E 668 .V88 Copy 1 No. 1. Reconstruction Review. TheVoiceof the Carpet Bagger. "If I say I will not speak any more then there is in mine heart a burning fire and I am weary with forbearing and I cannot keep silent." Address: No. 2939 Princeton Ave., Chicago, Illinois. '/yv^JUv ; RECONSTRUCTION REVIEW. The Voice of the Carpet Bagger. ""I sing the hvnin of the vanquished, who fell in the battle of life— The hymn of the wounded, the beaten, who died overborne in the strife. Not the jubilant song of the victors for whom the resounding acclaim Of nations was lifted in chorus, whose brows wore the chaplet of fame. But the hymn of the low, and the humble, the weary and broken in heart, "Who strove and who failed, acting bravely a silent and des- perate part; Whose youth bore no flower on its branches, whose hopes burned in ashes away. From whose hands slipped the prize they had grasped at, who stood at the dying of day. With the work of their life all ai-ound them, unpitied, unheeded, alone, "*'ith death swooping down o'er their failure and all but their faith overthrown." Address: No. 2939 Princeton Ave., Chicago, Illinois PublisheJ for the ANTI-I.YNCHING BUREAU, INDEX. Introduction •{ The Voicf of the ("arpet IJagger r» Before Itecoiisrniofion r. o A Yankee I>un)l)ermans Experienrn' S (Jen. I.ongstreet's Experience H The Average Congressman -12 liarbarous ^^ A (Jomparison ^ - The Last Decade of the Nineteenth Century 15 An iOxperimeiit jr; False Witnesses j^^j The Strong Arm of Force Ij) The Final Sefitlement of the Southern (Question 2S A South Carolina (ientleman .-{O Tillnaan ;{j^ South Carolina 32 Observe the Difference 34 I Tow the iJloody Work Goes On 37 t'hristian Civilization of New Orleans 3)S A Soutliern Sjibbatli •. 4.4 A .Memory ^j^ An Object Fesson 4S INTRODUCTION. This is the lirst miiuber of a scvios whi(.-h the author intends to publish. It may bo either an annual or a qiuu-terly or a monthly, as the support given shall permit.. The friends of Equal Kights — the American people who love Justice and hate lawless cruelty are earnestly called to help. All who feel that the horrible brutality of mobs is a disgrace to our country, all who would have the innocent protected and the guilty lawfully })unished are called to the great conflict of Eight against Wrong. We are told that the memory of the evil days Avhen Ku Klux and White Leaguers extinguished the free governments of the Recon- structed States in blood, should not be revived; that the past must not be recalled. But these advocates of oblivion of those lawless deeds make no protest when southern orators and organs exultinglx- boast of the achievements by Avhich their party gained control. The Times-Democrat of [N'ew Orleans, a leading organ of the- Southern Democracy, on October 8th of the present year said : "It is clear to every intelligent observer that the direction and_ numipulation of the Eepublican party in the Southern States dur- ing the last thirty-five years has been one of the scarlet infamies of xlmerican politics. The record of the Republican party in the South since 1868, blazed as it has been by the subversion of every law of right and decency." "It is no exaggeration to state that no people were ever so cruelly subjected to the rule of ignorant, vicious and criminal classes as were the southern people in the awful days of reconstruction." "It is both wise and right that the new generation should keep that splendid though terrible picture vividly in mind, not for pur- poses of revenge, but as an object lesson which knaves and char- latans may read with terror." That is the way the South forgets the past. The meaning of the last words is plain. It is a threat that whenever Republicans anywhere in the. South attempt to exercise the rights of American citizens with prospect of success at the polls, the bloody methods of the White League will be revived to strike them with terror. The author is prepared to prove that most of the charges made against Carpet-Baggers were false; that mo.st of the men thus stig- matized were soldiers and officers who served in the Union army during the war with untarnished records. That they went South with abundant capital, and were financially ruined, many op them before the Reconstruction acts were adopted by Congress, and then took part in the great political struggle, moved thereto by the same imselfish. patriotic impulse Avhich years before prompted them to enlist in their country's service. He is prepared to show that southern witnesses made no at- tempt to prove the trutli of tlie slanders invented for the purpose of discrediting the Republican leaders, but depended upon repeated assertions instead of proof. If the friends of Truth and Eight give us sufficient support to pay the actual cost of publication, the series of pamphlets will be continued. All readers who can furnish information of the events of the Eeconstruction period or of the lynchings now occurring in the Soutb, are requested to write. The facts stated in this work are found chiefly in official re- ports pubHshed by Congress, the results of investigations by com- mittees sent South to learn the truth. The volume entitled, "Riots in Xew Orleans, 1866. Report Xo. 16. Second Session, 39th Congress." Also report of committee that investigated the election of 1875 in Mississippi, and of the two committees that investigated the election -of 1876 in the states of South Carolina and Louisiana. The incidents of the Kew Orleans riot in 1900 are taken from the leading dailies of that city published at the time. The author is anxious to avoid exaggeration and to write only the truth. The Voice of the Carpet Bagger. The men called Carpet Baggers wevc brave soldiers or gallant officers of the Union army who went South immediately after the end of the Avar. They took with them abundant capital and en- gaged in legitimate business enterprises. During the period of two years when Johnson's policy pre- vailed, they were financially ruined by the hostility of the former rebels. About the time that they found themselves bankrupt by the systematic persecution to which they were exposed, the con- gressional scheme of Eeconstruction was developed, and these loyal men attempted the tremendous task of Eeconstruction. Without their help no state south of Virginia and Tennessee could have been organized under a loyal government. For this patriotic service they were blasted by the vilest slander that baffled traitors could invent, their reward was the contempt of friends, the distrust of comrades, and in many cases death by the hand of the assassin. And after that their names were blackened and their memory made infamous by the lies of their murderers. The work they so bravely wrought has been destroyed and the gigantic power for evil is now advancing step by step in its lawless'march to victory. BEFORE RECONSTRUCTION. ]\Iost people have been made to believe that the ill-will of the South was caused by the Carpet Baggers, whose misgovernment exasperated the white men of that section. Nothing could be far- ther from the truth. Eead the proof: In June, 1S66, a congressional committee, appointed several months before, made a report on the existing conditions in the South. They said: , ''The evidence of an intense hostility to the Federal union * * * is decisive. The bitterness and defiance exhibited tow- ards the United States under such circumstances is without a parallel in the history of tlie world. "Officers of the Union army on dut}^ and Northern men who go South to engage in Imsiness. are generally detested and pro- scribed. Southern men who adhered to the Union are bitterly liated and relentlessly persecuted." In December, 1866, a committee appointed by the House of Kepresentatives took testimony in Louisiana. Eufus K. Cutler, who had lived in and near New Orleans twenty-two years, was a witness. He had been judge of a local court and United States senator-elect. He testified that: '*In the city of Xew Orleans mail}' societies have been formed by the rebelS;, such as the society among merchants not to employ a clerk except he be of rel>el sentiments : a society among clerks not to Ije employed by any but reljel eiiiplo3-ers, and among steam- boat captains and ])ilots not to be employed by any Ijnt rebels. These societies are formed in every department of business in the cit}' of NcAV Orleans." Hon. R. K. Howell, then a judge in the highest court of the state, and had been district judge before the war, testified: "The fealing of enmity against the government and against Southern loyalists is, if possible, more intense than it was during the war." Mr. Nat Paige Avas another witness. He said: "I went to New Orleans with Gen. Banks, when he took command of the de- partment there, in the capacity of correspondent of the New York Tribune. I was at that time intimate with many of the officers, liaving Ijcen engaged with the army from tlie commencement of the "war and coming in contact with all the leading citizens there. After tlie close of the Avar, from the time of Lee's surrender until the change of policy by Mr. Johnson — as it is called — or rather the time he commenced pardoning leading rebels, the sentiment was very favorable indeed. Northern men were not persecuted in any A\ay. I traveled very extensively in Louisiana, Mississippi and Alabama, on business, and I met with no annoyance or persecution, until the leadei-s had been ])ar(lonc'(1. tlie large, wealthy ]ilanters, and those Avho had been leaders in the rebellion. After they had been pardoned and their plantations had gone back to them, then they commenced agitating political questions of state organization, etc. From that very moment Northern men began to be oppressed and annoyed excessively b}' the commencement of suits against them in the state courts, especially those who had been engaged in planting during the war on those plantations, Avhich, in large num- bers, had been in possession of the government and were leased by its agents. I think there was a concerted movement u])on the part of the leading ])oliticians of Louisiana and Alabama to drive out from the business of planting, all Northern men who had been there, and, not only that, but from all business avocations in New Orleans, for many Northern men had gone there upon the arrival of Oen. Ranks, and had established large mercantile liouses. "•Tliey iiiadi- no distinction between the Southern Yankee, as they tei'iiM'il liiiii. niid ilic Nortlu'ni Yank(>e. Tlu\v were all classed logellici' ;i> riiciiiics of the Soiitlici'ii cause. •'I Ihiiik il is almost iiiijiossible now" (Jan., 18(IT), continued ^li. I':iigc. •■for \orllicni men to i)rosecut(' business successfully. 1 1 has been growing w(»rs(' contiinially and is growing worse to-day. 'riit-y are ojjprcsscd in cvi'ry way. I'arlies who leased i)lantatious Ihcrc from ])rivate individuals, or from the government, have had suits brought against Ihcni in the coui-ts for damages to the jilanta- li(tn. while Ihev were Icssrcs. many of them of tlu' Ignited States, ;iii(| Ihi-ir |ilanlaiiuM> nml.-r tlif cimtrol of Ihc military aiithorities, suits of from $20,000 to $80,000 and $100,000, against the lessees. There is scarcely a lessee A\'ho has not liad one or more of these suits brought against him.'' Mr. Paige explained that the lessees and the owners, heing resi- dents of the same state, the defendants could not appeal to the na- tional courts, and there was no hope of justice from Southern tri- bunals. Many of those abandoned ]dantations were owned by prom- inent rebels, who, ra receiving a pardon from President Johnson, "commenced suits'instantly against the lessees for the crops they had taken off during the war, and for the loss of personal property, stock and agricultural implements. And that svstem of oppres- sion has been extended to those who leased from "loyal owiiers and from those whose jdantations were not seized." :Mr. Paige left the South before the close of the rear ISGG, and his examination before the committee was in the city of Washing- ton. He added : '-'Many of the Northern men have' already aban- doned their enterprises and of those who remain nine-tenths would leave at once if they were not sustained l)v the liojie tliat Congress would promptly enact laws for the protection of loval men in the South." Such M-as the condition of Union men in the South before the reconstruction acts were passed. Col. Henry X. Frisbie was another witness. After leaving the army at the end of the war he engaged in planting in Eapides parish, Louisiana. In answer to a question as to the feeling tow- ards Union men, he answered: "It is very hostile towards army officers and those persons known and recog-nized in the community as Union men. I have had nothing to do with politics in any way, shape or manner.'' He explained tluit the hostile feeling was manifested : "Bv threats, by arrests, frivolous suits, by attempts to decoy and draw off mv hands, by false stories and in ahnost every conceivable wav wherein a com- ]nunity united, could and did tr}'" to break up, ruin and drive out a man. "I went up there with a very large force of hands, some four hundred who had belonged to my regiment. I toolc witli me a very large amount of capital, not less than ($350,000) a quarter of a million of dollars. I let everything alone that would interfere with my success in planting. I cultivated five of the largest plan- tations in the parish, successfully, made a crop, but tlie jealousy and hatred of those people have compelled me to abandon every- thing. "T established a store there and stocked it with over $50,000 worth of goods. I erected a very large gin and other buildings." This was a man from Illinois who had served as captain and lieu- tenant-colonel in the Thirty-seventh Kegiment from that state be- fore he took command of the Xinetv-second United States Colored Begiment in Louisiana. Be it noted that not the slightest attempt was made by the Democratic witnesses to contradict or impeach his statements. And observe, also, that his experience was all in- cluded in the year 1866. There was then a white man's govern- ment in the state. Neither negro voter nor Carpet Bagger had the least political power or influence. EXPERIENCES OF A YANKEE LUMBERMAN. Capt. A — of Xew England, after three 3-ears' service, was mus- tered out at Xew Orleans in 1864:. He was familiar with the lum- ber business before he enlisted and seeeing the opportunities for success in that line, he sent for his family and set to work. Along the northern shore of Lake Pontchartrain were vast tracts of wood- ed land, abounding with valuable timber, and sloops navigating that sheet of water came by means of the canals to the very heart of the city. Capt. A. invested $30,000 in the enterprise. His mill was soon running, his yard filled with good lumber and the business was vigorousl}" prosecuted. From the first he prospered, for he possessed ever}^ requisite for success — sufficient capital, a thorough knowledge of the business, and the skill, energy and perseverance which liis people seldom lack. His prosperity continued and in- creased, until the war ended. But soon after the return of peace, when he expected an enlaroed trade and an extension of business to follow the removal of the restrictions upon intercourse with the in- terior, he found, instead, a strange and sudden blight. Orders for lumber fell off unaccountably; owners of the sailing craft on the lake began to demand unreasonable rates for freight; his Avhite em- ployes left him without any apparent cause, and in a few weeks his business was so cripnled that it no longer paid expenses. At first he could not understand it. A silent, irresistible power had laid its invisible curse ujDon his enterprise. He soon found that his friends in all the various pursuits and occupations of business life, were in a like manner smitten by the blighting influence, which, like the evil eye of the old-time fable, n)ade all human skill and energy of no avail. The secret cause became apparent, when those Northern men reflected that the return of the rebel soldiers to the city and the strange decay of business were almost simultaneous. And whispers of midnight gatherings, and of secret signs and cabalistic words, dimly seen or faintly heard h\ loyal men in cer- tain quarters of the city began to be understood, while they waited idly for the customers who former!}' sought their doors in crowds well pleased and friendly. But now they came no more, for men \inknown to the waiting merchant paced up and down, not far away, and ])eople wlio seecmed inclined to enter, warned by some slight sign or unintelligible word, hesitated, looked about and passed on. Reflecting on the subject, Capt. A. recalled to mind that New Oi'lcans had been a center of disloyalty in the early days of the re- bellion, a hot-bed of treason. He therefore concluded that preju- dice iind iiilolcranee were naturally greater and fiercer there than in remote rural districts. He knew that vast tracts of splendid for- est extended along tlie Eed river and its many branches; so he de- termined to go into that region and continue his efforts. He sold his propert}- in the city and vicinity at a loss and set out on his new venture. A locality Avas soon found combining every natural advantage, affording facilities beyond anything he ever saw in his old Northern home : Immense forests of pine and cypress stretching along tranquil streams and deep bayous, rivers never closed by ice, their navigation seldom interrupted by lack of water, unbroken communication by steam and sail with the greatest city of the gulf coast and with the boimdless plains of Texas. Yet these dense forests of the most valuable timber on the continent, thus easy of access and convenient to the best markets in the world, could be bought at prices ranging from 25 cents to $1 per acre. FOLLOWED INTO THE WILDERNESS. Encouraged by the prospect, he brought heavy machinery, boil- ers and engines, and in spite of enormous difficulties, lack of roads and bridges in the swamps, the work Avas done. All obstacles were conquered and his mill, giving employment either directly or indi- rectly to a hundred men, was soon running. Up to that time he met with no opposition. The people of the vicinit}', mostly poor country farmers, seemed pleased to have him come among them. They understood that his enterprise was a benefit to them, making a market for many things their little farms produced and which could not before be sold at any price. But even in that remote region the influence of the secret league made its way, and just as success seemed certain and the captain was writing to his distant friends that all was well, the change began. The chiefs of the con- spiracy in the city had by that time extended the order over the whole state. They waited until the intruding Yankee had invested his money in permanent improvement and then — as it had been in the city so it Avas in the country — an invisible, irresistible power, enveloped him and his business and his friends. But its methods were somewhat clianged. As ]\r slii]i|i(il Ids lumber to distant markets, the secret order could not drive oft" the purchasers as in the city. First a bridge, wliich he had built over a deep, muddy stream, and across wliich his teams daily brought scores of huge cypress logs, was burned at night. Some of the neighbors said it Avas accidental; others said the "niggers" did it. Then his mules strangely escaped from the yard on a dark, stormy night, and only a part of them could l)e found after an expensive searcli. Then the colored men at Avork for him, cutting pine logs in the hills, Avere threatened by armed Avhites and shot at till they were frightened aAvay. Along Avith these annoyances came vexatious legal proceedings, by Avhich the captain Avas coni]ielled to go to the court-house town, more than twentv miles awav, to answer the ciiarge. But no prosecutor appeared, or else the case was aban- doned or withdrawn. Tlie charges were always for minor offenses. Trespass, or enticing a negro from his employer, or hiring one who had left a former employer, and were always utterly Ijaseless. As soon as tlie captain was again at home, trying by exhausting efforts TO make up for lost time, another writ or summons would be served by which lie was forced to leave his work and spend one or two days at court, only to find the case abandoned or postponed. And when he again returned to his mill it was to find some new vexation awaiting him — loss of stock, negroes driven from their work or their cabins, white men leaving his service Avithout visible -:-ause or Avarning. Steamers bringing his freight from the city made the most unaccountable mistakes, left it at the wrong landing or failed to bring it at all. Rafts of logs and luml)er. floating down tlie river to market, were wrecked on snags or bars, which never ■:-aused loss to others. AND FINALLY RUINED. ■Siicli was the Avelcome he received from the people whose coun- try he wislK'd to improve and in which he had made his home. Fi- nally, in just one year from the commencement of his enterprise he was reduced to the necessity of selling his watch to pay the passage of himself and family back to the city, where he landed in abso- lute poverty. Xot one dollar remained of the $30,000 with which he so hopefully entered into business in 1864. In all this time he had taken no part in politics. There was no Republican party in the state, the legislaiure was composed of old citizens, most of wliom had been active rebels. There Avas then no voting negro, nor <:>ltice-seekeing carpetbagger to rouse the indignation of the South. All the loyal men aa'Iio Avere AA'itnesses before that committee tes- tified that this intense hatred existed in the South. General CouAvay of the Freedmen's Bureau; Hon. Hugh Kennedy, mayor of New (.)rleans from March, 18(55, to ]\Iarch, 18()(); John lUirke, chief of police during Kennedy's .iilitiiiiistrnlioi). and (Jovenior Wells, all al"- lirmed the same. And it may be observed that not one of the Democrats called as ^Mlnesses, by a committee of eminent citizens appointed for that piir])Ose, attem])ted to im])each them oi- deny tbe fads tbey stated. Jt Avas in evidence thai all the Union men wvw dismissed from the police of New Orleans early in ]8G(), and all ihe Union teachers removed from Ibe ])\djlie seliools. All Ibis array of ])i-oof shoAvs that it Avas not **(!ar]»et liag and Nigger"" rule tbat t-mltiitered the poopli! of tbe Soutb against the Nortb. All Ibis was l)efore tlie i{ecoiistruction acts were passetl by Con- grefis, before any negro in tlie South could vote, or any Northern mnn could be elected to ollice. lo LONGSTREET'S EXPERIENCE. Wheu the war ended, no man in the Southern army stood higlier than Longstreet, except General Lee. His popularity was un- bounded. And he was respected l.y all who knew him in the North. General Grant requested President Johnson to pardon him in Xovember, 1805. Johnson refused, l)ut Congress at its Jiext session removed his political disabilities. General Longstreet thus describes his experience as to Eeconstruction : "In January, 1866, I engaged in busineess in Xe^v Orleans with the Owens Brothers, old soldiers of tlie Washington Artillery, as cotton factors, and speedily found fair prosperity. Before theyear was out I M-as asked to take position in an insurance company.* * I accepted the place with a salary of five thousand dollars, and my affairs were more than prosperous until I Avas asked an opinion upon the political crisis of 1867. 'Tresidejit Johnson after the war ado])ted a reconstruction policy of his own and some of the states were reorganized under it with Democratic governors, and legislatures, and" all would have followed. But Congress being largely Eepul)lican. was not satisfied and enacted that the states could not be accepted unless they pro- vided in their new constitutions for negro suffrage. One of the city papers of Xew t)rleans called upon the generals of Confederate ser- vice to advise the people of the course tliev should persut — naming the officers." " *' On June 3. 1867, General Longstreet wrote to J. :\f. G. Parker a very moderate statement of his views. He tliought the South should accept the Peconstruetion plan of Congress— as it was the best they could do, and give it a fair trial, trusting that Congress would make such changes as experience might show to be needed. The general continues: •'The afternoon of the day u])on which my hotter was i)ublished, the pa]ier that had called for advice published a column of edi- torial, calling me a traiior! deserter of my friends, and accused me of joining the enen)y, but did not pul)lish a line of the letter upon which it based the charges. Other ])apcrs of the Democracy took up th(! garbled re])resentations of this journal and s])read it broad- cast, not even giving llic Icltcr updu wliicli tlicy \r.\t'd me on the street without speaking. Business began to grow dull =•= * and in a few weeks 1 found myself at leisure." Of all his old comrades only one. General ITood, continued to visit him. Ladies refused to ride in the same car with him, and he found himself an outcast in the land of his birth. This incident alone is enougli to show the savage, malignant tem]>er of the South before tlu' first of the Peconstructed governnu'nts was organized. Nearly two years after this occurred. General (Irani, having be- ll come president, appointed Longstreet surveyor of enstoms for the port of Xew Orleans. Immediately the Southern malignants asserted that Longstreet had sold his honor for an office and a systematic effort was made to blacken his reputation as a soldier, and make the world believe he had failed to do his duty Avhen a general in the Confederate army. THE AVERAGE CONGRESSMAN -WHAT HE DON'T KNOW. Xo man is fit to make laws for a great nation, like ours^. and help shape its policy and direct its destin}', unless he is familiar with history. Especiall}' familiar with the political history of the nation for which he assumes to legislate. It is an astounding fact that many, we might even say the most of our congressmen are ignorant of the very subject which they should understand most thoroughly. At the end of the war, which saved the Union from disruption, began the most important period in our national history. After two years of uncertainty, the Reconstruction Acts were adopted by Congress — in ]\Iarch, 1867. Under those acts the states that had waged war against the Union were reorganized. But in April, 1877, the last of all those reconstructed govern- ments Avcre swept away and the Faction Avhieh divided tlie Union in 18G1, and fought desperately for secession, again rc>umed un- disputed sway over all the vast region that sixteen years before lay under the ]^ebcl flag. That period — that single decade in which this double transformation was wrought, is the most imjiortant in our historv. The work of Reconstruction began in 18Gr was de- layed by the persistent opposition of the white people. If they had taken the advice of General Longstreet — ^liad accepted the condi- tions honestly, neither negroes nor Carpet Baggers could liave found ]ilace in the new governments. All the important positions would have been filled by competent Southern men. In many cases the}^ were urged to accept nominations, but almost to a man re- fused. If they had shown a willingness to treat tlie negroes with fairness and justice, they might have controlled tlie whole policy of the new South. But the laws that liad hocn enacted by the legislatures elected under Johnson's sclieme, made tlie emancipated negroes mere serfs. Mississippi forbid tlicni to own land — and they were not allowed to rent land for cultivation. Louisiana made it impossible for a negro to leave, even for an hour, the ])lantation on which he worked without a written permit. And he was subject to anvst if he set foot on any white man's land in his walk, unless the owner's per- mission was previously obtained. I^verywliere in the South he was hedged about with inlolerable legal restrictions. Is it strange that he negro welcomed Hie men of the Xorth who believed in liberty, justice and l--(inal h'ights? Tlie moment the Reconstructed govem- 11' merits were formed, the work of destruction was begun by the malig- nant enemies of freedom. From every Democratic press — from every Democratic speaker — a torrent of slander burst forth and continued day after day till their object was attained. The work of murder was begun even before the first election in the Eeconstructed states and nothing but the presence of the United States soldiers made it possible to have an election. The statesmen at Washington failed to understand the condi- tions, and struggling Republicans who formed the new governments received but slight assistance from the Xation. They "and the en- tire people of the Xorth were half paralyzed by the flood of South- ern lies— they hesitated and finally allowed the former rebels to work their will and destroy the only free governments ever known in the South. Congress looked tamely on while the revolution was in progress and thousands of citizens were brutally slaughtered by political assassins. "While "Wrath and Hate And sordid selfishness and cruel lust Leagued their base bands to crusli out Light and Truth." The revolution was thus accomplished, not by open, honorable war, but by secret conspiracies, assassinations, midnight raids, mur- ders, fraud, perjury, by every crime that ever blackened the annals of the world. And it is this important period of our history of which Mr. Average is grossly ignorant. He has never spent a single hour in its study. To him the story of those ten eventful years is a sealed book. ^ More than fifty volumes of evidence taken by congressional committees during that wonderful period are lying "in the national capital. He knows nothing of them. Scores of reports written by the most distinguished statesmen — leaders in our national coun- cils who helped to guide the ship of state through the storm of war, the statesmen who gathered around T.incoln and Grant — are there at his hand, but he has never seen them. Those reports set forth most plainly the true condition of the South at that time, and recount the hori'id crimes committed to gain power. Ask Mr. Average Congressman about Reconstruction and he will reply in the flippant style of his tribe : "Oh, that is ancient his- tory I AH is well now. It was a mistake to make the negroes citi- zens. Adventurers rushed down Soutli and by misleading the col- ored voters got themselves elected to office. They were after the money and robbed the unfortunate ]ieople for their own benefit. It was this horde of unprincipled wretches made all the trouble. They openly boasted that whenever the whites killed a few negroes it helped them to carry the election. They kept the Soutli in con- stant turmoil till the Better Element — the "Respectable citizens sent them home. Since then peace and quiet prevails. The South is 13 prosperous, we are now a reunited people. All is well. Let us for- get the past and think of the future.'^ All is well? AVhen nearly a million of American citizens are deprived of the most sacred rights of Free men? All well, when )nen and women are lynched almost daily without the slightest proof of guilt; when human heings are hurned alive — without trial — withoiit the sliglitest opportunity for defence. It will never be well till all such "Average Congressmen"' are retired to the ob- scurity in wliich such shameful ignorance should be buried. BARBEROUS, BRUTAL, DISGUSTING. On several occasions when Southern papers have described the burning alive of a negro, they also told how the spectators scram- bled for fragments of the mutilated body, many of the fragments cut from the living victim after' he is chained to the stake and while tlie flames are kintlling around him. Ears, toes, fingers are among tlie trophies tluis secured aiid highly prized by tlie chivalry I Half burned bones raked from the bloody ashes, and pieces of scorched human flesh are carried away and proudly shown in the streets of Southern cities. When Samuel Hase was burned on Sunday, April 23, 1900. a leading journal of Atlanta, Ga., described "■"The eagerness witb which the people grabbed after souvenirs. They almost fought over the ashes of the dead criminal. Large pieces of his flesh were carried away, and persons were seen walking through the streets carrying bones in their hands. When all the larger bones, together with the flesh had been carried away by the early comers, others scraped in the ashes, etc.'' What a picture of refinement ! How it must impress the world with astonishment and Avonder as the "High standard of Southern civilization," is thus displayed, and- illustrated by this object lesson on a Christian Sabbatli within a few miles of the capital of Georgia. l]arly that day the news spread through Atlanta that a negro would be burned at Xewnan. A special excursion train was promptly engaged to take people to llic sliow. ■"All aboard for the burning — special train lo Xcwnan." was tlic ci-y of the j)romotcrs of the excursion. And the cars were soon filled. After tliis train moved out another was made up to accommodate those ])eo])le irlin had been at clmrch. In this way some '?.<>00 citizens of Ailaiila \\-ei-e conveyed to fhe burning. Among lliem were many ])rominenl leading men, not one of whom ])rolested against ibis inost horrilde murder of an American citi- zen, wiiliout trial, without ])roof of his guilt. And liis disjointed meniljers, his fire-blackened bones and his half-roasli'd llesli was borne far and wide in tiu; hands of the sujierior race into the re- lined christian homes of Georgia! AVhat could be more shameful, what more loathesome? .\nd l)e it noied that the story of this bru- falifv Awd Innlbsomc savagery is not fold b\- outsidei-s. but published 11 in the papers which approve and cneouragc the horrible scenes th"^y describe. A COMPARISON. The parisli of Ouaehila (W'ashilaw), Louisiana, was under EepubHcan rule eight years, from 18(38 to the end of 18TG. Duj-ing that time several Eepublicans were murdcr(>d because the}' were Ke- publicans. But no case of lynching occurred or was attempted in all those years. At the beginning of ISTT, the Democrats regained control; from that time every ollicial was an oUl citizen, a whiti Democrat. In the next period of eight years, eleven men were lynched — two w'hite and nine colored. These lynchings occurred at intervals, one in 1877, four in 1878, one in 1879, two in 1881. and three in 1884. These were for common crimes, having, no connection Avith politics whatever. Here Ave have the singular fact that during the wdiole period of Radical government — when our enemies asserted that corrupt, incompetent officers fdled everv position, the ''-Better Element," "The Oldest and Best.'' did not find it needful to lynch anybody or even attempt to lynch, yei when all political power w^as in the hands of this same "Better Ele- ment," a resort to mob law Avas necessary. "Who Avill explain? ''IS IT WELL THAT AN OLD AGE IS OUT AND TimE TO BEGIN A NEW?" In the period of ten years ending Avitli tlic year 1900, in the last decade of the nineteenth century, more than 1,G00 American citizens Avere lynched. Xot one of all that number had a legal trial. Not one of them Avas proved guilty of any crime. They Avere suspected or accused, and then murdered by mobs. Fifteen of them were delibcratly burned alive. Our nation stands before the world at the beginning of the tAventieth century stained Avith this horrid record ! All Christen- dom may Avell point fingers of scorn and cry in the Avords of the IlebrcAV prophet : '<0, NATION THAT HATH NO SHAME/' And the disgraceful stain groAvs broader and darker as every month of the ncAV century adds to the number of these monstrous crimes. In the eight months of this ncAV century ending August 31. fully one hundred persons Avere lynched— three of them burned ai the stake. WHICH SHALL IT BE? This issue of the Carpet Bagger is an experiment. It may prove to be only : "A cry of shijiwreck on a ehorelofs st'a."' A voice speaking for the Eight and against the AVrong, but speaking in vain. It may be a voice overborne by the howhng of brutal mobs. A voice crying for justice, but silenced by the shouts of lawless lynchers, who in their turn shall be silenced by the roar of battle which will follow if the American people permit the fast growing evil to continue. The blood of the victims shed by the crowds of murderers whose feet haste to do evil will not always sink in the groimd un- avenged, but its appeal will rise to the Judge of all the earth and the day of Recompense will surely come at last. But our experiment may succeed. The feeble voice may wax stronger and stronger till the American people give heed and crush the horrible monster whom Southern assassins fatten upon the blood of the innocent. FALSE WITNESSES-ASSERTION. The people of the Xorth have believed Southern assertion with- out proof — without asking for proof. They have believed the vilest slanders against their own comrades who went South after the war. Malignant rebels who called Lincoln a '''T3-rant." '^'A Nero," were believed when they traduced the loyal men who supported Lincoln. The Southerner who called Grant "A drimken Butcher" was believed Avhen he cursed Grant's brave soldiers who sought to make homes in the region over which thev upheld the national flag. .Such credulity is unaccountable, yet it existed in the Eecon- struetion period, and exists to-day. Why the man who asserted that JelT Davis was a nobler charac- ter than Lincoln, should be implicitly believed when he said our comrades were penniless adventurers, unworthy to live among the Southern chivalry whom they had defeated in battle, is a question not yet answered. None of the monstrous charges made against Carpet Baggers were ever proved. Who ever saw any proof? Open any volume of the reports of congressional conmiittees — and those volumes num- ber more than fifty — and what do we find ? Assertions, page after page of assertions — and scarcel}'' a line of proof. The witnesses whose sworn statements fill thousands of pages were lawyers, judges, editors, doctors, planters. All honorable Mien. "The Better Element," "The Intelligence of the South," •Tlie Chivalry." Hfre is a sample: A judge in ]']ast Feliciana. Louisiana, the lion. Tliomas B. Lyons, was a witness in 1877. He gave the con- gressional committee the Democratic version of the political trou- bles in his parish. He said the trouble began in June, 187') — that tbe White Ijcague Clubs were organized at that time. i'loasc remember the date, June, 1875. Some of liis friends, IG prominent citizens, said it was "mid-summer of iSTo'* they or- ganized. Judge Lyons said : "To make as short a story as possible, there has been very great mal-administration in the affairs of the parish ever since 18G8. We have had officers who were incompetent and venal, especially magistrates, Justices of the peace, who had crim- inal jurisdiction, to make arrests in all cases, and who had civil Jurisdiction up to the amount of one hundred dollars. They were generally men of gross ignorance and venality and they exercised their offices with great oppression and extortion. The whole gov- ernment of the parish was bad in the extreme. People began to lose confidence and respect for the government. They lost respect for every kind of government because of the management of our affairs. The district courts failed more than half the time to be held according to law. It Avas almost possible to be acquitted of any crime for the paltry costs — the district attorney's fees included. Xuraerous instances have come under my observation where for fifteen dollars, payment of the district attorney's fees, the most heinous crimes were nol-prossed. That continued for years. The prosperity of the parish waned — declined. People lost all respect for the law and spoke of it with , contempt and held a great many of the legal officers in contempt. "The parish court was presided over for four years by men utterly incompetent. One was a foreigner who had recently come to the country, another was a man who had been a blacksmith/' "He was an honest man, but utterly incompetent to fill the of- fice. The criminals went unpunished and people began to think that the only way in the world to protect their property was to do it with the strong arm of force." Such was the stump speech made by Judge Lyons from the wit- ness stand. A Avild harangue, in which not a single fact is men- tioned. He did not cite a single instance of incompetence or of fraud — did not name a single criminal who escaped punishment. When asked as to names and dates, he said : "The first parish judge we had was Boedecker, a German, elect- ed in 18(58, for two years. He was an intelligent man. A man of education. He spoke our language, but with an accent." That was all this wordy witness could sav against the first Ee- pul-jlican Judge. The next was L. N. Pitkin, a white lawyer of Southern birth. In answer to questions, Judge Lyons said : "I can't say he was incompetent. TTo was a lawyer and did very well." After him came Hughes, the man wlio liad been a. blacksmith. "An lioncst man." Lvons said, "but not cultivated bv educa- tion." Huglies died, and tlic unexpired term was filled by Hon. J. G. 17 Xilbourne, a Democrat appointed by the Eepiibliean governor, Kel- logg. He served from June, 1874, to the end of the year. Judge Lj'ons approved him as: "A lawyer. Perfectly competent." Then the witness continued: ''I was elected in 1874, and succeeded Kilbourne," and he filled the bench two full years, 1875 and 1876. Xow compare the asser- tions in his direct testimony with the facts extorted by cross-ex- amination : "Our parish court was presided over for four years by men ut- terly incompetent." Yet all he could urge against Boedecker was that ^^le spoke our language with an accent." "He was intelligent. Educated," but he had an accent; Then Pitkin served two years, a native-born white man, ac- knowledged by Lyons to be competent. After him came the man who had been a blacksmith. Judge Lyons, an aristocratic contemner of labor, thought that was enough. He was a blacksmith, not a gentleman, and former slave-owner. But he admitted Hughes was an honest man, and he failed to men- tion any act or ruling of his while on the bench which showed him unfit for the position. When Hughes died, a Democrat, "perfectly competent," was appointed. This was in June, 1874. When Judge Kilbourne re- tired, the witness, Thomas B. Lyons, was installed, liaving gained his election in that strong Eepublican parish by the aid of the col- ored voters. He presided two years, or until the end of 1876. Where do we find the four years of utterly incompetent judges? Eemember that the "Strong Arm of Force" first appeared in June, 1875, or "midsummer" of that year, as some Democratic friends of Judge Lyons expressed it, when perfectly competent Democrats, Kilbourne and Lyons, had presided a full year. Was it not somewhat late for the "Strong Arm of Force" to be- gin the work of reform with the shotgun ? Take another assertion : "Xumerous instances have come under my observation where for fifteen dollars, payment of district attorney's fees, the most heinous crimes were nol-prosscd . When asked to name the officials who did this he said : "a\Ir. risk, / am told, practiced it. I am satisfied that Mr. De Lee practiced it." He liad sworn that "numerous instances" came "under my ob- servation." Yet could not mention a single case — could only say he had been told of one and was satisfied as to another ! That Mr. Fisk. of wlioiu lie had l)cen told, went out of office at the end of the year 1872, and De Leo was a white Democrat, as Lyons reluctantly admitted. Further questions forced him to confess that A. E. TJeed, a white Democrat, was then district attorney anrl liad been for 18 nearly four years from his appointment, in 1S73. Eeed had filled that position more than two years before "The Strong Arm of Force"' began its campaign of murder. But Lyons said of Eeed : "I do not make any charges against him." De Lee, whom he had accused, was Eeed's assistant ! Look at another assertion: '•'We have had officers who were incompetent and venal, justices of the peace * * generally men of gross ignorance and venality and they exercised their office with great oppression and extor- tion.'' To illustrate this matter, he repeated a long tale about a colored justice — Jefferson — who imprisoned negroes in an old shop and extorted money without warrant of law. But Lyons omitted to mention the date of these enormities. He was asked when those things happened, and he haltingly replied: "That was a good while ago. That was along in the begin- ning of his official existence. It was a good long while ago. I think it has been six or seven years, anj^how." Another question brought out the fact that Jefferson had been prosecuted for his official misconduct, convicted and punished ! "He was fined and imprisoned," Judge Lyons said. And this was- the only case he gave to show that the justices were generally venal, oppressive and extortionate. Observe his attempt to mislead when he said: "It Avas along in the beginning of his official existence," thus implying that: he was still in office, whereas the judge knew that this same Jef- ferson was then serving out a two years' term in prison for lar- ceny of which he was convicted after his punishment for illegal acts when justice of the peace. We now present a brief and truthful account of the events in East Feliciana, by which the Eepublican majority had been extin- guished in 1876 : THE STRONG ARM OF FORGE.' HOW IT PROTECTED THE WHITE MAN'S PROPERTY. East Feliciana, a large and populous parish of Louisiana, lies on the line AAhich divides that state from Mississippi. It was one of the Eepublican strongholds, and previous to 1875 had suffered less from political troiibles than most of the other Eepublican com- munities in the Creole state. In 1868, when the horrible massacres of Bosier, St. Landry, Caddo and St. Bernard occurred, and the AVhite Camelia, aided by the Ivu-Klux, gave Seymour a majority of 47.000 in the state, East Feliciana was comparatively quiet. By a display of force, by systematic intimidation, emphasized by whip- ping a few stubborn negroes, twelve hundred of the legal voters were kept from the polls at the Xovember election. The local offi- V.! cials had been cliosen by the Eepublicans at the state election of April, 1868. The succeeding elections of 18T0 and 18T2 were com- paratively peaceful and fair, and even in 1874, the year in which the AYhite League entered upon its blood}- career in many parts of the state, East Feliciana was but slightly disturbed. But at mid- siimmer of 18T5 the revolutionary work of the league began there. The Eepublicans had adopted the liberal policy of electing moder- ate Democrats to certain important positions, judicial and clerical, instead of filling them with men from their party who were not thoroughly competent. In such cases no political j)ledges were re- quired, no bargains made. In 1870, L. X. Pitkins, a Democratic lawyer, was elected parish judge and served a full term of two years. A Eepublican, a white man and an old citizen, succeeded him, but he died in office, and then Governor Kellogg appointed a prominent Democratic lawyer, J. G. Kilbourn, to fill the vacancy. His commission was issued in June, 1874, and he held the office until succeeded by his personal and political friend, T. B. Lyons, who was elected by Eepublican votes in Xovember, 1874. and entered upon his tAvo years' term early. in January, 1875. Governor Kellogg, in 1873, also appointed A. E. Eeed district attorney, with a Mr. De Lee as attorney pro-tem, usually styled parish attorney; both of these gentlemen were old, white citizens and Democrats. About the same time another prom- inent Democrat was appointed clerk of court, J. S. Laniere. Thus this strong Eepublican parish had a Democratic judge. Democratic district and parish attorney, and Democratic clerk of court, con- tinuously from June, 1874, to the end of the year 1876, and it was in tliat period tliat all the political violence and outrage occurred. JOHN GAIR, THE COLORED LEADER. John Gair Avas the boldest and most ambitious of the colored leaders. In April, 1868, he was elected to the house in the first reconstructed legislature, but offended his people by voting with the Democrats on" a bill to pay some claim for money six'ut during the Avar. This prevented his re-election in 1870, but he regained his popularity sufficiently to be again sent to the house. In 1874 a split occurred in the Eepublican party of East Fi'liciana and Gair was not elected. Tliere was no election in Louisiana in 1875, but the neighbor- ing state of ]\Iississippi was a vast battlefield whereon the White Ticague was testing its power and skill in overthrowing the gov- ernment of the majority and effecting, in time of peace, a forcible revolution more complete and lasting tban that attempted by open war in ISOl. 'J'he Ecpultlicans of East Feliciana felt no fear of immediate trouble, had no ap]H-ulicnsion of the coming storm, for always here- tofore political violence had occurred during the campaign immedi- ately before tlie election. But tbo Wliite League was organized 20 very quietly and secretly, in Jun^, and the Republicans knew noth- ing of its existence in their parish until several large clubs had been formed and armed. Then a report suddenly spread through the parish that one of the colored Kepublicans — Ray — a member of the legislature and ex-sheriff, living in Clinton, the court- house town, had used violent and threatening language. Several negroes in that vicinity had lately been assaulted and beaten by white men, and their efforts to secure redress and protection by legal methods were unsuccessful. Speaking of this matter, the ex- sheriff said that if he were thus attacked by white men he would defend himself. Such words spoken by "a nigger" were denounced as "incendiary" by the law-loving leaguers, and not to be tolerated. By way of rebuking his insolence some scores of mounted men rode into Clinton the next Saturday afternoon, all of them armed and cursing Ray furiously. And not only Ray but Gair and other lead- ing Republicans, including Capt. De Gray, a white man, late of the Union army, and a citizen of the parish since the end of the war. The wildest excitement prevailed that evening — the armed riders dashed recklessly up and down the streets yelling, cursing and threatening — but no actual violence or outrage was committed be- yond frightening the peaceful colored people in the town. Xext morning the armed crowd increased and the threats against the colored leaders grew louder. The sheriff, also a colored man, but, like Gair, nearer white than black, appealed to the prominent white citizens to help preserve the peace. He did not attempt to summon a ]iosse or arrest the leaguers, but begged Judge I^yons and other citizens of influence to exert themselves to allay the excitement. Thev did nothing. About the same time couriers were sent out with the fearful tidings that Ray and Gair had called upon the plantation negroes in the surrounding country to come in armed, and the cry soon resounded through the town that vast hordes of brutal niggers were marching in line of battle, coming to burn the town and murder the whites. Tlie country leagues, knowing tlie whole plan as ]"»rearranged by their chiefs, were already assembled under arm.'; and ready to marcli the moment tlie couriers reached them. Before sunset fully 500 armed white men occupied the town of Clinton. Guards were posted at every street corner, and pickets and patrols on all the roads. The threats against Ray, Gair, Smith, the sheriff and Clark, the recorder, were heard everywhere. Xight came, but the ''invading hordes of niggers marching in line of bat- tle" never came. As soon as darkness concealed their movements, the four colored leaders quietly stole from their homes and fled by unfrequented paths for their lives. Then quiet fell upon the ex- cited town, the clubs so lately summoned from the country for its protection rode homeward, and the noisy farce was ended. While the tumult was at its worst, some of the leaguers seized Captain De Gray and proposed to hang him. The chiefs inter- fered and saved his life. He was allowed to remain, but he was 21 effectually silenced. The flight of the colored leaders and this re- moval of De Graj- from political activit}- left the negroes without local organizers and managers. This was the object of the furious demonstration. The White League chiefs had decreed the removal of the Ee- publican leaders and thus accomplished it. And it was done with- out giving them written orders or warnings, as in the Ku-Klux times, without sending committees to give formal notice to leave. Such proofs of their action had been found troublesome heretofore when congressional investigations were made. By assembling 500 armed men under the pretense of defending the town threatened bv the negro hordes, and making hostile demonstrations against the Eepublican leaders, they forced them to fly as the only way to save their lives. And they knew it was the only way. Had they re- mained, certain "persons or parties unknown" would have killed them that night. This was done in an off year, when there was no political excitement, no election pending, and the chiefs of the league boldly testified that they and their friends assembled merely to protect their homes and families, nothing else, and if Eay, Gair and others took fright and fled it only showed their guilt — proved, in fact, that they had ordered their ignorant followers from the country to come in and destroy the town. ■ Thus, without bloodshed or open violence, the colored people were deprived of their leaders and the first step in redeeming East Feliciana was accomplished. The leaguers by this method avoided bloodshed and direct vio- lence in strict obedience to the rule of the order to "do whatever is necessary to carry the election and nothing more." Gair went to New Orleans to see Governor Kellogg, and urge that the state should at least try to give protection to its citizens. He remained at the capital of the state, and the chiefs of the league in Clinton began to be troubled. They suspected that Gair might secure some appointment which would require his presence in East Feliciana. It would make their task of expelling or silencing him much more difficult if he returned hol(iing a commission from the governor as tax-collector; or, worse yet, they feared he might, through the gov- ernor's influence, obtain an appointment from the president, and Gair, the boldest of the Eadicals, with a commission as an officer of the United States, would be a greater obstacle in their way than ever before. Xot knowing that Gair had the faintest prospect of such ap- pointment, they imagined it possible — even probable — and the chiefs resolved by one bold stroke to sweep him from their path at once, when no political excitement prevailed, and in a time of pro- found quiet, which would give additional force to their assertion that his removal was non-political and caused only by his personal offenses. The regular term of tlie district court would begin early in October, and the plot formed against Gair made its indefinite postponement iiiT.--nr\- for Ihe convenii-iuc and safotv of the plot- ters. Just before court time, Sheriff Smith was requested to re- turn and perform his duties, their chief object being to induce him to aj^point certain of their ovm men deputies, who could act in his absence. Judge Dewing arrived at Clinton and opened court on the 7th of October, but the leaguers assembled in crowds — though not armed with guns. The sheriff, having appointed the white deputies, was attacked, shot at near the courthouse door, wounded and forced to fly for his life. Then the lawyers, all of them in the cojispiracy, urged the judge to adjourn court sine die, as the only way by which a bloody race conflict could be prevented. '•'If the session continues," said the lawyers, "hundreds of men of both races will rush into town and bloodshed will be inevitable." Tltey gave no reason, but added: "If the news goes out that court has adjourned the people will remain quiet." The deputy sherifl: was thereupon ordered to announce the adjournment. Having thus cleared the ground for future operations the impending tragedy soon followed. ALLEGED POISONING OF DR. SANDERS. Dr. J. W. Sanders, of Clinton, was the captain of the first league formed in the parish, and was noted for his violent and in- tense partisanship. He was a hard drinker and had often been seen intoxicated, and more than once raging in delirium tremens. But these afflictions did not impair his value and usefulness as ii thorough-going bull-dozer. John Gair was still in New Orleans, and his wife, having left their home in Clinton, awaited him at Baton Eouge, a large town on the Mississippi, thirty miles from Clinton. A younger sister of Gair's wife, a colored girl 18 years old, more white than black, sprightly, intelligent and fairly edu- cated, was a nurse in the Sanders' household, a favorite with her mistress, to whom the girl was devotedly attached. A few days be- fore the enforced adjournment of the court, this girl, Catharine ^Matthews, usually called by the name of "Babe," visited her sister in Baton Eouge, and, after a brief absence, had returned to her duties in Dr. Sanders' family. A little after noon on the 11th of October, the report went out through the streets of Clinton, that Dr. Sanders was dying from the effects of poison administered by Babe Matthews. i\Iessengers rushed through the village calling physicians and proclaiming on every hand "A Radical plot ! Pois- oned by Babe j\Iatthews, instigated by Gair and Ray ! One of our oldest and best citizens murdered." While these fearful tidings were spreading, several doctors gathered, at the bedside of the dying man. They found him somewhat ill, but able to give them a full and minute account of all the circumstances attending the pretend- ed crime. He said that he returned home after spending a few hours in the village, entered his house just after noon, and, accord- ing to his invariable habit, stopped at the water pail to drink. He found the pail filled with fresh water, and the gourd lying read}'. 2:{ As he drank, Babe Matthews stood near, looking angn- and savage. He noticed her look, but said nothing — only asked his wife when he met her in the next room, if she had had a row with the girl. The Avife said "no,'' and then the doctor told her that Babe was about to leave. He also told the attending physicians that the in- stant he swallowed the water he felt intense heat, burning pain, and other symptoms of poisoning. Lest a tender-hearted reader feel needless distress, let us here mention the fact that Sanders did not die, but early next morning he was walking the street and telling everybody of his awful agonies, how intensely he suffered the pre- vious evening, and urging them to avenge this dastarly attempt of the Eadical leaders, Ray and Gair, to murder an old and respectable citizen. From the moment when Sanders said he saw Babe looking angry while he drank, until after sunset, a period of six hours, not one of the numerous witnesses, the doctor's personal and politi- cal friends, could give any account of her. The first trace of her is found in tlie testimony of .J. S. Laniere, clerk of the court, who said: "I came for my mail after dark, I saw several parties with the girl in charge, was stopped and told that she wanted to make an affidavit. Don't know Avhether that was the way I was accosted, because the affidavit was written out anyhow. I went to my office and it was read to her. Then I remarked that I would prefer that the affidavit be made before Judge Lyons.'' For this strange preference Laniere gives no reason. It was night and Judge Lyons was at his residence, half a mile from the courthouse, in which the parties were assembled. An important part of the clerk's duties was to administer oatlis in such cases. He expressed his preference immediately after the reading of the affidavit in the presence of the prisoner, but he neglects to say what the girl told him; does not even mention that she uttered a word. Several liours before this scene in his office, a party of men, without legal nutbority, had seized Babe Matthews, dragged her into the market-house and by threats and torture continued most of the afternoon, forced her to make the confession they demanded. A lawyer. Captain Hardee, wrote out the affidavit, and. when at last the unhappy girl consented to sign it, they took her along the dark- ening street to the clerk's office. Then she tried to tell him the truth. She knew that he bcM liis position ])y the a]>pointment of the Eepuljlicaii governor, nii ihc reconnncndation of her friciids, and she a])p('ale(l to him ft»r help. He heard enough before the guards could stop her to make him uinvilliug to ])(,'rrorm the part assigned him. Ift' eontiinu's his statement under oath before a congressional committee: 'T started off with tbe girl and the parties who had her in charge, and on our way to Judge Lyons she seemed very much disjiosetl to talk wilb me. I told her that when phe got to Judge Lyons to tell him I lie wlinic occurrence, and if she did it. I toM licr I wnnfi'il tlie whole i-esj)0]isiliilily to lay on Judge 24 Lj'ons. I did not care about listening to any of her complaints." Snch is this official's account of his part in the proceedings. He does not explain what responsibility must lay .on Judge Lyons, but one of his words indicates the character of the appeal made to liim hx the i^risoner. He did not care about listening to her "com- plaints." It was not a confession of crime that she made, but com- plaints of injustice, and he refused to listen. And by the time he had convinced Babe that he would not listen to her complaints, the party had reached the house and entered the judge's presence. Then the clerk goes on witli his statement. He says that the affidavit already prepared by Colonel Hardee was read by Judge Lyons, buf when asked if it was read to the girl he gives an evasive answer and merely repeats that Lyons read it. He does not say that the prisoner was allowed to speak, that tlie judge asked her any question, or that she tried to tell him anything. She was care- fully watched by the party and Avas helpless in their hands. The affidavit was re-written, and it is said that she signed it with her o\n\ hand. It sets forth : "Catharine ^Matthews doth depose and say that one week ago, or more, she was in the town of Baton Eouge on a visit to her sister, the Avife of John Gair. that while there a young colored man. John George, who formerly resided in this parish, gave her some poison in a small vial and requested her to poison Dr. Sanders, saying that ' Jolui George told her it was a made-up thing between her brother- in-law, John Gair, and Bob Eay, to use the poison to kill Dr. San- ders ; that he told her to put it in the water for him ; that she used said poison as directed and that she is sorry for what she has done; that she committed the act because John George told her that Gair and Eay wanted her to do it.'' "Tatharixe Matthews.'" Having thus laid the responsibility iipon Judge Lyons, Clerk Laniere returned to his office with the prisoner and the parties hav- ing her in charge. On the way "Babe again tried to talk with me," he testified, and added that he finally told her that "I didn't want her to speak to me in any way." And thus he left her, not in the custody of a legal officer, but watched and guarded by a party of gentlemen, a committee of citizens, though he could not tell by what authority they lield lier. Xo legal arrest was made, no warrant was ever issued for her apprehension : she was not lodged in jail, but from the hour of her illegal seizure to the hour of her death the respectable gentlemen of Clinton watched her in the courthouse, relieving each other at intervals, and keeping her under constant restraint. Xot one of her own people or personal friends were allowed to see her or to communicate with her. It was to prevent this that she was not put in jail. The jailer was a colored man, and if she had been placed in his care, she could not fail to find an opportunity to communicate with her friends, opportunity to tell the truth and expose the fraud and cruelty -of which she was the victim. All through Thursda}- night, Friday, Friday night, and all through Saturda}', the gentlemen, lawyers, clerks, doctors, took their successive tours of duty in watching that hapless girl, keeping her cut off from every friendly voice, separating her from every person of her own race, until the hour of doom arrived. Among the witnesses who came before the congressional committee were several of those gentlemen. Captain Laniere and Dr. Mony- han both told the committee that they guarded Babe during the first night, and that she talked with them at intervals. But neither of them could recall to memory what she said. The doctor would only say : "Her remarks impressed me as a confession of guilt," and the captain, who was also the clerk, could only remember that she said : "She didn't think Gair had anything to do with it." Besides .this, they could only give vague expressions about John George be- ing the cause of the trouble. Leaving Babe thus guarded, the chiefs of the conspiracy went on with their work. A deputy sheriff, with a posse of seven men, was sent off to Baton Eouge to arrest John George, the colored lad whom it was charged gave Babe the poison and told her Gair and Eay sent it. No reason could be found why those two men should entrust a mere boy with that dangerous secret, but the plotters hoped to get him in their power and then extort such a confession as they wanted. But he could not be found at Baton Eouge, and while the posse sought him John Gair arrived on a steamer from the city. The deputy sheriff, Woodward, promptly telegraphed this in- formation to Clinton and received instructions to wait until a war- rant could be issued for Gair. Then Dr. Sanders went before a magistrate in Clinton and swore "That on the 11th of October, in- stant, he and family were poisoned by the administration to him of arsenic, or other poison, in water, by the hands of one Catharine Matthews; that from information of said Catharine Matthews, and by circumstances connected with said poisoning, he has reason to believe, and it is believed, that John Gair did instigate the said Catharine Matthews to administer said poison; and therefore he prayed for the arrest of the said Joliii Gair." A warrant was issued and another deputy sent to Baton Kougc, who delivered it to Wood- ward on the morning of the 18th of October. Gair was arrested before noon, and a telegram was immediately sent to Clinton an- nouncing the arrest and also the time when the posse would leave Baton Rouge. After noon the two deputies and the ])ossc of seven men started with their prisoner, who was furnished with a horse and rode simong them. About sunset they crossed ilie line of the parish of Baton Rouge and entered East Feliciana. The narrow road ran througli tlio lonely pine forest, with neither house nor fiuhl in sight. As the twiliglit was fading away, and the shadows of the dark ])inos grew darker, two prominent citizens of riirilnii ini'f lliiiii. Till' hvo frcnllfincn rode together in a buggy. and passed by without speaking — then stopped in the rear, turned about, and followed slowly behind the posse. Presently a long line of armed men, mounted, and sitting motionless in their saddles, was seen extending along the roadside in the shadowy gloom of the fast-coming night. As the posse and prisoner advanced along the road in front of this arra}*, the two extremities of the line moved forward, and bending inwards enclosed them as in a net. At the same moment several men rode inside the ring thus formed, dis- armed the posse, seized the prisoner, and then ordered Woodward and his party to move on. The order was obeyed, and the posse, guarded by a squad of armed men, was taken outside the encircling line and halted. About that moment a volley of a hundred guns Avas heard, the captive posse was dismissed, and the formidable bat- talion disappeared in the darkness, leaving Gair, mangled by scores of bullets, lying lifeless and bloody in the edge of the dark pine for- est. This happened about ten miles froni Clinton, and an hour or two later, when the deputies and posse had just reached the town, citizens saw the dead body of Babe Matthews hanging on one of the trees in the courthouse yard, and there it remained all night and until the sun rose bringing in the peaceful Sabbath day. It was before 8 o'clock, in the light of an unclouded moon, when this murder was committed in the center of a town of 1,500 people, yet all the witnesses testified that the murderers were utterly un- known — unsuspected — that no citizen saw the deed done. jSTeither could they remember who had charge of the girl on the last day of her life, or on that evening. They remembered that on the first night of her detention. Captain Laniere and Drs. Monyhan and Hall guarded her, and that other equally respectable gentlemen took their places next morning; but they could not remember any- thing later. So several citizens said under oath. Babe IMatthews was thus deliberately murdered, the moment that the conspirators knew that Gair was killed, murdered to prevent the exposure of their fiendish cruelty and falsehood. For, if she lived, she would tell the truth, and the world would Imow that whatever confession* she made was extorted by violence and torture. To make this ex- posure impossible, they kept her closely guarded until the}' effected their most important design, the killing of Gair, and then finished their work by hanging the girl, who, according to their own story, was the only witness against him. Let the reader observe the strange use made of the "Strong Arm of Force" which Lyons said was for the protection of property. Xot one of the magistrates whom he denounced as ignorant and corrupt were removed, the venal district and parish attorneys were not dis- lodged, but John Gair, a private citizen, and a servant girl were killed. A strange way indeed to reform the local government. The murder of a nurse girl and a colored man who held, no office ! And Judge Lyons made his wild harangue, "A lie in every other word," to excuse these inhuman crimes. THE FINAL SETTLEMENT OF THE SOUTHERN QUESTION. HAYES DID IT IN 1877. Ill the spring of 18TT, President Hayes withdrew the national troops stationed in the states of Louisiana, South Carolina and Florida. Those were the only states in the South which the Ivu- Klux and White Leao-ue had not redeemed hy the "Strong Arm of Force." The Eepuhlicans in those states had bravely struggled against the assassins and gave their electoral votes for Hayes. It was their courage and devotion made him president. But he, when thus elected, withdrew the slight protection the presence of the soldiers afforded and allowed their enemies to resume absolute con- trol. This was announced as a triumph of statesmanship. It was said that the final restoration of peace was accomplished. Hence- forth, the whole administration of public affairs being in the hands of the intelligent class — the property owners, the responsible citi- zens, all would be well. Our Xorthern statesmen, willing to be de- ceived, exhausted the language of Optimania in extolling the won- derful discovery in j)olitics: "That statesmansliip wholly consists In yielding whenever opponents insist." Grand and glorious results were promised to flow from this policy. 1. Peace, good government, the reign of law and order and prosperity. 2. The colored man no longer aspiring to control tlie South, would be protected in all liis riglits, there would be free schools for his children and he should vote without intimidation or fear of harm. 3. The dread of Radical — Carpet ]iag — nigger rule l)eing re- moved, the white citizens would soon form new political parties, one of which, if not both, would be a ])arty of progress, improve- ment, liberality and all good things generally. 4. This party might ho called "Whig." or the "Administration Party,'"' or the "Liberal I )iiiiih r;i(\ Z" <>r tlu' "Hayes Do as you please Party."' And undei- the benign inthiencc of tliis ])oliey.all old things in the South would be forgotten, the 1)loody chasm closed, the wounds r»f war fully liealed forevei'. Pi{(>vii)i;i). Ai.AVAYs: 'Hiat llie loyal i^'ople wlio saved the "tJ.nion would l)e silent and wail (|nielly till all these good things came to pass. All depended u])oii that. A word of doubt, or reproach, even a liint or sus]iicious look might so woun lii~ I now Icclgo of this matter. li<' :iii>;wi'ri'd : "It Avas either mv company or another that was rejected. I must reflect. It has been several A-ears ago. If I cannot remem- ber, I Avill produce witnesses who have information." It seems he continued to reflect, but he never presented the proof of his assertions. Even the witnesses who had information never came. After the riots in Xew Orleans, La., July 30, 1866, a leading Democrat, Lieutenant-Governor Voorhees, blamed General Baird for the delay in bringing troops to the city to preserve the peace. Toohees testified that he sent certain notes to the general warning him of threatened trouble. The last note, he said, "was sent about noon" and then it was "sent hetiveen eleven and twelve/' General Baird produced the note and presented it before the committeee. It bore date in Voorhees' own writing, "One and a half O'Clock.'" one of the better! element impeaches a negro witness. That nigger Otley swore to a lie, A villainous, wicked and perjured lie, When he said Bogan was in the fight Where thirty negroes were shot that night. I know it is false, for he went to stay That night with a friend four miles away. "How do I know it?" "Yes, how do you know?" "I know it for Bogan told me so!" TILLMAN. "HE CLOTHED HIMSELF WITH CURSING AS WITH A GARMENT." What shall be thought, what shall be said, when a society pro- fessedly christian, whose ostensible work is the proper education of the young, invites a self-confessed assassin who boldly advocates murder (if the victim is black), to come and speak in their assem- blies ? Tillman, a coarse, narrow-minded bigot, who came to tell these christian gentlemen and ladies, that he helped to gain political power and ofiice by killing American citizens — to tell them he ap- proves of mob-violence, the lynching of men and women accused of crime, without trial, without the slightest investigation, without the least proof of their guilt. And his ravings in defence of these monstrous crimes are cheered — applauded by these christian people ! How all this must elevate the morality of the young, who lis- tened, how it must improve their character and make them better citizens than their elders who had no such guide and instructor as Tillman. In speaking of the Eepublican government of South Carolina, which he helped to overthrow with the shotgun, he gives no facts — ni merely raves about stealing everything, and the disgraceful cred- ulity of his audience believed it all. His description of the govern- ment overthrown by violence, fraud and murder is absolutely false. SOUTH CAROLINA. The Republican government established in South Carolina un- der the Eeconstruction Acts, was the most uusatisfactor}" of all in the South. The negroes outnumbered the whites and most of them were more ignorant than in other states where they were les.s nu- merous. The intelligent white citizens refused to help, and in fact did all they could to prevent the formation of a good government. Consequently serious evils followed. Serious financial errors and frauds. Yet an examination of the new constitution formed under these unfavorable conditions shows that it was a decided im- provement on the old. It was more liberal — more in accord with the spirit of the age and modern progress. ]\Iany of the laws enacted by the first legislature were of the same character, and abolished antiquated, class legislation, which had been continued from the dark ages. Outside of fi- nancial mismanagement . and extravagance, there was little cause for complaint. Tlie better class of Eepublicans succeeded in gaining control in 18T4, and elected D. H. Chaml)erlain governor. His reform measures encountered strong opposition from a large faction of his own party. But won the earnest approval of many Democrats. The vast improvement in the conduct of public af- fairs was soon recognized by the more liberal of the old citizens, and as the election of 1876 approached, they urged a union of honest men of both parties in support of Chamberlain. "We ask the reader to note the following extracts from the con- servative Democratic papers and speakers in Soutli Carolina. They show what was their estimation of the last Eepiiblican governor of that state, whose re-election was prevented by the fraud, violence and murder which Tillman approves and applauds. The Yorkville Enquirer said: "He has fought a good fight in IjC'half of the people." The Winnsboro News said in June, 1875 : '"Governor Cham- Ijerlain is a necessity. He alone in the state has the power, at pres- ent, to check fraud, foster honesty and restore order." The Clraitgc said in the first year of his administration: "Gov- ernor Chamberlain is every day fulfilling the pledges made alike to Conservatives and Eepublicans." The Sumter }Vaichman. June, 1870, declared that: "The movement to organize the Democratic party in this state is mainly confined io a few leaders who want oflice themselves." The Jlorry Xeivs said of (iovenior Chainlu'rlain : "His bi>- tory as governor has been pure, uns])ottod and unstainctl."" Tlie Marion Star remarked in June, 1870: "We would like to Ix' Cf)nvincc(l Ibnt \vr arc wrong. bu( uniil souu- one sliows us how ••52 30,000 Eepublicaii majority with a leader like Governor Chamber- lain in command, can be whipped at the polls, we shall not with- draw our support from him." In December, 1ST 5, General Connor presented this resolution at a meeting in Charleston, and it was adopted : ''We tender to Governor Chamberlain our grateful thanks for the bold and statesmanlike struggle he has made in the cause of re- form and the economical administration of the government, in the jDreservation of public faith, in the equal administration of justice and in the maintenance of peace, and we pledge him our cordial support for the accomplishment of these ends." The Neivs and Courier, the leading Democratic paper in the state, said in April, 1875, of Governor Chamberlain: '•'At the close of this first session of the legislature, we take l^leasure in saying to him: 'Well done, good and faithful servant.'' The honest men of all parties look upon him to-day as a governor whose administration has been bold, honest and exceptionally able." A meeting at Sumter passed the following resolution, January, 1876 : "Governor D. H. Chamberlain has illustrated by his con- duct, the noble ends which may be achieved by a stranger who dif- fers from many of us in matters of political faith, but who unites with good men of all views in measures of reform, and this people will sustain him to the end." 'T honestly believe that Governor Chamberlain can do more for South Carolina than any other man." Thus wrote a Democrat, G. W. Williams, in July, 1876. The News and Courier added: "The most influential bankers and merchants in Charleston hold substantially the same opinions as those expressed by Mr. Williams." The same pajDer about that time, said : "Mr. Chamberlain has earned the gratitude and deserves the confidence of the whole peo- ple." These are a few of the many Democratic indorsements of the Republican state government. All the best of the white citizens joined in this approval. As late as July 11, three days after the Hamburg massacre, the News and Courier published a brief review of the governor's ac- tion. We condense the review : "The abuse of the pardoning power has been corrected." "The character of the officers appointed by the Executive has been improved." "The floating indebtedness of the state has been provided for in such a way that the rejecting of fraudulent claims is assured and valid claims arc scaled one-half." "The tax laws have been amended so as to secure substantial equality in the assessment of property." "And taxes have been reduced to 11 mills on the dollar." .^:5 "The contingeut fund of the executive deparnnent has beeu re- duced, saving in two years $101,200.'"^ "Legislative expenses, in like manner reduced, so as to save tlie people in two 3'ears $350,000." "Legislative contingent expenses in the same wav reduced so as to save the state $355,000." "Public printing reduced from an annual average of $300,000 to $50,000." Such is the character of the last Eepuhlican governor of South Carolina and the government of the state at the time when the malignant faction led by men like M. C. Butler, Gary, Ehett, Has- kell, and the Avhole tribe of obscure Tillmans began their campaign of murder to reinstate themselves in power. That faction deliberately planned and perpetrated the Ham- burg massacre, expressly to cause an excitement which could enable them to force the conservative Democrats to Join in their lawless work. They forced a conflict with a negro militia company, under the false pretence of outrages committed by the militia. The charges were mere lies invented by the malignants. Xot one of all the many witnesses before the committee of investigation could furnish proof of any unlawful act by any company of colored militia in the state. The leading men of South Carolina were wit- nesses before the senate committee sent to investigate the election of 1876. They repeated vague reports, hearsay rumors, but not •one of them could show proof of a single crime eommitted by the negro militia. And now iTi the first year of the twentieth century one of tlie murderers and slanderers is invited to come Xorth and defend those monstrous crimes, to approve lynching and praise the mobs that hang, shoot and burn whoever they may accuse, without trial, witliout proof of guilt, condemned on suspicion to horrible deaths. Yes, christian teachers of the Xorth bring such a inonster to address them and then cheer this brazen advocate of murder ! "Eartli, Oil Avliere do thy wonders end?" OBSERVE THE DIFFERENCE. Fraud and violence reducetl llie l\e])ublican vote in the South for many years. But those methods proved expensive. Besides, it was fatiguing. Armed clubs had to be maintained and the riding on midnight raids was tiresome, and these violent methods inter- feri'd with colored labor upon which the South de]iends for all its wealth. Consequently the Southern statesmen devised a legal or con- stitutional scheme to kee]) colored voters from the Imllot-box. It is in direct and positive conflict with the ISTatioual eoustituiion, but that is of little consequence so long as our Kejnibliean congress is too cowardly to enforce its mandates. The following tables show the results of Southern skill and daring. wli(>reby they make one voter in those states equal in ])olitieal jiowei- to tlii-ee or live or ten in the North. Tlie fijiures in all cases show the number of votes cast for the successful ticket. The opposing vote is not considered : In 1893 the Cleveland electors in Mississippi received 40,237 votes, Avhich gave that state nine votes in the electoral college. Min- nesota also had nine electoral votes, but they represented more than 122,000 voters. Thus we see that in the choice of a President 40,- 000 voters in Mississippi were equal to more than three times 40,- 000 in Minnesota ! In 1894 Mississippi elected seven representatives to the national congress. The total vote polled for them was 38,071, In the same year Minnesota elected the same number of representatives, seven, the total vote being more than 150,000. In 1896 the vote for congressmen elected was as follows in Mississippi and Wisconsin : MISSISSIPPI. WISCOXSIN. First District 7.321 28,275 Second District G,041 23,957 Third District 3.069 26,691 Fourth District 8,143 25,89e Fifth District 10.475 26,613 Sixth District 0.739 26.649 Seventh District 7,327 24,013. In the Fourth district, three Republican voters were almost equal to one Democrat in the corresponding district in Mississippi. But in the Third the difference was more than eight to one in favor of the South. In 1896 Georgia elected eleven congressmen. Iowa elected the same number. GEOKGI.\. IOWA. First District 8,786 21,944 Second District 7,454 23,202 Third District 7.450 29,654 Fourth District 8,519 26,659 Fifth District 9.258 26,133 Sixth District 8,236 21,970 Seventh District 10,719 25,578 ' Eighth District 9.088 24.783 Xinth District 11.037 24.904 Tenth District 10.119 23,523 Eleventh District 9,141 29,601 Each of those states had thirteen electoral votes. The thirteen from Georgia received 94,232 votes. The thirteen from Iowa re- ceived 289,923 votes. The rebels who stood guard around our starving comrades in the Andersonville prison pen have full three times the influence in electing presidents and making laws as the maimed survivors of their brutal cruelty. In 1898 the vote for members of congress was as follows in two states, each having seven members in congress : 35 MISSISSIPPI. MINNESOTA. First District 2.469 18.939 Second District 2.94:9 21,296 Third District 2,068 19.27 1 Fourth District 3,431 15.955 Fifth District 4,943 18,736 Sixth District 3,276 22,194 Seventh District 3.278 20,409 ELECTION OF 1900. SEVEN CONGRESSMEN FROM EACH STATE. SOUTH CAROLINA. CALIFORNIA. No. of Votes, Xo. of Votes. First District 3.666 21.227 Second District 6,713 23,019 Third District 7.834 22,109 Fourth District 8,189 17.111 Fifth District 6,634 23,443 Sixth District 7,506 27,081 Seventh District 7,285 23,450 LOOK AT THE VOTE FOR PRESIDENTIAL ELECTORS. GEORGIA. Date. Xo. of Votes. 1892 129,386 Thirteen Electors. 1896 94,232 Thirteen Electors. 1900 77,353 Thirteen Electors. LOUISIANA. Date. Xo. of Votes. 1892 87,923 Eight Electors. 1896 77.175 Eight Electors. 1900 53,671 Eight Electors. SOUTH CAROLINA. Date. Xo. of Votes. 1892 51,6t)S Eight Electors. 1896 58.801 Eight Electors. 19UU 47,236 Eight Electors. MISSISSIPPI. Date. Xo. of Votes. 1892 40,237 Xine Electors. 1890 53,800 Nine Electors. I'JOO 51,706 Nine Electors. At the election of 1900, the three states of South Carolina, Mis- sissippi and Louisiana had 25 votes in the electoral college. The total of the popular vote for those t\vent3'-five electors was 152,613. At the same election, Illinois had twenty-four votes in the electoral colk'ge, but it required more than 597.000 voters to elect them. Thus we see that 153,000 men in those Southern states have greater power in the election of a president than 597,000 in Illinois. Yet we arc told that all is well. "Don't irritate the South by asking (o have our national constitution respected and obeyed." 3nys. "they would 41 .op, and, striking matches, look in the man's face to see if he still ved. To better see if he was dead the}' would stick lighted match- ; to his eyes." When quite sure he was lifeless they left the mau- led hody in the gutter and with fiendish yells rushed on to find :her victims. Towards morning of that same night of horror a egro named Philo, seventy years old, on his way to his regular ork in the French market, where he had been employed for years, as met by a crowd of whites and shot down. He was taken to the ospital, where his wounds were pronounced fatal. One of the wless parties that roamed at will all over the city fired into a negro ibin on Eousseau street. The inmates were asleep, for it was mid- ight. and one of them, an old woman, was killed in her bed. Another, a colored washerwoman who lived on South Claibourne reet, hearing one of the noisy groups passing looked out to see hat was going on. She was attacked and beaten insensible. A egro. T. P. Sanders, was sitting qviietly at his own door, when a action of the mob marched by ; he was shot and beaten till they left im for dead. Such were the scenes that continiied day and night from Mon- ay till Friday evening. Only a few have been told. About 3 p. m. Friday the police learned where (Hiarles could be )und, and a house at the corner of Saratoga and Clio was sur- (unded. Besides lue police, a great crowd of citizens assembled — mong them were the good citizens who had filled the city with out- iges like those described above. Charles was waiting and his •usty AVinchester was in his hand. a' sergeant, Porteus, and Corporal Lally, entered a lower room 11(1 the first fell dead at the first shot, tlie second Avas mortally ounded by the next, and for a few moments no one else ventured to in. But the crowds outside rushed wildly through the yards and assages shouting, "Where is he?" An answer came from his rifle irough an upper window and a citizen — Bloomfield — one who was atching, gun in hand, to shoot the negro, fell wounded and the 'C(ind shot killed him outright. The crowds fled from this dan- crous ground and then l)ii lifts from rifles and ])istols began to our into the house fi-oiii weapons in tlir liands of the Inmdreds lat filled the streets. "The fusilade souiuled like a battle,*' the reporter Avrote, and iiitinues: "'Throughout all this hideous uproar, Charles seems to ave retained a certain diabolical coolness. He kept himself most- • out of sight, but now and then thrust his gleaming rifle through IM <<{ the shati.ivd window panes and fired at his beseigers. Ho (irked his weapon witli incr(»