal by the laws of nature, nor by appliance of medicine. The seed thus sown germinates and facilitates the growth of plants which Christendom and civilization would like to —14— get rif his duty and strike for progress and rights. Tin- sons of Spain ought not to let, their knightly turn of feelings he aroused if finding \h.e Cuban contro- versy subjected to a different consideration for a practi- cal Solvance on this hemisphere, than they may entertain, l<>v only the broadest logical demonstrations could postpone the severance of those frail connections which grows weaker and feebler for every stroke made against her imaginary prodigal decency. The draughts of freedom have their perimatures, and they touch nations with lesser indifference to intel- lectual growth, than their geographical latitudes' Try to chain a people when eonseions of such period and you may have to use a stronger power than that which moves il toward its ideal, against superior odds, frequently, ^v else you may have to annihilate it first noi exactly by extermination Imf beginning with the lower degrees something like what, have been per- formed on the scene of history at different instances. Should I go over to question the right of Spain to carry on war against Cuba, my endeavor might carry the discussion farther than intended i^v this occasion, ami probably on to a different ground. I was trying io reduce thai monstrous acknowledgement of Cuba's bel- ligerency to a simple faot, putting freedom ns a possibility :\\ a front distance, accessible by certain channels and for whom? * * * Spain, ns well ns any other foreign nation, —IS may have a claim on the neutrality of this country, to the extent of not rendering any material aid to her foes. This maybe considered the Limit of very friendly terms, Less the forms or principles of our goverriment should coincide with that of the other. In such case Hie duly of this country might morally be extended indefinitely except when restricted by certain treaties. But no treaty could bind a free nation away from its principles, unless when backed by the rights of the powerful and if such treaties should have been made by this nation's servants, or representatives, the discovery of their con- demnable nature, ought to be sufficient for their nullification. ' Then, only superior force on the one side, or coarse neglectance on the other, could prevent a free people from doing justice or even mercy whenever and to whom it may deem it necessary, without having to injure the one for the sake of phasing the other. Should the proof of the Cuban belligerency up to date not fully have been brought to the knowledge of the majority of this people, by the somewhat varying reports from the opposing sides, although enough might have been ascertained to make an opinion, to those having been watching the developments of things, that the present warfare between Spain and Cuba has seemed to assume the character of a si in pie riot or any thing of that kind. If no other report, could be sup- posed reliable, the true nature of the affair may farther be measured by the action of Spain, from the magnitude of armaments and troops which have been concentrated on the scene of war, and the lapse of time without any radical achievement made with this great machinery, to answer the purpose, ought to a degree of certainty picture the situation. Now, if in absence of sufficiency from the above passages to establish the proof, some one might put up —16— the question: "When should a revolutionary demon- stration have the quality of being favored with recogni- tion by nations generally?" In this case, for instance, would the whole of the Cuban population be required to establish her belligerency? Suppose the whole population rose to weapons for their independence, would Spain for this reason have relinquished on her claims of supremacy? Would she have ceased to fire at her Cuban subjects the moment she knew that all were against her? The probability is that she would had strengthened her effort to crush the whole cause just the same, if it could possibly have been accomplished. This gives an idea of how heavily the rights of the powerful have been weighing on nations of minor size during the ages of the sword, how hopelessly their political existence have been crawling through twilight and blood, for hundreds of years, and even religion had to share the same fate for a long time. We are forced to admit that ignorance was a practical blessing in those days; the most peaceful resting place for common people, besides their religious faith, that is when we contemplate and compare things and times at their surface appearance and leave the causes underground. There are women and men of high culture, who call the present an advanced age, but we are wondering why some people have not broke loose long ago. If knowledge is enlighteniug, it cannot be peace making, that is, before it reaches a somewhat primal stadium, when the foundation is defective, for not to say lack- ing entirely. If knowledge then gets the true condition enlightened clearly, some part of humanity may revolt, and then it may be shown how loosely there is built. So that when they come to talk of advanced times, prudence should be exercised in spite of all the wonders and inventions which times like the present have —17— gained. For durability is net in progress, nor in com- mon wealth — these admirable factors in civilization; — some thing unexpected might, for instance, come and teach them just a little. Take for example, justice of a more extensive nature than that which is circumscribed by society, is still weighed by the number of first-class battle ships * and cannons of heavy caliber. People are brought up to the habit of thinking of the sword as a means of final settlement of nearly all foreign controversies, not to mention its necessity when no other valuations are considered, when some people once in a while are to purchase their political independence. I think it is a known proverb that "even gold can be bought too dear," though there seems to be no limit to the sacrifice some people are ready to make for their political freedom sought. But who on earth has the right to demand this high tribute for an article which title may be rather doubtful? The absurdity must here be unmistakable, but where is the court on earth to sue for right? Thanks to the time established one, where powder and lead make the plea and physical force the final decision' Of course the other side offers the same means of settlement as they demand — but does not that appear like being one of the erring point? Supremacy is the spoil of victory when the will of the mightier becomes law. It assumes a voluntary character when its strength is limited by distributing culture, knowledge and developing good influence gen- erally, and its usefulness as a pioneer among certain wild tribes is admitted, as such, it also posesses lasting qualities. If this is lacking, or ceasing, its superior rights over other people do so in the same degree. And when a politically independent people outgrows its superiors in intellectual qualities, what right have they then any —18— longer to dictate rules for their unwilling subjects other than the traditional material force? But I have tried to show by the above that such kind of rights are rather thin, because the right of the sword is not always that of justice. A recognition of the Cuban belligerency would not justify or question the rights of insurgency generally, more than it would doubt the means which are generally used to suppress it. It would not — as mentioned before — need thereby to injure any international con- nection, but rather manifest neutrality in a truer sense, to a clearer view; it simply demonstrates a supposed equal chance to mankind generally. Traditions have even excepted to humanity the right in form of recip- rocity; to strike back when assaulted. On the other side it may be interesting if knowing that we owe something to existing facts. Sometimes it requires a certain degree of courage to admit certain unpopular truths, but this should not be applied to nations of in- tegral qualifications, especially when conscious of its own geographical and historical appearance unless when defected by some kind of secret, tender sides, or inequality in size, or moral and intellectual qualifica- tions. For the same reason that even gold can be bought too dear, the friendly terms maintained with everybody on earth, might be purchased at sacrifices. So, there are chances just as easy for wrong doing on this ex- tremity on account of the magnetic power, the fashion- able element has on humanity, when the suffering parties happen to be of those who generally lack the imposing qualities which in certain circles are the only ones which make impressions. I would not call it best if the independence of a nation made it impossible for outside influences; we have seen examples of the —19— appearances of such spirit, of a more modern cut than the withered Sphinx and falling Chinese wall, both cases which have demonstrated their failures historically. While the modern tendency in the same direction may have the opportunity of times to reform and make tributes to the common cause of mankind. WEYLER'S TERRORISM. Should I make an investigation into the Spanish way of rules in government in its true Castillian spirit, I should have to refer to conspicious instances of its history, which would occupy more space than intended for this occasion. But, that remnants of the ages of terrorism are hidden under its golden tresses, is manifested by its iron grip on its colonial subjects. One of these remnants is personified in Capt. Gen. Weyler. When he was sent to Cuba, it seems like all the demons of terrorism were let loose on that semi- Eden (Cuba) at once. It appears that one-half of the cruelties committeed during that period should have been enough to stir up the rest of the civilized world, to a champion protest. Now, when the consequences of it are to be counted the world shudders and would like to turn its sight away from the scene of it, though history may mark down, and someone may avenge! The ordinary methods of war by manliness and force, by powder and lead would not be an object of censuring critics as long as war is a sectian of civilization; it would not even be so if war was an appendix to civiliza- tion. Weyler carried the war mostly against innocent people; women and children. He destroyed the means of existence for the Cubans, even those who were loyal \ —20— to the mother country. Foreigners and all were made to suffer under his oppressing hand. Had the true American spirit been the ruling element in our capitol, uncorrupted and free from the influence of foreign dip- lomatic art, there should have been no break in the rights of mankind on the island of Cuba. The voices which rang from the U. S. senate in favor of Cuban belligerency are a credit to this nation; not because they would precipitate the emergencies into a warfare, but because they would try to stand for rights. * * * * * * There is a certain instance in the ancient history, so remarkable and obscure from the ordinary course of incidents on record — so far, that it makes me feel like putting fingers on my ears every time it passes my recollection: I would not say it has no facsimile in the history of mankind, but it appears like the crest of one mighty wave on the stirred up ocean; a wild power threatening every obstacle in it's way with destruction, and nothing on earth seems to be like it in ability of im- posing terror and submittance to its mercy: When the Roman general and consul, Sulla, invaded the city of Home, and celebrated his victory over Pontius Telefimus by butchering his prisoners of war. A whole army of men, soldiers and veterans were slain without mercy and without any further chance of self defence. It took several days to accomplish the work in, on account of the mutitude of the sacrifices, although the number of men engaged in it was undoubtedly sufficient for the emergency. Their cries reached from the "March- place" to Bellona's temple where the senate had assem- bled temporarily, and consequently they must have been heard mostly all over that great city. There is always something heart-rending in the cries of grown up men, and especially so by that in- —21— stance where the prisoners were men who had seen long service and probably wore off all cowardly feeling. Their cries made the Roman senators feel very un- comfortable too, but they didn't dare oppose the barbaric and cruel deed, although they were free Romans their parliamentary power and official influence were good for nothing against that one man Sulla. Weyler could not get at all his antagonists and make them prisoners of war, in which case he would in all probabilities spared some of them from death. But did not he cause more suffering than Sulla, by destroy- ing the means of a livelihood for nearly all classes, and regardless of age and sex! Probably he can produce grounds for his actions by orders from superiors in office in which case he was only instrumental to the cruelties recently performed on the island of Cuba. It is not my intention to deprive the person of Weyler, of good motives even in his capacity of captain general to Cuba. From his expressions made on behalf of his relievance from command, it is probable that he is one of those personalities who let themselves disappear in the supposed or real exigencies, which in some self-sup- posed moral sense, might releave the person from respon- sibilities, and consequently of the fame probably realized from a successful outcome. But his way of contemplation may not be at all satisfactory to others. Besides that even from a standpoint of his own mother country, an opinion is safe that Spain's fame is rather doubtfully promoted by directing the force of its multitudes on the object to crush a small fraction only, of its own size, and it is already demonstrated that it cannot do it without re- sorting to means which may draw consequencies danger- ous to its own safety as a European nation. Spain has already found out that the opinion is different on this hemisphere than is its own policy of government, and —22— in spite of this acknowledgement, it underestimates or disregards the risk it runs by opposing a popular senti- ment relative to our national life and existence. But if its diplomattc shrewdness should maintain to keep our national sense of rights in shadow for an indefinite time, it might preliminary alter the conditions. This, however, might prove to be a difficult task. The cabinet in Madrid will evidently not consider itself morally responsible for Weyler's method of war- fare on Cuba and the president one could not if they would — for presumably the members have been recalled to private life, like himself. This may show the erring points in allowing one's personal feelings of responsi- bility to disappear before exigencies, especially of the kind Weyler was invested in ; in doing so, one will run the risk of disappearing in disgrace when a just investi- gation shall be manifested. Politics in Spain, like many other countries, are of a vulcany nature. There is a liberty-loving party whose talesmen probably would denounce Weyler's policy in stronger terms than has been done so far on this hemisphere, and that party would probably regard a concession of the Cuban inde- pendence as Spain's foremost and honorable act. But whatever faction or party shall come to power in that country or whatever policy shall be adopted, in its colonial affairs, Weyler is a card which Spain wouldn't dare to play once more. —23— SPAIN'S PROPOSAL OF AUTONOHY is the change of direction in its Cuban policy, which marks the cabinet Sagasta's appearance at the wheel of the state. The event was looked for as the first signal of Spain's retreat from its iron-clad policy on Cuba. The necessity of such step is inseparable with all sound reasoning. It need not therefore signify national weakness in that country, by any degree, but its Cuban policy was too desperate to be of any lasting quality; it simply meant the extermination of the inhabitants on that island. The impossibility for progress and sound policy was not the only reason for making such step, but casualities auxiliary to the existence of the Spanish army for the purpose of war. It was not yet facing the monster with the fangs of starvation which it had pro- voked to seize upon and destroy so many innocent fellow- men, but by way of demoralizing conditions from sick- ness and other evils usually lingering in companion- ship with armies in foreign war traffic and creating a dissolving tendency. The moral faculties with the man and soldier also, relaxes against continual disregard for human life and everything else sacred to individual and family. The proud Spanish soldier, straight as a "grenadier" at home, and with ambitions, soldierly manners, becomes under that southerly latitude, soft and careless, while the natives are active and strained, as shown by the resisting element in the Cuban insurg- ents. Hence the committance by Spanish troops, of so many cowardly deeds, which if brought before the light of civilization, would forever eject them from decent society, and by the virtues of civil laws impose heavy punishment. One year or more since, a proposal of autonomy for Cuba would had been to Spain like offering the right —24- hand on forgiveness and future friendship; Now it looks like a mockery; a bell with the sound only; a shell without the kernel; ashes without fire; body with- out life. That is all! A population which .has endured Spanish supremacy for centuries and fought its tyranny for years consecutively, and yet stands ready to face continual assault from that armed force, have earned more than autonomy in the form which Spain according to recent reports, sees fit to offer it. I will admit that a proposition containing peace, may be better than war if it owns the character of endurance. Autonomy as recently offered would be for the Cubans one step towards independence, and for Spain a door whereby it might make a decent exit with- out any remarkable defeat on its weapon. But it leaves a possibility for a new outbreak of hostilities when the liberly-loving Cubans by their rapidly developing abilities have collected strength enough to make another revolt, and the chances would be a repetition of the bloody affair. As long as those Cobans feel that they have their slain fathers, brothers, sweethearts or friends, and even wives and children, to avenge — and they will feel it keenly, it will be a continuous source for new outbreak and insurgency until they have reached their object : Independence. Spain has inflicted too deep cuts on the Cubans, during the time of its supremacy to propose to her a form of government which would share the power to both sides. Such kind or form of government presumes uniformity in interests and national understanding which are the essential elements in nearly all forms of modern government. But it is manifest that these are not present between Spain and Cuba. The familiarity in the race, by part of the Cubans, seems not to better the conditions; on the con- trary it makes the fight still more bitter, as it displays —25— consistency on both sides. The indication is, then, that Spain made this "pronounciamento' 1 of autonomy to cover an imperative retreat. When difficulties of that kind reaches an attitude like that on Cuba, the moment is arriving for interfer- ence by other powers whose geographical situation and other interests of national importance makes it a natural order of things. Such precidents has been established and cultivated through a good portion of history. What we might try to credit to times and progress would be to arrange and level international irregulari- ties in a peaceable way. But our influence should not therefore be less effective and substantial. Nations have callings outwardly, which even assume a dutiable character. It is a common thought to conceive a nation's place or role of performance in the world's theatre. What this country concerns in this matter, Spain has always been in the habit of figuring in our sectional construction and indigrediental composition besides the peace-loving tendency in the people, but there is one thing, in the least, it has not figured on and probably not yet perceived, and I shall not deem this a suitable place for mentioning it. In all probabili- ties we ought not to go below any degree of acknowledg- ing facts manifested by continual demonstrations. If nations should be called to answer for their doings internationally, it might be brought forth, as an order of things, whether or not Spain had forfeited its rights to any further domination on Cuba. An affirmative answer would bring out independence to Cuba as a consequence. There are no laws, moral or judicial which would justify a civilized power to de- populate a country even when in a state of insurgency and the general course of modern thinking would not admit to such method, at the least not till every other -26- means for submittance or reconciliation had been ex- hausted. It received timely warnings against its Cuban policy and didn't listen to them, while it allowed its armed force display to assume a criminal character. Weyler has seemed to back his actions by his person in command, and in every instance, his responsibility would be insufficient and immaterial before the magni- tude of the destruction, and his reduction to private life would not the less accredit his doings in office, on Spain's account. Moral laws are not powerless in civilized national life, although many statesmen are inclined to think they are. By the virtues of those laws, offenders within the jurisdiction of civilization may be called before an international tribunal, and receive sentences according to advanced times and circumstances. One nation alone, when of a convenient geographical situation, may even assume the attitude of such tribunal. So it is con- ceivable that Spain's right to its Cuban supremacy is not irresistible. The era which brings to the surface humanely or divine principles, or both, can not be devoid of rights by which to realize them, when circumstances are pres- ent to provoke the convenient or proper moment, other- wise those principles would have no real existence beyond the imaginary. It is a work against overlived ideas when their establishment has to be done by force. We know that Cuba in her struggle for independ- dence has a claim on our sympathy, and many of us see the righteous side in her move. Her geographical dis- tance from this country, does not permit America to hear the ramparts of the battle nor to smell the powder and perceive the conflagrations which generally move in companionship with wars. But we may distinguish the moans of her wounded and needy inhabitants, and hear —27— fier despairing longing toward the objective point of her hope: The sympathy of this people, and we may imagine how its life blood slowly ebbs away through the terrible wounds of war. These facts recall to our recollection many historical events connected with earlier days of America's struggle for independence. They were dark days, too. But now we celebrate their memory, and some of you feel thank- ful that they came and passed. We try to teach their importance to coming and growing generations. With due respect for those trusted members con- stituting the executive branch of our government, and with the proper regard for the safety, and peaceful character of this people, these facts concerning our national honor and relations to foreign people, have their future stability, only when investigated into and their influences discussed before the public mind. It seems to be easily forgotten that what was considered good and timely, scores of years back, might have become condemnable to the present. There are in- stances when a monster — say twenty years back — has become a shadow at the present time. Nobody deems it necessary to flee for shadows. When we recall the time of President Grant's administration and take his view of the Cuban affairs as a measure for our stand- point, it would be to Cuba like refitting the clothes of a ten year old child for the same person at the age of thirty years. And what this country concern the difference between then and now, may be less striking; this country hides her most admirable facilities more than she is able to secret her faults. Grant's adminis- tration was with regard to its foreign policy, the offer- ing of the right hand in friendship to nearly every nation on the globe. And those who are acquainted with the history and developments of this country will —28- admit that prudence was then imminent to a degree seemingly inequalent to the size of the nation. His efforts was directed toward accumulating strength by a friendly intercourse with other nations, to re-establish the credit of this government abroad and facilitate an increase of our trade. It was a period of healing an internal national wound and it could not be, at the same time, one of developing strength outwardly. That, was a time of preparing national strength and for preserv- ing the nation's integrity, and it drew enormous amounts on diverse kinds of American resources to accomplish this by. Such a period means something more than an incidental happening. The history of an live-growing people may reflect on its future, if we recognize the eternal ruler of destiny for mankind. I am not in favor of breeding national haughtiness; I would rather warn against such spirit, but you wouldn't expect me to submit to humiliation in that direction. To admit to Spain the right of searching American ships at high sea is a harsh thing, and when it is de- clared from higher official authority — it becomes bitter. It is like a slap square in the face to every American patriot from the declaration of her independence, and if true, would mean dependence in lowest degree. If America should dare to stir; to speak and recognize Cuban belligerence, what the whole world knows — she should be threated like . thieves, highwaymen and pirates; deprived of all her national dignity, that is what such theory would contain. And it contains still more which I wouldn't dare to specify for fear of arous- ing young America to a rash move. As to "Spain's maritime right to the margin of our territorial water," contains neither humilliation nor unsafety for this nation. Hospitality is more than an empty password, and as far as America concern, why —29— should it not be extended to Spain as well as anyone else? Of course, it might be regarded as a business of its own to look out for shallow water and rocks and other obstructions connected with the territorial waters on this side the "pond.' 1 We are not afraid of territory by its dry or wet element; that is when they beware of fishing and hunting sports which to a certain degree is contrary to the law of the land. But high official authority should not indulge much in playing with any searching theory by foreign nation's men of war. Patriotism is blunted fearfully by allowing demoral- izing and worn-out treaties to exist even on the paper ; when they ; are on the paper someone might find it suitable for occasions to use them as a scarecrow. Those whose occupations are connected with the sea, cling to their country often more than those who live and walk thereon. Sailors often embrace their country in their mind and love the mark signifying their own and their home country's nationality. American sailors have suffered humiliation years ago, by Spanish search- ing-practice, but that was not done by virtue of the search- ing theory; it was made to appear an individual affair, which owing to the luck of that government saved much hard feeling, as it was found satisfactory to cover the mischief by hard cash. A recognition of the Cuban belligerency might cause hard feeling and save cash by length of times. Should the Cuban con- cert at our capitol drop off by lack of proper interest in the matter, Spain may yet possess the endurance to keep on and play the boss. But someone else by 'far across water, May come and look into the matter. —30- The Two Neighbors. On a secluded place, once, there lived two families, both earning their livelihood at the same industrial branch. Both were prosperous in their occupations but one of them had by inheritance come in pocession of money and large estates, which by shrewd manage- ment were developed by new inventions and invest- ments, and aided by favorable circumstances accumu- lated wealth at a fast rate. To keep this concern running it took large gangs of men, servants of both sexes and lots of machinery. The other was a tenant, and profited by the fertility of soil and other circumstances auxiliary to the success of the former, his prosperity was also in proportion, and all were hopeful. But the latter had grievances, on account of the the rules and regulations of the owner, who lived away off in a great city, and came only once in a while to look after his estates, to collect the tributes — which once were made the consideration for the occupation and use of his lands. Otherwise he didn't pay much attention to the divers particularities of life connected with the occupation of his tenant. This went Well for a while, the tributes were collected regularity, but in the course of time differences arose between him and tenant, as to the proper management of his estate, and this tangled into difficulties of a grave nature because the owner raised his demands from time to time until —31 — finally the entire valuation of the lands had been paid him by double the amount. On the other hand, the situation became unbearable for the tenant, so he finally ceased to live up to the regulations of the other. To leave the place he would not do; for the bargain was made for lifetime. Things turned into quarrels and set bad blood on both sides. While times passed the situation dragged along and grew worse until the tenant ceased to answer the traditional tribute, and even planned a rule of order in his own way. Proposals for settlement of the difficulties on easier and more liberal terms, were offered, but refused by the owner. By the by, he collected a considerable force of armed men, and came over to the tenant with these, to inflict material punishment by fire and death by the sword and starvation, in order to reinforce submission to his demands. The tributary, although unequal in strength, paid in similar coins, but was unable to pro- vide for the weaker members of the family and these suffered untold humiliations and miseries by cruel and inhuman treatment by the invaders. Their neighbor, formerly mentioned, knew most of what was going on over at the other place, but he chanced to be on friendly terms with his neighbor's antogonist also, deriving from earlier acquaintances, and for this reason he didn't feel like interfering in this matter. He reasoned that "neutrality might pre- serve his friendship with both of the contestants, and if he should lose that of one of the parties he would in either turn of events, keep the one to which fate bestowed the wreath of victory, without his aid.' 1 Once in a while, when stirring news reaches him about indecent and cruel deeds from the scene of the contest, he felt uneasy and looked at his noble, stout —32— young men, and hesitated. They looked at him and laughed, but didn't care to make any suggesting signs, although in secret hours of their own they made their weapons ready. There being no special invitation or call sent him, for his help, from either side, while the record of bravery and gallant fighting displayed by his neighbor was prolonged as time passed on, mingled with slander- ous talk whether or not he was fighting at all. This, however, was dismissed when it became known how many of his enemies he had killed and reduced from ability from further warfare in an immediate future. Finally the question came up among prominent and in- fluential people in the vicinity whether or not his neighbor had the right to fight on this occasion. The question was discussed for a considerable space of time, and most everybody felt that there could be no doubt as to his rights in that regard. But the question had a formal side and this was to be on the top of all. Tra- ditions and historical data was measured with circum- stances of present existence, and from these the majority concluded that they could say: Yes, but our well-to-do man, the neighbor of him who was made the object of this dispute, had not yet rendered his opinion. Some of them thought they could guess the reason therefor, while others were in doubt. But most all of them were full of expectations, not only for the prominence and importance of the question, but also on account of his well-earned influence among them. At last, at a certain occasion which had gathered a big crowd, he said: "Fellowmen, I know you have expected to hear my opinion in this important matter. If it had concerned a personal opinion only, mine might had been expressed among the earliest, and in the affirmative. But you know the question has two sides and I am by sense of —33— your ways of accrediting to my presence an influental attitude among you, put between both of them. My feeling of right before the enlightenment of the holy laws of God and towards the sacred laws of human beings, leads me to do justice to the latter by realizing their rights and to try, not violating the former. On the other hand responsibilities are vested in public life, and these may seek for supports on grounds of the moral consciousness in the people; its divinely and humanly substantiality, and at the critical moment find only the indefinite and immaterial, while its represen- tatives run the risk of being subjected to a surfacely contemplation only, and to the judgement of the world. The national life, although being centralized and inspired from the nation's heart and intellectual exist- ence, has its nerves which reaches beyond the territory circumscribed by our borders. Those nerves, not only execute the nation's demands and wishes, but return to it, the consequences of our connections with other peo- ple and surroundings. But as the holy laws of God are supposed, also to reflect the higher and incorrupted faculties of mankind, in brother love and regards for humanly rights generally, the motives of our actions should be inspired by what we consider the most supreme of all, and then we might try to stand the con- sequences. With this and more before my view I con- clude by declaring that our neighbor who is a part in the controversy has rights to defend and to win, and that his sacrifices and endurance have made him enti- tled to a hearty support from his fellowmen." LIBRARY OF CONGRESS illllllllilllllllllllUllllNIIlllllllllllllIllllllll 015 825 977 1 *