PIONEERS IN EDUCATION JEAN JACQUES EQUSSEAU AND EDUCATION FROM NATURE BY GABRIEL C0MPAYR]E; CORRESPONDENT OF THE INSTITUTE ; DIRECTOR OP THE ACADEMY OF LYONS; AUTHOR OF "PSYCHOLOGY APPLIED TO LECTURES ON PEDAGOGY ETC. TRANSLATED BY R. P. JAGG NEW YORK THOMAS Y. CROWELL & CO. PUBLISHERS fTi^HYofCOWGRESSJ \wu Cooles RecelYod i OCl 1 190f 1 COPY D. Copyright, 1907, By THOMAS Y. CEOWELL & COMPAlirS'. Published, September, 1907. CONTENTS AND SUMMARY PAGE Preface vii I. Novelty of Rousseau's views on education. — Emile a mixture of truth and error. — Of greater importance to lay stress on the abiding truths than to refute uto- pianisms ... 1 II. Rousseau an initiator and revolutionary. — Despite his originality, he had his forerunners : Montaigne, Fenelon, V Locke, etc. — Turgot had previously preached the re- turn to nature. — A study of children necessary in order to educate them. — The psychology of infancy contained in Emile. — Rousseau had observed the chil- dren of others. — His deficiency in professional experi- ence. — Lacking in connected study. — Influen«e of personal reminiscences on Rousseau's pedagogical theories. — Emile is self-taught. — Emile's education is often conceived by Rousseau as a fancied antithesis to the realities of his own life and character. — Rousseau, in his visionary structure, reacted against himself . 6 ' III. Essential principles of Emile, and their results. — The doctrine of original innocence. — Positive statements. V — Pessimism in regard to society : optimism in regard to nature. — Return to the natural man advocated, ^r-—- — In consequence, "negative" education until the age of twelve. — No moral authority. — No didactic teaching. — Paradoxes on paradoxes. — Neither punishments nor rewards. — The child is of necessity subjected to the laws of nature. — Suppression of the authority of parents and masters : Rousseau's capital error. — Inactive, expec- iii iv CONTENTS AND SUMMARY PAGE tant education. — Abnormal isolation of Emile. — Contrived situations. — Tricks of composition. — De- spite his contradictions, Rousseau is a partisan of domestic education. — Praise of family life. — The duty of mothers to nurse their children. — Obligations of fathers. — Another paradox: ''successive" education. — Artificial division of the life of the child and the youth into three periods. — Correct views concerning the char- acteristics proper to each age. — Is it necessary to treat the child as a man? — Unjustifiable postponement of moral education. — Religious training delayed until adolescence. — The Profession de foi du vicaire Savoyard. — If Nature should speak, with what she could right- fully reproach Rousseau 20 IV. The eternal truths of Emile. — Physical education. — Minute directions regarding the hygiene of childhood. — Importance of bodily exercise from a moral view- point. — Education in the country. — Emile is taught a manual trade : why ? — Education of the senses. — Things, things ! — Exercise of the judgment in the domain of tangible knowledge. — Programme of utili- tarian studies. — The art of action. — Necessity of adapting education to life. — Neither literature nor his- tory. — Regarding the last point, Rousseau makes a retraction in the Considerations sur le gouvernement de Pologne. — As for the ancient languages, they are not a utihty. — Nature study. — Astronomy, physics. — Geography without maps. — Emile at fifteen : more teachable than taught. — Education of the will. — Emile brought up in liberty. — Make the child happy. — Emile, however, knows how to bear suffering. — Introduction to social feelings. — Emile a philanthro- pist. — Rousseau has not written directly for the people, but he has, however, prepared the way for popular in- CONTENTS AND SUMMARY v PAGE struction. — What he wished to form was "just a man. '* — Unconcern regarding professional education. — Occasional awakening of the practical spirit in Rous- seau. — Travel abroad for purposes of study. — Emile learns on the spot two or three modern languages . 52 V. Education of Sophie, the ideal woman. — The treatise turns into a romance. — Sophie is not, however, alto- gether an imaginary being: she existed. — Rousseau's mistakes in his views on the education of women. — Sophie's education is the reverse of Emile 's. — Subordi- nation of the woman to the man. — Rousseau does not admit the equality of the sexes. — Incomplete psychology. — Woman's defects. — Her qualities. — Woman should remain woman. — Rousseau not a woman's rights man. — Sophie's education Hmited. — "Household education." — Needlework. — A young woman should go into society. — She should be given rehgious instruction in good season. — Woman should think, in order to fulfil her duties as a wife and mother. — Her personality slightly overlooked. — The authority which she exercises is based on her natural graces. — Sophie is already to an extent the modern lovely and attractive woman, created not for the church and the convent, but for family life 81 VI. Success of Emile. — Extraordinary influence of Rous- seau. — Numerous works in imitation or in refutation. g — U El eve de la nature by de Beaurieu. — Effect of Rousseau's inspiration on the French Revolution. — Bernardin de Saint-Pierre and the Ecole de la patrie. — Mme. Roland's admiration for Rousseau. — Mme. de Stael's, Mme. de Genlis, Mme. de Necker de Saussure. — International reputation of Emile. — Enthusiastic testimonies from Germany. — Basedow and Lavater. — Kant and his Traite de pedagogie. — Goethe, Schiller, vi CONTENTS AND SUMMARY J.-P. Richter, Herder, Pestalozzi, etc. — Favourable appreciation of English writers: John Morley, R. H. Quick, etc. — The least success in the United States. — However, American education strives to attain the ideal dreamed of by Rousseau. — How Rousseau's pedagogi- cal spirit has insinuated itself into modern methods of teaching and educational practices. — It has raised and ennobled the educator's part. — How he is at times a stoic. — He remains a great enticer of intellects. — Why he will never cease to be loved 100 BiBLIOGKAPHY 119 PEEFACE In publishing a series of monographs on the " Pioneers in Education/' those of all nations and of every age, we have several aims in view. In the first place, we wish to represent the men who deserve to have their names on the honour list in the history of education, all who have in any remarkable way contributed to the reform and progress of the instruction and advancement of humanity ; to represent them as they lived ; to show what they thought and did ; and to exhibit their doctrines and methods, and their moral character. But after having portrayed each heroic figure clearly, we must also sketch his background, the general tendencies of the epoch in which the re- former lived, the scholastic institutions of his coun- try, and the genius, so to speak, of his race, in order that we may set forth in successive pictures the struggles and the progress of the civilized races. In the last place, we wish to do more than write a historical narrative merely. Our ambition is higher : it is to bring face to face ideas held long ago with modern opinions, with the needs and vii viii PREFACE aspirations of society to-day, and thus to prepare the way for a solution of the pedagogical problems confronting the twentieth century. If we have chosen J.-J. Rousseau to open this gallery of portraits, it is not because he was a sure guide, an irreproachable leader. But in the cause of education he has been a great inciter of ideas in others, the initiator of the modern movement, the " leader " of most of the educators who came after him. Pestalozzi, Spencer, to cite only two, have undoubtedly been his disciples. He has assailed the routine of tradition; he has broken short off with the past ; and if he has not always sown the seed in the field of education, he has at least watered it, rid it of encumbering weeds, leaving to his successors the care of its cultivation and fertili- zation for later flowering. We therefore render but simple justice and place him where he belongs, when we mention him first. We dedicate this study and those which follow it to all people who are interested in the cause of education, and who think, as we do, that this ques- tion is the vital one, the one upon which depends the future of the people ; without which no social reform is possible; that, finally, the progress of education is the question of life and death for soci- ety and the individual alike. EOUSSEAU For two centuries the works of J.-J. Rousseau have been read and reread and perpetually annotated. Everything concerning him having been said again and again during this period, pretensions to origi- nahty in so minutely explored a subject are scarcely possible. It is, however, always interesting to return to the ideas of an independent and intrepid thinker, one in whose writings paradox and truth are sown broadcast, whose extraordinary influence over the minds of men is a kind of fascination, and of whom M. Melchior de Vogiie could recently say that '^he had monopoHzed our whole pohtical and social future." Rousseau's ideas on education, which also we intend to discuss here, were so original when Emile was pubHshed in 1762 that they still have claims to novelty, and many a pamphlet, many a book on education, which in 1899 or 1900 earned for its author the reputation of being a daring in- novator is, nevertheless, merely the reissue of some 1 2 ROUSSEAU of the theories dear to Rousseau. Is it not also true that the Hght of progress and the broader horizons revealed by the succession of the ages are able to rejuvenate and reillumine a subject to all appearance exhausted? Emile is a knotty, tangled book, full of matter, and to such an extent is the true mingled with the false, imagination and hazardous dream with keen, accurate observation and reasoning power, that at first a full comprehension of it is impossible. It is not one of those simple, straightforward works which yield their secret from the outset ; it is an intricate composition, half novel, half philosophical treatise, which — supposing that Rousseau had not written La Nouvelle Heloise — would be sufficient to justify the title of a recent study by M. Faguet, J -J, Rousseau, romancier frangais, just as it gave him the right to be called "a psychologist of the first degree," an appellation bestowed on him by Mr. Davidson, an American author. The propositions advanced in it by Rousseau, with all the ardor of his fervid imagination and all the allurements of an en- chanted pen, are at first disconcerting to the reader : some minds are captivated, others roused to distrust. Many are the perusals necessary before a path can be traced through this confusion of philosophic meditation and sentimental fancy. Did not his own ROUSSEAU 3 steps wander, as when, for example, having intro- duced Emile to us as an orphan, he makes him the recipient of letters from his father and mother as a means of inducing him to learn to read ? Though at first one is tempted to protest against the audacities and blunders of a venturesome mind lacking in balance, yet, on reflection, it becomes ap- parent that the greater part of his paradoxes conceal a fund of truth — not, indeed, a commonplace, but an original conception, a thought reaching into the future, the accuracy of which will, Uttle by little, be proved by experience. Oftentimes the myths with which he seemed most infatuated receive from him- self a decisive reply. Elsewhere, to find oneself in agreement with him, it is only necessary to set aside the tricks of style with which he chose to envelop his ideas. In short, Emile is a combative book ^^full of fire and smoke, '' and as on a battlefield a just idea of the positions which have been carried can only be obtained after the smoke of the cannonade has cleared away, so, to grasp and distinguish the re- sults of Rousseau^s rapid advance on the field of the new education, the sound of the sonorous sentences, the tumult of the figures of speech, apostrophe, and prosopopseia in his inflamed harangues must be allowed to die away. Unquestionably, certain por- tions of Emile have grown old, but others have 4 ROUSSEAU required the passage of a hundred years and more ere they could be truly understood and could present themselves in their full force. The preceding sentences describe the spirit in which this study has been conceived : less to criticise Rousseau than to bring to Hght the treasures of abiding truth which he has, as it were, buried in a book described truly by him as ^Hhe most useful and considerable'' of his writings. It were an easy matter to convict him of flagrant utopianism : this commonplace task of refutation will occupy us no more than is absolutely necessary. Without con- cealing any of the sophisms of Emile, our principal aim will be to ascertain in what Rousseau's guidance may still be useful to us. True criticism is that which insists upon the good, and deals with the bad only to explain it. Rather for posterity and for the future did Rousseau speak than for his contem- poraries and the period in which he hved. In the forgotten recesses of Emile lurk more than one reflection which, hitherto unperceived, proves to be fruitful in instruction for the people of our time, and directly suited to present requirements; so great was the perspicacity of a philosopher, a '^finder of hidden springs," who, thirty years in advance, had predicted the French Revolution at the same time that he was preparing it. Par greater in importance, ROUSSEAU 5 however, than a multitude of isolated truths, is the general spirit animating the entire book. Emile de- serves to remain the eternal object of the educator's meditation, were it only because it is an act of faith and trust in humanity. II Rousseau is truly an initiator; nay more, a revo- lutionary. He forestalled the generations of 1789, even those of 1793, which claimed to be the re- constitutors of society and the regenerators of the human race, as expressed in Barere's energetic speech to his colleagues of the Convention, ^^You are con- voked for the recommencement of history." In such times of crisis and disturbance the attention of vigilant thinkers is naturally directed to children and education ; for by education alone can one expect to guide new souls along the paths of a regenerated existence. Such was Rousseau's ambition. He was the reformer, the dreamer, if you will, who, in his ardent protest against reahties which he con- demns, aspires in all things to a radical renovation of human institutions. This appeal to the ideal — to leave unmentioned those first attempts by which he had already trained his critical enthusiasm — had as its result the splendid trilogy of his principal works, pubhshed in quick succession in three years. La Nouvelle Heloisej in 1759, the Contrat social and 6 ROUSSEAU 7 Emile in a single year, 1762; three masterpieces which, despite diversity of form and subject, proceed from a common inspiration, tending equally, as they do, to the reformation of society, the first in its domestic morals, the second in its political constitu- tion, and lastly Emile, in the laws of education for children and youths. Powerful as may be Rousseau^s inventive origi- nahty, we are far from claiming that his educational system, which for eight years occupied his medita- tions, is a stroke of genius, a miraculous revelation, neither prepared nor announced by anything in the past. Rousseau had his forerunners and inspirers. A Benedictine — Dom Cajot — who might have em- ployed his time to better purpose, wrote a large volume on Rousseau's Plagiarisms: the plagiarisms we deny, but imitation and indebtedness must be admitted. The glory of even the most original gen- iuses suffers no diminution though it be estabUshed that some of their most famous conceptions were dimly perceived and outhned before they succeeded, as it were, in giving substance to vague intellectual shadow by the intensity of their personal reflection. Rousseau was impregnated with Montaigne and quotes him constantly. He had read and ''de- voured" the Port Royal books. Fenelon, ''wise" Locke, "good^Rollin, and " learned "Fleury dictated 8 ROUSSEAU some of his finest precepts. Locke, with his practical mind and somewhat prosy sound sense, doubtless has no great resemblance to Rousseau; he inspired him, nevertheless, in his campaign against weak, effeminate education, and also against '' bookish" instruction. Rousseau does not appear to have been familiar with Rabelais, yet there are obvious simi- larities between Emile's education and that which Epistemon instituted for the profit of young Gar- gantua, that other imaginary being and pupil of nature. Not only did Rousseau study and annotate the Pro jet de paix perpetuelle by the abbe of Saint- Pierre, that man so fertile in projects, he continues it by his utihtarian tendencies and taste for ethical education. Other names might well be mentioned. . . . But the author of Emile transfigures what- ever he touches, and transforms all that he borrows. His exuberant imagination gives fresh form and color to ideas lent by others : timid, they become imperious; vague, they obtain a sharp definition; like feeble shrubs, which, transplanted to a rich and fertile soil, grow up into vigorous trees. Of all Rousseau's predecessors it is perhaps Turgot who most clearly traced out the new paths. The author of Emile does not appear, indeed, to have had any knowledge of the views which Turgot expounded in the long epistle, — a veritable memoir, — which he ROUSSEAU 9 addressed in 1751 to Mme. de Graffigny, the then celebrated authoress of Lettres peruviennes. It is not a rare thing, however, for minds in motion to meet at the same period of time in the same inspirations without mutual arrangement. Earlier than Rousseau by ten years, and with equal conviction, Turgot preached the return to nature. '^Our education," said he, ^^is mere pedantry: everything is taught us quite against nature." — '^Nature must be studied and consulted, so that she may be assisted and we be saved the detriment of thwarting her." — ^Thildren^s heads are filled with a mass of abstract notions which they ^cannot grasp, and all the time nature is calHng them to her through every percep- tible object." Down to the fundamental maxim of Emile on the original innocence of our inclinations, everything has already been admitted by Turgot: '^All the virtues have been sown by nature in the heart of man : the one thing needful is to let them blossom forth." The examples quoted are sufficient to make it apparent that ideas in germ were diffused in the atmosphere around Rousseau and that he collected them for development. It is, however, no less ap- parent that from himself, from his own rich store and a "priori views of human nature, if not from a practical experience which he lacked, was drawn the 10 ROUSSEAU substance of his treatise De VEducation. Rousseau reasoned and imagined still more than he beheld and observed. This is not because he overlooked the necessity for observation : he was fully ahve to it and knew exactly in what he was deficient to treat with competence the great subject upon which he was entering. This is proved by the letter written by him to one of his protectresses, Mme. de Crequy, on the 15th of January, 1759, when. La Nouvelle Heloise being finished, he had begun in earnest the composition of Emile: '^Speaking of education, there are some ideas on this subject which I should be tempted to put on paper if I had a Uttle assistance ; but some observations which I cannot supply are necessary. You, Madam, are a mother and, though devout, a philosopher ; you have educated your son. Were you wilUng, in your spare moments, to jot down some reflections on this matter and com- municate them to me, you would be well repaid for your trouble should they assist me in the pro- duction of a useful work." The unnatural father who had not reared his own offspring was reduced to begging the experience of others. . . . Rousseau was aware, then, that a study of child- hood is necessary before rules for the management of children can be estabhshed. If it is correct to say that he endowed France with a new Uterature ROUSSEAU 11 and that he was one of the ancestors of romanticism, it is equally correct to affirm that in his manner he inaugurated those important studies which for some years have been in vogue under the name of '^ psy- chology of the child." A well-stocked chapter on this new psychology could easily be made by collect- ing the numerous accurate, subtle observations on the character and tastes of infancy which are scattered through the long pages of Emile. ^ Chil- dren always think only of the present. ... I know of nothing for which, with a Httle ingenuity, one cannot inspire them with a taste, a passion even, and this without rendering them vain or jealous of the acquirements of others. Their vivacity, their imitative mind, and especially their natural gayety are sufficient for this. . . . Every age in fife, and especially the age of infancy, desires to create, to imitate, to produce, to manifest power and activity." These quotations might be multiplied many times, and it might be shown how greatly Rousseau dehghted in studying children — alas ! why must it be added, other people's children ? It is sad to see him take up his position at the window of his dreary house, empty through his own fault, to watch the children coming out of school and to observe by stealth the conversations, games, and childish actions of the little scholars. . . . ''Never did a man," says 12 ROUSSEAU he in the last but one of the Reveries d'un promeneur solitaire, ^^ find more pleasure than myself in watch- ing youngsters romp and play together!" And he adds, ^^If I have made some progress in the knowl- edge of the human heart, it is the pleasure that I. used to take in watching and observing children which has earned me that knowledge/' How much more accurate would Rousseau's psychology have been, however, if, instead of a fleet- ing attention paid to a few street Arabs, whom he watched for a moment at their frolics, he had been able to exercise the attentive observation of a father who, day by day, watches the birth and develop- ment of his son's mind. It is, moreover, noteworthy that the solicitude for education came to Rousseau because he had criminally abandoned his five children, as though he had felt himself compelled to make partial reparation for the most serious of all his moral shortcomings. ''The ideas with which my fault has filled my mind have contributed to turn my medi- tations to the subject of education. . . ." Rousseau was also deficient in professional ex- perience of instruction. I am well aware that to the long list of occupations which he took up in the course of his vagrant youth and Bohemian existence, when he was successively engraver's apprentice, ROUSSEAU 13 recorder's clerk, clerk, secretary, music copyist, — ■ Grimm, who did not like him, once advised him to sell lemonade, — the occupation of tutor must be added ; but he practised it so little and so ill ! . . . In 1739 — he was then twenty-seven — Bonnot de Mably, royal provost at Lyons, confided to him the education of his two sons. At first he appUed him- self to this task, thinking himself fitted for it. He was soon disabused, however: '^I did nothing worth doing.'' He could only employ three methods of discipHne, '^always useless and pernicious with chil- dren,'' — sentiment, argument, and anger. Sentiment he never renounces, as, when reproving Emile for a fault, the tutor will only say, ''My boy, you have hurt me ! " . . . Argument, however, he excludes pitilessly from the child's instruction, convinced henceforth, contrary to Locke's doctrine, that it is not advisable to argue and reason too early with children, ''who, though they may be reasoners, are no more reasonable for that." Quickly finding dis- tasteful a profession for which he was in no way suited, Rousseau resigned it at the end of a year, but not before he had drawn up for M. de Sainte- Marie, one of his two pupils, an educational scheme in which neither thought nor style announce the brilHant and profound author of Entile, If Rousseau was neither an assiduous observer of 14 ROUSSEAU childhood nor a professor — nor even a pupil; as he never studied in a connected manner, and was a student only of what has been called 'Hhe Uni- versity of Charmettes'^; as a compensation he felt much and lived much ; and for the formation of a powerful mind, a regular course of study at Plessis College would certainly have been less advanta- geous and efficacious than that agitated existence which led Roussean into all grades of society, into drawing-room and anteroom, which made him in succession the friend of philosophers and the table companion of great lords, a plebeian on good terms with the people, and the petted favorite of great ladies, countesses, duchesses, and marchionesses. It is indisputable that Rousseau put much of his personality, that he worked many reminiscences of his life and reflections of his mind, into the con- ception of the model pupil which he fashioned for humanity. Montaigne said, ^'I am the substance of my book." Is this so with Rousseau? Could he also say, as Amiel insinuates, '^My system and my- self make one"? Did he conceive Emile in his hkeness and in his resemblance? Amiel claims that he weaves nothing but his own substance into his most magnificent theories, that he is first and foremost a '^subjective." We do not deny this, and we are aware that as a general rule educators have ROUSSEAU 15 a natural tendency to project themselves, as it were, into the plans which they recommend for others' imitation. When Rousseau, for example, sup- presses all didactic teaching in instruction, what does he do beyond setting up' as a rule his own experience? ^^What little I know, I learned by myself. I could never learn anything from a master. ..." Rousseau is self-taught, and so is Emile. On the other hand, however, on how many other points are the fancies of Emile's education in formal opposition with the realities of Rousseau's existence ? It follows naturally that people satisfied with their destiny recommend to others what they have found to answer in their own case. But Rousseau was dis- satisfied with himself and his lot, no less than with society. The education which he desired, appears, as a consequence, to have been conceived in an effort of reaction against his own condition, as a contrast to the imprudences from which he had suffered, and the errors or faults committed by him. Poor stricken mind and infirm, diseased body, he consoles himself by evoking the ideal image of a hardy child, healthy in mind and body. He requites himself for his wretchedness and imperfections by creating a happy, perfect being. He says, for example: '^As yet I had conceived 16 ROUSSEAU nothing. I had felt everything.'' Is it not so as to escape the consequences of this precocious stimu- lation, which had made him morbidly sensitive, and demoralized for life, that, going to the opposite extreme, he leaves Emile unacquainted with all sentimental emotion until he is fifteen? He read to excess; before he was ten years old he had de- voured a whole library of novels. Is it because of this that, detesting and anathematizing books, he forbids them absolutely to Emile ? I do not know, said M. Brunetiere, one of our great writers whose childhood and youth were to such a degree lacking in guidance. He cannot, indeed, be said to have had a family: his mother died in giving birth to him; his father, after having spoiled him, deserted him. Nobody brought him up. . . . How, after that, could the temptation be avoided of imagining a situation quite the reverse, by which Emile is given a tutor who does not lose sight of him for a second, a mentor who will accompany and protect him in his every action right up to the threshold of the nuptial chamber ? In evil surroundings, compromised by humiliating society, Rousseau was conscious of all the dignity and nobility of mind that he had lost in the con- taminations of his existence: then, to educate a man in honor and virtue, let us eliminate all ROUSSEAU 17 exterior circumstances which may sully and degrade him. Emile shall hve alone, far from mankind. . . . Rousseau lounged in servants' hall and antechamber ; he took part in the distractions of fashionable hfe ; he frequented the drawing-rooms of Paris, and now and again allowed himself to be seduced by society's artifices; he contracted numerous frivolous love intrigues. None of these things for the ideal man : the country, fresh air, outdoor hfe with its simphcity, apurelove, single and deep, nothing but nature. . . . ''Farewell, Paris, city of noise, smoke, and mud, where woman no longer believes in purity nor man in virtue ! Farewell, Paris, our quest is love, happi- ness, and innocence; never shall we be sufficiently remote from thee ! . . ." Much of Emile is, then, a visionary structure erected expressly to make a contrast to Rousseau's actual hfe. To excuse, or at least explain, the gener- ation of all the wild delusions of Emikj let us never lose sight of the inward struggle which took place in its author's heart between what was noble in his aspirations and base in his existence : the strik- ing incongruity between the adoration which he professed for the ideal and the pitiful reaUty of the circumstances in which he was placed and for which he was in part responsible. This man, of whom Grimm said that ''he had nearly always been miser- 18 ROUSSEAU able," bruised by the strangest adventures, weighed down by physical sickness, and who felt that he was dying whilst engaged in composing tlmile; still more disturbed by imaginary ills which an anxious mind invented for him ; embittered by that kind of mania of persecution which from year to year was to in- crease and was finally to drive him to suicide ; exas- perated against a state of society with whose vices he was the better acquainted through having par- ticipated in them; humiliated by the remembrance of what he called his youthful ^^rascalities " ; ashamed later of his cohabitation with an inn servant whose vulgarity must more than once have been a heavy burden to him : he felt the need of throwing himself back upon an ideal world, there to seek a fleeting forgetfulness of his moral infirmities, a compensation for his misfortunes, in revenge for the frailties of his character and the gloom of his destiny. If his hfe was often a painful drama, certain parts of Emile shall be idyls and pastorals of real poetic charm. He has said so: ^^The impossibility of attaining to actual beings has cast me into the land of delusions : I have made myself societies of perfect creatures. ..." The exaggerations and phantasies to which we shall have to direct attention in Emile will often only be deliberate inventions which did not at all delude their inventor. As he put it when writing ROUSSEAU 19 in 1763 to the prince of Wirtemberg concerning the scheme of education which he had addressed to him for his daughter Sophie, brought up in conformity with the principles of Emile: '^ These are, perhaps, only the hallucinations of a dehrious man. . . . The comparison of what is with what should be has given me a romantic mind, and has always driven me far from what goes on." What Rousseau would fain have been and was not, Emile is to be, or at least that is Rousseau's desire. Ill ^Tardon me my paradoxes, ordinary reader," exclaims Rousseau somewhere. The best way of pardoning them is to attempt to extract the core of truth which they contain. Once we have deprived the essential principles of his system of the violent form in which this conjurer of thought was pleased to envelop them, it remains for us to gather together the general rules, the characteristic positive and un- questioned truths in Entile which modern education will never relinquish. ''Man is born free and everywhere he is fettered," thus begins Contrat social. ''Man is born good and everyivhere he has become corrupt," such is the sense of the preamble to Emile. Rousseau deHghts in these absolute statements: he hkes concise, peremptory formulas which compel attention. To his political sophism, "The universal will of the people is always right," corresponds his psy- chological sophism, "Nature is fundamentally good." 20 ROUSSEAU 21 Such is the initial error which gives rise to all that is false in Emile. The bitterest and most in- cisive of pessimists when judging actual society, Rousseau is the most indulgent of optimists when he considers, beyond the work of man, the work of Providence, that is to say, nature. Nature is good and beneficent. Her creatures are pure, so long as they have not been perverted, corrupted, disfigured, and sophisticated by a pre- tended civilization which is merely a long decadence. On this point, Rousseau was in agreement with a number of his contemporaries. D'Holbach said, "Man is vicious because he has been made so^^; and Diderot, '^A natural man -used to exist; into this natural man an artificial man has been intro- duced." Rousseau comes back insistently to the same doctrine. '^Let us lay down as an incon- testable maxim that the first movements of nature are always right, and that there is no original per- versity in man's heart. ... All characters are good and healthy in themselves. . . . There is no error in nature. ..." Doubtless it would be within one's right to stop Rousseau at once and ask him to explain this flagrant contradiction: man is naturally good, and society, man's work, is bad. . . . But he is not disturbed by this incongruity. Faithful to the 22 ROUSSEAU opinion which he had expressed in the two Discours which began his reputation, he cHngs tenaciously to his Utopia. He repeats in every form that, with its customs and prejudices, society is detestable and perverted, that it must be thoroughly reformed. Let us revive nature's authority and substitute it for the rule of ancient and antiquated tradition ; let us supersede the empire of stern discipline and op- pressive restriction, which mutilate and deform the human faculties, by the reign of young Hberty, which will assist in their expansion. By such a challenge hurled a^ every human in- stitution, Rousseau had in view more than a simple pedagogical reformation : he was announcing a social revolution. Authentically he is the father of the revolutionists whose idol he was to become : let us not forget that Marat, in 1788, read Contrat social to the cheers of an enthusiastic audience. From the educational point of view, the principle laid down by Rousseau has for consequence the necessity of reconstructing natural man, '^ original'' man according to the expression of which he had already made use in his Discours sur Vinegalite parmi les hommes, man as he was in the primitive scheme of nature and Providence — for in Rousseau's religious mind, behind nature is Providence, who is the keystone of his philosophical doctrine ~ man, ROUSSEAU 23 in short, as he would be, if social hfe and its long corruption had not perverted him, natural man, in a word, and not ^^ human man." Let us not stop to demonstrate that Rousseau is in error, that there are in nature germs for evil as well as good, and that education is consequently something more than a complaisant auxiliary, that it should be a resistive force which corrects and compensates. Let us rather bear in mind that the contrary opinion, which also was absolute, that of a nature essentially bad, vitiated in its origin, and pre- destined exclusively to evil had long prevailed and still held sovereign sway. And from this radical condemnation of humanity proceeded a strict and rigid education, made up chiefly of repression, bristling with prohibition and chastisement, which conceded nothing to the child^s native hberty. Trial had been made of all discipHnary instruments save one, precisely the one which alone could succeed, — well regulated Hberty. Rousseau arises, and with eclat he opposes the conception of the old fallen Adam whose fated inheritance must be eradicated from every man by the contrary doctrine of a hu- manity instinctively impelled to good and, accord- ingly, destined to develop in full Hberty. The con- tradictory movements of the ideas which appear in succession on the theatre of human opinion recall 24 ROUSSEAU in some degree those comedies in which a speaker primed with one side of a question is answered by another, who goes to the opposite extreme, the better to display the conflict of sentiments. Both the one and the other are wrong, but the colhsion of opposite opinions will cause the truth which lies between to stand out. Even at the risk of straining his voice and exaggerating his repartee, it Was good that an eloquent thinker, in reply to those who for two thousand years had repeated the lament of de- generate mankind, should testify to his confidence and happy faith in the natural powers and tendencies of man : thus, thirty years before the French Revo- lution promulgated the Declaration des droits de Vhomme, a pedagogue announced the declaration of childhood^s rights, of its right to an education of liberty. ^^It is wrong," says Rousseau, *^ always to speak to children of their duties, never of their rights." Emile was, as it were, the charter of child- hood's freedom. Paradox begets paradox, and from the erroneous principle which serves as the starting-point of Emile has sprung the entire series of pedagogical falsities, for which Rousseau has been so severely but so justly reproved, what Nisard called his ^^enormi- ties," and the EngUsh pedagogue, R. Hebert Quick, '^his extravagances." ROUSSEAU 25 The first of these capital errors is that education, at any rate to the age of twelve, should be strictly ''negative.'^ ^Tositive'^ education will only begin for Emile after a long intellectual idleness and an equally lengthy moral inaction. Since nature tends of itself towards its ends, she should be left alone. In La Nouvelle Heloise, Julie was already of opinion that education consists ^^in doing nothing at all.'' The best educator is the one who acts least, inter- vening only to remove obstacles which would hinder the free play of nature, or to create circumstances favorable to it. Education is to be doubly negative : in discipHne and instruction ahke. On the one hand, no com- mands are to be given to the child; on the other, he is to be taught nothing. Hence, no moral authority, no material discipHne in the child's upbringing. Neither precepts nor chas- tisements, at least such as are inflicted by human intention, nor rewards of any kind. No punish- ments other than those which are the natural re- sults of the action and the consequences of the fault committed. It is the principle which we find again in Herbert Spencer, ^' Never offer to the indiscreet desires of a child any other obstacles than physical ones." The hand of man is to be nowhere apparent. Emile must remain alone in the presence of nature 26 ROUSSEAU and her might. Knowledge of good and evil is not for children. . . . The inspiration of this kind of discipHnary nihiUsm was perhaps obtained by Rousseau from his personal remembrances. ^^He had never obeyed," says Amiel. ^^He had known neither kindly family control nor firm scholastic discipHne.'' Emile does not know what obedience is, nor disobedience either, as he never receives commands. He has no idea that a human will other than his own can exist. He is subjected to one law only, an inflexible one, however, that of the possible and the impossible. He knows no other authority than that of nature ^s laws, no other dependence than that of the imperative necessity of things. Would it serve any useful purpose to reply to Rousseau, to point out to him that he is in error, that there is indeed nothing more artificial and con- trary to nature than this so-called natural education, in which is suppressed the most natural thing in the world, — the authority of parents and masters? What? No longer could anything be expected in the direction of a child's conduct from either the tender insinuations of a mother's affection, or the injunctions of a father's strong will, at once gentle and firm, or the persuasive exhortations of a kindly and watchful master? It may be wise to exclude from discipHne the caprices of maladroit parents who ROUSSEAU 27 command and countermand, who go from the ex- treme of bhnd complacency to that of brutal severity ; but what folly it would be to reject the benefits to the moral education of a child permitted by the action of authority exercised with prudence and wisdom. Prevent the birth of vice, and you will have done enough for virtue, protests Rousseau. Just as he says a little later. Prevent error and prejudice from obtaining entrance into Emile's mind, and you will have done enough for knowledge. No, prevention of evil is not sufficient: it is necessary to teach good. If Emile^s intellect Hes fallow for twelve years, it will be like those fields which the husbandman does not till or sow : weeds will spring up in alarming abundance ; and when their destruc- tion is desired, it will be too late. Rousseau was better inspired in La Nouvelle Helo'isej in which he said: ''A good nature should be cultivated. . . . Children must be taught to obey their mother." In the study which he has devoted to Emile, and which is the best we know, John Morley remarks with reason that omission of the principle of authority is the fundamental weakness of Rousseau^s system. In this system, says he, in effect, the child is always to suppose that it is following its own judgment or impulses. ... It must not feel the constraint of a will other than its own. The parent and the 28 ROUSSEAU master must not intervene ; ... as though parents were not a part of nature? . . . And, moreover, why are the effects of conduct upon the actor^s own physical well-being to be the only effects honored with the title of being natural, neglecting the feel- ings of approbation or disapproval which this same conduct inspires? One of the most important of educating influences is lost if the young are not taught to place the feelings of others in a front place. The acquirement of many excellent quahties is threatened if a child, in its ignorance and frailty, is not inclined naturally to respect, in its parents and masters, a better-informed authority and an expe- rience riper than its own. No less serious is the error in respect of the other aspect of negative education, — the adjournment of instruction. Here Rousseau becomes enthusiastic, and he impressively eulogizes the supposed benefits of the long mental idleness which he imposes on his pupil. ^'May I venture to state the greatest, the most important, the most useful rule in all education ? it is, not to gain time, but to lose it. . . . Reading is the scourge of childhood. . . . Apparent facility in learning is the ruin of children. ... I teach the art of being ignorant. . . .'' No books, then, no verbal lesson. Emile will grow up Hke a httle savage, without intellectual culture, exercising only ROUSSEAU 29 his body and his senses. The ideal is for him to remain ignorant as long as possible, to reach the age of twelve not even knowing ^^how to distinguish his right hand from his left/' Rousseau, who goes into ecstasies in face of his work, says, with humorous exaggeration, ^^I would as soon require a child of ten to be five feet tall as to be judicious ; " . . . and again, ^^Emile would not hesitate to give the whole Academie des sciences'' — supposing that he is aware of its existence — '^for a pastry-cook's shop." Undoubtedly, not everything is blameworthy in the inactive, expectant education which Rousseau recommends. Let us retain this much of it, that it is well not to be in haste, not to outdistance the progress natural to the age ; that it is imprudent and dangerous to weary a child with a precocious and premature education; that one risks exhausting its powers by fatiguing them too soon. But what a number of arguments array themselves against the system which, by a contrary abuse, leaves the in- tellectual faculties uncultured during the first twelve years, perhaps the most fruitful of one's whole Hfe ! Rousseau himself points out an objection that might well be final : it is that the mind, so long enervated by inaction, will become incapable of action, and ^^will be absorbed by matter." How can it be hoped that Emile, who has studied nothing, will all at 30 ROUSSEAU once have the desire and abiHty to learn everything, that his dormant thought will spring into wakeful- ness at the magic summons of his tutor, to acquire as by enchantment all the attainments in which he is deficient ? And especially, how can the versatility and flexibihty of the intellectual organs required by every study be assured him in a short time, when their preparation by continued exercise and slow initiation has been neglected ? Finally, if Rousseau^s statement were true, if the child were incapable of all abstract study, if it were necessary to prohibit all mental work for it till the age of twelve, can the result be imagined ? It would be necessary to close all elementary schools, and the instruction of the people would be impossible. I am well aware that Rousseau, as a substitute for books and formal lessons, appeals to nature^s teachings. Emile has learned nothing by heart ; he scarcely knows what a book is. To make up for this, he knows much from experience; '^he reads in nature^s book." First, let us point out that nature does not consent to play the part of schoolmistress, with which Rousseau wishes to saddle her, to such an extent. The proof of this is that he is himself forced to resort to artifices, to the most comphcated stratagems, to inculcate into his pupil the rare gleams of knowledge which hghten the darkness of his ROUSSEAU 31 ignorance. Nature needs a stage carpenter to prepare the laboriously arranged scenes in which an attempt is made to provide Emile with an equiva- lent for the lessons of everyday education. Such is the juggler episode, intended to reveal to him some notions of elementary physics ; such is the conver- sation with Robert the gardener on the origin of property. Doubtless, Emile will know more thoroughly the few Httle things thus learned by himself. But not only will his instruction be singularly limited, this teaching from experience and nature will also be very slow. It will take him months and years to discover what he might just as well have learned in a few hours, by means of well-arranged lessons or well-chosen reading. Is, then, everything that the clear diction of a professor can put within the reach of the smallest scholar, all the hght that books can bring to the dawning intel- ligence, to be useless? And is it to benefit Emile nothing that he is heir to a long Hne of generations who have worked, thought, and written, although that effort of centuries has accumulated treasuries of truths upon which newcomers need only draw in order to derive instruction? It is sufficient, moreover, to condemn a system which would result in nothing less than the sup- pression of all moral discipHne and all didactic 32 ROUSSEAU teaching during the first period of Hfe, that Rous- seau, to apply it, is obUged to place his pupil in an ab- normal situation, to set him free from the ordinary conditions of existence, to isolate him in a kind of exile, to withdraw him from his parents' control in order to confide him to a stranger's keeping. Aston- ishment has been expressed that Rousseau, a sincere friend and an apostle of family Hfe, — we shall soon be convinced of that, — suppressed parents, brothers, and sisters in his educational novel. Where are the exquisite pictures which he had outhned in La Nouvelle Heloise of the games and education mutu- ally shared by JuHe's children brought up under their mother's eyes ? If Rousseau is recanting, it is because he was forced into doing so by the necessity of giving an appearance of practical achievement to his dream of negative education. How, indeed, can one suppose that a father and mother are capable of holding sufficiently aloof from the education of a son reared by themselves, to keep from influencing him by admonitions, severe at need, or by affectionate caresses ? It was absolutely necessary that the hero of natural education should live alone in his child- hood, without either parents, comrades, God, or master, — for God is not mentioned to him till much later, when he is eighteen ; and as for the tutor who bears him company he is, properly speaking, neither ROUSSEAU 33 master nor professor: he is simply a guardian, a vigilant sentinel, whose orders are to protect Emile against influences from without, against everything which could hinder nature ^s beneficent action, and whose part is restricted to forming around his pupil, as it were, an isolating wall. This strange isolation of a child to whom all inter- course with the rest of the human species is for- bidden is, then, only a fanciful fabrication which Rousseau required in order to throw into clear rehef the novelties of his plan. We see Httle more in it than a trick of composition, and it would conse- quently be superfluous to indulge in irony against a fiction which the author disavows in many passages of his book ; a fiction the absurd improbabihty of which is sufficient to demonstrate that he never thought of making it the universal rule of educa- tion. ^^I point out the goal to make for: I do not say that it can be reached." How suppose that Rousseau seriously thought it possible to realize a system the least defect of which would be that it suppress every other function than the tutor's, since half mankind would be kept employed as educators for twenty years, and as Mme. de Stael said, ^^Grand- fathers at most would be free to begin a personal career " ? A mentor, indeed, would have to be found for every Telemachus ; that is, for every child to be 34 ROUSSEAU educated. The Christian faith, in its fervors, in- spired the ^^styUtes," those extravagant anchorites who passed their hves on the summit of a column, 'twixt earth and sky, as though it were desired in this way to present in a striking and absurd form the necessity of rupture with the world. Similarly, Rousseau's naturaUstic faith suggested to him the invention of an exceptional being who is to Uve and grow up far from society, by a sort of hypothesis whose object is to make the power of nature's educa- tion evident. It is unthinkable that Rousseau should so imperiously call upon a mother to suckle her child, only to carry it away from her tenderness and remove it from her care as soon as it is weaned. No, he merely wished, in an artificial framework, to give free rein to his visions. Emile is no real being : he is a creature of reason, as it were, an engine of war invented to combat society. At bottom, as will be seen by reference to other passages of Emile and to Rousseau's other writings, domestic education never had a more fervent partisan. Often in his Correspondence does he return to the praise of family hfe. It is true that in his Conside- rations sur le gouvernement de Polognej dating from 1772, he has altered his opinion and, by a fresh con- tradiction, declares himself ardently for a third solu- ROUSSEAU 35 tion, education in common. Rousseau is a man of successive impulses, each in turn defended with the same impetuosity. To the Poles he resolutely advises national education pushed to its last extreme, the teachings of the Republic of Plato, which absorbs the man into the citizen, and con- fiscates the individual to hand him bodily to the State. Rousseau was divided all his life between the doctrine of individualism and that of sociahsm, between State sovereignty and man's Hberty. He says: '^The good social institutions are those which can best change man's nature, remove his absolute existence to replace it by a quite relative one. ... It is by pubhc education that minds are given a national form. . . . Pubhc education, on lines prescribed by the government, is one of the fundamental maxims of all popular government. ..." And again, in the Encyclopcedia article on Political Economy J "As each man's reason is not left sole arbiter of his duties, so much the less should children's education be left to the opinions and prejudices of fathers. . . ." This is far removed from Emile's individuahstic education, and we wilhngly admit that it is impos- sible to push unconscious freedom in the mutability of conflicting opinions and impetuous contradictions farther than Rousseau does. And yet, in spite of 36 ROUSSEAU all, we maintain that, viewing his aspirations as a whole, Rousseau is in favor of domestic educa- tion. Let us first read that fine page of Emile, in which he claims that a girl should be brought up by her mother, and vigorously refutes the chimeras of platonic education. He protests ^'against that civil promiscuity which mixes both sexes in the same employments, in the same labors, and which cannot but give rise to the most intolerable abuses, — against that subversion of the gentlest sentiments of nature sacrificed to an artificial sentiment which owes its existence to them, — as though it were not necessary to have a natural hold to form conventional ties ; as though love of kindred were not the principle of that which is due to the State ; as though it were not through the little fatherland, which is the family, that the heart is attached to the larger one ; as though it were not the good son, the good father, and the good husband, who make the good citi- zens. . . .'' At the great word ^'family" Rousseau's imagina- tion takes fire, so much the more, perhaps, as he ' himself neither knew its joys nor performed its obhgations. Talk not to him either of colleges for boys or of convents for girls ! Colleges he dismisses in a word as ^ laughable estabhshments,'' — and it is because he had spoken of them in this disdainful ROUSSEAU 37 way that he thought, according to what he recounts in the Confessions, that he had drawn upon himself the hatred of the Jesuits, of whom, from prudence, he had made it a rule '^ never to speak, either well or ill/' As for convents, because they do not exist in Protestant nations, he considered the latter supe- rior to CathoUc nations. In La Nouvelle Heloise, Rousseau sharply repri- mands parents who put their children into the hands of strange masters, ''as though a tutor could re- place a father. ..." Elsewhere, in his letters to the prince of Wlirtemberg, he writes: '^ There is no paternal eye but a father's, and no maternal eye but a mother's. I should Hke to devote twenty reams of paper to repeating those two Hues to you, so much am I convinced that everything depends on them. . . ." Besides this, it is known with what eloquence, in Emile itself, Rousseau recalled mothers to their duty, as far as nursing is concerned. Undoubtedly he is not the first who did so. In Rome itself, in the second century, the philosopher Favorinus said, ''Is it not being only half a mother to confide one's children to paid nurses? ..." Words of kindness, in agreeable contrast with the harsh manners and severity of a society, one of whose most illustrious representatives, Cicero, wrote a century earlier, 38 ROUSSEAU in his TusculaneSj ''When a child dies young, con- solation is easily found; when it dies in the cradle, it is not even a matter for concern. . . /' In the years which preceded the pubHcation of EmiUj doctors and moralists had undertaken the same campaign, but they had carried it on without vigor. Rousseau put his whole heart into it, and as Mme. de Genhs said, ''Wisdom is less per- suasive than enthusiasm. Rousseau repeated what others had said; but he did not advise: he com- manded and was obeyed.^' In bringing the mothers back to the cradles, Rous- seau was not solely concerned with the child's in- terest and its physical needs. "If he demanded the nurse's milk, it was to have the mother's affection." In his eyes, the child is, as it were, the bearer of the family virtues, the pledge and at the same time the guarantee of conjugal love. It is the sacred bond which indissolubly unites husband and wife. It is the child which sustains and rekindles the domestic hearth, by the joy which its winning presence brings to it, as by the common duties which its education imposes. In the appeal which Rousseau addresses to parents, the father is no more forgotten than the mother. After saying : "Would you recall every one to his highest duties? Begin with the mothers," he adds: "As the mother is the true nurse, the father ROUSSEAU 39 is the true teacher. . . . The father will make excuses : business, he will say, duties. . . . Doubt- less, the least important is to be a father ! . . .'' But let us return to Rousseau's chimeras, to what he himself described in his Preface as the ^^ dreams of a visionary," without giving up the idea of seeking and finding in them some grains of truth. To the illusion of negative education is attached that of ^^ successive'' education. Here Rousseau is going to contradict his essential principle, which is to follow nature. If there be, indeed, a fixed law of nature, it is that she creates nething abruptly, but always proceeds by slow, imperceptible evolution. '^With her," says Mme. Necker de Saussure, ^'one can nowhere lay hold on a beginning ; she is not to be surprised in the act of creation, and it seems that she is forever developing." From this very accurate conception has issued the fine system of '^progressive education." But Rousseau imagined another thing : a fragmentary, seriate education, divided into three periods. He forgets that nature makes the several functions of a human creature advance abreast in their development, and that education should ac- cordingly conform to this simultaneous evolution of the various bodil}^ and mental faculties. Quite otherwise, he shatters the true unity of the human being. ''It is," says Mme. d'Epinay, "as though 40 ROUSSEAU children were forbidden to move their arms and use their hands whilst learning to walk." In the first place, by an absolute dualism, Rousseau disasso- ciates the mind from the body. *' Nature intended the body to develop before the mind.'' But of the mind itself, instead of one, he makes three. In the artificial story of Emile, there are three phases, radically distinct and separate from each other. Until twelve years old, physical hfe and sense exercise: nothing for either intelligence or heart. Emile, at the age of twelve, is only a hardy animal, an agile '^roebuck.'' From twelve to fifteen, the intellectual age, the very short period of study, in which the child is rapidly initiated into the elements of useful knowledge, is no longer submitted to the necessary power of the natural laws, reflects at last, and decides in accordance with a fresh principle, the idea of utihty. Lastly, — third period, — after the age of fifteen, sentiment and duty make their long-delayed appearance, ^^We enter upon the moral order." Abruptly, the social formation of the man comes under consideration. Such is Rousseau's bizarre programme: thus he establishes three superposed divisions of education, three stages ; and one may ask how, after this arti- ficial distribution of the individual, the three sections of the human person can join together again, and ROUSSEAU 41 combine to reconstitute the natural entirety formed by the body and the mind. None the less, there is, as always, a proportion of just, true observation in Rousseau's arbitrary theory. He is right in desiring that consideration be given to the characteristics proper to each age of hfe, and that, for example, a child be treated, not as a man, but as a child. ^ ' Treat your pupil as his age demands. The wisest, '^ says he, — and he evidently intends to refer to Locke, — '^devote themselves to what a man should know, without considering what children are able to learn. They always seek the man in the child, without thinking of what he is before he be- comes a man." And again: ^^Let infancy mature in the child. We have often heard of a finished man ; let us at last think of a ^finished child.'" On this point, Rousseau is not in agreement with some of our modern educators, even with those who draw their inspiration most from him. In a recent book, which is extremely interesting, UEducation nouvelle, M. Demolins, the founder of the school of les Roches, the innovator who with praiseworthy zeal is striving to acclimatize in France certain portions of the manly, free English education, M. Demohns formulates a contrary opinion. According to him, it is never too soon to treat a child as a man. '* Treated as men," says he, ^^ children actually and 42 ROUSSEAU speedily become men." And he quotes the anec- dote of a child of nine, who, very quickly indeed, — in two hours, — really became a man, simply because, having been received with his parents by an Enghsh family, the three members of this family took him seriously during his visit, and were wilHng to talk with him the whole time ! . . . To form men, to '^ manufacture " them, as it is now expressed, is the perpetual dream of educators of all times and countries. To have a certain measure of success, it is perhaps desirable to adopt a course somewhere between the two extreme opinions of M. Demohns and of Rousseau. On the one hand, it is never too early to school a child in his duty and to prepare the apprenticeship of personal responsi- bihty by appeahng to his reason and reflection, and Rousseau errs in causing the delays of which we know to this education of reason. On the other hand, however, — and here Rousseau triumphs, — it must not be forgotten that the child is a child, and that he cannot be required to exercise judgment and act as a free man when his judgment is not formed nor his hberty created. Our two peda- gogues, moreover, are at bottom more in agreement than one would think. They neither wish for a premature instruction which throws the child from the beginning into abstract studies, and according ROUSSEAU 43 to Goethe ^s expressions, tends to make him into ^'a, subtle philosopher, a scholar, and not a man." M. DemoHns certainly would indorse this conclu- sion of Rousseau^s : '^The ordinary education is bad because is makes old children and young professors/' In the same way, as regards moral education, M. Demolins, who is especially opposed to disciphne based on ^Hhe principle of authority," cannot but applaud Rousseau^s exaggerations, since the latter expressly does away with all authority, and cen- sures parents and masters who have never early enough ^^ corrected, reprimanded, flattered, threat- ened, promised, instructed, reasoned." Where it is not permissible to fall in with Rous- seau^s views is in the incomprehensible delay which he imposes on moral education. This is, in another manner, more pernicious than the adjournment of intellectual culture. Emile has attained his fifteenth year, and has not as yet felt any human sentiment. Whom does he love? Nobody, save perhaps his tutor, the only man whom he knows. His mind has not been opened to any of those infantile affections which prepare the social virtues. By what miracle will he suddenly learn to love mankind, after hving so long in the cold, sterile isolation of a strictly indi- vidual life ? Rousseau, truly, is too summary in the recital of his pedagogic methods. He says, '^ Emile 44 ROUSSEAU is this; Sophie is that." He endows both of them with all kinds of marvellous quahties and virtues; but he neglects to tell us how they have been ac- quired. Concerning the genesis of affectionate sen- timent, it is evident that he is reckoning on a mirac- ulous result which he has done nothing to prepare. He has left Emile^s heart empty for fifteen years, and in an instant he thinks that he can fill it. What a delusion ! Love cannot be taught like calculation. The formation of social feehng is a deUcate and difficult matter. Rousseau, moreover, compUcates the problem by submitting Emile to the laws of egoism alone. As Condillac, by a series of subtle transformations, derives from primal sensation the most abstract and general notions, so does Rousseau pretend, by a strange metamorphosis, to obtain from initial egoism alone all the altruistic sentiments. Self-respect is, in his eyes, the sole and fundamental atom of sensibihty. How could he forget that other atom, sympathy, which makes itself apparent from the dawn of fife, and whose development cannot too soon be encouraged and stimulated? In the smile which a new-born babe directs towards the one who suckles and cares for it, there is more than the expression of a material need satisfied : there is the instinctive response of the child to the considerate tenderness of the mother. ''So long as the child ROUSSEAU 45 pays attention only to what affects his senses, arrange for all his ideas to be Hmited to sensations. L . ." No, on the contrary, let us open wide the door for the sentiments, which are, indeed, only too ready to enter. With children, it is necessary at once to mingle mind with body. It is known that Rousseau, in his mania for post- ponement, delayed until adolescence the revelation of religious as well as moral ideas. The reason which he gives is that a child, with its purely emotional imagination — and it is very Hkely the fault of nega- tive education if this be the case — could only form a superstitious idea of God, and would picture him as a human being, an old white-bearded man, a monarch seated on a throne. . . . Hence the pro- priety of awaiting the age of reason before speaking of God to Emile, so that he may straightway form a conception of him in the ideal subUmity of his spiritual attributes. At least, if he has deferred to the age of eighteen the revelation of the Supreme Being, Rousseau makes up for it by the splendor in which he invests him. He was a deist in all sincerity. He beUeved in God with as much con- viction as he beheved in the soul and in a future Hfe : '^I desire too greatly that there be a God, not to believe in him. . . .'^ Without seeking verification in his other writings, the Profession de foi du vicaire 46 ROUSSEAU Savoyard demonstrates it in a striking manner. It was, in his opinion, the principal portion of Emile. For it he would have sacrificed all the rest. It was that part of his manuscript that he intrusted to the keeping of his surest friends, fearing, in the perpetual apprehensions which the printing of the work caused him, that his enemies, and particularly the Jesuits, might cause it to disappear. This was the principal cause of the wrath and tempest of persecution which were about to be let loose against him. It was this, on the other hand, which earned him the enthu- siastic praise and even the admiration of Voltaire ; for it is of the Profession de foi that Voltaire, so hard upon Emile, intended to speak, when he says that this ^^ stupid novel'' contains, however, '^ fifty pages which deserve to be bound in morocco." At a distance, and despite a superb setting and a magnificent style, the Profession de foi, which is somewhat of a digres- sion in an educational treatise, strikes us as an emphatic declamation of a vague, irresolute spirit- uaHsm. Its intrinsic value as a philosophical work is, however, of small importance. The fault we find with it is that it is the first word of rehgion which Rousseau made his pupil hear, if so it be that he really wishes to develop rehgious feeHng in him. That Rousseau's conception cannot be realized is indisputable: if Emile livedo hke all children, in a ROUSSEAU 47 family and in the world, he would be a witness of exterior manifestations of religion on the part of his parents and fellow-citizens, and in his curiosity he would speedily ask what all this means : to hide God from him would be impossible. But that is not the question : what does matter, is to know whether the method employed by Rousseau responds to his intentions, whether it is of a nature to insure their success. I should think it excellent rather to pro- duce atheists. Will not Emile, who has dispensed with God for so long, be tempted to dispense with him altogether? In his desire to communicate to his pupil the sentiment of rehgion with which he him- self was so thoroughly imbued, Rousseau ought to have taken thought that here also a slow develop- ment is necessary, that Emile^s temporary atheism is in great danger of becoming fixed, quite as much as his egoism or his intellectual inertia. In this, as in many another particular, Rousseau has not followed his principle, which is to obey the laws of nature. Borrowing from him one of his metaphorical methods of expression, one would be tempted to imagine that ^^Nature," speaking, would address him nearly as follows : — ''Truly, Rousseau, I should be very ungrateful, did I not hail you as one of the mortals who have most exerted themselves to restore my dominion. 48 ROUSSEAU You have avowed yourself my faithful servant. Your incense has burned on my altars. You have practised, with sincere enthusiasm, a simple, frugal life, rustic pleasures, and innocent manners, in a society given up to luxurious tastes, to vice, and the compUcations of worldly Hfe. You have shown the dawn to people who used not to rise till noon. You have taken into the open air, into the broad sun- shine, Httle children who were fading away in the vitiated atmosphere of great towns. You have pro- tested against unnatural requirements and the caprice and artifice of fashion. You have endeav- ored to restore to humanity the simpUcity of the primal ages. ... All praise to you for this. '^But on how many points, beheving your ii spiration to come from me alone, you neverthelef have erred? I have no proof that you really ur derstand my nature. Everybody around you speak 'of the mystery of nature's law.' Are you quit sure that you have thrown light upon this myster and penetrated it ? ''What am I in your eyes? 'The sum total, yoL say, of humanity's instinctive tendencies before falsified by opinion.' You forget that 'opinion' has been in part formed by me ; that society is my work, that I founded it, and count for much in its organization. It seems that, in your mind, I have ROUSSEAU 49 remained, congealing in my immobility the wild, primitive nature of the world's earhest ages. No, I am not a motionless, invariable force. I advance and keep abreast of progress. Some one who has no liking for you, but who has much wit, said humorously that you were making humanity move backwards to the barbarian epoch in which men walked on all fours and ate acorns. ... I grant you that Vol- taire exaggerates; but all the same, by vaunting the benefits of ignorance, by execrating arts and letters and all the works of civiUzation, have you not given excuse for this raillery ? ^^ Heedlessly you ask that a clean sweep be made of ^^"erything that your ancestors have instituted, wh ,3as these institutions and customs have often bee .1 dictated to them by me. You wish, in edu- ca1 )n, to take in everything the side opposed to cuftom, but do you not see that ^custom,' which yo condemn in its entirety, could not have lasted frc M century to century, if it had not agreed in part wi 1 the laws over which I preside ? ' I do not wish to take your errors in detail, but h(r3 is one. You rightly teach your dear Emile n.' ural religion alone, the one religion which I can a* ' nit. You are right, acclaiming behind me F )vidence, my creator, to oppose the internal and p ofound sentiment of conscience to vain and super- 50 ROUSSEAU stitious forms of ritual. . . . But why, in this re- Hgious education, have you not acted in conformity with human progress itself, which, guided by me, has advanced from primitive superstition and the feeble light of later theology, to the fuller Hght of pure reason ? Your predecessor, Fenelon, who also pleased me greatly by the effort which he made to approach me nearly, was wiser; and if it really is necessary that men remain behevers, he understood that the one means of insuring their faith was to lay its foundations early in the child^s mind, by introducing to him at first, as I have done for humanity, per- ceptible ideas of God, imperfect, confused notions, whose superstitious imageries will gradually be dis- sipated by reason, in proportion as it develops, in order to exhibit, as far as human frailty permits, the pure and rational conception of Him who made me. . . . '^To sum up, Rousseau, your great error, the principal fault with which you will be reproached in succeeding centuries — for I foresee the future — is lack of belief in progress ; failure to divine the great law of the perpetual evolution of things. You have missed my most important characteristic, which is ceaseless motion. The word 'progress' comes often from your pen, but you always find it evil. It is for you, or nearly so, a synonym for decadence ROUSSEAU 51 and corruption. . . . Your successors, on the con- trary, will consider progress as my supreme law, my essential principle, as the reason for the existence of humanity and the world. They will understand that nature is not the product of a day, that the suc- cessive acquisitions of inheritance form an integral portion of my substance. '^Let your errors be forgiven you, however, for 70U have loved me greatly. Others will come after you who will also think that they have defined me. They also will, perchance, be mistaken ; for I am not as simple as may be thought ; I am infinitely complex, and I remain the impenetrable enigma, unfathom- able in its designs, whose solution will perhaps never be accompUshed by man. . . ." IV By his visions, even those which were in contra- diction with the nature whose patronage he was invoking, Rousseau has rendered signal service to the science and art of education. '^His errors/' said P. Girard, ^^are themselves wholesome warnings." By violently shaking traditionary usages, he awoke minds slumbering in routine, and by his flights of fancy he suggested and prepared just and practical solutions. But Emile contains also, and in large number, general views and detailed facts concerning the various branches of education which may be ac- cepted straightway almost without revision. These form, as it were, quite a cluster of flowers, which will blossom eternally in the garden of education. How many eloquent sayings, taken from Emile ^ do we constantly hear ? How many maxims, fresh in 1762, and become almost trivial at the present time, form the current coin of our pedagogics? How many others, wrongly neglected, will be found to be of value to us ? 52 ROUSSEAU 53 It is now commonplace to recommend physical edu- cation. And Rousseau is not the first who, in mod- ern times, by a reversion to the ancient mode of Hfe, urged youth to bodily exercises. Ten years earUer, Turgot wrote, ^^We have especially forgotten that the formation of the body is a part of education." Rousseau, on this subject, refers his reader to Mon- taigne and Locke ; he might also have referred him to Rabelais. None the less do we praise him for having, in his turn, insisted forcibly on precepts more frequently recommended than practised. Let us be grateful to him for entering, as he does, into minute details on clothing, length of sleep, and food, thus clearing the way for the hygienists of childhood. Emile must strive to ^^ combine the vigor of an athlete with the reason of a sage." He must think like a philosopher and work like a peasant. Bodily exercise is not prejudicial to the operations of the mind. The two actions should proceed in harmony. Sports were not yet fashionable in Rousseau's time, and no one can blame him, when he prophesied the French Revolution, for not having also predicted the triumph of football. He at least recommends swimming, which everybody can learn. Riding is discarded, as too expensive. When he is twenty, however, Emile will take rides, without prejudice to his long excursions on foot. Rousseau, who had 54 ROUSSEAU walked across France, from Paris to Lyons, could not help recommending pedestrian exercise. It is, however, of the infant, principally, that Rousseau thinks. Even before it can walk, it will be taken daily into the lields and meadows, to froHc, to run about as soon as it can. Let there be no longer any question of an effeminate, confined education, suit- able for maldng ^'scholars without muscle/' Health and physical force are to be considered first. Rous- seau comes back to this subject in his Considerations sur le gouvernement de Pologne. In this work he calls for the estabhshment in every school of a gymnasium for bodily exercise. ^^This is,'' says he, 'Hhe most important item in education, not only as regards the formation of a robust constitution, but even more on the score of morality. ..." Indeed, it is not solely from hygienic motives, nor for the strengthening of the body, that Rousseau proposes his scheme of education in the country, with full hberty of movement, open-air excursions, and joyous gambols : he sees in physical exercise a means of development of moral power, — a prelude to edu- cation in courage and innate virtue. Rousseau seems to be inspired by memories of Spartan life or Stoic doctrine. His Emile is rigorously brought up ; he is inured to cold and heat and accustomed to privation. None of his caprices, supposing such ROUSSEAU 55 possible in nature ^s pupil, are acceded to. If he is granted what he asks for, it is not on account of his having made the request, but because it is known that it is really needed. And Rousseau, who a mo- ment ago was wisely returning from paradox to common sense, now, inversely, and with equal facility, passes from equitable, just precept to ridicu- lous and absurd exaggeration. Emile is to walk barefoot ; he is to go about in the dark, without a candle or other Hght. He will, perhaps, learn in this way to have no fear of the dark, but will he not run the risk of a broken neck, ^Hhe eyes which he has at his finger-tips'' seeming scarcely sufficient to insure him against a slip or a fall ? Let us pass by these eccentricities in which Rousseau's genius goes astray, and let us be satisfied with proving that he anticipated all those who, nowadays, demand an active, manly education, which shall produce vigor- ous men, dexterous of Hmb and capable of standing face to face with danger; ready and able to render practical assistance both to themselves and others ; truly equipped for fife as regards its material oc- cupations as well as its difficulties and moral trials. To view Rousseau's famous theory on the neces- sity of serving an apprenticeship in a manual occu- pation from the utihtarian standpoint alone, would be to misinterpret his intentions. Undoubtedly, he 56 ROUSSEAU saw in it a resource, an assured livelihood, should there come a time of adversity and ruin. A presci- ent thought for the rich man, suddenly reduced to poverty and obliged to work for his Uving, is not foreign to Rousseau^s scheme. ^^We are drawing near the age of revolutions. Who can say what will then become of you?'' If, however, he makes Emile a joiner, not a mock joiner, but a real workman, who attends his workshop regularly, and does not allow even the visit of his betrothed to distract him from his occupation — there are other motives gov- erning him : he wishes to reinstate work, and more especially, manual work. ^^Rich or poor, whosoever does not work is a cheat.'' There is also the peda- gogical consideration that it is not alone the head, the brain of a man, which must be exercised, as though the brain were the entire man. We should be able to use our hands as well as our reason, and because it develops physical capability, endurance, exertion, and practical acquirements, manual labor is good for everybody. Rousseau would have en- dorsed these recent words of M. Jules Lemaitre: ^^Our collegians' time, wasted twice over by them, since they spend it in not learning a dead language which, if learned, would be of Httle use to them, might better be employed, I do not say in studying living tongues, natural science, and geography, — ROUSSEAU 57 that is too apparent, — but in games, gymnastics, and joinery. . . /' Especially would he be de- hghted to see in what honor the manual occupation to which he gave the preference is held in certain modern schools, in England, for example, at Bedale College, the protot3^e of M. Demohns' des Roches school, where gardening and farm work is succeeded by exercise in woodwork. The pupils are seen bringing real enthusiasm to the making of boxes, racks, and book shelves, on which they then place books bound by themselves. The education of the sense is intimately connected with that of the body. ^^Not only have we arms and legs, we also have eyes and ears.'^ In this, again, Rousseau is an excellent guide. Pestalozzi, and all the patrons of the intuitive method, all those who preach the lessons of things, are only his disciples. Everything else depends on the education of the senses. Rousseau has sometimes been compared with Descartes. He would have been the ' ' Descartes of sensibility '' following the Descartes of under- standing. It is more accurate to Hken him to Con- dillac, whom he classed ^^ among the best reasoners and most profound metaphysicians of his time.^' Like the author of the Trait e des sensations, he accepts the maxim, ^^ Everything that enters the understanding comes through the senses.^' The 58 ROUSSEAU senses are 'Hhe first faculties to form in us : the first, accordingly, to be cultivated." To this cultivation Rousseau devotes the twelve years of childhood, satisfied if, '^ after this long journey through the region of sensations to the boundaries of childish reason,'' he has succeeded in forming Emile into a sensitive being, able to see, hear, feel, calculate dis- tance, and compare quantities and weights. . . . ^'Yonder is a very ^ high cherry tree; how can we manage to gather some cherries? Will the ladder in the neighboring barn do ? There is a very wide brook; will one of the planks lying in the yard be long enough to cross by? . . ." Emile, who uses the plane adroitly later on, is clever in the use of his fingers at an early age. Rous- seau, who does not say much of how he taught him to write, being ashamed, as he says, of troubUng over such trifles, — and yet speUing is not taught by nature, — takes great interest in the study of draw- ing: '^Children, who are great imitators, all try to draw." In these attempts, however, it is not the art of drawing for its own sake which Rousseau values so highly, it is more on account of the profit accruing from it to the training of the senses and the organs of the body. Practice in drawing makes the eye more accurate and the hand more flexible. The child, of course, is only to draw from nature ; ROUSSEAU 59 he is not to imitate imitations; objects will be his only models. Let us add that all idea of beauty is absent from this first initiation into the material representation of things. Rousseau is not thinking of producing an artist ; the result will, at most, be a geometrician; moreover, if he recommends draw- ing, it is less for Emile to imitate objects than to be- come acquainted with them. Sensations prepare ideas. By perceiving objects clearly, Emile trains himself to judge, that is to say, to grasp their affinities. His first judgments, however, are confined strictly to the domain of tangible knowledge. He must obtain his instruction from actual objects and not from words. '^Do not talk to the child of matters which it cannot understand. Use no descriptions, no eloquence, no figurative lan- guage. Be satisfied with introducing him to ob- jects opportunely. Let us transform our sensations into ideas, but without leaping at one bound from perceptible to intellectual objects. — Turgot had already said: 'I wish abstract and general notions to come to children in the same way that they come to men, — by degrees, and by a regular progress from sensible ideas.' — Let us pass slowly from one sen- sible idea to another. In general, never replace a thing by its representation unless it be impossible to show the thing itself. I dishke explanations and 60 ROUSSEAU discourses. Things ? things ? I cannot repeat often enough that we attach too much importance to words; our chattering education produces nothing but chatterers. . , J^ A time comes, however, when the employment of words and abstract ideas is forced upon us, when something more than perceptible objects must be studied. In the selection of studies which he offers Emile, Rousseau is obedient to a principle, a single criterion, — that of utility. This great visionary is a utihtarian. His programme certainly is short : it is calculated to displease those who demand a com- plete education, universal knowledge for a youth. But in his practical tendencies he inaugurates, with omissions, the programmes of reahstic instruction which will be adopted more and more for fresh gen- erations. Rousseau may well be the father of this instruction which our contemporaries are endeavor- ing, not without gropings, to estabhsh and organize under the fine title of up-to-date education. The name is found: the thing itself is by no means reaUzed. However this may be, the end in view is now settled. A fact which must be recognized is that intellectual education should be a direct preparation for life, and that the current system is in part bad and doomed to disappear, because, between the ROUSSEAU 61 ultra-speculative studies which it inflicts on youth and the reahties of existence, between the scholar's Mfe and the man's calling, there is a profound disa- greement, — what Taine called an '^incompatibihty." Goethe was even then saying, fifty years later than Rousseau, however: ^^So much theoretical knowl- edge, so much science, is what exhausts our young people, both physically and morally. They lack the physical and moral energy necessary to make a suitable entry into the world. . . .'' Rousseau's language is to the same effect. It has been seen that he wished to endow Emile with physi- cal energy. He was no less thoughtful for moral energy. This philosopher, thought to be lost in the land of chimera, says : ^^ When I see that, at the most active time of life, youths are kept to purely specu- lative studies, and are afterwards, without the least experience, cast upon the world and into business, it seems to me the offence against society is as great as that against nature ; it does not, therefore, surprise me that so few people know how to order their con- duct. What bizarre deception causes the persistent teaching of so many useless things, whilst the ^art of action' counts for nothing? Nominally, we are formed for society, and we are instructed as though each of us had to pass his life in a cell, engaged in solitary thought." 62 ROUSSEAU ^^The art of action/^ is not this the watchword of future education ? To Rousseau belongs the credit of having uttered it, though he may not have had the talent necessary to combine the means which can make it effective. There is some temptation to reply to him that it is not by rearing Emile in solitude, ^^as though he had to pass his Hfe in solitary thought" in the fields, that a youth is made fit for actual human hfe. But what does one more inconsistency matter? Rousseau, at least, understood that in- struction must be reheved of all the superfluity of show study. He, however, carries this also to excess. How can we refrain from reproving him for the way in which he despises the old classical studies, the ancient languages in particular, which he dares to describe as '^a useless feature of education." As an educator he went too far in rejecting the literary sources, by draughts from which, as a thinker and writer, he formed his genius. Men of letters will protest, and not unreasonably, against such culpa- ble infidehty; but all men of good sense will praise him for having shown that the aim of education is not the accumulation of sterile knowledge in the memory; that it is the formation of inteUigence by a discreet introduction to a moderate selection of useful studies, giving preference to attainments which nourish the mind and train it to be ready ROUSSEAU 63 for action, rather than to those attainments which are only a useless ornament. Emile has reached the age of fifteen: his short studies have come to an end. He has little knowl- edge, but he is prepared for knowledge of every kind, and this is the most important consideration. Do not take him for a scholar: he is not meant to be one ; but he has a taste for knowledge. His natural curiosity has been aroused. According to the say- ing which Rousseau borrows from Montaigne, if not taught, he is at least ^^ teachable." No prejudice has perverted his mind or impaired the accuracy of his judgment. He knows nothing on authority; he has acquired all his knowledge for himself. He has not been taught the facts themselves, so much as the method of finding them out. He has been told to look, and he has found. Thus will he continue all his Hfe on the path to knowledge, which he has been shown, '^long, stupendous, tedious to follow.'^ In Rousseau's methods of instruction we perceive two excellent tendencies : firstly, that, in order to thoroughly master what is learned, a personal effort is required, a research, a sort of original discovery, and not merely an effort of memory and mechanical acquisition; secondly, that the most important thing is not the knowledge acquired at the end of study, the fight baggage of attainments which serve 64 ROUSSEAU too often as an excuse for mental slumber after leaving college, but the desire to enlarge one's knowledge and aptitude for acquiring it. Those who draw up the overladen, encyclopaedic pro- grammes of our education, before beginning delib- erations which almost always result in yet another burden, even when schemes of reduction are the order of the day, should read over and meditate well upon this pleasing passage from Emile: ''When I see a man carried away by his love for knowledge, hastening from one alluring study to another, with- out knowing where to stop, I think I see a child gathering shells upon the seashore. At first he loads himself with them ; then, tempted by others, he throws these away and gathers more. At last, weighed down by so many, he ends by throwing all away, and returning empty-handed. . . .^' 'Is not this a very clever and correct picture of many modern scholars, weighed down by their burden of useless acquirements, embarrassed with ideas of every kind, disgusted by wearisome studies, and finally leaving college almost empty-handed ? o Rousseau attaches himself here to the great tradition of French peda- gogics, a tradition too often set at naught in our schemes for study. It advocates, as Nicole said, ^Hhe use of knowledge only as an instrument for the formation of reason"; which, of course, applies to ROUSSEAU 65 knowledge only in so far as it plays a part in that general culture aimed at by secondary education. If we now examine in detail the programme of utiHtarian studies which Rousseau intends for Emile, we shall be surprised more than once, both on ac- count of what he includes and what he omits. Rousseau is the most disconcerting and deceptive of educators. Thus, he forbids the study of history, and this is one of his most provoking paradoxes. In this he is, however, logical with himself. Since Emile is ^Ho be removed from humankind," he must be denied knowledge of the dead as well as contact with the living. History is the great agent by which social consciousness is developed; now, in his early education, Emile is only an individuahst, a perfect egoist, without any social sentiment. It is known, moreover, what special argument Rous- seau advanced and upheld to excuse the omission of history ; namely, that a child is incapable of un- derstanding it. History is as much out of his reach as the philosophic idea of God: as though there were not a history for children, ^ history made up of description, narrative, and great men's lives. For- tunately, in the matter of history, as in so many other things, Rousseau contradicted himself, and to rectify his errors or correct his semi-voluntary paradoxes, it is sufficient to appeal from Rousseau 66 ROUSSEAU to Rousseau. As legislator of the Polish govern- ment, his language is quite different from that used by the theorist of Emile, Far from condemning history^ he will be found rather to carry it to excess. In language which, in its animation, recalls the words used by Rabelais to extol the study of natural science when he makes Gargantua say to his son: ^^I want you to be acquainted with the fish of every sea, river, and spring, — with all the birds of the air, the trees and shrubs of the forest, and all the herbs of the earth; . . .'' similarly, Rousseau says: ^^I want the young Pole, when learning to read, to read things concerning his country ; so that when he is ten years old he shall be acquainted with all its products ; when twelve, all its provinces, roads, and towns; when fifteen, its entire history; when six- teen, all its laws; thus, every fine deed which has been done, and every noted man who shall have lived, in all Poland, shall fill his heart and mind." The education of a httle citizen, a future patriot, could not have a better preparation. Let us take note, however, that Rousseau's retraction is not complete ; he speaks only of national history, leav- ing the general history of mankind, which has no interest for him, a sealed book to his pupil. Emile, having been cheated of knowledge of the ROUSSEAU 67 ethical world, will, in compensation, be nourished with knowledge of the material world. The study of nature must come before everything else. Is not the same thing thought at the present day by the educators of the United States, who attach so much importance to knowledge of natural truths ? What does cause surprise, is that, in his programme, Rousseau should put astronomy in the forefront. Auguste Comte also mentions it first in his cata- logue of sciences and in his system of positive edu- cation. One has the right to ask why. Utility cannot be its recommendation. Emile is to travel, but he is not intended to navigate, and it does not seem at all hkely that he would find a knowledge of the constellations and heavenly bodies of any use to him. Likely enough what decided Rousseau was the fact that astronomy, physical astronomy at least, is one of the sciences most suitable for the appUcation of his beloved method, — the method of conscious and direct observation of things. Emile, who does not know what a class room or a study is, gains his knowledge in the open; he contemplates nature's great spectacles, and reflects in the presence of the starry sky. In virtue of the same system, astronomy is fol- lowed by physical science and geography, keeping to tangible and concrete studies in which abstrac- 68 ROUSSEAU tion plays the least important part. Emile learns geography without maps, during his walks and in presence of the actual objects. ^'Why all these representations ? . . . I recollect seeing somewhere a text-book on geography which began thus : ^ What is the world? — A pasteboard globe.' . . .'' The only method of preventing these fallacies is to in- troduce to the child the thing itself and not its arti- ficial representation. An elementary knowledge of astronomy, physics, and geography will be practically everything till the age of fifteen is reached. Has Emile learned gram- mar? Not otherwise than by using his mother- tongue and hearing his master talk : ^^ Always speak correctly in his presence." At all events, at this age, he as yet knows nothing of either ancient or modern literature. Poets and prose-writers of every degree are as unknown to him as historians. Rous- seau, before Condorcet and so many others, is already an expert in scientific education; but in science itself he rejects all that is pure speculation and abstract generaUty. He admits that there is a chain of general truths by which all sciences are linked to common principles and successively un- folded. But '^with this we have nothing to do" in the formation of the mind. ^^ There is another, altogether different, which shows each object as the ROUSSEAU 69 cause of another, and always points out the one following. This order, which by a perpetual curi- osity keeps ahve the attention demanded by all, is the one followed by most men, and of all others necessary with children/' Thus, in the study of physics, arrangements will be made to connect all experiments by a kind of deduction, so that, assisted by this connection, children can arrange them methodically in their minds, and recall them when required. All this, however, only deals with the estabHshment of a material order between percep- tible truths. To the senses, Rousseau subordinates even the deduction of ideas and their Hnking to- gether. No doubt it is on this account that mathe- matics do not figure in Rousseau's programme. Emile, who is forbidden to read even La Fontaine's Fables, on the ground that he would not understand them, does not seem to be any more acquainted with arithmetical rules. . . . Decidedly his instruction is insufficient and hmited. Rousseau had none of that holy horror of ignorance which characterizes later educators: '^Ignorance," said he, ''never did harm ; error alone is pernicious." Education has an importance beyond instruction. ''We prefer good men to scholars." Rousseau is more happily inspired in the educa- tion of the will than he is when dealing with the 70 ROUSSEAU mind. Despite appearances, and despite the con- tinual presence of a guardian whose surveillance would not seem altogether favorable to the develop- ment of individuality, Emile is really brought up in liberty. It is certain, and we do not forget it, that Rousseau was chiefly deficient in character and energy. He could never overcome temptation. ^'It was always impossible for me to act against my inchnation.'' All through his hfe he was the plaything of circumstances, the victim of his pas- sions. This, however, rather disposed him to desire for Emile a better education than the one from which he himself suffered, an education of a kind to accustom a child to act on his own initiative, in fine, an education of '^ self-government": '^The child must be left to himself, both as regards body and mind. The boon of freedom is worth many scars." By emancipating the child, Rousseau intends, primarily, to make him happy, and that at once; for the poor Httle one may die young, and before he dies he must taste hfe. Now a child^s happiness, like a man's, consists in the exercise of libert3^ Rousseau had a sincere affection for children. In all his wise recommendations concerning the care to be taken with an infant, an inspiration of ten- derness almost unknown before his time may be ROUSSEAU 71 detected, a lively feeling of pity for these frail creatures who are, as a first consideration, to be made to hve. What a number of tender things he has written on children ! What treasures of affec- tion left unused by this culpable father! '^Nature made children to be loved and succored. . . . Does it not seem as though a child displays such a sweet face and affecting manner only that every- thing which comes near it may be touched by its feebleness and may hasten to its assistance?" Tutors of all ages will have to draw inspiration from cautions hke the following: '^If you do not open your heart, others^ hearts will remain closed to you. It is your care and affection that you must give." But beyond the child^s present, and the joy in life which he wishes to insure for it immediately, Rous- seau also thought of the future, and the require- ments of social Hfe. By the independence which he grants it from the cradle, when he abohshes the imprisonment of swaddhng clothes; as later, in boyhood^s years, when he wars against prohibitions and verbal injunctions, in order to substitute for them instruction from facts alone and the hving lessons of example, — ^^ Example, example ! lacking this, success with children was never obtained;" — when, finally, he appeals to all that is spontaneous 72* ROUSSEAU in the intelligence and personal in the will of his pupil, it is evident that he wishes, in this way, to form men of stronger physique, more vigorous morals, and greater control over their actions, than the scholars of old-style colleges, in the austerity of their cloistered Ufe, were prepared to become, and than the students of our modern high schools are, even at the present day, in spite of the achievement of so much progress. Note, however, that Emile's education is by no means one of complacency and enervating laxity: rather is he submitted to a regimen of severity. His room is in every way like a peasant's. And if Rousseau has made a gleam of joy shine in his Ufe by the Hberty which he grants him, he none the less wishes the child to know how to bear suffering. Suffering will leave Emile stronger, and is the first thing that he must learn. Primarily, he is thus early armed against the evils which existence has in store for him. But he also learns to sympathize with the misfortunes of others. Man is an apprentice, with affliction for his master. EarHer than De Musset, Rousseau said in his fine prose, '^The man who is ignorant of affliction, knows neither human tenderness nor the sweetness of commiseration." In spite of the sort of antisocial sequestration ROUSSEAU 73 which Rousseau imposed on 6mile for fifteen years, it must not be imagined that he gave up all idea of making a feehng, loving being of him a little later. Even as a child, he must be shown '^this world^s unfortunates." The spirit of fraternity fills Rous- seau ^s generous soul to overflowing: '^Proclaim yourself aloud the protector of the unhappy. Be just, humane, and kindly. Do not give alms alone, give charity." Rousseau advances toward modern sociahsm. Note, for example, this bold reflection: '^AVhen poor people were wilUng there should be rich people, the rich promised to take care of those without means of subsistence, either from their property or labor." Arrived at man's estate, Emile spends a part of his time in doing good to those around him. When in love, he does not allow the thought of Sophie alone to absorb him. He interrupts his attentions to his betrothed that he may act as a true philanthropist. He travels the country ; he examines the land, its productions, and their cultivation; he himself ploughs on occasion. His knowledge of natural history is utihzed for the benefit of the cultivators; he teaches them better methods. He visits the peasants in their homes; and, after inquiring into their needs, he helps them with his person and his money. Does a peasant fall ill? He has him cared for; he himself attends 74 ROUSSEAU to him. Simple medicine, indeed, and such as can be allowed by an enemy of doctors, consisting, as it does, in more substantial nourishment. He makes his future wife a partner in these good works: he takes her to visit the poor, to see a laborer who has broken his leg, and whose wife is about to be confined. ''With her gentle, light hand,'' Sophie puts dressings on the wounded man : she waits on, pities, and consoles him. By birth and extraction Rousseau was of the people. He remained one of them by the simpHcity of his tastes, living like a laborer, fond of associat- ing with the lowly, though at times he did not disdain the complaisance of great lords, and was not insensible to the caresses of great ladies. Does this imply that in his educational projects he worked directly for the people and for the people's instruc- tion ? No. Emile, if not a gentleman hke Locke's pupil, is at any rate of the middle classes, rich and well born. But by the fact that he eliminated ancient languages and all expensive studies, and replaced ''book" education by the simple, natural cultivation of the talents which every human creature brings into the world at its birth, Rousseau suggested the idea of the universal emancipation of inteUi- gence; he inspired the democratic idea of making instruction general. He did not wish for the "cere- ROUSSEAU 75 monious'' education of the rich, for what he still called '^exclusive'' education, which only tends to distinguish from the common people those who have received it. Moreover, the object being to make men, and not scholars, the poor would, in truth, ^^ require no education.^' Freed by their Hfe of toil from all the conventions of society, subjected to nature's laws alone, ^Hhe poor can of themselves become men." Rousseau — and for it he has been severely blamed — wished to form, not a man of a certain station, or of a settled profession, but just a man. He thought too much, says Taine, of '^man in the abstract,'' and not enough of actual man, such as he is made by the circumstances of time and place, and as he should be trained by education, so that he may be fitted for his place in hfe. '^Whether my pupil be intended for the army, the church, or the bar, matters httle to me. Before he adopts the vocation of his parents, nature calls upon him to be a man. How to hve is the business I wish to teach him. On leaving my hands, he will not, I admit, be a magistrate, a soldier, or a priest : first of all he will be a man. All that a man should be, he can be." Let us give praise to Rousseau for having reminded men that they have a personal destiny, that first and foremoB-t they should, if pos- 76 ROUSSEAU sible, set up and strengthen in themselves the prin- ciples of human dignity. Let us, however, censure him for keeping too strictly to the absolute, without considering the contingencies and relative conditions which require the individual to graft on the common stem that branch of special acquirements which the place that he will occupy in hfe exacts, as a con- dition of being worthily held. He did not suffi- ciently reflect on the principle, which is becoming more and more insistent on recognition, that edu- cation must be diversified and speciaUzed in a score of forms, that it may be in conformity with the various exigencies of social [labor, no less than in correspondence with the multiplicity of individual talents. Rousseau has erred in a manner analogous to those religious educators who, forgetful of the present hfe, and thoughtful only for the hfe to come, — which alone has any value in their eyes, — aspire only to the rearing of a pure and virtuous creature for the bhss of hfe everlasting. The philosopher of nature and ideal humanity joins hands, without suspecting it, with the mystical constructors of God's City. When his '^one and indivisible" education is finished, Emile may be the type of a man; but he must not be expected to be an engineer, a doctor, or a lawyer. Of what use, then, will he be in society, since he can bring no ROUSSEAU 77 special attainments beyond those proper to his trade of joiner ? It is well that Emile has learned a manual trade ; it is well that he is '^fit for all stations of life '^ ; but perhaps no harm would ensue from the addition of a professional preparation for one of the functions to which society calls men. At times, however, the practical spirit awakens in Rousseau and timidly takes its revenge. After he has betrothed Emile to Sophie, he forces him to leave her and travel abroad for two years. By a fresh contradiction, Rousseau, who so long kept Emile from coming into contact with his own com- patriots, and did not introduce him into society till he was twenty, now enlarges the circle of his social connections to the extent of wishing him to enter into relations with the men of other countries. Travel, says he, forms part of education : travel, not for pleasure, however, but for instruction and study, a kind of ^^ scholastic course ^^ abroad. Emile must be acquainted with the genius and ways of foreign nations ; truly it was wasted time to forbid so long the reading of histories ! It is true that books are worth nothing. It is with his eyes that Emile should see foreign things, as all other things. Rousseau never abandons the method of direct observation. If we are to beheve him, the French are, of all the 78 ROUSSEAU peoples of the world, the greatest travellers. Was this true in 1762 ? We doubt it. At all events, it is regrettable that it is not now the case. Emile travels, then. So that, in the course of his wander- ings, he be not turned aside and diverted from the serious objects of his observations, Rousseau has taken care that he is enamoured before his departure. The love sworn to Sophie is to preserve him from all dissipation, and to shelter him from passion and vice in the great towns which he visits. On his travels, Emile devotes himself entirely to his obser- vations, which are not, however, concerned with monuments and antiquities, or on the relics and ruins of the past. That is of no interest ; it is the present which should be known. Emile is not an archae- ologist. His attention is directed especially to ques- tions of government, to customs and laws. He will study poUtics and comparative legislation on the spot. And when he returns to his native land, he can usefully examine the institutions of France, in order to judge of them by comparison. Perhaps he may deem them inferior and bad, and will conse- quently be moved to the ambition of contributing to their reformation. On the contrary, this cos- mopohtan of a few months' standing may have become a more ardent patriot, attached to his own country the more for being better informed regard- ROUSSEAU 79 ing the vices and evils of other countries. Let us be assured, if Rousseau had Uved in our time, he would have joined his eloquent rebukes to those of the present-day educators, who urge young French- men to become colonists. It was not a fit time to think of that in 1762, when, through the fault of its monarchy, France was on the point of losing her magnificent colonial empire. The most important of the results of Emile^s travel is that he learned 'Hwo or three foreign languages. '^ Rousseau did not give him much time for that ; difficulty of achievement, as we know, does not trouble him. It is scarcely apparent how Emile, who as yet has studied no foreign language, living or dead, is able so rapidly to learn German and EngUsh. What matters this? The main thing is that here again Rousseau pointed out the goal and drew attention to the importance of studying the Uving languages. Further, in the course of his travels, Emile took care to cultivate acquaintance with foreigners of parts, so that, having returned home, he continues to correspond with them. This exchange of letters, which lasts his whole fife, will raise his thoughts and sentiments above national prejudice, and will make him a citizen of the world. Thus did Rousseau prepare the way for the modern educators, who protest against French- 80 ROUSSEAU men confining themselves to devout contemplation of themselves, and who exhort them to mix with the universal Hfe of humanity, that they may see and comprehend the world outside. Emile is a perfect man ; to be worthy of becoming his wife, Sophie should be an ideal woman. But Rousseau is far from successful in this second part of his task; and woman's education, as displayed by him, is certainly not so well understood as man's. It is with special care, however, that Rousseau wrote the fifth book of Eynile, which is almost en- tirely devoted to feminine instruction. He com- posed it, he says, ^'in a continual ecstasy'' (he was at the time the guest of the duchess of Luxembourg, at Montmorency), ^^in the midst of woods and streams and choirs of birds of every kind, with the fragrance of the orange-blossom in the air"; and he in part attributes ^Hhe rather fresh coloring" of these pages, more poetical than philosophical, to the pleasant impressions which he experienced in this earthly paradise. But he Uved there with his Therese, — a companion and model ill-fitted to assist him in the conception of an educated woman. He was constantly at the mansion and received visits from briUiant and titled ladies, — a compan- 81 82 ROUSSEAU ionship ill-suited perhaps to the conception of a simple, strong woman, whose Ukeness he wished to sketch. The material surroundings themselves, also the delicious abode at Mont-Louis was more con- ducive to re very than analysis. The book of Sophie is only a pleasant idyl. The poet and novehst decidedly gain the upper hand in it. Of all things that Rousseau fails to understand, said Saint-Marc Girardin, it is woman that he under- stands least. Certain of her refinements, her noble dignity and pure moral grandeur have, at all events, eluded him. He has for her more tenderness and loving adoration than true respect and esteem. Even in the most exquisite descriptions of his heroine, looked at both physically and morally, an indefin- able, sensual appetite is always to be detected, — a memory of common or worldly women, coquettish and artificial, whom he had known and loved. Sophie, moreover, is not altogether an imaginary being. When outlining her lineaments, Rousseau asserts that he had in his mind an actual model. Sophie existed then, and the name alone was of his invention. Dead in the springtime of her life, he merely '^revived" her to make ^Hhis lovable girl" Emile^s companion. The story is dramatic and touching. Having read Telemachus, at the age of twenty the real Sophie was smitten with love for ROUSSEAU 83 Fenelon^s hero, and, being unable to find in the world a youth Uke him, she died of unsatisfied love, of languor and despair. Fenelon is thus responsible for the death of a maiden. . . . How does it come about that this tragic episode of real hfe did not prevent Rousseau from making his Sophie, who was the image of the other, too sensitive and romantic ? It is true that, overtaken with tardy remorse, he seems to have reaHzed the vanity of his efforts, and himself emphasized the insufficiency and inefficacy of his scheme of feminine education, when, with strange irony, in the Roman des Solitaires, he shows us the virtuous Sophie become an unfaithful wife, although she saw in woman's misconduct nothing but ^^ misery, disorder, unhappiness, opprobrium, and ignominy. '^ Between Emile's education and that which Sophie receives, there is more than a contrast, there is an abyss. Rousseau emancipated Emile; he enslaves Sophie. To the same degree that he showed him- self bold in his views on the '^ foundation '^ of men, is he timid, backward, and conservative in his ideas on woman's education. The apostle of individual- ism renounces his doctrine. He subordinates woman to man; of her he makes an humble subject whose only value Hes in ministering to her husband's hap- piness. He confines her strictly to her duties as 84 ROUSSEAU daughter, wife, and mother. If he invites her elo- quently to fulfil her obHgations as a teacher, he for- gets to provide her, by a sufficiently well-developed instruction, with the means of acquitting herself worthily in this great mission. Finally, he does not appear to suppose that woman also has a claim to acquire personalty, that she legitimately aspires to extension of her acquirements and development of her faculties, so that, with her enhghtened intelh- gence and emancipated reason, she may truly be man^s equal and, indeed, the ^'abstract woman." Rousseau^s maxim is that woman should be obe- dient to man, that her existence is, as it were, con- ditional on that of man. Listen to these continual repetitions which, like a monotonous refrain, re- appear on every page: ''The whole education of women ought to be relative to men. . . . Woman is specially made to please men, to be useful to them, to make themselves loved and honored by them, to rear them when young, to care for them when grown up, to advise them, to console them, to render their Hves agreeable and sweet to them, — these are the duties of women at all times, and should be taught to them from their childhood. . . . All their caprices must be overcome so as to make them submissive to the will of others. . . . Dependence is the woman's natural condition. . . . Woman is ROUSSEAU 85 created to be all her life subject to man and to man's judgment. ... It is a law of nature that woman shall obey man. . . . She is created to give way to man, and to suffer even his injustice. . . .'' There is, then, no idea of educating Sophie for herself. Rousseau does not, at heart, admit the equahty of the sexes. He says of woman that she is ^^an imperfect man," that in many respects she is only '^a grown-up child." I am aware that Rousseau, with his customary inconsistency, con- tradicts himself in other passages: '^The question of superiority," he says, ^^must not be urged: differences account for all. . . . Each sex has qualities suited to its destiny and part in Ufe. . . . It is perhaps one of the marvels of nature that two beings so similar, and at the same time so differently constituted, should have been made. ..." But he insists upon these differences: '^It is demon- strated that man and woman are not constituted aUke, either in temperament or character." By speaking of differences, does not one singularly compromise the idea of equality? What, then, is Rousseau's idea of the character and temperament proper to woman ? He expounds it to us twice : first, somewhat ponderously in the long pages of general philosophy which begin the fifth book of Entile, and form a kind of outhne of 86 ROUSSEAU feminine psychology ; and later, with a quite poetic charm, when, putting away abstract considerations, he raises the curtain to show Sophie in her grace and beauty. Woman is weak. She is passionate: ^'If she pretends to be unable to bear the Ughtest burdens, it is not only to appear dehcate, it is to arrange ex- cuses for herself and the right to be feeble should occasion require." Her heart feeds on unUmited desires of love; it is true that ''the Supreme Being added modesty '^ in order to counterbalance and restrain them. Sophie, hke all women, is a natural coquette. She is fond of finery, almost from the moment of her birth. She is not displeased to dis- play ''her well-turned leg." She is inquisitive, too much so. She is artful, and necessarily so, to com- pensate for what she lacks in strength. "You tell me that httle Sophie is very artful," wrote Rous- seau to the prince of Wurtemberg, "so much the better! ..." Artfulness is a natural talent, and everything natural is "good and right." The in- stinct of artfulness, then, must be cultivated. Rous- seau, however, is good enough to admit that it is as well "to prevent its abuse." Sophie is talkative. She is imperious. She is by nature a glutton — here Rousseau forgets that he has declared all primitive instincts to be excellent. Does not the ROUSSEAU 87 doctrine of original goodness apply to woman with as much force as to man ? Sophie is temperate, but she has become so. . . . So much for the defects, and we have minimized them. The portrait is not overdrawn. Let us now examine the other side: the good, the qualities. Woman is more docile than man. She has more deUcacy than man. She is more skilful in reading the human heart. Her dominant passion is virtue. Let us note, moreover, that it is never certain whether Rousseau means to speak of woman in general, or of the exceptional creature which he has personified in Sophie. Her chief happiness is to make her parents happy. She is chaste and honest till her last sigh: here the ideal woman is obviously intended, the one of whom he says, '^A virtuous woman is almost the equal of the angels! ..." But woman, in general, is not man's equal. A charming being whom Rousseau idoHzes, yet none the less binds down to the subordinate position of her part as younger sister, and inferior in the human family. Her natural quahties must be respected, be they good or ill. It does not seem as though Rousseau wishes even her faults to be corrected, because they may perchance help her to captivate men. A woman should remain a woman. It would 88 ROUSSEAU be folly to wish for the cultivation of man^s qualities in her. Rousseau, who, on so many other points forestalled the tendencies and innovations of the modern mind, can in no wise be considered an expert in what is nowadays called ^^ woman's rights." Nothing would have offended him more than the claim to mingle and assimilate the two sexes in the same habits and functions. The modeUing of woman's education and hfe on man's would, to him, have seemed an aberration, a usurpation of the rights of the stronger sex, and, in another sense, a profanation. It is more especially when he considers woman's intellectual faculties that Rousseau shows himself unjust to them. He admits that their judgment is earlier formed, but he asserts that they soon allow themselves to be outdistanced. They have not sufficient attention and accuracy of mind to succeed in the exact sciences : — we may note, in passing, that Emile gives no evidence of any training in them, either. — Everything that tends to generahze ideas is outside their competence. All their reflections should centre in the study of men, or in agreeable acquirements which have ^Haste" as their object. Search after abstract truths is not suitable for them. No women philosophers or women mathematicians then : Rousseau would have refused another Sophie ROUSSEAU 89 — Sophie Germain — the right to exist. Works of genius are beyond them. Is it not true, however, that, as a novehst, George Sand, to mention no others, has indeed some genius, at any rate as much as Rousseau? ... In short, feminine studies should relate exclusively to practical matters, and Rousseau would wilHngly repeat Mohere's words : — Is it not seemly, and for many reasons, That a woman should study and know so many things. . . . Sophie's instruction, then, is extremely Hmited. It could not be otherwise in a system which, on the one hand, lowers the function of woman, and, on the other hand, disparages her intelligence and powers. How can she be asked to acquire knowledge which will be useless to her in her role of humble subordi- nation, or to undertake studies which exceed the capacity of her mind ? In her Ubrary, Rousseau puts only two books, Telemachus — and even this is out of place, if it be true, as Rousseau tells us, that it excites a girPs imagination — and Comptes faits, by BarrSme. Sophie ought to understand thoroughly the keeping of household accounts. She must be a true housewife, knowing the prices of provisions, superintending her servants, such a wife as Xenophon had already pictured the partner of Ischomachus. In her youth, Sophie was especially engaged in learnino; needlework: she sews and embroiders. 90 ROUSSEAU The wife of Emile, who has his working hours, must not be capable of neglecting manual occupations. Rousseau felt the importance of what is nowadays called the ^^ household education. '^ Sophie cuts out and makes her own dresses. She has a preference, it is true, for lace. \Vhy is this? It is because there is no form of needlework which ^ Ogives a more pleasing pose.^' Sophie remains somewhat coquet- tish, even in her household occupations. Rous- seau wishes — must he be blamed for it ? — a woman to be always attractive and elegant, to do everything gracefully. Nothing should detract from the charm of her personal appearance, even when she is cooking. Somewhat '^ foppish,^ ^ Sophie prefers burning the dinner to soiHng her cuff. Is Emile, who dines badly that evening, consoled by admiring the spotless cleanHness of Sophie's attire? There is, let us confess, something sickly and too deUcately refined in the education of this young woman who, for example, dislikes gardening, giving as a reason that '^the earth seems dirty to her." Sophie cultivates accompHshments, less for her personal benefit than to contribute later to her hus- band's amusement. She has a nice voice, and sings ; a taste for music, and plays. She can dance. But from all other points of view, she is decidedly an ignoramus. A little arithmetic — enough to total ROUSSEAU 91 up the household expenses — has been taught her : ^Terhaps women should before all learn to cipher," according to the natural method, however: ^'A httle girl can easily be persuaded to learn arith- metic, if care be taken to give her cherries for her lunch only on condition that she count them." But literature, poetry, and history she knows noth- ing of. Bluestockings are an affliction. ^^ Every learned girl will remain single all her life, when only men of sense are to be found." Rousseau would certainly not have approved of the creation of high schools, nor even elementary schools, for girls. " There are no colleges for women : what a misfor- tune. . . . Would to God there were none for boys. . . ." However insufficient Emile^s instruction may seem to us, Sophie's remains on a yet much lower plane. She is in no wise the enlightened woman whose action is necessary to regenerate the family and society. Rousseau, though he detested Paris, has made of her a frivolous Parisian, who is rather a grace than a power in the house, a charming play- thing or a thing of fashion. It is not alone by her insufficient instruction, which practically amounts to nothing, that Sophie differs from Emile; it is also in the nature of her education. The system on which a woman is 92 ROUSSEAU educated should be different from that adopted in the case of a man. Emile does not make his entry into society till he is about twenty; Sophie is ad- mitted at a very early age. Before becoming a wife and mother, she must be acquainted with society and life. Reversing the usual practice by which a girl is kept in almost cloistered seclusion, and a woman is thrown into the whirlpool of society Hfe, Rousseau wishes Sophie to go often to balls, plays, suppers, accompanied by her mother, of course; but once married, she shuts herself up in the peace of domestic Hfe. Here we have quite a fresh inspira- tion, a scheme of education in the EngHsh or Ameri- can style. If Sophie is shown society, it is, however, that she may be made to feel its emptiness and vice, and may be sickened of it forever. Is it quite certain that this precocious emancipation would give the results that Rousseau expects ? Let us praise him, nevertheless, for having introduced the ele- ments of gayety, good temper, and Hberty, into a girl's life. Sophie is merry and ^'skittish"; she is not to live ^'\ike a grandmother.'' Another difference: from the earliest years of her infancy, rehgion will be mentioned to Sophie. The reason which Rousseau gives for this is the very one which we advanced against him, when he delayed for Emile this reUgious teaching which he ROUSSEAU 93 hastens for Sophie. If we had to wait until a woman was able to conceive a true idea of religion, 'Ho dis- cuss these deep questions methodically, we should run a risk of never mentioning it to her." This is, then, only a fresh proof of the Httle esteem which Rousseau professed for feminine intelHgence. Sub- missive to the judgment of others, Sophie Mindly accepts her mother's religion. ''Every girl ought to have the rehgion of her mother, and every wife that of her husband.'' Opinion and authority, so boldly expelled from Emile's education, resume their sovereign sway when Sophie is in question. "Opin- ion," says Rousseau, emphatically "is with men the tomb of virtue, with women it is its throne" : which is to say that, in their beliefs as in their behavior, women are subject to the opinion of others. Wom- en's religion, moreover, is confined "in the nar- row circle of dogmas which derive from morahty." She is simple and reasonable, — "reasonable" is a word already used by Mme. de Maintenon. "Persuade her well that no knowledge is useful except such as teaches us well-doing. Do not make theologians and logicians of your daughters: teach them such of heaven's things alone as are of use for human wisdom. . . ." Morality is the essential part of rehgion, and we serve God by good actions. At times Rousseau hesitates, desisting from keep- 94 ROUSSEAU ing woman in her state of subordination ; he seems to perceive that, to be a wife and mother, Sophie needs a Uttle more instruction. ^' There are," says he, ''only two classes in humanity : those who think and those who do not think." And guiding Emile in the choice of a wife, he exhorts him to put aside all consideration of fortune or social rank, 'Ho take for his wife even the hangman's daughter, so Httle should he care for class." What does matter, is that a wife should think, know how to bring up her children, and be able to hve in communion of ideas with her husband. In that case, however, is it not evident that it would be indispensable to arrange for her a wider and more thorough instruc- tion? ''It is the husband," replies Rousseau, "who will teach her everything and be her instructor. . . ." I admit that he will complete and widen her in- struction, but on condition that, already as a girl, she has been initiated into the things of the mind. Let her be forbidden to read novels, — "never did a chaste girl read a novel," — this is already very severe ; but how sanction her never having a serious book in her hands and being as ignorant of Hterature as of science, "fatal science " ? This is, nevertheless, really the conclusion come to by Rousseau, who seemed to fear that by instructing woman she might be made man's equal, and that "the pre- ROUSSEAU 95 eminence which nature gives to the husband might thus be conveyed to the wife/' It is true that Rousseau, if he abases woman on the one hand, exalts her on the other. ''Women,'' says he, '^have a supernatural talent for governing men. ..." But this so-called supernatural talent is nothing but their grace and beauty, and, in short, the very natural power which they exercise over man's senses. ''The best households," he says again, "are those in which the wife has most au- thority." Yes; but in his theories, this authority is not that of a cultured intelligence and tested reason ; it is simply a rule founded on gentleness, made last- ing by the httle methods which a wife's ingenuity or indulgence suggest to her. It it by her caresses that Sophie orders, it is by tears that she threatens. Mme. Roland's father, discussing the choice of a hus- band with her one day, said to her, "I understand you would hke to subjugate some one who thinks himself the master, doing everything that you wish. . . ." Sophie is of the same school. She appears to obey, but in fact she reigns and governs, and her sovereignty is due only to the seductions of her sex. A strange book, it must be admitted, is this romance of Sophie's education. In it charming things are mingled with pedantic dissertations. 96 ROUSSEAU Delicate thoughts are near neighbors to declama- tions that might be described as the ramblings of a disordered brain. In it the highest lessons of virtue alternate with loose passages of vicious gallantry, and with rather free observations. The eulogy of Spartan or Roman manners is followed by pages in which one guesses that Rousseau found as much pleasure in reading Brantome as in reading the Bible, — which he had read right through more than six times, during the sleeplessness of his nights of sick- ness. We must not require from Rousseau the lofty purity of sentiment which the mission of woman's educator demands. How can we be touched by his enthusiasm for decency, modesty, and seemUness, when we have just heard him say that, '^Sophie does not display her charms ; on the contrary, she covers them up, but in covering them up she knows how to suggest them''? Or again, '^In Sophie's simple and modest attire, everything seems to have been put in its place only to be removed piece by piece. ..." We do not know, sometimes, when reading Emilej whether we are in presence of a severe morahst or a man of gallant adventures. What is not subject to doubt, is that the too reahstic memory of Mme. de Warens, or the ideal representation of Mme. Sophie d'Houdetot, — whom he loved too much 'Ho wish to possess her," — accompany and ROUSSEAU 97 partly direct Rousseau^s pen when he is sketching Sophie's portrait. . . . I Do not let us, however, finish with this unfavor- able impression. If Sophie is not the strong, sen- sible, and enlightened woman that we could wish her to be, if she is rather a ^^weak, silly woman,'' more graceful than reasonable, seeking, above all, to please, not disdaining, in her coquetry, to display her white hand and shapely foot, let us, nevertheless, salute in her a pleasant wife, who can retain her husband's affections, a devoted mother, who feeds and brings up her children ; lastly, one who compen- sates by rare merits for the imperfections of her incomplete education. Of her independent hfe and her own personality, Rousseau takes no heed. It is conjugal intimacy alone which can make of two beings united for hfe one moral person. Woman is, then, only a part, a fragment of this moral person. As a compensation she will be the most seductive of companions for the man whose complement she is. Sophie is not one of ^Hhose who banish from mar- riage everything that can be agreeable to men." She is not a wearisome devotee, enslaved by those rigorous dogmas which, ^' by pushing duties to absurd hmits, make them imipracticable and vain." Rous- seau asserts that in his time ''so much had been done to prevent wives from being amiable, that husbands 98 ROUSSEAU had been made indifferent." To the scolding, sullen wife he opposes one who is smihng and cheer- ful, who wishes to please and succeeds in doing so ; who makes the obligation of fidelity pleasant and easy for her lifers companion. One may be tempted to wonder how, after all the evil that he spoke of women, Rousseau met among them so many im- passioned admirers. It is because, if he did not assign to them their true rank, he at least flat- tered them ; hp encouraged them in their tendency to rule by the power of their natural charms alone. He hked and cajoled them a great deal. Observe with what satisfaction he forgets himself when depicting the early love passages between Emile and Sophie, what delicious trifles occupy him in the portrait which he paints of his heroine. To figure her as perfect, he draws upon all the races of human- ity. Sophie has the temperament of an ItaUan, the pride of a Spaniard, and the sensibiHty of an EngHsh- woman. All that she lacks to be perfect is, perhaps, the good sense and sedate simphcity of an instructed and cultured Frenchwoman. She also is a pupil of nature : ''She makes use only of scent which comes from flowers." — ''I never praise her so much as when she is simply clothed. ..." There are wise and beautiful sayings in the confusion of the fifth book of Emile; as, for example: ''Show woman in ROUSSEAU 99 her duties the very source of her pleasures and foundation of her rights. Is it so difficult to love so as to be loved, to make oneself amiable so as to be happy, to make oneself esteemed so as to be obeyed, and to respect oneself so as to be respected? . . ." Many other passages explain, without how- ever justifying it entirely, the opinion of a German educational historian, Frederic Dittes, who went so far as to say that he considered the fifth part of Emile to be ^Hhe best book which has been written on woman's education." And, at all events, Sophie, despite the gaps in her education, is already the modern woman, created not for the church and the convent, but for family life ; despite her defects, she possesses this precious and fresh quaUty, that her virtue is amiable. VI The influence of Rousseau and his pedagogic thought was preponderant, as we shall see presently, chiefly in Germany. But the fame of Emile was uni- versal, and the echoes of it have not yet died away. As a man who sought after glory, and whose gloomy temper took umbrage at everything, Rousseau com- plained that Emile did not obtain the same success as his other writings. He was truly hard to please ! . . . The anger of some, the ardent sympathy of others ; on the one hand, parliamentary decrees con- demning the book and issuing a warrant for the author^s arrest, the thunders of the church and the famous mandate of the archbishop of Paris ; on the other hand, the applause of philosophers, of Clairaut, Duclos, and d'Alembert, . . . what more, then, did he want ? Emile was burned at Paris and Geneva ; but it was read with passion ; it was twice translated in London, an honor which no French work had received up tifl then. In truth, never did a book make more noise and thrust itself so much on the attention of men. By its defects, no less than by 100 il ROUSSEAU 101 its qualities, by the inspired and prophetic character of its style, as well as by the paradoxical audacity of its ideas, Emile swayed opinion and stirred up the most generous parts of the human soul. It were too difficult to enumerate all the imitations and counterfeits which have been prompted by Rous- seau's powerful influence, to say nothing of the refutations, contradictions, and criticisms. The end of the eighteenth century witnessed the appear- ance of quite a succession, a posterity of Emiles: first, Anti-Emiles, then Christian Emiles, Corrected Emiles, New Emiles, Emiles retouched, improved, shortened, amphfied, and even Emiles converted to social fife. In many a place were attempts made to put into practice the education extolled by Rous- seau ; children were brought up in the Jean- Jacques style. Fashion took part in it. There were also '^ dresses in the Jean- Jacques style,'' of which it was said, in pecuhar language, that they were '^analo- gous to that author's principles." Rousseau had already carried utopianism very far ; it was, however, carried still farther. Let us mention, for example, a very curious book, which is, as it were, a caricature of Emile, VEleve de la nature, by Gas- pard de Beaurieu. However silly this utopianism may have been, it passed through no less than eight editions, between 1763 and 1794. So as the better 102 ROUSSEAU to insure his Emile^s isolation, de Beaurieu had the idea of shutting him up in a wooden cage till he reached the age of fifteen; then he landed him on a desert island. . . . Nothing more extravagant could be conceived. And yet Rousseau did not disclaim his fantastic disciple: he loved his para- doxes to the extent of excusing and approving their exaggeration. In a letter of the 25th of May, 1764, he wrote: '^I have read UEleve de la nature. One cannot think with more intelligence, or write more pleasantly. . . .'' Without confusion, Rousseau looked at himself in the magnifying mirror in which an indiscreet admirer had already exaggerated his dreams. It is true that he added, not without a touch of irony: '^I advise M. de Beaurieu to always keep more to subjects which can be dealt with by descriptions and representations, than to those needing discussion and analysis. ... An agricul- tural treatise would suit him perfectly. ..." Happily, Rousseau found more serious imitators. The end would never be reached if we mentioned all the great men who, in literature or politics, make for him in posterity a long train of admirers. How many revolutionists fed on the maxims of Contrat social, and felt the political influence of Rousseau, a ^^ disastrous" influence, however, according to Auguste Comte, who describes his doctrines as 4 ROUSSEAU 103 '^anarchical"? Are not Chateaubriand, George Sand, and many others, the progeny of the author of La Nouvelle Heloise? . . . But we have only to occupy ourselves in this place with educators, and it is perhaps on them that the salutary action of Rousseau's thought has most usefully been exercised. The revolution of 1789 did not last long enough to make it possible that anything of permanence in the matter of education should be accompHshed. But Rousseau's inspiration is apparent in the majority of the projects which it improvised without ever succeeding in putting them into operation. The chimerical plans of Saint-Just and Lepelletier de Saint-Fargeau' emanate directly from Emile, In year III, Marie- Joseph Chenier asked 'Hhat the method pursued by Rousseau in Emile's education should be appUed to the entire nation." Rousseau's teachings, in truth, obtained more theoretical admiration than practical appHcation. It has never been proposed, for example, to bring into existence those Schools of the fatherland imagined by the gentle and sentimental Bernardin de Saint- Pierre, the cheerful Utopian, idylhc reformer, and nature enthusiast. At least it must be admitted that in suppressing punishments and rewards in his educational scheme, in removing the motive of emulation, and on yet many other points, Ber- 104 ROUSSEAU nardin merely copies Rousseau, whose friend, con- fidant, and consoler he had been. Women have had a special fondness for Rous- seau. Who loved and extolled him more than Mme. Roland, ^^Jean-Jacques' daughter," or the "Jean- Jacques of women," as she has been called? In 1777, she wrote to one of her friends : ^^I love Rous- seau beyond expression. ... I carry Rousseau in my heart. ..." She especially esteemed him for having revealed to her domestic happiness and the ineffable deUghts which may be tasted in family hfe. For her part, Mme. de Stael greets Emile as "an admirable book, which puts envy to shame after exciting it," and she tells us that, in her youth, she fell in love with negative education. Rousseau's influence is perceptible on even those women educa- tors who most contested the conclusions of Emile. The principal work of Mme. de GenHs, Adele et Theo- dore, often recalls Emile et Sophie: the indirect lessons, the artificial and prepared scenes, dear to Rousseau, are found again in it. Mme. Necker de Saussure, though opposed to the principles of eigh- teenth-century philosophy, often draws inspiration from him, after contradicting him. Like him, she sees in the child a being apart, whose education has rules of its own. She holds again, after him, the idea of a progressive development of the faculties, ROUSSEAU 105 and consequently that of the sequence of methods appropriate to the age and powers of the child. It has been said of Rousseau that he introduced into French hterature the genius of the north, that he was of a German or Enghsh temperament. I do not know whether this view is very accurate. Rousseau knew nothing of Germany. He did not hke the EngUsh. ^'I have no penchant for England. . . .'' He was brought especially under French influence during his wanderings across France and his long sojourn in Paris ; and, indeed, nourished by classical reading, he may quite as properly be re- garded as a representative of the extreme sensibihty of southern races. What, however, is certain, is that this child of Geneva, if not of '^Teutonic" genius, became Teutonic by his influence. As the lamented Joseph Texte has shown in his fine book, Jean-Jacques Rousseau et les origines du cosmo- politisme litteraire, his light has gone forth into all lands. The success of his works and the propaga- tion of his ideas made him a cosmopoHtan. There is hardly a German writer but has borne him favorable testimony, usually, indeed, enthusi- astic homage. Basedow, a pedagogue who had in his time a great but httle deserved reputation, swears only by Rousseau, whose theories he uses, in his way, with frenzied zeal. Having no son, he 106 ROUSSEAU finds consolation in calling his daughter ^'Emilie." Lavater shows himself as eager as Basedow for the reformation of education in the direction of the doctrines of Entile. But here are weightier authori- ties. Lessing declares that he cannot pronounce the name of Rousseau '^without respect/' Schiller extols 'Hhe new Socrates, who of Christians wished to make men." Goethe calles Emile ^Hhe teacher's gospel." Kant affirms that no book ^' moved him so deeply." He read it with such avidity, that, in his strictly ordered fife, 'Hhe regularity of his daily walks was for a time disturbed." In his httle Treatise on Pedagogics, many principles are bor- rowed from Entile: for him also nature is good. Herder, who has been named ^Hhe German Rous- seau," cries out, 'Tome, Rousseau, be thou my guide"; and in a letter to his beloved Carohne, he acclaims Entile as ' 'a divine work." In his Levana, Jean-Paul Richter says that, of all previous works to which he feels himself indebted, it is to Emile that he must assign the front rank, that ''no pre- ceding work can be compared to it." But it is to Pestalozzi especially that is due the honor of developing and popularizing, whilst attempting to apply them, the methods of Rousseau, whose works had early fixed his imagination: "The system of Uberty founded ideally by the author of Entile ROUSSEAU 107 excited in me a boundless enthusiasm." Lastly, Froebel, who wished to replace books by things, who had nothing so much at heart as the preserva- tion of the child^s spontaneity, deserves a place in the golden book of Rousseau's disciples. And it is not only in the great men of Germany that Rous- seau inspired new sentiments: thinkers of lesser importance, Jacobi, Heinse, KHnger, and yet many others, took part in this adoring veneration which Germany professed for the French educator. Rousseau has been somewhat less appreciated in England. There also, however, despite the scandal of his ridiculous rupture with Hume, he found im- mediate favor and success. Emile was translated in London as soon as it appeared; and a second edition was soon called for. In 1789 David Will- iams said, ^^ Rousseau is in full possession of the pubhc attention.'' It is true that opinion was occupied with the political theories of Contrat social rather than the pedagogical conceptions of Emile. Somewhat neglected for a century, Rousseau was again brought forward by Mr. John Morley, and also by a distinguished educational historian, Robert Quick. The latter opines that 'Hhe truths contained in Emile will survive the fantastic forms in which the author enveloped them." In his eyes, Emile is *Hhe most influential book ever written on educa- 108 ROUSSEAU tion.'' This is also the opinion of John Morley, who states that Emile is '^one of the seminal books in the history of Hterature." Again we have George Eliot's avowal: ^^ Rousseau has breathed life into my soul, and awakened new faculties in me. ..." And lastly, is it not true that Rousseau's principle, the return to nature, dominates the pedogogics of Herbert Spencer, the most briUiant educational theorist of contemporary England? Apparently it is in America that Rousseau has met with least sympathy, and we must not be much surprised at this. How could this dreamer, this indolent idler, this heroic representative of the sensibihty of the Latin races, be gifted with the power of pleasing the virile, rugged minds and busy, practical temperaments of the citizens of the New World ? In the study which he recently devoted to him, Mr. Thomas Davidson admits his discomfiture. On examination, the most vaunted theories of Rous- seau have disappointed him. He did not find in them the firm and sohd substance which he expected to obtain from a study of Emile. And yet, when closely examined, American education, as we see it practically developing at the present time, has more than one point of resemblance with the ideal peda- gogics of Rousseau. One of the leaders of American education, Dr. Charles W. Ehot, the revered president ROUSSEAU 109 of Harvard University, summarizing the progress accomplished in his country during the nineteenth century, draws attention especially to the intro- duction of two essential things into the school cur- riculum: nature study and manual training. The American child is no longer a logical phantom, stuffed with words and abstractions, but a hving creature, working with hands as well as mind. . . . But is not all this Rousseau ? Similarly, Dr. Eliot points out that an improvement has come about in dis- cipline. In rehgion, love has been substituted for fear; in poHtics, people have begun to understand that the government of nations should no longer re- main what for thousands of years it has been, — the work of an absolute and arbitrary will; that in its place must be put the free government of the people by the people ; and consequently people have come to think that the modern and more accurate con- ception of a good government for a nation^s citizens held lessons for us on the subject of a good govern- ment for children, who also should be freed, as far as possible, from the yoke of the old tutelage, and trained in self-government. . . . But is not this also Rousseau? Without our suspecting it, Rousseau's pedagogical spirit has insinuated itself into and penetrated the methods of teaching and the educational practices 110 ROUSSEAU which the present time endeavors more and more to honor. Go into one of the infant schools: object- lessons are given ; the children are shown the things themselves, and the method of observation and direct intuition is put into practice. Make obeisance: Rousseau it is who inspired these methods. . . . Pay a visit to one of those English colleges which M. Demohns is attempting to imitate and popularize in France : there you will find masters who are both guardians and professors, never leaving their pupils, who, hke them, five in the college from morning till night; how can we avoid recognizing in them the actual descendants of the imaginary tutor to whom Rousseau confided the care of Emile ? . . . Enter one of those American schools in which the abuse of books and manuals is condemned, and in which the mental slavery of mechanical instruction has been exchanged for methods of intellectual freedom, so that the child shall acquire what it is requisite to know as far as possible by himself and by his per- sonal effort. In this, again, you will be forced to acknowledge the hand of Rousseau. . . . Where- soever discipHne has become more liberal, where active methods are supreme, and where the child is kept constantly in a state of interest, Hvely curiosity, and sustained attention, his dignity being at the same time respected, there we may say Rousseau has passed by. ROUSSEAU 111 Utopias perish, but the truth endures. The spirit survives the letter. We cannot, indeed, hope to derive from Rousseau's pedagogics a definite and final system of methods and procedure. But what is perhaps better, he handed on to his successors and still imparts to all who read him a spark, at least, of the flame which burned in him. As Mme. de Stael said, he has perhaps discovered nothing, but he has set everything ablaze. His eloquence was the most powerful appeal ever addressed to parents and masters to exhort them to take their task as educa- tors seriously. With him, education became a sacred mission, a subhme ministry. Into educa- tional questions he instilled a spirit of life, a move- ment of passion, unknown to the cold, dry peda- gogues who had dealt with such questions before him. Henceforth the educator's part is raised and ennobled ; and, by the fire of his enthusiasm, Rous- seau stamped the science and art of rearing men with the majesty and solemnity of a kind of rehgious reve- lation. And as, in Rousseau's works, time, eliminating his mistakes, maintains and develops the Hving seed which he sowed abundantly in the field of education, so with the man himself, in his character and acts, distance and the flight of ages hide from us defects and misdeeds, which, httle by Httle, return to 112 ROUSSEAU shadow, in order to let us see only his quahties and virtues. If Rousseau still exercises great seduction over the human intellect, it is not solely by virtue of the force of his innovating genius. Neither is it by the mere effect of his style, sometimes somewhat heavy, but whence at every moment flashes forth the lightning ; that style which earned him the title of the ^^king among prose- writers.'' It is because, behind the writer and thinker, we feel the pulsations of the most sincere heart which ever throbbed in the breast of man. Voltaire's enmity must have been strong indeed to blind him to such a degree that he could write : ^'It is useless for Rousseau to play now the stoic and now the cynic : he beUes himself continually. The man is factitious from head to foot." The opposite is the truth. Rousseau's great charm, the secret of the irresistible sympathy which he inspires, is precisely that he yields his entire self, that he displays him- self, as it were, stripped to the skin. With a soul more sensitive than meditative, a mind more aes- thetic than philosophic, he did not know that self- possession, that mastery of a firm, cool judgment, which permits a thinker to control the turmoil of sentiments and the confusion of images, so as to construct and organize a system of connected and consistent argument. From this arises the hesita- ROUSSEAU 113 tions and contradictions of his thought. On the other hand, a dreamer guided by his senses, he could offer no resistance to instinctive impulses; whence the faihngs of his moral Hfe, faihngs, moreover, which we are aware of only through his own confession. Many men of genius have doubtless had these same passions and frailties; they, however, have hidden them as much as possible, whilst he spread them abroad in the shameless candor of his Confessions. There is nothing fixed or precise in Rousseau's moral philosophy. Rules of conduct strongly enough estabhshed to suffice for the rearing of men cannot be found in it. There is something of the stoic in him, but the epicurean gets the upper hand. '^The man who has lived most,'' says he, '^is not the one who counts most years, but the one who has most felt Hfe." To enjoy hfe, that is the object he pre- scribes for Emile. It is true that Rousseau im- mediately writes: ''Shall I add that his object is also to do good, when he is able ? No ; for that is itself to enjoy hfe. ..." The accomplishment of duty is presented, not as a law and an obhgation, but as a source of pleasure. The stoic reappears when Rousseau advises the hmitation of desires, when he says that the essentially good man is he who has least needs, who is self-sufficing. In this respect, Rousseau generally acted in accordance with his 114 ROUSSEAU maxims. He was intemperate at times. In his youth he pilfered from M. de Mably's cellars bottles of a white wine for which he had a hking, and many other peccadillos could be mentioned. But taking his Ufe as a whole, he was sober, simple in his tastes, an enemy of luxury, temperate, and even austere. What he lacked, more than lofty and noble inspi- rations, was the necessary energy to keep to them. His senses and imagination governed his existence. Could it be otherwise, considering the education which he had received ? While yet a child, his father read novels with him till morning; and only when he heard the swallow's notes did he say, '^Let us go to bed, Jean- Jacques ! . . .'' A friend of virtue rather than virtuous, agitated rather than active, a slave to his sensations when he would fain have been the apostle of hberty, tossed about by the ca- prices of his fancy when he claimed to be estabUshing among men the reign of sovereign reason, capable of being at times a hero of courage and disinterested- ness, to descend afterwards to unworthy and even criminal actions; sentimentaHst and ideahst, yet often allowing I know not what coarse echo of erotic sensuaUty to be heard in his most poetic hymns to love and beauty, in the torrent of his Hfe he mingled muddy waters with the purest streams. At times in- toxicated with subhme thoughts, he nevertheless ROUSSEAU 115 evaded the strictest and pleasantest duties ; and he has not absolved himself from his faults by a too pla- tonic enthusiasm for righteousness. Too often has he hved selfishly, seeking the solitude which was sooth- ing to his reveries, flying the men who troubled his pride. He was imbued with his own opinion to the point of wilhngly parting company with common sense, and was so elated with his personaUty that he thought himself an exceptional being, of a race apart: ^^WTiy did Providence cause me to be born among men, having made me of a species different from them? ..." Yet this somewhat wild misanthrope has contrib- uted to a greater love of hfe by introducing into it more Hberty, joy, and faith; by arousing and strengthening, according to Mme. Roland^s phrase, ''all the affections which attach us to existence": devotion to humanity, enthusiasm for the ideal, friendship and love. He has been generous and helpful. His dream was the happiness of man: ''Make your paradise upon earth, whilst awaiting the other." He worked for a fresh, rejuvenated society, freed from the prejudices of the past : "Woe to thee, thou stream of custom!" In an age of courtiers, he courageously safeguarded his right of free speech, and under an oppressive rule he main- tained his independence at the cost of his happiness. 116 ROUSSEAU He was a citizen. One of Geneva's sons, he drew from the traditions of his first fatherland the love of hberty, the repubhcan pride: '^With us, maxims are imbibed with the mother's milk." In a society of sceptics and profligates, he was simple and a be- hever. Literary critics have praised Rousseau for introducing into France the dreamy melancholy of northern lands. Yes, but this melancholy is not found in Emile, which is, on the contrary, an opti- mistic book, with a joyous confidence in the future. Really Hving and fertile minds are those which look, not to the past, but to the future ages : Rousseau is of their number. In his sovereign disdain of antiquated tradition, he prepared the youth of the newly dawn- ing era. With Voltaire, said Goethe, a world has come to an end; with Rousseau, a world begins. The eighteenth century, especially with Rousseau, is the rally to eternal nature, the commencement of a forward movement, a bold anticipation of the future. I am wilUng that Rousseau be criticised and his errors blamed : but let us not be forbidden to ad- mire him. He will not cease to be read, followed, and obeyed, in some, at least, of his prescriptions. He will always be a leaven of life and moral regeneration. He can proudly say to his critic, ^^ Strike, but hsten.'' Above all, he will be loved to all eternity. ROUSSEAU 117 I am well aware that Mme. du Deffand, who re- proached him with wishing to plunge everything back into chaos, called him ^'an antipathetic sophist." But this is merely an exception, a voice lost in the chorus of praise which is everywhere uplifted in his honor. The women at all times have been enraptured with Rousseau, and men have been no more niggardly with the tribute of their devotion. ''I love Emile,^^ said Saint-Marc Girardin, and he learnedly expounded his reasons. He is not the only one who has spoken in this way. ^^It will always be impossible for us not to love Jean- Jacques Rousseau," declared Sainte-Beuve fifty years ago. And recently, the same declaration came, like a refrain, from the pen of M. Jules Lemaitre: '^It is impossible for me not to love him : I feel that he was good." Let us love him, because he was indeed good, because, thanks to him, a breath of humanity and good-will penetrated and softened men's hearts, because he himself loved truth, and because he con- ceived an ardent love of justice, and from his child- hood was inspired with transports of anger at its violation. Let us love him and pity him also because of his sufferings. Let us leave to curious and prying minds the task of deciding what was the cause of these sufferings, the mental malady, the kind of madness with which he was afflicted. We wish 118 ROUSSEAU not to know whether he were neurotic, hysterical, or simply melancholy mad. What is certain and enough for us, is that he was a man of heart and of genius to boot. BIBLIOGRAPHY Of Rousseau's own works, besides Emile, should be read : — Projet pour V education de M. de Sainte-Marie (1740). La Nouvelle Helolse, 5th part, Letter III (1761). Emile et Sophie ou les Solitaires (1778). Lettre a Christophe de Beaumont, archeveque de Paris (1763). Considerations sur le gouvernement de Pologne et sur la rejorme projetee en 1772 (1772). In the Correspondance, the Letters to the prince of Wiirtem- berg (1763), and passim. Only the most important and recent of the numerous publica- tions dealing with Emile and Rousseau's ideas are mentioned below : — F. Brockerdoff, J. -J. Rousseau, sein Leben und seine WerkCy 3 vols., Leipzig, 1863. H. Beaudouin, La vie et les oeuvres de J. -J. Rousseau, 2 vols., Paris, 1871. Saint-Marc Girardin, J. -J. Rousseau, sa vie et ses ouvrages, 2 vols., Paris, 1875. J. -J. Rousseau juge par les Genevois d'aujourd'hui, lectures given at Geneva, on the occasion of the centenary of 2d July, 1878, Geneva, 1879. See especially : Les idees de Rousseau sur Veducation, by Andr^ Oltramare, and Caracteristique generate de Rousseau, by H. Frederic Amiel. John Morley, Rousseau, 2 vols., London, 1888 (1st edition, 1873). E. Ritter, La famille et la jeunesse de J -J. Rousseau, Paris, 1896. 119 120 ROUSSEAU Streckeisen-Moulton, J. -J. Rousseau, ses amis et ses enne- mis, 2 vols., Paris, 1865. A. Chuquet, J. -J. Rousseau, in the Great French Writers series, Paris, 1893. Davidson, Rousseau and Education according to Nature, in The Great Educators series, New York and London, 1898. J. Texte, J.-J. Rousseau et les origines du cosmopolitisme litter aire, Paris, 1895. A. EspiNAS, Le systeme de J.-J. Rousseau, in la Revue inter- naiionale de Venseignement, vols. XXX and XXXI, 1895 and 1896. See also: Musset-Pathay, Histoire de la vie et des ouvrages de J.-J. Rousseau (1821) ; Robert H. Quick, Essays on educational reformers, London, 1868; Rousseau's Emile, trans- lated and abridged by E. Worthington, with notes by Jules Steeg, Boston and London, 1883; Emile, abridged and annotated by William H. Payne, New York, 1893 ; Hanus, Rousseau and Education accordi7ig to Nature, New York, 1897; M. Greard, L' education des femmes par les femmes; and finally, articles or chapters devoted to Rousseau by M. Brunetiere, Etudes critiques sur la litterature frangaise, 3d and 4th series; by M. Faguet, XVIIP siecle : Etudes litteraires, 1890 ; by Taine, Les origines de la France contemporaine : VAncien regime, 1882; by Melchior de Vogue, Histoire et Poesie, 1898; by M. E. LiNTiLHAC, Litterature frangaise, etc. i\ BD 6,8.