Glass ■ jJ3-7w COPYRIGHT DEPOSIT i 3i¥ EASTERN PROBLEMS AT THE CLOSE OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY EASTERN PROBLEMS AT THE CLOSE OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY BY ALFRED L. P. DENNIS, A.B. Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements FOR THE Degree of Doctor of Philosophy IN the Faculty of Political Science Columbia University CAMBRIDGE, MASS. C^Se 3an(ijrrBit2 press 1901 L- THE LIBRARY OF CONGRESS. Two Copies Received MAY. 25 1901 Copyright entry CLASS CtO(Xc N<». C©PY 8. Copyright, igoi By Alfred L. P. Dennis J I CONTENTS Page Introduction i Chapter I. The Colonial Question and the War of 1793 . . . 7 II. The Eastern Question and the Revolution .... 74 III. Napoleon Bonaparte and the Orient : the Egyptian Expedition 147 Appendices. — Statistical Tables 219 Bibliography 227 Vita 279 EASTERN PROBLEMS AT THE CLOSE OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY INTRODUCTION The history of the world, in its largest aspect, is the history of the intercourse between East and West. This intercourse has been potent in many important directions ; in affairs of race, religion, and trade, the vital relation between Asia and Europe has either created or solved difficult problems in human existence. It has also been continuous, and though there have been years when this interchange has seemed of small effect, the true interpretation of world history can be given only when the struggle between Orient and Occident is recognized as an ever present factor. Then the simplest events of daily life in regions where the forces of two civiliza- tions have joined battle for dominion become significant of great issues. The struggle is, furthermore, a signal example of the unity of history ; older than historical chronicles, the contest touches the lives of men and nations to-day as it did when Jason sailed in search of the Golden Fleece, or when the champions of Greece crossed over to Asia in pursuit of Helen. This conflict between East and West is an essential part of the thought and life of the ancient world. The Homeric epic derives from it ; it is embodied in the story of Zeus and Europa, who is shown as the daughter of an Asiatic king ; it is the inspiration of Herodotus and Xenophon ; Marathon, Salamis, and Platea tell of the antagonism of two conti- nents. The struggle between Hellas and Persia is the first 2 EASTERN PROBLEMS historic expression of that antagonism ; the story of that con- flict is the first chapter in the history of the Eastern Question, and the. lasting glory of Alexander is that he levelled the ground for Western institutions in the border lands of Asia, and marked the flood-tide of European influence in the Orient. But even in his lifetime and with his consent the forces of the East made known their conservative strength, and in three centuries pushed the focal point of the struggle back even to Epirus. For the place of Actium among the world's great battles is only half realized unless the stake of empire between the opponents is truly estimated. Rome, as the later champion of the West, the shield and sword of Europe, fought in Antony the Asiatic peril and a leader inspired by an Orientalism which would have made Egypt the ruler of both worlds. Virgil and Horace became the poet apostles of a Roman empire which should wage war against a despot about whom were grouped the forces of the East from Arabia, India, and " iiltima BactriaT The victory of the West, and the epochal day when the entrance of Egypt into the empire transformed the idea of Roman dominion, gave clear title to a high calling in the mind of the Roman people. The feeling of the later republic be- came conviction of duty in the heart of Augustus, and he dreamed to make of himself an Alexander. Thus the march of the Roman legions along the road of the " Great King " lifted the affairs of Asia Minor, the Armenian Question, the battles against the Parthians on the Euphrates frontier, to a position of world importance in the second phase of the East- ern Question. In the place of Hellas and Persia stood Rome and Parthia. For whatever meaning the expansion and the fall of the Roman Empire held for the people of western Eu- rope, the fate of the eastern imperial frontier was pregnant for all the world. That border line became the defence of a Europe unprepared to meet the threat of Asiatic dominion. The vic- tory of Tours was won against a mere flanking party ; the brunt of the battle against Asia was borne by a much maligned INTRODUCTION 3 State, which for centuries held in check the forces of a civiliza- tion whose power was growing, while that of Byzantium was waning before the double attack of the untiring East and the ungrateful West. The leadership of the Orient was at first given to the rulers of Iran, later to the Semitic tribes of Ara- bia breathing the inspiration of an unshaken religious faith, and finally to Turanian peoples from the heart of Asia ; their attack was the manifestation of forces which governed half the world, and with which modern Europe has not yet fully reckoned. In the days of Alexander Europe had camped on the Indus ; fifteen centuries later she was forced to be content with Acre and parts of Asia Minor; and before two thousand years had passed she was compelled to draw her line of defence against Asiatic conquest under the walls of Vienna. Since that day the decline of Ottoman power and the advance of commercial crusaders from Europe have defined the Eastern Question of modern history in terms familiar to all. In the narrower defi- nition, it is the problem of the succession to the empire at Constantinople, that is, the Balkan peninsula, the Levant, and those provinces of Asia which drain into the Black, ^gean, and Mediterranean seas. As such this question is only the application to a specific geographical field, and to particular peoples, of Eastern and Western forces which are in conflict throughout Asia. In the past the line between Europe and Asia was clearly drawn. Over against the static East, subjective in thought and theocratic in rule, stood the dynamic West, objective in its ideals and democratic in its political tendency; the relation of the two continents, whether in peace or war, was simple. But to-day the West is no longer all Roman : the nationalism of the Occident has found its own hemisphere too small, and is trying to find an answer to its own industrial problems on an alien soil ; the battle of Slav and Teuton and Latin is to be fought out in a strange land ; and the conditions of these minor 4 EASTERN PROBLEMS Struggles are thus modified. The rulers of Asia are called to readjust the balance of power in a fight essentially local, between one or another of the powers of Europe or America ; and the Armageddon of Orient and Occident is set for an unknown day. The result is that the oldest Eastern Question, that which centres at Constantinople, has companion problems in Egypt, Persia, Central Asia, and China. They are all simi- lar and all go to make the problem of Asia, of which each is at once a phase and a microcosm. The problem of Asia being near the heart of world history, the progress of Western economic and political questions to an Asiatic and Oceanic stage evolves world politics ; and in Asia these politics deal with issues between West and East which block the road to imperial expansion throughout the Orient. — It is, therefore, as parts of a world-problem that colonial affairs in Asia and the Turkish Question reveal their true meaning ; nor is this a new thing, for the Eastern Question, to use the conventional term for the Turkish Question, is an old force in history. It has been neglected, its influence dis- counted, and even its existence denied by local historians in the West, who write of the German Reformation with scarce a word about Turkish armies, and who tell of the rise of France to the leadership of Europe, but say little of the alliance of the "Most Christian King" and the "Grand Seignior." Yet there is no fundamental difference in the Eastern Question of the fifteenth and twentieth centuries; then as now the Ottoman power profited by the jealousies of Western states, intent upon gaining economic advantage in the trade of the East ; for earlier still, geography, the great constant in politics, had determined the true value of Constantinople as an imperial city, and of Egypt 3.5 forum utrique orbi. Indeed, one object of this monograph is to insist upon the need of a History of the Eastern Question, which will tell the r61e of Asia in the life of our own races and states, and will win recognition for the East, the slighted factor in European history. The colonial INTRODUCTION 5 expansion of Europe has been described both as an extension of the history of the home countries and as a movement of in- herent importance. The real meaning of its history lies in both aspects, and also in the interacting relation of Asia and Europe through its medium. The influence of an Asiatic domain, which is itself subject to Asiatic tradition and history, upon the life and ideals of its Western parent or governor, cannot be lightly estimated. The plan of our investigation, therefore, is based on these thoughts. It does not include the history of certain Asiatic countries at a given period, nor an account of political events in either hemisphere : it is rather an attempt to discover the conditions which governed colonial affairs and the Eastern Question in the closing years of the eighteenth century, and to measure the influence which these extra- European problems exerted in a period of stress when the storm centre is believed to have been in western Europe, and to observe the evolution of Asiatic questions during that period. The story of the French Revolution and of Napoleon Bona- parte has been told so often that the choice of that period for study may seem a mistake. Yet it gives just the situation with which to test the claim of the importance and significance of Asia. The events are well known, little new material is avail- able, and no startling interpretation is to be dreaded. The view usually taken by students of the Eastern Question is that the Napoleonic period was comparatively barren of results in the evolution of that problem, and that held by some students of Western history is that the colonies occupied a minor place in the great European struggle, and that though Napoleon's dreams might be of the Orient, his politics dealt only with Eu- ropean affairs. If, therefore, the influence of Asia in Europe, and the development of her problems, can be shown to have been appreciable in a period so hostile, those who support the plea for recognition of the East may find encouragement. Only the preliminary chapters of this investigation appear at present in a pamphlet for use as a dissertation for the 6 EASTERN PROBLEMS degree of Doctor of Philosophy; the method of presentation and the form of the work are those required of the writer for this purpose. For all that the writer has gained during his course at Columbia University, and for whatever may be found worthy of acceptance in his future work, he desires gratefully to recognize his indebtedness to those who have inspired and directed him, and in particular to Professor William M. Sloane, Professor James Harvey Robinson, and Professor Richard J. H. Gottheil. He wishes also to express his thanks to Professor Archibald Gary Coolidge of Harvard University, and to those who have helped him in the Libraries of the Pennsylvania State Historical Society and of Columbia and Harvard Universities. CHAPTER I THE COLONIAL QUESTION AND THE WAR OF 1 793 The international Rivalries of the Eighteenth Century as influenced by Asia — The Theory of Colonial Dominion — "The Balance of Trade" — Colonies and Sea Power — The Antagonism of France and Great Britain — French Colonial Policy — French Colonies in the Eighteenth Century: Trade, Size, and Population — Economic influence of the Colonies — Administration — The Colonial Question in France: the Cahiers — Colonial Compact — Privi- leged Companies — Treaty of 17S6 — British India — Trade of Great Britain with Asia in the Eighteenth Century — General Condition of British Com- merce in 1783 and 1793 — British Power in Asia — Its Progress and its Dangers — The State of India — French Opinion regarding Asiatic Questions — Talley- rand's Plan — The Preparation for the War of 1793 — The Position of Spain — Asia, the Source of British Power — Opinion in Great Britain, 1790-93 — The Importance of the Netherlands — "The War on Sugar Islands" — The Continental and Colonial Policies of France — The Negotiations at Lille — The Colonial Question and the Problem of Asiatic Dominion during the Rev- olutionary period. The eighteenth century, though cosmopolitan in thought, was international in politics. The " inter-colonial wars " were a struggle for commerce and colonial empire, but they reacted with energy upon the institutional and political reformation which focussed in the Revolution ; the Eastern Question and its corollary, the Polish Question, then took rank with the French Question in the councils of Europe; and the jealousies they caused blinded the eyes of diplomats to the real meaning of events in Paris, thus gaining for the French chance to organize more fully forces with which to fight Europe. The interest of Europe and more particularly of France in Asiatic matters has been hidden by events at home ; it was by no means slight, and in the case of Napoleon Bonaparte became 8 EASTERN PROBLEMS at one time overpowering. The synthesis of these ideas and the traditional poHcy of France made easy the preparation for the Egyptian Expedition; and that event, a natural step, marked in turn an important evolution in the problem of Asia. In this chapter the attempt must be made to discuss the colonial question at the time of the French Revolution, and to summarize with special reference to Asiatic affairs the theories and conditions involved in the imperial struggle between France and Great Britain. Montesquieu, at the beginning of the eighteenth century, had written of the English as a people who above all others had known best how to "profit simultaneously by three great forces- — religion, commerce, and liberty." ^ Each of these three had been at stake at one time or another during the wars of Great Britain with Spain, Holland, and France ; the conflict with Spain, the " monopolist of the New World," was for religious and economic reasons and during this conflict was founded that sea power of Great Britain, which was to support her international prestige and commercial prosperity. The do- mestic controversies which produced modern England, with the naval combats against the Dutch, and the later alliance of the two nations against France, introduced the long struggle of the eighteenth century for commerce and colonies ; and this antagonism between Great Britain and France, which reached a new stage in the wars of the Revolution, was related to Great Britain's rivalry with Spain. It was the threatened increase to French domains by the addition of the trans-oceanic empire of Spain, and the checking of British advance in India and America by the Bourbons, that moved Great Britain to join battle against France in order to protect and enlarge her com- merce and colonial domain. Thus the policies of the two rivals grew world-wide in their scope ; the political geography of the Antipodes was discussed in the councils of Europe; and the 1 Esprit des Lois, 1. xx. c. 7. COLONIAL QUESTION AND THE WAR OF 1703 9 question of curbing the ambitions of France at the Pyrenees, the Rhine, or the Scheldt was linked with that of control on the Ganges and the Mississippi. The stories of wealth in the Indies made men speak of the " Grand Mogul " as they would have spoken of Louis XIV. ; and new measures of value pro- duced new theories of commerce and politics. Trade itself became political ; and it was said : " All the Nations of Europe seem to strive who shall outwit one another in point of Trade, and they concur in this Maxim, That the less they consume of foreign Commodities, the better it is for them." ^ With such an axiom colonial problems were attempted and the principles of commerce and foreign policy demonstrated in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Overlooking subtler laws of credit and engrossed in the idea that wealth could be measured only in gold and silver, men gauged a nation's prosperity wholly by the difference between its exports and imports. This was supposed to be in bullion and gave the " balance of trade," the economic barometer, which to the mind of governor and mer- chant marked success or failure, according as exports exceeded imports or were exceeded by them. Whatever judgment, therefore, may be passed on the " Mercantile System " as a whole, or the economic theory on which it rested, this must be remembered : the system was a vital element in the period ; the conclusions to which men came in matters of commerce and colonial policy were influenced by it ; and the spirit of the time cannot be truly understood if it be disregarded.^ 1 Jansson: Maxims in Trade (17 13) publ. in Somers : Fourth Collection of Tracts, iv. p. 153. 2 Mun : EnglancPs Treasure by Forraigti Trade (1664) (Maculloch's edition), p. 125, chap. ii. : "The ordinary means, therefore, to increase our wealth and treasure is by Forraign Trade, wherein wee must ever observe this rule : to sell more to strangers yearly than wee consume of theirs in value." Boislisle : Corr. des controleurs gineraux, ii. p. 477 (Mdm. de M. de Mesnager, deputi de Houen, sur Vetat du commerce en geniral, Dec. 3, 1700): "Si nous fournissons aux etrangers en vin, en eau de vie, sel, toiles et etoffes pour plus de valeur que ce que nous tirons d'eux, alors notre commerce est utile a I'fitat, parce que le debit que nous faisons de nos marchandises excedant la valeur de celles qu'ils nous envoient, cet 10 EASTERN PROBLEMS As a natural result of this economic system, the problems of colonial dominion and sea power took front rank among the excedent nous est toujours paye en argent qui est la richesse et la force de I'fitat." Child : Discourse on Trade (5th ed. 1751), p. 115 : " The ballance of trade is com- monly understood two ways : I. Generally : something whereby it may be known whether this kingdom gains or loses by foreign trade. 2. Particularly : something whereby we may know by what trades this kingdom gains, and by what trades it loses. . . . This ballance is to be taken by a strict scrutiny of what proportion the value of the commodities exported out of this kingdom bear to those imported; and if the exports exceed the imports, it is concluded the nation gets by the gen- eral course of its trade, it being supposed that the overplus is imported bullion, and so adds to the treasure of the kingdom, gold and silver being taken for the measure and standard of riches." Child criticises this prevailing opinion and shows that when applied to particular branches of trade it fails to consider the relation of that branch to the total trade. He examples the East India Co. on this point (p. 120); he declares his measure of trade is the ratio of increase in the general shipping and trade of a nation (p. 123). On the other hand, he says: " It is to our interest, by example, and other means (not distasteful), above all kinds of commodities, to prevent, as much as may be, the importation of foreign manufactures" (p. 132). Coyer: La Noblesse coinmer^ante (1756), p. 93. " Ce n'est pas le Commerce interieur qui enrichit un fitat, il etablit seulement une cir- culation de richesses, sans en augmenter la masse ; c'est au Commerce exterieur qu'est reserve le grand oeuvre. L'Europe nous ouvre ses Ports, I'Afrique nous appelle, I'Asie nous attend, I'Amerique nous solicite" (p. 151). " L'Argent, ce tyran du monde a bien etendu son empire depuis I'usage de la poudre a canon et des armes a feu. La guerre est devenue une depense d'argent plutot qu'une depense d'hommes " (p. 158). " Le commerce est le nerf de I'Etat. ... La bal- ance du commerce et la balance du pouvoir n'en sont plus qu'une." The very urgency with which such statements are made shows the idea of empire founded on trade to be a new and pregnant one to the men of the eighteenth century. Ibid. p. 22 : " Je pourrois demontrer que la France, dans la position actuelle de I'Europe, ne pent se soutenir que par le commerce, d'ou je concluerois que toute la Noblesse se doit s'y porter. . . ." Cf. pp. 54, 179, 214-215. Child: op. cit. p. 114: "That the greatness of this kingdom depends upon foreign trade is ac- knowledged, and therefore the interest of trade not unbecoming persons of the highest rank." Beausobre: U Introduction h V etude de la politique (ed. of 1791)1 i. p. 257: " Le commerce est actif lorsque I'Etat vend a I'etranger beaucoup plus de marchandises et de denrees qu'il ne lui en achete, il est passif si I'Etat achete plus qu'il ne vend." The author attacks this prevailing definition, and claims the principle upon which commerce must be judged is that " les productions de la terre fournissent le necessaire, que le produit de circulation fait naitre I'abondance et que les tresors de I'etranger donnent le superflu : . . . que tout commerce qui ne fait pas hausser le prix des terres est un commerce destructif et vicieux " (p. 258). Arnould, Balance du Commerce (1793), '• P- ^4- " Suivent le meme sys- COLONIAL QUESTION AND THE WAR OF 1793 1 1 political and commercial questions of the day ; for the corollary to the proposition regarding the balance of trade was that the colonies and foreign establishments of a European state must minister only to the prosperity of the home ports. Such a belief, enforced by prohibitive laws or by war, made the own- ership of a colony a necessity to the mother country; and the Asiatic trading-posts, or " factories," of European companies thus became the scenes of political intrigue or actual hostil- ity between associations of merchants. The readiness of the mother country to support the claims and help the endeavors of her citizens was determined by the supposed value of a new and exclusive market, as well as by the ability shown by the colony or factory to assist the balance of trade between the home country and some other European nation. For often the imports from the foreign possessions were in turn exported to a European market, the profit-taking being for the benefit of home merchants, and the increase of exports credited in calculating the balance of trade for the mother country.^ The teme, il falloit beaucoup vendre aux etrangers, et leur acheter peu, afin d'attirer une plus grande masse d'argent dans les canaux de la circulation interieure de I'empire." The author gives his own definition, viz. (i. p. 132) : "D'apres ces definitions, j'entends par balance du commerce, la comparaison des differents rap- ports de I'homme avec la terre. C'est dans ce sens que j'ai intitule cet ouvrage, de la balance du commerce." The matter is thus summarized by Adam Smith : Wealth of Nations (ed. of 1796), ii. p. 173; Bk. iv. ch. i. "The two principles being established, however, that wealth consisted in gold and silver, and that these metals could be brought into a country which had no mines only by the balance of trade, or by exporting to a greater value than it imported, it necessarily became the great object of political economy to diminish as much as possible the impor- tation of foreign goods for home consumption, and to increase as much as possi- ble the exportation of the produce of domestic industry. Its two great engines for enriching the country, therefore, were restraints upon importation and en- couragements to exportation." Cf., for Smith's criticism of this theory, pp. 141, 147, 170^/ seq.; 243-250, 485 et seq. Cf. also Montesquieu: Esprit des Lois, 1. XX. c. 4-14 ; and for a general statement regarding mercantilism, SchmoUer : The Mercantile System, pp. 47 et seq., 58 et seq. 1 Child: Discourse on Trade, p. 146: "That all colonies and foreign planta- tions do endammage their mother-kingdom, when the trades of such plantations are not confined to their said mother-kingdoms, by good laws, and the severe 12 EASTERN PROBLEMS resuft, however, of such endeavors in empire-building might be totally the reverse of that intended ; should the contest for colonial domain or commercial privilege prove too expensive to the mother country, the profits of the new market would be more than counterbalanced by an increased national debt and heavy taxation. Especially would this be true when the con- sumption of colonial produce was confined to the home land, and when no part of the colonial output was re-exported to foreign consumers in Europe. It was this aspect of the problem execution of those laws." Gomel : Causes financilres de la Revolutio7i franfaise, ii. pp. 223 et seq. In 1784 the chief cities of France protested against the decree of Aug. 30, which permitted foreign ships to trade in certain specified goods with French colonies. The deputies of these cities claimed that " c'est un principe inconteste que les colonies sont crees par et pour la metropole ; elles n'ont le droit de s'approvisioner qu'en France, et de meme elles ne peuvent vendre qu'en France les produits de leur sol. Le monopole du commerce colonial assure aux negociants et armateurs de la mere-patrie, est pour celle-ci un dedommagement aux depenses qu'entrainent la fondation et la garde des colonies ; il est pour elle une source de benefices, et s'il cesse d'exister, si les vaisseaux etrangers peuvent amener dans les Antilles les produits dont celles-ci ont besoin, ils ne tarderont pas a supplanter nos batiments ainsi que nos marchandises, au grand detriment de notre marine et nos manufactures." Cf. Bachaumont : Memoires, xxvii. p. 84 ; xxviii. pp. 143-145. Beausobre: Politique, i. pp.279, 280: "II ne faut jamais oublier qu'elles [les colonies] ne sont fondees qu'en faveur du pays de la domi- nation ; c'est pourquoi les fabriques et les manufactures y sont deplacees." Uztariz : Theory and Practice of Commerce (written in 1724, Eng. ed. 1751), i. p. 6: " . . . we [Spaniards] principally suffer by having bought of foreigners more merchandize and fruits, than we have sold to them, so as to make a ballance to our disadvantage of millions of dollars yearly." Page 49: " . . . the Indies are not the thing that enervates and dispeoples Spain, but the commodities by which foreigners have drained us of our money, and destroyed our manufactories, at the same time that our heavy taxes continue." This statement was based on the fact that the exports to Spain from her colonies were chiefly bullion, which, while it increased Spain's purchasing power in Europe, altered the balance of trade to her debit. The dangerous progress of English trading in Asia is treated in Bielfeld : Institutions politiques, i. p. 304 : " Mais il y a eu, en Asie, des Nations ou trop formidables par elles-memes pour etre subjugees, ou que la jalousie mutuelle des Puissances Europeennes a laissees en paix, ou qu'on n'a pas cru valoir la peine d'etre attaquees. Le Commerce avec ces peuples et la Navigation sur leurs Cotes sont demeures libres a toutes les Nations Europeennes ; et c'est aujour- d'hui une violence, une injustice affreuse lorsq'une Puissance, qui domine sur la Mer par ses forces Navales, veut troubler les autres dans cette Navigation." COLONIAL QUESTION AND THE WAR OF 1703 1 3 which appealed to Adam Smith in his well-known chapter on the colonies.^ The idea that sea power was a deciding fac- tor in history, that the future of nations depended on a flour- ishing commerce upheld by a profitable colonial empire and defended by a powerful navy, was advanced on both sides of the Channel. The Earl of Shaftesbury had already measured the foundation of British power when he wrote: "The Fleet are the Walls of England " ; in France a like thought and hope were heralded ; and the realization of the ideal of sea power by Great Britain in her long duel with France was the full expres- sion of a theory by no means novel or mysterious. As Great Britain gained this maritime supremacy a corresponding ad- vance in her manufactures further strengthened her hold on it. Exports to the Antipodes discovered national resources, which in turn became the nation's mainstay in war. The merchant- marine and industrial interests stored the power of the country, while the enlargement of the empire opened new markets and found naval stations the world over. Gentz called it the " Mon- opoly of Trans-European dominions."^ 1 Smith: ^/. r;V. ii. pp. 397, 429, 431, 439,442, 459-469, 516-517. (Book iv. chap. 7.) 2 Gentz: State of Europe in 1789, pp. 30S et seq. Shaftesbury: Delenda Carthago, in Somers : Second Collection, \\\. pp. 213, 214. "The Fleet are the Walls of England. To command at Sea, not to make conquests by Land, is the true Interest of England . . . What then is the Interest of England as to France.' Surely to grow at Sea and command the trade, which is our greatness." Mahan : Sea-Power (1660-1703), pp. i. 72 ^^ ^^i- (Cf. O'Meara's Talks with Napo- leo7i at St. Helena, Century Magazine, Feb. 1 900, p. 631.) Cunningham : English Industry, ii. pp. 445, 50S, 537-53S. Mallet du Pan : Memoirs and Correspofidence, i. p. 39: "From the Baltic, from Hudson's Bay, from Jamaica, from the Wind- ward Islands and the East Indies, immense and rich cargoes come to minister to the necessities of the State [England], while sustaining the fortunes of individuals. This care in protecting the returns of her merchant marine by the aid of a fleet, ever ready for the purpose, makes no noise in the papers. It occasions no firing of cannons or chanting of Te Deums ; but it preserves individuals from the evils of war. So long as this circulation shall last, England will retain life and movement. So long as the capital of her merchant marine shall be circulating at the two ends of the world, an e.xchange for their treasures, so long as a maritime and commercial power shall lose neither her convoys nor her war- 14 EASTERN PROBLEMS Power thus gained stimulated the imagination and widened the political horizon of Europe; but the process was slow and often throughout the eighteenth century local reasons were given for policies which, though they seemed European, were destined to work changes in other continents. But the history of the period has no place here, for it is upon the principles of foreign policy that attention must be centred ; and the main theme being the rivalry of France and Great Britain in the latter half of the century, the theories entertained by each about the other are connected with colonial and naval policy. Of French writers on the subject no other is as typical as Favier, the diplomat and author of political treatises; his ideas were popular and his influence great. The gist of his doctrine was the annihilation of Great Britain as the only obstacle to French expansion on the continent and over seas. He cited the conflicting and commercial interests of the two states, which had involved them or their allies in war four times within a century ; he talked of treaties between them as mere truces, and celebrated the centennial of their mutual hatred. Frenchmen, comparing their struggle with Great Britain to the Punic wars, dreamed of them- selves as Romans and shouted, Dclcnda est Carthago. Other writers, of widely differing character, expressed similar ideas. Rousseau in 1760 declared that Great Britain would be ruined within twenty years. An attack at the extremities of the British Empire, a rebellion in Ireland, internal parliamentary dissensions, and a fierce onset by France would make of England an insular Poland.^ Nor was the animosity only in France; a ships, she will impose on the imagination by the energy of her efforts." Coyer : op.ctt.^. 109 — quoting a saying attributed by Pompey to Themistocles, " Qui est le Maitre de la mer, est le Maitre de tout " — the author claims that Louis XIV. was animated by this idea. Page 182 : " D'un Vaisseau Marchand on passe sur la Flote Royale pour y disputer I'Empire de la mer." 1 France and England or their allies had gone to war in 16S9, 1702, 1739, 1756, and again later in 1775. Favier, Conjectures, in Segur : Politiques, etc. ii. p. 165: '* Dans les beaux jours de Louis XIV. la France profita de I'animosite nationale, de la jalousie du commerce entre les Anglais et les Hollandais, pour tenir la balance entre les deux puissances maritimes." Page 167 : " On peut done le dire, COLONIAL QUESTION AND THE WAR OF 1793 1 5 reciprocal feeling in Great Britain spoke of France as a " nat- ural political enemy," and declared that any union with her nous voici arrives a I'anniversaire d'un siecle de haine implacable entre les deux nations [France and England.] Depuis cette paix separee en 1673, ^''^^ n'ont point cesse d'etre en guerre ouverte, ou en temps de paix, de nourir les jalousies, les defiances, les craintes reciproques, qui ont ramene quatre fois de nouvelles hostilites" (et passim to p. 195). Rousseau: Extrait dii Projet de Paix, in CEuvres, vii. p. 364 (written in 1760) : " II est par exemple tres-aise de prevoir que dans vingt ans d'ici I'Angleterre avec toute sa gloire sera ruinee et de plus aura perdu le reste de sa liberte." Zevort : d'Argenson, p. 409, maxim of d'Argenson : " L'Angleterre et la maison d'Autriche sont nos seuls rivaux de puissance par meret par terre, ce sont deux Cartilages contre une Rome." (This was prior to 1756.) Gentz : op. cit. pp. 99, 100: [1789] "Tliere was only one among the greater powers whose interests were contrary to those of France, and who at the same time possessed the means of injuring her; and that was Eng- land. . . . But with respect to the danger resulting to France from this hostile relation, it appears that . . . the security and integrity of its territory [were] not invaded or materially endangered in any war with England. Colonial and com- mercial interests, the constant objects of contention between them, though certainly great and important, were only secondary to the above consideration ; and the danger that ensued, though serious and afflicting, was only subordinate." Coyer : op. cit. pp. 62 et seq., loi, 106, 107. Voltaire : Sihle de Louis XV. ch. 35. Gomel : op. cit. i. pp. 5, 230 ; ii. p. 35. D'Argenson : Journal et Mem. iii. p. 170 : [Sept. 19, 1740] " II n'est pas douteux que I'Angleterre n'ait un grand interet a ecraser notre marine renaissante. lis la chercheront et se diront en droit de commencer la querelle par nous combattre, puisque tout dessein de notre flotte ne pent etre qu'offensif contre eux." Cf. vii. pp. 37, 397 ; viii. pp. loS, 348. Linguet : Aiinales, iv. p. 53 : " Cinq-cents ans de rivalite ont rendu personnelle a chaque particulier I'emulation qui aiguillonne les deux peuples " [English and French]. (Quoted by Sorel : V Europe et la Revolution franfaise, i. p. 338, note 4.) Cf. Sorel : op. cit. i. pp. 291, 292, 306, 338, 345, 347. Dubroca : Politique du Gouvernement Anglais, p. vi : " La nature a place I'Angleterre et la France dans une situation respective qui doit necessairement etablir entre elles une eternelle rivalite. Rapprochees sous ce rapport, les deux nations offrent sous un autre point de vue des diffe- rences qui etablissent aussi imperieusement la superiorite de la France sur la Grande-Bretagne." De '^'\\.t: Jefferson and American De7nocracy,'p.'iZ<). (Paper written in March, 1776, by Gerard de Rayneval, of the French foreign office, entitled, " Reflections on the actual position of the English colonies and the course which France ought to take with respect to them.") " After describing England as the natural enemy of France, and as a greedy, ambitious, unjust, and faithless enemy, the invariable and cherished object of whose policy was, if not the destruction, at all events the impoverishment, humiliation, and ruin of France, he urged as a natural consequence that it was the business of France to take every possible opportunity of weakening the strength and power of England." 1 6 EASTERN PROBLEMS would be " disgraceful and degrading to England." The com- mon talk was not so bitter ; the road to war was rather paved by suspicion, a readiness to expect French hostility, and by contentment in French discomfort. ^ Such an attitude, how- 1 Rousset : Louvois, ii. p. 309 [1677] : (Report of a French agent in London): " II a passe tout d'une voix dans la chambre basse que les Anglais vcndront jusqu'a leurs chemises (ce sont les termes dont lis se servis) pour faire la guerre k la France pour la conservation des Pays-Bas." Browning : Leeds — Pol. metno- randa, p. in (May 9, 1785): "Austria and France are united for views of mutual aggrandizement. Russia is closely connected with Austria, Spain with France. The Consequences of this formidable League are evident. They would be felt by all Europe in general, but more particularly by England and Prussia. It behooves therefore these two Courts to concert Measures for their recip- rocal Safety." Stephens : Home Tooke, i. p. 56: " The Whigs of that day [1765] always beheld France with an invidious eye, and rejoiced at her humiliation and disgrace. Considering the example of successful tyranny as contagious, they vowed eternal enmity and everlasting hatred against a king, who kept more than twenty-five millions of his subjects in slavery ; and they would willingly have waged perpetual war with a nation, base and abject enough to hug their chains, and sacrifice themselves at the bidding of an unfeeling despot." Pari. Hist. xxvi. 421, 422. Debate on commercial treaty with France in 1787. Mr. Francis : " It has been the deliberate policy, not the passion, of England in all times but those of the House of Stuart, to prefer the friendship of any distant nation to that of France. ... An intimate union with France must always be disgraceful and degrading to England." Burke, speaking on the subject, said (p. 488) : " The designs, then, of France were to allow us some present gain in the sale of our manufactures, for some permanent advantages which she promised to herself in commerce. Through her rivers and canals she intends to pour the commodities of England into other countries. She had already, by her politics, contrived to wrest our share of the Levant trade from us ; and it was a part of her present design to divert the remainder from its former channel ; and by supplying all the ports in the Mediterranean Sea through the Seine, the Garonne, the canal of Languedoc, and the Rhone, to engross the carrying trade to the Levant, and to ruin our factory at Leghorn and our other establishments in those seas." During the course of this debate Mr. Fox was particularly severe in his attacks on France, declaring her the " natural political enemy " of Great Britain. One of the most distinguished exceptions to the general anti-Gallican sentiment had been Lord Shelburne. Cf. Fitzmaurice: Shelburtie, iii pp. 166, 167 [1782]. For Fox's change of view in 1789, cf. Russell : Corr. of Fox, ii. p. 361. (Fox to Fitzpatrick, July 30, 1789.) Aminal Register, 178^-85, p. 137. (English sentiment as to the treaty signed Nov. 8, 1785, between Holland and the Empire.) " It could not but be a grievous consideration to Englishmen that, while France, through the happiness of great ministers at home, and their choice of able negotiators COLONIAL QUESTION AND THE WAR OF 1793 ly ever, was fatal to peace ; given this mutual distrust, the avowed policy of France was to ally herself with every enemy of Great Britain, and that of the British was no less effective in its oppo- sition to French schemes. As in the affairs of the American colonies the French had tried to strike at Great Britain, so in Holland the plans of the Bourbons aimed not only at European success, but at serious opposition to British power in India. The "favorite design" of the French court was said to be "to in- jure as much as possible the commercial and political inter- ests of England in India ; " and as the Revolution drew near, no abatement in this policy is to be seen ; Indian princes, by their opposition to British control in the East, were to sat- isfy the national jealousy of France; French diplomacy de- lighted to play at intrigue in Eastern affairs, and the gossip of Versailles fed on embassies from Asia. That these hopes were futile does not make them less an index to the mind of France.^ abroad, was spreading her consequence, and extending her influence through the nations of the earth, Great Britain, through some unaccountable fatality, seemed to be fallen from that high seat in which she had so long and so gloriously pre- sided, and to be no longer considered, or almost remembered in the general poli- tics and system of Europe." Auckland : Correspondence, i. p. 127 ( Pitt to Eden. June 10, 1786) : " . . . though in the commercial business I think there are reasons for believing the French maybe sincere, I cannot listen without suspicion to their professions of political friendship"; ii. p. 215 (Storer to Eden. June 30, 178S): " ... we suppose the French are looking out for opportunities of commencing hostilities against us, and the French think that Great Britain is seeking for pretences to begin a war against them." For English pleasure at French disorder, see Ibid. i. pp. 195, 205; ii. pp. 233, 377, 458 462, 4S4. Cf. also Lecky: Hist. 0/ Ettgland in the Eighteenth Century, v. pp. 443, 444, 455, 456, 474. 1 Barral-Montferrat : Dix ans de paix armSe, i. p. 14 (Lord Carmarthen to Hailes, Jan.-Feb. 1784) : "I feel sure that you will take the opportunity to pay closer attention than ever to the plans of the French Court, now that it is free to press the accomplishment of its favorite design, that is to injure as much as pos- sible the commercial and political interests of England in India. These plans must appear as easier of realization now than at any other time previous, in view of the new intimacy which has been established between France and the United Provinces of Holland. The principal, not to say the only object of their alliance is, it appears, to drive the English from the East Indies." Page 95 (Despatch of 2 1 8 EASTERN PROBLEMS The positive side of French policy in colonial affairs and the success of French colonization must not be forgotten. It has Hailes, Sept. 7, 17S6) : "As soon as she can France will recommence hostilities. She will advance as she has previously given as her motives for the rupture, the liberties and rights of humanity, and she will use the Indian princes to satisfy her national jealousy still more than her ambition." Cf. pp. i, 2. Malmesbury: Diaries atid Corresp. ii. p. 2S9 (The Hague, April 13, 17S7 ; Harris to Car- marthen) : "^M. de Vergennes has agents employed at Amsterdam, for no other purpose than to find out persons who had been accustomed to India, who knew that language and habits of the country ; and, wherever they could be discovered, they were engaged at almost any price ; and I am told that there is scarcely an Indian prince who has not a French emissary at his court." Cf. p. 189. Rose : Diaries, i. p. 85 (Pitt to Stafford, Sept. 6, 178S) : " Our accounts from India of the Chev^ de Conway's return from Trincomale, without having done anything, and of all being quiet in that quarter, are very satisfactory. The State of France, whatever else it may produce, seems to promise us more than ever a con- siderable respite from any dangerous project, and there seems scarce anything for us to regret on our own account in that condition of foreign countries, except the danger that the King of Sweden may suffer too severely for his kindness." Notice must be taken of the embassy of Tipu Tib which reached Paris in 178S. Though it accomplished nothing, it is interesting as showing the temper of the time. Tantet : Avibassade de Tippoo Sahib h Paris in Revue de Paris (1S99), i. pp. 393-420. A previous attempt had been made by Tipii to communicate with European courts. In 1784 6^/;ulam 'Ali Khzw had started from Mysore on a mission to the Porte, France, and England. Owing to lack of funds he only went as far as Constantinople. His instr^ictions and journal are noted by Stewart: Catalogtie of Tippoo" s Library, p. 92. Letters No. xxix. and xxx. But on July 27 Muhammad Darwaish Khzxv, Akbar 'Ali A7;an and Muhammad Osman A7/an sailed from Pondicherri on a mission to the court of Versailles from Tipii Sultan of Mysore. They landed at Toulon, June 9, 1788, and were received Aug. 10, by Louis XVL They returned to Seringapatam in May, 1789, with promises and presents. Politically the mission was a failure, though it alarmed several British diplomats. Cf. Stewart : op. cit. p. 54. Lescure : Corr. secrlte, ii. pp. 193, 273, 278-79, 281. (The ambassadors asked for 6,000 French troops to fight the Eng- lish.) Malouet: Memoires,\. y>- 206. Kirkpatrick: Select Letters of Tippoo Tib, p. 13? Auckland: Corr. i. p. 169. (Mr. Morton Eden to Mr. William Eden, Jan. 18, 1787.) Mr. Hope of Amsterdam had been speaking of " the power and art of France in Holland, in diverting the Dutch from their real commercial in- terests to establish in India a military power which must be at their command ; and prove probably fatal to our interests in that quarter." Page 342 (Mr. Hugh Elliot to Mr. Eden, Dec. 26, 1783) : " Foreigners in general think we are in danger of losing our East India possessions entirely by the intrigues of the French and the strength of their allies in Hindostan." Cf. i. p. 229; ii. pp. 227- 228. (The duke of Dorset was inclined to mock at Tipvi's embassy.) Barral- COLONIAL QUESTION AND THE WAR OF 1703 19 been the habit of some to recall only British victories ; they look on the French colonial domain as a pitiful and unwise attempt to equal the success and enterprise of Englishmen ; and they depreciate the interest of French statesmen and mer- chants in fostering a foreign dominion. This view is unsup- ported by facts; the value of colonies was estimated more highly in France than in England, more money was spent for them, and greater endeavors made to help them. Clear theories regarding the problems of colonial expansion were first formulated in France; Frenchmen first conceived the idea and applied the system, which, when copied by the Eng- lish, led to the conquest or absorption of India. Since the sixteenth century France had wished to be a colonial power; and Francis I., Coligny, Henry IV., Richelieu, Colbert, and Louis XIV. had raised an empire which in 1683 was at its widest limits, including territories and spheres of influence of vast extent in North and South America and India, together with rich islands in the East and West Indies and establish- ments along the coast of Africa; only the dominion of Spain exceeded that of France prior to 1700. Even as the Revolu- tion threatened, fashions at home were for things d' oiitre-mer ; Montferrat: op. cit. i. pp. 51, 52. In 1785, the French ambassador in London, the Count d'Adhemar, was full of a plan which Vergennes thought too reckless. He propose to induce Warren Hastings, then returning from India to be tried, to turn traitor in the event of his conviction. France vi^as to cherish his ambition to be a king in India, and was to supply him with means to create of India an independent state, at enmity with Great Britain and useful to France. (The crudeness of this plan, as seriously suggested by one high in the diplomatic service, gives additional reason for French failure in other eastern Affairs.) Masson : Dept. Aff. Etrang. p. 63 : " Ainsi Mgr. Pigneau de Behaine, eveque d'Adran, etait venu du fond de I'empire d'Annam, menant avec lui le prince, fils du roi de Cochinchine, proposer a la France un territoire immense. Un traite stipulant une alliance offensive et defensive avait ete signe a Versailles le 2S novembre, 1787; on le laissa sans execution. Les ambassadeurs de Tippoo- Sahib etaient arrives \ Versailles le 13 aoflt, 1788 [probably August 10] : ils avaient, en quelque sorte, fait acte de vassalite vis-i-vis de Louis XVI. : on les econduisit poliment. Cette immense attaque qu'on aurait pu tenter contre I'An- gleterre, en Europe par les quatre puissances alliees, en Asie par la Cochin- chine et rinde, echoua mis^rablement." 20 EASTERN PROBLEMS French discoverers were sailing on unknown seas, a vigorous colonial policy was favored by Louis XVI., and that new force in politics, the pamphleteer, was sending out his pages prais- ing colonial power and urging aggressive expansion.^ A few figures showing the relative condition of colonial trade at the death of Louis XIV. and at the outbreak of the Revolution will put this in a clearer light. In 1716 the export trade of France amounted to about 118,000,000 livres, of which 13,500,000 livres went to her colonies and foreign establishments, and 17,650,000 livres originally came from them, but were exported to the rest of Europe by home merchants ; the total imports from the colonies were 23,500,000 livres, in which the above 1 Beer : Gesch. des Welthcuidels, 2te Abth. pp. 44, 45. Stephens : The French Revolution, i. p. 270. Seeley : The Expansioti of England, '^. -^i^. Lorin : Bor- deaux et la colonisation franfaise in Quest, diplo. et colon., 1900, p. 385: "Le fait est que la periode la plus eclatante de la grandeur bordelaise, le dix-huitieme siecle, fut celle des relations les plus actives avec les possessions fran9aises d'outre-mer, particulierement les Antilles." Rambaud : La France coloniale, p. XXX. Levasseur : Population fran^aise, iii. p. 446. Dubois : Systimes colo- niaux, pp. 259 et seq. Malleson : History of the French in India, pp. i et seq., and Final French Struggles in India, p 249. Rapson : Struggle between France and England, p. 11. Leroy-Beaulieu : La colonisation, pp. 139 et seq. 151, 711. Cas- tonnet-Desfosses : La Revolution et les clubs dans I'lnde franfaise in Revue de la Revolution, i. p. 235. De Lanessan : Expansion coloniale, p. xxiii. Bailleu : Preussen und Frankreich, i. pp. ix, x. Voltaire: Siecle de Louis XIV., ch. 29. Hanotaux : Le Havre et le commerce maritime de la France in Quest, diplo. et colon., 1900, pp. 667,66s : "Jamais la France, au cours de son histoire, n'eut una activite maritime et coloniale comparable a celle qui marqua cette brilliante epoque [1763- 1789]. . . . Les Antilles notamment etaient en pleine prosperite. Tous les esprits etaient attires vers cette source de richesse qui paraissait inepuisable. La cour, la villa, la societe tout entiere etaient prises dans la tourbillon. . . . Ce gout, cette fureur du commerce des lies penetrait jusqu' a Paris. II influait sur les mceurs. Des fortunes rapides se constituaient et s'ecroulaient selon les suc- ces ou I'insucces des entreprises lointaines. Tout ce qui venait des colonies etait a la mode. Les filles des traitants etaient recherchees et leurs dots fer- maient les yeux sur leurs origines. On portait des coiffures ^ la creole, et la litterature elle-meme s'en melant, on etait tout oreilles aux petits vers des littera- teurs venus des lies, les Parny et les Bertin." The bibliography includes the titles of many books and brochures on colonial subjects. The list might have been largely increased, but preference was given to writers on Asiatic matters. The work of Deschamps, La question coloniale, has much to say on this point. COLONIAL QUESTION AND THE WAR OF 1705 21 mentioned 17,650,000 is included. In 1789 the total exports amounted to 358,000,000 livres, of which 119,000,000 livres went to the colonies, and about 160,000,000 livres of colonial imports were exported from France to foreign countries ; the imports from the colonies were from 226,000,000 to 240,000,000 livres. In 1789 the total import trade of France was about 345,000,000 livres, and in the language of the period a balance of trade of 13,000,000 livres was created in her favor. The r61e of the colonies in thus changing a balance of imports over exports of nearly 150,000,000 livres to one of exports over imports of 13,000,000 livres was evident to every one, and this fact was brought out frequently in the colonial contro- versy of 1 791 as great reason for careful management of the colonial domain. Taking the trade of the colonies as an item in itself, a distinction must be made between the American or West Indian and African colonies on the one hand, and the Asiatic establishments on the other, excluding the Levant and Eastern Asia, which will be treated in the next chapter as an important part of the Mediterranean problem and the Eastern Question. The total colonial trade in 1789 amounted to about 362,000,000 livres, according to Levasseur, and to 432,371,000 francs, according to Deschamps. Even if the lower figure be accepted the volume of commerce was larger than at any subsequent period till i860. The distribution of this wealth cannot be definitely determined, for in their total figures various writers differ radically ; but basing our calcula- tions entirely on contemporary statisticians and official docu- ments it is safe to make an estimate which, though it may not be absolutely correct, is uninfluenced by prejudice either for or against colonial expansion. In the case of the American colonies imports from France for a period prior to 1789 had been 98,000,000 livres annually, but owing to the increase of trade between the French Antilles and countries other than France (a trade which had been authorized by a recent de- cree and which had been estimated at 37,000,000 livres in 22 EASTERN PROBLEMS 1788), the figures for 1789 were reduced to 78,000,000 livres. The exports to France for a corresponding period had been 190,000,000 livres, and for 1789 they were 218,000,000 Hvres, Thus, while French trade in general had increased fourfold since 1716, the imports from her American colonies had grown over tenfold, and that despite forty-four years of war since 1689, and a century and a half of exploitation. The con- tents of these imports were the staple tropical products ; the use of coffee and sugar had increased in Europe, and in 1788 the equivalent of 95,000,000 kilograms of sugar was exported to France, supplying the needs of the country and in addition furnishing 63,000,000 francs worth of sugar and syrups to be exported by her to the rest of Europe.^ 1 French Commerce, 17 [6-1788. — This table is compiled from Arnould's Balance dti Com7nerce, ii. [Table No. 12], and has been given credence by Levas- Commerce of France with her Amer- ican and African Colonies. Commerce of France with her East Indian establishments. Imports to France. Exports from France. Imports to France. Exports from France. I7I6 17.2 9.8 6.3 3-7 1725-32 iS.i 16.0 12.8 9.2 1733-35 21.8 15-9 20.0 lO.O 1736-39 375 21.8 20.1 15.9 1740-48 390 26.6 13-8 1 0.0 1749-55 69.0 37-2 21.4 18.2 1756-63 16.3 12.9 5-7 4-5 1764-76 1 16.6 39-1 19.0 12.8 1777-83 10S.7 50.6 0.8 10.4 1784-88 193.2 93-0 33-7 26.8 seur in his France et ses colonies (iii. p. 355) ; though by no means absolutely correct, he regards it as the best obtainable. In presenting it here, I would call COLONIAL QUESTION AND THE WAR OF 1793 23 The trade statistics of French East Indian establishments are not easy to obtain; the subject of Asiatic commerce is attention to the well-known prejudice of M. Amould against the East India trade, and would suggest comparison with other figures given by Goudard and cited below. The figures are in millions of livres. A livre Arnouid estimated at 54 au marc which differs little from the present franc in weight. The fluctuations of trade are remarkable testimony to the losses of French mer- chants during the wars with England, and in the East Indian columns the story of the privileged companies is eloquently told. This point will be treated later, Arnouid : Balaiice du Cofniiierce, pp. 262, 263 : " Les exportations de la France pour les puissances et contrees de I'Europe, s'elevoient a la fin du regne de Louis XIV., a la somme de 105 millions; au moment de la revolution, elles montent a 424 millions, ce qui fait une augmentation dans la proposition d'un a quatre. ... La troisieme classe concerne Les Dairees Des lies Francoises De L'Amerique, reexportees k I'etrangers, formant seulement une valeur de 15 millions k la fin du regne de Louis XIV., et devenues un objet de 152 millions, au moment de la revolution. La quatrieme classe, enveloppe Les Marc ha7idises pro- venues Du Commerce Frattfois Aux Iitdes orientales, et reexportees a I'etranger ; A la fin du regne de Louis XIV. cet article etoit de 2 millions 650 mille livres, et au moment de la revolution, c'est un objet de 4 millions 160 mille livres." Goudard: Rapport sur le commerce de la France en 1789 (read Aug. 24, 1791). It is to be found in Arch. Pari. xxix. pp. 6S4 et seq. ; Proc. Verb. No. 745, in vol. Ixvii. pp. 1-17. I have used the report in the first edition of 1791 in pamph- let form as it is freer from typographical errors, pp. 4-7. In 1789 the total foreign trade of France was 702,687,000 livres, which was made up of 345,083,000 of imports, and 357,604,000 of exports. JuUian : Hist, de Bordeaicx, pp. 519 et seq. The commerce of Bordeaux developed steadily from the Regency to the Revolution. The first foreign marine postal service established in France (17S7) started from Bordeaux. Under Louis XVI. the city was the first port of France, doing a quarter of the national commerce, or about 250 millions annually; the colonial trade amounted to over 150 million livres. Foncin : Bordeaux et r esprit colonial in Bull. Soc. geogr. comm. de Bordeaux, 1900, p. 129: "On a dit de la ville de Bordeaux, etalee en un croissant magnifique au bord de son fleuve, qu'elle n'etait que la moitie d'une capitale, dont I'autre moitie etait aux colonies." Cf. Deschamps : Les Colonies pendant la Rez'oluiion, pp. 4, 5, 296. (Though this little book is of undoubted value and, when carefully con- trolled, can be used to great profit, the prejudices of the author and his con- clusions upon the general subject of the colonial question in France should materially weaken his influence.) Deschamps : Question coloniale en France, p. 235 and note. Levasseur : France et ses colonies, iii. pp. 354-355. The seven colonies which remained to France in 1822 did a trade of 96,000,000 livres ; in 1810, of 177,000,000, and in 1S60, before the new tariff went into effect, of 271,000,000. In general, the author says : " Le commerce des colonies fran9aises a eu dans la seconde moitie du XVIIPsiecle une periode brillante de prospe- Imports. 1787 . . . 630,871,700 fr. 1788 . • • 57S393.40O " 1789 . • • 634,365,000 " 24 EASTERN PROBLEMS involved with the question of the Compagnie des hides. As a problem of colonial policy and economic theory, the affairs of rite." To illustrate the difficulty of securing correct statistics : the statement of M. Leroy-Beaulieu that the total colonial commerce of 1788 reached the figure of 600,000,000 livres is not borne out by the figures of the Bureau de la Balance du Commerce, nor do they agree with those of Goudard. Chaptal, Industrie frang. i. pp. 132-134, gives still another set of figures and calculates the total commerce of France as follows : — Exports. 444,611,100 fr. 463,156,700 " 438,477.000 <' Of the imports he says 240,000,000 francs came from French colonies, and of the exports 90,000,000 went to them. Thus he is enabled to calculate a balance of trade favorable to France, for he refuses to consider 60,000,000 in gold and silver, which are included in the imports, as affecting the balance. Foville : Le com- merce exterietir de la France depuis 1716, in Bull, de statistique et de leg. comp. xiii. (1883). Moreau de Jonnes: Le Commerce au XIX sihle, i. p. 104. Moreau: Tableau comp. du commerce and Tableau statistiqtie des progris du cotnmerce in Bull. de la Soc.frang. de Statistique universelle (1830). Biollay : Etudes economiques sur le XVIII sikle, i. (L'administration du commerce). Cf. Lohmann : Handelsta- tistik Englands und Frankreichs im \Z Jahrhundert, in Sitzungsberichte, Berlin. Akad. der Wissensch., 1898, pp. 872-886, 891-892. The tables there given differ from those adopted by the author, especially in regard to the figures for 1716, which, according to Lohmann, were only 33 million total imports, and 47 million livres exports. In the matter of the sugar trade the tables of Avalle : Tableau comparatif des productions des colonies franfaises aux Antilles avec celles des colo7iies anglaises, espagnoles et hollandaises de Vannee 17S7 ci 1788, will be found very useful. I have not attempted to give an analysis of his figures, as the Antilles are not to be particularly considered in this monograph. Cf. Levasseur: Fopidation/rangaise, iii. p. 411 (200 million livres are given for 1788), and France et ses colonies, iii. p. 355. Chaptal: op. cit. ii. p. 179-181. The value of sugar exported from the colonies in 1789 is given at 85,913,405 fr., and of that re-exported from France as 63,878,900 fr. Avalle agrees to the last figure (see Table I.) ; but he gives 104,938,200 fr. as the total exports of sugar (see Tables II.-V., VIII )• Deschamps, Colonies pendant la Revolution, pp. 289 et seq., estimates the im- ports of all sorts from the Antilles at 234 millions, of which, according to Avalle's analysis, fully 65- per cent should be credited as sugar. Cunningham : English Industry, ii. p. 517, note. (On the authority of Reinhard : History of the present state of the Co?nmerce of Great Britain [ed. of 1805, trans, from German by Savage].) The returns in produce from the French colonies between 1763 and 1778 were of the annual value of about ;if6,400,ooo sterling. Of this one half was consumed in France and the other half exported to other parts of Europe. The opinion of Frenchmen at the time of the Revolution and particularly COLONIAL QUESTION AND THE WAR OF 1703 2$ that company will be mentioned later. When by the decree of May, 1 7 19, the old organizations for privileged trade in the East Indies, China, and Louisiana were merged in a new Com- pagnie des hides, the Compagide des Indcs Orientales was doing a business of about ten million livres a year. The capital of the new Company was increased by twenty-five million, but its finances were so involved with those of Law's Bank that they suffered in the failure of " Law's system," But during the century trade with Asia increased in volume, and suffered only by war; the average annual imports to France for the decade, 1725-173 5, were fourteen million livres and the exports ten million ; by 1745 the imports in the midst of a bitter fight over colonial policy must be carefully received. Though the figures of the following writers have not been implicitly followed, the interest of their testimony requires fuller citations from their arguments. Gouy: Vttes generales sur I'trnportattce du commerce des colonies, etc., Imp. nat. I'an III. 4to pamphlet, p. 12 : " Les Colonies sont done bien importantes .' Oui, bien im- portantes; car elles seules sont la source et I'aliment de notre commerce qui etoit immense, et qui nous assuroit la suprematie sur toutes les nations. Et, comment cela.? [The author claims that the French American colonies supply 220 million francs of produce needed in Europe.] Si les colonies sont detruites, plus de commerce; plus de commerce, plus de manufactures, plus d'agriculture, plus de marine, consequemment quatre millions de malheureux indigens de plus en France, et a la charge du tresor de la Republique que nulle portion du souverain, dans une democratic, ne devait perir de faim et de misere." De Curt : Motion au nom de colonies reunies, Paris, 1789, 8vo pamphlet, p. 13: "Ce n'est pas tout, Messieurs ; vous avez mis la dette de I'fitat soys la sauve-garde de la loyaute Fran^oise : dans mon opinion, les richesses seules des Colonies peuvent garantir I'execution de ce De'cret honorable. En effet, sur 243 millions de denrees que vous en recevez annuellement, vous en consommez a-peu-pres 80 millions, qui se decuplent par la circulation interieure. Le reste passe a I'fitranger ; et comme les objets qu'ils vous donnent en echange, ne s'elevent tout au plus qu'a 88 millions, il vous reste une solde de 75 millions, qui diminue d'autant I'exporta- tion de numeraire a laquelle vous seriez forces, pour faire honneur aux interets enormes de la dette que vous avez declaree Nationale." De S. Mery: Opinion sur la motion de M. de Curt, etc., Paris, 1789, 8vo pamph. pp. 18, 19 : " Ces colo- nies en recevant pour plus de 150 millions d'importations nationales, en fournissant i leur tour pour plus de 240 millions de productions, donnent en definitive un resultat avantageux a la France dans la balance de commerce et mettant dans la circulation une somme enorme." Roussillou : Opinion sur I'affaire des colonies, Sept. 25, 1 791, pp. 3-7. This is an interesting brochure. 26 EASTERN PROBLEMS were twenty and the exports were twelve million ; and the following decade to 1755 showed a still further increase; but the succeeding years were disastrous ; the war which ended with the treaty of Paris in 1763 reduced the trade with Asia to five million in imports and four million in exports. In the next period, 1765-75, a great change took place in the condi- tions which governed Asiatic trade ; the expiration of the Com- pany's privilege in 1769 and the establishment of free trade with India acted as a tonic, and the figures rose to twenty million of imports and thirteen million of exports ; again war intervened and by 1784 the annual average was less than one million imports and ten million exports. A privileged com- pany was re-established in that year, and, the general commer- cial conditions being much better, the increase was beyond all expectation ; the imports to France for 1787 were fifty-six mil- lion livres and the exports to Asia over twenty-five million ; and while this point was not touched again, the annual average for the three years, 1785-88, was over thirty-five million imports and nearly twenty-seven million exports. Thus, from 1775 to 1789 Asiatic imports had risen 75 percent. The profit to the trader, however, was much less than earlier in the century, for in 1735 the usual gain on Indian goods sold in the French market was about 95 per cent, and on Chinese goods, about 140 percent; in 1768, the last year of the old Com- pany, these margins were 58 per cent, and 68 per cent ; and by 1789 the profit on Asiatic commerce as a whole varied from 35 to 10 percent, though the most lucrative branch of the trade, the exchange between various Asiatic ports had passed almost entirely into English hands. A supporter of the Com- pany, writing in 1793, thought 6| percent all that could then be expected. The Company had not prospered, and Asiatic commerce was looked on by many as an unwise venture; expenses had been enormous, the successive wars had cost much, the reckless finances of the period had brought in lax methods, and maladministration was common both in France COLONIAL QUESTION AND THE WAR OF 179S 2/ and India. The critics pointed out these facts and said that Asia was a hopeless investment for Frenchmen ; their oppon- ents and those who believed that France might yet re-establish a great domain in India acknowledged previous mistakes, but maintained that reform and sound policy would made the rapidly increasing trade a source of real profit to France.^ 1 Bonnassieux : Graiidcs compagnies de commerce, pp. 271, 275 et seq. In 1687 the capital of the Comp. des Indes orient, was 2,100,000 livres ; between 1687 and 1691 it paid a dividend of 30 per cent. According to a mhnoire written in 1685, the prospect of equalling the Dutch and outdoing English trade in India was brilliant. [Arch. nat. Mem. cote K 1368, No. 128, quoted in op. cit. p. 272.) Cf. also Castonnet-Desfosses : Frangois Bernier, documents iitedits sur son sejour dans rinde, pp. 11-30. Cordier: La France en Chine an XVIIP sieclc, i. p. 42. Dictionnaire dii Commerce {Encyclopidie Methodique), i. p 584. The lessening profit in Asiatic trade is well shown by the following table. " Comparaison des dividends de la Compagnie des Indes, calcule sur le revenu libre : 1725, 14S livres; 1736, 136 livres; 1743, 135 livres; 1756, 85 livres; 1769, 65 livres." In addition to these dividends there was a fixed interest per share ; pp. 609, 610, 614 : " £tat du produit des ventes, faites par la Compagnie des Indes depuis 1726 jusqu'en 1756 en marchandises de I'lnde, deduction faite des frais des vente, des marchan- dises saisies dans le royaume et marchandises achetes chez I'etranger pendant les anne'es 1749, 1750, et 1751." Feb. I, 1725-June 30, 1736 90, 157,112 livres. 14^.5^/. Average year 9,014,282 livres. \()s. 5^/. July I, 1736-June 30, 1743 88,043,523 livres. 15J. i,d. Average year 12,577,646 livres. y. od. July I, 1743-June 30, 1756 118,046, 217 livres. 18s. yi. Average year 9,837,184 livres. i6.f. 6d. Total returns from India (not the net profit) 305,246,852 livres. Average year, 1725-56 9,846,672 livres. Total expense of maintaining the monopoly 376,802,517 livres. Normal average yearly 8,586,420 livres. Real average yearly owing to war expenses 10,500,000 livres. The bias of the writer is clear, as there is obvious juggling wth figures, for he includes war expenses on the debit side of the Company's ledger, yet refuses, in striking an average for the returns, to make any allowance for the losses of war, for which the Company was not directly responsible. These statements are given here in full as they have been often cited by other writers, who have accepted them in good faith. More reliable figures are given below. Vuitry: Desordre des finances, pp. 237 et seq. (on the real value of the livre, see especially note i, p. 250), 271 et seq. (the connection of the Company with Law's System). 28 EASTERN PROBLEMS Returning to the colonies as a whole, the question of their size and population requires a few words. The area of the Daubigny : Choiseul et la France d'' oiitre-mer, pp. 190 et seq., 202 et seq. Morellet : Memoire sur la situation actuelle de la compagnie des Iiides (1769). The views of the writer are given in the Diet, du Commerce (cited above) ; but his figures on the profits of the Company are significant and are given in Appendix I., as com- piled by Daubigny : op. cit. p. 339 ; they have been verified. Morellet and Necker had a vigorous pamphlet war in 1769 over the dissolution of the Com- pany. Vide the Bibliography ; also the notices in Stourm : Bibliographie hist, des finances de la France an XVIII siicle. Cf. also on this point Grimm et Diderot : Corr. litteraire, vi. p. 237, April 15, 1769. Galiani : Lettres (ed. by Perey and Maugras). Letters of Aug. 14, 1769; July 6, 1771 ; June 15,1776. Bachaumont: Memoires (Oct. 16, 1769). Henry : Corr. de Condorcet et de Turgot, p. 8. Doneaud du Plan : La coinp. des Indes, in R. jyiaritime et colon., June and July, 1S89. ^'^' other error must be noted in the matter of imports to France in Bonnassieux : op. cit. p. 313. The yearly average for 1725-69 is there given at 8,276,337 francs (no authority cited) ; corresponding figures are found in Chaptal : Industrie franfaise, i. p. 129 (again no authority given). But a contemporary writer, who in 1786 was bitterly opposed to the re-establishment of the Company's privilege, and who in a brilliant monograph makes a powerful attack on privileged companies in general and the Comp. des Indes in particular, sheds some light on the matter. He is the last one to over-estimate the trade of those years when the old Com- pany was supreme. Alemoire centre la Cotnpagttie des Indes, p. 29 : " II resulte de ces trois tableaux compares [two tables are given in App. I.] : — " I. Que le total des importations de la Compagnie, pendant trente-quatre annees, dont vingt-quatre de paix & dix de guerre, a ete de 443,796,189 livres. Que le total des importations de commerce libre, pendant douze annees, dont six de paix & six de guerre, a ete de 140,788,647 livres. " 2. Que I'annee commune des trente-quatre de la Compagnie est de 13,0^52,799 livres, lis. gd. -^j. Que I'annee commune des douze du commerce libre est de 11,732,387 livres. "3. Qu'a prendre les neuf annees de la derniere paix de 1663 [1763], dont trois ont appartenu a la Compagnie, & six au commerce, & oil la situation de la France a ete la meme pour I'une & pour I'autre ; la plus forte annee de la Compagnie a ete de 21,719,354 livres, & la plus forte du commerce de 32,846,226 livres. " 4. Que Ton trouve pour annee commune des trois de la Compagnie, environ dix-sept millions, & pour annee commune des six du commerce, vingt-deux mil- lions. Ainsi, sous tons les rapports, le commerce libre a eu un grand avantage sur celui de la Compagnie. Cependant le Gouvernement vient d'instituer une nouvelle Compagnie des Indes. Ici, toute la confiance que nous avons montree dans les faits & les raisonnements qui viennent d'etre presentes, se change en une juste defiance sur nos lumi^res, en une prevention respectueuse pour les vues du Gouvernement. Sans doute il s'est decide, d'apres des conside'rations assez importantes pour I'emporter sur celles que nous venons d'offrir." COLONIAL QUESTION AND THE WAR OF 1703 29 French colonial empire in 1789 may be estimated at 82,000 square miles, with a population of nearly one million, of whom 100,000 were white, about 48,000 were free colored, and 780,- 000 were slaves. The size of the colonial domain, as well as of the French spheres of influence in India and North America, had greatly lessened during the century, yet the white popu- lation had nearly doubled ; for in 1700 there were at the highest estimate only 60,000 Frenchmen living in French colonies.^ This opposition to the Company was almost incessant. Cf. Villars : Menioires, iv. p. 265 (1723) ; d'Argenson -.Journal, vii. p. 65. More evidence will be cited in a sub- sequent paragraph when the question of general policy is treated. The figures for the years directly prior to the Revolution are based partly on Hernoux : Rapport fait h TAssemblee Natio)M.le, March iS, 1790. (The original pamphlet was used, as there are a few mistakes in the official report.) Cf. Chaptal : op. cit. i. p. 131 (table) ; and the table from Arnould: Balance du Commerce, given above (footnote to page 22), and also i. pp. 281-87. Deschamps : Colonies pendant la Revolution, pp. 6, 28, loi et seq., 1 13 et seq. The new company was authorized by decrees of April 14, 17S5, and of Sept. 21, 17S6. Capitalized at 40 millions, its privilege of exclusive commerce was finally given for 15 years. Its shipments from France were (1786-87) 19,560,982 livres ; (1787-88) 10,667,750 livres ; (1788-S9) 14,823,409 livres. These statements do not interfere with those of Arnould, as they refer only to the new Company ; they explain the figures of Goudard : Rapport, p. 7 (exports to East Indies in 1789, 16 millions as against 19 millions of several years previous); the liabilities of the company for 1792 were 40 millions; assets 50 million livres ; for 1793 they were 40 and 48 millions respectively. This on the authority of a memoire {Arch. Nat. reg. cotS F'.^ 65943) which Bonnassieux quotes on pp. 315-319. (There is a typographical mistake on page 318, where the liabilities for 1792 are given at only 14 millions.) Auckland : Corr. ii. 45J (Huber to Auckland, Oct. 4, 1792). The French East India Co. is spoken of as " the only safe establishment and investment of one's property in France, because independent of Government, though not of robbers." Precis pour la Compagnie des Indes (1793), p. 6. Cf. for this subject the statistical tables given in Appendix I. 1 Deschamps : Les Colonies, etc., pp. 1-3, 288-296. The figures given in totals are — area, 136,966 sq. kilometres, population 1,030,000. Ibid.: Question coloniale, p. i88. Avalle : op. cit. Cf. the tables, which give slightly different figures for the Antilles. Levasseur : Popiilation fratrf. iii. pp. 281 (note i), 337 (in 1800 there were nine and one-half million of people of European blood living outside of Europe); pp. 410, 411, 419 (a table giving the area and population of every French colony and protectorate in 1789, 1840, and 1891). Ibid.: La France et ses colonies, \\\.-p^;>. ii"jj et seq., \<)i et seq., 2A2) (^^^ above table is also given here), 355. According to the Statesman's Year Book (1S99) *^^ estimated area of 30 EASTERN PROBLEMS The economic influence of these people upon the inhabitants of France was direct and strong; the capital invested in the col- onies in 1789 was then estimated at three milliards of francs, and the dependence of home industries upon colonial produce was reiterated by many writers. This was often overstated, as by La Rochefoucauld- Liancourt, who declared in 1791 that the ruin of colonial commerce would afifect more than three mil- lion people; nevertheless the imports from both East and West were a large item in many trades, as for example the silk man- ufactories of France, which did an annual export trade of over 2 1 million livres, got half of their raw silk from the East Indies ; the sugar also which came from the French Antilles brought a profit of over 20 million francs to French home merchants be- fore it left their hands. But leaving the strictly commercial results, great and varied as they were, the relation of the colo- nies to the French merchant marine brings up a large field of political influence as well. The development of a merchant marine was a sme qua non in a colonial empire ; for the navigation laws of the eighteenth century were still strict, and foreign ship- ping had no chance in colonial trade. The large increase in that commerce during the latter half of the century had affected the French merchant service; whereas before 1765 there were in the French commerce with the West Indies 200 ships of 100 to 250 tons, within fifteen years the number of ships had doubled, and by 1789 their number was 600. The East Indian exchange was by no means so lively, yet there was an increase of from ten to thirty ships sent annually from France to the East. By 1793 the total figures were 900 ships of 300,000 tons burthen engaged in the direct colonial trade; thus the total advance in this branch of French shipping between 1763 French colonies and protectorates, including Algeria, was 3,630,327 sq. miles, with a population of over 52,000,000. In 1897 France did a colonial trade of 399,321,037 francs, imports ; and 358,230,360 francs, exports. Though the colo- nies were prosperous in 1789, it seems to be an exaggeration for Deschamps to say that they were of greater international value than the colonial domain of France to-day, and equal to it intrinsically. COLONIAL QUESTION AND THE WAR OF 1703 3 1 and 1793 may be reckoned at over 200,000 tons. Moreover, the close relation between the merchant service and sea power, especially in supplying trained sailors for the navy, was a favored theme to those who pleaded for a wise colonial policy or a reform in the French navy ; the connection of colonial empire and sea power, which would alone enable France to meet Great Britain with success, brought the entire matter home to the hearts of Frenchmen as perhaps nothing else would have done, and thus made the colonial question a vital one in the midst of revolutionary turmoil.^ The last aspect of the colonial question in which statistics have a place is that of expense of administration. Our only reliable source of information is the exhaustive report made by Montesquiou on December 8, 1789; as the result of careful in- vestigation the total expenses of French colonial administration were given as 17,647,748 livres. Of this sum 1,106,000 should be classed as general expenses which could not be charged to the account of any special colonies ; the remainder is divided between the American establishments, which took 11,247,586 livres; the African colonies, 283,010; and the lie de France, Bourbon, and India, which required the balance, 5,i52,744livres. Dividing the total expenses under the heads of civil adminis- 1 Mosneron de Launay, in a speech on Feb. 26, 1790, gives the figures for capital invested. Aulard : Societe des Jacobins, i. p. 9. Chaptal : op. cit. i. p. 131, ii. p. 179. Cf. also the tables in Appendix I. Beausobre: Politique, i. -p. ^12. A cargo of a 120-ton ship was worth, in 1765, about 1400 livres. Morellet in Diet, du Comm. i. p. 610. Cunningham : op. cit. ii. p. 517, note, citing from Rein- hard: op. cit. Arnould : op. cit. ii. p. 35. S. Mery : Opinion, etc. p. 19: " Les colonies donnent le mouvement k un grand nombre de vos manufactures, & i des millions de bras ; elles soudoyent & font vivre une foule immense d'artisans, d'ouvriers, de journaliers ; elles sont une des sources les plus fecondes des richesses de la France, & dans un Siecle ou il est reconnu que la preponderance des fitats se regie sur leur commerce, les Colonies ont droit d'attendre qu'elles seront appreciees i leur juste valeur." Gouly : Plan de la riginiration de la marine, p. 5. De Lattre: Rapport sur Vacte de navigation (Sept. 22, 1791), in Arch. pari. xxxi. pp. 203-235, and Begouen on Sept. 24, p. 290; also La Roche- foucauld. Cf. Deschamps : Colonies pendant la Rhol, -p-p. 7, 28. Bonnassieux : op. cit. pp. 253^/^^^., 315. 32 EASTERN PROBLEMS tration, army, and navy, the distribution is 7,548,553 livres for the civil budget; 9,195,131 livres for the army; and 907,184 livres for the navy. The bulk of this amount was spent in large salaries for high officials ; but the most serious item is that of 3,951,462 livres in 1789 for extraordinary and miscellaneous expenses. It was the same in colonial finances as in national ; the multiplication of sinecures, official corruption, and lax methods had caused a steady leakage of money, which only vigorous reform and sound economic policy could check. There were, however, certain revenues from the colonies which amounted to 7,173,333 livres in 1789, — 6,613,333 ^om the West, and 560,000 livres from Africa and the East ; this made the deficit in the colonial budget 10,484,415 livres. But, as M. Deschamps points out, it is fair to look upon custom duties laid upon colonial produce as an income to the govern- ment which should be added to colonial revenue ; for the re- ceipts of the state would have been smaller by that amount if no colonial empire had existed. These taxes were two — dii domain d' Occident, levied on imports from the colonies, and de consommation, on colonial produce which was not exported at all. Montesquiou claimed that these taxes wiped out the deficit in the colonial budget and that consequently the colo- nial domain was of no expense to the government, but with all its profitable commerce was a means of gain to thousands of Frenchmen.! 1 Rapport de Montesquiou, in Arch. pari. x. pp. 437-51. Viefville des Essars (Jan. 14, 1 791), in /did. xxii. p. 241. Proc.-verb. No. 142, ix. pp. 1-59. The Bourbon government had employed in the colonies 1,673 officials (1,041 civil and 632 military), exclusive of ungraded assistants, soldiers, and sailors. Cf. Deschamps: Les colonies, etc. pp. 8-10, 299 et seq. The tables made by M. Deschamps are based on Montesquieu's report and are most useful. Arnould : op. cit. i. p. 45. The sum of 17 millions for colonies does not seem large when Necker's budget of 610 million livres for total expenses is recalled. Stourm : Les finances de VAncien Regime et de la Revolution, ii. pp. 355 et seq. In view of the effort to learn the true economic condition of France prior to the Revolution it is interesting to note, in passing, testimony to official corruption which has rarely been cited, but is worthy of credence. Vorontzov : Ar/ckiv, xxix. (1883), p. 69 COLO XI A L QUESTION AND THE WAR OF 1703 33 We have seen that the latter half of the eighteenth century was a period of great prosperity for French colonies. It was also a period in which great interest was taken in them by Frenchmen, still strongly imbued with the old theory of colonial dominion : that colonies were rightly at the beck and call of the mother country, existing primarily for her benefit, and strictly subordinate to all her social theories. This interest in the French colonies has received full and admirable treat- ment at the hands of M. Deschamps in his book, Histoirc de la Question Colonialc en France ; all that demands no- tice here is the debate on the larger question of colonial ex- pansion, a debate which engrossed many men at this period. The two sides joined issue sharply ; on the one hand some were contemptuous as Voltaire when he referred to " quelqnes arpcnts de neige vers le Canada ; " others like Mercier predicted the ruin of the home land by the colonies, much as the city dwell- ing was apt to suffer because of the attention paid to the coun- try place; and others still, like Bernardin de Saint-Pierre, said the object of their books of travel and description was to pre- vent Frenchmen from settling in the colonies: on the other side were men like Raynal, who preached of colonies and sea power as the foundation of a people's greatness ; Gouy wrote that the European was destined to rule the world, and that France owed her pivotal position in Europe to the commercial (Pictet to Count A. R. Vorontzov, London, Sept. 20, 178S) : " Peut-ctre, si on I'e.xaminait attentivement, trouverait-on, que sous d'autres formes et par d'autres motifs, il y a autant de dissipation dans les finances de I'Angleterre que dans celles de la France ; ce qui fait, que I'individu en France est accable par un impot qui n'est cependant qu'i-peu-pres le tiers de celui que paye un Anglais sans en etre incommode ; c'est cette foule de charges, de places venables qui arrachent a I'agriculture, k I'industrie et au commerce les capitaux, qui devraient etre employes a les faires prosperer. On serait effraye, si Ton calculait tout le mal que, pour se procurer quelques petites ressources, on a fait par Ih au royaume. Jusqu'au moment ou toutes les charges, toutes les places venables seront abolies, ou par cela meme I'argent sera rappele i sa veritable destination, la France sera bien eloignee de pouvoir pretendre au role, auquel la nature semblait I'avoir destinee ; . . ." 34 EASTERN PROBLEMS prosperity of her colonies ; Tolosan declared the colonies had placed all Europe in debt to France.^ Both the theory and practice of "imperialism," of colonial expansion, were thus argued ; the majority of the intellectual leaders of France were against colonial domain ; but the verdict of the nation as given in the CaJiiers in 1789 is for expanding commerce and a strong colonial policy. There is not a word to be found in them which reflects blame on the colonies or which attacks the pro- gram of trans-oceanic empire ; and this is the more remark- able when it is seen what a place the colonial question occupied in the mind of the people. One reason for this was the atten- tion attracted by the successful rebellion of the thirteen British colonies in America. Another cause which brought these questions to the front was the debate on economic theory, an argument that had enlisted the energies of the foremost think- ers in France; the old universal theory of exclusive trade be- tween the colony and the mother country had been boldly attacked by these men, and the example of Turgot had been a powerful factor to their aid. It was natural, therefore, that this subject, as well as that of chartered companies with exclusive trading privileges, should be included among the many topics 1 Deschamps : Quest, colon, pp. 292 et seq., and Ibid. : Les Colonies pendant la Revo- lution, p. 321 (an instructive note on the phrase " perissent les colonies.") Voltaire : Siecle de Louis XV., ch. 35, and Candide : ch. 23. Bernardin de Saint-Pierre : Voyage h. I'tle de France, preface. Mercier : L'An 2^1, ch. 40 (p. 322). Raynal : Histoire philosophique et politique des etablissements et du commerce des Europeens dans les deux Indes. (For the features of this book and its influence upon Napo- leon, vide Chapter III.) Gouy : Vues generales, pp. 1-5, 41. De S. Mery : Opinion, pp. 18, 19. Tolosan : Commerce de la France, p. 1 16. Levasseur : Popttlation franfaise, iii. p. 412, note 3. In the Bibliography there is included a number of titles which have been selected from among many bearing upon the colonial question of 1789. The general "expansion " and "anti-expansion " attitudes are therein illustrated ; and also more particularly the economic and political ideas regarding the African and Indian possessions or those domains which France coveted in Asia. No attempt has been made to include any of the anti-slavery literature, nor those books, reports, or pamphlets which dealt especially with the domains of France in other portions of the globe. But very few of the publica- tions dealing with the tariff treaties with England are given, as that literature is so well known. COLONIAL QUESTION AND THE WAR OF 1793 35 of which the CaJiicrs treated. Some 323 of these mentioned colo- nial affairs. The central idea in nearly all of them was that commerce depended on the colonies, and that sea power, a ne- cessity to the state, could exist only with the aid of the merchant marine, whose larger ventures must in turn derive from colo- nial prosperity. Slavery as the foundation of the colonial system in the tropics received a large share of their attention; but this topic and the action of the Asscniblee in abolishing slavery cannot be discussed in these pages ; though the human- itarian but unpractical decision regarding it was responsible in great measure for the disaster which overtook so many French colonial possessions within a decade. The matter has been treated from every point of view in the past, and to enter the field here would involve a much longer chapter on colonial affairs than is expedient. Turning, therefore, to the questions of the colonial compact, privileged companies and tariff trea- ties, the economic aspect of each and their international feat- ures are the subjects to be noted. ^ The rapid increase in the commercial output of the colonies had not effected the growth of the merchant marine in an equal ratio, and the French colonies were at a disadvantage as compared with those of Great Britain ; for the colonial com- pact for exclusive trade with the home country bound them to depend on the transport offered by ships from her ports, and limited their supplies to those which she could give them. The growing resources of the colonies enforced the inadequacy of the theory and practice as regards France, and these facts, combined with the influence of the new school of economists, ^ Cunningham: (7/. «■/. ii. pp. 510, 511. Stourm: (7/. r//. ii. pp. i-ii. Stephens: French Revolution, i. p. 529. Deschamps : Les colonies pendant la Revolution, pp. 15, 38. I am indebted to this writer for an analysis of 283 Cahiers which treated the subjects in the following proportion : privileged companies and monopolies, 154; the arret of 1784, 24; colonial administration in general, 4; free ports, 18; slavery, 34; slave trade, 10; debts of the colonists (amounting in 178910 nearly 500 millions) and colonial produce, 12; the treaty of 1786,49; colonial representation in the Etats, 17 ; participation in colonial trade, 3. 36 EASTERN PROBLEMS led to an '^ Arret du ConseiV of Aug. 30, 1784, which author- ized foreign ships to import certain commodities from alien countries to the French Antilles. A storm of protest from the maritime cities of France showed how deeply the old ideas were imbedded in the minds of the people; the deputies of Havre, Nantes, and Bordeaux declared that it was " an uncon- tested principle that the colonies are created by and for the parent-state; they have not the right to buy their provisions, nor can they sell the produce of their soil, save in France." Tolosan, a much cited authority of the period, says in the same vein : " The colonies have been established for the benefit of the mother country; they cannot completely fulfil their destiny save in adding to the product of her lands and of the industry of the nation under whose immediate power they are, and in con- tributing to the increase of her commerce with other nations. If they could dispense with the mother country and had the means to maintain direct foreign connections for their imports as well as for their exports, they would no longer be of use." This was the view of the French merchant to whom the colonist was in debt ; it was also that of the petitioners to the Etats generaux in 1789, for they begged the interdiction to the foreigner of all trade in their colonies. It was the theory of Colbert to the letter.^ The complicated question of chartered companies, endowed by the state with a monopoly of trade in certain regions, was not a new one; the foundation of the French colonial empire had been in great part through their aid ; and the principles which had guided Richelieu and Colbert in their endeavors to make of France the greatest colonial power, could not have 1 Beausobre : Politique, i. pp. 279-2S0. Gomel : Causes financih-es, ii. pp. 223 et seq. Bachaumont: il//OT(7/>^j, xxviii. p. 84; xxviii. pp. 14 "^n^)' Suggests that Poland be indemnified by the restoration to her of Moldavia and Wallachia; 419, 44S, 449, {Ibid.); 461, 462 (Panin's views on Turkey, April, 1771), 497. Cf. also de Smitt : Frederic II., Catherine et le par- tage de la Pologne, Paris, 1S61. Khrapovitski : Journal of Catherine (ed. Barsukov. In Russian). Vide Bilbassov: Katharina II., Kaiserin von Russland im Urthcile der VVelt-literatury trans, fr. Russian by Pezold. 84 EASTERN PROBLEMS Porte had determined on war with Russia he had done his best to allay the fears of the Turks regarding Russian aggression in Poland by explaining that the entire matter was only a quarrel between various Christian Churches — Greeks, Latins, and Lutherans — in which the Porte could have no interest. After the Porte had declared war and was threatened with serious loss of territory by Russia, his policy became involved still more closely with events in the East. Above all things he dreaded a general European war, in which by his treaty of alliance with Catherine he would be obliged to take the part of Russia; opposed to him he would undoubtedly find Austria, France, and Turkey. Thus the problem before him was to get the Polish territory he desired, to save the Ottoman Empire from dismemberment, to strengthen his position in Germany against his rival at Vienna, and at the same time to avoid a war. His solution of this problem proved acceptable not only to himself, but also to Austria and Russia. Poland alone suffered. The Porte refused to make peace at a time when she might have got help from Prussia and by that delay incurred the dangers which the treaty of Kainardji brought on her. But the partition of Poland, while it relieved Frederick, made the influence of the great Slav power still greater in central Europe, and brought heavy burdens on his successors. At Constantinople he had held in check the forces making for the partition of Turkey, and though his immediate interest in the Eastern Question lessened in the remaining years of his life, the usefulness of the Ottoman Empire to Prussia had been clearly shown. In the future Prussia and the Porte were to be parts in the same political system.^ 1 Corr. of Frederick and von Solms, in Sbornik, xxxvii. pp. 38, 59, So, 81 (Finck- enstein and Hertzbergto Solms, Berlin, July 18, 1767). The Porte " a conclu que ne s'agissant en Pologne que d'un diff erend de religion il n'etait pas necessaire que la Porte s'en melat et qu'il serait assez temps qu'elle y prit un parti, lorsque Ton verrait que son interet et sa gloire I'exigeaient " ; 109 (Frederick to Solms, Pots- dam, Nov. 6, 1767) : "II pourrait arriver, qu'a I'DCcasion d'une guerre intestine en Pologne, la Porte ottomane s'en melat, ou alors, la Russie aurait sur les bras la THE EASTERN QUESTION AND THE REVOLUTION 85 In tracing the policy of Austria the Eastern Question be- comes a matter of peculiar interest, for both history and political prophecy declare that the future of Austria is closely linked to that of the Ottoman Empire; and that the solution of the Turkish question will at once raise that of Austria- Hungary. The Russian program has operated to produce dis- order in the Dual Monarchy, where racial and religious antag- onisms incite the ambition of every neighbor. The varied interests of Austria in the eighteenth century had much to guerre contra les Turcs, et moi une contre las Autrichiens et centre les Fran9ais " ; 144, 145, 150, 164-172. 205 (the King to S., Potsdam, Feb. i, 2769). The plan at- tributed to Count Lynar for the partition of Poland is here given. Cf. also 209- 211 (S. to the King on the same subject), and 215-218 ; 278 (the King to Solms, April 22, 1770) on the matter of the Russian alliance; 301 et seq. (the Russian demands on Turkey in 1770); 317 (the hatred of Austria for Russia will profit Prussia) ; 323-334 (conversations of Prince Henry of Prussia and Count Panin in 1770 over the pacification of Poland); 353, 354 (Russia and the Porte in January, 1771); 394^^ j-^^. (negotiations in February, 1771, over the partition); 432-434 (the King to Solms, Potsdam, March 24, 1771). Prussia's share in Poland; 478 (Finckenstein to the King, Berlin, May 14, 1771) : " L'envie d'avoir un dedommagement pour les frais de la guerre et les difficultes que la cour de Vienne suscitera pour les prendre [by Russia] sur la Moldavie, la Valachie, et la Crimee fourniront I'occasion de lui faire sentir qu'un demembrement de la Pologne est le seul moyen de couper le nceud gordien et que V. M. est tres-dis- posee a y donner les mains, pourvu qu'on lui fasse sa convenance " ; 479, 498- 502 (dangers of war and the Prussian system in Sept. 1771); 506, 512, 558-661 (Frederick urges action in Poland, Nov. 1771). Fafier : Conj. raisonnecs, in Segur: op. cit. i. pp. 288, 307. Vergennes : Memoire, in Ibid. iii. p. 123. De Rohan : Mes decotivertes, in Ibid. iii. pp. 247, 248. Frederic : CEiivres, iv. (/)//- moires {1763-1775), pp. 34 et passim. The Prussian side of the negotiations is well treated in Reimann : Neuere Geschichte des preussischen Staates, i. pp. 305 et seq. Duncker : Atts der Zeit Friedrichs des Grossen, pp. 113 et seq. {Die Besitzergreifung von Westpreiissen), and Ranke: Die Deutschen Mdchte uttd der Fiirstenbund, Leipzig, 1872. Consult also Zinkeisen : Die orientalische Frage in vier Stadion, in Hist. Taschenbuch, 1855 ; Nottebohm : Die preussisch-tiirkische Defensivallianz, 1 763-1 765 ; Wissowa : Friedrich der Crosse und die Tiirkei ; Dopsch : Zur Orientpolitik Friedrichs des Grossen vor Beginn und beim Ausbruch des siebenjdhrigen Krieges ; Kleinast : Konig Friedrich II., von Preussen, und die Ungarn, and the Politische Correspondenz Friedrichs des Grossen when the vol- umes covering this period are published. Cf. especially Porsch : Die Bezichung Friedrichs des Grossen zur Tiirkei bis zum Beginn und wdhrend des siebenjdhrigen Krieges. Marburg, i. H. 1897. 86 EASTERN PROBLEMS do with the vacillation of her policy in the Eastern Question, and with her attitude toward Russia. In Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, Poland, and the Balkans, Austrian interests were at stake. At home, two parties with different policies made the confusing situation still harder to obviate.^ The conser- vative party of Maria Theresa dreaded fresh expansion, that of Joseph and Kaunitz played for high stakes in every quarter, though German affairs were more to its liking than other matters. The alliance of 1756 with France had been in part designed to keep Prussia in check and thus to enable Austria to retain her leadership within the Empire. Thus when the courts of Berlin and St. Petersburg, who both had historic claims in Poland, began to show intention of interfering in that country, Austria, fearful lest she might not profit, ordered her troops to cross the Polish border and to seize territory to which the political imagination of the most patriotic Austrian could scarce find title. In regard to the Turkish war, Austria stood ready to take up arms for the Porte, signed an alliance with the Turks, received a subsidy from them, and then, satisfied that Russia would not gain final possession of the Danubian provinces, bargained for a large accession of territory from Poland, and with Russian acquiescence also took Bukovina from the Ottomans. Maria Theresa might deplore the cir- cumstances in which Austria was placed and regret the shame- less chaffering of the diplomats, but she was forced to agree to the plans of Kaunitz and Joseph. As Frederick the Great wrote, 1 The geographical and political situation of the house of Austria required that the aggrandizement of any other power should be balanced by an equivalent or proportionate increase in her own strength and size. The partition of Poland might not be welcome to Austria, but that she should have a share in it was a sine qua non. As Metternich said in 1808 regarding the solution of the Eastern Question : " Nous devious beaucoup sacrifier pour la conservation de la Porte ; mais notre existence reelle et notre consideration politique, lesprincipaux ele- ments de la vie d'un grand fitat, doivent mettre des bomes a nos vceux. Nous ne pouvons sauver la Turquie ; il faut done aider a la partage, et tacher d'en avoir le plus grand lot possible." N'ackgelassene Papieren,n.-p. 153. Cf. also Sorel: E' Europe et la Revolution fra^tfaise, i. p. 444. THE EASTERN QUESTION AND THE REVOLUTION 8y "Still she wept, but still she took." On the other hand, Aus- tria, by her insistence on the continued life of the Ottoman Em- pire, retained her important position in the southeast and postponed the day when Russia might prove a far more danger- ous neighbor than had the Porte in recent years. By a policy of delay and hesitation she carried her point and increased her territory. It remained to be seen if this disgraceful episode in her diplomatic history would aid or hinder her in the future.^ Closely linked with the policy of Austria was that of France. The alliance of 1756 between the two powers had brought about a great change in the diplomatic system of France ; prior to 1756 the Bourbons had sought in the Porte an ally whose armies would effect a diversion in the southeast of 1 The documents are to be found in Beer : Ersfe Theilung Polcns, Wien, 1873. Cf. especially pp. 11-32. Arneth : Geschichte Mn-ia Tkeresias /. vii. and viii., Wien, 1877 ; and Maria Theresa unci Joseph II., Wien, 1S67 ; in Arneth and Gef- froy : Corresfotidance entre Marie-Therese et le Comte de Mercy-Argenteatt, Paris, 1874 ; and in Hammer : Gcsch. des osman. Reiches, viii. Cf. also Corr. of Frede- rick the Great, in Sbornik, xxxvii. pp. 233, 234, 242, 293 et seq., 309, 358, 359, 371 et seq., 469-472> 518, 564, 565, 575, 641. Favier : op. cit., in Segur: op. cit. i. pp. 20, 21, 38, 39. Austria would not let Russia take too much from the Turks, for, as Joseph II. said to Segur: " If Austria has been endangered many times by the turbans, she would have been in a much more perilous situation if the Russian caps were at Constantinople," p. 253, note. Castera: Catherine II. ii. pp. 216 et seq. Beer : Orientalische Politik Oesterreichs seit 1774-, pp. 23 et seq. Arneth : Zwei Denkschritfen Maria Theresias, in Archiv fiir Ocsterr. Gesch. vol. 47, Wien, 1871. Beer: Denkschriften des Fiirsten Wenzel Katinitz-Rittbei-g, in Archiv fiir Oesterr. Gesch. vol. 48, Wien, 1872. And Aiifzeichnungen des Grafcn Willianis Bentinck ilber Maria Theresia, Wien, 1871. Arneth: Die Relationen der Bot- schafter Venedigs ilber Oesterreich im 18 Jahrhundert, in Archiv far Ocsterr. Gesch. Part 2, vol. 22, Wien, 1863. Wolf und Zwiedineck-Sudenhorst : Oesterreich tinier Maria Theresia, Berlin, 1884. General books on the first partition are : Ponia- tovski : Metnoires and Correspondance avec Madame Geoffrin ; Viomesnil : Lettres sur les affaires de Pologne ; Dumouriez : Memoires ; Angeburg : Recueil des traites concernant la Pologne ; Kareef : Les causes de la chute de la Pologne, in Rev. his- torique {1891). Beer : Friedrich II. und von Swieten ; Von der Bruggen : Polens Ajtfldsung ; Schlozer: Friedrich der Grosse und Kathearina die Zweite ; Janssen : Znr Genesis der ersten Theilung Polens ; Gross- Hoffinger : Die Theilung Polens; Ropell : Polen um die Mitte des XVIII Jahrhnnderts ; Rulhiere : Histoire de Panarchie de Pologne, continued by Ferrand : Les trois dhncmbrements de la Pologne. Vide the bibliography in this thesis for further details. 88 EASTERN PROBLEMS Europe, and who would thus distract the hostility of the house of Hapsburg from France. The court of Versailles had de- signed Turkey, Poland, Sweden, and Prussia to hold in check Russia and Austria, should France again engage in war with her old rival, England. To this end Vergennes, the French minister at Constantinople, had been instructed in 1755 to prevent the Turks from risking a war with Persia which would call off their attention from western affairs and to hold the threat of interference by Turkey over the heads of the two imperial courts in Europe, thus making it evident that France held the Ottoman armies in leash at the Danube and kept the peace in eastern Europe only so long as Russia and Austria refrained from menacing her or her allies. This was the old French plan for maintaining the status quo on the continent. The treaties of 1756, which reversed this policy and ranged Prussia with Great Britain against France and Austria, vi^orked great loss to French influence in the Ottoman Empire, for the Porte could not see its old ally bound with Austria, a power whose plans for aggrandizement at Turkish expense had brought them to war many times in the past, without feeling that French advice must now be discounted and that the Ottoman power must henceforward turn elsewhere for a friend in Christendom. That he might pose as that friend became the wish of Frederick the Great, as has been already indicated. Thus France was compelled to reverse her policy at Constan- tinople; to urge that the Austrian alliance could in no sense be regarded as a menace to Turkey, that Prussia instead of a trusted ally was an insidious enemy, and that the Turks would do well to turn their mihtary energies toward Persia, and above all leave Austria and Russia free to co-operate with France against Prussia and Great Britain. For these objects France was ready to exert her utmost powers by diplomacy and orien- tal bribery .1 This policy was destined to last only as long as 1 On the alliance of 1756, cf. Broglie : Le sicret du Rot, Paris, 1879. Boutaric : Corr. de Louis XV., Paris, 1SS6. Rousset : Corn de Noailks et de Louis XV., Paris THE EASTERN QUESTION AND THE REVOLUTION 89 the artificial system of which it was a part. By the defection of Russia and her alliance of 1764 with Prussia, and by the treaty of peace with England in 1763, the entire system suf- fered a great blow. With the resurrection of the Polish ques- tion the inherent interests of France in the East again came to the front ; and Vergennes, still the French representative at the Porte, was called on to propose to the Turks a third line 1865. Broglie : H alliance autrichieiuie. Waddington : Louis XV., et le renverse- vient des alliances. Masson : Mhnoires ct lettres de Bernis. Vandal : Louis X V. et Elisabeth de Russie. MSS. of M. Bourges quoted by Bonneville de Marsangy : Ambassade de Vergennes d. Constantinople, i. p. 120 : " Dans le systeme de politique et d'alliance qui constituait alors I'equilibre europeen, la Turquie devait, avec la Pologne et la Suede, balancer au profit de la France I'alliance de I'Angleterre et de la Russie." Ibid. i. pp. 197 et seq. (instruction to Vergennes in 1755 in Arch, dcs aff. ctran., Turquie, vol. 129). 204 (Rouille to Vergennes, May 11, 1755) ; 215 (Vergennes to Rouille, Aug. 17) ; 335 et seq. (Rouille to Vergennes, June i, 1756) : " Le traite de Sa Majeste [Louis XV.] avec I'lmperatrice [Maria Theresa] n'ayant, comme je vous I'ai mande, d'autre objet que le maintien de la pai.x, ne change rien aux principes de Sa Majeste qui I'ont toujours eue pour objet. Nous n'avons jamais excite les Turcs a entreprendre la guerre contre aucune puissance chre- tienne ; vos instructions le portent precisement. Si nous leurs avons fait des representations sur le precede de la Russie, elles etaient autant fondees sur leur interet que sur celui de la Pologne, dont la liberte est aussi chere a Sa Majeste qu'elle doit etre a la puissance ottomane. . . . Les clauses de I'alliance defensive entre Sa Majeste et I'lmperatrice pourront deplaire au nouveau Grand Vizir [Mustafa Pasha], si par des raisons tirees de sa situation de celle de I'interieur de I'Empire ottoman ou peut-etre excite par le roi de Prusse, il determinait le Grand Seigneur [Othman III.] a declarer la guerre a la cour de Vienne. Vous pouvez, en ce cas, faire entendre que ces clauses, ordinaires dans tons les traites defen- sifs, ne doivent point alarmer les Turcs " ; pp. 343, note, 350 ; ii. pp. 31, 42 (Bernis to Vergennes, Nov. 29, 1757. Arch. aff. ctran., Turquie, vol. 133) : " Vous deviez tacher de les [Turks] engager a tourner leurs armes contre la Perse, les divisions dont ce royaume est agite et le nombre des pretendants au trone leur ouvrant un chemin facile a des conquetes assurees." (This is the opposite of the instructions given in 1755, cf. i. p. 19S) ; 74 (Choiseul to Vergennes, June 11, 1759, Turquie, vol. 135); 77 et seq. (Memoire of Vergennes to the Porte, Aug. 15, 1759); 86. Cf. on French policy during the century, Bailleu : Preussen und Frank- reich, i. pp. ix, x. Favier : Conjectures raisonnks, in Segur : Politique, i. pp. 338, 339. 344 (note by Segur) : " La destruction de I'Empire Ottoman est le coup le plus funeste qui puisse arriver a la France"; ii. pp. 2, 13. Idem: Doutes et questions, in Ibid. iii. pp. 334, 335. Memoire de M. de Vergennes sur la Porte otto- 7nane,'m Segur: op. cit. iii. pp. 115, 116, 1 19, 126, 142; Castera : Catherine II. ii. p. 229. 90 EASTERN PROBLEMS of action. This was to regard any interference with Poland by Russia and Prussia as a cause for Turkish intervention to preserve the liberty and integrity of Poland. As has been shown, the endeavors of both Catherine and Frederick were to allay the alarms of the Porte regarding Poland, and to oppose the policy of France in these respects. When finally the Turks did declare war, the French tried to bring about an alliance between Austria and the Porte; but the attitude of Austria, shown in her seizure of Polish territory and her be- trayal of the Turks, baffled French efforts to bring about a successful intervention to save Poland. The French them- selves were lacking in power, and, though urging on the Turks to war, offered to bargain with Prussia over Polish affairs. Their much talked of interest in Poland was thus suffered to* die away in a diplomacy whose r61e was entirely passive, while their ineffective protests had shown to Europe how divergent had become the policies of France and Austria, the allies of 1756.1 1 Saint-Priest: Alemoires siir Vambassade de Frattce en Ttirqiiie, pp. 150-177. Favier : Doutes et qiiestiotts, in Segur : op. cit. iii. pp. 338 : " Le traite de Versailles ruine egalement a la Porte et dans toutes les cours voisines de la Porte le credit de consideration que la France y avoit relativement a la puissance federative ; " Mhnoire de Vef-gennes in Segur : op. cit. i. pp. 140 et seq., 154. Memoire du cojiite de Broglie (March, 1775), in Ide7n, i. p. 195. Bonneville : op. cit. ii. pp. 226 et seq. (Praslin to Vergennes, Oct. 18, 1763. Arch. aff. etran., Ttirqiiie, vol. 1S9). France is opposed to a partition of Poland, wishes to secure the help of the Porte, and prefers the Elector of Saxony for King of Poland, but is not ready to support him by force, p. 241. The Porte answers that the entrance of the Russians into Po- land does not affect it ; pp. 277 et seq., 304 (Choiseul t« Vergennes, April 21, 1766), " Le moyen le plus certain de rompre ses projets [Russo-Prussian alliance as assisted by Great Britain and, in particular, Russia], et peut-etre de culbuter de son trone usurpe I'imperatrice Catherine, serait de lui susciter une guerre. II n'y a que les Turcs a portee de nous rendre ce service. Je n'ignore pas I'etat de faiblesse et decadence de I'Empire ottoman, la faiblesse encore plus grande, s'il est possible, de son administration; mais serait-il de toute impossibilite de pro- poser et de suivre des moyens qui portassent le Divan a une guerre dont, d'ail- leurs, le succes definitif ne nous interesse pas vivement, mais dont la declaration et le sort nous mettront a portee de detruire les mauvaises intentions de Cath- erine?" 329 et seq.; 375 (Choiseul to Saint- Priest, Nov. 14, 1768, Turquie,vol. THE EASTERN QUESTION AND THE REVOLUTION gi The relation of Great Britain to these matters was decided in large measure by her antagonism to France ; whatever the system of politics, there were few occasions in the latter half of the eighteenth century when these two powers were not ranged on opposite sides. Thus the Ottoman Empire was at first scarce regarded by Englishmen as an object of interest to them, either politically or commercially, save as it entered into the scheme of French diplomacy and trade. The partition of Turkey, it was felt, would deprive France of an ally, and, while there might be other reasons why it should not be hoped for or participated in, yet on the whole it was not an event which need call for vigorous action on the part of Great Britain to avert. Russia was a most profitable customer; the Baltic trade was almost entirely in British hands; and any measures which would strengthen the Northern powers against the Bourbons in the South were regarded as likely to be favorable to Great Britain. Furthermore, the sincere desire of the Eng- lish people was for peace; the condition of their domains in America and Asia called for earnest attention ; and the leaders at home were not the best fitted to solve hard diplomatic prob- lems or deal successfully with great international crises. The Seven Years' War had added largely to British territory in other continents, but the effect of the war in England had not been wholly good. The tide of politics ran high, and disorder threatened in every quarter ; the dissensions of a people work- ing out the problems of free government were not calculated H5) : "La guerre [between Turkey and Russia] est done declaree; c'etait le pre- mier objet de nos vceux," 385 et seq., Corr. of Frederick and Solms, in Sbornik, xxxvii. pp. 127-128. French emissaries were working against Russia in the Kri- mea (1767); 184, the hostility of Russia and France, Nov. 1768, 224, 312, 334, 335. Rambaud : Instructions, Russie,i, T[>'p.\\'v, Iviii. Beer: Erste Theilung Pol- ens, Documente {Memoire oi Choiseul to Mercy, 1769), pp. 5-7. Saint-Priest: Partage de la Pologne, passim. Sorel : Instructions, Aiitriche, pp. 439-446, 449, 485 (instructions to Breteuil, Dec. 28, 1774): "On ne peut se dissimuler que differents evenements relatifs \ la guerre des Turcs et au partage de la Pologne, n'aient un peu altere I'esprit de I'union des deux cours" [France and Austria]; 493. Broglie : King's Secret, ii. pp. 249 et seq. 92 EASTERN PROBLEMS to make for a strong foreign policy ; and it is scarcely surpris- ing that the statesmen of Europe believed Great Britain to be travelling toward internal anarchy and political oblivion. Indeed the policy of Great Britain in Polish and Turkish affairs was so weak and ineffectual that a keener political prescience and a more thorough understanding of the British character and constitution than those possessed by the continental leaders were needed in order to give a more hopeful estimate of England's future. The clue to this British indifference as to matters so vital to all Europe is to be found in the pro- posals in 1766 for an alliance of England, Russia, Prussia, and the Northern states against the parties to the Bourbon family compact in the South. That compact then in union with the Austrian Hapsburgs was declared by Sir Andrew Mitchell, the English ambassador at Berlin, to be " the most formidable combination ever formed, and the most dangerous to the liberties of Europe." In the negotiations for this alliance Turkey appears as the stumbling-block, England refusing to consider an attack by the Porte on Russia as a " casus foederis^' which would compel her to assist her Russian ally. Thus Great Britain showed her determination to avoid alliances which would entangle her in Eastern affairs ; and Englishmen in general were indifferent to Russian success against the Turks; some even rejoiced, as Lord Chatham, who wrote to Shelburne in 1773 : " I am quite a Russ. I trust the Ottoman will pull down the house of Bourbon in his fall." On the other hand, while Catherine was cordial in her feelings toward the English, she was wiser than many, for she wrote to her ambas- sador in London (1769) that, though the English then thought but little, they were always traders, and the acquisition by Russia of territory on the Black Sea might arouse their jealousy. It was indeed a matter of trade which finally brought Great Britain to take action, and for a time threatened war between her and Prussia. This was the question of the trade of Dantzic ; while the English ministers confined them- THE EASTERN QUESTION AND THE REVOLUTION 93 selves to polite expressions of disapproval toward the entire matter of Polish partition, — Lord Suffolk, the Secretary of Foreio-n Affairs, terming it, with insular indifference, " a curious transaction," — they endeavored to preserve the freedom of Polish trade, and in this secured a partial victory. The trade of England with Dantzic was to be on the same basis as in the past; this arrangement was concluded in 1774; and with regard to all else Suffolk contented himself by writing to Gunning at St. Petersburg : "The Business of the Partition is, I fear, too far advanced to be, in any great degree, revocable." It was indeed by August, 1774, the date of this letter.^ 1 Chatham : Corr. iii. pp. 30-32, 36 et seq. Mr. Stanley, English ambassador at St. Petersburg, wrote in 1766 that "the court of Russia, situated at a great distance from the Southern powers, possessed of no colonies, and having little trade or navigation, consider themselves as more secure from dangers of every kind than any other state in Europe ; " 83, note, 174, 175, 298, 299 (Chatham to Shel- burne, Oct. 20, 1773). Martens : Traith conclus par Russie, Angleterre, ix. pp. 278. Rochefort, English Amb. at Petersburg, to Cathcart, Nov. 24, 1769 (rejoicing over Russian victories), 280 (Catherine to Chernichev, March 3, 1769). Boutaric : Corr. de Louis XV., ii. pp. 16 et seq., 176. Sorel : Eastertt Question, pp. 78 et seq. Beer: Documcnte, p. 11. Michael: Englands Stelltmg ziir ersten Teihmg Polens, Leipzig, iZ<^o, passitn, and especially pp. 5, 85, 89-91. Macaulay, Essay on Lord Chatham, writing of Great Britain in 176S-82, says: "A nation convulsed by faction, a throne assailed by the fiercest invective, a House of Commons hated and despised by the nation, England set against Scotland, Britain set against America, a rival legislature sitting beyond the Atlantic, English blood shed by English bayonets, our armies capitulating, our conquests wrested from us, our enemies hastening to take vengeance for past humiliation, our flag scarcely able to maintain itself in our own seas, such was the spectacle which Pitt lived to see." In Sl>orfiik,-x.x\i\.-p.^^ (Catherine II. to Madame Bielke, July 30, 1775): "Je souhaite de tout mon coeur que mes amis, les Anglais, s'accommodent avec leurs colonies ; mais tant des mes propheties se sont accomplies, que je crains devoir I'Amerique se detacher de I'Europe de mon vivant ; " also p. 147, (the same, April 25, 1778) : " Pour vos amis, les Anglais, on pent leur dire ce que Moliere fait tant repeter h. George Dandin : 'George Dandin, tu I'as bien voulu.' Ces gens-la font toujours ce dont personne ne s'avise ; il y a 15 ans qu'ils sont partis du pied gauche. Lorsque toute I'Europe etait attentive i voir les mesures de vigueur qu'ils allaient prendre, que vont-ils faire ? ils publient un jour de jeflne; le beau moyen de relever le courage d'une nation! A present ils pronent partout leur faiblesse." Cf. p. 153. Castera : Catherine II. ii. p. 128; iii. p. 55. Arneth : Joseph II. uud Leopold von Toscaiia, i. p. 152. (Leop. to Joseph, Jan. 23, 1783), on England's "downfall." 94 EASTERN PROBLEMS Such was the relation of each of the great powers to the Eastern Question in 1774. The situation of the Porte was lamentable indeed, for, as Favier wrote : " Russia crushes her, Prussia betrays her, and Austria, after having levied a contri- bution on her, seeks the division of her spoils." France had used her as a tool and given her poor advice, and Great Britain was at best indifferent to her fate. Yet the Ottoman Empire was destined to withstand Russia in five wars within a century, to see Austria and Prussia reach their nadir of political exist- ence, to watch the fall of the Bourbons and of two Napoleons, and to number Great Britain among the main supports to her existence. The politics of the nineteenth century have been largely involved with the fate of the Porte, and those of the twen- tieth bid fair to resemble them. In 1774, however, France, the ancient ally of the Turks, could find no better way to extricate them from the difficulties in which the execution of the treaty of Kainardji had plunged them than to advise them to yield to the demands of Russia rather than risk annihilation by war. The condition of affairs in Germany offered no encouragement to the Turks, for the rivalry of Austria and Prussia had been renewed, and the question of the Bavarian succession was soon to bring these two powers to the verge of war. Frederick the Great had been developing his plans for the Fiirstcnbimd ; and Austria had turned to Russia, hoping to displace Frederick in the political system of Catherine, and thus gain her support to check the growing strength of Prussia within the Empire. The price which Austria would be forced to pay for a Russian alliance had already been assessed by French diplomats, who judged that Austria would be called by Russia to join in a plan for the joint partition of the Ottoman dominions in Europe. The French were free in their declaration to their ally at Vienna that the interests of France were irreconcilable with those of Russia, and that Austria, in entering into an alliance with Russia, would place herself in opposition to all that France held to be essential in her policy toward the Eastern THE EASTERN- QUESTIOiY AND THE REVOLUTION 95 Question. " We would regard," wrote the diplomats of Ver- sailles, " the destruction of the Ottoman Empire, its invasion by Russia, or its partition between the two imperial courts, as one of the greatest political calamities." But, however serious such a catastrophe might appear to the French, it soon became evident that in spite of their brave words a policy of obstruc- tion was all that they were willing to attempt; the resources of the kingdom were being drained by the war against Great Britain in behalf of the American Colonists ; and the French ambassadors in the East were therefore forced to use their shrewdest diplomacy to persuade the Turks that discretion was the better part of valor. The Porte could scarcely be expected to welcome this advice, and the prestige of France continued to wane, especially so as it became evident that the question of a commerce with Russia by the Black Sea ports was working in the minds of some Frenchmen to lessen their enmity toward Russia. It is curious to note in this connection that, though the French had in mind to develop a Russian trade in the Mediterranean and Black Seas, the English were thinking to introduce Russia to the Mediterranean as a political force and as their ally. This proposal was discussed between Sir James Harris, Lord Stormont, and Prince Potemkin early in 1 78 1. The Russians were to end the war between France, England, and Spain on the basis of the treaty of Paris of 1762 and of uti possidetis, and to secure the evacuation of North America by the French. The American Colonies were not to be mentioned in the matter, and England was to be free to deal with them alone. As a return a treaty of perpetual defensive alliance was to be signed between Russia and Great Britain, and the island of Minorca was to be ceded to Russia. With a naval station at Port Mahon the Russians would be able to hold the French in check. This suggestion, for in the end this was all it amounted to, was first made by Potemkin, who, looking to the future, was urgent that Russia should again attempt the Eastern Question by sea in the south as well as 96 EASTERN PROBLEMS by land in the north,^ This idea was only an index of Russia's intention to raise the Eastern Question in its most serious aspect. The plans which were forming in the minds of Catherine and her advisers were calculated to settle once and for all the most vital points in the entire matter; they included a wholesale partition of Ottoman dominions and the creation of a new political situation in southeastern Europe. These plans could not be carried out except with the assistance of an ally in central Europe. Ten years earlier Prussia would undoubtedly have been chosen by Russia, but now Austria was far more suitable for the purpose. Her geographical posi- tion and the character of the new Emperor, Joseph II,, made her a more likely partner in schemes for expansion. As Rumiantzov wrote in 1783, Russia and Austria had a common enemy in Asia and no conflicting interests in Europe. Yet the desires of Catherine to carry out this program of aggrandize- ment were not at first welcome to Austria, who had hoped to keep an entirely passive attitude as regards the Eastern Ques- tion, and who preferred to have a weak eastern neighbor in the Turks rather than one so aggressive as the Russians were certain to prove. It was with this in mind that Louis Cobenzl, the Austrian ambassador at Petersburg, wrote an exhaustive paper on the policy of Austria. He urged that it was Austria's interest to support the Ottoman Empire up to a certain point. When, however, such a policy if persisted in would bring about a war in which Austria would be compelled to face Russia, 1 Beer: Orientalische Politik, pp. 32-44. Castera: op. cit. p. 52. Segur : Politique, i. pp. 140-145 (the French embassy at Constantinople, 1756-73). Broglie: Observations, vn. Segur, i. pp. 88, 89, and notes. Favier: Conj. rais,\n Ibid.\\. p. 23. Vergennes: Mcmoire, in Ibid. iii. pp. 154, 198. Rambaud : In- j-/'r?/c/'/^;?j, ii. pp, 33S-39, 361-62, 375. Sorel : Instructions, pp. 503 (Instructions for Breteuil, March 2, 1777), 527. Dearborn : Black Sea Commerce, i. p. 107. Vide Antoine in the Bibliography. Malmesbury : Diaries and Correspondence, i. pp. 299, 315 et scq., 323 et seq., 346 et seq. ( Harris to Stormont, Petersburg, Dec. S, 1780); (Stormont to Harris, London, Jan. 20, 1781), 439. Saint- Priest: La Guerre de Baviire et le Congris de Teschen, in Etudes, i. pp. 299 et passim. THE EASTERN QUESTION AND THE REVOLUTION 97 Prussia, the Protestant princes of Germany and possibly Eng- land, Austria should reconcile herself to the doom of the Porte and take steps to profit by the partition of Turkish terri- tory. To be sure, Austria would enter such a war allied with France, Turkey, Sweden and the Catholic princes of Germany, yet the risk of the undertaking would be too great. He then enters into an elaborate study of the possible lines of partition ; but it is unnecessary to follow him further; the gist of the matter as regards the court of Vienna has been shown.^ Despite these considerations Austria was nevertheless anxious to consolidate a Russian alliance, Prussia was hos- tile, France might fail her, but united with Russia she could be certain that she would receive her share should the Otto- man Empire at last be partitioned. The letters establishing this alliance were exchanged between Catherine and Joseph in May, 1 78 1. Joint action with respect to the Porte was agreed on ; and in September of the following year Catherine wrote to Joseph outlining a new settlement of affairs in south- eastern Europe. These plans included the creation of an independent state formed of Moldavia, Wallachia, and Bes- sarabia, as the Kingdom of Dacia, to be ruled by a Greek Orthodox prince; in the event of Russian successes in the Krimea another state was to be formed south of the Danube after the Turk had been expelled from Europe ; this was to be a new Byzantine Empire under the Grand Duke Constantine. Russia for herself desired Oczakov and the Black Sea coast between the l^ug and the Dniestr, with one or two islands in the Archipelago for naval and commercial purposes, while Austria was to increase her territory on the southeast, Joseph replied very cautiously, pointing out many difficulties and yet asking for himself a great increase in power. He wished to 1 Vorontzov : Arkhiv, xxvii. p. 92. (N. Rumiantzov to A. Romanovitch, Frankfort, March 10, (21) 1783.) Cobenzl's memoir is given in abstract in Beer: Orkntalische Politik, pp. 39-43- For Russian progress in the East, 1777-S3. of. Herrmann : Gesch. Russlands, vi. pp. 32-80. 7 98 EASTERN PROBLEMS gain territory which would strengthen his frontiers in Galicia and Bukovina, and to take Wallachia as far as the Aluta, the cities of Nikopolis, Widdin, Orsova, Belgrade, together with a zone of three leagues breadth on the banks of the Danube ; from Belgrade he proposed that a line should be drawn, which could include Bosnia, Herzegovina, Istria, Dalmatia, and parts of Servia and Montenegro, to a point on the Adriatic below the Gulf of the Drina. Thus Austria was to regain the territory- lost by the treaty of Belgrade in 1739 and restore the boundary set by that of Passarovitz in 171 8. Furthermore, Joseph stipu- lated that Austrian trade via the Danube was to be free ; and he proposed to indemnify Venice for Istria and Dalmatia by giving that state the Morea, Crete, and Cyprus. It would be hard to imagine more reckless juggling with geography than this, and yet there are few things in eighteenth-century history which better illustrate the political system of the period.^ The difficulties of which Joseph had written were serious ones, for he feared the attack of France and Prussia. Unless an agreement were made with France he felt that the scheme could not be carried through, but if that power were given Egypt in the coming partition, and Prussia were held in check by a display of force, it would be unnecessary to pay the court of Berlin the high price he was certain it would demand for its acquiescence in the plan. In other matters he agreed with 1 Tratchevski : Das rtissisch-osterreichische Biindfiiss vom Jahre 1781, in Ilisi. Zeit., xxxiv. pp. 361-396. Martens : Traites, Aiitriche, ii. pp. 96 et seq. Malmes- bury : Diaries, i. pp. 236, 238, 483. Dohm : DenkivUrdigkeiten, ii. pp. 4 et seq., 16. Herrmann : Gesch. Russ. vi. p. 461. Ranke : Die deutschen Mdchte, pp. 109 et seq. Arneth : Joseph II. U7td Kathariiia, pp. 67-92, 143 et seq., 170 et seq. Beer: Ori- etitalische Politik, pp. 47 et seq. Bruckner: Katharina II, pp. 331 et seq. Zink- eisen : Gesch. osnian. Reiches, vi. pp. 26S et seq., 350 et seq. Brunner : Corr. intitnes de Joseph II, pp. 24, 29. Castera : op. cit. iii. pp. 90 et seq. Wolf : Oestcrreich tind Preussen, pp. 4 (Riedesel writes, March 17, 1780) : " L'appetit des acquisitions dans cette cour [Vienna] est insatiable," 6, 9, 94. Rambaud : Hist, oj Russia, p. 113. Sorel : L' Europe et la Revolution, i. pp. 451, 519, 520. Hassall : The Bal- ance of Power, 1715-1789, pp. 362, 363. These three last named writers all differ from each other and from the account given in the text above. THE EASTERN QUESTION AND THE REVOLUTION 99 Russia, though he wrote to his brother Leopold in Tuscany that Catherine was so possessed with her " Greek plan " that she greatly underestimated the difficulties to be overcome. Joseph doubted both the weakness of the Turks and the strength of the Russians; and, though he was enthusiastic over the schemes for Austrian expansion and the acquisition of southern ports, he nevertheless incessantly harped on his fears of France and Prussia. In writing to Mercy-Argenteau, his ambassador at Paris, he elaborated these statements, es- pecially with respect to the value of Egypt to France, both intrinsically and as a means of injuring British commerce. Indeed at one time he hoped that the continuance of the war in America between France and Great Britain might keep the Bourbons from interfering with his plans, and if it had not been for the British surrender at Yorktown it is possible that Joseph and Catherine might have been bolder in pressing their schemes for partition. Such were the preliminaries of this plan, which, if it had been carried out, would have greatly changed the history of the nineteenth century.^ 1 Kxmih.: Joseph II. tind Leopold von Toscana, i. pp. 140 et seq. (Joseph to Leopold, Nov. 24, and Dec. 16, 1782). Arneth and Flammermont : Alercy-Argeit- teaii, Joseph II.,et Kaiinitz, i. pp. \y:) et seq. (Joseph to Mercy, Dec. 7, 17S2). He writes of his plans with Catherine II. and of the services of Saint-Priest, the F"rench ambassador at Constantinople, in persuading the Turks to yield to Russian demands. He inquires whether France would remain neutral if he and Catherine should attempt to partition Turkey, or whether " la France fut capable d'entrer en pour-parlers avec les deux cours imperiales et de leurs donner les assurances necessaires de la neutralite et en meme temps de se stipuler soit des avantages de commerce ou une partie des depouilles de I'Empire Ottoman, dont I'Egypte, selons mes observations faites deja depuis quelques annees, surtout depuis renvoi de M. de Tott dans cette province, a fait I'objet des speculations de la France; et effectivement si cette province riche, fertile et commer9ante par elle meme, devenait une colonie fran9aise, dans peu de temps la France, moyen- nant le port de Suez sur la mer Rouge et en ouvrant une communication bonne et assuree contre les brigands sur I'isthme ; serait la maitresse de tout le com- merce du golfe Persique et des grandes Indes, qu'elle ferait par le chemin le plus court et le plus assure savoir par la Mediterranee. £clairez-moi, mon cher Comte, sur ce que vous pensez a I'cgard de tout ceci, et si la France prefererait dans les circonstances actuelles une guerre de terre avec moi et de rompre les l.ofC. lOO EASTERN PROBLEMS The two monarchs were not as yet agreed, Catherine soon showing her disapproval of Joseph's proposal to take Istria and Dalmatia. She wrote to him that the acquiescence of Venice was necessary to their other plans, and that the Greek Empire would be much injured by the loss of the Morea and the neighboring islands, which would have to be used to indem- nify Venice. In fact the Empress was dissatisfied that Joseph should wish to modify her proposals. The exchange of letters on the subject continued, but other more pressing matters de- layed a final agreement. These were the affairs of the Krimea, where the question of Tatar independence bid fair to bring about a war between Russia and Turkey. By the treaty of Kainardji these tribes had been freed from Turkish rule, though they were Muslim. Catherine now proposed to incor- porate them in her JEmpire. The Porte protested, but both the French and British representatives urged submission, which was finally though unwillingly yielded. The services of France were guided by a fear of a final catastrophe for the Ottoman Empire should war actually break out ; but those of Eno-land were given as from one friendly power to another. Mr. Fox offered English mediation to Russia, and even spoke of an English fleet acting with that of Russia in the Mediter- ranean, but this was only to be on condition of the renewal of an Anglo-Russian alliance. In the mind of Catherine the English were to be assigned the business of holding France in check should the war really break out and the plans for parti- tion materialize. It is hard to say what France could better have done, but the results were certainly unfortunate, for the Turks were greatly irritated by the French advice to submit liens qui nous unissent pour conserver TEmpire Ottoman et empecher la possi- bilite de sa destruction. L'acquisition projetee de I'Egypte porterait le coup le plus sensible au commerce de I'Angleterre, objet qui merite ^ tous egards d'entrer dans la balance des avantages et convenances qui le Roi et son niinistere pourraient se procurer a cette occasion." Arneth : Joseph und Kaih- arina, pp. 170 et seq. (J. to K. Nov. 13, 1782). Wolf: op. cit. p. 95 (Kaunitz to Reviczky, Oct. 31, 1783). Beer : Orientalische Politik, pp. 65 et seq. THE EASTERN QUESTION AND THE REVOLUTION 1 01 to Russian demands in the Krimea and Kuban, and Ver- gennes and Saint-Priest began to blame each other for having followed a policy which still further lowered French prestige at Constantinople. Indeed a curious pamphlet controversy- regarding the condition of Turkey and the French policy be- came a matter of talk in Paris; and the lines were drawn between the admirers of Islam and the Turks and their de- tractors. The literature included books by Peysonnel, de Tott, and Volney. It is only fair, however, to remember that though France and Great Britain had but just ended their war, the French diplomats stood ready during the year 1783 to form an Anglo-French alliance with Turkey to stop Russia and Austria in their plans for partitioning the Ottoman Empire; but England was unwilling. On the whole there was a national feeling of relief in France vVhen it became apparent in October, 1783, that Catherine was satisfied with the Krimea, at least for the time being. This may be seen in the instructions given to de Noailles, the French ambassador at Vienna. These declared that the Franco-Austrian alliance was seriously threatened by that of Austrian and Russia. France intended to maintain the integrity of the Ottoman Empire by every means in her power, but preferred pacific to hostile measures ; she would continue her alliance with the Emperor as long as it were possible without exposing the dignity and interest of the state. The object of French policy was, therefore, "to keep the peace between the Turks and Russians by inspiring the Turks with a spirit of conciliation and by insensibly preparing them for sacrifices." A more difficult program it is hard to conceive.^ 1 Rambaud: Instructions, Rnssie, ii. pp. 361, 362, 375, 392, 393. Martens: op. cit. A7igleterre, ix. pp. 325-327. (Cath. to Simoline, Jan. 23. 17S4.) Russia must thank the English for their " concours amicale en empechant les Turcs de se lancer dans une guerre." Malmesbury : Diaries, ii. pp. 22, 42, 47, 50. Sorel : Instructions, Autriche, pp. 526, 534. (Instructions to de Noailles, Oct. 4, 17S3.) Le Moniteur, June 30, July i, 1855. The despatches of Vergennes, Barthelemy, d'Adhemar, Montmorin, Choiseul, d'Esterno, and Breteuil from Jan. 6 to Oct. 30, 102 EASTERN PROBLEMS Other matters assisted this plan of postponing the final destiny of the Turks ; Austria and Russia were unable as yet to take aggressive action. At the time when it still seemed likely that the Porte would show by war her resentment against Russia, Kaunitz had outlined Austria's situation, showing three possible solutions of her difficulty. Either " she could remain passive, or she could oppose Russian views, or finally she could make common cause " with the Empress. He advised for the last-named line of action, which was in reality that already pledged by Cobenzl at St. Petersburg. But Kaunitz and Joseph both insisted again that France must be propitiated and Prussia must be put "extra statum nocendi " as far as Aus- tria was concerned, before any active steps could be taken by the two imperial courts to carry out their plans. The Prussian diplomats had indeed been alarmed at the prospect both of the annihilation of their former ally, Turkey, and of the increase in the power of their rival, Austria. The removal of Prince Nikita Panin from power at St. Petersburg had been connected with the formation of the Austro-Russian alliance, and a com- plete reversal in the situation of the past twenty years had thus taken place. Prussia had been occupied in strengthening her position in Germany, while her relations with France had somewhat improved. That she should be prepared to fight for this position was necessary, owing to the continual desire of 17S3, regarding a Turko-Anglo- French coalition to stop Russia and Austria from partitioning Turkey. Vorontzov : Arkhiv, ix. p. 4 (S. to A. Vorontzov, Venice, March, 1784). Stael-Holstein : Corr. -pp. 2, 4 (Jan. 5, 19; Oct. 11, 1784). Les- cure : Corr. secrete, i. pp. 578, 580, 581 et seq., 459. (A rhyme which appeared in Paris, in Feb. 1782, is here given. In part it was as follows : — " La France entreprend . . . tout, L'Espagne ne fait rien du . . . tout, L'Angleterre se bat centre . . . tout, L'Empereur tire parti de . . . tout, La Russie voudroit balancer . . . tout.") Eton : Survey of Turkey, pp. 5-7. Ranke : Die deutscheti Mdchte, p. 106. Sbornik: xxvii. pp. 250-252 (Cath. to Potemkin, April 14, 1783). Commenting on Joseph's letter: " Quand le gateau sera cuit, chacun prendra de I'appetit." Arneth: Joseph und Katharina, pp. 193 et seq. (J. to C, April 8, 1783). THE EASTERN QUESTION AND THE REVOLUTION 103 Joseph to secure Bavaria in exchange for the Austrian Nether- lands. This plan, about which Joseph consulted his ally on the Neva, further complicated the oriental projects. In fact the varied interests of Austria, as well as the radical internal reforms which Joseph was pressing throughout his dominions, were destined to weaken Austrian foreign policy in the Balkans. Matters thus hung fire, though a brisk interchange of letters between Vienna and Petersburg served to keep the diplomats of both states busy with suggestions and modifications of their respective plans. ^ The opposition which Prussia would have offered to Aus- trian expansion in the Balkans in the years 1780-86 was prob- ably over-estimated by Kaunitz, for Frederick declared that he had no intention of acting as " the Don Quixote of the Turks." Furthermore the relations of France and Russia had in reality not been as cool as some would think ; the League of Armed Neutrality of which Russia was the head, had shown the French that it might be possible to accommodate their desires to those of Russia and yet profit in economic directions. Frederick was absorbed in his Fiirstciibiuid ; France was tem- porizing ; and Great Britain was friendly to the imperial courts in spite of Russia's attitude during the American war, for at 1 Beer : Joseph, Leopold tind Kaunitz, pp. xi, 147 (Joseph to Kaunitz. Persano, Jan. 16, 1784) : " Les affaires turques paroissent encore tres embrouillees, mais je suis parfaitement de votre avis que la Porte finira par ceder. II faut que vous, intruisies \sic'\ bien decidement Herbert [Austrian minister at tlie Porte] a exiger absolument I'egalite parfaite avec la Russia relativement au commerce et a la libre navigation sur le Danube et par les Dardanelles. . . ." Ranke : op. cit. p. 459 (Frederick to Duke Karl Wilhelm Ferdinand, Jan. 7, 1782). Lescure : op. cit. pp. 460, 461 (Feb. 5, 16, 1782). Martens: op. cit. Autric/ie, ii. pp. 134, 135 (Kaunitz to Cobenzl, 1785), 1S8 (Ilud. Nov. 28, 1788). As a " Cceternm cen- seo " he wrote : " tant que la puissance de la Prusse ne sera pas amoindrie, toutes les intentions, les plans et les entreprises des deux cours imperiales seront toujours entraves et aneantis par elle." Hausser : Deutsche Gesch. i. p. 223 (based on Royal Prussian Archives). Dietz, the Prussian minister at the Porte in 1784, " hielt es fiir Preussens Pflicht das tUrkische Reich gegen seine Bedranger zu schiitzen, schon wegen des Zuwachses an Macht, der im Falle der Auflosung Russland und Oesterreich verstarkte." I04 EASTERN PROBLEMS bottom English statesmen were anxious lest the French might supplant them at St. Petersburg and either gain in the Levant trade or share in Turkish spoils. The Austrians, however, were not ready for war; they wished a more definite assurance as to their share in the wreckage of the Ottoman Empire ; and the Russians had not completed their acquisition of the Krimea. Therefore this delay, and the passing of the critical moment for action ; for if the two courts had attacked Turkey in the midst of the American war, it is doubtful if France or Great Britain would have effected much either for or against the scheme of partition, and Prussia would never have acted alone, especially when there was a possibility that Austria might become more of a Balkan and less of a German power, thus giving Berlin greater prestige in the Empire. On the other hand, the Turks might have made a strong fight, and unless defeat should have come to them earlier than now seems possible, they might have held their enemies at bay till time and chang- ing politics should assist them. It had so happened in the past. In 1787, however, conditions had changed; Frederick the Great was dead ; disturbances in the Netherlands were tending to bring Great Britain and Prussia together in order to preserve Holland from French influence ; Catherine was making her oriental progress in the Krimea, thereby moving the Turks to hostilities ; and Joseph was no longer hesitating with regard to expansion in the southeast. The war between the imperial allies and the Porte finally broke out in 1787. These events were destined to renew the friendly relations between Prussia and the Porte, and to draw England into Eastern matters almost against her will. The result of the Dutch troubles, which were treated in the previous chapter, was to lead the Prussian and British representatives at Constantinople to oppose French policy there, and covertly to urge the Turks on to war against the two imperial courts, hoping thus to distract the French from their interests in Holland. The British government declared with respect to the Turkish question that its wish was THE EASTERN QUESTION AND THE REVOLUTION 105 to take no part in the matter, but that if France should decide to reverse her policy and should join with Russia and Austria, in the belief that the Ottoman Empire was now doomed, and should take steps to secure Egypt and some islands in the Levant as her share, Great Britain would then hold herself in readiness to take action. What that action might be, not even the ministers themselves as yet knew. In the meantime the French had continued their efforts to strengthen the Turkish army ; and many officers and engineers had been sent by them to serve the Sultan. They had also negotiated a treaty, en- deavoring to obtain for themselves special trading privileges in Egypt, and transit via the Red Sea to India. Indeed in the memoirs and correspondence of the period constant reference is made to the importance both of the Black Sea trade and of Egypt as a station on the road to India. There can be no question that France also was uncertain what line of action to take, and that she tried to play for Russian favor by her policy toward the Porte, while at the same time she intimated to the English that it might be wise for the two powers to forget their differences in the Netherlands, and to stand together to pre- serve the status quo in the East. The Russians, therefore, justly distrusted France, and though willing to temporize with her, dreaded any break with Great Britain, since Mr. Pitt had said plainly to Count Vorontzov, the Russian ambassador, that the English would never be offended at any conquests that Russia might make, but that they would never permit any aggrandizement on the part of France. Curiously enough, the British government seems for a time to have been so blinded by its dread of France that it stood ready to give Russia a free hand in the Levant, reserving India for England, thus dividing the oriental trade-world between the two powers. Prussia, however, was destined soon to point the way for England in another direction.^ 1 Rambaud : Itistriictions, Riissie, ii. pp. 376, 415, 430, 4S2. Barral-Mont- ferrat : Dix ans, etc., i. pp. 143 et seq., 284, 300, 304, 319, 325, 346. Masson : Di'pi. I06 EASTERN PROBLEMS With the accession of Frederick William II. to the throne of Prussia (1786) there was for a short time a lessening of hostility between Berlin and Vienna; but within the year the old rivalry became as bitter as before; and Prussia began to turn to the Porte as an ally against Austria and Russia, and to Great Britain as an ally against France. The intricacies of European politics and the ambition of Hertzberg, the Prussian minister, were soon to involve first Prussia, and later Great Britain in the tangle of oriental diplomacy. The gist of Hertzberg's plan was that Prussia should sign a treaty of defensive alliance with the Ottoman Empire and should then propose that, in order to escape annihilation at the hands of Russia and Austria, the Porte should ask Prussian mediation and should cede Moldavia and Wallachia to the Emperor Joseph, and Bessarabia and Oczakov to the Empress Catherine. Turkey should then be guaranteed its integrity south of the Danube. Austria, under threat of rebellion in Hungary and Belgium, should return part of Galicia to Poland; Poland in turn ceding some territory to Prussia which would further round out the eastern border. This was to be accomplished by a union of Prussia, Sweden, Holland, des affaires etrattgb-es, p. 49. De Testa : Recueil, ii. p. 76. Zinkeisen : op. cit. vi. pp. 552 et seq., 582 et seq., 616 et seq. Arneth : op. cit. pp. 274 et seq. Ranke : Serbien, p. 58, note I. Bruckner: op. cit. pp. 346 et seq. De Ligne : Mhnoires, i. pp. 41-102. Segur : Memoires ou souvenirs, iii. pp. 9 et seq. Sorel : V Europe et la Revolution, i. pp. 528, 532. Martens: Traites, Angleterre, ix. p. 341. Voront- zov : Arkhiv, ix. pp. iii, 136, 139, 168; xix. p. 353. Wolf: Oesterreich und Preussen, pp. 148 et seq., 210 et seq. Sbornik : xxvii. pp. 377 et seq., 393-395, 463, 472. Auckland: Corr. i. pp. 213, 217, 220-222, 231, 232, 235, 245-249, 262, 263, 273, 280, 281, 290-296, 299-302. Wassiltchikow : Les Razoumowski, ii. Pt. 4, PP- i35> 136 (Morkov to A. Razumovski, July 28, 1787) : "La France negocie, interpose ses bons offices, tache d'effectuer un accommodement et de prevenir la rupture. Son credit a la Porte est baisse ; les insinuations prussiennes y pre- valent. . . . [Speaking of the Dutch complications and French weakness] Pour nous je crois, que c'est ce qui nous conviendrait mieux pour I'arrangement definitif de toutes les affaires que nous avons du cote de I'Orient et de I'Asie. L'Angleterre parait tout a fait s'etre jetee dans les bras de la cour de Berlin." Briickner : Die Reise Katharind's II. nach Sildrussland im Jahre 17S7, in Russ. Rev. ii. pp. 1-33 ; 97-132. On Prussia and England in 1785, cf. Cornwallis : Corr. I. pp. 201 et seq. THE EASTERN QUESTION AND THE REVOLUTION IQJ Great Britain, and the Porte, who should threaten the imperial allies with a general war. Prussia was further to profit by a favorable commercial treaty with the Porte, This was not a new plan ; Hertzberg had suggested at the time of the first partition of Poland that Austria should be given her share of the booty at the expense of the Turks. But on the whole the proposition was manifestly impracticable ; Russia was bent on the complete overthrow of the Porte, and wished at the same time to keep the Danubian provinces free from Austrian control ; Austria was unwilling to cede Galicia, and would have looked with great disfavor on an increase of Prussian territory ; both Sweden and Great Britain were unprovided for; and above all, the Ottoman Empire would be unwilling to accept the Danube as a frontier unless forced by the necessities of defeat. Nevertheless the news of the plan alarmed Austria greatly since the Russian troops had proved themselves inca- pable, and the Austrian armies, being compelled to bear the brunt of the campaign, had been defeated by the Turks. The outlook, therefore, seemed dark to the Emperor, and he wrote in a despairing tone to his brother Leopold and to Kaunitz, The very success of the Turks, however, made them less trac- table and more unwilling to agree to the Prussian proposals ; in fact they outwitted Hertzberg by persuading his agent, Dietz, to negotiate a treaty of offensive alliance, — something to which the Prussian government was by no means willing to subscribe.^ 1 Wolf : op. cit. pp. Ill, 112, 131 et seq., 162 et seq., 223, 226, 232 et seq. Hertz- berg: Precis, in Zeits. fiir Geschichtswissenschaft, i. pp. 21, 24: " Lorsque la guerre s'alluma en 1788 entre les deux cours imperiaies et les Turcs, et que ceux-ci furent menaces d'etre expulses de I'Europe, ce qui auroit pu procurer a la maison d'Autriche, I'ancienne rivale de celle de Brandenbourg, un aggrandise- ment trop dangereux, je conseillois au roi, que la Prusse s'y oppose avec ses deux allies [England and Holland] et tache de maintenir I'equilibre dans I'orient et le nord, d'abord par une declaration vigoureuse et en case de besoin par une inter- vention encore plus efficace," p. 26; and Receiiil des deductions, i. p. v ; iii. pp. xiv, 8, 20, 44, 58, 63. Vivenot: i. Kaunitz und Leopold (Kaunitz to Mercy, Wien, Jan. 6, 1790), p. 479: " Wir haben in zuverlassige Erfahrung gebracht, dass I08 EASTERN PROBLEMS In the meantime the Russians had been troubled by the prospect of war with Sweden as well as by the manoeuvres of der Berliner Hof seit dam Ausbruch des niederlandischen Aufruhrs seinen bishe- rigeti Plan ganz abgeandert hat und wirklich entschlossen ist, die kaiserlichen Hofe zukiinftiges Fruhjahr mit behilfe der Polen anzugreifen ; dass derselbe in dieser Hinsicht der Pforte einen neuen Offensiv-Allianz-Tractat antragen lasst, vvelcher von alien vorigen absurden Bedingnissen entledigt ist und keine andere Forderung enthalt, als dass die Pforte den Krieg fortsetze und keinen Frieden ausser einverstandlich mit Preussen und seinen Alliirten schliesse ; dass sich end- lich der preussische Hof nicht nur des dies falligen Beifalls der Seemachte ver- sichert halt, sondern auch ihrer Seits Verheissungen erhalten haben will, dass sie ihm durch thatige Massregeln freien Riicken verschaffen werden." Duncker : Friedrich Wilhehn II. und Graf Hertzberg, in Hist. Zeit. xxxvii. (1877) PP- i~43' Zinkeisen : Gesch. des osman. Reiches,wi. p. 674 (Hertzberg to Dietz, Nov. 20, 1787) : " Si les Turcs se trouvent pousses at si I'on en vient a una negotiation de paix, alors tachez de les porter a damander la mediation du Roi conjointenient avec celle de France, qui leur convient mieux que celle da I'Empereur," p. 676. (Hertzberg to Dietz, Jan. 26 and Fab. 9, 17S8.) Hertzberg regarded his plan as " fonde sur la plus saine et la plus juste politique. . . ." "Mir scheint dass kein verniinftigar Mensch diesam Plane widerstehen konnte: Denn da er das einzige Mittel ist die Pforte zu rettan, so denke ich dass jeder nur einigermassen aufgeklarte tiirkische Minister sich dafiir entscheidenmiisste." Cf. pp. 677 et seq. Hausser : Deutsche Gesch. i. p. 224 (Hertzberg to Dietz, Nov. 24, 1787). Since Dutch affairs had been satisfactorily settled, " so mochte ich wohl, was in meinen Kraften liegt, thun, um den gegenwartigen Tiirkenkrieg zu einar Verherrlichung nieines Ministeriums zu benutzen. . . . Frankreich wird filr Sie wenig thun und kein anderer Hof wird sich ohne Hoffnung auf grosse Vortheile fiir Sie exponiren wollen : . . . Glauben Sie, man konnte die Pforte dazu bringen, dem Kaiser die Moldau und Wallachei und den Russen die Krim, Oczakow und Bessarabien abzutreten ; jedoch unter der und andere Miichte, die ich beiziehen wiirda, dem osmanischen Reich seine dauarnde Existenz jenseits der Donau in dar Waise garantiren, dass die Donau und die Unna die ewige Granze zwischen dem osma- nischen Reicha und der Christanheit bilden wiirden ? Ich sollte glauben es ware zuglaich dahin zubringen, dass um diesen Prais Russland auf die Vassallenschaft Georgiens und alles dessen, was jenseits des Flussen Cuban liegt, verzichte, sich nicht mehr in die inneren Verhaltnisse der Turkai einmische und seine Handels- und Schifffahrts- privilegien auf Grenzen zuriickfiihre, die billig und mit der osmanischen Souveranitjit vertraglich sind. Zugleich haba ich die Idee eines guten Aequivalents, welches von Seiten der beiden kaiserlichen Hofe Preussen erhalten wiirde ; die Tiirkei wiirde dabei kein Opfer bringan, sie hatte Preussen nur einen recht giinstigan Handelsvertrag zu bewilligen und die fraie Schifffahrt im Mittlemeere vor den Barbareskenstaaten zu schiitzen." Ibid. i. p. 227, Dietz thought on March 8, 1788, that it was opportune " dan vereinten Vergrosserungs- entwiirfen Oesterreichs und Russlands entgeganzutreten; Preussen meinte er THE EASTERN QUESTION AND THE REVOLUTION 109 Hertzbergand by the prospect that Great Britain might become hostile. Catherine urged Count Simon Vorontzov, at London, to secure England's withdrawal from her Prussian alliance. This was in vain, for Pitt was more and more inclined to view eastern matters with a jealous eye. The treaty with Prussia had been signed on August 13, 1788, and Great Britain was now committed to a policy which must soon place her in oppo- sition to the two imperial courts. These two powers had renewed their treaty of 1781, and thus, in 1789, in the very month when the Etats Gciicraux met at Paris, Russia and Austria signed an agreement to continue the war in the East and to press their schemes for Turkish partition. In fact the two allies could not but regard the internal condition of France musse sich mit Schweden, Polen, unci Grossbritannien zur Erhaltung der Tiirkei verbinden und die dsterreichische-rus^ische Allianz mit ausserste Energie bekiimp- fen." Arneth : Joseph II. und Leopold von Toscana, ii. pp. 165, 17S, 195. ISi&tx: Joseph, Leopold 7nid Kaumtz, pp. 305 et seq. (Joseph to Kaunitz, Aug. 26, 178S). Upon the receipt of ^'^ inter ceptes" revealing Hertzberg's plan and his instructions to Dietz the Emperor was much alarmed. He protested " que de resister a deux ennemis a la fois comma la Porte et le Roi de Prusse qui environnent toute la Monarchie est chose impossible, et d'autant plus impossible que la foiblesse et la nullite des moyens de la Russie sont evidens, et que de la France, ni d'aucune autre part je n'ai rien i attendre mais bien au contraire je suis sur de la plus mauvais volonte a mon egard. Couvrir et defendre seulement nos frontieres contre les Turcs, qui s'etendent depuis la mer Adriatique jusqu'au Dniester, et defendre la Boheme, la Moravie et une partie de la Galicie contre le Roi de Prusse en meme terns \_sic'\ est de toute impossibilite. ... Si avec cela, le Roi de Prusse et I'An- gleterre viennent \ s'en meler comme il est clairement exprime dans les intercep- tes . . . en nous obligeant a leur faire en meme terns la Guerre alors ... la Monarchie est perdue, parcequ'il faudroit diminuer le nombre de troupes qui se trouvent actuellement contre la Porte pour empecher seulement le Roi de Prusse de ne pas occuper toute la Boheme et la Moravie et marcher sur Vienne." Herrmann: Gesch. Rttsslands, vi. pp. 199-209; Phillipson : Gesch. des preuss. Staatsivesens, i. pp. 177, 291 ; Sybel : Gesch. der Revolutiofizeit, i. pp. 157 ; Sorel : op. cit. i. p. 524; Arneth: Joseph 7ind Katharina, pp. 298 et seq. (J. to C. Aug. 30, 1787); Martens: Traites,Autriche,\\.^. 186; Beer: Orientalische Politik, ■p-p.So- iio. It is interesting to compare the oriental plans of the present expansion party in Berlin with those of Hertzberg. Cf. Vambery : Germany and Turkey, in the Independent, Aug. 17, 1899; Asia Minor, in Edinburgh Rn'ie^u, vol. 189, es- pecially p. 529; Deutschlands Anspriiche an das tiirkische Erbe, Munich, 1S96. (Publ.by the All-Deutschen Verband.) Cf. also Moltke : Gesam. Schrijten, ii. pp. 279 et seq., 306, 307, 313 ; viii. pp. 239, 257-260. no EASTERN PROBLEMS as useful to them. France " could be looked on as non-exist- ent " as far as Russia was concerned, wrote the Russian am- bassador in Paris. Austria was likewise convinced that, instead of an ally whose wishes might hamper, she had in France an enfeebled enemy, whose protests might be disregarded and whose acquiescence was not worth buying.^ Prussia also wel- comed the fall of the Bourbons, since her plans for the East might now progress without fear of France; indeed it seemed possible at one time that the new French government, in its hostility to Marie Antoinette and the Austrian alliance, might join with Prussia to attack the Hapsburgs. Encouraged by these prospects, Hertzberg negotiated a treaty with Poland by which Austria was to be compelled to return part of Galicia to the Poles, who were in turn to cede Thorn and Dantzic to Prussia, But the death of the Emperor Joseph II. and the accession of his brother Leopold were the first steps to impede Hertzberg's plans ; Leopold proposed to separate the allies of 1 Vorontzov : Arkkiv, ix. p. 163 ; xvi. pp. 255 et seq., 262 et seq. ; xxviii. pp. 79 et seq. Martens : op at. Angleterre, ix. pp. 338 et seq. AUejnagne, iv. p. 137 ; Aittriche, ii. pp. 189, 190. Ranke : Die deiitschen Mdchte, pp. 330 et seq., 336, 536. Beer : Leopold II., Franz II., und Katkarina, pp. 13, 44-45- Arneth : Joseph tiiid Kathari7ta, pp. 333-335. Revtie de la Revolution, vii. Documents inedits, pp. 2, 3. Beer : Joseph, Leopold, und Kaunitz, p. 349. Sorel : op. cit. i. p. 454. Wertheimer : Marie Antoinette, in Revue historique, xxv. p. 331. Mercy-Argenteau wrote, Aug. 17, 1789: " [Cette monarchie (France)] craque de toutes parts; la nation manifeste una cruaute, une sauvagerie qu'on ne lui connaissait pas jusqu'ici. Les decrets de I'Assemblee temoignent un veritable affolement, d'une complete ignorance des choses du gouvernement ; ils produisent un despotisme et des injustices qui, par suite de I'emigration, de I'entiere disparition du com- merce et des arts, doivent mener peu a peu la France au neant . . ." Beer : Orientalische Politik, pp. ill, 121, 135. Wassiltchikow : op. cit. ii. pt. i. pp. 104, 108-110, 120, 122 (Razumovski from Stockholm, Sept. 7 (18), 17S8) : "II en resulterait I'affaiblissement de I'influence fran9aise, cette veritable vermine, si j'ose me servir de ce terme, puisqu'elle se glisse dans tous les rangs, et sans la destruction de laquelle nous ne verrons jamais ce royaume [Sweden] adopter une politique conforme aux liens qui devraient assurer la paix du Nord," p. 126, and Pt. 4, p. 150, note 3. Bruckner : Russia, England, and Prussia in 17S9-91, in Rttski Vestnik, Oct. and Nov. 1887. (In Russian) and Schweden und Russland, 17SS, in Hist. Zeit., xxii. pp. 356-386. Sbornik, xv. p. 152 (Cath. to Paul, Aug. 25, 178S). THE EASTERN QUESTION AND THE REVOLUTION III Prussia, and so worked on the British government by threaten- ing to cede Belgium to France, that Mr. Pitt decided Great Britain could not follow Hertzberg's lead much longer ; in fact the treaties Prussia had signed with Poland and Turkey were seriously objected to in Great Britain. As long as Austria would consent to a congress where the status quo ante should be the basis for peace negotiations with the Porte, England was satisfied. To this Leopold agreed. Thus at the congress at Reichenbach in 1790 Hertzberg was checkmated as far as his plans for Prussian expansion were concerned, and Leopold, who had been preparing for a war with Prussia, was enabled to hold his own with dignity. The English people were relieved, and upon hearing of the final treaty of peace between Austria and the Porte, signed at Sistova the year following, they felt themselves well rid of an unwelcome burden,^ 1 Artois to King of Prussia, Turin, Feb. 14, 1790, in Hist. Zcit. (1895) P- 261 '• "V. M. veut affaiblir la maison d'Autriche, c'est le vceu de mon cosur, . . . En secourant le Roi de France, V. M. etouffe dans I'instant jusqu'aux germes des horreures qui ravagent un si beau royaume ; et s'occupant avant tout d'un objet si pressant, elle s'acquiert des droit immortels a la reconnaissance et k I'alliance de mon frere ; elle porte a la maison d'Autriche le coup le plus mortel." Stael-Holstein: Corr. p. 153, Jan. 7, 1790. It is hard to judge what French policy will be, "mais si I'on pouvait juger les evenements futurs d'apres la disposition des esprits du moment, il ne serait point douteux que la nation ne rompit I'alliance avec la maison d'Autriche. Rien n'est plus marque que I'aver- sion des Fran^ais contre cette alliance. Les Turcs, les Prussiens, et les Suedois sont les peuples avee lesquels on voudrait etre lie et pour lesquels on ne cesse de former des vceux." Neumann : Reciieil, i. p. 454. Clapham : War of 1792, pp. 72, 73. Smyth: Memoirs of Keith, ii. pp. 267 et seq. Kalinka: Der Polnische Reichstag, i. pp. 624 et seq. ; ii. chaps, i, 2, 4. Stern: Das Leben Mirabeaus, ii. p. 256. Buckingham : Courts and Cabinets, ii. p. 96. Ranke : Die Deutschen Mdchte, pp. 407, 418, note, 548 et seq. Beer : Joseph II. , Leopold IL, uvd Kaunitz, p. 345. Sybel : op. cit. i. pp. 161 et seq. Sorel : op. cit. ii. pp. 22, 25, 34, 67 et seq. Phillipson : op. cit. i. p. 177. Vivenot : Gesch'tsqiiellen, i. Kaunitz und Leopold, PP- 3i 477 ^' -f^'/-. 484, 491. (Spielmann and Reuss to Kaunitz, Reichenbach, June 29, 1790) : " Es ist unnothig und wiirde eben so zeitversplitternd als beinahe unmoglich sein, die wahre Ilollenmarter zu beschreiben, welche une wiihrend der bisherigen Unterhandlung die Grobheit, der Stolz, die Aufgeblasenheit, die Zudringlichkeit und die unglaubliche Irraisonnabilitat des Grafen Hertsberg ausstehen gemacht hat. Wolf : op. cit. pp. 1S2 et seq. Beer : Orieittalische 112 EASTERN PROBLEMS There could now no longer be question of pressing the larger plans for a complete partition of the Ottoman territories in Europe; since the new Emperor Leopold by his acceptance of the Reichenbach decisions had returned to the passive attitude which Austria had so often taken. The truth is, Leopold realized more clearly than Joseph that a Russian Grand Duke ruling on the Bosphorus could never be handled as an Ottoman Sultan, and that however advantageous to Austria might be the gain of Bosnia and Servia, it could not be equal to that which would accrue to the Slav peoples by the extension of Russia's political influence to the yEgean and Mediterranean. In the words of Vergennes, " Une partition de I'Empire otto- man n'est pas difficile, mais je ne vols pas la compensation pour Constantinople." This feeling, with a fear of Prussia's interference in Poland and the prospect of trouble with France, were strong motives to check Austria ; yet they did not prevent her from continuing to support her ally Russia in the fresh crisis which arose in 1790-91, This was caused by Russia's refusal to accept Anglo-Prussian mediation to end the Turkish war on the basis of the status quo ante belhini. Russia had early made known her intention to hold part of her conquests and at least to retain Oczakov and the neighboring Black Sea coast as the fruits of her war with the Turks. The demands of the Triple Alliance (Prussia, England, and Holland), that she should surrender these and accept the same conditions as had Austria, were peculiarly galling to Catherine; and her preparations for war, as well as her firm reply to the allies, showed that the integrity of Turkey could be maintained only at the cost of a European war. For a time Mr. Pitt seemed ready to meet even this eventuality; nor was this a sudden decision on his part. The English suspicions of a Franco- Russian agreement had had a strong effect in bringing about the change in British policy; and since 17S8 the government Politik, pp. 135, 144. Cf. also, Creux : Pitt et Fridiric-GiiillMime II., Paris, 18S6. 777^ EASTERN QUESTION AND THE REVOLUTION I13 had interested itself in Sweden as well as Turkey. With a view to the Levant trade, Catherine's Mediterranean ventures of 1789 had been closely watched; and Mr. Pitt finally took the stand that on the grounds both of the alliance with Prussia and of Great Britain's political and commercial interests the expansion of Russia at the expense of the Porte must be checked. This position is of especial interest because later it became the traditional policy during the latter half of the nine- teenth century. There were indeed a few writers who then prophesied Russia's advance to the great sphere she fills to- day. Her endeavors to cultivate the good wishes of the Italian states with the hope that she might increase her influence in the Mediterranean, and her wish to extend her frontier toward Constantinople were then said to be part of her general scheme to obtain an opening to southern waters and the Levant trade; in Sweden it was thought she was preparing another Poland ; and upon the prospect of war with Great Britain, an overland invasion of India in order to strike at British power in the East was discussed. It was declared that the realization of Catherine's plans involved a Russian Empire stretching from the Baltic to the Pacific, and from the Arctic to the Medi- terranean. But these shrewd prophecies were not valued in London and the Opposition in Parliament attacked Mr. Pitt's proposals to enforce the British demands on Russia. There was indeed a strong pro-Russian party, among whom were many city merchants engaged in the Baltic trade; the influence of these men and of leaders such as Fox and Burke, together with the lack of interest shown by the nation at large, revealed to the government that the country was not ready to fight for the Turks. The advice of Lord Auckland that Oczakov was not worth a war, had weight with Mr. Pitt, who, convinced that Parliament would not support him, decided to moderate his demands, and finally to let the matter take its own course. This step was not as unwelcome to Britain's ally, Prussia, as might be supposed, for she was not so desirous for a war 8 1 14 EASTERN PROBLEMS with Russia as she had been for one with Austria. There was far less to be gained. Nevertheless, she had stood ready to support Great Britain in the event of hostilities, for the protec- tion of the Porte. After Great Britain had thus receded before the threat of war and the protests of Parliament, it is scarcely- surprising that Prussia should turn again to Russia to secure territory in Poland which all her combinations with Great Britain had failed to give her. But before sixty years should pass, the British public would change its views, and the pro- Russian speeches of Fox and Burke be recalled with a derision greater even than the approval which they had originally excited. These speeches were extreme even for the occasion ; and declarations from Mr. Burke that he then for the first time heard it maintained that the Turks had anything to do with the balance of power in Europe showed a disregard both for history and geography of which Mr. Pitt was quick to take advantage in the defence of his policy.^ 1 Martens: Traites, Aietriche,\i.^.i()^. Angleterre,\-s..-p^. 2,ASy ZS2>- Auckland: Corr. i. p. 221 ; ii. pp. 3S1, 3S3. Browning : Leeds, pp. 150 et seq. Herrmann : Gesch. Riisslands, vi. pp. 278-289, 552 et seq. Hansard : Pari. Hist. xxix. 39, 44, 52-76, 170, 767, 816-838, 919, 929, 932, 940, 996. Morris : Diaries, ii. p. 266, Feb. 3, 1797. Elliot told Morris that " in the Russian business [of 1790-91] if Pitt had not been frightened he would have gone through. He says that in the beginning, viz., inciting the Turk to war, Pitt was the tool of Hertzberg, and afterwards was prevailed on by Lord Auckland to commit the treachery of aban- doning the Turk. This, I have formerly heard, was the prime cause of coldness on the part of Prussia, who has ever since thought herself justifiable in retaliating upon England." On the possibility of Russia's taking Corsica, cf. Revue de la Rez'ol. vi. : Documents i7iedits, p. 185 ; and Malmesbury : Diaries, ii. p. 409. Eton : Survey of Turkey, pp. xi. 501. Masson : Memoires, iii. pp. 20 et seq. Cf. on general Russian schemes, Boulger : Central Asian Question, p. 40 ; Schuyler : Peter the Great, ii. p. 512 ; and Berkholtz : Das Testament Peters des Grossen, in Russische Revue, x. (1877) pp. 1-33. Geffroy : Gustave III., ii. pp. 65 et seq. Hertz- berg: Recueil, iii. pp. 50 et seq. Russell : Life of Fox, ii. p. 208. Stanhope : Pitt, ii. pp. 115 et seq. Vorontsov : Arkhiv, ix. p. 190 (S. to A. Vorontzov, March 29, 1791); xvi. pp. 255 et seq., 262 et seq., 285 (Russian attitude is here very clearly shown); xviii. p. 59 (Kotchubey to S. Vorontzov, Oct. 3, 1792. The legacy of hard feeling between- Russia and England) ; xx. pp. 13 (Morkov to S. Vorontzov, Jan. 4, 1788. The relations of France, England, and Prussia to Russia), 15 (A/6'w, March 31) : " La nouvelle que vous nous avez annoncee des mauvaises THE EASTERN QUESTION AND THE REVOLUTION 115 The victories of the Russian armies over the Turks had strengthened Catherine in her determination to permit no in- terference with her plans by Great Britain. These successes had been desperately won, however, and the Ottoman Empire, which had begun the war in a much enfeebled condition, had made a stand surprising to Europe. The Porte was fighting for existence, and managed to emerge from the war with a comparatively slight loss of land. Austria secured old Orsova and the territory of the Unna (treaty of Sistova, 1791); and Russia by the treaty of Jassy (1792) retained only Oczakov and the Black Sea coast between the Bug and the Dniestr. Guarantees were also stipulated for the favorable treatment by the Turks of the Danubian Principalities. Turkish affairs, however, could not monopolize the attention of Russia. The anarchy in France, if it spread in Europe, was bound to help the Turks, Catherine had written in 1790; her fear of liberal- ism was undoubtedly genuine, but she also dreaded any inter- ference in her own plans by complications in western Europe. Her views of the French Revolution were singularly acute, yet she was destined by her policy in the East to assist that cause dispositions des Anglais a notre egard, a cause ici rimpression la plus vive. On les regarde comme une boutade qu'a peine le caractere connu de cette nation peut excuser." 19 [Idem, June 6, 1791, the Russian answer to Pitt); xxviii. pp. 79 et seq. (Cath. to S. Vorontzov, Dec. 9, 1788) ; xxxiv. pp. 466 et seq. (The work of S. Vorontzov in 1791 to prevent English interference in behalf of the Turks.) Lecky : op. cit. v. pp. 273 et seq. It is asserted in Kalinka ; Austria's policy in the Affairs of the Polish Constitittion of May 3 (Polish), p. 15, that Cathe- rine's agents offered to pay Fox's debts in London. Kalinka: Der Polnische Reichstag, ii. pp. 688 et seq. Beer : Orientalische Politik, p. 146, 147. Leopold held strongly that the Russian alliance was a necessity to Austria, but the internal condition of Austria would not have let him continue in an aggressive eastern policy had he so wished. Sbornik: xxiii. pp. 431, 434, 437, 485, 487 ; xlii. p. 162. Briickner: Katharitia II., pp. 388 et seq. Castera: op. cit. iii. pp. 345 et seq. Wassiltchikow : of. cit. ii. Pt. i, pp. 58, 59, 104, 125, 137 ; Pt. 4, pp. 146 (Morkov to A. Razumovski, April 4, 178S). Bruckner: Russlands Politik im Mittlemeer 17S8 und 17S9,'m Hist. Zeit. xxvii. (1872) pp. S5-115. Cornwallis : Corr.'x. pp. 360, 361 (Grant to Cornwallis, April 6, 178S), England still hostile to Russia because of Armed Neutrality. Creux : Pitt et Frcdcric-Guillaume II, pp. 102 et seq. Il6 EASTERN PROBLEMS in the West, which she so thoroughly detested. She wrote in November, 1790, that France had twelve hundred legislators whom no one obeyed save the King, and added later that the revolutionists who aimed to bring back the Gaul of Caesar would in turn be laid low by Caesar. " Caesar will surely appear," she declared; and "if the French Revolution takes in Europe, another Jengis or Tamerlane will come to bring it to its senses; such will be the fate" of Europe. Only "a hundred thousand men and martial law " to re-establish the "power of the King" would save France "from utter ruin," she wrote in 1792. To her mind these men should be supplied by Prussia and Austria; she wrote later in 1791 : "Je me casse la tete, um den Berliner und Wiener Hof in die fran- zosischen Angelegenheiten hineinzubringen ; " and on March 7, 1792, to Osterman, "I wish to have them busy in order to have a free hand myself." This freedom she intended to use in Poland. She wrote to Grimm that she would fight the Jacobins of Paris in Warsaw, and protested her devotion to the cause of the allies. Yet, as Morkov wrote (May 14, 1792) to Simon Vorontzov, " the interest which we have declared in French matters will no longer seem exaggerated to you, when you know that we have thought it necessary to turn all the attention of the neighboring powers to France to leave us elbow room in Poland." As Catherine wrote to Rumiantzov, " My post is taken and my r61e assigned. I charge myself to watch over the Turks, the Poles, and the Swedes." In ad- dition to the desire she had to see Prussia and Austria occu- pied in the West, Catherine was ready to see France humiliated, but not dismembered. She still hoped to fill the r6]e of medi- ator and to end her reign by settling the affairs of Europe.^ 1 Rambaud : Hist, of Russia, ii. pp. ii6, 117. Annual Register, 17S6, pp. 151 et seg. Sbornik, xxiii. pp. 503 (Cath. to Grimm, Jan. 13, 1791), 520 (April 30), 555 (Sept. i), 567 (May 9, 1792) : " Apparemment vous ignorez que la jacobiniere de Varsovie est en correspondance reguliere avec celle de Paris . . . Enfin, ces Ja- cobins de Pologne cherchent a repandre partout la confusion des langues, car tous ces arrangements polonais vont avec leur lois sur toute matiere comme une selle THE EASTERN QUESTION AND THE REVOLUTION WJ The situation in Poland during the years between 17S8 and 1 79 1 was in many ways a pecuHar one. Earnest efforts to a une vache, selon le proverbe russe. Et vous voulez que je plante la mes inte- rets et ceux de mon allie la republique et mes amis republicains, pour ne m'occu- per que de la jacobinicre de Paris? Non, souffre-douleur, je la battrai et combattrai en Pologne, mais pour cela je ne ni en occuperai pas moins des affaires de France, et j'aiderai a battre le ramas des sans-culotte. ..." xlii. pp. 117 (Cath. to A. Mordvinov, Oct. 4, 1790), 126 (to Prince de Ligne, Nov. 16) ; 197 (to Schonberg) ; 229 (to de Meilhan, July 8, 1792). Forneron: Les Emigries, i. p. 292. Khrapovitzkij : Diary, Dec. 14, 1791 : March 7, 1792. Quoted in Briick- ner : op. cit. p. 413. Lariviere : Cat/urine II. etla Revolution, p. 106. '^ter : Joseph II., Leopold IL, und Katharina, pp. 172-175. Sybel : Franz. Revol. i. p. 478. Vivenot: Qitellen, ii. Cobeiizl und Franz, p. 105; (Kaunitz to L. Cobenzl, June 21, 1792) : " AUe Umstande geben klar zu erkennen dass der russische Hof un- serem und dem Berliner Hof so vielen Eifer in den franzosischen Anglegenheiten nur darum bezeugt hat um beide darinnen ernstlich zu verwickeln und sich in Polen freie Hande zu beschaffen. Ebenso klar est es, dass derselbe mit der angetragenen eingeschrankten Herstellung Frankreichs nicht zufrieden ist, son- dern eine so voUkommene wiinschte, dass der franzdsische Hof mit der Zeit wieder zu einem bedeutenden Einfluss in dem europaische Systeme gelange." Pallain : Talleyrand h Londres, p. xiv, de Noailles, French ambassador at Vienna reported f)n Feb. 13, 1792 : " L'Imperatrice de Russie cherche toujours a echauf- fer la Roi de Prusse pour les emigrees, mais je crois fermement que le zele de cette princesse pour leur cause n'est qu'un voile pour couvrir et pour servir de plus grandes vues. Elle brule d'engager I'Empereur et le Roi de Prusse dans une guerre contre nous, parce qu'alors elle serait maitresse d'agir en Pologne comme elle le voudrait et d'y reprendre son ancienne influence. Elle craint, si la Pologne devenait puissante, de redevenir elle-meme une puissance asiatique. En effet, n'ayant plus de chemins ouverts pour le passage de ses troupes, elle per- drait alors son influence en Empire ; . . . " Rambaud : Instructions, Russie, ii. pp. 533 PP- 166 (Morkov to Razumovski, Dec. 8, 1792); and especially 167-170. {Ibid. Feb. 25, 1793.) Cf. also pp. 78-79 (Dietrichstein to Razumovski, London, April 6, 1802). 124 EASTERN PROBLEMS proposal to unite with her in preventing the aggrandizement of Russia and Prussia in Poland on condition that Austria give up the plan of exchanging Bavaria for the Netherlands. Lord Grenville had refused to commit himself, but had suggested that since Austria was so alarmed by the condition of affairs in eastern Europe, she should ally herself with the Porte, where Great Britain was profiting by the disorder in the West to usurp the place formerly held by France in the councils of the Turks. Stadion, the Austrian minister, had replied that it was impossible for Austria to break so completely with Russia. Thugut, the new leader at Vienna, continued to press Russia for some compensation and delayed the ratification of the second partition. The attempts of the Poles to withstand the mutilation of their country were in vain, and Austria soon saw that she must also accede to the business were she to gain the good-will of Russia. Thugut by skilful diplomacy finally succeeded in persuading Razumovski himself to name Italy as a region where it might be possible for Austria to find idemni- fication for the aggrandizement of Prussia. This indeed was a favorite scheme of Thugut's. His hopes in that direction were to bear fruit later. In the mean time the quibblings over Poland, and the disorder in that country had done their work in creating further discord between the members of the coalition. Prussia made demands for further Polish territory as the price of her services in the war. The disturbances in Poland soon became so serious as to lead both Prussia and Austria to be sparing of the troops sent against France. The King of Prussia in fact openly rejoiced at news of an Austrian defeat, and before the year 1794 had ended it was rumored that he might even make a separate peace with the French, leaving the Austrians to continue the war. Austria fretted over the possibility of a final division of Poland in which she again would be ignored, and was especially fearful lest her plans of aggrandizement in Italy should become known. The hatred felt toward the Prussians refused to be THE EASTERN QUESTION AND THE REVOLUTION 1 25 modified by Russia's mediation, and, rather than reach an agreement with the court of Berlin, even Austria stood ready to sign a peace with France. The endeavors of the English to end this unfortunate rivalry were also useless. In truth, the English ministers suspected that Russia might be planning another war against Turkey, and wished to renew their defen- sive alliance with Prussia in order to forestall any such crisis in the East. Furthermore, it was imperative for England's in- terests that the war against France should be kept up by the allies in order that her plans for ruining French commerce and gaining French colonies might be pressed with energy and success. It is true that a treaty between Great Britain and Russia had been negotiated by which the coalition was strengthened ; but Russia in turn now set about the busi- ness of separating Prussia and Great Britain. There can be no question that the aggrandizement of Prussia was alarming to Catherine, and that, though she had assisted it, the step was taken largely of necessity ; and she now wished to have Great Britain on her side rather than on Prussia's.^ 1 Herrmann : op. at. pp. 340, 341 (Eden to Grenville, Jan. 16, March 2, 6, I3> I793)» 365 (K^i"g of Prussia to Goltz, Jan. 25, 1793), 3^3 (English represent- ative in Berlin to Grenville, May 21, 1792), 396 (Volkersahms writes, Aug. 16, 1793, from St. Petersburg), 397 (Goltz to King of Prussia, Sept. 27, 1793). Vo- rontzov: Arkhiv, ix. pp. 286 (S. to A. Vorontzov, Jan. 10 (21), 1793). England, strongly opposed to Polish partition, agrees to indemnification of the powers for the French war, but insists that it should be at the expense of France and not of Poland, 302 (May, 1793). Vorontzov thinks Polish partition is wrong, and says that Russia attacks Poland because of her connection with Turkey; xviii. p. 75 (Kotchubey to S. V., Vienna, Jan. 18, 1794). The policy of Russia is to abide by the alliance with Austria, to manage Prussia, to seek a close concert with Great Britain, and to keep peace with Turkey, she being too poor now to try to do anything else there. Instructions are to hold the Turks to their treaties. " Mais nous y tenons-nous .' " xiv. pp. 253, 254 (Morkov to S. V., April 23, 1793), x.x. pp. 38 (Morkov to S. V., April 12). " Elle [Catherine] s'accorde avec tout le monde dans le projet de reduire la puissance de France, mais elle voudrait qu'on n'y employat qu'un seul nioyen, auquel elle donne la plus grande latitude, et non pas celle de I'abandonner ensuite 4 una inertie de gouvernement qui la rendit tout-^-fait nulle dans les affaires generales de I'Europe. Or, comma elle soupgonne, et non pas sans raison, et I'Angleterre et I'Autriche de viser 126 EASTERN PROBLEMS Events in Poland, culminating in a revolutionary outbreak on April 17, 1794, under the leadership of Kosciuszko, forced a ce second but, elle voudrait le parer, s'il est possible," 42 et seq. (April 18). An important letter on the relations of Prussia and Austria to Russia, 46-54 (July 27). Ditto, xxiv. pp. 263, 264 (Rostoptchin to S. V., March 9 (20), 1794). "II parait que les affaires de France ont deja ennuye I'lmperatrice ; car on ,ne parle plus des evenements de ce pays et on ne s'en occupe que par bien seance." Cornwallis : Corr. ii. p. 232. Windham reported to Pitt, Sept. 4, 1794, concerning "the dreadful duplicity of the Austrians, and the unfeeling and unprincipled indifference with which they sacrifice the greatest public in- terests to their private emoluments and animosities." Cf. pp. 244, 255. Lede- bur: Alittheihmgen, i. p. 155. Denkschrift betreffend die Vergrosserungs-Projecte des Wiener Hofes, etc. Lucchesini scripsit, March, 1793. Zeissberg: Qiiellen ZU7- Gesch. Oesterreichs, :. pp. 65 (Lucchesini to Reuss,fMay 15, 1793), 1~ (Stadion to Starhemberg, London, May 21), 85-95 (L. Cobenzl to Thugut, St. Petersburg, May 31), 102, 134 {Ibid. July 5) ; ii. pp. 65, 154, 216 etseq., 355, 429 (Discussions in 1794 over Polish partition, giving Austrian policy) ; iii. p. 13 (Thugut to L. Cobenzl, Nov. 4, 1794). Prussia is negotiating a separate treaty with France. The infamy of this. Tell Russia of it and try to gain advantage in this matter for Austria. Malmesbury : Diaries, iii. p. 34. Dec. 28, 1793. King of Prussia " told me of bad news from Wurmser's army, — that he had lost two battalions and twenty-one pieces of cannon. He seemed rather pleased with this bad news, but admitted it would do harm by raising the spirits of the Jacobins." p. 73. Malmesbury to Grenville, Berlin, March i, 1794: " The most difficult and hope- less part of the important measure now under negotiation is to keep the two courts of Berlin and Vienna on anything like even terms : extreme suspicion and envy pervade them both ; and their mutual prejudices are so strong that it is impossible to believe them when speaking of each other." Auckland : Corr. ii. p. 432; iii. pp. 35, 36, 40, 50, 53, 55, 57. Aulard : Diplomatie de la Com. de Salut Public, in Revol. fran^. xviii. p. 343. Vivenot : Vcrtraidiche Briefe TImguts, i. p. 35 (Thugut to Colloredo, Aug. 26, 1793). • • • " Nos allies prussiens sont vrai- ment insupportables dans leur intarissable chicane et surtout dans leur fureur actuelle contre Wurmser, de ce qu'il a ose chasser I'ennemi de Jockrin. Heu- reusement il a reussi ; il faut s'armer de patience, car nous devrons boire jus- qu'a la lie le chalice amer de notre monstrueuse alliance avec eux . . ." pp. 85, 87, 88, 107, 116, 117, 237. The plans for Poland and Italy are here fully discussed. Cf. particularly Vivenot: Thitgut und seiii politisches System, in Arch.filr oesterr. Gesch. xlii. pp. 363-493; xliii. pp. 103-197. Wassiltchikow : Les Razotimowski, ii. Pt. I, pp. 152-163, 167, 170 (the account in the text above is largely based on these despatches): Pt. 2, pp. 14 (Rosenkrantz to Razumovski, March 15 (26), 1793)) 177-180 (Morkov to Razumovski, June 18, 1794), 214 (S. Vorontzov to Razumovski, Aug. 14 (35), 1794). "Mais il n'est pas de I'interet de la Prusse de finir ces affaires ; elle entretient et recrute 40,000 hommes aux depens des Polonais: c'est un pretexte de ne pas donner des troupes contre la France et par THE EASTERN QUESTION AND THE REVOLUTION 12/ the interested powers to take action. The urgency of Prussia for still another share of Poland was redoubled ; the Russian troops captured Parga and entered Warsaw ; and the Austrians, again panic-stricken lest Prussia should once more outwit them, threatened to withdraw their troops from the Netherlands to Poland in order to prevent Prussia from profiting there. The news of the capture of Cracow by the Prussians still further disturbed them. Defeat at the hands of the French had driven the Emperor and Thugut to look for the costs of the war in the East and not in the West ; and Austrian troops were ordered to cross the Polish frontier. This step was very irritating to the Russians, who did not fail to show it. The intentions of Austria remained hid ; Thugut tried to draw Russia into active operations against France, postponing action in Poland till it might be possible to oust Prussia from the present favorable position ; and by his demands for the with- drawal of Prussian troops from Polish territory brought on himself a storm of anger both from Berlin and St. Petersburg. At the same time the Austrian and Russian troops in Poland were on the point of actual collision. On Sept. i6, 1794, the King of Prussia added fuel to the flame by announcing that he must recall his troops from the Rhine to use them in Poland. Thugut, who with true Austrian vacillation had returned to his old plans of getting Alsace and Lorraine and exchanging the Netherlands for Bavaria, was greatly alarmed at the thought that, deserted by the Prussians and unassisted by the Russians, the Austrians would face the French alone. He told Razumovski that Austria would consent to the immediate partition of Poland, but she must first know how much Prussia was to receive ; he especially insisted that the Polish question was vitally connected with French affairs, and asked that Prussia be la continuation de ne ces maudites affaires qu'elle prolonge expres, elle nous em- peche de donner des secours effectifs a I'Autriche et a I'Angleterre. Je ne serait pas etonne du tout, qu'elle ne fomente encore sous mains la Porte contre la Russie et I'Autriche. En un mot, si I'Europe peril par le systeme fran5ais, c'est la Prusse seule, qui en sera la cause unique." 128 EASTERN PROBLEMS compelled to take her share again in the war. Catherine finally lost patience with Austria, and threatened to carry out the partition with Prussia. This brought Austria to terms, and at the same time the recall of the Prussian troops from the scene of disturbance in Poland to Prussian Poland showed the Empress that she could not depend even on the court of Berlin to assist her in crushing the insurgent movement. The final treaty was then drawn up in December, 1794. It was now Prussia's turn to protest ; and this she did both against the evacuation of Cracow and the size of Austria's share in the partition. But Catherine, having other matters to settle in which Austria's aid was necessary, upheld her ally at Vienna. The work which began in 1772 was thus finished in January, 1795. By the final partition of Poland Russia gained the rest of Lithuania as far as the Niemen and of Volhynia to the Bug ; later Kurland, old Lithuania, and Samogitia were added. Prussia gained all eastern Poland, including Warsaw; and Aus- tria took Cracow, Sandomir, Lublin, and Chelm. The terri- tories of the three powers now had a common point of contact.^ The fate of Poland had barely been settled when it became certain that all the rumors regarding a peace between Prussia and France were to be verified. The treaty of Bale was signed on April 5, 1795, and Prussia confessed to all the world that since she had profited by the territorial revolution in the East 1 Wassiltchikow : Les Razcumowski, ii. Pt. i, pp. 170 et seq. to 195. De- spatches of Razumovski to Ostermann of March 22, 29, May 10, 22, July 5, Sept. 22 (to Catherine), Nov. 25, 1794. Morkov to Razumovski: Aug. 27, Oct. 7, Dec. 24, pp. igj et seq. Razumovski to Morkov, Jan. 13, 23, 1795. Vorontzov: Arkhiv, xx. pp. 54-63 (despatches of Morkov to S. Vorontzov, Aug., Nov. 6, 1793, Aug. 15, 1794, Feb. 9, 1795). Sbornik, xxiii. pp. 611, 617, 620, 626, 632, 633, 647, 659, and xvi. pp. 91 et seq. Cf. Bruckner: Katharina, pp. 416 et seq. Hliffer: Diplomatische Verhandhtngen, i. pp. 131 et seq.\ i. Ergamung, pp. 81 et seq., 233. Cf. for correction to usual dates given for letters of this period. Auckland: Corr. iii. pp. 194 (Eden to Auckland, March 24, 1794), 200 {Ibid. March 31) : "I have ever thought that the conduct towards Poland did more to hurt the cause of Kings than the most violent acts of the Jacobins." Page 2S8 (H. Spencer to Auckland, Feb. 23, 1795). Herrmann : op. cit. pp. 456 et seq., 497 et seq. (the third partition). Beer : Orietitalische Politik, pp. 149 et seq. THE EASTERN QUESTION AND THE REVOLUTION 1 29 she would have nothing more to do with the social and po- litical revolution in the West. Count Simon Vorontzov in London had recognized the inevitableness of this step in the policy of Prussia. That power felt herself relieved of all obli- gation to continue the war because of the jealousy of Austria and the aggressive policy of Russia in eastern Europe. In truth, the near approach of Russia to the heart of Europe had alarmed the court of Berlin ; the Prussians required time and peace to assimilate their new acquisitions in Poland ; the final partition of the Polish Republic had materially altered the political situation, and Prussia must needs end her half-hearted struggle with the French. It was not for love of the French, however, as Caillard, the new French minister at Berlin, said, but to accustom herself to new conditions and to profit by following the middle road in her political relations. Without a Poland to partition Prussia must learn her politics anew.^ 1 Vorontzov : Arkhiv, ix. pp. 337, 338 (S. to A. Vorontzov, London, April 21, 1795). Ledebur: Miit/ieilungen, 1. -p. 2%^, (Lucchesini to Hardenburg, Aug. 26, 1795). Bailleu : Preussett und Frankreich, i. pp. 18 (Bericht Hardenberg's, Basel, Aug. 26, 1795). " Sans entrer avecla France dans des liaisons offensives ou dans ses vastes plans d'aggrandissement, il faudrait toutefois se rapprocher d'elle afin d'etablir, s'il est possible, un concert sur la pacification et les affaires qui vous interessent. Sire, afin de maintenir et faire respecter la neutralite du Nord de rAllemagne, ou d'abandonner d'un commun accord cette mesure ; il faudrait du moins menager la France et ne rien faire qui pourrait contrecarrer ses vues," p. 27 (Instruction fiir den Gesandten Preussens in Paris, Sandoz-Rollin, Berlin, '795' ^ct. 21). " En effet, S. M. le Roi se trouvant en alliance avec I'Angleterre, I'Autriche et la Russie, elle est resolue de maintenir le systeme de ses anciennes liaisons, a moins que des evenements imprevus et invraisemblables ne la forcent a agir en sens contraire. Elle compte done en rester, au moins pour le present, avec la France aux relations de bonne intelligence retablies par la paix et que I'accord effectif des interets fondamentaux des deux empires pourra affermir de lui-meme sans aucune stipulation expresse ; influer, autant qu'il dependra d'elle, sur la pacification de I'Empire, surtout en vue du recouvrement de ses fitats d'outre-Rhin, et ne contracter des engagements formels avec la France que pour les rapports de commerce," p. 431 (Report of Caillard, Berlin, Dec. 5, 1795). Speaking of Prussia : " Mais un tresor epuise, une guerre a soutenir en Pologne, des rapports politiques entierement nouveaux amenes par le voisinage immediate de la Russie et qui appelaient la majeure partie des forces militaires de la Prusse a son extremite la plus eloignee de la France, toutes ces raisons ne permettaient 9 130 EASTERN PROBLEMS This formal acceptance by Prussia of the results of the French Revolution excited the greatest indignation among the other powers. It was thought possible that Prussia might now join with Sweden, Denmark, the Porte, and France in a league whose direct object would be to oppose the Austro- Russian alliance. If this had been done it would have been only a counterstroke to the important step taken by the two imperial courts in a secret treaty signed by them at the same time that a third partition of Poland had been consummated. This "secret declaration" (Jan. 3, 1795) was based on the previous defensive alliance against the Porte. Prussia was now to be placed in the same category with the Ottoman Empire, and in the event of Prussia's attacking either of the two allies the other was pledged to give all its support. Furthermore, should a new war break out between Austria, Russia, and the Porte, the two allies should endeavor to carry out the plans agreed between Joseph II. and Catherine in 1782. A Dacian Kingdom was to be created of the Danubian prin- cipalities; and Russia agreed to Austria's favorite scheme for pas de continuer plus longtemps la guerre contra nous. La paix fut done faite, mais ce ne fut certainement pas pour ramour de la France. . . . Mais ce mal- heureux esprit d'envahissement qui avait determine le roi de Prusse a manquer a ses engagements les plus solennels envers les Polonais ; I'invasion des palatinats en 1793: I'impossibilite oil la guerre centre la France I'avait mis de resister aux progres des Russes ; la necessite qui en resulta de les favoriser meme et d'acce- der au partage general de ce qui restait de la Pologne : la position topographique ou la Prusse se trouve par le contact immediat avec la Russie et la Maison d'Autriche : toutes ces circonstances amenerent des elements nouveaux dans le systeme prussien et introduisirent a Berlin une influence etrangere qui n'y avait pas ete connue jusqu'a present. La consideration publique se partage done en- tre le ministre de la Republique et celui de la Russie : et la politique prussienne, lorsqu'elle est obligee d'obeir a la fois a deux impulsions aussi differentes ne peut guere que suivre une direction moyenne, qui exprime les menagements qu'elle veut avoir pour I'un et pour I'autre," p. 448 (Report of Caillard, Dec. 9, 179S). " II n'y a pas a Berlin un homme de sens qui ne convienne aujourd'hui que le dernier partage de la Pologne a ete une operation desastreuse pour la Prusse, et on se rappelle avec amertume la maxime eonnue du grand Frederic que I'existence d'une Pologne quelconque etait necessaire a son repos." Sorel : op. at. i. p. 502. THE EASTERN QUESTION AND THE REVOLUTION 13 1 the seizure of Venetian territory in case Austria failed to secure any French provinces. Thus, while Prussia made peace with the Revolution, Austria and Russia turned their backs on it and looked for new territory in Poland, Bavaria, Venice, Servia, and along the Danube. The joy of the Austrian diplo- mats, Thugut in particular, was great. Austria's prestige was restored ; the second partition was forgotten ; Prussia was completely outplayed, and Austria might now look to desirable acquisitions in several directions. Lord Whitworth had written to his government from St. Petersburg (Jan. 4) that in the minds of the continental powers Poland stood before France. Now it was not only Poland but the entire Eastern Question that claimed the first place. As Catherine told Morkov in 1793, the peoples of the West had forgotten the Turks. Russia could never do so, and Catherine claimed she had kept them " from seizing Austria by the tail " by her policy in Poland and on the Black Sea. The Turks had been quiet for a year or so since the treaty of Jassy ; but rumors had been frequent that the Porte was preparing to profit by the crisis in western Europe; and urged on by Prussia she had even offered her mediation between Austria and France. The Russian diplo- mats were watching the situation carefully, and pressing on the building of Odessa and the strengthening of fortresses on the Black Sea coast. Negotiations were also kept up with Mon- tenegrins and other disaffected peoples in the Balkan peninsula. Rostoptchin believed that the Empress was bent on war, and that Zubov, the favorite in 1794, was thus to be given his chance to win military fame. She had recently said (March, 1794), that " some day she would lose patience and would show the Turks that it was as easy to go to Constantinople as to the Krimea." In fact, her explanation of her policy in Poland was a frank statement that she needed to strengthen her frontier for the next war against the Porte.^ 1 Vorontzov : Arkkiv, xx. pp. 55, d},, 64, 65 (Morkov to S. Vorontzov, 1793, and Feb. 9, May 5, June i, 1795), 33' (Grimm to S. Vorontzov, March 11 (22), 132 EASTERN PROBLEMS The end of Catherine's reign is characteristic of the woman. Poland could no longer threaten to bar her road in the West ; and she turned again to the East, looking to increase her Asiatic domain and to hasten the day when her troops should enter Constantinople. The instructions given to Kotchubey, the Russian ambassador at the Porte, had been to preserve the peace, though insisting on the execution of treaty stipulations. In common with the British representative he watched the endeavors of the French to induce the Sultan to join with them against the coalition, and also interested himself in Persian matters ; it is evident he expected a crisis in east- ern matters. He had been told to observe the treaties; but " will we abide by them ourselves .'' " he questioned. With the establishment of the alliance with Austria (Jan. 1795) Catherine was ready for action. Her interest in France was confined to the formation of a new coalition against her in which Russia would have but light burdens to bear. Yet Catherine was not satisfied with the policy of her ally. The court of Vienna seemed incapable of adhering to a definite line of action for six months at a time. Should she choose this opportunity to attack the Porte, the attention of Austria would be centred in the East and South, and France would support the Turks and urge on Prussia the necessity of fomenting dis- 179S); xxiv. pp. 260-264 (Rostoptchin to S. Vorontzov, March 9 (20), 1794); xxix. pp. 334-338 (L. Cazzioni to A. Vorontzov, June 25, 1792). Vivenot, Vertrau- liche Briefe, i. pp. 175 (Thugut to Colloredo, Jan. 22, 1795), 276 [Ibid. Dec. 15). Zeissberg : Quellen, iii. p. 79. Briickner : op. cit. p. 413. Hausser: Deut. Gesch. i. p. 584. Bailleu : op. cit. i. p. 123. Miliutin : Gesch. des Krieges Russlands, i. pp. 296 et seq. Martens : Recueil, Autriche, ii. pp. 228 et seq. Herrmann : op. cit. pp. 508 (Whitworth to Grenville, Jan. 6, 9, 1795), 516 (Eden to Grenville, April 20, and Whitworth to Grenville, July 7), 519-520 (Spencer to Grenville, April II, May 9), 521 (Gray to Grenville, Aug. 18). Sboriiik, xlii. pp. 317, 318 (Catherine to Zubov about the treaty of Bale). Wassiltchikow : op. cit. ii. Pt. i, pp. 196-201 (Despatches of Razumovski to Catherine and to Morkov, Jan. 13 (23), Feb. 28, April 5, 1795, and of Morkov to Razumovski, April 22) ; Pt. 2, pp. 38- 42 (Ribas to Razumovski, April 13, 1795), 197 (Morkov to Razumovski, June 26), 229, 230 (S. Vorontzov to Ostermann, March, 1795), 240, 241 (S. Vorontzov to Razumovski, June i (12), 1795). Eton : Survey of Tttrkey, p. 438. THE EASTERN QUESTION AND THE REVOLUTION 133 turbances in Poland. It seemed advisable, therefore, to take advantage of the attack of Persia on Georgia, a state protected by Russia, to begin a war which while not directed against the Turks would nevertheless favor the growth of Russian power in their direction. Zubov had projects of pushing the Russian frontier till it might be possible not only to attack the Turks in the rear through Anatolia, but also to gain Northern Persia and Turkestan, establishing a line of forts in Central Asia and along the Caspian, and drawing the caravans which now made their way by land from India to the Mediterranean to Russian ports on the Black Sea. This program might well have alarmed the Porte, for, as Rostoptchin wrote in respect to Persian affairs : " On veut toujours finir par aller a Constanti- nople ; c'est la ou tendent les voeux de notre Imperatrice, que I'age a transformee en conquerant." The program was that of Peter the Great.^ Till now our attention has been directed to the attitude of the coalition to the Eastern and the Polish Questions. We must examine that of France. As far as the power of France and the success of the Revolution were concerned, the policy of the coalition toward these more eastern matters had been highly satisfactory. France had profited by the crisis in eastern 1 Vorontzov : Arkhiv, viii. pp. 137 (Rostoptchin to S. Vorontzov, Feb. 24, 1796), 151 {Ibid. Nov. 5 (16) ), 132 {Ibid. Feb. 22). We are to have war with Persia. " Si vous me demandez pourquoi on entreprend cette guerre, on serait fort embarrasse de vous donner la-dessus une bonne reponse. Mais voilk les raisons : i-ere, pour eluder I'article de alliance avec I'Empereur, auquel nous devons four- nier 30,000 h. de troupes ou de I'argent en cas qu'il en demande (cet article est nul aussitot que nous avons guerre nous-memes) ; " 2. Desire of Platon Zubov to be- come a marshal. Idem, xviii. The despatches of Kotchubey to S. Vorontzov from 1791 to 1797 are to be found in pp. 1-128 of this volume. Kotchubey was under appointment to go to the Porte in 1792, and finally did go in 1794. Nearly every despatch deals with matters treated above in the text. xx. pp. 68 et seq. (Morkovto S. Vorontzov, April 19, July 12, Aug. 10, 1796). Sbornik,y\\\. pp. 125, 126 (Catherine to de Ligne, Nov. 16, 1790). Waliszevvski : Roman d'lare impe- ratrice, 'p. ^26. Bruckner: Peter der Grosse,'p^.'j 2,^2- Herrmann: t^/. «A pp. 536, (Whitworth to Grenville, June 7, 1796), 599 (F^ton to Grenville, Dec. 21). Auckland : Corr. iii. pp. 324, 347 (Eden to Auckland, Dec 7, 1795, June 13, 1796). Wassiltchikow : oJ>. cit. ii. Pt. i, pp. 202 et seq. 134 EASTERN PROBLEMS Europe, and had turned to advantage every development in the situation in Poland and Turkey. At the outbreak of the Revolution her prestige in the Orient had been greatly injured; it became one of the earliest duties of her diplomats to restore it. The French Republic was now to carry on a direct and consistent policy as> regards eastern matters. In fact, the Revolution marked a return to traditional French policy in the Orient. In the place of the Austrian alliance of 1756 the French leaders of 1792 hoped to establish one with Prussia, whereby Prussia was to attack Austria in Bohemia and help the Poles against Russia. The Turks were to be induced to declare war against Austria, moving on the same lines as in 1788. While French armies met those of Austria on the Rhine, in Piedmont, and in Lombardy, a French fleet was to support the Turks in an attempt to recover the Krimea from Russia. The entrance of Prussia into the coalition prevented the fur- ther development of this plan ; but from this time on French representatives were working in Poland to incite trouble there for Russia and Austria, and in Prussia to excite jealousy over Russia's schemes against the Porte. Austria and Great Britain were regarded by France as implacable enemies for whom ex- termination was the only end. This was to be accomplished with the aid of the Ottoman Empire. Russia was regarded as unconsciously playing the part of a friend to France by stirring up discord between the members of the coalition; against her a league of Sweden, Denmark, and Poland was to be created. The post of French ambassador at the Porte was therefore a most important one for the success of the entire scheme. Choiseul-Gouffier, who filled this place, had acted for the two imperial courts during their recent war with Turkey, and was given over to the Bourbon cause ; in his place, there- fore, was appointed Semonville, a devoted Jacobin, yet imbued with the ideas of Favier. His instructions now tallied with those which had been given time after time by the kings of France to their ambassadors at Constantinople; both Du- THE EASTERN QUESTION AND THE REVOLUTION 1 35 mouriez and Lebrun wished to convince the Porte that the Revolution was in essence a reaction against the Austrian al- liance of 1756, and that France was now ready to return to her traditional policy in eastern matters. In fact, almost an exact parallel can be drawn between these plans and the policy of d'Argenson in 1746 and of Rouille in 1755. Both had urged on Turkey the necessity of supporting France against Austria, and both had planned intervention in Hungary to distract the house of Hapsburg from its interests in Italy, Germany, and the Low Countries. Semonville v as sent in October, 1792. Beside his instructions he was told to suggest the possibility of an offensive and defensive alliance with the Porte, which would also include Prussia, Sweden, and Poland. As might have been expected, when the representatives of the other European powers in Constantinople received news of Semon- ville's commission, they united in protests to the Porte against his reception. Under this pressure, and with the connivance of Choiseul-Gouffier, the Porte refused to receive Semonville. Shortly after he was officially recalled ; and a secret agent, Descorches, foi-merly the Marquis de Sainte-Croix, was sent, under the alias of Daubry, to prepare the way for a second at- tempt to secure reception for a French ambassador. Semon- ville was in fact reappointed May 11, 1793, and started for his post, hopeful that he might overcome the hesitations of the Turks. Unfortunately he and his papers were captured by the Austrians ; and the allies, thoroughly alarmed by what they had discovered of French plans, now endeavored to secure de- cided action by the Porte against France. In this they failed, for the Sultan would pledge nothing save neutrality. Even that soon seemed doubtful ; by September Descorches had so far overcome the prejudices of the Grand Vizier that an out- line treaty had been drawn, pledging joint military action be- tween France and the Ottoman Empire. The representatives of Russia, Austria, and Great Britain again took the matter in hand, and by vigorous protests prevented further progress. 136 EASTERN PROBLEMS With the fall of Robespierre Descorches was succeeded by Verninac. This representative was assisted by the fact that Prussia was about to leave the coalition and sign the treaty of Bale (April, 1795). He proposed a quadruple alliance of Prussia, Sweden, Turkey, and P'rance, and strengthened his assertions of French interest in the welfare of the Ottoman Empire by introducing a number of French officers to reform the Turkish military system. This matter brought to light the oriental dreams of Napoleon Bonaparte, then a young artillery officer. The extreme Jacobinism of Verninac had im- peded his success, however, and within the year he was suc- ceeded by Aubert Dubayet. He died in December, 1797, and was in turn succeeded by Ruffin, as secretary; he remained till the Egyptian expedition aroused the anger of the Porte, who, as usual on the outbreak of war, imprisoned this diplomat in defiance of all comity. The work of these later agents was helped by Knobelsdorf, the Prussian minister, who hoped to see Austria humiliated, though he also dreaded the effect of Revolutionary opinion on the internal politics of the Empire. By this renewal of friendly relations with Prussia, France had materially changed her position as regards Poland. Though in 1 794 she had instructed Parandier, the French agent in Poland, that she v/as working with the Porte, Sweden, and Denmark to maintain the independence of Poland, by her treaty with Prus- sia she had tacitly acknowledged the validity of the Polish par- titions ; and in the instructions to Caillard, who was sent to Berlin in 1796, there was no longer serious mention of guar- anteeing the integrity of Poland, but only of that of Sweden, Denmark, and the Ottoman Empire ; Poland had ceased to ex- ist. The failure of the committee of Public Safety to consent to the end of Polish integrity may, in fact, be regarded as one reason why French diplomats at Constantinople were not more successful. At that time Prussia had great influence with the Porte, and could the French have come to terms earlier with Prussia, recognizing the inevitableness of Poland's extinction THE EASTERN QUESTION AND THE REVOLUTION 137 they might have profited by Prussia's prestige to create a counter demonstration against Austria in eastern Europe. On the whole, French influence at the Porte, though it ahnost suffered annihilation under Choiseul-Gouffier, was strengthened during the closing years of the century, and at the time when Turkish spies were working in Poland, it excited great alarm in Austria and Russia. In fact, after the final Polish partition, the plans had been drawn up in St. Petersburg and approved by Catherine for a third war against the Ottoman Empire.^ 1 Masson : Dcpt. des affaires itranglres, pp. 27, 267. Dumouriez : Vie, liv. iii. c. 6, 7; iv. c. I. Roland: Manoires, i. p. 169. Lescure: Corr. ii. p. 613 (Aug. 4, 1792). Thiirheim : Mercy-Argenteaii und Stahreinberg, pp. 38, 39 (M. to S., Jan. 19, 1793). Anon. : Diplomatie revloutiotiiiaire, in R. de la Revol. iii. p. 114. Bailleu : Preussen und Frankreich, i. pp. 450, 474 (Instructions and reports of Caillard and Sieyes at Berlin, 1796-97). De Testa: Recueil, i. p. 542 ; ii. pp. 202-252. (These despatches of French representatives at the Porte are useful.) Daru: Hist.de Venise, v. p. 168. Zeissberg : Quellen, i. p. 340 (Thugut to Cobenzl, Oct. 21, 1793). Vivenot: Vertrauliche Briefe, i. p. 35 (Thugut to Colloredo, Aug. 27, 1793). Cf. pp. 380, 381. And Quellen, ii. Cobenzl wid Franz, pp. 224 {Meinoire of Choiseul-Gouffier to the Porte, Sept. 24, 1792), 225 (Herbert to P. Cobenzl, Sept. 25). Aulard: Docutneiits inedits, in Revol. fraitg.xiv. pp. mi et seq. Pingaud : Choiseul-Gouffier, pp. 175 t'^ seq., 200, 215, 2\-j et seq., 246 et seq. Bonneville de Marsangy : Vergennes, i. pp. 229 et seq. Bruckner : Katharina, p. 422. Cf. Russ. Arkhiv, 1876, i. p. 218. Farges : La Pologne, ii. pp. 326 et seq. Instructions to Parandier, 1794. "I-e gouvernement de la Republique se dispose a agir aupres de la Porte, et meme aupres de la Suede et du Danemark, d'apres un systeme dans lequel le soutien de I'independance de la Pologne sera I'un des principaux objets des operations politiques et militaires dans Test de TEurope." Eton: Survey of Turkey, p. 193. Grosjean : Senionville, in Rhjol. frauf. xiii. pp. 8SS-921. This is a long and satisfactory article. Masson : Diplomates de la Revolution, p. 165. Zinkeisen : op. cit. ii. pp. 846 et seq., 859, 862 et seq., 875 et seq., 881. Aulard : Dipl. du Coviite de Salut Public, in Rh>ol. fratif. xviii. p. 237 (a plan drawn up in Lebrun's office, Oct. 1792): "Les Turcs s'avanceraient egale- ment du cote de la Pologne ainsi que dans le bannat de Temesvar et en Croatie en suivant le plan de leur premiere campagne de 1788 et a I'aide des Valaques, qu'il ne serait pas impossible de faire insurger. . . . Notre flotte de la Mediter- ranee entrerait dans la mer Noire et faciliterait un debarquement des Turcs dans la Crimee." Page 345 (Soulavie to Barere and Danton, April 24, 1793) : " Celles puissances qu'on ose appeler neutres sont les amies naturelles de la France, des amies de tous les temps, des amies sures, des amies qui ont pris les armes pour la France, toutes les fois qu'elle I'a voulu : Savoir, la Turquie, la Pologne, la Saxe, la Suisse, la Danemark, Gefies, etc., etc." Pages 434, 435, 456, 437 : " La 138 EASTERN PROBLEMS The diplomatic aspect of the Eastern Question has been treated; we must now turn our attention to the economic situation which in large part constituted the importance of this diplomacy. It will be possible to show the commercial interests of France and England in the Levant, and to trace the development of sea power as a modern factor in the history of the Eastern Question. The evolution of this problem to a marine stage was largely due to the French policy aiming at control of the Mediterranean. This policy was not a new one, but its connection with the great problem of Asia was now shown for the first time; the Mediterranean became the scene of combat between rival powers whose interests were world- wide, and whose antagonism then seemed implacable. This struggle between France and Great Britain was in turn given a new character by the introduction of Levantine questions; Suede, le Danemark et la Turquie formaient les elements principaux du systeme d'alliances que la France voulait, en 1793, opposer aux puissances coalisees, en vue d'operer une diversion puissante sur leurs derrieres ou tout au moins de main- tenir la Russia dans I'inaction." Sybel : Propagatide revolutiomiaire, in Rev, Hist. xl. p. 112. Sorel: V Europe et la Revol. iii. pp. 301 et seq., 396, 403, 435 et seq.\ iv. pp. 67 et seq., 247 et seq., 393. Auckland : Corr. iii. pp. 200, 201 (Eden to Auck- land, Vienna, March 31, 1794) : " It is a most alarming business [Polish insurrec- tion] for this country [Austria], as Galicia is not without its malcontents, and there are not 1,000 troops left in the whole province, of which old Wurmser is the commander. Indeed, it may be fatal to us all if it be, as is suspected, con- nected with Uescorches' intrigues at Constantinople. . . . Perhaps the desire of keeping Poland in subjection, a jealousy of Prussia's aggrandizement, and the ap- prehensions of the machinations carrying on between the French and the Swedes, with the increasing influence of France and Denmark, may show her Imperial Majesty [Catherine] the expediency of at least deferring the execution of her designs against Turkey. Should this be the case, the uneasiness of this court would be removed." Vorontzov : Arkhiv, xviii. pp. 53-63, 67-79, 83, 85, 87, 88, 92, 94-96, 103, 105-108, no, 113, 115, 117-120, 130, 132. (Despatches of Kotchu- bey to S. Vorontzov: Oct. 3, 12 (23), 1792; Jan. 18, July 10, Sept. 10, 14 (25), 29 (Oct. 10), 1794; May 30 (June 10), July 30 (Aug. 10), 1795 5 I^ec. 29 (Jan. 9), Jan. 14 (25), Oct. 10, 30 (Nov. 10), 1796; Feb. 10, 14 (25), 1797.) These letters are invaluable for this period. Wassiltchikow : op. cit. ii. Pt. i, chaps, xi., xii. Pesenti: Diplomazia Franco- Ttirca, pp. 15-66. This very interesting pamphlet (1898), based on the despatches of Venetian diplomats, throws light on several important points. Further use will be made of it. THE EASTERN QUESTION AND THE REVOLUTION 1 39 the prestige of each nation at Constantinople and their respec- tive commercial interests in the nearer East became important to their general welfare, and to their success as world powers. The alliance between France and the Ottoman Empire was a matter of history. The combinations of European politics had made it valuable to both countries ; tradition and ambition had fostered it; geographical situation had given it permanence. From the economic point of view, the Levant played the part of a colonial empire to France; and the zenith of her influence in the East was reached at the treaty of Belgrade in 1738-39, when Villeneuve, the French ambassador to the Porte, so suc- cessfully negotiated the treaty between the Ottoman Empire and Russia and Austria. As a direct result of this, the capit- ulations of 1740 gave France a pre-eminence that lasted till after 1756.^ The Republic clung to the traditions of the Ancien Regime in the matter of Levantine trade. Indeed the adoption of the principles of war against Great Britain, and the permanence of the underlying causes in foreign policy required that the protection of French commerce in the Levant should follow as a corollary to the assumption of the obligations of monarchical France in the duel against her maritime rival for world empire and colonial trade. Henry IV. had placed French Mediterranean commerce in the front rank ; and Fran- cis I., Louis XIII., Vaubans, Chauvelin, and d'Argenson had followed in the footsteps of Charles VIII. in the endeavor to free Italy from German domination that a road to the Orient might be opened to them. Under the numerous capitulations with the Porte French mercantile interests had prospered 1 Vandal: Villeneuve, ^^. ix, x, i6, 31, 50 et seq., 416 et seq. Saint-Priest: Ambassade de France, pp. 269 et seq. De Testa: Reciieil, i. pp. 1S6 et seq., 525, notes. D'Argenson : Memoires, i. pp. 190, 361 etseq. Hammer : Gesch. des osniani- schen Reiches, viii. p. I. Segur : Politiqnes de tons les cabinets, \. pp. 18, 88 et seq., 140 et seq., 195, 344; iii. pp. 115, 116, 119, 126. Boutaric : Correspondance de Louis XV. i. p. 386; ii. pp. 182 et seq. Sorel : L' Europe et la Revolution, \. pp. 246, 307 ct seq. Delaville de Roulx : La Fraiice en Orient, i. p. 514 et seq. La- valee: Les frontHres de France, p. 119. 140 EASTERN PROBLEMS greatly ; but under Louis XIV. there was no very even devel- opment,^ About 1740, thanks to Villeneuve, the figures began to rise. The importations from the Levant increased by five million livres during the fifth decade of the century, and a total French trade of over forty million (nineteen export and twenty-one import) grew to forty-eight million livres just prior to the treaty with Austria in 1756. Though the political influ- ence of France waned thereafter, the commercial losses of Austria in Italy, the suspension of Russian trade by the closing of the Black Sea by wars, and the steady decrease in Venetian and Dutch mercantile power left the markets open to her in a way of which she soon took advantage, England's trade in the Levant had suffered greatly between 1735 and 1745, and her representatives and agents were withdrawn from many ports; ten French ships were seen to one British. The total exchange between France and the Ottoman Empire and de- pendencies was estimated at seventy million in 1788, and a year after the Revolution it had suffered but little, though French political prestige was at its lowest point. From 1715 to 1789 the imports to France from the Levant had grown thirteen fold, and the exports twelve fold ; and in 1787, of the total trade of Smyrna, the largest port of Western Asia Minor, over forty-two per cent was in French hands, a figure which is twenty-five per cent above that of 18S5, In 1700 it had been supposed by Savary that the English and Dutch held seventy-five per cent of the total trade of the Levant, and the French only twelve and one-half per cent. The enormous gain of France is thus 1 Fagniez : Le commerce exterieiir de la France sous Henri IV., in Rev. Hist. xvi. pp. 1-48. Pouqueville : Commerce de la Fi-ance, in Mem. de V Acad, des inscrip- tions, X. pp. 573, 574. Saint-Marc Girardin : Les origines de la question cTOriettt, in R. de D. M. li. pp. 40-72; liii. pp. 709-739; Iv. pp. 671-711, Phillipson : Hein- rich IV. und Philip III. i, pp. 239, 279, 284 et seq., 290, 296; iii. p. 353. C har- rier e : Negociatiojts de la France dans le Levant, i. pp. 69 et seq., 283 et seq. De Testa: op. cit. i. pp. 22 et seq., 43, 99 et seq., 113, 175. Saint- Priest : op. cit. pp. 29 et seq. Pingaud : op. cit. p. 2. Flassan : Hist, de la dipl. fratic. i. p. 360; iii. p. 402 ; iv. p. 57. Seeley : British Policy, i. p. 147. THE EASTERN QUESTIOiV AND THE REVOLUTION 1 41 apparent. The Greek trade with Europe amounted, in 1798, to 8,821,320 piastres exports, of which France took sixty-five per cent and England not quite seven per cent, and 4,970,670 piastres imports, of which France supplied about twenty-two per cent and England sixteen per cent,^ The interests of English trade in the Levant were not large in 1789, though they had greatly increased during the past few years. In 1783 imports from Turkey and the Levant had figured in the customs reports at ;i^48,983 and the exports to those regions from the United Kingdom at ;^42,666. By 1789 the imports were ;^223,424, and the exports ^136,207. In 1792 they had risen to ^^"290,599 and ^^273, 785 respectively. These figures, however, are the highest in a period of nearly twenty years, from 1783 to 1800. The average is much lower, and for Turkey is less than two per cent of the corresponding annual average of the French trade; the proportion for the entire Mediterranean, however, is only a little over three to one in favor of the French, There are, furthermore, frequent fluctuations of such a character as to show that the British trade was by no means so firmly established as the French, The influence of war naturally was great, and in the years when Bonaparte was fighting for dominion on the Adriatic and 1 Favier in Segur : op. cit. iii. p. 303. Saint-Priest : op. cit. pp. 269 et seq., 327 et seq., 335, 342. Vandal : op. cit. pp. 416 et seq., 430, 442. Arnould : Balance die Commerce, i. pp. 240 et seq., 249, 254. Georgiades : Smyrne et fAsie Mtneiir, pp. 220 et seq. Zinkeisen : op. cit. v. pp. 872 et seq. Beaujour : Commerce de la Grice, ii. pp. 162 et seq., 229. Beer : Gesckichte des Welthandels, 3te Abth. ii. Hdlfte, i. Th. p. 50S. Jackson: Commerceofthe Mediterratiean,-^^.-:^et seq.,\^. Holland: Travels in Greece, pp. 21, 36, 84, 149, 2S8. Macpherson : Amials, iv. p. 135. A much smaller figure for French commerce is here given. Beausobre : Politique, i. pp. 330 et seq. Diet, du Commerce, pp. 637, 638. In 1778 Holland had 100 ships in the Levant trade, and in 1779, 1 1 1 ships. Mayer : Considerations politiqties et comjnerciales, pp. 41-43. The author (1790) gives the annual trade of the Port of Marseilles as follows : — Exports to Levant 30,000,000 francs. Imports from Levant , 50,000,000 francs. Exports to West Indies, etc 17,000,000 francs. Imports from West Indies, etc 21,000,000 francs. Commerce of East Indies 3,500,000 francs. 142 EASTERN PROBLEMS Mediterranean, British trade in those waters was lower than at any time since 1783. Nelson's victory in Abukir Bay effected a corresponding increase, the imports to Great Britain rising from ;^42,285, in 1798, to ^199,773, in 1800, and the exports from ^62,168 to i^ 166,804. It is also fair to say that the exports for 1797 were i;23,532, and for 1799, £226,0^^, and that the imports for 1799, when the results of the victory had not been sufificiently realized to affect trade in Turkey, were only ;^33,09i. The attempt of the English to improve their Mediterranean commerce and to utilize the Red Sea and the Isthmus of Suez as a route for their Indian trade, had met with serious opposi- tion from the Porte. A decree had been issued ( 1 779) declaring that the Red S6a was the sacred highway of Islam to the holy city of Mecca, and was therefore barred to all infidels. With these facts in mind, it can be clearly seen that the extent of the British interest in the Levant was not due to the economic value of that trade, at least on its positive side. On the nega- tive side, however, the Eastern Question became a matter of great significance, for when Great Britain expected to renew the struggle with France, as in 1785-87, the importance of the Mediterranean trade to France aroused British endeavors to injure that lucrative source of their rival's wealth. The work of Saint-Priest, the French ambassador at the Porte, in stimu- lating trade between France and Russia via the Black and Mediterranean Seas, had excited alarm in the ports of northern Europe. The conquests of Catherine, at the expense of the Turks, had given her a southern littoral, and there was a pros- pect that she might gain ports in the ^gean and open the Bosphorus and Dardanelles to whom she would. This possi- bility is, in fact, the secret of French vacillation at Constanti- nople. Should a trade route be established between Russia and the south of Europe, in waters where English shipping was comparatively weak, a serious blow would be struck at that most profitable branch of the British commerce, the Baltic trade. Austria had declared that she considered free access THE EASTERN QUESTION AND THE REVOLUTION 1 43 to eastern markets a necessity, and was expecting to share with Russia a sudden development in her Adriatic and Black Sea trade. Under these circumstances, France was not pre- pared to oppose Russian expansion by force. On the other hand, Frederick the Great had already established a Levant Company, and Prussia was determined that she would utilize her prestige at the Porte to further her commercial interests, while at the same time she increased her trade with Russia in the North. The Dutch states were influenced by similar con- siderations ; and Great Britain's interest was larger than both. That France should secure the major part of Russian trade was a bitter possibility to Great Britain. These views had in all probability an appreciable effect on the formation of the Triple Alliance of Great Britain, Prussia, and Holland (1788). In the event of war against Russia and Austria, the Turks could be counted on to injure Russian commerce in the Black Sea, and thus to aid the three Northern powers, who could, in addi- tion, expect help from Sweden. Such a war would have a disastrous effect on French trade, for it would check the devel- opment of that very branch of commerce, — the exchange with Russia via the Black Sea, — which Saint-Priest and Scgur had labored so hard to encourage. France, therefore, opposed the outbreak of hostilities in the East, and while Prussian and British diplomats strengthened the Turks to resist the de- mands of Russia, Choiseul-Goufifier, then at Constantinople, was instructed to persuade the Porte to yield to the desires of the imperial allies, surrendering some small portion of territory rather than risk the fate of the Ottoman Empire as a Euro- pean state in a war, which, it seemed certain, would drive the Turks back to Asia.^ 1 For English trade statistics, cf. App. ii. For English Levant Company in 1720-40, cf. Plumard de Dangeul [Nickolls] : Remarks on the advantages and dis- advaiitages of France and Great Britain, pp. 173, 174 ; Dearborn : Black Sea, i. pp. 107, 1 16 ; Bonnassieux : Grandes compagnies, p. 467, quoting Gazette' de France, July I, 1765 ; Beer : Oestei-reiche Ilai/dclspolitik, p. 396; Favier, in Segur : Politi- que, i. pp. 2SS, 326, 365 et seq., and Vergennes in Ibid. iii. p. 154. Cf. Antoine : 144 EASTERN PROBLEMS The proposal to increase French trade in the Mediterranean, and thus to indemnify the losses of France in America and India, was practically a plan to make Levantine commerce a national monopoly and to close the Mediterranean to English ships. Favier had expressed this idea as a redressal of the balance of economic power ; it had been the policy of Francis I. and of Henry IV. when engaged in their struggle with Spain ; and it found its most eager exponents in men like Arnould, whose book was cited on every hand during the days of the First Republic. The Revolution then seemed destined to be coincident with the solution of the Eastern Question. It had been welcomed by the great Powers of Europe before they realized that it was to become a movement of such widespread importance and danger to them ; each had hoped that under cover of the Revolution it might be able to deal with oriental affairs, whether in Poland, Turkey, India, or in Eastern waters, so as to gain in territory or trade. The people of France, however, far from obliterating their country as a political factor in Europe, handled the affairs of the world with enthusiastic patriotism and successful genius. Realizing the vital connec- tion of sea power and commercial progress in the Mediter- ranean with the Eastern Question, with dominion in Asia, and with control of the world's trade routes, they set themselves to the task of creating a greater France abroad, while trying to create a new France at home. The city of Marseilles, in whose harbor was concentrated the French trade of the Medi- terranean, demanded that France should secure the major share of commerce or an equable proportion of territory in the coming struggle over the spoils of the East ; and that, above all, English predominance in the waters which that rich city Commerce de lamer Noire,2iXvdiY&xx\hxzi-^Z}XV^(£.Vii: Memoireshistoriqiies,poUtiques et geographiques dcs voyages faits en Tiirquie, en Perse et en Arable depicts 1782, jus- qu'en 1789, Paris, 1790, 2 vols.; Chattlscherlf osla Rescrltto Imperlale di Sultan Abdul Hamid emanato I'anno 1779 per prolblre agringlesl ed altre nazionl Europee il commercio dell' mare rosso, in Hammer : Fundgruben des Orients, i. pp, 429 ^^ seq. THE EASTERN QUESTION AND THE REVOLUTION 1 45 had so long regarded as tributary to her merchants, should become an impossibility. The belief in France was that Great Britain aspired to the commerce of the whole world ; that of the Levant, which was so peculiarly French in its economic and political history, must, therefore, be preserved to France at any cost. In respect to the fate of the Ottoman Empire opinion was divided. It was felt that the realization of any plan for the destruction of that power would be a serious blow to France; but in case the day had come when a final partition of Turkish territory was to be accomplished, it was essential that France should receive a just share of that territory ; or, to be more definite, that she should take possession of Egypt and several Greek islands, — a share which diplomats, scholars, and travellers had tentatively assigned to France in the past. If, however, it should appear that more was to be gained by a firm support of a weakened ally, it behooved France to become a bulwark to protect the Porte from the aggression of the rest of Europe, In the mean time greater power on the Mediter- ranean and along its coasts was necessary, whichever policy France might eventually decide to follow. The pamphleteers discussed these points and debated the character of Turkish rule and the vitality of Islam. Yet, however they might differ as to the method, they united as to the object. France had interests in the Orient which must be cherished and pro- tected from Great Britain. It was the opinion of Frenchmen, therefore, that by increasing her influence and trade in the Levant France would thwart Great Britain, would follow the policy which history and tradition had marked for her, and would best realize the ideal of a Roman imperial republic; in the words of Chenier : — " En vain vous [England] pr^tendez encor Appesantir sur Tonde un sceptre tyrannique Rois, ministres, guerriers, vainqueurs avec de Tor, Triomphant par la foi punique ! L'universe soul&ve : il remet en nos mains 10 146 EASTERN PROBLEMS Le soin de recouvrer le public heritage ; Et les bras des nouveaux Remains Renverseront I'autre Carthage. " "Sur ton sein [the sea] genereux porte-nous des tr^sors De I'onde adriatique et des mers de Bysance Appelle et conduis dans nos ports Les doux attributs de I'abondance ! " ^ 1 Arnould : Balance du commerce, i. p. 258 : " Ce commerce du Levant, reunit, comma Ton voit, tous les avantages. II devient une ecole de matelots ; il soutient de nombreuxatteliers; il encourage I'agriculture ou le nourissage des bestiaux, en favorisant I'emploi des laines recoltees dans nos provinces meridionales ; il fait valoir le sol de nos colonies d'Amerique ; il apporte I'abondance des subsis- tances dans le midi de la France ; il grossit par les benefices de la reexportation, les capitaux destinees a la reproduction du revenu annuel ; enfin, il met perpetuelle- ment de nouveaux poids dans la balance de i'industrie fran^oise, en alimentant sans cesse nos manufactures de matieres premieres." Barral-Montferrat : op. cit. i. pp. 325 et scq., 346. Beaujour : op. cit. i. pp. 4 et seq. ; ii. pp. 305 et seq., 321, 331. Dubroca : Politique du gouveritement anglais, pp. 67, 69. Delafonte ; Lettre h M, Herault, pp. 3, 4, 12, 18, 19, 21, 24-31. Bailleu : op. cit. i. pp. 54, 102, 113, 123. Mayer: Considerations sur Vordre de Alalte, pp. 6, 7. "Que le clef du Commerce du Levant et de la Mediterranee est dans les mains de I'Ordre, Qu'un nouveau souverain place sur ce point [Malta] central des deux continens, ouvriroit et fermeroit a son gre le passage a nos vaisseaux : que par la preponderance absolue que I'alliance de I'Ordre nous assure, le Commerce du Levant enrichit six de nos Provinces, soutient nos Manufactures, occupe une in- finite d'ouvriers, alimente notre Commerce d'Amerique, entretient Marseille dans I'etat le plus florissant, que par cette preponderance, la France conserve une alli- ance intime avec la Porte, et par elle jette des contrepoids toujours surs dans la balance de I'Europe," p. 43. He closes with an appeal for a Franco-Turkish alliance directed against England in the Levant. Russia and Austria could also be checked in their plans for the despoilment of Turkey, and Russia could be induced by trade to cooperate with France against England. A number of other pamphlets of a similar character to those above cited are to be found noted in the bibliography. Chenier : CEtivres, iii. p. 362, " Hymne — La Reprise de Toulon." (Dec. 30, 1793.) CHAPTER III NAPOLEON BONAPARTE AND THE ORIENT : THE EGYPTIAN EXPEDITION The New Factors in Politics — Tendencies of the Period: the Classic Revival, the Oriental Revival, the Revolutionary Spirit, the Legend of Charlemagne — Their Influence on Napoleon Bonaparte — His Early Training ; his Books and Notes — Raynal — Analysis of the Histoire philosophiqiie — Colonies, Com- merce, and Sea Power; the Trinity of the New Politics — Bonaparte and Charlemagne — The Condition of the Ottoman Empire, 1797 — France and Venice — Bonaparte in Italy — His Interest in the Orient — The Ionian Islands — The Fall of Venice — Malta — Bonaparte and the Directory — The Partition of Turkey — France versus England — The Mission of Poussielgue — The Invasion of England — Bonaparte in Paris, 1798 — The Discussi6n of Plans — The Egyptian Expedition is decided, March — The Authorship of the Plan — Bonaparte's Information about Egypt — Motives for the Expedition — Sketch of the Events — Bonaparte's Policy toward the Porte ; toward the Peo- ples and Rulers of Egypt, Syria, Greece, and the Barbary States ; and toward the Directory — Bonaparte and Islam — The Mahdi — Egypt and India — The Situation in India, 1793-9S — Tipu-Tib of Mysore — The French in India — Tipuand the Directory — British Opinion regarding the Egyptian Expedition ; its Menace to British Power in Asia — The Khalif, Tipu, and the British Au- thorities — The Last War with Mysore, 1798 — Tipu and Bonaparte — The French at Suez and on the Red Sea — The Death of Tipu — British Policy in India, in Persia, and toward the Far East — The Evolution of Asiatic Politics — The Situation in Europe — The Second Coalition — Success of the Allies — Their Jealousies — Bonaparte's Return to France — The Reasons for the Failure of the Expedition — Its Influence on the Eastern Question. We have followed the diplomatic and economic development of the Eastern Question during the last quarter of the eigh- teenth century; we have seen how great an influence oriental affairs had on the policies of Europe; and we have observed that Asiatic problems themselves changed in character under pressure from the political expansion of Europe and the econo- 148 EASTERN PROBLEMS mic demands of the West. Each of the great Powers of Europe had now become interested in oriental matters; colonial and Asiatic questions were now to be linked in a vast world-prob- lem. Statesmen could no longer depend merely on land power ; they must recognize in sea power a factor unknown to the Eastern Question since the sixteenth century; and they must perceive that dominion in Asia was both a prize worth fighting for and an important element in the history of Euro- pean nations. It was the fate of France at this juncture to be both served and led by Napoleon Bonaparte, a man whose interest in the Orient were deep and lasting. He touched the Eastern Question and the colonial problem, as he did all the nearer questions of Europe, with a touch which is felt to this day. The ideas which he brought to his task and the conditions under which he was trained for his career thus had much to do, not only with his own personal treatment of these matters, but also with their historical development. For a better understanding of these things, therefore, it is necessary to glance at certain tendencies of the period in which he was born. First among these is the classical revival. The eigh- teenth century was marked by the heralding of a new propa- ganda in philosophy and by a return to the ideals of the ancient world. Rome exerted an incomparable influence in the midst of an essentially modern society. The French, made familiar through wonderful translations with the best of classic authors, absorbed the spirit of a literature that was imperial — Augustan — in its mission. The classicism reproduced in French writ- ings may have been false ; but politically the revival was of great importance. Every device which strengthened the impression that the new Republic was but continuing the mission of the old, received joyful and passionate acclaim. The great struggle of the ancient democracy had been with Carthage, the mistress of the sea; the mighty empire of the Phoenicians had fallen before the insignificant naval power of Latium. That in such and such a year of the French Republic, England, the modern NAPOLEON BONAPARTE AND THE ORIENT 149 Carthage, the second queen of commerce and trade, should fall before the successors of the Scipios seemed not impossible to French ambition.^ The progress of oriental studies was a cognate movement. The missionary work of the Jesuits, the commercial and colo- nial development, the expansion of the Russian Empire, the numerous explorations in Asia, Africa, and Oceanica, and the growth of a scientific spirit of investigation had all combined to make the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries an epoch in oriental philological and historical investigation. France had played no small part in this movement. Her writers were authorities, and her government and people were in sympathy with the advancement of knowledge regarding the East. Both the Peysonnels, de Tott, Volney, and many others were busy preaching the new evangel of the Orient. The star of the French Empire was to be seen moving eastward, and French travellers and scholars were the new astronomers. , The po- litical developments in eastern Europe and in India at once stimulated interest in the peoples and institutions of Asia and led to the rehabilitation of ancient and oriental history, both as a subject for serious study and as a text for contemporary events, Catherine's " Greek Plan " and Napoleon's Egyptian Expedition undoubtedly led to a scientific revival of the study of Ancient Greece and Egypt ; but they were also directed them- selves in large measure by the scientific and literary interest which was part of the spirit of the age. The importance of the Orient and the necessity for knowledge concerning it were manifested by the establishment in Paris of a " School for the Study of Modern Oriental Languages." Langles was largely instrumental in accomplishing this ; and he was placed at the 1 Texte : Rousseau et le Cosmopolitisme, pp. 418 et seq., 423. A short list is given of some of the works published. Paulin Paris : Jean-Jacques Rousseau, sn Bibliophile Jran^aise, i. pp. 22S et seq. Masson : D^pt. des aff. etrang. pp. 330, 410. Malmesbury: Diaries, iii. p. 544. Chenier: (Euvres, iii. pp. 186, 187, 362, 391. Pingaud : Choiseul-Gouffier, pp. iS et seq., 67 et seq., 137 et seq, Renard: L' Ittjluence de rantiquiti classique sur la litterature Jrattfaise (passim). ISO EASTERN PROBLEMS head of the institution for which he had appealed, almost entirely on political and diplomatic grounds (1795). Volney, the scholar and traveller, was attached to the foreign ofiEice ; and ten thousand copies of his " Simplification dcs laiigues orien- talcs " were distributed by order of the Committee of Public Safety. The School was of the greatest value to the French people ; its pupils became the emissaries of Napoleon, and its history is intimately connected with that of a diplomacy which has operated in India, Persia, Egypt, Algiers, and Turkey. The intimate relations existing between politician and philosopher, statesman and scholar, make these intellectual movements of still greater importance. The Frenchman reading his Caesar, his Livy, his Plutarch, or his Strabo, was a practical politician. He was guided by geography and history.^ Geographical situation has given permanence to the political genius of France. Even before Charlemagne, her kings were summoned to redress the balance of power in lands beyond her eastern border. The subsidies drawn from the Emperors at Constantinople for this and like services and the trade de- veloped with the Levant became a source of steadily-increasing income to her people. The great personality of Charlemagne, whose shadow reaches across the centuries to Philip Augustus and Napoleon, was used as a lay figure, about which were twined the ideals and ambitions of a nation. It is the legend of his work and policy which impressed the minds of men. It was he, according to the story, who received an embassy from Harun-al-Rashid, presenting the titles to the shrines of Christendom. He was the first royal Crusa- der and pilgrim. After leaving an army in the north to ward off any attack of the Normans, he set sail for the Orient with ^ Benfey: Gesch. der Sprachwisscnschaft, pp. 239, 263, 326. E. Charavay : L' Orientaliste LangVcs, in Revolution franfaise, xvi. (1SS9), p. 136. Masson : Ajff. Strang, pp. 314 (note), 331, 412. I have included in the Bibliography the titles of a few of the works on oriental subjects which appeared at this time in France, which either exerted any ini^uence in directing public attention to the East, or which were of political significance. NAPOLEON BONAPARTE AND THE ORIENT 151 a fleet collected in the harbors of Venice and Ancona. He fought the Saracens, destroying their false gods, conquered Eng- land for the Church, and received " Costentinnoble " at the hand of Roland. He achieved in story and song that which every ruler of France since his day has hoped to realize in fact.^ These ancient traditions, old as France herself, were not obht- erated by the Revolution; rather were they enlivened till they became political ideals for guidance in coming crises. Though it is impossible to discuss here the spirit of the Revolution, one fact must be pointed out, that the Revolution itself made no break in the course of French foreign policy. It is true that the Revolutionary spirit became for a time a kind of new religious faith, yet its propagation was carried on by applying old political principles, by maintaining the traditions and the system of the France of history.^ 1 Procopius: De bdlo gothico, lib. i. c. 5 in Niebuhr : Corp. Scrip. Byz. xix. p. 27. Agatthias : Historiarum, lib. ix. c. 20,62. Earbeyrac, in Dumont: Supple. i. part 2, art. 179. Mezeray : Hist, de France, i. p. 238. Sorel : H Europe et la Revol. i. p. 246. Poeto Saxo : Ann. de Gcstis B. Caroli Magni, lib. iv. ind. 9. Pertz: Mon. Gcr. iii. p. 710. Leibnitz: Alberici, Ann. 802, ii. p. 133. Tudebodus; Hist, de Hierosolymitano Itinere, in Dn Chesne, iv. p. 777. Eginhard : Vita Carol. Mag. ann. 797. Graetz: Gcsch. der Juden, v. pp. 184, 1S5. Dubois: De recupera- Hone, pp. 5, 8, 18 (cf. Leboeuf in Hist, et mem. de I'Acad. des inscrip. xxi. p. 126, and in Leber: Collection, xviii. pp. 86-106. Foncemagne in Leber: Ibid. x\m. pp. 107-116). Auracher: Pseudo-Turpitt, p. 24. Paris: Hist. poetique de Charle- magne,'^. 2(^^. Michel: Chanson de Roland, p. 15 (str. xxvii. v. 8), p. 90 (str. clxix. V. 16). Roland, dying, tells of his conquests for Charlemagne. " Jo Ten cunquis Baiver e tute Flandres E Burguigne e trestute Puillanie Costentinnoble, dunt il ont la fiance, E en Saisonie fait-il 90 qu'il demandet ; E Engleterre que il teneit sa cambre." Cf. Forster : Christian von Troves sdmtliche IVerke, Cligis, v. 30-44. 2 Burke : op. cit. iii. p. 394. Stern : Das Lebcn Mirabeaus, ii. p. 246. De Tocqueville : L'Ancien Regime, 1. i. c. 3, p. 1 5. Taine : L'Ancien Regime, 1. iii. c. 3, p. 267, and La Revolution, ii. p. 67. Mallet du Pan: Corr. ii. p. 135. Montegut : La Democratie et la Rh)olution, in R. d. D. M. cc. pp. 425 et scq. Aulard : Dipl. de la Comite de Salut Public, in Revolution /ranf. xviii. p. 130. Lavallee : op. cit. 152 EASTERN PROBLEMS What then of the training of the Corsican lad who was to bridge the gulf between an artillery subaltern and a French Emperor ? His boyhood was spent by the shores of the Mediterranean, where the world's trade passed by, rich with supplies from the mysterious East ; his youth was occupied with study, especially that of history, and his rriind was fasci- nated early by things oriental. Born again of the spirit of the Revolution, its child and heir by right of that birth to the history and traditions of which it was a part. Napoleon Bona- parte was destined to become a rival to Alexander and the Caesars. Nature had done her share in moulding the boy; the printed page stimulated and guided the youth. Thus the man spoke from a full mind, yet as no pedant, but as a well- trained workman in politics. There is indeed no study of any part of Bonaparte's career which is so self-revealing as the examination of the books he read and the notes he wrote while in school and as a young officer. General works on practical politics and philosophy and the principles of artillery tactics form a group by themselves ; they are greatly outweighed by the vast amount of purely historical literature which he made his own. Plutarch's Lives, Strabo, and the Republic of Plato, were books he loved. Among more modern volumes, history of every description ranks first, and in his own notes it again takes the major place. The classical and oriental revivals and the colonial and economic questions of the day had their in- fluence with him and guided him in his choice of books. An examination of his notes, based on his reading, reveals much. Masson's edition of Bonaparte's notes has fifty-two printed pages on the Republic and Rollin's Ancient History. On the latter there is a detailed syllabus treating of Persia, Assyria, Scythia, Thrace, Greece, Crete, Greater Greece, and Egypt. Bonaparte comments : " It is at Alexandria, founded by Alexander on the Nile, that the commerce of the Orient is pp. I, 2. Sorel : L Europe et la Revol. i. pp. 238, 258, 321 et seq., 334, 545 ; ii. pp. 532 et seq. ; iii. p. 144. NAPOLEON BONAPARTE AND THE ORIENT 1 53 carried on." ^ The most careful analyses are those regarding the Persians, Greeks, and Arabs. Seventy-four pages are devoted to an outline of English history and a brief minute on the finances of the French East India Company. At Brienne he read and committed to memory long passages of Vertot's His- tory of the Knights of Malta. Baron de Tott, whose travels in Central Asia, Turkey, Syria, and Egypt were famous at the time, was a favorite author, and his book was carefully digested and annotated. Such passages as this, " Egypt is so situated as to combine the commerce of Europe, Africa and the East Indies" apparently made an impression on the mind of the reader, as did the generally favorable description of that coun- try.^ Volney is another writer on the same general subject, and at a later period he was enabled to influence Bonaparte more directly by personal intercourse along a line distinctly sympathetic with the Egyptian Expedition. The history and government of Venice were also matters which he thoroughly investigated.^ Sixteen pages of Masson are occupied with notes on Marigny's History of the Arabs ; and we also find a story of oriental adventure by Bonaparte himself, entitled " Le Masque Prophete." St. Helena is mentioned among various notes on geography, and an estimate of the earnings of the British East India Company gives the figure at 79,874,872 1 Masson : Napoleon Incotum, i. pp. 2S5 et scq., 31S, 319. Bonaparte writes : " Le commerce de la Perse, de I'lnde, de I'Arabie s'est fait pendant plusieurs siecles par la voie de la mer Rouge et du Nil. Le passage par le Cap de Bonne- Esperance que les Portugais ont decouvert a fait negliger absolument I'ancienne voie." Notes on Charles Rollin : Histoire ancioine, Paris, 1734-40, 13 vols. Du Casse : Memoires de Joseph, i. p. 32. 2 Masson: op. cit. i. pp. 340 et seq., 431, 433 et seq. John Barrow: Histoire cCAnglderre (translation), Paris, 177 1, 10 vols. Qhwc^tt: Jeiinesse de Napoleon, i. pp. 105, 129, 136. De Tott: Memoirs, ii. pp. 251, 274 et seq. (on the Suez canal) ; 287 et seq. (Egypt is described as possessing a rich soil, salubrious climate, a wretched people, and a weak government.) "^ Masson : op. cit. ii. pp. 20 et seq. Amelot de la Houssaie : Histoire du gouverucmcitt de Vcnise avec dcs notes historiqiies et politiques, Lyon, 1 740, 3 vols. Sainte-Beuve : Causer ies de Lundi. (Berger: f'W//^^) vii. pp. 408, 427. 154 EASTERN PROBLEMS livres. Voltaire's writings on China, India, Babylon, and Muhammad received greater attention than did his philos- ophy; though the preaching of the political and social re- formers of the time did not fall on deaf ears. A mass of notes on almost every conceivable subject is remarkable in that over half of them treat of matters east of the Adriatic, Cyrus, Alexander, and Muhammad were the three men who most appealed to him from the pages of oriental history.^ There is one work, however, which at that time ranked among the great productions of a great age. If Favier's famous book, " Zt'^ conjectures raiso7ineez sur Vet at de V Europe^' de- serves to be called " the Bible of the true diplomat," the Abbe Raynal was its inspired interpreter. The Histoire philoso- pJiique et politique des etablissements et du commerce des Eiiropeens dans les deux Indes, was to the Conjectures raison- nies what the fiery eloquence of the Contrat social was to the measured power of the Esprit des Lois. Sorel calls Raynal " the prophet of the diplomacy of the Revolution." He applied geography and political economy to history and turned the study of statistics and descriptions of the tropics into a manual of practical politics. He invoked Peace, but caused War ; he was among the first writers of economic history, world-wide in its plan, recognizing the new conditions which made war a struggle for bread, and commerce and colonies the pledges of power. Yet he was not the sole representative of this point of view ; the very fact that edition after edition was exhausted shows the great demand which the public were making for an interpre- tation of the new politics of the world. His views on India were shared by many other writers ; his clearness of thought and power of expression drove them home to the hearts of 1 Masson : op. cit. ii. pp. i et seq., 17 etseq.,£,^ (" Ste. Helene, petite tie "), 51, 52, 258 et seq., 268 et seq. Marigny : Histoire des Arabes, Paris, 1750, 4 vols. Lacroix : La Geographie moder7te, Paris, 1747. Voltaire : Les annales de l' Empire depuis Charlemagne, and VEssai sur les mceurs et fesprit des nations. These were natu- rally the two works which appealed to Bonaparte peculiarly. NAPOLEON BONAPARTE AND THE ORIENT 1 55 men. It is, then, but natural that the young Napoleon should have received this book with the greatest eagerness, read it v^rith the closest attention, annotated it and pondered over its pages, dedicated to their author in youthful, yet sincere flattery his own literary production, the History of Corsica, and finally, possessed by the theories which Raynal had propounded, en- deavored to realize in the history of the next quarter-century the ideas he had received in the unforgotten student days at Valence.^ The general scheme and argument of Raynal' s work are as follows : The author surveys in an introductory chapter the history of colonial enterprise in the past, and then treats in turn the establishments of each European nation in both hemispheres, concluding with a general discussion of the un- derlying causes for the present situation and of the methods in vogue. Here he says with regard to England's success and its causes: "It is not, as has been hitherto imagined, war alone that settles the superiority of nations; for the last half-century commerce has had a much greater influence in it. While the continental powers measured and partitioned Europe into unequal shares, which diplomacy balanced by its leagues, treaties, and combinations, a maritime nation formed, as it were, a new system, in which by their industry the land was made subject to the sea, as Nature herself has decreed by her laws. They created or developed this exten- 1 Masson : op. cit. i. pp. 334 et seq. ; Grosjean : Mission dc Semonvillc, in Rhjolution frangaise, xiii. p. 891. Sorel : L' Europe et la revolution fraufaise, i. pp. 308,309. Arnould: Balance ducominerce/x.-^. 48. Qoxs\t\: Causes fina7iciires, ii. p. 27. Segur: Memoires, souvefiirs et anecdotes i. p. 150. Legoux de Flaix: Uln- doustan, i. pp. 395 et seq. Breton : Notice sur Raynal, in Mem de P/nstitut, i. p. xv. et seq. Raynal was not the real author of the entire work. Diderot was respon- sible for much of the philosophy, and Raynal's position was in some respects only that of a compiler. Diderot: CEiivres,\. -p. xvW; iv. p. 107; xx. pp. 103, 104. Jung: Bonaparte et son temps, i. p. 162. Mallet du Pan: Memoires (ed. Sayous, Eng. trans.), i. pp. 45 et seq. G. T. Raynal: Histoire philosophique et politique des etablissements et du commerce des Europicns dans les deux Indes. Geneva, 1780-81. 10 vols. 8vo. 156 EASTERN PROBLEMS sive commerce, founded upon an excellent agriculture, flour- ishing manufactures and the richest possessions in the four quarters of the globe. It is this sort of universal monarchy that Europe ought to wrest from England, thereby restoring to each maritime state the liberty and power that it ought to have upon that element which surrounds it. "^ The funda- mental principle of the book is that commerce is power, and that the strength of a nation lies in a colonial empire sup- ported by trade. Trade routes and strategic positions are discussed. The English had strengthened the Cape of Good Hope route to the East by fixing upon St. Helena as a port of call. The French, if guided by La Bourdonnais, would have taken two of the islands off the East coast of Africa, and, on the outbreak of hostilities, with the He de France as a naval base, could have cut England's communications with India. 2 The routes to India from the eastern end of the Mediterranean are described at length. Two in particu- lar are mentioned : one, from some Syrian port across the desert to Persia via Aleppo and Baghdad, and thence either by land to Malabar, or down the Euphrates to the Persian Gulf, .and by sea to India; and the other, via Egypt and the Red Sea. Especial attention is paid to the latter; and a glowing description of Arabia and Arabian trade, together with a discussion of the strategic value of the Red Sea, give it peculiar interest. It appears to have attracted Bonaparte, for he comments at length on this chapter.^ As regards 1 Raynal : op. cit. x. p. 152. 2 Raynal: op. cit. ii. pp. 184, 185. 3 Raynal : op. cit. ii. pp. 48-155 , p. 61. " The situation of its [Aden ] harbour, which opened an easy communication with Egypt, Ethiopia, India, and Persia, had rendered it for many ages one of the most flourishing factories in Asia." Masson : op. cit. i. pp. 334, 335 ( Bonaparte's notes on Raynal ) : " Sous les Ptole- mies, rfigypte fit le commerce par la mer Rouge, mais les uns passaient par le Golfe Persique et les iles de Madagascar, les autres s' arretaient a I'ile de Ceylon ; quelques-uns allaient au Coromandel pour remonter le Gauge. Leurs voyages duraient six ans, tandis que nous le faisons en six mois." Here follows a list of commodities carried by the Egyptians. " Toutes les nations commergantes NAPOLEON BONAPARTE AND THE ORIENT 157 access to India from the north, the statements are also well worth consideration, for the writer shows with great clear- ness the invulnerable position of Russia and the natural advantages which would accrue to her, at comparatively little expenditure of men or money, as soon as the plans formulated by Peter the Great should be pushed to comple- tion. The history of the rise of Russia is perhaps the most suggestive piece of work in the book, and reveals a master hand. It was claimed that Russia and China were united in a natural way, which must, in the end, be for the advantage of the European power. In this region, also, the trade-routes were partly by water. The connection by them between east and west is shown to have been of ancient origin, and, according to the writer, they formed a series of avenues for approach to the southeast either for trade or war.^ allaient dans les ports d'figypte prendre les merchandises des Indes. La naissance de I'Empire mahometan affaiblit le commerce d'figypte, et le commerce des Indes prit deux autres routes : la premiere par Constantinople, la mer Noire par I'Euphrate jusqu'a Serapana; de la, par le moyen de quatre ou cinq jours de voiture, ils arrivaient au fleuve Cyrus, puis a la mer Caspienne, ou Ton remontait rOxus ; ensuite, par I'lndus. L'on revenait par le meme chemin. L'autre moyen etait moins complique ; le golfe Persique, I'Euphrate, de la a Palmyre par terra oil des caravanes allaient jusqu* aux bords de Syrie. Lorsque Palmyre fut detruite, les caravanes prirent la route d'Alep et du port d'Alexandrette. Dans les derniers temps, les Venitiens avaient persuade aux Mamelucs, souverains d'figypte, moyennant une retribution, a leur laisser tenter le commerce de I'lnde. Les Genois, les Pisans, les Florentins, les Catalans en profiterent. Tel etait I'etat du commerce lorsque les Portugais decouvrirent le passage du Cap de Bonne-Esperance." 1 Raynal : op. cit. iii. pp. \2g et seq., 147. It is fair to suppose that passages such as these may have had some influence upon Napoleon in directing him to invade Russia, with possibly India as an ultimate destination. At a time but little subsequent to the reading of this book he did endeavor to secure his trans- fer to the Russian service. Waliszewski: Autour d'lin trdne, p. 62. Masson: op. cit. ii. p. 526. Mention must be made here of Bonaparte's attempt in 1795 to enter the Turkish artillery service. Napoleon: Correspondance, Nos. 56, 61,64, 65. Jung : Bonaparte et son temps, iii. pp. 58 et seq., 408, 409. It was the age when the peculations of Anglo-Indian officials were the theme of parliamentary discussions. Napoleon himself broached the plan of entering the English service in order that he might return from the Indies "rich as a nawab." Jung: Lucien 158 EASTERN PROBLEMS From the conflict between France and Great Britain which began in 1744, Raynal drew several lessons. In India the English had previously defeated the Dutch and Portuguese, and against France their methods of attack were the same. Everywhere they aimed at their enemy's commerce, while the French exhausted all their strength in a struggle to seize territory from which they could not hope to profit. At the conclusion of peace in 1763, the English were practically in control along the coast of Arabia, on the Persian Gulf, in Malabar, Coromandel, and Bengal, while the French had everywhere sunk into inactivity. The stakes for v/hich France and England had waged a war upon so wide a field were those which in the past had "tempted the first con- querors of the world." The Empire of the Great Mughal, it was alleged, exceeded in wealth and luxury the wildest dreams of western kings. As regards the future, Raynal was hopeful. He recalled the fact that France still had a number of possessions in the East ; her defeat had been due rather more to chance, and to lack of co-operation at home, than to the prowess of English arms. In fact, since 1763 the oppression of the victors had already alienated the Indian princes. "A fatal reverse of fortune" threatened the Eng- lish. At the sight of French standards the afiflicted native sovereigns of India would gladly spring to arms, and the present tyrannical foreign rulers would be assailed by land and sea, did France but accept the opportunity offered to her. With victory, the French would emerge from their present humiliating condition; "they would become the idols of the princes and peoples of Asia"; and profiting by past mistakes the great rival power might at last be overthrown.^ Bonaparte, i. p. 74. Lucien, the same year in which this happened, tried to secure a place with Semonville, then under appointment for his second attempt to reach Constantinople. Jung : op. cit. i. p. 100. The Orient apparently had strong attractions for the entire family. 1 Raynal : op. cit. ii. pp. 46, 196, 382, 3S9, 493. The lie de France was a con- NAPOLEON BONAPARTE AND THE ORIENT I 59 The opening proposition of the work is that commercial nations are those which have civilized the world. The con- clusion is an eloquent apostrophe to sea-power as a force which has revolutionized history, and made tributary to the harbors of Europe the richest and most distant lands of the globe. The position which Great Britain occupies, the writer continues, is due to her navy, which she regards as her ram- part, "the source of her riches," and the pivot of her hopes. The balance of power has departed from the continent; it rests with the maritime nations, and upon their fleets de- pends the destiny of many peoples.^ Bonaparte acquired from this book a share in that community of French thought whose development we have traced. He learned to consider England as the most dangerous rival of France, to regard her as injured when India, the alleged source of her riches, had been wrested from her ; and as conquered only when, shorn of sea-power and colonial possessions, her empire of trade had passed across the channel to the ports of France. In his own words many years later, — to win he must have sea- power, and that only as the result of an attack upon England at home and abroad. It was the task of a new Charlemagne. ^ Bonaparte had read also in Voltaire that " Charlemagne, le plus ambitieux, le plus politique, et le plus grand guerrier de son siecle, fit la guerre aux Saxons trente annees avant de les assujetir pleinement. . . . Enfin, Charlemagne, maitre d'ltalie, comme de I'Allemagne et de France, juge du pape, arbitre de I'Europe, vient a Rome a la fin de I'annee 799. stant menace to England's line of communication, and at the outbreak of war France must expect an attack upon that important position, p. 483. 1 Raynal : op. cit. x. pp. 197 et seq. '^ Vandal : Napoleon et Alexandre I. i. p. 6 : " Napoleon avait tout conquis, sauf la paix. Derri^re chaque ennemi vaincu, il retrouvait I'Angleterre en armes, preparant contre lui des nouvelles coalitions." Napoleon : Commcntaires, iv. p. 441 : " Qui [la Republique] etait en 1800 tout aussi inferieure sur la mer qu'en 1798. Si Ton eut ete maitre de la mer, on eut marche droit a la fois sur Londres, sur Dublin, et sur Calcutta, c'etait pour le deviner que la Republique voulait posseder I'figj'pte." l60 EASTERN PROBLEMS . . . Leon III. le proclame empereur d' Occident pendant la messe, le jour de Noel."-^ Napoleon I. wrote to Cardinal Fesch : " Pour le Pope, je suis Charlemagne, parceque, comme. Charlemagne, je reunis la couronne de France a celle des Lombards, et que mon empire confine avec I'Orient. "^ Repudiating the rights and position which belonged to the Kings of France of the second and third dynasties, he dated his heritage back to the time when the Pope was only the Bishop of Rome, and the spiritual power rested on the tem- poral. Bonaparte crossed the Alps before his "thirty years" of war against the descendants of the Saxons had barely begun. He reversed the search of Columbus, who had sailed into the West to secure the wealth of the East, and marched to the East to reach the power of France's rival in the West. The propaganda of the Revolution changed in his mind to the mission of a Pro-consul carrying with his legions the rule of Rome, upon his eagles the law of a con- quering republic.^ They likened him to Epaminondas, to Miltiades; he in turn proclaimed to his soldiers that, in con- quering Italy they had struck at England ; in defeating the army of Austria they had beaten its ruler, the imperial em- ployee of London store-keepers; and in seizing Ancona, that they were within twenty-four hours' sail of Macedonia. The image of Alexander of Macedon, encamped on the banks of the Indus, may have risen before his eyes. He received the Italian bishops with friendliness, as befitted one who was to become the "Sword of the Church/' "Her eldest Son," "the protector of Christianity in the Orient," the successor to the "Most Christian Kings."* By the treaty of Pressburg 1 Voltaire : Essais sur les mceiirs, ch. xv., xvi. 2 Napoleon: Correspondance, No. 9656, Jan. 7. 1806; cf. No. 9805 (to the Pope, Feb. 13, 1806). 8 Napoleon : op. cit. Nos. 10237, 10399, 9831, 9971. * Napoleon: op. cit. Nos. 1511, 1552, 9762, 9929, 6273 (to the Pope, Aug. 28, 1802. The position of France as protector of Oriental Christianity is to be restored) ; 6274 (to the Archbishop of Paris) : " J'ai reunis sous notre protection NAPOLEON BONAPARTE AA'D THE ORIENT l6l the dream of Francis I. of France was to be realized. Aus- tria had not an acre of ground in Italy; but the time had not yet come for that. The "war to the death" was with Eng- land, whose fleets ranged the Mediterranean. The Spaniards had been won over, as has been told. They were to receive Gibraltar at one end and France was to secure Egypt at the other; then indeed the Latin lake of Louis XIV. would be a reality. In the meantime the Venice of which Napoleon had read in the pages of Amelot de la Houssaie demanded his attention. Her ancient sea-power might be restored, and, in his giant imagination, her insular possessions became stepping-stones to the Levant. As we shall see, he knew nothing of Leibnitz and his Consiliacum cBgyptiaaivi ; but he had read Raynal, de Tott, Marigny, and Rollin. Their his- tories had been his nourishment. His military power he had gained independently from his politics; now they were com- bined in the mind of the successful leader.^ He was a leader, because as a student he had recognized the new conditions of political success. The policy of eco- nomic aggrandizement, which had found its expression in the political writings of the eighteenth century was based on the maxim that the commercial progress of a nation depended on the extension of its political system to the territory from which it was to draw its supplies, and to the markets in which it hoped to sell. The doctrine of the natural boun- daries of political sovereignty expanded at the command of this economic system. It was the age when trade followed only the flag, and when the flag was welcomed only in the harbors which recognized it as the emblem of political sovereignty. Trans-marine possessions had entered into the speciale le Saint Sepulcre et tous les Chretiens de I'Orient"; 6495 (Chinese missions). Sorel : Bonaparte et Hoche, pp. 31 et seq., 73, 86. Metternich : N'ach- gelassene Papiere, i. p. 280. 1 Masson : op. cit. ii. pp. yi6etscq. Metternich : Nachgelassene Papiere, ii. p. 4. Pisani : La Dalmatie (1797-1815), pp. 145, 146. Segur: Hist et memoircs, ii. p. 478. Lumbroso : Napoleone I. e Inghilterra, pp. 456 et seq. II 1 62 EASTERN PROBLEMS sphere of the old system. The legend of Charlemagne had come down across the centuries, but if France were to have an emperor he must be greater than Charlemagne; he must build an empire which should take into consideration mod- ern conditions and ideals. The science of war had changed ; printing had succeeded writing; the new astronomy had made the radius of politics a circle of latitude; the obligation to protect commerce and to foster industries had supplanted that of bearing the crusader's emblem. The new empire must claim oriental potentates as vassals; it must have a navy to drive the enemy from tropical harbors, and ships to bring home the gold and spices of the Indies. History itself had expanded, and Napoleon recognized it when he said: "Vivre sans commerce, sans marine, sans colonies, et sou- mis a I'injuste volonte de nos ennemis, ce n'est pas vivre en Frangais. " It was the voice of a new Charlemagne.^ Such was the training of Napoleon Bonaparte. We must now turn to examine the condition of the Orient whose em- pire he coveted, and to follow the preparations made by him for his first attempt to realize his early hopes. The Ottoman Empire was in a most critical condition. The plans for its partition had not been accomplished; but the treaty of Jassy, signed January 9, 1792, had ended a bloody and exhausting war with Russia by a further increase of Russian territory, which now extended as far as the river Dniestr. The accession of Selim III. in 1789, and the con- clusion of hostilities with a foreign foe had been the signal for widespread internal dissensions. The new Sultan was bent on reforming the government, introducing European methods and ideas, and practically abolishing the entire feudal system with one decree. Many provinces were prac- tically independent of Constantinople; every Pasha, who felt himself strong enough, refused either taxes or tribute to the Sultan ; and the corruption and oppression of irresponsible 1 Napoleon : Corr. Nos. 9216, 9929. NAPOLEON BONAPARTE AND THE ORIENT 1 63 local officials increased the sufferings of the people tenfold. It was the anarchy of tottering feudalism without a strong cen- tral power to absorb and control. As regards religious affairs the Druze and Matawali sects were in rebellion in Mount Leb- anon ; and all Arabia, save Mecca and Medina, was practi- cally subject to the Puritan Wahhabis, who fought with the traditional courage and dash of early and uncorrupted Islam. It was the period when the empire would have been most vulnerable to foreign attacks; but Bonaparte's Italian cam- paigns had called all the forces of Austria to the west, and Russia was not prepared to move alone, until her last acqui- sitions in Poland were more thoroughly amalgamated with the Empire. The hope of freedom from Turkish rule which the "Greek plan" of Catherine II. had aroused in the minds of the subject population south of the Balkans had been almost extinguished by her abandonment of those who had risen as her allies in rebellion against the Porte. The poorer Greeks, influenced by the religious ties which united them to the great northern power, had looked to her for help in the struggle toward a national existence. The educated and commercial classes, however, under the inspiration of the Revolution, were ready to turn to P>ance, as the founder of republics in Italy, and as a possible deliverer from Ottoman rule in Greece. There were, therefore, in Turkey three ele- ments, with which any power having an oriental policy in view, must reckon, and which she might use to her own advantage: the weakness of the central government, which exposed it to foreign intervention thrust upon it in the guise of friendship to terminate the internal disorders; the strength of certain rebellious Pashas such as Passwan Oglu of Widdin, AH Pasha of Janina, or Djezzar of Acre, who might intrigue with a foreign force to secure their own com- plete independence even at the expense of the destruction of the Empire; and the disaffected and revolutionary spirit in the entire Balkan peninsula, which was ready to burst into 1 64 EASTERN PROBLEMS open rebellion with the slightest encouragement. Bonaparte and his agents availed themselves of all these methods in turn. He invaded Egypt with the excuse that the Mame- lukes were in rebellion against the Sultan, and that he was about to restore Egypt to her rightful ruler; he intrigued with Ali, encouraged Passwan Oglu, and tried to seduce Djezzar; he sent revolutionary agents into Greece, used, among others, the poet-patriot Rhigos, and allowed himself to be hailed as the future liberator of Greece. It was a mas- terly use of every_ tool at a period when Ottoman power was at its nadir. ^ In 1793 the French had warned Venice that the realization of Austria's schemes for expansion on the Adriatic must be the death blow of that republic ; we have seen that the secret 1 Vorontzov : Arkhiv, xviii. pp. 134-140 (Kotchubey's despatches in the whiter of 1797-98). Pisani : La Dalmatie, pp.41, i,'^ et seq., 114, 115. Rodoca- nachi: Bonaparte et les ties ioniemtes, pp. 68, 91. Stephanopolos : Voyage en Grece, i. pp. 3, 69 et seq., 75, lii, 185, 188-194 ; ii. pp. 138 et seq., 150 et seq., 213. Napoleon: Corr. Nos. 2104, 2105 (to Pasha of Scutari) ; 2047, 2056 (to Chief of the Maniotes), 2061, 2106, 2196, 2684 (to Ali Pasha from Malta, June 19, 179S), 2719. Swanton-Belloc: Napoleon et les Grecs, pp. 54, 56, 64-102, 373. Eton: Survey of Turkish Empire, p. 495 (a. very instructive passage). Antonopou- los : Bonaparte et la Grhe, in Nouvelle revue (1889), Ix. pp. 254-261. Wilkinson : Dalmatia and Montenegro, ii. pp. 361 et seq. Buckhardt : Azotes on the WaJiabeys, pp. 273 et seq., 277, 425. Arnold: The Preaching of Lslam, pp. 153, 158 et seq., 230, 265, 299, 345 et seq. Hughes : Albatiia, ii. pp. 149 et seq. Holland : Travels, pp. 66, 103-133,274. Hobhouse: Travels, i. pp. 101-112; ii. pp. 46 et seq. ■^'?>. Coquelle : Hist, de Montetiegro, pp. 249, 255. Mendelssohn : Griechenland, i. pp. 70 et seq., 92 et seq. Zinkeisen, Gesch. des osmati. Reiches, vii. pp. 3-17, 34-45, 84-94, 194 et seq., 318-328. Juchereau de St. Denys : Histoire de r Empire otto- man, ii. pp. 59 et seq., 387 et seq. Finlay : Hist, of Greece, vi. pp. 33 et seq., 39, 97. Hertzberg : Griechenland, iii. pp. 255 et seq., 287, 299 etseq. Rhizos : Hist, de la Grice moderne, pp. 137 et seq., 241, and Cours de la litterature grecqne, pp. 45, 157, 179. Rangabe : Hist, litteraire de la Grice, i. pp. 104, 1 14, 187. Legrand : Chansons grecques, pp. 105-116. Byron: Childe Harolds Pilgrimage, pp. 223 etseq., 273. Fauriel : Chants de la 6^r6V,?, ii. pp. 15 etseq. Liibke : Neiigriechische Lieder, pp. T)\J et seq. Leake : Travels in Northern Greece, i. pp. 54, 463, 507, and Travels in Morea, i. p. 314, and Researches in Greece, pp. 83 et seq., 92, 140, 153. Raybaud : Memoire sur la Grhe, pp. 488 ei seq. Pouqueville: Voyage en Moree, ii. pp. 176 et seq., and Regeneration de la Grece, i. p. 124; ii. pp. 388 et seq. NAPOLEOM BONAPARTE AND THE ORIENT 1 65 treaty of January, 1795, between Austria and Russia included such plans. In time the intention of the Directory became more earnest; they wished to draw Venice from her neutral position. Sandoz-Rollin, the Prussian ambassador at Paris, spoke of an alliance with Venice in order to check Austria; and with similar views the French representative at the Porte, Verninac, suggested a defensive alliance of France, Spain, Venice, and the Ottoman Empire. This matter was urged on the Venetian diplomats at Madrid, Constantinople, and Paris; but Venice still declared her desire to maintain her neutrality. The offer of a defensive alliance with France was also refused, in the summer of 1796; and though, on May 29, Bonaparte had assured Venice that her neutrality would be respected, he soon made demands for supplies to be fur- nished the French armies. A little later the general wrote to the Directory of the weakness of the ancient city, of her potential naval strength, and of the importance of her port to English trade. Other events also had effect in the mat- ter. The evacuation of Corsica by the English a few weeks later aided the plan for French domination in the Mediterra- nean; and the French in Italy hastened their efforts to gain control of the Adriatic. The Directory in the meantime, while considering terms of peace with Austria, had sug- gested the abandonment of Italy and indemnification for France on the Rhine and in America. This, however, was by no means Bonaparte's plan. He talked of marching on Vienna and inciting rebellion in Hungary. In any event the economic, political and naval decadence of Venice, her importance strategically, and the value of her transmarine and insular possessions, had marked her for a sacrifice to either French or Austrian greed. It had become a matter of purely political expediency. The Venetian territories and Dalmatia and Albania were open roads to the heart of the Ottoman dominions; they outflanked Austria, strength- ened the control of Italy, and, with the- Ionian Islands, 1 66 EASTERN PROBLEMS formed an unrivalled approach to the Levant.^ The capture of Ancona by the French revealed the train of thought in Bonaparte's mind. He wrote that, after Venice, it was the only harbor of importance on that coast; that a sail of twenty- four hours ended in Macedonia; that Constantinople was but ten days distant; and that the possession of Ancona was essential to France, giving her power on the Adriatic, in- creased influence with the Porte, and a strong military posi- tion. The people of France, however, cared more for the left bank of the Rhine than they did for the coast of the Adriatic; and, realizing this, the victorious and politic gen- eral insisted as a sine qua non in the peace negotiations with Austria that the theory of the natural boundaries should receive its practical accomplishment. Nevertheless, though at first glance sacrificing much in Italy, he kept a line open to the Adriatic along the River Po, secured the Ionian Islands, and pillaged Venice before abandoning her to Austria.^ At the same time that the fall of Venice was preparing, a similar scheme for seizing Malta was maturing in Bonaparte's mind. Indeed, the young general, victorious in battle and council, was seeing oriental vistas open before him; there were those about him who even suggested for him an in- dependent rule in Italy, including the domination of the Adriatic and the Mediterranean and the restoration of ^ Pesenti : Diplomazia franco-htrca, pp. 45 et seq., 65, 65, 78 et seq., 100, 102. Bonnal : Chute dhi7te republique, pp. 89, et seq., 359, 363. Gaffarel : Bonaparte et les rSpubliques italiennes, pp. 115-117. Napoleon: Corr. Nos. 514, 582,889,926, 1060, 1061, 1096, 1099, 1235. Daru : Hist, de Venise, v. pp. 227, 245, 250, 264, 433 et seq. ; vii., pp. 269 et seq. Pisani : La Dalniatie, pp. xiii., 18, 22, 127 et seq., 136, 145 et seq. 2 Napoleon: Corr. Nos. 1475, ^494i J497» ^544) 1686, 1691, 1703, 1712, 1714, 1715. 1735. 1743. 1744, 1745. 1765, 1766, 1791, 1793, 1797, 1799. 1803, 1804, 1814. Du Casse : Mhnoires dn Prince Eus^ene, i. pp. 34, 460. Daru : Hist, de Venise, vii. pp. 349, 355, 356 (Direct, to B. May 19, 1797, ordering him to secure naval supplies from Venice, repeating Bonaparte's language to them of some months earlier). Cf. also Bonnal : op. cit., and Gaffarel : op. cit. NAPOLEON BONAPARTE AND THE ORIENT 167 the ancient commercial power of central southern Europe. Thus would he hold Austria and France in balance. But Bonaparte had become a Frenchman ; the iron crown was not for him, save as an appanage of the Imperial. In Italy his mind was big with plans; the genesis of that against Malta may be assigned to the early spring of 1797. The Order of Malta had fallen into decadence during the latter half of the eighteenth century, but the strategic value of the island gave to the policy of the Order an importance greater than its real power and condition would have warranted. The diplomatic intercourse between Valetta and Paris had been impaired by death and by the Revolution. When finally a representative of the Directory was established in Malta during the winter of 1796, it was with the intention of preserving French influ- ence and of preventing the island from becoming a point of vantage for the allies. The suppression of the French com- manderies of the Order by decrees of the Assemblee constitu- ante (June 30, 1791, Sept. 19, 1792) had involved the fortunes of the Order and injured the prestige of France. Through this situation the various continental powers endeavored to profit, and on January 4 (15), 1797, a convention was signed with Russia for the transformation of the old priory in Poland to one for all Russia. This close relationship de- veloping between the Knights of St. John and the Tzar was revealed to Bonaparte by the capture of some despatches in February; he then proposed to excite the fear of the Porte at Russian intrigue in the Mediterranean, and to draw the Turks toward France. Within two months the signature of preliminaries of peace at Leoben between France and Aus- tria (April 18), was to give an unexpected importance to these negotiations of the various powers at Malta. The proposed sudden increase of Austrian power by the fall of Venice necessitated for France the possession of islands such as the Ionian in the Adriatic or Malta in the Mediterranean, in order to protect her commerce and to support her policy. l68 EASTERN PROBLEMS In a letter of May 26 Bonaparte expressed these ideas, and suggested the capture of Malta. His letters clearly showed his appreciation of the value of both Malta and Corfu to France. With regard to the latter island a decision had already been reached. Ancona and Corfu were to be kept by France, and Admiral Brueys with his fleet was hurried from Toulon to complete the control of the sea. Bonaparte's letters of this period are a curious compound of classical and oriental phrases, revolutionary catch-words and political and economic maxims, all showing the strong influence exerted on him by the tendencies of the period. In August was des- patched that well-known series of wonderful letters, which in graphic language repeated the personal and national long- ings of all Frenchmen, — the policy was outlined which Bona- parte was to follow for the next two years. The Ionian Islands were worth all Italy to France, so Bonaparte wrote, and as the Ottoman Empire was soon to fall, France should be ready to seize her share of the spoils. England could be destroyed only if Egypt were in French hands, and the trade of the Levant preserved to the Republic. The power of the Pashas of Albania and Bosnia, the weakness of the Sultan, and the value of the Ottoman domain had been impressed anew upon Bonaparte's mind. He believed that the day destined for the downfall of that Empire was at hand, and the struggle of a few Greeks for independence revealed to him the agent he had to his hand should the time come when France, abandoning her traditional attitude of friendly alli- ance with the Porte, would claim the richest portion of the Levant. The Directory, reversing its previous propositions, now talked of the total expulsion of Austria from Italy, the union of Venice to the *' Rcpiibliqiie italiqjie" under French protection, and in every event the absolute possession of the Ionian Islands by France. Talleyrand in much the same language that Bonaparte himself had used, wrote, on August 21, "Nothing is more important than that we should gain NAPOLEON BONAPARTE AND THE ORIENT 1 69 a good footing in Albania, Greece, Macedonia, and other provinces of the Turkish Empire in Europe, and even all which border on the Mediterranean, such as Egypt in par- ticular, which may some day be of the greatest value to us." ^ On September 13, Bonaparte made his second proposition to seize Malta. Once in possession of that island, of St. Pierre, already ceded by the King of Sardinia, and of Corfu, France would be mistress of the Mediterranean. In case at the next peace with England, the Cape of Good Hope should pass from French control, it would be necessary to secure Egypt, which could be held by twenty-five thousand men sail- ing from Italy, He asked Talleyrand to inform him what effect the invasion of that country by the French would be likely to have on the Porte; and curiously enough he stated that Egypt did "not belong to the Grand Seignior." At about this time Desaix visited Bonaparte at Passeriano, and his notes of the conversations are suggestive of what was absorbing the mind of the great leader. The resources of Egypt were discussed; the results of the travels of Savary and Volney were talked over; a plan was outlined for an expedition to Egypt of eighteen thousand men, sailing from Venice; and the advantages of Egypt as a permanent French 1 De la Jonquiere : Expidition d' Ei:ypte, i. pp. 19-21, 22 (France and Malta in 1794, Arch. etr. France, vol. 652) : " Lorsque Toulon fut pris, I'Ordre de Malta pa- rut vouloir se declarer. II est ni ami ni ennemi. Si Ton eut recherche la conduit de rOrdre de Malte, peut-etre eut-on trouve qu'il inclinnait d'avantage du cote de nos ennemis que de notre ; niais il importe de ne pas multiplier les ressources des Anglais et de conserver en etat de neutralite une ile que Ton doit considerer comme le clef du Levant." pp. 23-31, 651, 653-56 (Doublet to Lafont, Malta, May 12, 1796). Napoleon: Corr. Nos. 1475, 1816, 1828-32, 1835-36, 1852, 1854-55, 1867,1871, 1912-16, 1949-50, 1980, 1990-92, 199S-2000, 2020, 2047, 2050, 2053, 2056, 2061, 2072-75, 2103, 2106, 2135-36, 2186, 2235, 2247, 2339. Daru : op. cit. vii. pp. 369 et seq., 392 et seq., 398 (Carnot to Bonaparte, Aug. 17, 1797), 399 (Talleyrand to Clarke, Aug. 19), 408. Rodocanachi : op. cit. pp. 60 et seq. Marmont.- Mcmoi7-es, i. p. 1S2. Miot de Melito : Mhnoires, p. 133 (at fault as to Bonaparte's intentions in 1797). Pallain : Talleyrand et ie Diret.'ohey'p^. 117, 124, 145 et seq., 159, 207. Doublet: Mcmoires, pp. 12 et seq. Cantu : Hist, de cent ans, ii. p. 105. Mayer: Considerations poliliqucs (pamphlet), /aw/w;. 170 EASTERN PROBLEMS possession were detailed. Desaix was informed of the in- trigues which Bonaparte was carrying on with Turkish Pashas in the Balkan peninsula and with the Albanians. With regard to Malta Bonaparte wrote : " An island which sooner or later will belong to the English, if we are stupid enough to let them forestall us." From these statements and from the letters of this period, it is easy to see that Bonaparte's plan in 1797 was quite different from his final project in 1798. He had been impressed with the weakness of the Porte; he had learned that Russia wished to win the holders of Malta to her side; he saw the eagerness with which Austria grasped the opportunity of strengthening her position on the Adriatic; and he made up his mind that under his guidance France must outwit the other Powers by anticipating them in a partition of Turkish territory. Above all and behind all stood Great Britain, who must be vitally injured, preferably in the Orient. Yet these Egyptian schemes were, in 1797, nothing more than further applica- tions of the same sort of intrigue which he was then carry- ing on in Greece and Albania. The grand plan had not been developed, although he had written to Paris for in- formation regarding the East, and had questioned the men about him. The memoires of Monge, who had been in the Orient in 1787, of Truguet (1784), of de Castries on com- merce with India via Egypt (1785), of Consul-General Mure, of de Tott on the Isthmus of Suez, and of many others, to- gether with various maps, were furnished him by Admiral Rosily. In the meantime the Directory had responded promptly that it approved the plan of seizing Malta, at- tributing to Austria rather than to England or Russia the most ambitious schemes for control of the Mediterranean, though it was believed France would also earn the gratitude of the Porte by checking the Anglo-Russian plans for ex- ploiting the weakness of the Turks. The Directory also wrote protesting against the cession of even Venice to Aus- NAPOLEON BONAPARTE AND THE ORIENT \'J\ tria, declaring the intentions of that power, as shown in Italy, pointed toward a too dangerous expansion in the Levant. It seems probable, however, that they knew the fate of Venice was already decided, and wished to throw the onus of this deed on Bonaparte. At all events, the treaty of Campo Formio was signed before the letter reached him; and its terms were his own. Shortly before, Talleyrand had written him that his plans against Malta were authorized by the Directory, adding later, "Quant a I'Egypte, vos idees, a cet 6gard, sont grandes. " He said that "Egypt as a colony should in time replace the productions of the Antilles, and as a trade route should give us the commerce of India;" he also inserted a statement of his views regarding Malta, which he feared would soon fall into English or Russian hands. Bonaparte, in reply to these letters, and in order to defend his policy in regard to the treaty with Austria, declared that V that power could not harm the French Republic, — England alone was the foe. " Our government must destroy the Eng- lish monarchy, or else expect to be destroyed itself by the corruption and intrigues of these active islanders. The present time gives us a good chance. Concentrate all our activities on the navy, and we will destroy England. That done, and Europe is at our feet." To Talleyrand he wrote that he saw no limit to the possibilities of the future; as France had the Rhine border, the city of Mayence in the northeast, and Corfu in the Levant, what more was to be expected for the present.!" The reply of the Directory to the news of peace was the appointment of Bonaparte as general commanding the army destined to invade England. Of these plans it will be possible to speak later; at present we must examine the proposals to secure Malta for France.^ 1 De la Jonquiere : op. cit. i. pp. 31-41. Napoleon: Corr. Nos. 2195, 2212, 2240, 2244, 2292, 2296, 2303-09, 2312, 2318, 233S, 2386, 2395. Rodocanachi : op. cit. p. 61. Pallain : op. cit. pp. 154 et seq. Boulay de la Meurthe : Le Directoire et r Expedition d'Egyiptc, pp. 275 et seq. (Talleyrand to Bonaparte, Sept. 27, 1797). 1 72 EAS TERN PROBLEMS Bonaparte's plan for the surprise of Malta in the autumn of 1797 had been criticised by Pleville de Pelley, the minister of marine, who doubted the success of bribery and declared that the neutrality of the island was all for which France could hope. Nevertheless, Bonaparte felt certain that Malta was for sale to the highest bidder ; and in October he had been author- ized by the Directory to take steps to secure the island for France. The Directory was fully cognizant of these plans and the statements of La Revelliere-Lepeau to the contrary are at fault. The sum of 6oo,coo francs was then named as the price. He despatched Poussielgue, secretary of the French legation at Genoa, to complete the bargain for the betrayal of the island to a French force, and, though, in December, he countermanded these orders, Poussielgue had already left for Malta; and Bonaparte's hesitation on this occasion, owing to the preparations for the invasion of England, was unavailing to prevent the completion of his intrigues with various mem- bers of the Order. Poussielgue arrived at Malta on Decem- ber 24. It is hard to say just why this coup de main was not then attempted ; it is possible, as Jonquiere thinks, that the Directory feared its effect on the negotiations at Radstadt. It now seems certain that Austria did not have serious intentions of profiting both by the German nationality and the venality of Hompesch, the new Grand Master of the Order, and that the plans of Russia to this end have also been exaggerated; but Great Britain was not so doubtful a factor in the case. English diplomats appear to have dreaded a French attack and to have asked both de Rohan and his successor, Hompesch, to commit the defence of the island to British forces, a step which would undoubtedly have anticipated by several years the permanent British occupation of Malta. Returning to the examination of Poussielgue's mission we find that the wretched condition of Bruey's fleet at Corfu would have made impossible Daru : Hist, de Veiiise, vii. pp. 412, 413, 41S et seq., 432, 436 et seq. De Clercq: Recueil^ L pp. 335, 336. NAPOLEON BONAPARTE AND THE ORIENT 1 73 the endeavor to seize Malta in January, 1798, even if Bonaparte himself had not been backward in pressing the matter to the end. It is now possible, however, to read the published report of Poussielgue's mission, dated from Milan, February 8, 1798. In this long document he discusses the personal characteristics of the leading Knights, the strength of the various parties on the island, and the international intrigues which were being carried on. He also describes at length the resources of the Order, the fortifications, and the chances of success in an at- tempt to capture the island. The importance of the position to France he states in the strongest terms ; and he concludes by saying that the financial embarrassments of the Order and of Hompesch were such that the Government could not long con- tinue without assistance from the outside. These facts, he pointed out, could be utilized by the French, as the other Powers were already endeavoring to profit by them, each in its own interest. This report was made to Bonaparte and not to the Directory. It served as the basis for action in May of this year, when the final move was made.^ The plan for an invasion of England was in the meantime engaging the attention of all classes of society. Bonaparte himself had first mentioned the possibility of such a scheme to Bernadotte in May, 1797, and again, a few days later, to Ber- thier ; throughout the summer his thoughts had centred on the south and east; and it was only when, as victorious dic- tator of peace at Campo Formio, he received his new commis- sion from the Directory that he again turned his attention to the matter. A few days later Sandoz-Rollin, the Prussian minister in Paris, reported that the appointment of Bonaparte to the command of the '^ Armee d'Angleterre" was regarded either as a means to destroy that general's power and prestige, 1 Xapoleon : Corr. Nos. 2354, 2355. De la Jonquiere : op. cit. i. pp. 35, note I, 39, note 3, 50, 51, 73, 74, 125 et seq. (Poussielgue's report), 136-3S, 656-58. Chroniqiie in La Kivol. fraiif. iii. p. 89. La Reveiliere-Lepeaux : Mhnoires, ii. p. 367. Barras : Mimoircs, iii. p. 63. 174 EASTERN PROBLEMS or to cause alarm in England. Bonaparte himself, while ac- cepting the commission, wrote that, to invade England with any probability of success, a strong naval force, a large army well- led, perhaps by Desaix, and thirty millions of livres were in- dispensable. He would not refuse to fulfil his duty to his country, though sorely in need of rest. The distribution of troops in Italy and the Ionian Islands required twenty-five thousand men ; thirty-six thousand would be needed for Eng- land ; and the remainder could stay in the south of France and in Corsica. The plan for the invasion necessitated the move- ment of troops to the Channel coast, and this was rapidly car- ried on, while elaborate preparations were being made at various points to equip the expedition. Bonaparte, however, did not abandon the fortification of Corfu, nor did he fail to report in full to Talleyrand the intrigues and negotiations with various Turkish officials which he had carried on while in Italy, and which are recorded but here and there in his letters. Talley- rand himself early showed Sandoz-Rollin that he did not expect Bonaparte to attempt the invasion of England, — all the prep- arations being designed to frighten that Power into a peace. Metternich, at Radstadt, prophesied failure if the scheme were attempted, and sneered at the wild schemes which filled the mind of the populace at Paris. This populace, always ready for a new hero, was already beginning to question Bonaparte's long stay at Paris. That general was no longer a sensation, and his popularity was on the wane. A failure in any great venture, if accomplished before the eyes of all Paris, meant annihilation to his hopes ; his politics, or " calculation of com- binations " as he termed them, showed him this, and, further, all the chances he would run in following the orders of the Directory. His quarrels with that body were already known to many; and an open break between the Government and the general seemed imminent. Such was the situation when, in February, Bonaparte decided to investigate the preparations which were being made on the coast and at the naval arsenals. NAPOLEON BONAPARTE AND THE ORIENT 1 75 A week's trip showed conclusively that the demand he had made in the preceding November for good officers, plenty of men, and many ships, could not be met ; the French navy had not recovered from the disorder and weakness for which the Revolution was largely responsible. The inefficiency of the Directory had become more apparent. Bonaparte, therefore, ordered Najac to recall all the ships of the Mediterranean squadron to Toulon, and sent a report of his trip to the Direc- tory, in which he made an elaborate exposition of the difficul- ties and dangers which blocked the way to an invasion of England. The time was passed, he declared ; nevertheless, with that affectation of modesty which was his wont at this period, he stated the amount of money needed, the naval stores, the sailors, and the ships, knowing full well that to sup- ply them was beyond the power of the weakening Government. There were, however, two other means, he said, of harming England, — an invasion of Hanover and the seizure of Egypt; or else, if all three plans proved impossible, peace must be concluded. This, again, he knew was past accomplishment ; the Directory must stultify itself by renewing the negotiations at Lille, which it had so recently terminated with the declaration of war to the bitter end. Bonaparte presented this dilemma on February 23 ; but Pleville de Pelley, minister of marine, had for days previous, made no secret of the fact that the navy was inadequate to any such operation as the invasion ; and Talleyrand, directly on Bonaparte's return to Paris, had told Sandoz-Rollin that an expedition was to be made against Egypt. The latter welcomed the idea and drew the analogy of Leibnitz's advice to Louis XIV. to quit his Dutch war and strike in the Levant. In reality, Bonaparte was not finally de- termined on the Egyptian expedition. The principle of alterna- tives in action was one that he had adopted early in his career ; and this was the period when he was balancing carefully the chances of success in each of the various plans. By March 5, however, he appears to have told the Directory that he had 176 EASTERN PROBLEMS decided for Egypt, People gossiped of Portugal, Ireland, Greece, Constantinople, and every point that French imagi- nation might fancy a weak spot in England's armor ; constant in one thing they remained. The cry still was, Delenda est Carthago. Bonaparte had estimated thirty thousand troops as needful for Malta and Egypt; and the plans for mobilization show the usefulness of the stepping-stones to the Levant which he had garrisoned and fortified along the northern Mediter- ranean and in the Adriatic during his Italian campaigns. Rollin had guessed, as early as March 24, that Malta was included in the plan ; and the secret negotiations begun by Poussielgue were now to be utilized.^ Before continuing, however, with the history of the Expedi- tion we must consider two matters of importance : first, the author of the plan ; and, secondly, Bonaparte's sources of infor- mation regarding Egypt. We have seen that Bonaparte during his youth had been greatly interested in the Orient, that he had been subject to those influences which not only made him a Frenchman, but a Frenchman alive to all the possibilities of 1 Napoleon : Corr Nos. 1808 (first mention of the invasion of England) 1881, 2320, 2321, 2325, 2326, 2343, 2362, 2364, 2371, 2377, 2388, 2391, 2396, 2397, 2400, 2409, 2418, 2419, 2426. Pallain: op. cit. pp. 41 et seq. Rodocanachi: op. cit. p. 77. Marmont : Memoires, i. pp. 213, 2\^etseq. Bailleu : Preussen und Fraiih-eich, i. pp. 156 (report of Sandoz-Roliin, Paris, Nov. 2, 1797), 162 (ditto, Dec. 8), 172, 173 (ditto, Feb. 18, 1798), 174 (Feb. 28), 176 (March 10), 179 (March 18), 180 (March 24). Hiiffer : ZP^^A Verhandlu7igen,\\. t^^i. yj2 et seq., 2,76. Metternich : Nachgelassene Papiere, i. pp. 357 (Radstadt, Dec. 22), 364 (March 27, 179S). Segur : Hist, et memoires, i. pp. 392 et seq. De Testa : Recueil, i. p. 519. Mahan : Sea Power and the French Revolution, i. pp. 35 et seq. Jurien de la Graviere : Giierres mariiimes, i. pp. 329 et seq. Boulay de la Meurthe : Le Directoire et V Ex- pedition d^Egypte, pp. 4, 9, 13, 23. Troude : Batailles navales, ii. pp. 252, 264. Michel : Corr. de Mallet du Pan, ii. p. 416 (Feb. 26, 1798). " Ce general [Bona- parte] decline rapidement; Merlin et Rewbell vont achever de I'enterrer dans I'expedition d'Angleterre." Millon : Histoire des descentes qui ont lieu en Angle- terre, Ecosse, Irlande et isles adjacentes, depuis Jules Char jusqu'd. nos Jours ; and Tardieu : Notice historique des descents qui ont itSfaites dans les Isles Brittanniques, depuis Guillaume le Conquirantjusqu'h fan VI. de la R^publique franfaise. Both are Paris, I'an VI. 1797-98. De la Jonquiere : op. cit. i. pp. 17, 43 et seq., 69 etseq., 87 et seq. to 123, 172 et seq. NAPOLEON BONAPARTE AND THE ORIENT 1 77 French control of the Mediterranean, and French prestige and dominion beyond the Alps and the Adriatic. We have studied his career in Italy, and have seen how, early in his conquering progress, he himself suggested a French occupation of the Ionian Islands and a French expedition to Egypt. In view of these facts, and of the failure which he predicted for an invasion of England, it has been the habit of some writers to assign to Bonaparte alone the first conception of a conquest of Egypt, and the final decision to carry out the scheme. Such a theory is not only oblivious of the facts of the case, it is also bur- dened by a view of history which makes the genius of one man, however remarkable, responsible for a marvellous attempt to anticipate history by nearly a century, and to demonstrate political and economic problems which were as yet unknown to the vast majority of people. In the first place, we have seen in a previous chapter that the diplomats of the Ancien Regime were in the habit of tentatively assigning Egypt to France in the event of a partition of Turkish territories between the European Powers. Expansion in the Mediterra- nean basin was recognized as a wise and natural policy for French statesmen to follow. Even if we go no further back than the middle of the eighteenth century, we find Choiseul suggesting the occupation of Egypt to Louis XV. as a com- pensation to France for the losses of the Seven Years' war; similar ideas inspired the acquisition of Corsica (1768), a step which was to make Bonaparte a French citizen. Saint- Priest, the French ambassador at the Porte from 1768 to 1784, wrote two incmoires in which a French occupation of Egypt was discussed ; in one as late as 1789 he said that France had a choice between either supporting the integrity of the Otto- man Empire or letting it go to pieces, — " En s'appropriant le debris le plus a la convenance de la France, donnant en ce cas la preferance a I'Egypte, a raison de sa fertilite, de la facilite de la conqu^rir et ensuite de la defendre, finalement a cause de la courte communication aux Indes par la mer Rouge, dont 12 178 EASTERN PROBLEMS elle a le clef." French travellers and officers who journeyed in the Levant on various errands all spoke to the same pur- pose. Any man who had ever been connected with the French foreign office was, therefore, familiar with at least the idea of such an expedition, and some had studied the practical details involved. Talleyrand, among others, had followed the plan with interest, and had written of it in 1796. He also went further, and in July, 1797, presented three in'cmoires, based on information at the foreign office regarding the condition of India, the power of the British there, and the means of expel- ling them from that region. A little later it was suggested that, while continuing the preparations for an invasion of Eng- land, the troops should in reality be equipped for an Asiatic campaign. The difficulties of the passage from Suez to India by sea were either ridiculed or greatly exaggerated in the various mhnoircs. One proposed the seizure of Egypt, an alliance with the Porte, and a land invasion of India via Persia by a force of twenty thousand French troops assisted by native allies. Jourdan was familiar with, and advocated, the idea of an expedition to India which would arouse the Indian princes against the English. All of these ideas were embodied in a report, " Sur le conquHe de rEgypte" made by Talleyrand to the Directory on February 14, 1797, while Bonaparte was absent from Paris. This document, which De la Jonquiere publishes for the first time, does not seem to have received the attention which it deserves from students of the period. After summarizing the history of Egypt in the past, the government of the Mamelukes is described, and the injuries done to French citizens by the Beys are enumerated. Next the commerce and produce of Egypt receive attention, and the immense import- ance of its geographical situation is emphasized. " N'oublions jamais que les nations anciennes et modernes qui on eu le commerce de ITnde sont toujours parvenues au plus haut degre de richesse." The opposition of the Porte and of the Powers of Europe is lightly treated; and it is declared that French NAPOLEON BONAPARTE AND THE ORIENT IJ^ diplomacy will do much at Constantinople. The actual con- quest of Egypt, it was estimated, could be safely accomplished by twenty thousand to twenty-five thousand men, and with but the slightest loss of life. The despatch of fifteen thousand additional troops from Egypt to India is then discussed. They were to operate with Tipu Tib of Mysore against the British, but were not to attempt a regular conquest of India. General observations end the paper. They are to the effect that two or three persons serving on a commission should be in charge of the expedition ; generals need expect no glory as the campaign would be an easy one, and military talents would be wasted ; the native population would welcome the invaders with delight. In fine, the conquest would be a just punishment for wrongs inflicted on Frenchmen ; it would be easy, failure was impos- sible ; it would be inexpensive, of immense value to the Re- public, and presented many other favorable aspects. Reference is made to Magallon, for many years French Consul at Cairo. It is clear from a comparison of this report, signed by Talley- rand, and the writings of Magallon that many of the latter's ideas were utilized by the French statesman. This document was annotated by Bonaparte after his return from Egypt with the most bitter and sarcastic expressions, which, while not proof positive, points to the fact that he was not in Talleyrand's con- fidence when the me moire was being prepared. The contradic- tions of each of the characters on the stage at Paris regarding the authorship of the plan render this matter still more puz- zling. The question as to whether Bonaparte seriously intended at any time to attempt the invasion of England is another complication. The truth seems to lie between the extremes of the various conflicting statements. The idea of a French ex- pedition to Egypt occurred to Bonaparte while in Italy; he wrote of it to Talleyrand, who sympathized with any movement which would tend to realize for France the ideal of empire based on sea power and oriental dominion. Talleyrand thus continued in the policy which the tradition of his office had outlined for l80 EASTERN PROBLEMS French statesmen. Bonaparte, returning from Italy, pressed matters on for the invasion of England, being unable to usurp the supreme authority and fearful to cross the determination of the Directory and the passionate desire of the French people. The insufficiency of the means supplied him for the attempt gave reasonable excuse for him to oppose its execution ; in the meantime the Directory, already informed of the backwardness of the preparations, aware of their own growing weakness, and urged on by Talleyrand, who advocated the conquest of Egypt, agreed to give up the plan against England and to unite with Talleyrand in stimulating the ready imagination of Bonaparte for oriental ventures, Bonaparte was thus enabled to return to his true ambition, and to realize more fully than ever before the wishes and ideals of French foreign policy by deciding on a conquest of Egypt.^ ■ The next matter to consider is the information which Bonaparte secured regarding Egypt. We have already noted his own wide reading, the documents sent to him in Italy by Rosily, and the mhnoires presented to the Directory during the years 1797-98. All of these, except perhaps Talley- rand's mdmoire of February 14, he had in his possession by March 10. He then made requisitions upon the " Ecole des langues orientales'' for interpreters of Arabic, Persian, and Greek, and for type to issue proclamations in these lan- guages: the war office furnished him maps; Monge was his right-hand man at this time, and at Rome secured the Arabic printing outfit of the Propaganda. Say collected a library of 1 De la Jonquiere: op. cit. i. pp. 147 et. seq. Numerous documents are here printed in extenso. Saint-Priest : Memoire tnilitaire et politique snr VEgypte, in Revzie cfEgypte, April and May, 1896. The statements in Botta : Hist, d'ltalie (Fr. trans.), iii. pp. 160-162, are refuted by De la Jonquiere, pp. 152,153. Talley- rand's Memoire is to be found pp. 154-6S. Without accepting De la Jonquiere's conclusions as to Bonaparte's intentions with regard to the English invasion, his work presents in many aspects the most satisfactory, and certainly the most com- plete, book on the Egyptian Expedition. It is a matter of regret to the writer that at the date of writing the succeeding volumes had not appeared. NAPOLEON BONAPARTE AND THE ORIENT l8l Bonaparte's selection, which was taken to Egypt, and which in- cluded the Vedas, the Old and New Testaments, and the Kuran. Talleyrand examined the archives of the foreign office, and gave Bonaparte the reports of Choiseul, of Lazousky, French political agent in the Levant, of Prix-Real, a French merchant resident at Cairo in 1796, and of many others. Magallon, Consul-General at Cairo for many years, had been summoned home by Delacroix a short time previous, and had submitted a long report on Egypt. These documents Bonaparte read, supplementing them by books of travel and history, with many of which he was already familiar. Thus he formulated his ideas and developed his plans. Magallon told him that the Porte had not the shadow of authority in Egypt, and drew no revenues from that province. The rule of the Mamelukes was hated by the population ; the French had suffered greatly in the matter of trade and of personal safety ; and a French invasion would find ready support from all classes save the Beys. The consul drew a flattering picture of the richness of the country, its unique and valuable situa- tion, and the probability that under French control it would resume its ancient office of gateway to Indian commerce, by drawing to the Red Sea the trade that then followed the Cape of Good Hope route to Europe; he unconsciously quoted the words of old William of Tyre regarding Eygpt: '' forum publicum utriqtie orbV The threatened rebellion in the Balkans and Greece, properly stimulated by French agents, would, in his opinion, effectually prevent any seri- ous opposition by the Porte. Magallon thought success almost certain. A book suggestively entitled ''Route de rifide,'' published shortly after Bonaparte had sailed, en- forces the favorable descriptions.^ Sir John Seeley is the 1 Napoleon: Corr. Nos. 2452, 2454, 2458, 2471, 2473, 2479, 2500, 2731, 27S4. Reybaud: Histoire scientifique, iii. pp. 21 et seq. Mason: Aff. etrangires, p. 42S. Jomard: Souvenirs S7ir Gaspard Monge. De Testa: RecKeil, i. pp. 521- 535. Merruau: £gypte conlemporaine, pp. 197 et seq. (Magallon's report is given here). Magallon accompanied Bonaparte to Egypt. Intercepted Corr. l82 EASTERN PROBLEMS most recent writer who is in error regarding the influence upon Napoleon Bonaparte of Leibnitz' book, the " Co7isilium ^gyptiacum." The philosopher had endeavored to divert Louis XIV. from renewing a devastating war in Europe by urging the conquest of Egypt. Bonaparte never saw the complete original work of Leibnitz, nor was it published until 1864. The Summa, or abridgment, of this book has been repeatedly referred to as the real memoir presented to Louis; but neither did Bonaparte see even this abridgment, which is only some twenty-five printed pages in length, until August, 1803, when it was forwarded to him by General Mor- tier, then in Hanover, who had secured a copy from Feder, the librarian of the State Library in that city. This was then read by Bonaparte and sent to Paris with the comment "tres curieux. " Fourier, in the ^^Description de V Egypte," referred to the work, but understood that only the shorter manuscript was in existence.^ i. p. 104. Henry : Route de I ''Inde, on description geographiqiie de VEgypte, la Syrie, i'Arabie, la Perse, et I' Inde. Paris, an VII, 8vo, pp. v-viii, 6 (" L'figypte etoit le grenier de I'Empire romain"), 31 et seq., 42 ("Les Mamlouks ne connoissent rien de notre art militaire . . . Le luxe des M. est extreme. II n'y en a point dont I'entretien ne coute 2500 liv. par an "), 139 (Suez), 141 et seq. (The commerce of Egypt is rich. The income from its exports has made it a gold mine. The author draws a marvellous picture of its future prosperity), 153 et seq, (The routes to India. That via Suez and the Red Sea is very easy). Cf. Aegypleti-was es war- ist-und sein konnte, Berlin, 1799, i2mo. Boulay de la Meurthe : op. cit. pp. 169, 230, note 2 (Distinguish between several Magallons). Cf. Pongerville : Gaspard Monge et V expedition d''Egypte. Heyd: Gesck. des Levantha/idels,]..^). ^ly. Guil. Tyrensis. lib. 19, c. 27. De la Jonquiere : op. cit. i. pp. 148 et seq. It is interest- ing to note that Dubois de Thainville, French agent in the Levant, reported to Verninac at Constantinople in September, 1796, that "I'Egypte est devoree par I'anarchie. Le moment du revolution ne semble pas eloigne. ... Si jamais le commerce de ITnde s'ouvre par la vole de vSuez, le Caire deviendra la plus impor- tante place du monde. Les Anglais profitent deja de cette voie." 1 Seeley: British Policy, ii. p. 168. Foucher de Careil : CEuvres de Leibtiitz, V. pp. xiv-xix, 65. It is interesting to note the mention of Malta made by Leibnitz as an " island of great value, connected with France by many ties," pp. 345, 346. A letter of Leibnitz to Louis XIV. in 1671 contains the following: " j^gyptus omnium regionum ad dominum non maris tantum sad et orbis opportunissima, et ipso situ incredibilique fertilitate et populositate gentis mater scientiarum, mirac- •^ NAPOLEON BONAPARTE AND THE ORIENT 1 83 It will be wise, now at the actual start of the expedition, to summarize, even at the risk of being repetitious, the per- sonal motives which actuated Bonaparte in undertaking the expedition. In the first place it was necessary for him to leave Paris and to accomplish some successful feat of arms. Secondly, he wished to realize his own oriental ambitions by following in the footsteps of the great world-conquerors. The imperial vistas had been opened to him in his youth; Bossuet's description of the passing of the empires had torn the veil before him ; he had seen the mysteries ; now he was to become an Alexander, Thirdly, as a French statesman he felt that the peace with Austria left no adequate means of harming England save by a direct blow at London, the heart, / or at India and Ireland, the limbs, of the mighty sea- / monster. He believed with all Frenchmen that England's stability lay in her trade, which fattened on her foreign possessions. A move toward the Orient would call the British naval forces from the Atlantic and scatter them to various points, so that, in case a more direct attempt to attack her should appear wise, the Channel might be par- nlorum naturae materia, asylum perfidiae Mahometicae, cujus solius neglectio effecit, ut Christian! terram sanctam amiserint; Asiae et Africae vinculum. Oceani et Mediterranei maris agger interjectus, horreum Orientis emporium commune Indias et Europas." (The original larger work covers 300 printed pages.) It was a repetition in more modem language of the appeal of Pierre Dubois. Vouxitr: Description de r£gypte,Tp.\\. Napoleon: C«7rr. No. 6976 (Aug. 4, 1S03). Cf. Giihrauer: Leibnitz, Eine Biographie, i. pp. 93 et seq., and Memoire sur le projet d' expedition en Egypte presente en 1672 ci Louis XIV. par Leibnitz, in Alem. de r Acad, des Sci. morales et politiqties. Savants Etrangeres, i. pp. 679-767. The following passage is so remarkably prophetic that it deserves quotation. Leibnitz: ffiz^zvfj, v. p. 47 : " 11 y a d'abord I'isthme principal du monde qui separe les plus grandes mers, I'Ocean et le Mediterranee, qu'on ne saurait eviter sans faire le tour des sinuosites de toute I'Afrique. C'est le lien, la barriere, la clef, la seule entree possible de deux parties du monde, I'Asie et I'Afrique. C'est le point de contact, le marche commun de I'lnde d'une part, de TEurope de I'autre. Je conviens que I'isthme de Panama, en Amerique pourrait rivaliser avec lui, si cette partie du monde etait aussi fertile et si les autres richesses lui etaient pro- diguees avec la meme abon dance." 1 84 EASTERN PROBLEMS tially unprotected. He believed that the capture of Malta and Egypt would make possible a French Mediterranean, and that the possession of Egypt would be of great value to France intrinsically and potentially. It would recompense her for the loss of her American possessions; it would restore to Levantine trade its former position, and add to it the commerce of Asia; it would widen the political view at home, by checking that passionate promulgation of revolu- tionary principles on the continent of Europe which made every monarchical government the secret if not the open foe of the Republic, and inevitably postponed the day of final peace. Fourthly, it would appeal to every Frenchman who had read history, who had been influenced by the renascence in classic and oriental studies, or who believed in the eco- nomic and political principles which required the resurrec- tion of a French Empire on land and sea as the incarnation of the spirit of French traditions and ambitions.^ The Directory forwarded his plans, and gave the final orders in a series of secret despatches during the second week of April, 1798. The ^' Armee d' Orient" was to be, as in Bona- parte's words, a wing of the ^' Annee d' Angletcrre; " to seize Malta and Egypt was to injure England in a vital spot, to make France supreme on the Mediterranean, to add to her colonial empire, to increase her trade, and to open the door to India. Kleber was to be second in command ; the delay which the events at Radstadt and Vienna necessitated was 1 Bailleu: op. cit. i. pp. 183 et seq. (Despatches of Mar. 28, Apr. 7 and 19). Marmont: Manoires, pp. 216 et seq. Mathieu Dumas: Notes sur le precis des tenements militaires, ii. p. 171. Though not of direct value as evidence, the pas- sages in the Coinmentaries form interesting parallels. Napoleon : Cotnm. ii. pp. 1S4, 285, 330, 360, 362; iii. pp. 20 et seq., 144. Of the same nature is the work of Fourier in 1S09, eleven years later. Champollion gives the corrections which Bonaparte himself suggested at that time. Fourier : op. cit. pp. i, xxiii. Champol- lion : i'^OT^r/Vr, pp. 83, 88-172. Napoleon: Corr. No. 2502. Intercepted Corr. i. p. 137 (Letter of Boyer, July 28, 1798). Cf. ii. p. ix, note. Dubroca : Politiqjie, etc. pp. 90-92. Fonvielle : France et Angleterre, pp. 183-186. The question of India as a possible ultimate destination will be considered later. NAPOLEON BONAPARTE AND THE ORIENT 1 85 not long; and the circumstances only showed more clearly the strained relations between the Directory and the Gen- eral. The former desired to be rid of a too successful sol- dier; the latter foresaw the ruin of the present government, and wished to be neither a direct accomplice to it nor a vic- tim of its fall.^ As this is an historical study of motives, methods, and effects, it is without its scope to trace the course of events in any detail. In particular it is unnecessary to record the history of a period so well known as is the one under discus- , sion. It will be the object of the latter half of this chapter to treat the schemes of Bonaparte in the East, the means he used to forward them, especially the political and religious agencies employed, the ultimate effect that these had upon the course of events, the evolution which the Egyptian Ex- pedition engendered in the political character of the Eastern Question, the results in India and their significance for the future, and the reasons for the failure of the expedition to accomplish the objects assigned to it. The fleet with the army on board set sail from Toulon May 19. The great secrecy as regards its preparation and destination aided the success which attended its first movies. Malta yielded to the v / combined forces after a perfunctory struggle, and the design which Brueys had not been able to realize in the previous February was easily accomplished. Malta, the strongest fortified position in the Mediterranean, with perhaps the exception of Gibraltar, was in French hands. It seems scarcely possible to doubt that intrigue and bribery had prepared the way for the capture, and that it was no reckless chance of war which made Bonaparte risk so much on its 1 Napoleon: Corr. Nos. 2491-2496, 2502, 2533, 2547, 2548, 2562, 2570, 2608. 2710. Intercepted Corr. i. p. 99. De Testa: Recueil, i. p. 535 (Directory to Bona- parte, March 5, 1798, giving him the orders "pour remplir le grand objet de rarmement de la Mediterranee " ). Pajol : KUber, p. 269. Hiiffer : Dipl. Verh. "• P- 377- Masson: Dipl. de la Revol. pp. 211 et seq. Boulay de la Meurthe: op. cit. p. 23. 1 86 EASTERN PROBLEMS fall.^ Proceeding to Egypt, Alexandria was captured with ease, and some days later Cairo fell before Bonaparte's army. The succeeding months were occupied in extending French control toward Upper Egypt, in the Delta and toward Syria. Nelson destroyed the French fleet in Abukir Bay on August I ; and in September the Porte joined the coalition of Euro- pean powers against France. In February Bonaparte set out to invade Syria, marching rapidly toward Acre, where the defence of that city by Djezzar Pasha, assisted by the English, who had captured part of Bonaparte's siege artillery, forced him to return to Egypt. A Turkish army was routed in the early summer of 1799 at Abukir, but the blockade of Alex- andria, defeats, unproductive victories, plague, and lack of reinforcements completed the tale. On receiving confirma- tion of the success of the allies in Europe, and of the weakness of the Directory, Bonaparte stole away from Egypt and, barely escaping capture by the English, landed at Frejus on the Mediterranean coast in November, accompanied by only a few officers. The army had been left under the com- mand of Kleber in Egypt. Such is the bare outline. Returning now, we must consider, first, Bonaparte's policy toward the Porte ; second, with regard to the native popula- tions and rulers of Egypt, Syria, and Greece; third, with regard to the Barbary States, and lastly, toward the Direc- tory. On landing in Egypt Bonaparte announced that he had come to restore the enfeebled authority of the Sultan, and the insignia of that ruler were preserved on every hand. The Mameluke Beys, he declared, were his only enemies, 1 Vivenot: Briefevon Thtigtit, ii. pp. 46, 106, 109. Hiiffer: Dipl. Verh. ii. pp. 384 et seq. Reumont : Letzten Zeiten des Joh. Ordens, pp. 24 et seq., 28, 32, 36, 175 et seq. Doublet: Memoires kisto7-iqiies, pp. 370, 372. Ballou: Story of Malta, p. 307. Villeneuve-Bargemont : Momimettts des Grand-Mattres, ii. pp. 277, 2S0, 283 et seq., 321, 391, 400 et seq. Marmont : Memoires, i. pp. 220, 221. De Clercq : Recueil, i. p. 361. Convention for the surrender signed, June 12, 1798. Napo- leon: Corr. Nos. 2629, 2634, 2636-2638, 2641, 2642, 2645-2647, 2667. Jurien de la Graviere : Guerres maritimes, i. p. 359. NAPOLEON BONAPARTE AND THE ORIENT 1 8/ the oppressors of a people whom he professed to protect and guard. The French, who had destroyed the Pope, the enemy of Islam, and captured Malta, the stronghold of those who were sworn to war against all Muhammadans, believed in complete religious tolerance, and came to Egypt as allies of its rightful lord, the Khalif of all true believers. "I love the Kuran," he told the people, "and my armies are at the service of the Sultan." Before leaving Paris Bonaparte had understood that Talleyrand would proceed to Constantinople as French ambassador. He sent a ship from Malta to con- vey him to this important point, where his talents would be strained in the endeavor to appease the alarm and anger of the Porte at the invasion of Egypt. Talleyrand, however, recollecting that the Sultan did not recognize the immuni- ties of diplomats, concluded not to go. Descorches w'as under appointment when the Sultan declared war. Ruffin, secretary and charge at the embassy, was imprisoned by the Turks, and all French consuls throughout the Empire were arrested. Ignorant of this, Bonaparte wrote to both Talley- rand and Descorches at Constantinople. His letters to the Grand Vizir proclaimed his cordial relationship to the Sul- tan and the traditional friendship of France; the common enemies of both, he said, were Austria and Russia; there was a basis for an amicable arrangement in this situation. When he learned of the co-operation of the Russian and Turkish squadrons at the siege of Corfu, he warned the Porte that the advent of the former in the Mediterranean could only mean danger to the integrity of the Empire. The Sultan, after hearing of Nelson's victory, had yielded to the pressure of Russia and Great Britain, and had issued a proclamation in September, 1798, declaring z.Ji]iad, or Holy War, against the French incumbent upon Muslims the world over. Upon the invasion of Syria a second was promulgated, and a Hatti-Shartf regarding the French operations at Suez and on the Red Sea, renewed the statement that that sea was 1 88 EASTERN PROBLEMS a sacred highway of Islam. The burst of Muslim fanaticism throughout the Levant brought serious loss to many French- men; their persons and property were seized, and French trade was almost annihilated. In vain Bonaparte wrote re- peatedly to Constantinople, even to within a few days before he left Egypt ; the Porte, provoked by the invasion, at the mercy of its enemies, with French diplomatic prestige at an end, and fearing its allies as much as it did the French, had become an unwilling combatant in the gigantic conflict which stirred all Europe.^ With regard to the people and local rulers of the Levant, Bonaparte's policy is very interesting. It reveals the great value of scholarship to public policy, the intimate relations existing between religion and politics in the East, and the use of methods of oriental diplomacy which were mentioned in the opening pages of this chapter. The proclamations issued on landing in Egypt were translated into Arabic by the oriental scholars who accompanied the expedition. The religious observances of Islam were protected and maintained in the hope that a political ascendency might be gained; Menou and some of the French officers accepted Islam; and a French tricolor inscribed with a sentence of the Kuran was given to a native officer who took service with the French. Small bodies of Egyptian troops were organized, and mild 1 Napoleon: Corr. Nos. 2608, 2674, 2703, 2719, 2721, 2723, 2734, 2761, 2767, 2777, 2778, 2785, 2819, 2824, 2878, 2SS0, 2934, 3075, 3076, 3127, 3183, 3206, 3280, 3281, 3373> 3436, 3561, 3562, 3573. 3594-3596. 3744-3748, 3928. Cf. Napoleon: Comm. ii. p. 330. Intercepted Corr. i. pp. 235, 244. Broglie : Memoires de Talley- rand, i. p. 26S. Pouqueville: Voyage en Moree, ii. p. 219. De Testa : Recueil, i. pp. '^i^ et seq., 572 et seq., 583. The proclamation of the Porte to all Muslims (Feb. 15, 1799) contained passages such as the following: " Purify your hearts, that your thoughts may be worthy of praise ; unite yourselves to our brother- believers against the evil infidels ; work for the triumph of Islam, for by the help of the Almighty you will be the conquerors of your enemies, who are also the enemies of God," ii. p. 73, Hatti-Shereef of 1799; cf. Boulay de la Meurthe, Le Directoire et V Expedition d'Egypte, pp. 36 et seq., 64, 65. Masson : Aff. Strang. p. 428. NAPOLEON BONAPARTE AND THE ORIENT 1 89 terms were offered to those who would submit. The Arabic printing-press which Bonaparte had imported issued accounts of the pomp with which Muhammadan feast days were cele- brated by the French ; and in the Courier d" Egypte, a French newspaper published at Cairo, there appeared the story of an alleged revelation received by a Muslim Holy-man of Egypt, Muhammad and Fate are supposed to be conversing together; while standing on the shores of the Mediterranean, they des- cry the French fleet approaching. The prophet is filled with dismay at the sight. Fate reassures him by foretelling the conquest of Egypt by this force, the establishment of a strong government, and the acceptance of Islam by every Frenchman. Muhammad then expresses himself as com- pletely satisfied.^ 1 Napoleon : Corr. Nos. 2710, 2723, 2765, 2817, 2818, 2834, 2837, 2S40, 2858, 2880, 2902, 2907, 2921, 3045, 3127, 3151, 3157, 3176, 3221, 3243, 3244, 32S4, 3478, 3484, 3669, 3672, 3S50, 3951. Cf. Lumbrose : JlTisct'llaiiea N'apoleonica, ii. p. 333. The long rule and remarkable position which the Mamelukes maintained in Egypt are in themselves striking phenomena. This comrriunity of slaves, ruling a rich land distant from their own original home, reinforced from time to time by addi- tions to their numbers, slaves who were destined to become sovereigns, preserved their identity and power for several centuries in a country in which all races and interests mingled. The rise of the race was due to the weakening Khaliphate of Egypt, which followed the example of the Abbassids at Bagdad in calling Barba- rian peoples from the north to support their tottering rule. This system was adopted by Saladin and the Ayoubite dynasty in order to protect themselves from the servile community which had already been created in Egypt. These late comers overthrew the Ayoubites, and formed an oligarchy which remained in its singular isolation and dominant position even after an Ottoman Sultan, in 1517, had usurped the title of Khalif from its unworthy titular holder. Crushed but not extinguished by the establishment of Turkish rule, the wane of that power was marked by the lessening influence of its representative, the Pasha of Cairo, and the corresponding ascendency of the Mameluke Beys. They imported their slaves from Central Asia, and made those slaves the rulers over the oppressed indigenous population. A few years before Napoleon invaded Egypt, their chief, Sheik AH Bey, had taken advantage of the war between the Porte and Russia to dismiss the Ottoman Governor, after increasing his own force of Mamelukes, then defeating the Arabs and conquering Syria, he received the title of Sultan and Protector of the Holy Places from the Sharif of Mecca. He had died, and Ibrahim, the ruling Bey in 1798, was by no means as powerful. The " Demo- igO EASTERN PROBLEMS An Arabic poem in honor of Bonaparte was also written about this time, praising the destruction of the Mamelukes, and hailing him as the "favorite of victory" and "the right eye of God the Exalted." In some of the letters to the Sheiks of Palestine certain vague powers of Kismet were attributed to Bonaparte ; fate directed his armies, and oppo- sition was useless. It was an idea common throughout the East. In the proclamation of December 21, 1798, to the people of Cairo after their brief revolt there is a strong suspicion of Messianic language. Bonaparte claimed in it divine inspiration and prescience. Whoever wrote the document perhaps recalled that the Fatimide dynasty of Egypt had been Alyite, and of the transcendental Shiah sect, and it is possible that he desired to insinuate the idea that the French general might be called to fill the position of Vicar to the Mahdi, which, it was believed by the Mus- lim, Jesus was to occupy at the coming of the former; or it is even possible that he wished to pose Bonaparte as a Mahdi himself. He certainly claimed that his arrival and conquests had been prophesied in writing, which in the Muhammadan East can only mean that they were mentioned in the Kuran or the Hadith. Though the Kuran does not speak of the Mahdi, tradition has ascribed to Muhammad the promise of a leader who should establish a just rule and banish oppres- sion; and the mission of Jesus as a prophet and co-worker with the Mahdi is recognized. It is very interesting to com- pare the language of this proclamation with that of any of the famous Mahdis of Islam. ^ cratic slave-soldiery " still existed. Though redoubtable enough to an Asiatic enemy, it was totally unable to meet the French upon an equal footing. Muir : The Mameluke or Slave Dynasty, pp. 215, 223, 225 (App. II., a valuable memo- randum by Yacoub Artin Pasha). Miiller : Die Beherrscher der Glaiibigen, p. 45. 1 Kermoysan : Recueil, i. p. 241. Memoires sur I'Mgypte (edition of 1800), i. p. 118. La Decade Egyptienne (Proceedings of the Institute of Cairo), i. pp. 83 et seq. Courier d^Egypte, No. 21. Napoleon : Corr. Nos. 3785, 4020, 4022, 4096, 4188 (Mention of the alleged Mahdi wrho appeared at this time, June, 1799). Darmstetter : Mahdi, pp. 13 et seq. In Islam Adam, Noah, Abraham, Moses, and NAPOLEON BONAPARTE AND THE ORIENT 191 Bonaparte also wrote several times to the Sharif of Mecca, the Imam of Muscat, and the Sultan of Darfur. The great annual pilgrimage to Mecca is a religious, political, and com- mercial event of the first rank in the Muhammadan world. From every quarter the little knots of pilgrims gather until they unite in several immense caravans; those from Northern Africa and Damascus are among the most important. The start of the pilgrims from Cairo is a great occasion ; and the nomina- tion of the Emir-al-Hajj, or leader of the Pilgrimage, for that year is an important function. Bonaparte appointed a man to this office the year after he reached Egypt; and a letter was sent to the Sharif of Mecca by the Divan of Cairo ask- ing tjiat the nominee be accepted. He was accepted, and the reply of the Sharif addressing Bonaparte as the "Pro- tector of the ' Ulema ' and the Friend of the Holy Ka'aba " was published. In addition to the religious influence of such conduct the trade of the Red Sea was important to the French ; it was their only channel of communication with India. Bonaparte promised the caravan from the Barbary States that there should be no interruption to its passage through Egypt; but after proceeding some distance on its way, it dispersed, not trusting his assurances. He also wrote to the MullaJi at Damascus to the same effect; but fanaticism was rife, a JiJiad had been declared, and it was no longer possible for the French to win over to their side Jesus are prophets, each greater than his predecessor, and having a fuller revela- tion from God to man. Muhammad supersedes all. In the great day of final conflict Jesus will be the helper of the Mahdi, or " well-guided one," who is to end the fight by leading the hosts of Islam to victory. He must be of Muhammad's family, and possess certain special characteristics. There have been many who claimed to be such. Among the Shiahs or followers of Ali, the idea is still more complicated (p. 57). In May, 1799, a Mahdi did arise who came from Tripoli. He was probably in Turkish employ, and his campaign against the French was of short duration (p. 78). It appears to me somewhat forced to say with Darmstetter that " the revolutionary idea among the French, and the idea of the Messiah among the Mussulmans spring from the same instinct, the same aspiration." Cf. Hughes : Dictionary of Islam. Article : Mahdi. 192 EASTERN PROBLEMS wholly on religious grounds any large body of Muslims. A marked change, therefore, is to be noticed in Bonaparte's policy as the year 1799 wore on. He continued writing to Constantinople of his friendship to the Porte, but it was an unprofitable business; and he resumed the endeavors, which he began soon after his capture of Cairo, to win over Ahmad Pasha of Acre from his titular allegiance to the Sultan, That governor had deluged Syria with blood and earned the surname of Djezzar, or Butcher. Bonaparte wrote him that Islam was to be protected ; that the Mamelukes, his enemies, were destroyed, and that if he would support the French his own personal authority would be increased. To the Pasha of Damascus a letter of the same tenor was sent. These incite- ments to treason were neglected, and Ahmad with the sup- port of the English met the French in most determined manner at Acre, and effectually stopped the progress of Bonaparte's arnly. Failing this, overtures were made to all who had suffered despoilment at the hands of Ahmad, prom- isina: revenue. To the Druze and Matawali sects in Mount Lebanon, at enmity alike with Sultan and Pasha, Bonaparte extended his protection, and guaranteed complete indepen- dence from the Porte, with an increase of territory, giving the former the seaport of Beirut and nearly all Lebanon. The Christian population probably supported a nation which had been their protector for centuries, but the Greeks may have been directed by their clergy to oppose the French; the Greek Patriarch at Constantinople, under Russian guidance, had issued a virulent document against the French Republic in the autumn of 1798.^ With the capture of Malta the perusal of an agreement between the Tzar and the Knights which pointed to a re- 1 Napoleon : Corr. Nos. 3050, 3077, 3078, 31 10, 3136, 3138, 314S, 3205, 3215, 3644, 3899, 4020, 4022, 4026, 4041, 4044-4047, 4049, 4063, 4077-40S0, 4096, 4235, 4268. Courier d'Egypte, Nos. 6, 24, 35. Marmont: Mimoires, i. p. 155. De Testa: Recueil, i. pp. 572 et seq. NAPOLEON BONAPARTE AND THE ORIENT 193 newal of Catherine's Mediterranean plans had assured Bona- parte that he would have Russia to reckon with in the future. When therefore the alliance between the Sultan and the Tzar was consummated, he turned his fulminations upon the Russians, as polytheists, the traditional and implacable enemy of every Muslim; then, continuing the campaign of letters and documents sent throughout the Levant and into Arabia, he reversed his attitude toward the Porte, and im- peached the orthodoxy of a ruler who was in alliance with other Christian nations against a general who had always protected Islam. He declared that Selim III. had betrayed the faith, that Osmanly rule in Egypt was at an end forever; he questioned his title as Khalif, stirred up the ever latent jealousy of the theological doctors of Cairo against Constan- tinople, and appealed to the Sharif of Mecca, as the "Head of Islam," the Descendant of the Khalifs," the "greatest and best of Princes." Egyptian nation there was none; but such an appeal which asserted the religious and political suprem- acy of Mecca over the Porte could find a large audience. The Muslim of Muhammad was an Arab; the Muhammadan of Amurath was an Ottoman Turk. Jealous of the prestige of Constantinople, recalling the glories of the Arab Khali- fate of Baghdad, united in an Islam which was far purer than that of the Ottoman, the Arab tribes of the South, under the leadership of the Sharif of Mecca, would have been fit tools for Bonaparte's use. Race, religion, and politics were on his side. The success of the Wahhabi rebellion showed the possibility of a purely Arab Islam, fighting with puritanic zeal and godly courage; it was a movement that could well be likened to the Protestant Reformation in the West. But Semitic fanaticism would have prevented their alliance with the French ; and an agreement between Bonaparte and the Sharif to raise the Arab tribes in opposition to the Turks was probably also impracticable; yet the idea was undoubt- edly in the mind of Bonaparte; and such a scheme under 13 194* EASTERN PROBLEMS different circumstances is not solely of speculative value, as students of the Eastern Question and of Islam will recognize.^ The potential value of the ports in Italy and the Ionian Islands, which attracted Bonaparte's attention during the campaigns in 1796 and 1797, becomes evident when we con- sider his policy with reference to Greece and the Balkan pen- insula. The propaganda of revolution which he began while still in Italy was carried on by the Directory after he sailed for Egypt. One of the cleverest political and religious doc- uments which has appeared in connection with the history of the Eastern Question was published in October, 1798. It was an appeal to the Greeks to support the French ; it re- called the abandonment of the Greeks by Catherine in 1791, and cited the alliance between Paul and the Sultan as proof that the only hope of Hellenic freedom lay in France. The intrigues with Ali Pasha were also continued by Bonaparte while at Malta; and French agents encouraged Passwan Oglu to rebel against the Porte. The betrayal of the French by Ali, and the failure of demonstrations in that region to de- tract from the strength of the coalition was a bitter disap- pointment, as was the siege and capture of Corfu by the combined Russo-Turkish forces. In the early stages of the expedition Bonaparte had depended for supplies and informa- tion on that island; he urged later that a second French squadron be formed with Malta and Corfu as bases, that the Spanish and Dutch fleets be used to decoy the English ships to the Atlantic, and that in case the Irish expedition had failed, an invasion of the Morea should be attempted. The haste with which the allies moved to the attack of both these 1 Napoleon : Corr. Nos. 2676, 2687, 4224, 423S, 4265, 4296, 4297, 4350, 4362. Courier d'Egypte, No. 16. Villeneuve-Bargement : op. cit. ii. pp. 267, 277. Mon- itejir, Jan. 30, 1803. Annual Register, 1S03, p. 746. Torrens : Wellesley, i. p. 172. Selim III. to Tipu Tib, Sept. 20, 1798 : "from intercepted letters it appears that the design of the French was to break up Arabia into separate republics. . . ." NAPOLEON BONAPARTE AND THE ORIENT 195 islands shows how invaluable their possession and free inter- course would have been to the French.^ Upon the capture of Malta letters were sent to the French consuls at Algiers, Tripoli, and Tunis with news of the re- lease of the Barbary slaves owned by the Order. In Algiers the destruction of the Knights was hailed with joy, until it was learned that Bonaparte was bound for Egypt. The news of Nelson's victory on August i, the outbreak of open war between the Porte and France and the direct command of the Sultan to his vassal provinces that all Frenchmen were to be treated as enemies, worked wide-spread disaster to French interests in that state. All the Frenchmen in Algiers were arrested in December, 1798, and their property seized. This possible ally or agent of communication with France was thus rendered totally useless to Bonaparte. Yussuf Pasha, of Tripoli, on the contrary remained friendly; and Beaussier, the French consul, was enabled to send provisions to Malta, and to communicate with Egypt and with Italy. The Eng- lish soon interfered, however, seized the consul, and forbade the Pasha to assist Bonaparte, who had been sending many letters via Derne to Tripoli. In Tunis there had been no such outbreak as at Algiers, but the English acted there as they had at Tripoli. Morocco had also refused to obey the instructions of the Porte; but distance prevented it from being of service to France. ^ 1 Napoleon: Corr. Nos. 2615, 2662-2663, 26S3, 26S7, 2960-2964, 3034, 3036, 3056, 3063-3065, 3146, 3245, 3749-3750> 3764, 3774-3775. 3777- Intercepted Corr. i. p. 242 ; ii. p. 232. Rodoconachi : op. cit. pp. 86, 92, 98, 102. De Testa : op. cii. i. pp. 557 et seq. Zinkeisen : Gcsch. Osnian. Reiches, vii. pp. 42, 84 et seq. 2 Mercier : Hist. d'Afrique, iii. pp. 448 et seq., 452 et seq., 468, 489. Ber- brugger : Alger sous le Consttlat, in Revue Africaine, xv. pp. 258, 324, 329 ct seq., 401, 411 et seq. Devoulx : Rais Hamidou, pp. 35 et seq. (The denunciations of the Porte against the French were bitter). Cf. R. Afric. xix. p. 24. Ferand : Ephcmerides dun secretaire, in R. A. xviii. pp. 305 et seq. Extract from the Arabic diary of a secretary to the Dey of Algiers (1775-1805): "The French, enemies of God, captured by treason the city of Alexandria during the month of Muharrem 1213. . . . Islam has suffered a blow, and the enemy of God has won 196 EASTERN PROBLEMS So much attention has been centred on the history of the relations between Bonaparte and the Directory that it is unnecessary to dilate upon them ; the situation of the army in Egypt and the work accomplished by it have also been thoroughly discussed by many writers. When approaching Egypt, Bonaparte had addressed his soldiers as Frenchmen, representatives of a country whose interest in the East was a corollary to its national existence. The reports he sent home were for the most part exaggerated and fancifully col- ored accounts which magnified a skirmish into a battle and changed a retreat into strategy. Distance lent enchantment, and the "great desertion" ended with a triumphal progress across France. The disaster which cut the communications with France was the annihilation of the French navy in the Mediterranean. Prior to this battle Napoleon had written despondently to his brother Joseph, speaking of a possible sudden return to France. Before sailing, October had been mentioned in Paris as the date when he expected to come back; but the defeat of August i instead of hastening his departure confirmed him in the intention to remain longer in Egypt. It is unfair to say, therefore, that Bonaparte fore- saw disaster soon after his arrival, and desired to desert his army for months prior to his stealthy departure. He was supreme on land, and for some months his losses continued to be insignificant. There was in war and politics an uncer- tainty; and either in East or West there might have arisen at almost any time contingencies which would have deprived the coalition of its strength. These chances Bonaparte took. In Egypt he declared that " if the English continue to hold a victory. May God in his omnipotence free his children from this calamity." This is an interesting illustration of the solidarity of Islam. Ferand : Annales Tripolitaines, in R. A. xxvii. p. 219. Napoleon : Corr. Nos. 2665, 2966, 3043, 3050, 3183. 3504. 3730-3732, 4349, 43SS, 4359- Pajol : KU'l>er, p. 303. Nelson: Despatches, iii. pp. 293, 301, 338 ; iv. p. 125. The'English also posed as the friends of Islam and the Porte, and declared they fought against the French as atheists and robbers. NAPOLEON BONAPARTE AND THE ORIENT 1 97 iinonder) the Mediterranean they will perhaps compel us to do greater things than we intended." Early in the campaign he recurred to the position which had been taken by some with regard to the projected invasion of England in 1798, and suggested that if the war showed no sign of coming to an end the evacuation of Egypt might be the price of peace. He asserted from first to last the great value of that province to France as a menace to Great Britain. From another point of view it is no exagggeration to say that the invasion of Syria was a radical move toward a settlement of the Eastern Question. It is useless to discuss the possible results if Acre had fallen; yet it seems probable that the immediate effects of a successful campaign in Syria with all that was bound to follow would have done much to alter the history of Europe and Asia at least for the succeeding quarter- century.^ Turning now from West and North, we must examine con- ditions and plans in the further East; the Egyptian Expedi- tion loses its true significance if it be treated wholly as European history; indeed the study of the eighteenth cen- tury is not complete if the contemporary history of Asia be neglected. The present Viceroy of India, Lord Curzon, has well expressed the inherent fact in the history of Asiatic dominion: "The possession of India is the inalienable badge of sovereignty in the Eastern hemisphere. Since India was 1 Napoleon: Corr. Nos. 2710, 2765, 2S74, 3045, 3051, 3059, 3065, 30S3, 3084, 3091, 3365, 352S, 3538, 38S6, 3S97, 393S, 4012, 4021, 4035 (the grandiloquent announcement — On Feb. 23, " nous couchames en Asie "), 40S6, 4087, 4091, 4092, 4101,4102, 4124, 4136, 4138, 4156, 4323, 4329. Marmont : Manoires,'\.^-^.i6\y 278. Segur : Hist, et Mhjioires, i. pp. 439, 440 (the famous passage in which Bona- paite speaks of marching on Constantinople, establishing a new Eastern Empire, overthrowing Austria and returning to Paris across Europe). Intercepted Corre- spondence, i. p. 137 ; ii. p. ix., note. DuCasse : Mem. et Corr. du Roi Joseph, i. p. 189. Napoleon to Joseph, Cairo, July 25, 1798; " Egypt is a rich country, but there is no money to pay the troops. I can be with you in two months. I desire to retire from public life and live in the country. For me at 29 glory has faded." There is no reason to doubt the authenticity of this letter. 198 EASTERN PROBLEMS known, its masters have been lords of half the world. The impulse that drew an Alexander, a Timur, and a Baber east- wards to the Indus was the same that ... all but gave to France the Empire which England " won. Annihilation or Empire was the principle that governed the struggle which decided that there should be English and not French domin- ion in India. Whichever won, the victorious side could not remain either a trading company or a band of military adven- turers ; it must become a political sovereign. The Egyp- tian Expedition was an important factor in the conclusion of that struggle; and its results were in fact more important than the events themselves. ^ The works of Colonel Malleson have rehabilitated the his- tory of the period; but it is still common enough among some students to regard the struggle between France and Great Britain in India as ended by the time of the Revolution. It appears, however, that if France had almost abandoned the contest, Frenchmen were by no means so ready to withdraw from the field. The military adventurers who served in India at this time were a continual source of anxiety to the British; and their presence, in command of strong native and European forces, together with the connection which some of them maintained with the states most antagonistic to Great Britain ; whether in Europe or Asia, sufficed to call forth the energies of the men who directed the affairs of that country in the East, in a determined effort to exclude all persons of French blood from the service of native princes, to cripple the power of the greater Indian states, and to extend the political ascendency of Great Britain over an ever increasing area.^ 1 Curzon : Persia, i. p. 4. Rapson : Struggle between France and England, pp. 3 et seq., 11, 106. Seeley : Expansion of England, pp. 40 et seq. 2 Malleson : French in India, and Final French Struggles in India, pp. 158, 175 etseq., 195 et seq., 241, 244 et seq. Compton : European Military Adventurers of Hindustan, pp. 7 et seq., I Set seq., 221 et seq. Malcolm : History of India, i. p. 195. Barbe : Le Nahab Rene Madec, passim. Kirkpatrick : Select letters of Tippoo Sultan, NAPOLEON BONAPARTE AND THE ORIENT 199 The weakness of the French navy has also led many to suppose that the English flag was supreme on the Indian Ocean; yet prior to the Revolution the contest on sea be- tween the rival powers had been by no means unequal. Some of the English naval historians have suppressed and distorted the history of this period; and it has only been of recent years that research and fairness have secured to French sailors their meed of praise. At the outbreak of war in 1793 the regular naval forces of France were un- doubtedly inferior to those of her enemy; but the privateers which were despatched from the lies de France and de Bour- bon made this preponderance avail English Asiatic commerce but little; between 1793 and 1797 they captured 2266 Eng- lish merchant ships as against 375 French, taken by the English. The profits were enormous, and while the French home ports suffered greatly during the war, these colonies grew rich. Thus it will be seen, that if the Republic were herself weak in India, the possible united strength of the Appendix L. An oictline of Tippoo Sultan's military establishment. During the last years of the century Tipii Tib, an inveterate Anglophobe, seemed about again to at- tack the English establishments ; French soldiers were in power with the Nizam and Sindhia. The court of Puna was under the control of the latter chief, and the Raja of Berar was certainly not friendly to the English. Tipu could bring into the field in Mysore between 50,000 and 75,000 men, including the " European or French force " of nearly 600 officers and men. The Nizam of Haidarabad, Ali Khan, had some 70,000 irregular infantry and a trained body of 14,000 men and guns under Piron, who had succeeded the famous Raymond in the Nizam's service ; and Daolat Rao Sindhia had 40,000 disciplined infantry, 3S0 guns, and 300 European officers under Perron, who had taken command of this splendid fighting machine, which the talents of De Boigne had created for his predecessor Madhaji Sindhia. The dream of the last named ruler had been to unite all the native princes of India under Maratha leadership against the English. He had disapproved of Tipu's first war again.st them, for he realized that no native sovereign could successfully fight them alone. The total strength of the Maratha powers under the Peshwa had amounted to 140,000 men at the battle of Kardla in 1795, of which 23,000 horse, foot, and artillery were officered and trained by Europeans, for the most part Frenchmen. Teignmouth : Life, i. pp. 261, 267, 285, 319, 327-329, 333, 334. Cornwaliis : Corr. ii. pp. 53 et seq. Castonnet des Fosses, in Rev. dc la Rivol. i. P- 387- 200 EASTERN PROBLEMS enemies of England offered to the French a strong weapon for attack, while at sea the trade of their rivals suffered serious injury.^ In 1798, of the three strong native powers of India, each possessed bodies of well disciplined troops under the com- mand of French officers; the Sultan of Mysore, Tipu Tib, was the one most relied on by the French to create a diver- sion in the far East, thus assisting the French cause in the Levant, and threatening English dominion in Asia. Indeed, Bonaparte's imagination may have carried the plan still fur- ther; before leaving Paris he had asked for a copy of Ren- nell's work and for maps of the River Ganges; he had ordered Piveron, formerly in the employ of Tipu to accom- pany the expedition ; and the naval forces of the lie de France had been directed to report at Suez and await his orders, with as large a number of transports as could be gathered in those waters. Previous to this, Tipu, who had been on intimate terms with the French in the past, as has been noted in a preceding chapter, had written to the Direc- tory and expressed a desire for the cementing of their "an- cient alliance." Tipu was a fanatical Muslim, and his call to the other princes for a y//^^^ against all infidels, together with the arrogant tone he often assumed even toward his allies, the French, show that his union with France against England was only a stronger sign of his intense hatred of the latter power. The tentative draft of a treaty of offensive alliance between Mysore and France was sent with the above letter to the Directory. At this time, April, 1797, there existed in his capital, Seringapatam, a French Jacobin Club, which held ecstatic meetings, discharged cannon, and swore 1 Villele: Mhnoires, i. pp. 86 et seq., 92, 101, 107. Malleson : Final French Struggles, p. 81. D'Epinay : Re)iseignements pour sei-vir a rhistoire de Pile de France, pp. 369 et seq. The daily entries from June 3, 1793, on in this curious and other- wise veiy faulty book, show beyond a doubt that the damage inflicted on English commerce was enormous. The figures given in the text, however, are from Eng- lish sources. NAPOLEON BONAPARTE AND THE ORIENT 201 allegiance to Tipu and the French Republic, but eternal hatred toward the British. Some months later Ripaud, one of the leaders in the club, was sent to the He de France with ambassadors bearing letters from Tipu. Three days after their arrival, January i8, 1798, Malartic, the Governor, for- warded the despatches to France. They were in the main identical with the letter of the previous April, and reached Rochefort on September 5, 1798. On January 30, Malartic issued a proclamation setting forth the intentions and desires of Tipu Tib, calling on all Frenchmen for aid; enlistment in the Sultan's service was urged, and liberal pay promised; war against the English was to be carried on until the latter were expelled from India. On the receipt at Paris of Malartic's enclosures the Minister of Marine presented a report on the situation (September 18, 1798). It recounted the celebrations under the auspices of the Jacobin Club at Seringapatam and stated the proposals of Tipu Tib " to make joint war with France until no English remain in India." The report then went on to review the offers previously made by the Sultan. In October, 1794, and in April, 1796, identical proposals had been presented by that Prince. The minister advised acceptance of the plans as given, and sug- gested a demonstration by the forces of Spain and the Bata- vian Republic in the Indies to assist him, "whose only object is to destroy the power of England in India. It is to the interests of the French Republic to second him in his designs." On October 26, the Directory approved in- structions given to Louis Monneron to send a ship from the He de France to the Red Sea in order to open communica- tions with Bonaparte, and to secure information regarding the course of events in India, particularly of the position of Tipu Sultan, and also to take steps to maintain the present friendly relations with that Prince. He was to assure Tipu that the Directory would count upon him when the time came to act effectively against the common enemy, and that 202 EASTERN PROBLEMS he would be informed when to prepare for this. On Novem- ber 4, the Directory attempted to communicate to Napoleon what had occurred, and to lay before him several plans of action. They pointed out that since the control of the Mediterranean was in the hands of the English, a return to France would be difficult. The critical situation of Turkey seemed to indicate the speedy dissolution of that Empire and the consequent partition of its territories; Russia, Austria, and Prussia were intriguing at present to profit by such an event, and if France were to secure her portion, a march on Constantinople would be necessary. A treaty with Tipii Sultan had been negotiated but not yet signed, and if Napo- leon's eye had turned toward India, Citizen Louis Monneron would be able to assist him. With the General alone, how- ever, rested the decision. Three plans suggested themselves : To remain in Egypt, establishing there a position secure against the attacks of the Turks, though remembering that certain seasons of the year were very injurious to Europeans; to penetrate into India, where he would doubtless find men ready to join him in overthrowing the rule of the British; or finally to march toward Constantinople to meet the enemy who menaced him. This letter reached Bonaparte in March. In India Tipii had received letters from many French officials at the lie de France promising aid and urging an attack on the East India Company; on July 20 he had written again to the Directory, outlining a treaty of eleven articles, and appointing Dubuc, a Frenchman, his ambassador at Paris. That officer proposed a union of native forces in India to oust the English; it was a plan such as Mahadji Sindhia had dreamed of; the possibility of its realization was a nightmare to British officials. ^ 1 Napoleon : Corr. Nos. 2473, 2498, 2509. (Piveron did not reach Egypt. Boulay : op. cit. p. 227.) Henry: Route de I'lnde, pp. 386, 404 et seq., 431 (the French had exaggerated ideas regarding the strength of Tipii). W^ellesley : Despatches, i. p. viii. (proclamation of Malartic, Jan. 30, 1798), p. 710; ii. pp. 57, note (Dubuc to Tipii, Dec. 16, 1798), 740 et scq.\ v. pp. i (Tipii to the Direc- NAPOLEON BONAPARTE AND THE ORIENT 203 Returning now for a short time to trace the course of pub- lic opinion in Great Britain, we find that a French expedi- tion to India did not appear impossible to the English ministry in 1798, nor to the East India Company. The effect of this feeling has a value in history independent of the fact whether it appears to-day that Bonaparte did or did not plan to attack India. The military and naval experts may or may not consider it possible for him to have suc- tory, April 2, 1797), 6 (Tipii to French officials at lie de France, April 21, 1797), 8 et seq. (replies to the above, March 179S), 14 (Tipu to the Directory, July 20, 1798, enclosing a treaty of eleven articles. This did not leave Tanquebar till Feb. 1799). Salmond : War iti Mysore, pp. 52 et scq., 56; Appendix A, Document No. 1 (Tipu to Directory, Oct. 9, 1797) ; Appendix A, No. 15 ; Appendix B, No. i (treaty of 20 articles proposed by Tipii, April 2, 1797). He engaged on his part to provide with food all French troops immediately upon their arrival on his coast, to ad- vance money for equipments on land and sea, to secure bullocks and camels for the artillery train and baggage, to supply lack of gunpowder and ammunition, and to co-operate in all campaigns with the French with 30,000 cavalry and 3,000 infantry, fully equipped. They, on the other hand, were not to make peace to his exclusion or without his consent, he was to be a party to every treaty made by them, and the French generals were not to take the initiative in any action with- out his approval. France was to reimburse him at the termination of the war for expenses into which he had entered, and an equal division of territory and spoil should be faithfully carried out, except in the case of such lands as were formerly his. Goa should be his, but the Directorate was to have Bombay. The French were to supply between five and ten thousand regular troops, and twenty- five to thirty thousand " new citizens," or free native colonial militia for the war, which was to be directed against the English and Portuguese, and if necessary against the Marathas and the Nizam. Pledges were to be immediately exchanged to carry out this treaty. As Ripaud did not leave India till the autumn, these articles were probably not forwarded in April. Salmond, Appendix B, No. 12 (Gen. Cossigny to Tipu's ambassadors, Pondicherry, March 5, 179S) ; Appendix B, Nos. 22, 23. Asiatic Animal Register, 1798-99. Supple, to the Chronicle, pp. 246 et seq. Mill : Hist, of India, vi. pp. 70 et seq. (an unsatisfactory account). Miles : History of Tipii Sultan, pp. 252 et seq. Boulay de la Meurthe : op. cit. pp. 59 et seq. (Bonaparte had received letters of credence addressed in blank for the Indian princes, April 22, 1798), 227 et seq., 281, 283 et seq. (Some of the letters are given from the French sources.) To secure a good understanding of Tipu's feeling toward the French and English it is well to read some of his other letters. Cf. Kirkpatrick : Select Letters, pp. 13, 139, 178, 291, 369,376, 395, 435, 456, 462. See also, Asiatic Anmcal Register. Col. Kirkpatrick has given 44 more letters. Ren- nell : Carte generale de Vlnde, etc., trans, from Eng. by J. Bernoulli. 204 EASTERN PROBLEMS ceeded if he had tried it; but in this matter as in many- others, it is as important to note what one power thought its opponent might do as to record the actual events which took place. Mr. Udney had written to Lord Grenville from Leghorn on April i6, 1798, saying that he had certain in- formation that Alexandria or some port in the Black Sea was the destination of Bonaparte's expedition, which was to number fifty thousand men. The Ottoman Empire would not oppose it, for the blow was eventually to strike at the power of the East India Company in India. Whether access to that country should be obtained by the Gulf of Persia, by land from Egypt, or by the Red Sea, troops could be for- warded now or later; for with Alexandria, Cairo, and Suez in French hands, even in time of peace, opportunity for hostile alliances and rebellions in India could be greatly increased and English control weakened. In May Henry Dundas, President of the Board of Commissioners for Affairs in India, had received like information with the more definite statements that the Ottoman Empire was reported to have consented to a plan which included the seizure of Egypt; the P"rench army was to march north to Persia, and on to the Indus, "crossing near where Alexander did, and from thence advance into British territories." His correspondent con- tinued that French agents had been at work throughout the East for some time past, securing concessions from several princes, and had concerted with Tipu Tib for a joint cam- paign. Bonaparte's personal ambition, and the prospect of establishing himself in a more independent position than was possible in Italy, were thought to be prime factors in this attack on England. Mr. Dundas wrote to Lord Gren- ville forwarding a brief memoir in which he portrayed the advantages which the possession of Egypt held forth to the French ; and he analyzed in his own letter the various reports current concerning Bonaparte's plans, rejecting the Black Sea route to India as impracticable unless with the co-op- NAPOLEON BONAPARTE AND THE ORIENT 205 eration of Russia and pointing out that the strength of the English squadron in Indian waters rendered the sea passage from Suez too hazardous for the French to attempt; but he acknowledged that the land route was traversable, and that it presented no insuperable obstacles. To meet an attack from this quarter a rapid increase of the English forces in India was urged. He recalled the fact that the possession of Egypt had been for a long time an object in French politics, and that Baron de Tott had been sent several years before to survey the levels and report on the roads practicable across the Isthmus of Suez. To his mind the belief on the part of the French Government that a seizure of Egypt would be the most effectual means of undermining the British power in India, was at the root of the matter. Mr. Dundas wrote on June 16 to the Earl of Mornington (Richard Wellesley), the new Governor-General of India, that if Bonaparte's ex- pedition were actually destined for Egypt, he considered it "to be a great and a masterly stroke, and if successful [one that] would be attended with very pernicious consequences to the interests of this country." Jacob Bousanquet, Chair- man of the Court of Directors of the Company, wrote to the Governor of Bombay that while he doubted the success of Bonaparte, he was greatly alarmed for Egypt and India, for the projects did not seem wholly impossible to him. Nelson, while searching for the French fleet in the Mediterranean, had also expressed his anxiety by writing Earl Spencer on June 15, 1798, that if the French fleet had gone east of Sicily he should believe that they were bound for Alexandria, and were set on "getting troops to India — a plan concerted with Tippoo Saib, by no means so difficult as might at first view be imagined." The last week of June he was firmly con- vinced that such was the plan, and wrote inquiring if any transports had been collected in the Red Sea to carry the French troops. His thought, after the destruction of the French fleet on August i, was to despatch news of the victory 206 EASTERN PROBLEMS to India, for he reasoned that Bonaparte's Indian schemes would be spoiled by the loss of his Mediterranean squadron. ^ In India directly upon the receipt of this news the Earl of Mornington wrote to Tipii reporting the complete defeat of the French. The news of Malartic's proclamation of Janu- ary 30, had reached India some months previous, and a pro- test had been sent to the Sultan of Mysore ; but that ruler had declared his friendship for the English while at the same time he continued his correspondence with the French. The British representative at Constantinople had influenced the Sultan, Selim III, as Khalif of the Muslim world, to write to Tipu warning him that the French were bent on "effacing the religion of the Prophet from the face of the earth." This letter was forwarded by the Governor-general of India to Tipu on January 16, 1799. The Sultan of Mysore replied in a letter to Selim on February 10 that "in forty years the English had successfully subverted the Mohammedan powers in the Carnatic, Bengal and Oude . . . ," and concluded by asking, " What respect could a nation [England] have for the religion of the Koran who everywhere had butcher-shops open for the sale of pork.''" Before arriving in India Morn- ington had been warned that the bodies of French troops in ^ Wellesley : Despatches, i. pp. 350, 651, 688, 692. Cf. Intercepted Corr. i. p. 1 1 1. Auckland: Corr. iii. p. 425. Vorontzov: Arkhiv, x. pp. 23, 28-30. Nelson: Despatches, iii. pp. 31 (Nelson to Earl Spencer, June 15, 179S), 2>^eiseq. (Nelson to Baldwin, Eng. consul at Alexandria, June 26 : "I am so persuaded of the inten- tion of the French to attempt driving us from India in concert with Tippoo Saib, that I shall never feel secure till Mangalore and all of Tippoo's coast is in our possession"), 40,96,97, 112 (Nelson to Lord Minto, off Rhodes, Aug. 29: " I lost not a moment in sending an officer overland to India," after the battle of the Nile) ; vii. p. cxlii (Nelson to Admiral Sir John Jervis, H. M. S. Theseus, June 18, 1797 : "... Tippoo is as much our natural enemy as the French. . . .") James : Naval History, ii. pp. 183, 388. An account of Lieut. Duval's trip to India after the battle of Aug. i. Buckingham: Courts and Cabinets, ii. p. 401. (Grenville to Buckingham, June 13, 1798) : " It really looks as if Bonaparte was after all in sober truth going to Egypt: and Dundas seems to think the scheme of attacking India from thence not so impracticable as it may appear. I am still incredulous as to the latter point, though as to the former I am shaken." NAPOLEON BONAPARTE AND THE ORIENT 20/ the employ of native rulers must receive the most careful attention by the British. The status of the Nizam of Haida- rabad in particular was a source of anxiety to him; the chief officers in the Nizam's service, he wrote, "are Frenchmen of the most virulent and notorious principles of Jacobinism; and the whole corps constitutes an armed French party of great zeal, diligence and activity." When he reached India, the situation seemed to him much more serious; if the French should succeed in landing any body of troops in India, the general co-operation of all the foreign adventurers with their native masters might be dreaded by the English, and the only way to prevent a landing of French within the disaffected region would be the possession by the English of the coast of Mysore. In addition to the danger of a union of the Nizam, Sindhia and Tipu, there was the possibility of an invasion of India by Zeman Shah from the northwest, which would receive the support of Tipu. This was an alliance of two Muslim rulers against the English, and also against the non-Muslim native states of India. There had been consid- erable correspondence between the two rulers, and though this was suspected by the English they did not receive the full confirmation of it till the capture of Tipu's private docu- ments in May, 1799, put them in possession of all the facts. Col. Arthur Wellesley, the future Duke of Wellington, who was at that time in India, however, urged that no war with Tipu was necessary till it should appear that the French could be of aid to him, or till he definitely refused the Eng- lish offers of amicable agreement. He wrote later to his brother the Governor-general, not to press Tipu into a war till an alliance had been concluded by the English with the Nizam and the Maratha powers. In that way the Nizam's force of French-led troops might give way to a correspond- ing force under English control. This was done as regards the Nizam, and as Tipu's attitude remained secretly hostile to the English, demands were made of him which, if granted 208 EASTERN PROBLEMS by him, would have effectually placed his state in a position subservient to the English. He refused and war ensued.^ The operations of Bonaparte at Suez and along the Red Sea now receive a wider meaning. That General had concerned himself with the survey and occupation of the Nile Delta and of the Isthmus of Suez within a few months after the capture of Alexandria; and he had written to the Directory that "mis- tress of Egypt, France would in the end be mistress of the Indies." In December he ordered the fortification of Suez, and accompanied by the French scholars of the expedition, he explored the ancient water-courses of the Isthmus, and ex- amined the ground which separated the Red Sea from the Mediterranean. Several small ships were secured and equipped for service on the Red Sea, a move which was hastened by the report of a courier from India announcing that Tipii Tib was about to take the field against the English. Preparations were made to secure good anchorage for vessels arriving from the lie de France, and an expedition was sent to seize Kosseir, on the Egyptian coast about a third of the distance from Suez to 1 Torrens : Wellesley, i. p. 172. Wellesley : Despatches, i. pp. i, 3 (Mornington to Dundas, Cape of Good Hope, Feb. 23, 1798), 61, 92 (M. to Dundas July 6), 98 (M. to Kirkpatrick, July 8, " The junction which might thus be effected between the French officers with their several corps in the respective service of the Nizam, of Scindiah, and of Tippoo, might establish the power of France and India upon the ruin of the states of Poonah and of the Deccan "), 109, 125 (M. to Palmer, July 8), 138 (M. to Gen. Harris, July 18), 170, 171, 185 (the French force at Haiderabad, Aug. 12), 204, 321, 413 et seq. (M. to Tipii, Jan. 16, 1799), 506 (Chief Justice of Bengal to Mornington, March, 1799), 710; v. pp. 14, \(i et seq. (Tipu to Zeman Shah, Feb. 5, 1797. Plan of co-operation of these rulers), 21 (reply to the above), 22 (Tipu to Zeman, Jan. 30, 1799), 24 (Tipu to Sultan Selim iii. Feb. 10, 1799), 36 (M. to Gen. Anker, Jan. 18,1799). Wellington : .5"?^///^;//^;;- iary Despatches, i. pp. 52 et seq., 71 et seq. (Memorandum on the French force at Haiderabad), 96, 97 (French at Calicut), no (considerations on the war with Tipii), 127. 128 (the invasion of Zeman Shah and the northwest frontier), 152 et seq., 222, 230. Mills : Hist, of India, vi. p. 73. An instance of the unfairness of this writer with regard to the Earl of Mornington, which Prof. Wilson corrects in a footnote. Salmond : op cit. p. 75. Cf. Beatson : The War with Tippoo Sultan, passim. Bignon : Hist, de Fratice, 1. p. 241 (comment on Pitt's Speech of Nov. 27, 1800). NAPOLEON BONAPARTE AND THE ORIENT 209 Suakim. Every effort was made to develop the commerce of that region, and letters were sent to Muscat and Mecca to be forwarded to Tipu in India and to the lie de France. The one for Tipu was secretly communicated to the English by a native secretary at about the time when Mysore was attacked. Bona- parte attached great strategic importance to Kosseir, and choice of it by the Anglo-Indian Expedition in 1801 as a base of operations against the French confirms his judgment. After the return from Syria Bonaparte made still further efforts to communicate with the East, but by this time Tipu was dead and the English cruisers were patrolling the mouth of the Red Sea, It does not appear then that there was any definite plan to press on to India; in fact even if there had been, the victory of Nelson, the formation of the new coalition in Europe, and the difiEiculties of the situation in Egypt would have effectually prevented any decided move in that direction. On the other hand, in view of the cast of Bonaparte's mind, the political dreams of France, and the romantic and marvellous success of many soldiers of fortune in India at that very period, it is fair to believe that a continuation of the Expedition to India with the slightest possible prospect of success would have been welcomed by Bonaparte either for himself or for a subordinate, whose glory in victory would have been credited to his superior, and whose failure would not have dimmed his superior's fame. Often worthless as direct historical evidence, yet of weight in a study of the ambitions and imaginative characteristics of Bonaparte, his Commentaries, written at St. Helena, furnish interesting testimony on this point. The invasion of India from Egypt is worked out with detail, and the attempt is made to treat the entire Expedition to Egypt as in the nature of a preparatory move toward an ultimate destination beyond the Indus, ^ 1 Napoleon: Corr. Nos. 291 1, 3252, 3259, 3264, 3270, 3304, 3336, 3375, 3439. 3490, 3519, 3602, 3624, 3649, 3697-3699, 3740, 3741, 3452, 3767, 3781,3782, 3799-3810, 3820, 3821, 3824, 3830, 383s, 3842, 3855, 3900, 3901, 3910, 3913, 3934, 3944, 3949, 14 210 EASTERN PROBLEMS Whether Bonaparte planned an invasion of India or not, the effects of his invasion of Egypt were very marked in India. Indeed one of the clearest signs of the intimate relation be- tween the Levant and India is the correspondence which was maintained so assiduously between the Earl of Elgin, the English diplomatic representative at the Porte, and the Earl of Mornington, and between the latter and Sir Sydney Smith of the English naval force operating in Syrian and Egyptian waters. It must be remembered that the English ministry could best gain the support of the country by catering to the popular fear and hatred of the French, that Bonaparte was the 3952, 3953, 4179. 4187. 41S8, 4205, 4225, 4234, 4236, 4237. Courier d'Egypte, No. 22. Tipi'i was reported to have 260,000 infantry and 130,000 cavalry. Reybaud : Memoires, etc. iv. pp. 216 et seq. Asiatic Anmtal Register, 1798. Suppl. to State Papers, p. 259. Bonaparte to Tipii, Jan. 26, 1799 (No. 3901). Salmond : op. cit., page 14, and App. B, No. 25. A letter from Bonaparte to the Sharif of Mecca, which is not found in the Correspondance, asking that a letter be forwarded to Tipii. It is shown here how the English secured these letters from the Secretary to the Sharif. The letter, as it was read by the English, is as follows : — French Republic. Liberty. Equality. Bonaparte, metnber of the Natioiial Convention, Getteral-in-Chief, to the most mag- nificetit Stdtan, our greatest friend, Tippoo Saib. Headquarters at Cairo, 7th Pluvoise, 7th year of the Republic, one and indivisible. You have already been informed of my arrival on the borders of the Red Sea with an innumerable and invincible army, full of the desire of delivering you from the iron yoke of England. I eagerly embrace this opportunity of testifying to you the desire I have of being informed by you, by the way of Muscat and Mocha, as to your present political situation. I would wish even that you could send some clever man to Suez or Cairo, possessing your confidence, with whom I might confer. May the Almighty increase your power and destroy your enemies. (Signed) Bonaparte. A true translation. (Signed) F. Wappers. Napoleon: Comm. ii. pp. 184, 285, 330; iii. pp. 20 et seq., 144. If these pas- sages could be admitted as evidence, the case for India would be very strong. Cf. also, Roseberry : Napoleon, the last Phase, pp. 180 et seq., 217 et seq. NAPOLEON BONAPARTE AND THE ORIENT 211 bogey of English and Anglo-Indian politics, and that any measure might be made to appear wise or defensible provided it could be shown that it was destined to thwart the schemes of that leader. Mornington's ejaculation to Dundas after Tipu's death, and after the alliance with the Nizam had broken French paramountcy in that court, is full of this feeling. He wrote, " The French influence in India, thanks be to God ! is now nearly extirpated." He pleaded that at the conclusion of peace neither France nor Holland might receive any restoration of territory in India. He believed that Nelson's victory on August I was what saved India from an invasion by the French; and he set about the definite policy of undermining French influence with Sindhia, thereby reducing the military strength of the Maratha leader, freeing the Peshwa at Puna from his control, and ejecting from one native court after an- other the various French adventurers, who to his mind repre- sented the slightest menace to absolute English hegemony in that portion of Asia, The treaty which was negotiated on February 21, 1798, with Oudh is an earnest of this policy, and Article XV. is the forerunner of similar provisions to ex- clude Europeans from Indian service unless by consent of the East India company, which are to be found in every treaty or convention negotiated with any Asiatic power during the next fifteen years. This political scheme could be best followed to its completion by treating it as a complement to the struggle over the treaty of Amiens (1802-03). For the present we must notice the other directions in which this English expan- sion moved as a result of the war with France. Arthur Wel- lesley was one of the first of the English officers to advocate measures which looked beyond the mainland of India; as early as July, 1797, he wrote to his brother : "Mauritius [He de France] ought to be taken. As long as the French have an establishment there Great Britain cannot call herself safe in India." He likewise advocated the possession of Pulo Penang Straits on the west coast of the Malay Peninsula, as the future 212 EASTERN PROBLEMS mart of India and China, the repair shop of the East. That office is now filled by Singapore in the Straits Settlement ; but the far look ahead toward China and the Philippines was characteristic of the determination of the British to allow no strategic point, no important market to escape their control. Mornington was bent on securing all Ceylon for England for the same reasons. Persia's relation to India was also within his range of view; here the fear of Bonaparte may be admitted as the direct principle of action. It had been advocated by some that Persia's weakness was Great Britain's strength ; but Mornington felt that the exclusion of French influence was the great political object to be gained by a treaty with the Shah of Persia, especially in view of the possibility, as he viewed it in February, 1799, that the French might endeavor to penetrate through Persia to the Indus ; another object was the creation of a hostile power to attack Zeman Shah in the rear, should he move to an invasion of India, The Red Sea, in General Stuart's words, had become an " avenue to India" and the Persian Gulf had received a new political importance. To these problems the Indian Government addressed itself. Capt. Malcolm was despatched to negotiate a treaty with the Shah and also with the Imam of Muscat. This he did in 1800-01 ; it was the be- ginning of the Persian Question with all its fluctuations. The decision to despatch an army from India to secure the evacua- tion of Egypt by the French is also a forerunner of future events. The success attending its operations undoubtedly contributed to develop a policy which has now become the formula of English politics and the key to the problem of Asiatic Empire.^ 1 Wellesley : Despatches, i. pp. 31 (Mornington to Dundas, Feb. 28, 1798, about Ceylon), iSS (Zeman Shah), 295,296 (M. to Dundas, Oct. 11, 1798. Bonaparte in Egypt), 322 (M. to Lord Clive, November 5, 1798. Expresses the con- viction that Nelson's victory saved India), 433 (M. to Duncan, Feb. 19, 1799, Persia and Zeman Shah), 58 1 (M. to Gen. Harris, April 23, 1799. The reasons for attacking Tipu: i. His adherence to the French. 2. Bonaparte's possible situation in Egypt. 3. Lack of English naval strength in the Red Sea. 4. Atti- NAPOLEON BONAPARTE AND THE ORIENT 213 Such was the development of Eastern history under the stimulus and at the time of Bonaparte's Expedition to Egypt. The influence of the Expedition upon the evolution of the Eastern question /^r J^ is naturally even more direct ; and the events on the continent, and in the Mediterranean and Adriatic, which may be considered as a part of its history, were fully as important. They are better known than those in India; it remains, therefore, only to point out the relationship between them and their effects rather than to summarize the actual happenings. The treaty of Campo Formio was in reality only a truce ; the second coalition was in the germ before Bonaparte sailed for Malta. Russia had been the first con- tude of Zeman Shah. 5. Ditto of Sindhia. 6. The Peshvva becomes subservient to the latter), 671 ; vol. ii. pp. 36 (M. to Dundas, June 7, 1799. Victory over Tipu), 39 (ditto. The extirpation of the French), 40, 69 (M. to Col. Palmer, Eng. Resident at Piina, July 4, 1799. The English system), 70, 89 (M. to the Court of Directors, Aug. 3, 1799), 9S, 139, 142, 205, 207, 224, 252, 299, 304, 309, 415, 438 etseq.,\b% 492, 505,539,565, 5S7, 633, 715; vol. V. pp. 82, 85 (Kirkpatrick to Malcolm, Dec. 10, 1779), 179 (Gen. Stuart to Dundas, Jan. iSoo. He believed an invasion of India by the French from Egypt would have been practicable and successful " had the Turks been in alliance with the French, or had the enemy pushed on immediately after he reached Cairo"). Aitchison: Treaties and Con- ventions, ii. p. 102. " Treaty with Nabob Vizier Saadet Ali Khan Behauder," Feb. 21, 1798, Art. XV. The Nabob of Oudh "engages and promises that he will not entertain any European of any description in his service, nor allow any to settle in his country without the consent of the Company." Wellington : Stipple- mentary Despatches, i. pp. 13 et seq. (" I have observed since my arrival here that he [Tipu] is a constant object of fear to the English, and whenever they want to add a little colouring to a statement, they find out that he has an army in motion. . . . They likewise say that Zemaun Shah will attack Hindoustan in the next season ; but that I equally disbelieve, from a conviction of its difficulties, and of its inutil- ity even if he should succeed." A. Wellesley to Mornington, July 12, 1797), 24 et seq.; vol. ii. pp. 334 et seq., 346, 356 et seq., 408. Mill and Wilson: Hist, oj India, vii. p. 220. Kaye : Life of Malcolm, i. pp. 105,?^ seq., 516 et seq. Hertslet : Treaties with Persia, pp. i, 8. Eton: Survey of Turkey, pp. 497,498. Curzon: Persia, ii. p. 435. Low : Indian Navy, i. p. 325. A treaty had been negotiated in August, 1798, with the Imam of Muscat directed against the French and Dutch. Brydges : Mission to Persia, ii. pp. 16, 177. English agents in the interior of Turkey and at Bassora were instructed to operate against French influence. Malleson : Final French Struggles, pp. 253 et seq. The Anglo-Indian Expedition to Egypt in 1801. 2 14 EASTERN PROBLEMS tinental power to feel that the Expedition was a menace to her ; in April, 1798, reports had been received at St. Peters- burg which aroused the Tzar to decided action. Fearful lest an attack upon the Balkan peninsula might again raise the Polish question, he strengthened the Black Sea fleet, and made preparations to resist any attempt on the part of the French to injure Russian prestige in the southeast. An alliance was offered to the Porte in May, and in August military and naval support, to fight the French or to suppress Passwan Oglu of Widdin was proposed. It afforded a wel- come opportunity to intervene in the Ottoman Empire and to resuscitate an oriental policy which consisted in alternating between friendship and war with the Porte. Great Britain co-operated with Russia to urge the Porte to join the coalition against France, to accept Russian assistance, and to permit the Russian Black Sea fleet to pass through the Bosphorus to the Mediterranean. Thus there arose the anomalous situation of a Russo-Turkish armament attacking and capturing Corfu, while England, at first alone, afterwards temporarily assisted by the Russians, blockaded Malta. There was in that very situation the seed of disruption, Russia had her own ends to serve and, feared by the Turks, offensively slighted by the Austrians, and distrusted by the English, it was in the nature of events that Russia should drift away from the allies and turn toward France, who had already, in 1797, made the endeavor to win her over. The outbreak of this war of the second coalition against France, while Bonaparte was in Egypt, did the work by which that General was ready to profit, since the defeat of the French armies, and the weak- ness of the Directory, made for him an opportunity to secure the supreme position at home, which had been denied him in the winter of 1797-98. The failure of the attempt to placate the Porte, and the naval supremacy of England were factors which must render abortive Bonaparte's plans in Egypt. The preliminary successes of the coalition aided him in the end NAPOLEON BONAPARTE AND THE ORIENT 21 5 by creating the situation which raised him to power. Once in control, the victories of the French armies in Italy and Germany, and the jealousy of the powers in the Mediterranean were the tools which he used to disintegrate the coalition and to secure the peace which was needed. Even in October, 1798, Nelson had warned the Porte not to let the Russian fleet approach Malta. " I hate the Russians," he wrote Capt. Ball on January 21, 1799. Malta was an apple of discord that was destined to bring war, not peace, to the courts of Europe during the coming years. The alliance between Russia and the Porte was not durable ; the tone of the parliamentary debates in England showed that all was not smooth between Great Britain and Austria, and direct antagonism to Russia was but thinly veiled ; the future of the Ionian Islands was a matter in which every power was deeply interested and the question might easily create bad feel- ing between Austria and Russia; such was the real situation in August, 1799, when Bonaparte set sail from Egypt.-^ 1 Bailleu : Preussen tmd Frankreich, i. pp. 247, 55S. Rodocanachi : Bonaparte et les lies ioniennes, pp. 120, 147, 170, 175-179. De Testa : Reciieil, i. pp. 537, 539, 542, 548 et seq., 553 et seq., 567, 577, 586. Pallain : Talleyrand et le Direc- toire, pp. 244 et seq., 289, 294 et seq., 335 et seq., 374 et seq., 382 et seq., 394 420 et seq. Nelson : Despatches, iii. pp. 145, 146, 203, 205, 224, 236, 255, 256, 297, 312, 316; iv. pp. 3, 72, 75, 77, loS; vii. p. clxxvii. Pouqueville: Voyage en Moree, ii. pp. 7 et seq. Intercepted Corr. i. p. no; iii. pp. 122 et seq. Harcourt: Correspondence 0/ Rose, i. p. 215. Tatischeff : Paul I. et Bonaparte, in Noiivelle Revue, xlvii. pp. 650 et seq., 660, 664. Vivenot : Vertrauliche Bricfe, ii. pp. 28, 29, 77. 96, 135, 156, 157, 166, 178, 189, 199, 201-203, 333. 346- Stael-Holstein : Corr. p. 394. Miliutin: Gesch. des Krie^es, i. pp. 67-69, 74, 323 et seq., 367 ; iv. pp. 164, 173; V. pp. 153, 161, 203 et seq. 207, 213. Wassiltchikow : Les Razomnoruski, ii. Pt. I, pp. 266 et seq., 270 et seq., 337 et seq. Pisani : Les Rj4sses d. Corfou, in Rev. delist, dipl. 1S88. Vorontzov: Arkhiv, viii. p. 23S (Rostoptchin to S. Vorontzov, Gatchino, Aug. 25, 1799) : " Elle [England] se reserve le droit de faire la paix maritime a son gre, et si elle a en vue les possessions des fran9ais et hollandais aux Indes, ne serat-elle pas deux fois plus riche et plus puissante apres la guerre qu'elle ne I'etait avant ? Ayant Gibraltar et I'Empereur etant maitre de Malthe apres avoir detruit la marine fran9aise et espagnole, ne sera-t-elle pas la maitresse du commerce du Levant } " Cf. pp. 188, 200, 218, 236 et seq., 240-242, 252-256, 259, ct seq., 263, 264, 269, 287-291, 308 ; X. pp. 40, 62, 63, 68-70; xi. pp. 6, 12, 20, 21, 38, 39. 49> 97, 102-105, 107, 112-119, 121, 318-320; xviii. pp. 178, 179, 1S2, 2l6 EASTERN PROBLEMS Bonaparte had learned of the condition of affairs in Europe, and stole away, leaving Kleber in command, with orders to hold on till May in the hope of reinforcement or until he had lost fifteen hundred men by the plague. One more effort was made to arrest Turkish hostility by a letter to the Grand Vizier in which Bonaparte endeavored to pursuade the Porte to negotiate with France without English mediation or in- terference. He returned to France claiming that the perils of his country had summoned him to her defence ; his progress to Paris became that of a victor, and the " return of the Hero," who many believed had been sent to the East by his enemies that he might disappear in obhvion, changed the desertion of the army into the triumph of a pro-consul.^ The motives for undertaking the Expedition have been \ analyzed ; and the methods employed in it have been studied. It failed primarily because of the superiority of the English navy over that of France, and secondarily because Bonaparte was unable to overcome the passive resistance of the na- tive population in Egypt, and because the Porte joined the coalition, which was in turn due more to the moral effect of Nelson's victory than to anything else. Had not the English navy prevented the capture of Acre it is fair to assume that Bonaparte stood more than an even chance of reducing all Syria, where the population differed from that in Egypt. It was not divided into two classes, ruler and oppressed, as in Egypt, but was instead a mingling of irreconcilable 190, 191, 196, 220-224, 233, 234, 342 et seq.; xxii. p. 85; xxix. pp. 279, 289, 377. Bruckner: Materialy dlya chizneopisaniya Grafa JV. Panina, ii. pp. 115, 116, 497, 498 ; iii. pp. 1-6, 93, 215, 233 et seq., 326-328, 375, 433, 521, 638, 647 ; iv. p. 276. 1 Napoleon: Corr. Nos. 4341, 4361, 4364, 4374, 4375, 4380-4382. Inter, cepted Corr. vol. iii. pp. 19, 171 et seq. De Testa: op. cit. vol. i. pp. 587 et seq. Napoleon: Comm. iv. p. 441. Bailleu : op. cit. i. pp. 206, 221 (Bericht Sandoz. Rollin, Paris, Aug. 5, 1798. Talleyrand remarks to him in a low voice: " Ce n'est pas que le Directoire serait fort afflige de I'echec qu'il [Bonaparte] pourrait recevoir ; la gloire de ce general a trop retentie , et il ne serait pas fache de la voir un peu ternie "). Boulay de la Meurthe : op. cit. p. 241. This seems to be the final word on the subject of the secret information which Bonaparte is alleged to have received in Egypt prior to the desertion. NAPOLEON BONAPARTE AND THE ORIENT 2 1/ elements, many of which were ready to join a victorious European leader. With Acre, the key, the " bridge-head " of Palestine, as Captain Mahan calls it, in his hands, and Syria no longer hostile, Asia Minor lay open to him, and nothing short of a European army could have stopped him. Ibrahim Pasha proved this in 1832. But Acre was not captured, and the dream of empire faded. Furthermore Bonaparte never really understood the science of sea-power, however much he desired to possess it. He attributed to India England's superiority and wealth, and based his plans for the Egyptian Expedition, as for the continental blockade, on the theory that a commercial power trading to the ends of the earth could be struck in a vital spot, even when the fighting machine of its rival was limited in its efficiency by the waves of the sea. In the very failure of the Expedition, therefore, there lay the answer to the riddle of Bonaparte's career; though he had failed once, he tried again and again to secure the same end, the ruin of England.^ The ultimate results of the Expedition were to place the question of Egypt in the forefront of European politics, to give to England in Malta a position unequalled in the Mediterranean, to show her statesmen that India must become solely English, and to reveal the close connection between Egypt and India, between the Eastern Question and the larger problem of Asia. Bonaparte had not called the Eastern Question from the recesses of Europe ; it was a serious problem under the Ancien Regime and at the time of the Revolution. His keen political insight, how- ever, bade him make of it a stumbling-block to the alliance of his enemies ; and the ambition and ideals of his chosen country, as well as his own genius, directed him to seek its solution. Touched by his hand it took the form and charac- ter which it has preserved to our day. 1 Mahan: Sea Power (1793-1812), i. pp. 299, 324; vol. ii. p. 27. Beer: Gesch. des Welthandels, 3te Abth. i. Halfte, p. 369. Adair : Mission to Vienna, p. 94. APPENDIX I TABLE A Tableau du R^sultat des Bilans de la Compagnte DEs Indes, 1724-40. Fonds Capital. Augmentation. Diminutions. Dates des Bilans. livres. s. d. livres. s. d. livres. s. d. 15 mars, 1724 143,000,000 21 mars, 1725 139.385.940 12 3 3,614,059 7 9 29 mars, 1726 138,360,864 13 5 1,025,075 18 10 II juin, 1727 138,814,39s 6 2 453.533 12 9 30 avril, 1728 141,246,001 16 I 2,431,603 9 5 30 avril, 1729 142,093,835 7 II 847.833 II 10 29 avril, 1730 143,425,124 10 II 1,331.289 4 3 29 avril, 1731 142,630,610 5 8 749.514 5 3 30 juin, 1731 146,380,370 5 8 3.749.760 30 juin, 1732 135,886,602 8 8 10,493,767 17 30 juin, 1733 139,606,744 4 7 3.720,141 15 II 30 juin, 1734 142,948,892 10 3.342,147 16 3 30 juin, 1735 145,193,221 I 3 2,244,329 5 30 juin, 1736 147.753.930 4 2,560,708 19 I 30 juin, 1737 152,042,396 15 5 4,288,466 15 I 30 juin, 173S 154,875,785 13 10 2,833,388 18 5 30 juin, 1739 159,420,571 18 10 4,544.786 5 30 juin, 1740 161,938,537 2 5 2,547.955 3 7 These figures are from a table in Dernis : Histoire des compagnies de commerce, MSS. in Arch, du Ministre de la Marine. They are quoted by Bonnassieux : Grandes Compagnies, pp. 281-82. The Company borrowed over 55 million livres between 1747 and 1770, having gone into liquidation once, Nov. 18, 1764, pp. 325, 326. 220 APPENDIX I •^ Q xr\ ■Si 2 < u > < u c3 s C-l w ,<3 u y) 1 Q t3 Si u v> z D 01 c 3 B E o o c c <; rj- O rO C\ a\ ^J-) G\ !-"__ 0\ O ^ "^ cj O ro co^ ro C> ti rj O M N M CO O^ "^ CA Lo t^ O vo" fr eT Lo m" W M 1-1 ►, 1-1 M lU (U V Q Q .q CTi to 5; Ov cf w-) q_ '6 2 o O r^ ro w w) Tf ON Tj- o Cn a\ "^ ro c5" >-' od" ro c5v Tt Tf U-l »- C) H" <<}".- "^ q\ Ln rv. « ►- vo w », N vo CO -^ - CTi tn ►-« 0^ C\ r^ pf ro '2 •5 CO "^ vo 1-1 c> i^ -i- ro <-o 00 t^ r^ q\ vo_ "_^ i-__ t->. q\ 1-" oo" »^ rC r^ cT CO ro i-n CO O CO cr\ "^ co^ '"T "It '-'5, cf\ CO o" xA cT vo On CO M MM vO_ VO 0" c u •a < CO PI r^ O vo OS ■^ "_ q\ ^ •":: "^ ^S f> ^ (5" to co" VD O CA ro «o m On vo O >- q^ CO_ co" ro " r^ lO lO in "^ CO M rT 00 VO ro "8 CO 1 c De 1725 a 1736 . . . De 1756 a 1743 . . . De 1743 a 1756 . . . De 1756 a 1765 Peu de retour h cause de la guerre 1766 . . . 1767 . . . [sic] 2768 . . . c 3 CO -a >* 01 C 3 a £ u tU E < APPENDIX I 221 ^ « *ii •';i W ^W W w '^ Q 13 2 U C < C) t/5 2 >-< e< X eg N 19 U VO O^ rC r^ u 0\ r-.,0 -^OO VO o W-) 00 r^ ro ro T)- M ro fi O >0 N M rj M_ m (4 M Cn ro <-n -^vo n o H O rocc O CO Tj- VO 't vO "-> ro M 00 OO q_ co__ N r^ -1- o 0\ N t-C m" « « M M N ro ro M ■* -a ro c ^ fO N 00 O M ro CO ON ON — rOLT) Ti-vo On ^ -Q O OO ^ On O ON ri o tti fi rooo O O lO o" 6 £ ■* — CO ■- t^ Cn NO r-> -^O r-^ M >- cK NO* ro 75 1) 'iJ O rt 5 « >< p 0) c "tn £ B !f O <; -a o - M (^ •* too o -5J c i^ p^ r^ r^ i-^ r-« t^ :^ t^ r^ r-., i~^ <; »o rv. r ■^ t-^ ro T J- CO Ti- N£ i ^ r^ V r cT C) V ) CO t^ f -, t-» n c M ^ T - «- o o - NOVO N M r~. ON 'rJ-CO LO « rf ro NO " CO OO ON •^ to CO* w=, ^'so" n" rC i- Tl- LnCN M *" VO M ro ^ t-^ O ro CO NO CO NO t^vO N C> tJ- CI CO O f> M NO ■^ ro « TjNO IJ-) o CO i-T uo ro ■-" •* NO* -f N T^\o o o CI O t "^ tT Tt •■^ cT 00 NO ro ■ ro-^- NO NO C\ q • q.^ ^ •* p) no" o" r^ vO t-l \r\ NO 00 NO O • <0 M ■>4- M lO O rOO •* [^ •Egypten-was es war-ist-und sein konnte. Berlin. 1799. i2mo. Agathias. Historiarum (552-558) libri quinque, in Niebuhr : Corp. Scrip. Byz. I. Ahmad ibn Ibrahim (Rasmi). Wesentliche Betrachtungen oder Geschichte des Krieges zvvischen den Osmanen und Russen in den Jahren 1768 bis 1774, trans, from the Turk, by H. F. v. Dietz. Halle. 1813. Svo. 228 BIBLIOGRAPHY Ahmad ibn Ibrahim ( Rasmi). Des Turkischen Gesandten Resmi Ahmet Efendi gesandtschaftlichen Berichte von seinem Gesandtschaften in Wien im Jahre 1757 und in Berlin im Jahre 1763, trans, from the Turk, by Hammer. EerUn. 1809. 8vo. Aitchison, C. W. A collection of treaties, engagements, and sanads relating to India and neighboring countries. 3ded. Calcutta. 1892. 11 vols. Svo. [All Pasha.] The Life of Ali Pacha, of Janina, vizier of Epirus, surnamed Asian, or the Lion. London. 1822. Svo. Review of Malte-Brun's Life of Ali Pasha, in N. Am. Rev. xviii. (1824) pp. 106-140. Allonville, Comte d'. Memoires secrets de 1770 a 1830. Paris. 183S-1S45. 6 vols. Svo. Amiel. Observations rapides sur les possessions fran5aises dans les deux Indes. s. 1. n. d. Svo pamphlet. Anderson, Adam. Historical and chronological deduction of the origin of commerce, from the earliest accounts, containing an history of the great commercial interests of the British Empire, ed. by Coombe. Dublin. 1790. 6 vols. 8vo. Anderson, .^neas. A journal of the forces, which sailed from the Downs in April, iSoo, on a secret expedition under Lt. Gen. 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VITA The author of this dissertation was born of American parents at Beirut, Syria, Ottoman Empire, on May 21, 1874, He attended the German School of the Kaiserswerth Dea- conesses in that place, and also studied under private tutors until he entered Lawrenceville School, Lawrenceville, New Jersey, in September, 1888. He was prepared for college there and at the Cutler School, New York City (1891-92), and entered Princeton University in September, 1892. He was graduated with the degree of A. B. {ctim laude) in 1896. The following autumn he was enrolled as a graduate student in the School of Political Science, Columbia University, hav- ing as his major subject, European History, his first minor, United States History, and his second minor, International Law. He attended the sessions of the University of Heidel- berg, Germany, during the summer semester of 1897, where his major subject was History, and his two minor, Arabic and Syriac. He returned to Columbia in October, 1897, and studied there for two years more, having substituted as his second minor, Arabic Language and History for Interna- tional Law. He passed his examination, in course, for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in May, 1899. He spent the year following also in New York, working in various libra- ries, and studying along the lines of this monograph. Dur- ing the year 1900-01 he was assistant in History at Harvard University, and there prepared the final draft of this disserta- tion. During the two years since his examination at Colum- bia he has been reading Arabic and has attended, optionally, several additional courses at Columbia and Harvard. kio lyu 1 EASTERN PROBLEMS AT THE CLOSE OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY BY ALFRED L. P. DENNIS, A.B. Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements FOR THE Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Political Science Columbia University CAMBRIDGE, MASS. ^l)e Winiiitvnits iHt»» 1901 c- '-A^^-^